The history of Hernando de Soto and Florida; or, Record of the events of fifty-six years, from 1512 to 1568

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265 Florida, History of Hern andoDe Soto'
and Florida ; or, Record of the Events of Fifty-
six Tears, from 15j2 to 1568, by Barnard Shipp,
mapSf thick roy. 8vo, pp. 701, cloth, as nei«, 2.50, "

Phila. 1881

'• These two expeditions, Narvaez'a and De Soto's, were
the first' that gave to Europe a knowledge of the interior of
Florida. The expedition of De Soto into " Florida " was,
in fact, the beginning of the history of this country. It is
to make more particularly known the first great expedition
that revealed to the ^orld the interior of oi^r country ; to
trace the route by which Be Soto travelled; and to tell the
names and indicate the localities of the Indian towns and
tribes of " Florida," first mentioned in history, that has
led me to pi^jblish this book."— J¥^ace. - ^

THE HISTORY

HERNANDO DE SOTO AND FLORIDA

OR,

RECORD OF THE EYENTS OF FIFTY-SIX YEARS,

1512 ™ 1568.

BY

BARNARD SHIPP.

PHILADELPHIA:
COLLINS, PRINTER,'^' 705 JAYNE STREET.

Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1881, by

BARNARD SHIPP,

in the OflSce of the Librarian of Congress. All rights reserved.

PKEFACE.

The Peninsula of Florida was discovered by Juan Ponce de
Leon on Pascua Florida, Palm Sunday, in the year 1512 ; and
because of the day in which he discovered it, he gave it the
name of Florida. It was at that time the only part of North
America known, from the Gulf of Honduras to the Island of
Newfoundland. But the name of Florida was not confined to
the country to which Ponce de Leon had given it, as appears
from the following : Bernal Diaz states that Francisco de Garay,
governor of Jamaica, about the year 1518 petitioned the empe-
ror "that the discovery of all countries which might lie to the
north of the river St. Peter and St. Paul might be granted to
him ;" " and obtained the appointment of adelantado and gov
ernor of all the provinces bordering on the river St. Peter and
St. Paul, and of all the provinces he should discover." As this
river was south of that of Tuspan, this grant would have em-
braced the country on both sides of the river Panuco. Cortes,
in 1524, wrote to the emperor Charles V. : " Nothing seems to
remain but to explore the coast lying between the river Panuco
and Florida, the latter being the country discovered by the
adelantado Juan Ponce de Leon, and then the northern coast of
Florida as far as the Bacallaos" (Newfoundland). Alvaro Nunez
Cabega de Vaca Says : Pamfilo de Narvaez, in 1527, was ap-
pointed adelantado and governor of Florida, with " full power
to conquer all the country from the river of Palms (Santander)
to the cape of Florida." And Narvaez's proclamation is : " To
the inhabitants of the countries and provinces from the Eio.de
Palmas to the cape of Florida." It thus appears that in 1527 the
ocean boundary of Florida extended from the river of Palms (San-
tander) to Bacallaos (Newfoundland). It is the accounts of the
events which occurred in this vast country, from the. year 1512

IV PREFACE.

to the year 1568, that have been so arranged in the following
pages as to form a continuous history of Florida during that
period of fifty-six years. And as some of the most important
events of Mexico, or New Spain, and Florida were closely con-
nected, an account has been given of the expeditions that led to
the discovery and conquest of Mexico, and of the principal
events at that time that connected the history of Mexico with
that of Florida and the other Spanish provinces of America ;
and thus have been presented some of the most prominent men
of that period, and a general view of the relation of affairs in
the Indies or Spanish possessions in America. ' - '

The interior of Florida remained^ unexplored and unknown
till the expedition of Pamfilo de Narvaez, in the year 1527,
Tfrhen Alvaro Nunez Cabega de Vaca, wandering from 1528 to
1536, crossed the continent to the Pacific Ocean, and finally
reached the city of Mexico. The expedition of Narvaez was
succeeded by that of Hernando' De Soto, who landed at Tampa
Bay, in Florida, on the 30th of May, 1539, and marched thence
to the Arkansas River, where, just below its mouth, on the west
bank of the Mississippi Elver, he died, the 21st of May, 1542.
But after the death of De Soto, his soldiers marched one hun-
dred and fifty Spanish leagues west of the Mississippi to the
Daycao (probably the Trinity River of Texas), whence they re-
turned to the mouth of the Arkansas.

These two expeditions, Narvaez's and De Soto's, were the first
that gave to Europe a knowledge of the interior of Florida. It
is from them that was acquired the first information in regard
to some of the principal rivers, the towns, and the population of
the country ; the names and location of the Indian tribes they
met with ; the manners and customs of the Indians, and their
progress towards a state of civilization.

The information derived from the accounts of De Soto's ex-
pedition was for many years the only guide to map-niakers in
delineating the interior of Florida, which they did at random,
without regard to the proper location of Indian tribes and
towns, and the rivers ; so that these maps are of no considera-
tion except to show the state of the art at that period, and their
utter ignorance of the interior of Florida. It was not until the
expedition of Robert Cavelier Sieur de La Salle, in 1678, to the
mouth of the Mississippi River, the voyage of Pierre le Moyne

PREFACE. V

d'Iberville in the year 1698-1699, and the expeditions of Bien-
ville, La Harpe, St. Denis, and De Sauvol, made known the
lower part of the Mississippi Eiver, and the countries bordering
on it; that a correct map was made of that portion of Florida
through which the expedition of De Soto travelled. But of the
peninsula of Florida,' and the sea-coast of Georgia and South
Carolina, which Eibault and Laudonniere visited in the years
1562t-1564, Jacob le Moyne de Morgues, who accompanied Lau-
donniere to Florida in 1564, made a map which shows the rivers
they discovered, the locations of the Indian towns and tribes
they became acquainted with, and a general view of the whole
peninsula of Florida, with the ■ sea-coast of Georgia and South
Carolina. This map, which has been inserted in this book, is
quite interesting and useful in explaining the voyages of Ei-
bault, Laudonniere, and Menendez, and the expeditions they
made ; and also in illustrating the account of Florida and its
ancient Indian tribes by Hernando D'Escalante Fontanedo.

The map of a part of Louisiana, from the map of North Ame-
rica, by Dr. Mitchelle, corrected in 1776 by Brigadier Hawkins,
which is . also inserted in this work, shows the country, on the
west of the Mississippi Eiver, through which De Soto and his
followers travelled ; the location of some of the Indian towns
and tribes they visited, and the most westerly points they
reached. Several of these places were afterwards visited by
La Salle, Tonti, La Harpe, and St. Denis, and their locations thus
identified. But the location of Coligoa, on this map, is incor-
rect, as is also the note to it — that it was the limit of De Soto's
journey — as will plainly appear by a reference to the account of
his expedition. But this map will be useful not only in showing
the location of several Indian towns and tribes visited by Det
Soto and his followers, and thus indicating their route, but also
in showing the' route of St. Denis to Mexico, and the locations
of some early Spanish settlements in Texas ; and in explaining
several of the notes to this work.

As a knowledge of the sources whence has been derived the
•information is essential to a due appreciation of a work of this
kind, it becomes necessary to state that nearly everything re-
lated in the following pages has been taken from the accounts
of th.Qse who were participators in the events they describe.
Cortes himself gives the history of the, province of Panuco.

VI PEEPACE.

Bernal Diaz was a follower of Cordova, Grijalva, and Cortes.
Verazzani wrote the account of his own voyage. Alvaro Nunez
Oabe§a de Vaca, who accompanied Narvaez to Florida, tells the
story of his expedition, and of his own wanderings. Biedma,
and the " Portuguese gentleman of Elvas," accompanied the
expedition of De Soto to its end. Garcilasso Inca 'de la Vega
was contemporary with the veterans of De Soto, and associated
with them in Peru and in Spain. Eibault, Laudonniere, and
Gourgue relate the stories of their expeditions to Florida.
Francisco Lopez de Mendoza Grajales, who accompanied Menen-
dez, tells the story of his expedition to Florida ; and Fontanedo
relates what he saw and learned during the seventeen years
of his captivity among the Indians of Florida. To that pre-
cious treasure of the early history of our country, the " His-
torical Collections of Louisiana and Florida," by B. F. French,
member of the principal Historical Societies of the United
States, I am especially indebted for much of the most interest-
ing and most important portions of this work. Such are some of
the sources of information ; the others are the best authors who
have written on the subjects treated of. Thus have I endeav-
ored to give from original sources and the best authorities a full
and correct account of Hernando de Soto, and of the events
which occurred in Florida from the year 1512 to the year
1568.

As this work has been compiled from different authors, the
orthography of some of the proper names is not uniform
throughout it; yet the differences in these names are not so
great but that the same persons and places may be recognized in
the different forms. The work of Garcilasso Inca de la Vega,
entitled " Conquest of Florida," is here given complete, with
numerous notes to illustrate and confirm what he relates in re-
gard to " Florida." This work of Garcilasso is given in the
same plain, unostentatious style and form in which it is found
in the French translation of Pierre Eichelet, who appears to
have aimed to give it in all its original simplicity.

There is probably no Spanish hero of America whose fame
is more widespread throughout the United States than that of
Hernando de Soto, and yet, at the same time, of whom so little
is known. The expedition of De Soto into "Florida" was, in
fact, the beginning of the history of this country, whose vast

""PREFACE. VU

domain is now the unrivalled region lying between the oceans,
the Mexican gulf, and the great lakes. It is to make more par-
ticularly known the first great expedition that revealed to the
world the interior of our country ; to trace the route by which
De Soto travelled ; and to tell the names and indicate, the loca-
tions of the Indian towns and tribes of " Florida," first men-
tioned in history, that has led me to compile and publish this
book ; where can be acquired a knowledge of nearly all the
particulars of one of the most daring expeditions ever under-
taken by the bravest of the early Spanish adventures in Ame-
rica, and which has but a single parallel in the annals of the

new world.

BARNARD SHIPP.

Philadelphia, Septetn'ber 5, 1881.

GOETENTS.

VOLUME I.
HEKJSTANDO DE SOTO AND- FLORIDA.

CHAPTER I.

PASS

Introduction 3

I. The Voyage of Francisco Hernandez db Cordova to Yu-
catan— 1617 6

II. The YoYAGE or Juan deGrijalva TO Mexico— 1518 '. . 10

III. The Voyage OF Hernando Cortes TO Mexico — 1519 . . 13

CHAPTER II.

The Expedition of Pamfilo de Narvaez to Mexico — 1520 . 21

CHAPTER III.
The Expeditions of Francisco de Garay to Panuco— 1519-1523 47

CHAPTER IV.
Juan Ponce de Leon — Discovery of Florida— 1509-1521 . . 71

CHAPTER V.

The Voyage of Juan Vbrazzani along the Atlantic Coast

of North America — 1524 81

CHAPTER VI.

The Expedition of Pamfilo db Narvaez to Florida, and the

Wanderings of Alvaro Nunez Cabeza de Vaca — 1527-1536 93

CHAPTER VII.

I. Expedition of Francisco Vasquez Coronado to Cibola

and Tiguex— 1539-1543 .121

II. Pueblos of New Mexico . 132

III. The Gila and the Casas Grandes of the Gila, and the

Casas Grandes of San Miguel 136

X CONTENTS.

CHAPTER VIII.

PASS

Hernando de Soto in Nicaragua— 1523-1526 . . . .152

CHAPTER IX.
Hernando Coktes in Honduras — 1524-1526 163

CHAPTER X.
Hernando de Soto in Peru— 1532-1636 182

VOLUME II.
HISTORY OF THE CONQUEST OP FLORIDA.

Garcilasso Inca de la Vega 221

Special Contents 231

PART FIRST.

BOOK FIRST.

Design of the Authqr ; Boundaries or Florida ; by whom it
WAS Discovered; Customs of its Inhabitants; Prepaea-
TioNS OP Hernando de Soto to Conquer it ... . 237

BOOK SECOND.
What Happened in the Discovery of the First Eight Pro-

257

BOOK THIRD.

What Happened between the Spaniards and the Indians in
the Province of Apalache 303

BOOK FOURTH.

Adventures of the Spaniards in Divers Provinces . . . 340

PART SECOND,

BOOK FIRST.

The Reception of the Spaniards in Divers Provinces and the
Battles which were Fought THERE 370

CONTENTS. XI

BOOK SECOND.

FASE

The Attack on Fokt Alibamo ; the Death of many Spania-kds ;
THE Akkivai. of the Troops AT Chisca ; Peocession in which
THEY Adore the Cross; the War between two Caciques;
an Invention to make Salt ; the Inhabitants op Tula ; and
the Troops Wintering in Utiangub 401

BOOK THIRD.

The Discovery of many Provinces, with the Adventures of
the Spaniards in these Countries, and thek Preparations
FOE Mexico 427

BOOK FOURTH.

Captains op the Caravels; Rafts of the Indians; their
Fight upon th^ Water ; Death op several Spaniards ; their
Arrival at the Sea. ; their Adventures as far as Panuco,
and the Reception which was given them in the City op
Mexico 463

VOLUME III.

HERNANDO DE SOTO AND ELOBIDA.

CHAPTER I.

Events from the Termination op the Expedition op de Soto
TO the Settlement of the French in Florida — 1543-1562 . 491

CHAPTER II.

The First Voyage of Jean RiBAULT to Florida — 1562 . . 495

CHAPTER III.
The. Voyage op Rene Laudonnibee to Florida — 1564 . . 510

CHAPTER IV.

The Voyage of Pedro Menkndbz deAviles — 1565 • . . . . 544

CHAPTER V.
The Expedition op Dominique de Gourgue to Florida — 1567 . 562

CHAPTER Vr.

The Country and Ancjent Indian Tribes op Florida, by Her-
nando d'Escalante Fontankdo — 1551-1568 , . . . ■ 584

Cii CONTENTS.

APPENDIX

NOTB

PASS

1. The Spanish Government in America 593

2. Indian Bows . . . 596

8. Indian Language of Signs 598

4. The Deserts of Sonora 699

5. Olancho Antiquo ^ . • • ■ 600

6. Tierra-Firme and the Town of Panama 601

7. The Desert of Motupe 603

8. Viracocha and Huana Capac , . . . 604

9. Prescott's Opinion of Garcilasso 606

10. Enormous Canes 609

11. Lucas Vasquez de Ayllon 610

12. North American Indians— from the Earliest and most Authentic

Accounts of Virginia 611

15. The Elvas Account of De Soto from the beginning of his Enterprise

to his Arrival and Encampment in Florida . . . . . 614

14. The Inhabitants of Florida, their Towns and Houses . . . 621

15.i Buffaloes . . . . ' 624

16. The Disposal of the Indian Dead 624

17. Indian Temples and Funerals 626

18. Ancient Artificial Mounds, etc 634

19.^earls 638

20. The Indian Custom of Presenting Women to their Guests . . 638

21. An Account of the Muscogulge Indians 639

22. The Painted Vulture and Muscogulge Standard .... 651

23. Indian Forts 652

24. Alabama Indians 653

25. An Omission in Garcilasso's " Conquest of Florid.i" . . . 654

26. The Death and Burial of De Soto 660

27. The Route of Moscoso 660

Tonti's Route to the Naouadiches 668

St. Denis's Route to Mexico 672

28. Mississippi River 674

29. The Route of De Soto in Florida 676

A List of Indian Names first mentioned in the History of Florida . 681

30. The First Attempt of Protestants to form a Religious Settlement in

America ' . . 685

HEMANDO DE SOTO AND FLORIPA.

YOLUME I,

HERMKDO DE SOTO AND FLORIDA.

CHAPTEE I.

INTRODUCTION.

When Columbus, in 1498, had shown the way to the American
continent, daring adventurers, following in his track, soon pene-
trated to the farthest limit of the west ; each succeeding navigator
extending the discoveries of the preceding, until finally the
Isthmus of Darien or Panama was reached. Columbus, on the
30th of July, 1502, discovered the Island of Guanaja at the
entrance to the Bay of Honduras. Thence he sailed along the
coast of Central -America to the Isthmus of Panama. Thus was
the continental coast of the Caribbean Sea, from the mouths of the
Orinoco to the Bay of Honduras, explored within the four years
and three months that elapsed from the 31st of July, 1498, when
Columbus discovered the Island of Trinidad, to the 2d of Novem-
ber, 1502, when he anchored in the harbor of Puerto Bello.

The extravagant reports of the wealth of the countries thus
discovered induced enterprising Spanish adventurers to solicit the
colonization of the regions remarkable for their reputed wealth.
For this purpose a vast extent of territory extending from Cape
Vela to Gracias a Dios was formed into two provinces. That
extending from Cape Vela to the Gulf of Darien was named New
Andalusia, the other Veragua.

In 1510, Martin Fernandez Enciso founded, near the head of the
Gulf of Darien, on the west side,' a town which he named Santa
Maria de la Antigua del Darien. This town was the first of any

4 INTRODUCTION.

duration that was ever established by Europeans on the American
continent; all other attempts to found settlements had proven
abortive, but Santa Maria remained the capital of that province till
1519. Vasco Nunez de Balboa by his superior abilities became the
chief of tlie colony, and on the 29th of September, 1513, discovered
the South Sea or Pacific Ocean, and thus was. a new maritime
world opened to the enterprise of Spain.

In 1514, Ferdinand appointed Pedro Arias de Avila — same as
Pedrarias Davila — governor of Darien. He gave to him the com-
mand of fifteen vessels with twelve hundred soldiers, the greatest
armament that to that time had been sent to America. Pedrarias
sailed from St. Lucar on the 12th of April, 1514, taking with him
his wife, Donna Isabella de, Bobadilla, and, without any remarkable
accident, arrived in the Gulf of Darien in the month of Juue.

At the time of Pedrarias' appointment to the government of
Darien, Santa Maria de la Antigua was, by royal ordinance,
elevated into the metropolitan city of Castilla del Oro, or Golden
Castile, as the country was then called, and a Franciscan friar,
named Juan de Quevedo, was appointed as bishop, with powers to
decide all cases of conscience. Santa Maria de la Antigua remained
the metropolitan city of the colony until the yeaj- 1519, when the
seat of government was removed to the Pacific coast, and the town
of Panama built where a settlement had been previously made by
Pedrarias, and thus Panama was the first town ever built by
Europeans on the Pacific coast of the American continent.

During this period, from 1498 to 1519, within which occurred
the preceding events, St. Domingo, a town on the southern coast of
the Island of Hayti, was the capital of the Indies, as this portion
of the continent was then called. Here Christopher Columbus
resided from September, 1498, to August, 1500. Here Nicholas de
Ovando resided from 1501 to 1509. It was during his admin-
istration that Sebastian de Ocampo circumnavigated the Island of
Cuba, and thus demonstrated that it was an island, of which
previously there were doubts. And here, in 1509, Diego Columbus,
the son of the Admiral, arrived, as governor, and remained until
1515, and from 1520 to 1523 ; during whose administration settle-

INTEODUCTION. 5

ments were attempted iu New Andalusia and Veragua, Santa Mai'ia
de la Antigua founded, Jamaica settled, the pearl fisheries estab-
lished at the Island of Cubagua, and Cuba conquered and settled.

In Iftlt, the Cardinal Xiraenes, regent of Castile, without regard
to the rights claimed by Diego Columbus and to the regulations of
the late king (Ferdinand), determined to send to America three
superintendeirts of all the colonies. For this purpose he chose
three monks of the order of St. Jerome. He associated, with them
Zuazo, a laywer of distinguished probity, to whom he gave full
power to regulate justice in the colonies.

FRANCISCO HERNANDEZ DE CORDOVA.

I.

THE VOYAGE OF FRANCISCO HERNANDEZ DE CORDOVA TO YUCATAN.

1517.

On the 30tli of June, 1514, Pedrarias landed at Darien, with the
largest body of men that till then had been sent to America, The
provisions brought by the fleet having been damaged, and a scarcity
of food occurring in the colony, sickness soon began among the
new-comers. From the effects of these two causes, famine and sick-
ness, soon half of the men of Pedrarias miserably perished. Of
the remainder, some removed to less unhealthy localities, and some
obtained permission to go to Cuba, which Diego Velasquez had re-
cently conquered. Those who went to Cuba, besides improving
their condition, expected to receive fortunes there. But after re-
maining a couple of years without realizing their expectations, some
of the more energetic of them united with some of the wealthy and
enterprising inhabitants of the island, to form an expedition to dis-
cover new lands.

The peninsula of Florida had been discovered by Juan Ponce de
Leon in 1512, yet it was still considered as an island, and as the
new adventurers of the proposed expedition had lately come from
the continent, it is probable that theii- views were turned westward
as the direction in which they could hope to reach some portion of
it, where they would have a more extensive field for their enterprise
than the narrow limits of an island. Or, it may have been that
they had heard some vague rumor of a wealthy empire to the west.
For it is probable that there had been at times an intercourse be-
tween the island of Cuba and the continental province, Yucatan, to
the west.*

The expedition consisted of three vessels and somewhat more
than one hundred and ten men, commanded by Francisco de
Cordova. It sailed from the harbor of Ajaruco, or Jaruco, on
the northern coast of the island of Cuba, in the early part of the
year 151'7. About the first of Mai'ch they came in sight of land.
From their ships they could perceive a considerable-sized town,

* The Spaniards found on the island of Cozvimel, a few hours' sail from Yu-
catan, an Indian woman wlio, in a canoe, had been carried there by the cur-
rents from the island of Jamaica. — Diaz.

FRANCISCO HERNANDEZ DE CORDOVA. 7

larger than any town in Cuba, which lay about six miles from the
seashore. On the 5th of March, in the morning, five large canoes
came alongside the ships, and more than thirty of the Indians
climbed on board the principal ship. After satisfying their curi-
osity, they left.

Yery early the next morning the cazique called again. He made
known to Cordova, by signs, that he might come to his town ; say-
ing in his language. Con escotoch, con escotoch, which means, Come .
with me to my house yonder. The Spaniards, therefore, called this
spot Punta de Cotoche.

Continuing their course more westwardly along the coast, they
discovered many promontories, bays, reefs, and shallows. They all
considered this country an island, because their pilot, Anton de
Alaminos, persisted in it. After sailing for fourteen daj's tliey dis-
covered another town of considerable size. Here was a bay with
an inner harbor. It happened to be Sunday Lazari when they
landed, and they, therefore, named this place in honor of that day,
though they were well aware that the Indians called it the land of
Campefichy. After they had taken in water they re-embarked, and
continued their course for six days and six nights without interrup-
tion, the weather being very fine. They finally espied a village
from their ships, and about three miles further on was a kind
of inner harbor, at the head of which it appeared there* might be
some river or brook ; they, therefore, resolved to land here. The
water being uncommonly shallow along this coast, they were com-
pelled to anchor their two lai-ge vessels at about three miles' dis-
tance from the shore. They then proceeded with their Smallest
vessel and all the boats in order to land at the inner harbor.

It was about midday when they landed. The distance from here
to the village, which was called Potonchan, might be three miles.
Here they found some wells, cornfields, and stone buildings. The
water casks were soon filled; but they could not succeed to get
them in the boats, on account of an attack made upon them by
great numbers of tlie inhabitants, in which attack Cordova received
arrow wounds in no le^s than twelve different places. Diaz received
three, one of which was very dangerous, the arrow having pierced
to the very bone. Others of the Spaniards were wounded, and two
were carried oflf alive. After they had gained their vessels, they
found that fifty-seven of their men were missing, besides the two
whom the Indians had carried off" alive, and five whom they had
thrown overboard, who had died of their wounds and extreme
thirst. The battle lasted a little more than half an hour. The spot
where it took place was certainly called Potonchan. The seamen,

8 FRANCISCO HERNANDEZ DE CORDOVA.

however, gave it the name of Bahea de mala Pelea (the bay of bad
battle). None of the Spaniards had escaped without two, three, or
four wounds. They, therefore, determined to return to Cuba, but,
as most of the sailors were wounded, they had not sufiBcient hands
to work the sails ; they were, therefore, forced to set fire to their
smallest vessel, and leave it to the mercy of the waves, after distri-
buting the sailors who were not wounded equally among the two
other vessels. They had, however, to struggle with another far
greater evil. This was the great want of fresh water.

They now kept as close in to shore as possible, to look out for
some stream or creek where they might take in fresh water. After
thus continuing their course for three days, they espied an inlet, or
the mouth of some river as they thought, and sent a few hands on
shore, in the hopes of meeting with fresh water. But the water in
the inlet was salt, and wherever they dug wells it was equally bad.
They, nevertheless, filled their casks with it, but it was so bitter and
salty as to be unfit for use. The water hei-e swarmed with lizards ;
they, therefore, gave this place the name of Lizard's Bay (now the
Bay of Terminos). They then weighed anchor, and steered in the
direction of Cuba. In a consultation of the pilots it was decided
that the best way to go there was to get in the latitude of Florida,
that by so doing they would have a better and speedier sail to
Havana. It turned out exactly as they had said.

As soon as they arrived off the coast of Florida, it was deter-
mined that twenty of the men who had almost recovered from their
wounds should go ashore to procure water. Of that number were
Diaz and the pilot Alaminos. They landed in a creek, and the pilot
again recognized this coast, which he had visited ten or twelve
years previously, with Juan Ponce de Leon when he discovered
these countries. They had here fought a battle with the natives,
and lost many of their men.

The Spaniards therefore took every precaution lest the natives
should also fall upon them unawares. They posted two sentinels
at a spot where the stream had a considerable breadth. They then
dug deep wells where they thought fresh water was likely to be
found. The sea was just ebbing, and they were so fortunate as to
find fresh water there. They then washed the bandages of the
wounded men. A good hour's time was spent in this, and as they
were on the point of re-embarking with the casks of water, one of
the men whom they had placed sentinel on the coast, came running
towards them in all haste, ci'ying aloud : " To arms ! to arms ! num-
bers of Indians are approaching, both by land and sea." The
Indians came upon them almost at the same time with the sentinel.

FRANCISCO HERNANDEZ DE CORDOVA. 9

The Indians had immense-sized bows, with sharp arrows, lances,
and spears — among these were some shaped like swords — while
their large powerful bodies were covered with sliins of wild beasts.
They made straightway for the Spaniards and let fly their arrows,
and wounded six of the men at the first onset. Diaz was also
slightly wounded in the right arm. The Indians, however, were
received with such well-directed blows that they quitted those who
had been digging the wells, and turned towards the creek to assist
their companions, who, in their canoes, were attacking those left
behind in the boat The latter had been forced to fight man to
man, and had already lost the boat, which the Indians were towing
off behind their canoes. Four of the sailors had been wounded,
and the pilot Alaminos himself severely in the throat. The Span-
iards, however, courageously faced the enemy and went up to
their waists in the water, and soon compelled them by dint of their
swords to jump out of the boat. Twenty-two Indians lay dead on
the shore ; three others who were slightly wounded were taken on
board the vessel, but they died soon after.

Having taken the water on board the vessels, they hoisted sail
and stood direct for the Havana. The day and following night
the weather was most beautiful as they passed the Martyr Islands
and sand banks of the same name.* They had only four fathoms
where the water was deepest; their principal vessel consequently
struck against rocks and became very leaky, so that all hands were
engaged at the pumps without their being able to get the water
under, while they every minute feared the vessel would go down.
They had alternately to work the sails and pumps until they entered
the port of C arena where nort^ the town of Havana stands, the latter
being previously called Puerto de Carenas, and not Havana.f

Tlie commander, Francisco Hernandez de Cordova, journeyed
overland to San Espiritu, where he had an Indian commandery ; he,
however, died of his wounds ten days after his arrival there. The
rest of the men became dispersed over the island, and three died of
their wounds at the Havana. The vessels were taken to Santiago
de Cuba, where the governor resided.

When they brought forth the treasures and curiosities they had

* The islands of Cape Florida were at that time called Martyr Islands, or
rather by the Spanish word that so signifies, on account of the vessels that
were shipwrecked on them, and thereby the loss of so many lives.

t So called because Sebastian de Ocampo here careened his vessels when he
was making a circumnavigation of the island of Cuba, in the year 1507, to de-
termine whether it was an island or not.

10 VOYAGE Of JUAN DE GRIJALVA TO MEXICO.

collected on their voyage and related what they had discovered,
these became the topics of common conversation throughout the
islands of St. Domingo and Cuba; indeed, the fame thereof even
reached Spain. There it was said that none of the countries which
had hitherto been discovered were as rich as this, and in none had
there been found houses built of stone. The earthen gods which
they brought from these countries, it was said, were the remains of
the ancient heathen times; others again went so far as to aflflrm
that the inhabitants of tjiese countries were descendants of the
Jews, whom Titus and Vespasian had driven from Jerusalem, who
had been shipwrecked off this coast. Peru was then unknown and
not discovered until the year 1527, and in so far the countries dis-
covered were justly considered of the greatest importance.*

II.

THE VOYAGE OP JUAN DE GRIJALVA TO MEXICO.

1518.

Captain Diego Velasquez was then governing the island of Cuba.
He had gone there as the lieutenant of Diego Columbus, second
admiral of the Indies, the conquest of this island was regarded
as the work of his valor, and the colonies that were established
there as the effect of his cares. This island being the most western
of all those that had been discovered, and the nearest to the conti-
nent of America, the lands of this continent were better known
there ; nevertheless they still doubted whether it was an island or a
continent ; Ijnt they spoke of its riches with as much certainty as
if they had been assured of them by ocular witnesses.

Tiie knowledge and fame of tliis country were much increased
at this time by the reports of the soldiers who had accompanied
Cordova in the discovery of Yucatan. Velasquez, seeing the minds
of the people prepossessed with the idea of the great advantages
that the conquest of Yucatan promised to him who should accom-
plish it, formed the design of raising himself to the rank of gover-
nor in chief; for although his dependence on the admiral Diego
Columbus rested upon nothing more than a mere title, of which the

* Bernal Diaz del Castillo's Discovery and Conquest of Mexico.

VOYAGE OF JUAN DE GRIJALVA TO MEXICO. 11

admiral made not any use, nevertheless Velasquez found himself
incommoded even by that, because a subaltern rank did not suffi-
ciently sustain, in his opinion, the high hopes which lie had con-
ceived, and rendered his happiness imperfect. With this view he
resolved to prosecute the conquest of Yucatan.*

For this purpose he selected four vessels, two of which had
accompanied Cordova on his recent voyage to Yucatan. Velasquez
gave the chief command to Juan de Grijalva. There were two liun-
dred men, and the same three pilots that had accompanied the
former voyage, and a fourth. Each pilot had charge of one of
the vessels; but the first in command as chief pilot was Anton de
Alaminos.

The instructions which the commanders received from Velasquez
were, that they should barter for as much gold and silver as they
could get, and if they deemed it advisable, settle a colony, but left
this entirely to their judgment.

The place of rendezvous was the harbor of Matanzasf on the
north coast of Cuba, not far from the old Havana; the present
town of this name at that time was not built. Here the vessels
were provided with provisions. On the 5th of April, 1518, the
squadron left the harbor and, after passing Cape Guaniguanieo or
San Anton, the western extremity of Cuba, they continued on their
vo_vage until they came in sight of the island of Cozumel. The
currents this time had carried the vessels further south than in the
preceding voyage of Cordova. The consequence was that they now
landed on the south coast of the island, where they found a good
anchorage perfectly free from all rocks. They found that the
inhabitants of the island spoke the same language as those of
Yucatan, from which country it was distant only four hours' sail.

From the island of Cozumel,'Grijalva continued his voyage the
same route that Cordova had taken, and after eight days' sail
arrived off the coast of Champoton. The next place he came to
was the Boca de Terminos, the western limit of Cordoba's voyage.
Sailing along the coast by day and lying to by niglit, on account of
the shallows and rocks, and occasionally landing, Grijalva arrived
at an island aljput two miles from the continent, where they found

* History of the Conquest of Mexico, by Anton de Solis.

t A vessel bound from the island of St. Domingo to the Luocas (Bahamas)
was, during a storm, wrecked near this river and harbor. There were thirty
Spaniards and two Spanish ladies. The Indians, in carrying them across the
river, treacherously upset their canoes and drowned them all except three men
and one woman ; hence the name Matahzas (Massacie). ,

12 VOYAGE OF JTJAN DE GRIJALVA TO MEXICO.

a temple* on which stopd the great and abominable-looking god
Tetzcatlipuca, surrounded by four Indian pi'iests dressed in wide
black cloaks, and with flying hair, who had that very day sacrificed
•two boys whose bleeding hearts they had offered to the horrible
idol. Upon inquiry they learned that this sacrifice liad been
ordered by the people of Culua, but as it was difficult for the
Indian interpreter to pronounce this word he kept constantly saying
" Olua, 01ua."'f' From the fact of the commander's Christian name
being Juan, and it happening to be the feast of San Juan (St.
Johh), they gave this small island the name of San Juan de Ulua.f
Grijalva had disembarked on the continent near this island, and
had constructed huts there, from which point he had visited this
island.

As they had now been so long at sea, and had convinced them-
selves that the country they had discovered was not an island but a
continent, and as their provisions were scant and damaged, and
moreover their numbers too small to make a settlement here, they
determined to forward to Velasquez an account of tlie state of their
affairs, and desire him to send them succors. Pedro de Alvarado
was selected to go on this mission with the ship San Sebastian that
had become very leaky; this vessel could be refitted there and
return with succor and provisions. He also took with him all the
gold they had bartered for,'the cotton stuffs presented to them by
the Indians, and their sick.

After Alvarado had set sail for Cuba, Grijalva and his oflScers
held a consultation with his pilots, when it was determined that
they should continue their voyage along the coast and push their
discoveries as far as possible. They therefore weighed anchor and
continued their course along the coast until they arrived at a wide
projecting cape, which, on account of the strong currents, they
found so difficult to double that they considered their further
course now impeded. The chief pilot, AJaminos, here told the com-
mander that it was no longer advisable to sail on at a venture. This
matter being duly considered in council, it was unanimously agreed
that they should return to Cuba, where they arrived at the port of
St. lago de Cuba, the 15th of September, 1518.

Velasquez was highly delighted with the additional gold that Gri-

* What Diaz here calls a temple was a truncated pyramidal strncture, called
by the Mexicans, Teocalli, which word means house of God : Teo, God ; calll,
house.

t Culua^Culuans, subjects of Monteczuma.

t It still retains the name and forms the harbor of Vera Cruz, Mexico.

VOYAGE OF HERNANDO CORTES TO MEXICO. 13

jalva brought. Altogether it was ■njell worth 4000 pesos (dollars);
so that, with the 16,000 brought by Alvarado, the wliole amounted
to 20,000 pesos. Some make the sum greater, others less.

III.

THE VOYAGE OP HERNANDO CORTES TO MEXICO.

1519.

After the arrival of Alvarado with the gold which had been re-
ceived in the newly discovered country, Velasquez began to fear
some one at court, who might have received private information of
all this, would anticipate him in forwarding to the emperor (Charles
V.) the first news of this important discovery, and so rob him of
the reward. He, therefore, dispatched one of his cliaplains, named
Benito Martinez, to Spain, with letters and a few valuable presents
to Don Juan Rodriguez FonsSca. He wrote at the same time to the
licentiate Louis Zapata, and the secretary Lope Conchillos, who
at that time had the control of all Indian affairs under Fonseea.
Velasquez was quite devoted to these persons, and had presented
them with considerable Indian villages in Cuba, with the inhabi-
tants of which they worked their gold minesv But he took particu-
lar care to provide for the archbishop (Fonseea), troubling- himself
very little about the emperor, who was at that time in Flanders.
He moreover sent his patrons a great portion of the gold trinkets
which Alvarado had brought with him, for everything that was"de-
termined in the imperial council of India depended upon these men.
Velasquez, therefore, sought by means of his chaplain to obtain un-
limited permission to fit out armaments at any time he might think
proper, to make voyages of discovery, and to found colonies in the
new countries, as well as in those that might hereafter be discov-
ered. In the accounts he transmitted to Spain, he spoke of the
many thousands of gold pesos he had already spent in like under-
takings ; thereby giving «uch a favorable direction to the negotia-
tions of his chaplain, Benito Martinez, that his expectations were
more than fulfilled, for his chaplain even obtained for him the addi-
tional title of Adelantado of Cuba. • This latter appointment, how-
ever, did not arrive until the new expedition under Cortes had left.

The knowledge which Velasquez had now acquired of the vast

14 VOYAGE OP HERNANDO CORTES TO MEXICO.

extent and great wealth of the newly discovered country, deter-
mined him to fit out a powerful armament for its conquest and col-
onization. He lost not a moment in search of the means to achieve
this conquest, to which the name of New Spain gave a high reputa-
tion. He communicated his design to the monks of St. Jerome, at
St. Domingo, in a manner which seemed to seek their approbation.

Yelasquez had already purchased some vessels and planned the
preparative of a new fleet, when Grijalva had anchored in the port
of San lago de Cuba. He caused to be promptly refitted the ves-
sels which had been used in the voyage of Grijalva, which, with
those which he had purcliased, comprised a fleet of ten vessels of
eighty to a hundred tons. He Used the same diligence in arming
and equipping them ; but he hesitated in the choice of the person
whom he should appoint to command them. He was some days in
deciding. The public sentiment was in favor of Grijalva, whose
competitors were Anton and Bernardino Velasquez, near relatives
of the governor, Baltazar Bermudez, and Yasco Poreallo,* a cap-
tain of great renown and related to the Earl of Feria. This man,
however, did not suit Velasquez. He feared his daring spirit, and
was apprehensive that, once in command of the armament, he
would declare himself independent of him.

Velasquez knew not upon which to decide. He esteemed their
merit, but he feared that such an office would beget in them ideas of
independence. In this uncertainty he consulted his two confidants,
Andres de Duero, secretary of the governor, and Almador de
Lares, the royal treasurer. These two men, who had the entife con-
fidence of the governor, and who knew him thoroughly, proposed
to him Hernando Cortes, who was their intimate friend. They
spoke of him in terms very reserved, in order that their counsel
might not appear interested, and to make the governor believe that
their friendship had not the least part in it. The pi-oposition was
well received, and they contented themselves for the present with
this favorable inclination of Velasquez, leaving time and reflection
to do the rest, hoping with this assistance to entirely convince him
in another conversation.

When they returned to Velasquez, armed with new reasons to
convince him, they found him wholly declared in favor of their
friend, and so strongly prepossessed that Cortes was the only one

* These names De Solis gives. Diaz gives Vasoo Poreallo, Augustin Bermudez,
Antouio Velasquez Borrego, and Bernardino Velasquez. The three last, he
says, were relatives of the governor. Vasco Poreallo accompanied De Soto to
Florida, but very soon returned to Cuba, not having gone beyond Tampa Bay.

VOYAGE OF HEENANDO CORTES TO MEXICO. 15

to ■whom he could confide the care of this expedition, that they dis-
covered they had nothing more to do than applaud his choice.
They agreed with him that it was important to declare promptly
this choice, in order to free himself from the importunities of the
aspirants to this oflBce; and Duero, on whom devolved the duty, in
all haste drew up the commission. It was conceived in these terms :
That Diego Velasquez, as governor of the Island of Cuba, and pro-
moter of the discoveries of Yucatan and New Spain, appoints Her-
nando Cortes captain-general of the fleet, and of the countries
discovered, or which shall be discovered in the future. The friend-
ship of Duero for Cortes obliged him to add to It all the most hon-
orable and favorable clauses that he could imagine, in order to
extend his powers under pretext of conforming to the ordinary for-
malities in such instruments.

This news was very soon published, and received with as much joy
by those who wished to see this irresolution ended as it caused morti-
fication to others who were intriguing for this oflice. Tiie two re-
lations of Velasquez were the boldest in declaring their discontent.
They made great efforts to create suspicion in the mind of the gov-
ernor. They said to him that it was very hazardous to .grant so
much confidence to a man whom he had so little obliged ; that if he
would examine the conduct of Cortes he would find in it but little
security, because his promises rarely conformed with the results ;
that his agreeable and fiattering manners, and his liberality, were
but artifices which ought to make him suspected by those who did
not allow themselves to be won by only the appearances of virtue ;
that he showed too much eagerness to win the affections of the sol-
diers, and that friends of this sort, wlien they are numerous, they
easily make partisans of; that he remembered the mortification
which his imprisonment had caused him;* that they could never
make real confidants of persons to whom he had given such sub-
jects of complaint, because the wounds of the mind, as those of the
body, left impressions which awakened the remembrance of the
oflfence when the injured saw themselves in power to avenge them-
selves for it. They added other reasons, more specious than sub-
stantial, to the prejudice of good faith, because tiiey disguised
under a show of zeal what was but pure jealousy.

Nevertheless Velasquez sustained with vigor the honor of his
judgment in the choice which he had made, and Cortes thought
only of hastening his departure. He hoisted his standard, which

* Velasquez had on one occasion imprisoned Cortes.

16 VOYAGE OF HERNANDO COETES TO MEXICO.

bore the figure of the cross, with these words : " Let us follow the
Cross; we shall Conquer in virtue of this sign."

Tlie reputation of this enterprise and that of the general made
such a noise that in a few days there were enrolled three hundred
soldiers, among which were Diego de Ordaz, chief confidant of the
governor, Bernal Diaz, who wrote a history of the conquest of
Mexico, and others.

The time of departure having arrived, orders were given to as-
semble the soldiers, who embarked at noon. At night, Cortes, ac-
companied by his friends, went to take leave of the governor, who
embraced him and gave him many other caresses. The morning
having arrived, Velasquez conducted him to the port and saw him
on board his vessel.

The fleet left the port of Santiago de Cuba the 18th of Novem-
ber, 151^, and coasting westwardly the island of Cuba, arrived in a
few days at the town of Trinidad, where Cortes had some friends,
who here joined him. About this time there also arrived in the
port of Trinidad a vessel, belonging to a certain Juan Sedeno, of
the Havana, laded with cassava bread and^ salt meat, which were
destined for the mines of Santiago. Cortes purchased the provi-
sions and vessel, so that now there were eleven vessels in all.

The fleet had scarcely left the port of San lago de Cuba, when
those who were envious of Cortes made new eflbrts to awaken the
suspieiohs of Velasquez, who finally took the resolution to break
with Cortes, in taking from him the command of the fleet. He im-
mediately dispatched two couriers to the town of Trinidad, with
letters for all his confidants, and an express order to Francisco
Verdugo, his cousin and judge royal of that city, to judicially dis-
possess Hernando Cortes of the oflice of captain-general, since his
appointment had been revoked and given to Vasco Porcallo.

As soon as Cortes got information of this, he had a secret inter-
view with Ordaz and all those officers and inhabitants of Trinidad
who, he thought, might feel inclined to obey the orders of Velas-
quez. To these he spoke so feelingly, and in such kind terms, ac-
companied by such great promises, that they were all soon gained
over to his side. Diego de Ordaz even undertook to advise Ver-
dugo not to put his commands in immediate execution, and to keep
them secret. He assured him that it would be impossible to de-
prive Cortes of the command of the squadron, in which he had so
many friends among the cavaliers, and Velasquez so many enemies.
Besides, Cortes could rely upon most of the soldiers, and thus it
would be useless to attempt anj-thing against him. By these argu-
ments Ordaz prevented all violent measures.

VOYAGE 01' HERNANDO CORTES TO MEXICO. , lY

Verdiigo, being sufficiently convinced that tliey did a wrong to
Cortes, and feeling a great repugnance to become the instrument of
such violence, ofl'ered not only to suspend the execution of the
orders of Velasquez, but even to write to him in order to oblige
him to change his resolution, which could not be executed without
causing all the soldiers of the army to mutiny. Ordaz and the
other officers of the array, confidants of Yelasquez, offered to do
the same oflSces to Cortes, and wrote immediately Cortes also
wrote, complaining of the distrust which Velasquez had manifested
for him, and expressed his utter astonishment at the resolution he
had taken, particularly as he had no other design than to serve
God, the empero"r, and the governor. He earnestly advised him
not to listen any further to his cousin Velasquez. Cortes at the
same time wrote to his other friends, and in particular to his two
confederates, the secretary and the royal treasurer.

Cortes left it to the choice of his soldiers to proceed to Havana
either by. sea or by land. Alvarado, with Diaz and fifty other
soldiers and the horses, took the land route, on which they were to
recruit their forces. He also sent a vessel, under Juan de Esca-
lonte, in advance to the Havana. He then embarked, and pro-
ceeded with the whole squadron to the same port. When the fleet
arrived off the island of Pinos, the vessel of Cortes during the
night ran aground, while the other vessels, being ignorant of it,
proceeded on their course, and did not perceive that the com-
mander's vessel was missing until the morning, when they had
advanced so far that they continued on to the Havana, where they
were well received by Pedro de Barba, governor under Velasquez.

Five days passed away, and the vessel of Cortes did not appear ;
'they, therefore, determined to send out three small vessels in search of
him ; but, two more days were spent in making this outfit, and Cor-
tes still did not appear. All manner of artifices were now resorted
to as to whom the command should be given until some certainty
was gained in regard to the fate of Cortes, in which Diego de Or-
daz, as steward over the house of Velasquez and secret observer of
the movements of Cortes, was most active. The arrival of Cortes
put an end to these contests. He had to discharge his vessel, in
order to lighten it sufficiently to put it afloat, and then to replace a
portion of the cargo ; this had been the cause of his delay. On
his arrival at the Havana, the soldiers showed more true joy at
the return of their general than has seldom ever been manifested
for another.

The number of the soldiers increased every day ; several of the
inhabitants of the Havana enrolled, and among the gentlemen
2

18 VOYAGE OF HERNANDO CORTES TO MEXICO.

Francisco de Montejo, who was afterwards Adelantado of Yucatan
and Honduras, and Diego de Soto, of Toro, afterward Cortes's
steward in Mexico.

In the mean time Cortes every day made his soldiers exercise, as
well with the arqnebuse as with crossbow and pike ; be also made
them practise all the different evolutions ; he instructed them him-
self. He employed the same diligence in collecting provisions, and
each one looked forward with pleasure to tlie time of their depart-
ure, when Gaspar de Garnica, of the household of Velasquez, ar-
rived with dispatches from the governor to Barba, imperatively
commanding him to take from Cortes the command of the fleet,
and to send him prisoner to Santiago, under a safeguard. The
governor also commanded Ordaz and Juan Velasquez, of Leon, to
assist Barba in executing what he had commanded.

As soon as Garnica arrived, it was immediately guessed for what
purpose he came. Cortes was even apprised of it by means of the
very bearer himself; for one of the Brethren of Charity, who was
much in company with Velasquez and greatly in favor with him,
had forwarded by this same Garnica a letter to a brother of the
same order, named Bartolome de Olmedo, who had joined the expe-
dition. By means of this letter Cortes was apprised of the whole
posture of affairs by those interested with him, Andres de Duero
and Almador de Lares, tiie roj^al treasurer.

A Ithotigh Cortes was a cavalier of invincible courage he did not
fail to be moved by this new blow, so much the more felt as it was
the least expected; for he was convinced that Velasqnez wonld
have been satisfied with all that his friends had written to him in
regard to the first order sent to the town of Trinidad. But on
seeing arrive another armed with everything that could mark an
extreme obstinacy in the mind of the governor, he began to con-
sider with more attention and less sangfroid the resolution he
should take. On the one side he saw himself exalted and praised
by those who followed him ; and on the other pulled down and con-
demned as a criminal. It was upon these reflections and in this
conjuncture that the spirit of Cortes, justly irritated, took the first
resolution to break with Velasquez. Seeing that it was no longer
time to conceal the subjects of his complaint and that policy was
no longer of any use, he resolved to make use of the forces he had
at his command, according to the necessity of the conjuncture in
which he might find himself. With this design he took measures
to send away Ordaz before Barba should decide to publish the
orders which he had received from Velasquez. Cortes was not
ignorant of the efforts which Ordaz had made to have himself made

VOYAGE OP HERNANDO CORTES TO MEXICO. 19

commander in his absence, and that created in Cortes's mind a sus-
picion of his fidelity. So he ordered Ordnz, wlio was the gov-
ernor's steward, to embark to go and get previsions (which they
had left) at Guaniguanico, a part the other side of Cape Anton,
wliere Velasquez had an estate, and to await in that place the rest of
the fleet. Then he went to see Velasquez de Leon, whom he easily
drew into his interest.

After having taken these precautions he showed himself to the
soldiers, to whom he declared the new persecutions which threat-
ened him. They all offered themselves to him, equally resolved to
assist him ; but the soldiers appeared so exasperated that the emo-
tion which showed itself in their discourse, and their acclamations
gave uneasiness to Cortes, although they were made in his interest.
Pedro de Barba, knojring that it would be too late to attempt to
appease this spirit when it had reached its climax, sought Cortes,
and, with him appearing in public, calmed everything in a moment
by saying aloud that he had no intention of executing the orders of
the governor, and that he should never participate in so great an
injustice. Thus the menaces were turned into applause, and Barba
wishing to show the sincerity of his intentions, publicly dispatched
Garnica with a letter to the governor, in which he informed him
that it was no time to think of arresting Cortes, followed b}- too
great a number of soldiers who would not suffer any wrong to
Cortes. He very adroitly exaggerated the commotion which his
order had caused among the soldiers, and concluded by advising
Velasquez to retain Cortes by placing confidence in him, and by
adding new favors to those which he had already conferred on Mm,
and that at all events it was better to hope from his gratitude what
he could not obtain by persuasion nor force.

Cortes, having made this dispatch, thought only of hastening
his departure, which was nei/essary to appease the minds of the
soldiers, who, not being entirely recovered from their irritation,
showed new restlessness upon the report that was spread, that
Velasquez was coming in person to insult their general. In fact,
some authors say that he had taken this resolution. Cortes finally
left the port of the Havana the 10th of February, 1519.

When he arrived at Cozumel he reviewed his forces, and found
that he had five hundred and eight soldiers, and sixteen horses,
eleven vessels of different tonnage, one hundred and nine sailors, and
some heavy guns and four falconets. The number of crossbow-men
was about thirty-three, and of musketeers thirteen. There were also
two chaplains, viz., Juan Diaz and Bartolomede Olm^do, who accom-
panied the general to the end of the conquest of Mexico.

20 VOYAGE OF HERNANDO CORTES TO MEXICO.

On the 4th of March, 1519, the fleet left Cozurtiel, and on the
12th arrived at the mouth of the river Tabasco. On Holy Thurs-
day of the year 1519 the whole fleet arrived in the harbor of San
Juan de IJlua, where ended the voyage. On the 8th of November,
1519, Cortes for the first time entered the city of Mexico.

Before Cortes set out from "Vera Cruz to march to the city of
Mexico he had forwarded, July 16th, 1519, to the emperor Charles
V. letters giving a complete account of everything that happened
since his departure from Cuba, all the gold they had bartered
for, and the presents received from Montezuma. The agents
chosen to be dispatched with these to Spain were Alonzo Puerto-
carrero and Francisco de Montejo. The best vessel of the squad-
ron, manned with fifteen sailors, was selected to convey them.
The charge of the vessel was given to two pilots, one of whom was
Anton de Alaminos, from his being well acquainted with the
passage through the Bahama Channel, and the first who had
ventured that route. On the 16th of July, 1519,* they sailed from
San Juan de Ulua, and arrived soon at the Havana. There
Montejo, who had a settlement along the coast, persuaded Alaminos
to sail close in shore, where he pretended he could take in a fresh
supply of bread and bacon. This was done, and the night follow-
ing a sailor secretly swam ashore and forwarded to Velasquez
letters from his adherents, giving him an account of all that had
passed.

When Velasquez received these letters he immediately fitted out
two small but very swift-sailing vessels well manned and armed,
and gave the command of them to Gabriel de Kojas and Guzman,
who were ordered to repair to the Havana, and to capture the
vessels which conveyed the agents and the gold. Both vessels
arrived, after two days' sail, in the Bahama roads, but upon inquiry
learning tliat the wind had been constantly favorable and that the
vessel must have passed, they cruised about, and discovering no
trace of her, returned to Cuba.

* Piaz says 26th, Cortes, 16th.

EXPEDITION OF PAMFILO DE NARVAEZ TO MEXICO. 21

CHAPTER II.

THE EXPEDITION OF PAMFILO DE NARVAEZ TO MEXICO.

1520.

Velasquez, having now learned the substantial evidences of the
wealth of the newly discovered country, the existence of the great
city of Mexico, and the empire of Montezuma, regretted more than
ever his failure to arrest Cortes, and was stimulated with renewed
energy to put forth all his power to accomplish this purpose. With
this view he gave orders to fit out ever3' ship in the island, and to
enlist officers and men ; indeed, he spared no trouble ; he travelled
himself from one settlement to another, and invited all his friends
to join the armament. In this way he succeeded, after ten or twelve
months, in collecting and equipping a powerful army and a great
number of vessels.

In the mean time he recefived letters from his chaplain, Benito
Martinez, with the rank of adelantado in the name of the king, not
only of the island of Cuba, but of all the lands discovered, or tiiat
should be conquered, imder his directions. His chaplain also in-
formed him of the zeal with which Fonseca defended and embraced
his interest, and the incivility with wliich he received the envoys of
Cortes ; but at the same time, he also told him of the favor which
the emperor had shown these envoys in giving them an audience at
Tordesillas, of the noise the wealth they had brought had made in
Spain, and of the high opinion there conceived of the newly discov-
ered country, which they valued far above all others.* The new dig-
nity elevated the ideas of Yelasquez, and tlie favor which he had
received from the president Fonseca augmented his presumption.
The praises that had been given Cortes affected him, and although
he was not sorry to see this conquest so far advanced, j'et lie could
not endure that another should rob him of the credit of it, wliich he
regarded as his own : putting so high a value upon the part tliat he
had had in the projecting of this expedition, that he assumed the
name of Conqueror without any other foundation, and believing

* Peru was not then known, being discovered in 1527. The city of Mexico
was taken August 13th, 1521, and the war ended.

22 EXPEDITION OF PAMEILO DE NAEVAEZ TO MEXICO.

himself so absolutely master of this enterprise that he regarded all
tlie exploits achieved to that time as if he had done them himself.

The monks of St. Jerome,* who presided at the royal audiencia
of St. Doraingo,(i) were informed of these movements and pre-
parations of Velasquez by the licentiate Zuazo, their agent in
Cuba. As they had supreme jurisdiction over the other islands,
and as they wished to prevent the inconveniences which would re-
sult from so dangerous a collision, they sent the licentiate Lucas
Vasquez d'Aillon, judge of the royal audiencia, to endeavor to
bring the governor to reasonable terms; and in case gentle means
did not succeed, the licentiate was to show him the orders he bore,
and to command him, under the heaviest penalties, to disarm tlie
soldiers and the fleet, and not to bring trouble or embarrassment to
the conquest in whicii Cortes was engaged, under color that it be-
longed to him, or under any other pretext whatsoever.

This minister, having arrived in Cuba, and found there the fleet
ready to leave, and Velasquez very eager to embark the troops,
endeavored to control liim in exposing to him as a friend all the rea-
sons which presented tliemselves to his mind, in order to calm tliat
of the governor, and to give him confidence. But as he saw that
Velasquez was no longer capable of receiving good advice, because
everything that did not tend to the ruin of Cortes appeared to him
impracticable, he produced his orders, and had them read to him,
by a clerk whom he had brought with him, which he accompanied
with divers requests and protestations, but.all that could not cause
Velasquez to change his resolution. Tlte title of adelantado sounded
so grand in his imagination, that it appeared he would not recognize
a superior in his government ; and his disobedience became a kind
of ]-evolt. Aillon let pass some transports of Velasquez, without
wounding his feelings, in order not to push him too far upon the
precipice ; and when he saw him determined to hasten the embarka-
tion, Aillon showed some desire to see a country so famous, and
ofi"ered to make the voyage through pure curiosity. Velasquez gave
him permission to do so, in order that they might not know too
soon at St. Domingo the insolence, of his replies, and the licentiate
embarked with the approbation of the whole army.

Andres de Duero, who, as secretary of Velasquez, had rendered
such kind service to Cortes, embarked in the same fleet. Some say
that he undertook this voyage in order to take his share of the
riches of his friend, in virtue of the services which he had rendered

* Luis de Figueroa, Alonzo de Santo Domingo, and Benardino de Manca-
iiedo.

(i) For this series of references, see Appendix.

EXPEDITION OF PAMFILO DE NARVAEZ TO MEXICO. 23

him. Others maintain that the design of the secretary was to render
himself mediator between tlie two commanders, and to prevent as
much as lie could the ruin of Cortes.

The fleet consisted of nineteen sail, carrying fourteen hundred
soldiers and sailors, eighty liorses, and forty pieces of artillery, with
an abundance of provisions, arms, and munitions. There were
twelwe large ships, and seven a little larger than brigantines. There
were ninety crossbow-men and seventy musketeers.*

Velasquez appointed to the command of this fleet a cavalier named
Pamfilo de Narvaez,f a man of high stature and great bodily strength,
with a voice amazingly powerful, and an imperious look in his
countenance ; he was a native of Valladolid, a city of Spain ; a man
of reputed ability, and of great wealth and distinction in Cuba. He
was a man of merit, highlj' esteemed, but attached to his opinions,
which he sustained with some asperitJ^ Velasquez gave him the
rank of lieutenant-governor, reserving to himself that of governor,
at least of New Spain.

Narvaez also received secret instructions from the governor, who
especially comnjanded him to seize Cortes and send him under a

* Diaz gives in one place 18 sail, in another 19 ; he gives in one place 1300
soldiers and sailors, in another 1400 ; and he gives 40 pieces of artillery, hut
also says that Narvaez had 18 pieces of artillery in front of his camp. To
explain these apparent discrepancies, it must be considered that one ship was
lost, on which there may have been one hundred soldiers and sailors, which
would reduce the number of men (at first 1400) to 1300, and the number of
vessels (at first 19) to 18. In regard to the artillery, there may have been, in
addition to the 18 field pieces, 22 pieces on the vessels, including those in the
vessel that was lost. Cortes says there were 10 or 12 pieces at Narvaez's
quarters. Cortes's expedition consisted of 617 soldiers and sailors, 16 horses,
and 11 vessels of different tonnage — from 80 to 100 tons. Diaz does not give the
number of cannon.

t In November, 1509, when Ojeda was about to leave the port of St. Domingo,
to make a settlement on the Grulf of Uraba (Darien), he threatened Juan de
Esquivel that, if ever he found him on the island of Jamaica, he would cut off
his head. Notwithstanding this bravado, Esquivel proceeded to Jamaica and
took possession of that island as governor for Diego Columbus, by whom he had
been appointed. When Ojeda, returning from his settlement in 1510, was ship-
wrecked off the coast of Cuba, Diego Ordaz, one of his companions in misfortune,
went in a canoe from Cape de la Cruz, in Cuba, to the island of Jamaica, to
inform the governor of that island of their misfortune. When Esquivel had
heard his story, he immediately dispatched Captain Pamfilo de Narvaez with a
vessel to bring the unfortunate men to Jamaica. Narvaez received Ojeda with
all honor, and conducted him to Esquivel, who, notwithstanding Ojeda's former
threat, received him kindly and furnished him with transportation to St.
Domingo. This is the first mention I find made of Narvaez; who probably went
from Jamaica to Cuba when Velasquez conquered this island in the year 1511.

24 EXPEDITION OF PAMFILO DE NARVAEZ TO MEXICO.

secure escort to him, in order that he might receive at his hands
the punishment he deserved; that he should treat in the same
manner the principal officers who served this rebel, unless they
should abandon him; that he should take possession in his name
of all that thej' had conquered, and annex it to his government.

Narvaez sailed with a favorable gale in the month of April, 1520.
When the flotilla arrived off the mountains of San Martin, a fiorth
wind arose, which is always dangerous on these coasts. One of the
vessels, commanded by a cavalier named Christobal de Morante, of
Medina del Campo, was wrecked during night-time off the coast,
and the greater part of the men perished.. The other vessels, how-
evei-, arrived safe in the harbor of San Juan de TJlua.

This armament was, first of all, seen by some soldiers whom
Cortes had sent out in search of gold mines. Three of these — Cer-
vantes, Escalona, and Carretero — deserted, and did not hesitate a
moment to go on board the commander's ship, and are said, as soon
as they stepped on board, to have praised the Almighty for having
rescued them out of the hands of Cortes and the great city of
Mexico, where death stood daily before their eyes.

Narvaez ordered meat and drink to be set before them, and, as
their glasses were abundantly filled, Cervantes, one of them, who
was a low buffoon, addressed Narvaez, exclaiming, "O Narvaez!
Narvaez! what a fortunate man you are, that you arrive just at the
moment when the traitor Cortes has heaped together more than
700,000 pesos, and the whole of his men are so enraged at him for
his having cheated them out of the greater part of the gold, that
many even disdained to accept their share." They expatiated on
the general disaffection of the soldiers under Cortes, misrepresented
facts, and flattered the hopes of Narvaez, who believed every syllable '
of their false relation. They informed Narvaez that, thirty-two
miles further on, he would come to a town called Villa Rica de la
Vera Cruz, built by the Spaniards, which had a garrison of sixty
men, all invalids, under an officer named Sandoval.

As it was not probable that Sandoval, the governor of the settle-
ment, would attempt, in the present desperate situation of affairs,
to oppose so powerful an armament, Narvaez sent one Guevara, a
clergyman, to receive his submission. When the priest Guevara
and his companions arrived in the town, they walked straightway
into the church to pray, and then repaired to Sandoval's house.

After the first greetings had passed between them, the priest
began his discourse by stating to Sandoval what- large sums of
money Velasquez had expended on the armament which went out

EXPEDITION OF PAMriLO DE NARVAEZ TO MEXICO. 25

under the command of Cortes, -who, with the whole of the men, had
turned traitors to the governor ; and concluded by saying that he
had come to summon him, in the name of Narvaez, whom Velasquez
had appointed captain-general, to deliver up the town to him.

When 'Sandoval heard this, and the expression which reflected
dishonor on Cortes, he could scarcely speak from downright vexa-
tion ; at length he replied : " Venerable sir, you are wrong to term
traitors men who have proven themselves better servants to our
emperor than Velasquez has, or your commander; and that I do
not this instant punish you for this affront, is merely owing to your
being a priest. Go, therefore, in the name of God, to Mexico ; there
you will find Cortes, who is captain-general and chief justice of New
Spain. He will answer you himself; here you had better not lose
another word."

At this moment the priest, with much bravado, ordered the secre-
tary, Vergara, to produce the appointment of Narvaez, and read it
to Sandoval and the others present. Sandoval, however, desired
the secretary to leave his papers quietly where they were, as it was
impossible for him to say whether the appointment was a lawful one
or not. But as the secretary still persisted in producing his
papers, Sandoval cried out to him : " Mind what you are about,
Vergara! I have\already told you to keep your papers in your
pocket ; go with them to Mexico ! I promise you, the moment you
proceed to read a single syllable from them, one hundred good
lashes on the spot. How can I tell whether you are a royal secre-
tary or not ? First show me your appointment, and if I iind you
are, I will listen to your papers. But even then, who can prove to
me whether your papers are true or false ?"

The priest, who was a very haughty man, then cried out, " Why
do you stand upon any ceremony with these traitors ? Pull out
your papers and read their contents to them."

To which Sandoval answered, " You lie, you infamous priest !"
and ordered his men immediately to seize the priest and his party,
and carry them off to Mexico.

He had hardly spoken when they were seized by a number of
Indians employed at the fortifications, bound hand and foot, and
thrown upon the backs of porters.* In this way they were trans-
ported to Mexico, where they arrived in the space of four days, the
Indian porters being constantly relieved by others on the road.

* This mast not be taken literally. They were placed in a kind of palan-
quin, each borne on the shoulders of four Indians, who were relieved at regu-
lar stages.

26 EXPEDITION or PAMPILO DE NARVABZ TO MEXICO.

Sandoval sent, by an express courier, to Cortes a letter informing
him of everything that was going on at the coast, and of the name
of the captain who commanded the flotilla. This letter arrived in
Mexico before the prisoners, so that Cortes was apprised of their
approach when they were still at some distance from the town. He
immediately dispatched some men with a quantity of the best pro-
visions, with three horses for the most distinguislied of the prisoners,
with orders that they should be immediately released from their
fetters.

The priest and his companions had not been more than a couple
of days with Cortes before he succeeded so well in taming them by
kind words, fair promises, jewels, and barsof gold, that they who had
come like furious lions, now returned to Narvaez as harmless as
lambs, and offered to render Cortes every assistance in their power.

Cortes now dispatched by an Indian courier, to Narvaez, a letter
written in the most affectionate tone, with offers of his service to
him, informing him how both he and all his men were rejoiced at
his arrival in'New Spain, and particularly himself, as they were old
friends. To make a good finish to the letter he begged to saj' that
Narvaez was at liberty to dispose of his person and his purse, and
he would wait his commands.

Cortes at the same time wrote to Andres de Duero and Vasquoz
de Aillon, and accompanied these letters with some gold for them-
selves and his other friends. Aillon, besides this, privately received
some other gold bars and chains. He also dispatched Father
Olmedo to Narvaez's head-quarters with a good stock of these
persuasive articles, consisting of various trinkets of gold, and
precious stones of great value.

The first letter which Cortes sent by the Indian reached Nar-
vaez's quarters before Guevara returned there. Tliis Narvaez read
aloud to his officers, and kept the whole time making merry at the
expense of Cortes and his men. One of his oflBcers, named Salva-
tierra, even blamed him for reading the letter of such a traitor as
Cortes was, and said that Narvaez should immediately march
out against him and his men and put them all to death ; that the
letter ought not to be answered.

In the mean time the priest Guevara and his companions had
returned, and the former gave Narvaez a circumstantial account of
Cortes. He spoke about the great power of Montezuma, and sai<l
that Cortes would gladly submit to him. He also added that it
was for the advantage of both to remain on friendly terms with
each other; that New Spain Was large enough to afford room for
them both, ancj that Narvaez might choose which part of the country
he would occupy.

EXPEDITION OP PAMFILO DE NARVAEZ TO MEXICO. 2t

These statements, -which Amaya and Guevara had accompanied
■with some good advice, so greatly incensed Narvaez that he would
neither see nor speak to them from that moment. The impression,
however, which it produced upon the troops was various ; for when
they saw the gold these two men returned with, and heard so much
good of Cortes, and heard them speak of the wondrous things
they had seen, and the vast quantity of gold, and how Cortes's
men played at cards for gold only, many of them longed to join
them. Shortly after this Father Olmedo likewise arrived at Nar-
vaez's quarters with bars of gold and secret instructions. When
he called upon Narvaez to pay him Cortes's respects, and said how
ready he was to obe3'^_his commands, and to remain on terms of
peace with him, Narvaez grew more enraged than before. He
even refused to listen to Olmedo, and called Cortes and his men
traitors, and when Olmedo denied this and told him that they were
the most faithful of the emperor's servants, he grossly insulted
him. All this, however, did not deter Olmedo from distributing
the bars of gold and golden, chains among those for whom Cortes
destined them, and he strove in every way to draw over Narvaez's
principal officers to the interest of Cortes.

The auditor Ailloi;, after he had carefully perused Cortes's let-
ters and received the bars of gold, no longer made a secret of his
sentiments, but spoke, without any reserve, of the injustice which
had been perpetrated in fitting out an armament against such well-
deserving men, and was so eloquent in his praises of Cortes and
his companions, that the feeling in their favor became almost uni-
versal. The meanness of Narvaez's disposition served to increase
this inclination. He retained entirely to himself all the presents
sent by Montezuma. When this conduct was compared with tiiat
pursued by Cortes towards his soldiers, his men almost broke out
into open insurrection.

Narvaez looked upon Aillon as the cause of all this bad feeling,
and when Salvatierra and other principal adherents of Narvaez
continually added fuel to the fla-me, he, relying on the mighty, sup-
port of Fonseca, lost sight of every consideration, imprisoned
Aillon, with his secretary and all his attendants, threw them on
board of a vessel, and sent them off to Cuba or Spain.

The vessel which bore Aillon was scarcely at sea, when he pre-
vailed upon the captain and pilot to steer for St. Domingo.* As

* It must be remembered that St. Domingo is a town. The island was not
called St. Domingo until some time afterwards ; and then afterwards by its In-
dian name, Hayti.

28 EXPEDITION OP PAMFILO DE NAEVAEZ TO MEXICO.

soon as he had arrived there and informed the royal audiencia and
viceroys there of Narvaez's scandalous and presumptuous conduct
in regard to himself, these officers considered it in the light of an
insult to themselves, and made heavy complaints to the supreme
council of Castile ; but as Fonseca was president of that council,
no justice could be expected from Spain. The harsh treatment
which Lucas Yasquez Aillon was subject to had a bad effect upon
Narvaez's troops, and many of the former's friends and relatives
went over to Sandoval, who received them with open arms, and
learned from them all that had passed in Narvaez's quarters ; like-
wise that he contemplated sending men to Vera Cruz to take him
prisoner.*

After Narvaez had sent off Aillon to Cuba, he marched with tlie
whole of his men, the baggage, and the cannon, to Sempoalla, and
quartered himself in that town, which was then thicklj' inhabited.
The first act there w^as to take from the fat cazique the cotton stuffs,
gold trinkets, and other fancy articles he possessed. He also forci-
bly took the Indian women who had been presented by the cazique
to Cortes's men. All the complaints of this cazique respecting
tliese depredations committed by Narvaez and his troops on the in-
habitants of Sempoalla, were of no avail, although he repeated how
Cortes and his men had never taken anything from them, and had
always treated them with kindness. Narvaez and Salvatierra,
whose conduct in general was most heartless, merely laughed at the
cazique. Nai'vaez now dispatched his secretary, Alonzo Meta, with
tliree other great personages to Mexico, to order, by virtue of the
copies of his appointment by Velasquez, Cortes to submit to him.

When Cortes received [from Sandoval] the information which
the friends of Aillon had given Sandoval when they went over to
him, and learned that it was the intention of Narvaez to niarcli
shortly to Mexico, he assembled his officers and all those whom he
was accustomed to consult in matters of great importance. In this
council it was determined to anticipate Narvaez and immediately
march out against him. Pedro de Alvarado was to remain in Mex-
ico to guard the person of Montezuma. As the partisans of Velas-
quez among Cortes's troops were not altogether to be trusted, they,
also, were left behind. Cortes likewise took the precaution to
fortify his quarters ; he caused four pieces of heavy cannon to be

* There wore afterwards two places called Vera Cruz, but one was Villa Rica
de la Vera Cruz, the other the present Vera Cruz, on the harbor of San Juau
de Ulua. The former was thirty-two Spanish miles north of the latter, and
situated on a river. '

EXPEDITION OP PAMFILO DE NARVAEZ TO MEXICO. 29

moiinted on the most commanding point, and left Alvarado a few
falconets, ten crossbow-men, fourteen musketeers, and seven cav-
alry-men ; the latter were, indeed, more than he required, as cavalry
was of little use in the courtyards attached to his quarters. The
number of soldiers left behind in Mexico was, altogether, eighty-
three.*

Cortes, after having made every disposition for the holding of
Mexico and Montezuma, marched with his troops to Cholula. From
this town he continued to Tlascala, whence he sent a courier with
a letter to Sandoval, telling him to join him as soon as possible
witli all his men ; that he intended to march within forty-eight miles
of Sempoalla, in the neighborhood of the provinces of Tampanicita
and Mitalaguita ; he particularly cautioned him to keep out of the
way of Narvaez, and carefully to avoid coming to any engagement
with any part of his troops.

Cortes then marched forward with every military precaution.
Two of his most trustworthy men, who were remarkably swift of
foot, were constantly a couple of days' march in advance. Besides
these, there was always immediately in advance of the army a small
detachment of sharpshooters. It was not long before they met
witli Alonzo Meta, who was commissioned by Narvaez to show
Cortes a copy of his appointment; he was accompanied by four
others, who were to act as witnesses on the occasion. When they
had arrived near enough, they greeted Cortes, who dismounted to
learn who they were.

Meta immediately began to read his document, but Cortes inter-
rupted him, and asked him whether he was a royal secretary. Meta
was not a little staggered at this, for he was well aware that he was
no royal secretary. He, therefore, was unable to utter a single
word, and tliose who were with him remained equally mute. Cortes
excused their embarrassment, and desired some victuals to be set
before them, when he informed them that he was marching to the
township of Tampanicita, in the vicinity of Narvaez's head-quarters,
where, if the latter had any further communications to make, he was
to be found. During the whole of the discourse Cortes never so
much as uttered a reproachful word against Narvaez; he had also
a private discourse with them, and thrust a few pieces of gold into
their hands, so that they left highly delighted.

* Cortes says : "500 men with several pieces of cannon. Taking the rest of
the people that I had there, about seventy in number, I pursued my journey."
But at Chururtecal (Choluia) he met with Juan Velasquez with men, and these
were joined to Cortes's force.

30 EXPEDITION OF PAMPILO DE NARTAEZ TO MEXICO.

While these men were still with Cortes, many of his men, for the
sake of ostentation, had decorated themselves with gold chains and
jewels, which spread a vast idea of their splendor. All this produced
such a favorable impression at Narvaez's head-quarters, that many
of liis chief officers desired that peace might be brought about
between the two generals.

In tiie mean time, Cortes continued his march, and arrived in
Tampanicita, where Sandoval, the day following, liliewise appeared
with his small detachment, consisting of sixty men ; the old and
infirm of the garrison he had quartered among the Papalote Indians,
his allies. He brouglit along with him ithe five friends and relatives
of Aillon. Sandoval likewise told Cortes how he had sent two
Spanish soldiers into Narvaez's head-quarters disguised as Indians.
They had the exact appearance of natives ; took each a basket of
cherries with them, for whicli they soon met with a purciiaser in the
person of SalvatierJ-a, who gave them a string of glass beads for
their fruit, and, fully believing they were Indians, sent them to cut
grass for his horse. It was towards evening when they arrived
with a load of grass, and carried it to the shed wliere the horse was
tied up. Tliey then squatted down, after the fashion of Indians,
near Salvatieri-a's quarters, and overlieard a discourse between him
and several otiiers of Narvaez's officers. They listened until a late
hour at night, wiien they silently stole away to the shed where
Salvatieri'a's horse was fastened, which thej' very quietly saddled
and bridled, and so rode off with it. In the same way they managed
to capture a second horse on their road home, and brought them
both safely to Sandoval, who on his route had left them in Papa-
lote, as he had to march along a very steep and rugged road over
mountains, where horses could not pass, in order that he might not
fall in with Narvaez's troops.

When Cortes was first informed of the arrival of Nar\Tiez in New
Spain with a powerful armament, he dispatched Tovilla, a soldier
who had served in the Italian wars, and had a full knowledge of
weapons and of the best method of fixing points to lances, into
the province of the Tchinantecs, where some of his men had been
sent in search of mines. The Tchinantecs were deadly enemies
of the Mexicans, and had only a few days previously made an
alliance with the Spaniards under Cortes. This people used a
species of lance which was much longer than the Spanish lances,
and furnished with a sharp, double-edged point of flint. Cortes had
heard of this weapon, and sent word to the Tchinantecs to forward
him three hundred of, such lances, from which, however, he desired
them to take' off the flint points, and substitute a double one of

EXPEDITION OF PAMFILO DE NARVAEZ TO MEXICO. 31

copper, as they had an abundance of this metal in their country.
The soldier who was dispatched with these orders took with him a
pattern of the point required. Cortes's wislies were readily com-
plied with ; the lances were soon finished, and the.y turned out most
satisfactory. Besides this, Cortes desired the soldier, whose name
was Tovilla, to ask the Tchinantecs to send two thousand of their
warriors, all armed with similar lances, on Easter day, into the
district of Tampanicita, and there make ijiquiries for his camp.
The caziques willingly complied with this request, and they also ,
gave Tovilla more tiian two hundred of their warriors, all armed
with the same lances, to accompany him on his return to Cortes's
camp. Tlie rest were to follow with another of Cortes's men, called
, Barrientos, who had been dispatched into their country in search
of mines. Tlie lances which Tovilla brought with him proved most
excellent, and he immediately taught Cortes's men how to use them,
especially against cavalry.

As soon as all the troops had arrived at Tampanicita, Cortes re-
viewed tliem, and found that, iiiduding all the officers, drummers,
and pipers, they amounted to two hundred and sixty men, among
whom were five cavalry-men, a few crossbow-men, less musketeers,
and two artiller3'-men. Considering the smallness of numbers,
Cortes reposed his greatest hopes in the use lie intended to make of
his lances.

It was now determined to dispatch Olmedo to Narvaez with a
letter, in which, among other sentiments, Cortes begged him to se-
lect the province he fancied most, for himself and his troops ; to
forward the original papers of his appointment within tlie space of
three days, as he was ready to act up strictly to the emperor's com-
mands, if the documents were correct ; that for this purpose he had
expressly come to Tampanicita, to be near his person. If lie was
unable to produce such appointment direct from the emperor, to
desist from stirring up the inhabitants into open insurrection, or
he should be considered and treated as an euemj', taken prisoner,
and sent in chains to the emperor, without whose authority he had
commenced war and revolutionized all the towns of the country ;
that every drop of blood that should be spilt, all destruction of
property which should ensue from his hostile acts, he would himself
have to answer for.

This letter, which closed with the usual courteous expressions,
was signed by Cortes, the oflScers, and other soldiers, among whom
was Diaz.* With this letter Olmedo, accompanied by Bariolome

* Diaz speaks of what he was individually acquainted with. The phrase in the
translation from the original is, " ami other soldiers, among whom was myself."

32 EXPEDITION OF PAMPILO DE NARVAEZ TO MEXICO.

de Usagre, who had a brother serving in Narvaez's artillery, went
off to the latter's head-quarters. As soon as he arrived there he be-
gan to fulfil the orders which Cortes had given him. He made
secret disclosures in Cortes's name to a number of cavaliers in Kar-
vaez's corps, also to the artillery-men Rodrigo, Mino, and Usagre,
and gave them the bars of gold which Cortes liad destined for tliem.
H« likewise proposed to Andres de Duero to pay a visit to Cor-
tes's camp, and then ca,lled upon Narvaez himself.

Although Olmedo was particularly humble in Narvaez's presence,
yet the latter's confidants had their suspicions, and advised their
general to imprison him, which was about being carried into effect
when Duero was secretly apprised of it. Duero was a native of
Tudela on the Duero, and a relative of Narvaez. He had vast in-
fluence, and stood high in the estimation of the men, and durst take
more upon himself than others. He, therefore, called upon Nar-
vaez, and convinced him that it would be better in every respect to
treat Olmedo with politeness, and advised Narvaez to invite him to
dine with him, when he could himself fish from him what the views
of Cortes were. Duero then went immediately to Olmedo and com-
municated to liim all that had transpired. In the mean time Nar-
vaez sent for Olmedo to dine with him, and received him most
courteously. '

Olmedo, who was a remarkably judicious and shrewd man, said
to Narvaez: "I am convinced that several ofHcers in Cortes's
troops would gladly see you in power; indeed, I am altogether con-
vinced that we all shall soon stand under your command. In order
to make the necessary preparations for such a step, they have writ-
ten you a letter full of extravagant expressions. This letter I was
ordered to deliver to your excellency, but on account of Its con-
tents I could not make up my mind to do so, but felt more inclined
to throw it in the river."

Narvaez then expressed his desire to see this letter, when Olmedo
told him he had left it in his room, but would go for it, and left for
that purpose. Olmedo hastened to Duero, and requested him to be
present witli as many soldiers as possible when he should hand the
letter to Narvaez, that its contents might be made known to all.
He then returned to Narvaez and presented him Cortes's letter.

All the bystanders now pressed Narvaez to read the letter; some
were greatly annoyed at it, but Narvaez and Salvatierra merely
laughed and made aransement of its contents. But Augustin Ber-
mudez, who was a captain and alguazil-mayor in Narvaez's camp,
said : " Father Olmedo has assured me privately that it merely re-
quires some little mediation between them, and Cortes would him-

EXPEDITION OF PAMFFLO DE NARVAEZ TO MEXICO. 33

self wait upon our general, and join his standard with the whole of
his men. As he is encamped not far from here, we could certainly
do no better than dispatch Duero thither, and I will accompany him
myself."

It was resolved that Duero should be dispatched to Cortes. Nar-
vaez held a private conference with him and three other officers,
desiring tliem to try and persuade Cortes to meet him at an Indian
village on the road between the two encampments, where they
might come to an understanding with each other respecting tiie
division of the country and the boundaries of their respective ter-
ritories. Narvaez was quite earnest in this matter, and had ex-
pressed himself to that effect to about twenty of his men who were
particularly devoted to him.

Duero arrived at Cortes's camp on the eve of Easter day, and
stayed until the evening following. When he arrived he was con-
vinced, from what he saw, of the vast riches and power of Cortes ;
and he came not merely to bring about a good understanding lie-
tween the generals, but also to take possession of his share of the
acquired riches, as Amado de Lares had died. During the stay of
Duero he had several private conversations with Cortes.

Cortes, who was a cunning and far-sighted man, promised Duero
not only vast treasures, but a command and vast extent of terri-
tory, which would give him the same importance with himself; in
consideration of which he was to engage to gain Augustin Bermu-
dez and other chief officers. If Narvaez was killed or taken pris-
oner, and his army defeated, all tlie gold and townships of New
Spain were to be divided among the three. In order, however, to
strengthen the number of their party, Duero took along with him
as much gold as two men could carry, besides a quantity of other
valuable things for Bermudez, Guevara, Juan de Leon, and other
distinguished personages who were to be let into tlie secret. Cor-
tes and Duero then carefully talked over how the matter was to be
carried out.*

Andres Duero and Cortes agreed that Narvaez, attended by ten
persons, and he with as many others, should have a peaceable inter-
view, when Narvaez should make known to him his instructions, if
he had brougiit any, to which Cortes would give his answer ; for
which purpose Cortes on his part sent a passport, signed by him-
self, to Narvaez, who sent Cortes another, subscribed with his
name ; which, however, it appeared to Cortes, he had no idea of
oliserving; for it was planned that the interview should be so

* Diaz.

34 EXPEDITION OP PAMFIIiO DE NARVAEZ TO MEXICO.

arranged as to enable them to dispatch Cortes at once, and two of
the ten persons who were to come with Narvaez were selected to
execute this purpose while the others were engaged with Cortes's
attendants. Thus they Said if Cortes was killed the object would
be accomplished ; as in truth it would have been if God who inter-
poses in such cases had not thwarted the design by granting Cortes
certain notice of it at the same time that the pass was brought him.
This plot being discovered, Cortes wrote a letter to Narvaez, and
another to the three commissioners, in which he stated to them
that he had learned their treacherous design, and refused to have
the interview in the manner agreed upon. Immediately after this
occurrence Cortes sent certiiiu requisitions and orders to Narvaez.*
As soon as Duero had left, Cortes sent for Juan Velasquez de
Leon, pne of his chief officers, a man who had great authority, and
who, although a near relative of Velasquez, was entirely devoted to
Cortes. When Leon came into his presence, Cortes said to him :
" Lhave sent for you because Duero has assured me it is rumored
among Narvaez's oflScers that you and I have quarrelled, and that
you intend siding with their party. I am therefore resolved that
you shall ride to Narvaez's head-quarters, taking with you all your
gold. When there you must try to find out what are his intentions."

As soon as Velasquez de Leon, whom Cortes had sent merely to
annoy Narvaez, had departed, Cortes desired Sandoval to draw up
the troops in marching order, when thej' briskly moved forward
towards Sempoalla. On the road the soldiers killed two piccara,
which they construed into a token of victory. The night following
they encamped on the slope of a hill near to a brook, carefully
posted sentinels and ordered out the patrols. The next morning
they marched, and arrived towards noon at the river on wliose
banks the town of Vera Cruz now stands ; at that time there were
there merely a few Indian huts and straggling trees, under which
the troops rested a considerable time, as the heat was very oppres-
sive. When the heat of the day had somewhat cooled, they con-
tinued their march to Sempoalla, and encamped for the night near a
brook about four miles from the town;

Velasquez de Leon arrived at Sempoalla towards daybreak. He
alighted at the house of the fat cazique, and walked towards Nar-
vaez's quarters. When, however, some of Narvaez's men who
were quartered in the cazique's house heard the Indians say that it
was Leon, they hastened to inform Narvaez, who was highly de-
lighted, and hastened out with several of his officers to meet him,
received him with hearty embraces, and immediately sent some of

* Cortes, second letter, dated Seguva de la Froiiteva, Oct. 30th, 1520.

EXPEDITION OF PAMFILO DE NARVAEZ TO MEXICO. 35

his men for his horse and baggage, as he would not hear of his
staying in any house but his own. Velasquez de Leon, however,
observed that he could not stay long, as he had come merely to pay
his respects to him and his officers, and try if peace and friendship
could not be brought about between him and Cortes.

Narvaez's blood rose to his cheeks at this expression, and he
asked Velasquez de Leon how he could talk of peace and friend-
ship -with a man who had, like a traitor, run away with the whole
armament of his (Leon's) own cousin.

Velasquez de Leon replied that Cortes was no traitor, but a
faithful servant of his emperor, and he must beg him not again to
make use of such expressions in his presence.

Upon this Narvaez assumed a different tone, and made Velasquez
de Leon great promises if he would remain with him ; even prom-
ised to elevate him to second in command if he would manage to
induce Cortes's troops to join his standard. Velasquez de Leon,
however, assured him that he was determined to remain as faithful
and true to Cortes as to the emperor himself, and earnestly begged
him not to mention that subject again.

During this conversation the chief officers had by degrees all
arrived topay their respects to Velasquez de Leon, which they did
with every show of courtesy, as Velasquez de Leon was a man of
elegant carriage and powerful stature, and had a winning counte-
nance ; his beard was heavy and long, a large solid gold chain
hung from his shoulder in graceful folds and sat well on this coura-
geous and spirited officer.*

Some of Narvaez's officers urged him to imprison Velasqnez, as
he was secretlj- striving to gain over his men in favor of Cortes.
But Bermudez, Duero, and several otiiers who favored Cortes
remonstrated as to the policy of such a 'step and tlie benefit lie
would derive from it, and said that tliough Cortes had an additional
hundred officers such as Velasqnez de Leon, he would be unable to
cope with him. It would certainly be more to his interest to
behave courteously to Leon.

Narvaez, being thus influenced by these two men, requested
Velasquez to become mediator between Cortes and himself, and try
if he could not induce the former and his troops to join his stand-
ard. Velasquez promised to make the attempt, but at the same
time stated that -Cortes was very determined on that subject ; that
the best method, in his opinion, of settling the matter was by a

* Tiiis noble officer, who with Alvarado, commanded the rear guard in the
retreat from Mexico, perished with two hundred men, at one of the bridges.

36 EXPEDITION OP PAMPILO DE NARVAEZ TO MEXICO.

division of the provinces between them, and that Cortes would
gladly leave the choice to him.

Velasquez macle this observation merely to make Narvaez more
tractable. During this discourse Olmedo stepped up and proposed
to Narvaez that the whole of his troops should be drawn out in
the presence of Velasquez to show tlie powerful army he com-
manded, that Velasquez might relate to Cortes what he had seen,
and convince hini that it was better that he should submit.

Narvaez followed this counsel which Olmedo had given merely to
vex his cavaliers and soldiers. The alarm was accordingly sounded,
and the whole of the troops were thus obliged to turn out before
Velasquez and, Olmedo; when Narvaez said to Velasquez, "Are
you not now'fully convinced that it would merely cost me a day's ■
march to overthrow Cortes and the whole of you ?" Velasquez
replied, "I will not say anything about that, but you may depend
upon it, we would sell our lives dearly."

The following diiy Velasquez dined with Narvaez, and met at
the table Diego Velasquez, a nephew of the governor of Cuba, who
had the command of a company. While they were dining, the
conversation turned upon Cortes's obstinacy and the letter he had
written to Narvaez, and, one word leading to another, Diego Velas-
quez asserted that Cortes and all tliose who sided with him were
traitors. At this expression Juan Velasquez rose up from his seat,
and, with much warmth, said : " General Narvaez, I have ouce
before begged you not to allow such language in my presence. It
is really scandalous to speak ill of those who have served the
emperor so faithfully."

"And I," interrupted Diego, in an angry tone, "maintain that I
have merely spoken the truth in calling you traitors. You are a
traitor, and all the rest of you, and you are unworthy the name of
Velasquez."

Leon now laid hand on his sword, and called Diego a liar,
swearing he was a better nobleman than he or his uncle, and that
the house of Velasquez to which he belonged was a very different
one from Diego's or his uncle's. Of this he would give instant
proof, if General Narvaez would allow him. As many of Narvaez's
officers, and a few of Cortes's, were present during this scene, they
interfered and prevented any open violence, as Leon was just about
to draw his sword against his opponent.

The other offleers now advised Narvaez to order Juan Velasquez
and Olmedo to leave the camp without any further ceremony, as
their stay there would only cause worse blood. Orders to this
effect were accordingly issued, and they delayed not an instant to

EXPEDITION OF PAMFILO DE NARVABZ TO MEXICO. 37

hasten their departure. Leon was seated on his fine gray mare,
and clad in a coat of mail, and had his helmet on, wiien he once
more called upon Narvaez to take leave. Diego was standing next
to the latter at the time, and when Juan inquired of Narvaez if he
had any message to Cortes, the latter replied in great ill humor:
" I beg of you to leave this instant, and it would have been much
better if you had stayed away altogether." Young Diego Velasquez
then threw out most abusive language against Juan, who, in return,
assured him his insolence would meet with its due reward, and a
few days would show whether the bravery of his heart corresponded
with the boldness of his tongue. Five or six of Narvaez's officers
friends to Cortes, who were to escort Leon, now came up, and told
him rather harshly it was time to be moving, and no longer to
spend his breath in useless words. They merely assumed this tone
to get him as quickly as possible out of the way, fortliey afterwards
told him that Narvaez had issued orders for his arrest; indeed, he
had every reason to make haste, for a numerous body of cavalry
was already hard upon his heels when he arrived at the river near
Cortes's camp.

The followers of Cortes were taking their midday nap when their
outposts brought information that three men on horseback were
approaching tlieir camp, and thej' immediately concluded it must
be Velasquez, his servant, and Father Olmedo. Thej' were all
delighted to see thera safely returned.

' The effect of Leon's and Olmedo's visit to Narvaez's camp soon
showed itself. Several of the officers who had got some hints of the
valuable presents which Cortes had sent to be distributed among
some of them found that a party was forming in favor of Cortes,
and advised that the utmost vigilance sliould be observed ; orders
were therefore issued that the troops should hold themselves ready
for action. Narvaez now formally declared open war against Cortes
and his followers.

Narvaez then encamped with the whole of liis troops and cannon
at about a mile from Sempoalla, in order the better to watch the
movements of the troops of Cortes, and- not allow any of his men
to pass. But as it rained heavily just about this time, Narvaez's
• officers, who were not accustomed to dampness, nor to the fatigues
of war in general, and imagined it would be an easy matter to
overcome Cortes, advised Narvaez to return with the troops to
their former quarters, and considered it sufficient if they placed
their artillery, which consisted of eighteen heavy guns, in front of
their camp. Forty of their cavalry were placed to guard the road
leading into Sempoalla, along which the enemy would be compelled

38 EXPEDITION OF PAMFILO DE NARVAEZ TO MEXICO.

to aclvanee; besides which, pickets of cavalry and light-armed foot,
under Hurtado and Gonzalo Carrasco, were placed to watch the
spot where they would have to pass the river, and to give notice of
their approach ; and another twenty of cavalry were always to stand
in readiness, during night-time, in the court-yard adjoining Nar-
vaez's quarters. Narvaez then returned with the rest of his troops
to his former quarters, and made known that he who brought him
Cortes or Sand'oval, dead or alive, should receive the reward of
2000 pesos. It was also ordered that a strong detachment of men
should be posted at the respective quarters of Narvaez, Salvatierra,
Gomarra, and Juan Bono. These were Narvaez's preparations, of
which Cortes was informed by a soldier named Galleguiilo, who
had deserted from Narvaez during the night, or had been secretly
sent for that purpose by Duero.

Cortes and his men had, previous to marching to Mexico, resided
several months in Sempoalla, and in that neighborhood had built
Villa Rica de la Vera Cruz, so they were not only acquainted with
every place in the town of Sempaolla, but also with every locality
in the neighborhood. Sempoalla was a populous town, and had
several teocallis or truncated pyramidal structures, which were
rather altars tlian temples, dedicated to the idols of Indian faith and
worship. These structures were in difl'erent places constructed of
differeilt materials — stone, brick, or earth. Some had ramps, with
steps leading directly to the summit, where, in small sanctuaries,
were the idols to which they sacrificed human beings, on a stone in
front of the sanctuary, ripping out the heart of the living victim,
and presenting it on tli^ altar of the idol. Others had three or fowr
terraces, each extending the circuit of the teocalli, excepting the space
occupied by the steps. The stairs to ascend from one terrace to an-
other were all at one of £he angles, on the same side, and one above
the other, so that it was necessary to make the circuit of the teocalli
to pass from one flight of steps to the next, the tei-race beginning at
the top of one flight of steps, and after making the circuit of the
teocalli, terminating at the foot of the next. These structures were
inclosed with a wall, at a sufficient distance from the base of the
teocalli to form around it a commodious court. There were on two
sides of the inclosure, entrances to the court. There were several
of these structures in Sempoalla, and Narvaez took possession of
them with his troops.

When Cortes had learned the proceedings of Narvaez, the dis-
position of his forces, and his declaration of war against him and
his followers, he knew that there was an end to his intrigues, and
that the time for decisive action had arrived. He therefore sum-

EXPEDITION OP PAMFILO DE NAEVAEZ TO MEXICO. 39

moned his officers and men around him, and addressed them in a
speech replete with flattering expressions and fair promises, men-
tioning their career, from their departure from Cuba to their arrival
in the city of Mexico, and in closing said^ "Up to this moment
we have fought to defend our lives, but now we shall have tp fight
valiantly for our lives and our honor. Our enemies have nothing
less in contemplation than to take us all prsoners,and rob us of our
property. No one can tell whether Narvaez is commissioned by the
emperor himself; all this is done merely at the instigation of our
most deadly enemy, the bishop of Burgos (Fonseca). If we are
subdued by Narvaez, which God forbid, all the services we have
rendered to the Almighty, and our emperor, will be construed into
as many crimes, and we shall be accused of murder, rapine, and re-
bellion, though the really guilty person would be Narvaez ; and the
things .which would be considered meritorious in them will be con-
strued as criminal in us. All this must be evident to you, aud
we as honest cavaliers are bound to defend thehonor of the emperor
as well as our own. For this I have marched out from Mexico, re-
posing my trust in God and your assistance."

To this address of Cortes, several of his soldiers replied in the
name of the rest, that he. might rely upon their determination to
conquer or die. Cortes was greatly rejoiced at this reply, and said
that he had not expected less ; that they should find no cause for
regret, as wealth and honor would be the reward of their devotion
and valor. He then informed the officers of tlie plan of attack,
and the parts they were to perform. Cortes formed his forces into
four small battalions, which were to march to the assault one after
the other. The first object was to capture the artillery drawn up
in front of Narvaez's camp. For this purpose sixty of the young-
est and most active men, of which number was Diaz, were placed
under the command of a daring young fellow named Pizarro. Pi-
zarro with his sixty men was to push boldly on until he should take
the cannon, when the artillery-men. Mesa and Amenga, were imme-
diately to turn them on Salvatierra's quarters. Sandoval, with
sixty men, was to attack the quarters of Narvaez, who was posted
on the summit of a very high teocalli. He was ordered to take
Narvaez prisoner, and if he would not surrender, to kill him. Juan
Velasquez de Leon, with sixty men, was ordered to seize the person
of Diego Velasquez, with whom he had had such angry words.
Olid also had sixty men, and Cortes had the rest, to i-ender assist-
ance where it might be most required ; his principal object, how-
ever, was to get the persons of Narvaez and Salvatierra into his
power. He promised a reward of 3000 pesos to the first man who

40 EXPEDITION OF PAMFILO DE NARVAEZ TO MEXICO.

slionld lay hands on Narvaez, 2000 to the- second, and 1000 to the
third.

The men were altogether in want of defensive armor. They re-
mained in their camp during the first part of the night, and spent their
time in making preparations for the arduous tasli that awaited them.
Pickets were sent out, and sentinels posted, of which Diaz was one.
He had not stood long when one of the outposts came up to and
asked him whether he had not heard a noise, when immediately one
of the corporals approached and said tliat Galleguillo, who had de-
serted from Narvaez, was nowhere to be found, and that he must
have been a spy ; and as it was certain that by this time he had
betrayed their approach, Cortes had given orders for an immediate
advance upon Sempoalla. A moment after they were all marching
forward. Galieguillo, however, was found a few moments after fast
asleep under some cloaks he had thrown over him on account of
the rain and cold.

Cortes now ordered silence, and the troops marched steadily for-
ward until they arrived at the river, where Carrasco and Uurtado
were posted with a detachment of the enemy. The river was
swollen by the rain, on account of which and the loose rocks in its
bed it was crossed with much difficulty. As such a sudden visit
under such circumstances, in the rain and darkness of the night,
was the last tiling they could have thought of, Carrasco was cap-
tured, while Hurtado escaped, fled to the quarters and gave the
alarm," crying out that .the enemy was approaching. The most
wfilchful ran to arms and led Hurtado to Narvaez, who, after some
questions, disregarded the information, holding it impossible tiiat
Corles could come with so few men to attack him in his quarters,
and that his men could mai-ch during a night so dark and stormy.

It was near midnight, dark and rainy, wlien Cortes entered Sem-
poalla, so that he had the good fortune to penetrate into the town
even to within view of the teocalli without encountering a single
sentinel. Hurtado was still trjdng to convince Narvaez that he
had not only met with the scouts, but that also the whole army was
advancing rapidlj'. Nevertheless pretexts were formed for disbe-
lief, and they lost in arguing the probability of this report the time
which they should have employed in preventing the consequences
of it, even thongii it might have been false. The soldiers, restless
and watchful, increased upon the steps. of the teocalli, some irreso-
lute, and others awaiting the orders of the commander, but all with
arms in their hands and ready for battle.

Cortes then knew that he was discovered, and determined to at-
tack before they should be in order to resist him ; he, therefore,

EXPEDITION or PAMPILO DE NARVAEZ TO MEXICO. 41

gave tte signal for the assault. The troops under Pizarro lowered
their lances and rushed headlong upon the artillery ; the cannoneers
had scarcely sufficient time to discharge four pieces, every ball of
which passed over the heads of the assailants, excepting one, which
killed three or four men. They had the good fortune to capture all
the cannon. Sandoval at the same time charged the quarters of
Narvaez, and drove his adversaries from the court to the teocalli, and
commenced advancing up the steps of the building ; but not being
able to sustain himself against a body of troops much larger than
his own and in an advantageous position, he was beaten back down
the steps. Just at this critical juncture Olid arrived to his assist-
ance, the tide was turned, and Sandoval again pushed forward up
the Steps with renewed vigor. In the mean time Narvaez had ar-
rived. He now appeared in the raidst of his men, and did every-
thing to reanimate them and to put tliem in order, after which he
rushed forward into the thickest of the fight, vvhere lie encountered
Pedro Sanchez and Farzan, the latter of whom gave him so violent
a blow in the face with his lance that he crushed Narvaez's eye and
hurled him senseless to the pave. The fall of Narvaez caused con-
fusion in his troops, who were frightened at the event. Some shame-
fully abandoned their general ; otiiers, entirely beside themselves,
ceased to fight, and those who made an effort to assist him were
embarrassed by the others, and thus increased the confusion. Thus
they found themselves obliged to retire, and the conquerors took
this opportunity to drag Narvaez to the foot of the stair, and into
the midst of the rear battalion.

The fall of Narvaez was instantly known among the troops of
Cortes, whose wild shouts filled the midnight air with the cry of
" Victory ! Victory ! Narvaez is dead ! The battle, however, was
still continued in various points, as several of Narvaez's officers
maintained their positions on the tops of other teocallis.* Cortes,

* Cortes, when he entered the city of Mexico, quartered all his troops in
a large court of one of the palaces of Montezuma, and in the great temple or
court of the teocalli adjoining it.

When the Mexicans attacked him "they took possession of the great temple,
to the loftiest and- most considerable tower of which nearly five hvmdred In-
dians, apparently persons of rank, ascended." This teocalli had, according to
' Cortes's letter, three or four terraces, about a yard wide and about sixteen feet
one above the other. He says, " So arduous was the attempt to take this
tower, that if God had not broken their (the Indians') spirits, twenty of them
would have been sufficient to resist the ascent of a thousand men although
they fought with the greatest valor even unto death. ' ' From this an idea may be
formed of the difficulties Cortes had to encounter in overcoming Narvaez. But
the top of the teocalli could not contain five hundred persons ; therefore the

42 EXPEDITION OF PAMEILO DE NARVAEZ TO MEXICO.

however, sent round a herald to summon them to surrender, under
penalty of death in case of refusal. This, with the loud shouts of
victory and the belief that Narvaez was dead, had the desired effect,
and only the troops under young Diego Velasquez and Salvatierra,
which had taken up their position on the summit of a very high
teocalli, where it was difHcult to get at them, refused to submit.
But Juan Velasquez de Lieon attacked them so vigorously that at
last he forced them to surrender, and took Salvatierra and Diego
Velasquez prisoners.

Cortes happened to come up at the time when Juan Velasquez
and Ordaz brought in Salvatierra and Diego Velasquez and other
chief officers prisoners, he was still in full armor and had heated
himself to such a degree in riding up and down, the weather being
very hot, that the perspiration literally dripped from him, and he
could scarcely breathe from over-exertion. He twice said to Sando-
val, who was unable at first to catch his Words, "Where is Narvaez ?
Where is Narvaez ?" " Here he is," cried out Sandoval, " here he
is and quite safe." " That is all riglit, my son Sandoval," said
Cortes, in a voice still somewhat feeble ; " do not leave this spot
for the present, nor suffer any of your men to stir away ; and keep
a strong guard over the prisoners. I will now see how the battle
is going on at other points." With these words Cortes rode off,
and as he still found Narvaez's men offering resistance, he again
sent round a herald to, summon them to surrender, and to deliver
up their arms to Sandoval.

Scarcely had they published the pardon at all the thrp.e places*
where the people of Narvaez had retired than tlie soldiers and offi-
cers themselves came in crowds to surrender to the conqueror.
This proclamation was well conceived, for it was very important
that it should be known before the dawn of day, which was near,
Should discover to the soldiers of Narvaez the small number of tlieir
conquerors, and inspire them with the resolution to renew the
flght.

Narvaez, having lost an eye and being otherwise dangerously
wounded, requested Sandoval to allow his own surgeon to dress his

expression implies that the terraces, summit, and towers, and perhaps court,
of the teocalli were filled with Indian warriors.

* Diaz expressly mentions two teocallis in the attack, and, when the idols of
Sempoalla were destroyed some time previously, he says, " We tore down the
idols from their pediments. Some were shaped like furious dragons, and were
about the size of young calves ; others with half the human form ; some again
were shaped like large dogs. Cortes says there wer^ three or four towers
. (teocallis).

EXPEDITION QF PAMFILO DE NARVAEZ TO MEXICO. 43

wounds and those of the other officers. This Sandoval unhesi-
tatingly complied with, and while the surgeon was dressing Nar-
vaez's wounds, Cortes stepped up, as he imagined unknown, to see
what was going on. However, the respect of the soldiers dis-
covered the general ; and Narvaez, turning to him, said : " Indeed,
general, 3'ou have reason to be proud of this victory and of my
being taken prisoner." " I am," replied Cortes, " every way thnnk-
ful to God and my brave companions for it, but I can assure you
that this victory is the least brilliant we. have yet gained in New
Spain."

With this Cortes broke off the conversation, and turning to
Sandoval cautioned him to guard the prisoners well. They had
merely put fetters about Narvaez's legs, but they now secured him
better, and put a strong guard over him. Diaz was of the latter,
and received secret orders not to allow any of his (Narvaez's) men
to see him until next morning, when Cortes would make further
arrangements respecting his person.

Cortes did not yet feel quite safe ; he remembered that Narvaez
had sent out forty of his cavalry to guard the road leading to Sem-
poalla. This body was still hovering about, and he feared they
might fall upon him unawares, and release both Narvaez and the
other officers. He therefore kept a strict guard, and dispatched
Olid and Ordaz to persuade them, by enticing promises, to sur-
render quietly. For this purpose these officers were obliged to
take a couple of horses of Narvaez's troops, as all of Cortes's
officers had left theirs at the back of a rising ground, near Sem-
poalla.

Wiien Olid and Ordaz came up with them, they easily induced
them to surrender, by assuring them that they would be received
in the army of Cortes with the same advantages tliat had been
accorded to their companions, whose example sufficed for the
cavalry to come and offer their services, with their arms and horses,
to Cortes.

Daylight in the mean time broke forth, when Olid and Ordaz,
with this detachment, again reached the camp, accompanied by
Duero, Bermudez, and several other friends of Cortes. All these
now came in a body to pay their respects to. Cortes, who had taken
off his armor and was seated in an arm-chair, dressed in a wide
orange-colored surtout. Serenity and joy were visible in his coun-
tenance as he" welcomed each; and, indeed, he had every reason to
be proud of the power and greatness he liad so suddenly acquired.

The soldiers and officers came in crowds to surrender to the con-
queror. They surrendered their arms on arriving, and Cortes, with-

a EXPEDITION OF PAMPILO DE NARVAEZ TO MEXICO.

out failing in the duties of civility, received them with joy. Never-
theless he caused to be disarmed even the most distinguished oflfl-
cers, those who were in correspondence with him, in order that they
might not be recognized, or that they might give an example to the
others. Their numbers, in a short time, increased so much that it
was necessary to separate them, and to secure them with a sufBcient
guard until morning.

During this time Sandoval took care to dress the wounds of Nar-
vaez ; and young Diego Velasquez remained a prisoner of Juan
Velasquez de Leon, whom he had so offended on his visit to Nar-
vaez, yet Juan, with his nobleness of soul, treated him with the
greatest magnanimity. This action was remarkable in that there
was not an'incident in which there were not manifest the correctness
of the measures that Cortes had taken, and the blunders of Narvaez.

The losses in this battle were on the side of Narvaez, his stand-
ard-bearer, named Fuentes, of a noble family of Seville, and three
of Narvaez's cliief officers, one of whom was named Rojas, a native
of old Castile ; Carretero, one of the three soldiers who had deserted
to Narvaez when he arrived at San Juan de Ulua, was also killed,
and the number of the wounded was very great. On the side of
Cortes there were four killed and several wounded. Cervantes and
Escalona, who had deserted to Narvaez with Carretero, derived very
little benefit from their treachery; the latter had been dangerouslj'
wounded, and the other Cortes ordered to be well whipped.

What is remarkable, there was among the soldiers of Narvaez
scarcely an individual who would return to Cuba. The most im-
portant among the officers of Narvaez were in correspondence with
Cortes. Cortes had all their arms restored to the prisoners, who
showed a remarkable gratitude for the favor they received, and ap-
plauded the confidence of the new general with repeated acclamations.

Late in the evening of the same day on which the battle was
fought, the two thousand Chinantla Indians, under their caziqnes,
and conducted by JSarrientos, marched two abreast into Sempoalla
in the best military order. They were all tall, powerful men, armed
with immense lances and large shields; every lancer was followed
by a bowman. In this manner, under the sound of drums and
trumpets, they marched in~ witli feathers waving on their heads,
colors flying, and continually crying out, "Long live the empe-
ror! long live Cortes 1" They made such a grand show that,
though they were only two thousand in number, one would have
thought, at first sight, there were three thousand. Narvaez's men
were not a little astonished when they saw these men, and remarked
that they would have fared much worse had they had to encounter

EXPEDITION OP PAMPILO DE NARVAEZ TO MEXICO. 45

these people, or if they had joined in the attack. Cortes received
kindly the Chinantlan chiefs, thanked them for their trouble, and,
after making them various presents, desired tliem to return to their
homes. Barrientos returned with them, and was particularly ad-
monished by Cortes not to allow them to commit any depredations
in the townships through which they passed.

Narvaez and Salvatierra were now sent under guard to Villa Rica
de la Vera Cruz, and Francisco de Lugo to the harbor where the
flotilla lay, in order to bring all the captains and pilots of the eigh-
teen vessels to Sempoalla. Lugo was ordered to convey on shore all
the sails, rudders, and compasses, so as to render it impossible for
the governor of Cuba to gain information respecting the fate of his
armament. Whoever refused to submit to Lugo, was to be imme-
diately thrown into prison. When the captains and pilots appeared
in the presence of Cortes, he made them take an oath to obey him
in all matters. Pedro Caballei'o, captain of one of the vessels, wjio
had been bribed with some bars of gold to favor Cortes's party, was
appointed admiral of the flotilla ; and received instructions not to
allow any vessel to leave tlife harbor, and if any others should ar-
rive from Cuba — for Cortes had received information that tiiere
were two other ships fitted out there for this harbor — to seize them,
and send their sails, rudders, and compasses on shore, and await
further orders.

Cortes soon received information from the city of Mexico that
required his immediate presence there. He, therefore, preparatory
to starting, reviewed his troops, and found that they amounted to
thirteen hundred men, ninety-six horses, eighty crossbow-men, and a
like number of musketeers. This body of troops he considered suf-
ficient to venture fearlessly into Mexico, particularly as the caziques
of Tlascala had furnished him with two thousand of their warriors.
Cortes entered the city of Mexico the second time on the 24th of
June, 1520, having entered it the first time on the 8th of November,
1519.*

Soon after Cortes's arrival in the city of Mexico, he was forciblj'-
expelled by the natives, but he soon again returned, and invested
the city the 30th of May, 1521, and on the 13th of August, 1521,
Guatimozin was captured, and the war thus terminated. The an-
cient city had been ruined, and Cortes immediately began to build
another on its site. Where had stood the palace of Montezuma,
Cortes built a magnificent palace for himself. On the site of the
great teocalli, he erected the church of San lago. On the 15th of

* Bernal Diaz, Conqueat of Mexico.

46 EXPEDITION OP PAMFILO DB NARVAEZ TO MEXICO.

October, 1524, he wrote to the emperor: "So much expedition has
been used in building houses that many of them have already been
finished and others well advanced ; and great quantities of stone,
lime, wood, and brick, have been collected, which the natives pro-
cure, and with which they all build such large, fine houses, that
your majesty may be assured this will be, in five years' time, the
most noble, populous, and best built city in the whole world."

EXPEDITIONS OP FRANCISCO DE GAUAY TO PANUOO. 47

CHAPTEE III.

THE EXPEDITIONS OF FRANCISCO DE GABAYTO PANUCO.

1519-1523.

When, in the year 1518, the fame of the discoveries of Cordova
find Grijalva had spread through the whole of the West Indies,
Anton de Alaminos and another pilot, who had served on the voy-
ages of those discoverers, persuaded Francisco de Garay, governor
of Jamaica, a man who possessed great wealth, to petition the era- ■
peror that the discovery of all countries which might lie to the
north of the River St. Peter and Paul, might be granted to him.
For this purpose Garaj"^ dispatched Juan de Torralva to Spain with
letters and presents for the president of the council of the Indies
(Fonseca), the licentiates Zapata and Vargas, and the secretary
Conchillos, who governed the affairs of the Indies just as they
thought proper. Garay, therefore, easily obtained the appointment
of adelantado and governor of the provinces bordering on the River
St. Peter and St. Paul, and of all the provinces he should discover.*

In consequence of this appointment, Garay fitted out three ves-
sels, the command of which he intrusted to an officer named Alonzo
Alvarez Pineda,f who entered the River Panuco to form a settle-

* A vessel sent by Cortes, in 1535, from the Island of Santa Cruz, ill the Gulf
of California, to Guantepeo, was driven by a violent wind, into the mouth of a
wide river, to which they gave the name of St. Peter and St. Paul.

On a map by Sr. Sanson, published by Hubert Jaillot, at Paris, in 1719, there
is a river St. Peter and St. Paul that enters the Gulf of Mexico south of the
river Tuspan, each of which rivers is south of the river Panuco or Tampico.
On the same map the river Palmas is the boundary between New Spain or
Mexico and Florida, and is represented as the largest river between the Panuco
and the Rio del Norte or Rio Grande, and placed about halfway between these
two rivers ; it therefore appears to be the Santander. Alvaro Nunez, in his
account of Narvaez's expedition to Florida, says: "He (Narvaez) had full
power to oonquor all the country from the river of Palms to the Cape of Flor-
ida." And the proclamation of Narvaez has the following: " To the inhab-
itants of the countries and provinces from the Rio de Palmas to the Cape of Flor-
ida," thus showing that the Rio de Palmas was the boundary between Mexico
or New Spain and Florida, in 1527, the date of Narvaez's proclamation.

t In the Historical Collection of Louisiana and Florida, by B. F. French,
member of the Louisiana and other historical societies, there is the following :

48 :expeditions of francisco de garay, to pantjco.

ment there ; liut the Indians massacred him and the greater part of
his troops, and then set fire to his vessels. One of the captains,
however, was so fortunate as to escape, with his men, on board of
one of the vessels, and reached Vera Cruz half famished.

Garay, being yet ignorant of the fate of this expedition, sent out
two more vessels, under the command of Diaz de Auz and Rami-
rez; but when these vessels arrived at the River Panuco and
nowhere met with any traces of the other armament, except a few
pieces of burnt wood of the first vessels, Ij'ing on the shore, they,
likewise, put into Vera Cruz. Thus these two expeditions served
only to re-enforce Cortes.

Such is tlie brief account Diaz gives of these two expeditions ;
but Coites is more particular in regard to them, in the second let^
ter, or dispatch, he addressed to the emperor Charles V. In that
dispatch, which is dated at Segura de la Frontera, October 30th,
1520, he says : —

" By a ship that I dispatched from this New Spain of your'sa- .
cfed majesty, on the 16th of July, in the year 1519, I transmitted
to your highness a very full and particular report of what had oc-
curred from the time of my arrival in this countr3'* to that date,
which I sent by the hands of Alonzo Hernandez Puertocarrero
and Francisco de Montejo, deputies of La Villa Rica de la Vera
Cruz,f the town I had founded in your majesty's name.

" In consequence of a disaster that has recently happened to me I
have lost all ray papers, including the oflScial records of my pro-
ceedings with the inhabitants of these countries, and many other
things.^

"In my former dispatch I mentioned having received information
from the natives, of a certain great lord called Muteezuma. Trust-
ing in the greatness of God and the confidence inspired by the royal
name of your highness, I proposed to go and see him wherever he

" Alonzo Alvarez de Pineda was ordered, by Francisco de Garay, governor of
Jamaica, in 1619, to explore the coast of the Gulf of Mexico, and in sailing
along the coast he discovered the mouths of the Mississippi, and explored all
the shore from Panuco to Cape Florida ; and directing his course north, he
found that Florida was not an island but a peninsula joined to a great conti-
nent (Navarette Viages Menores) in the north ; and afterwards returned to
Vera Cruz."

* According to Bernal Diaz, " On Holy Thursday of the year 1519, the whole
fleet arrived in the harbor of San Juan de Ulua, the present Vera Cruz."

t Vera Cruz mentioned in these dispatches is the above, founded by Cortes,
not far from the present town of that name.

t The disaster here alluded to was liis expulsion, by the Indians, from the
city of Mexico.

EXPEDITIONS OF rRANOISOO DE GARAT TO PANTICO. 49

might be. I also recollect having engaged to dp more than was in
my power, in regard to the demand I intended to make of tliis per-
sonage, for I assured your majesty that he should be takqn either
dead or alive, or become a subject of the royal throne of your
majesty. With this determination I departed from the city of Cera-
poal [Sempoalla], to which I gave the name of Sevilla, on the 16th
of August [1519].

" I informed your majesty, I believe, in my former dispatch, that
some of those persons that accompanied me, who had been serv-
ants and friends of Diego Velasquez, had sought to create disaffec- ,
tion in our ranks, and compel me to abandon the country. Tlie
leaders in this business were four Spaniards, who, as they volun-
tarilj' confessed, had determined to seize a brigantine then in port,
and, after killing the master, to sail for the island of Fernandina
[Cuba] for the purpose of informing Diego Velasquez that I had
dispatched a ship to your majesty, with the names of those who
had sailed in it, and the route it had taken, to enable him to send
vessels in pursuit, and capture it. This he afterwards attempted ;
as I have been informed that he dispatched a caravel after the
ship, which he would have taken if it had not passed on the out-
side.* Tliey also confessed that others had been desirous of send-
ing information to Diego Velasquez. But, besides these, there
■were others who entered into the same views, on beholding the
great number and power of the people of the country, while the
Spaniai-ds were so few and inconsiderable. Believing, therefore,
that if I left the ships tliere they would mutiny, and all be in-
duced to depart, leaving me almost alone, and by this means tlie
great service rendered to God and your majesty be made of no
avail, I determined, under the pretext that the ships were not sea-
worthy, to cause them to be stranded on the coast ; thus taking
away all hope of leaving the country, I pursued my route with
greater feeling of security, having no fears, after our backs were
turned, that the people I had left at Vera Cruz would desert me.

" Eight or ten days after the ships were stranded, having gone
from Vera Cruz towards the city of Cempoal, which is four leagues
distant, in order to proceed thence on my route [to Mexico], I re-
ceived intelligence from the former place that four ships had
arrived on the coast, and that the captain I had left there in com-
mand had gone out to them in a boat, when he was told they
belonged to Francisco de Garay, lieutenant and governor of the
island of Jamaica, and had come on a voyage of discovery. The

* North of Cuba, through the Bahama Channel.

50 EXPEDITIONS OF FRANCISCO DE GARAY TO PANUCO.

captain informed them that I had founded a colony in the country,
in tlie name of your majesty, and built a town one league from
where the ships lay ; adding that he would accompany them to the
l)lace, and apprise me of their arrival, and that if their ships were
in want of repairs, they could be made in the harbor, to which he
would pilot them in his boat, at the same time pointing oift where
it was. They replied that they had already seen the harbor, having
passed before it, and would do as he suggested. The captain then
returned with his boat, but the ships had not followed, nor entered
the harbor; they had, however, sailed along the coast, and the
captain was at a loss to know their design ; lie had therefore made
me acquainted with the circumstances. I immediately returned to
Vera Cruz, where I learned that the ships lay at anchor on the
coast three leagues below ; and that no one had landed from them.
I then went down to the sliore with a number of men to recon-
noitre the ships, and having got within about a league of them, I
met three of their men, among whom was one who st3'led himself
a notary ; he had taken the other two with him, as he told me, to
witness a certain notification which the captain required him to
serve on me, and which he brought there for the purpose, setting
forth a certain claim on his part ; the substance was that he had
discovered this country and intended to colonize it ; he therefore
required that 1 should establish with him a line of demarcation ;
and that he proposed to make a settlement at a place five leagues
down the coast, near the former Nautical, a city twelve leagues
from Vera Cntz, now called Almeria. ... I caused the men who
had sought to serve me with the notification, to exchange clothes
with the same number of Spaniards in my party, and I sent the
latter to the shore and directed them to call aloud to the ships. As
soon as they were discovered, a boat containing ten or twelve men,
armed with crossbows and hand-guns, came to land, and the Span-
iards who had called to them withdrew from the shore, behind some
bushes that grew about there, as if for shade. Pour men leaped
on shore from the boat, two crossbow-men and two musketeers, who
were immediately surrounded by the Spaniards, and taken pris-
oners. One of them was master of a ship, who applied the match
to his hand-gun, and would have slain the captain who had been
stationed bj' me at Vera Cruz, if it had not pleased the Lord that
the match should not give fire. The men who remained in the boat
piit off from the shore, and before they reached the ships the sails
were already set without waiting for them, or those on board desir-
ing to know what had become of them. I was informed, by the
prisoners I had taken, that they had reached a river thirty

EXPEDITIONS OP FRANCISCO DB GARAT TO PANUCO. 51

leagnes along the coast, after passing Almeria, where they had met
with a favorable reception from tlie natives, who supplied them
with provisions in the way of barter; and that they had seen some
gold, which the Indians brought, althoagh in small quantities.
The3- obtained in all three thousand castellanos of gold, in trade.
That they did not land upon the coast, ^>nt approached the towns
on the banks of the river so near as to be able to discern the peo-
ple from the ships ; that thej- had no stone edifices, but all their
houses were of thatch, excepting that the ground on which they
were built was raised to a considerable height by the labor of the
hand. All this I subsequently learned more full3'- from the great
lord Xuteczuma, and from certain interpreters of that country
that he had with him ; whom, together with an Indian brought in
those ships from that river and taken prisoner by me, I sent with
other messengers from Muteczuma, that they might induce the
sovereign of the river which is called Panuco, to enter the service
of your majesty. And he sent them back to me with a principal
person, or, as they terra him, the lord of a town, who gave me on
his'part, certain cloth, precious stones, and feather-work, and said
that he and all his people were willing to be subjects of your
majesty, and my allies. I made him presents of various articles
from Spain, with which he was greatly pleased ; so much so, that
when he saw other ships of the before-mentioned Francisco de
Garaj', the said lord of Panuco sent to inform me that those ships
were in another river (Palmas) five or six days' journey from
thence :* at the same time he gave them to understand, that if the
persons in the ships were coantrymen of mine, he would give them
whatever they wanted ; and accordingly carried them some women,
together with chickens and other articles of food."

••Alonzo de Mendoza, a native of Medellin, whom I dispatched
from this New Spain on the 5th of March of the past year, 1521,
was the bearer of the second relation that I addressed to your
majesty, containing an account of all that had transj>,i-ed in this
country, which I finished writing on the 30th of Ootoiiti. 1520 ;t

* This refers to the last expedition of Gamy ; when sailing for Panuco, his
fleet was carried beyond it to the river Palmas, whence he marched hy land to
Panuco, while his fleet followed along the coast. The distance here mentioned,
" fire or sir days' journey," appears to indicate that the river Palmas is the
same as the Santander.

t The letters of Cortes are numbered, second, third, and fourth; the first,
not extant, was semi on the 16th of July, 1519.

The dates of Cortes' letters are as follows : The second letter is " Dated at
La Villa de la Frontera, of this Xew Spain, the 30th of October, 1520."

52 EXPEDITIONS OF FRANCISCO DB GARAY TO PANUCO.

but on account of unfavorable weather and the loss of three ships, bj'
one of which I had intended to forward m^' relation to your majesty,
and by the others to send for aid to the island of Espanola, much
delay arose on the part of Mendoza. In the concluding part of
that dispatch I stated, that after we had been expelled from the
city' of Temixtitan (Mexico), I had marc-hed against the province
of Tepeaca, one of its tributaries that had joined in the rebellion
against us; and that, with the assistance of the Spaniards who had
survived, and our Indian allies, I had succeeded in reducing it
again into subjection to your majesty."

" I also informed your majesty tliat there had arrived at the port
of Vera Cruz a caravel belonging to Francisco de Garay, lieutenant-
governor of the island of Jamaica, in great distress, witli about
thirty persons on board ; and that two other ships had sailed for
the river Panuco, where the natives had attacked and routed a cap-
tain of Francisco de Garay, and it was feared that if these landed
there they would likewise suffer from the hostility of the natives.
I also wrote to your majesty, that I had taken the precaution to dis-
patch immediately a vessel in quest of those ships, to advise them of
what had occurred ; and no sooner had I written this than it pleased
God one of the ships should arrive at the port of Vera Cruz, in which
came a captain, with about twenty-five men, who was thei'e apprised
of what had befallen the other party, according to the information
received from the commander himself; and I assured them that if
they went to the River Panuco, they would be exposed to great
danger from the Indians. Wiiile they yet la\' in the harbor, with
the determination of going to that river, there arose a storm, at-
tended by a violent wind, which forced the ship to depart, with the
loss of its cables, and to run into a port on the coast twelve leagues
above, called San Juan ;* when, after landing all the people, to-
gether with seven or eight horses and as many mares, they hauled
up the ship for repairs, on account of its having sprung a leak. As
soon as I heard these particulars, I wrote immediately to the cap-

The third letter, "From the city of ' Cuyoacan, in this New Spain of the
Ocean-sea, the 15th of May, 1622."

The fourth letter, " From the great city of Temixtitan, of this New Spain, the
15th day of October, 1524."

Cuyoacan was. on the main land, situated on the borders of the lake and near one
of the causeways leading to the city of Mexico. Cortes had, until the rebuilding
of Mexico, Cuyoacan for his residence after the destruction of the city of Temix-
titan, or Mexico. He dates his fourth letter from Temixtitan, his city built on
the ruins of the Indian city of the same name.

* St. Juan de Ulua, the present Vera Cruz.

EXPEDITIONS OP ERANCISOO DE GARAY TO PANUCO. 53

tain, assuring him that I regretted very much what had occurred,
and that I had sent directions to the commander at Vera Cruz, to
afford every possible aid to him and the people with him, supplying
them with wliatever tliey required ; and that he should ascertain
their plans, and, if all or any of them wished to return in the
ships that were there, he should give them leave, and allow them to
depai-t freely. The captain and the people who had arrived with
him determined to remain, and to join me at the place where I was ;
but of the other ship we have not received any intelligence to this
moment, and as much time has elapsed, we are in great doubt as to
her safety."*

" By an order wliich your imperial majesty, on the petition of
Juan de Rivera, has granted touching the affairs of the adelantado
Francisco de Garay, it appears your highness was informed tliat I
had resolved to go or send to the river Panuco for the purpose of
establishing peace. One reason was, tiiat tliere was reported to be
a good harbor at tlie mouth of that river; and, moreover, a number
of Spaniards had been killed there, as well the party sent by Fran-
cisco de Garay, as another belonging to a ship that afterwards
visited tliat coast, of whom not one was left alive. Some of the
natives of those parts had come to me to excuse themselves for
these murders, saying that they had committed them with the
knowledge that the men did not belong to my company', and alleged
that they had been ill-treated by them ; but they assured me that if
I wislied to send any of my people there, tliey would receive them
with much attention, and serve them by all means in their power;
that they would be pleased to have me send them ; for they feared
that some of their enemies with whom they had been engaged,
would return to wreak their vengeance on them, since they were
their neighbors, and had done them much mischief; but that the
Spaniards whom I should order there would be able to protect them.

" When these people came to me, it was out of my power to com-
ply with their request, but I promised them I would do so in as short
a time as possible ; whereupon they went away contented, having
offered for vassals of your majesty ten or twelve towns of those
nearest to the limits of the dominions of this city. A few days
after they returned to me, earnestly entreating that since I had sent
Spaniards to colonize other parts of tlie country, 1 would establish
a colony amongst them also; otherwise, on account of their having
come to me, they would receive much injury from their enemies be-
longing to the same river, and those on the sea-coast, although they

* Cortes' third letter, dated Cuyoacan, May 15tli, 1522.

54 EXPEDITIONS or FEANOISCO DE GARAY TO PANT3C0.

were of tlie same race as themselves. In order to comply with the
wishes of these persons, and to found axiolony, as I was now better
supplied with men, I directed a captain to go to that river, taking a
certain number of men with him ; and while he was on the eve of
his departure, I learned by a ship that came from the island of Cuba,
that the admiral Don Diego Columbus, and the adelantado Diego
Velasquez, and Francisco de Garay, had joined their forces, and con-
federated together to effect an entrance into the counti-y at that place,
in order to do me, as an enemy, all the injuiy in their power. To
pi-event their hostile, disposition from taking effect, and guard against
any disturbance being produced by their arrival, as had happened in
the case of Narvaez, I left the city, having taken all tlie precautions
in my power to go in person, in order that, if they or any one of
them should arrive, they might meet me before any one else, as I
could better avert the danger.

"Thus I departed with Qne hundred and twenty horse, three hun-
dred foot, and some artillery, besides about forty thousand warriors,
natives of this city and its vicinity ; and when I had arrived within
the limits of the country, full twenty-flve leagues before reaching
the port, in a large settlement called Ayntuscotaclan, I encountered
on the road a large force of the enemy, and engaged with them ; but,
on account of the great number of our allies, who came to our
assistance, and the level ground, well suited for the movements of
cavalry, the battle did not last long, altliough several of my horses
and men were wounded, and some of our allies killed; the enemy
suffered most, great numbers of them being killed, and their whole
force routed. I remained there, in the town, two or three days, both
to cure the wounded, and to receive the people who came to acknowl-
edge themselves vassals of your majesty. They followed me to the
port, and rendered us every service in their power. In no part of
the route did I again encounter an enemy ; but on the other hand,
as I proceeded along the road, the inhabitants came out to beg my
pardon for their past offences, and to offer professions of allegiance
to your highness.

"Having arrived at the harbor and river, I took up my quarters
in a town five leagues from the sea, called Chila, which had been
depopulated and burnt, in consequence of the defeat of the eaptaia
and people of Francisco de Garay at that place. From thence I
sent messengers to the other side of the river, and to the lakes, on
all of which were situated large towns, proclaiming to tlie inhabi-
tants they need entertain no fears that 1 would make them suffer for
the past, for I well knew that it was in consequence of the ill-treat-

EXPEDITIONS OF TRANOISOO DE GARAY TO PANUCO. 55

ment they had received from our people that they had risen against
them, for which they deserved no blame. Nevertheless none of them
would come in, but they abused the messengers and killed some of
them; and, as on the other side of the river there was fresh water
from which we obtained our supplies, they posted themselves there,
and fell upon those who went for the water. Thus I remained for
more than fifteen days, thinking I could bring them over iiy
kind acts, and with the hope that, seeing the good treatment of
those who came in, they might be induced to follow their example ;
but they had so much confidence in the security afforded by their
lakes, on which they abode, that none of them would come. When
I discovered that nothing was gained in this way, I began to seek a
remedy ; besides the canoes that we had there from the beginning,
we took others, and by means of them landed liorses and men on the
other side of the river during the night, without being observed by
the enemy. I passed over myself, leaving the camp carefully
guarded ; and, as soon as we were discovered, a large body of the
enemy came up and attacked us with greater vigor and boldness
than I have ever witnessed since I have been in this country ; they
killed two horses, and wounded more than ten others so badly that
they were unable to go. By the aid of our Lord, however, we suc-
ceeded in routing them, and pursued them about a league, when
many of their number perisiied. With about thirty horse that re-
mained to me, and a hundred foot, I still continued advancing, and
at night lodged in a town three leagues from my camp, which was
deserted by its inhabitants. In the temple of this place several
articles were found that belonged to the party of Francisco de
Garay, who were killed by the natives.

" The next day I advanced along the coast of a lake to find a pas-
sage-to the other side, where we saw inhabitants and towns ; but we
spent the whole day without discovering any end to the lake, or
place where we could cross it. About the hour of vespers we came
in sight of a handsome town, and proceeded toward it ; it was situ-
ated on the shore of the lake, and when we arrived at the place it
was already evening, and no inhabitants were seen. But to insure
our safety, I ordered ten horsemen to enter the town by the road
to the right, while I with ten others took the other course leading
down towards the lake; the remaining ten were to bring up the
rear guard, and had not yet arrived. On entering the place there ■
appeared to be a great number of people concealed in ambush
within the houses, in order to take us by surprise, who attacked iis
with such spirit that they killed a horse, and wounded almost all
the others, besides many Spaniards, They fought with great me-

56 EXPEDITIONS OP FRANCISCO DE GARAY TO PANUCO.

thod, and the battle lasted a long time ; although I'epulsed three or
four times, they formed again each time, and kneeling upon the
ground in a circle, without speaking or uttering any sound waited
for us to come up, when they poured into us a shower of arrows
which flew so thick that had we not been protected by armor not one
of us would have escaped unhurt. At length it pleased our Lord that
some of the enemy, who were nearest to the stream that flowed into
the lake along which I had marched all day, threw themselves into
the water, when others behind them also began to run towards the
stream, and thus a general ro.ut took place, though they only fled to
the other side of the river. Thus we remained until night closed in,
they on one side and we on the other side of the river, which was
too deep for us to cross in pursuit of thera, though we were not
sorry to have them pass it. So we returned to the town, which was
about a sling's throw from the river, where we remained that night
as well guarded as possible, and consumed the horse the enemy l)ad
killed, having no other provisions. The next day, as the inhabitants
did not appear, we took a road that led to three or four towns, in
which no people were found, nor anything else except some store-
rooms for wine,,containing a goodly number of jars of that beverage.
During that day we fell in with none of the inhabitants, and slept
in the country, where we found some fields of maize, with which our
men and horses were somewhat refreshed, and in this manner I pro-
ceeded for two or three days, seeing no one, although we passed
several towns, until overcome by the want of food (having had during
all this time but fifty pounds of bread amongst us all) we returned
to the camp, where I found our people in good condition, not having
encountered the enemy during our absence. It immediately oc-
curred to me that all the inhabitants of this quarter had gone to that
part of the lake which I had been unable to cross. I therefore at
■ night embarked some men and horses in canoes to go in that direc-
tion, while the bowmen and musketeers went up the lake, and the
rest of the people proceeded b}' land. In this manner the combined
force attacked a large town, in which many of the enemy were sur-
prised and slain ; in consequence of which, finding there was no
safety for them, although surrounded with water, being still liable
to unexpected assaults, they began to sue for peace; and thus in about
twenty days the whole countr3'- was subdued, and the inhabitants
submitted themselves as vassals of your majesty.

" As soon as peace had been established, I commissioned several
persons to visit every part of this region, and to bring me a report
of the towns and inhabitants ; when this was done, I sought for the
best location that I could find, where I planted a town, with the

EXPEDITIONS OF FRANCISCO DE GARAT TO PANUCO. 57

name of Sanlistevan del Puerto. In addition to those wlio desired
to i-emain there to inhabit the town, I transferred to the place the
inhabitants of several villages, and having appointed alcaldes and
regidores, I left there my lieutenant as captain, together with thirty-
horse and one hundred foot, and also a shallop and fishing boat,
that had been sent to me from Vera Cruz, to enable them to
provide themselves with supplies. A servant of ifiine had sent to
me from the same place a ship loaded with meat, bread, wine, oil,
vinegar, and other things, which was wholly lost ; and three of the
crew yet remained on a small island in the sea, five leagues from
land ; for when I afterward sent a brigantine, they were found alive,
having sustained themselves by feeding upon sea-wolves (seals) and
a fruit which they called figs.*

" I assure your majestj'' that this expedition cost me alone more
than thirty thousand pesos of gold, as can be made to appear to
your majesty by the .rendition of the accounts ; and it cost my
companions as much more for horses, provisions, arms, and horse-
shoes, the latter being worth at that time their weight in gold, and
twice their weight in silver. But when we consider tliat so great nn
extent of country was reduced to your majesty's service, it appeared
to us a happy result, even should a greater expense have been in-
curred ; because, besides placing those Indians under the imperial
sway of your majesty, a ship had afterwai'ds arrived there with
many people on board, and a great supply of provisions, and
discharged her cargo, which they could not have done under other
circumstances ; for if peace had not been established, not a soul
could have escaped. Such had been the fate of another ship,
whose company were all massacred ; and we had found the faces of
the Spaniards flayed in their temples ; that is to say, their skins
preserved in such a manner that many of them could be recog-
nized.f Even when the adelantado Francisco de Garay arrived in
this country neither himself nor any who came with him would
have escaped alive ; for, being compelled by stress of weather to
land thirty leagues below (north) the river Panuco, where the3> lost
some of their ships, and all were driven ashore in distress, they
would have perislied if the people on the coast had not been at
peace with-us, who took pains to conduct them to a Spanish town.
Thus it is of no slight advantage to have this land in the enjoy-
ment of peace."!

I.

* " Probably the nopal or Indian fig, the fruit of a species of cactus."
t Cfflsar de Leon mentions the same custom among Indians not far from
Antiocha, in New Granada, South America.
t Cortes's fourth letter.

58 EXPEDITIONS OP FRANCISCO DE GARAY TO PANUCO.

After this, when Garay had learned the great good fortune
that had attended Cortes, he resolved to fit out as extensive
an armament as he possibly could, and to take command of it him-
self. He accordingly fitted out a small fleet, consisting of eleven
ships and two brigantines, on board of which there were one hun-
dred and thirty horse, and eight hundred and forty foot, most of
the latter being armed with muskets and crossbows.* As he was a
man of great wealth, he spared no expense in fitting out this splen-
did armament. Witii this fleet Garay left the island of Jamaica in
the month of June, of the year 1523, and thence sailed into the
harbor of Xagua, in the island of Cuba, where he learned that
Cortes had already subdued the whole province of Panuco ; that he
had founded a colony there, and that he had petitioned the emperor
to unite the government of this province with that of New Spain,
and appoint him viceroy. This greatly disheartened Garay ; how-
ever, he weighed anchor and sailed in the direction of Panuco. He
encountered very boisterous weather, so that he was driven too far
north, off the mouth of the river Palmas (Santander), which he
entered with his fleet on the day of S*itiago de Compostella.
Here he sent on shore several of his officers, with a small detach-
ment of troops, who returned with so bad an account of the
country that Garay determined to leave this place, and go in search
of the river Panuco. He now disembarked the whole of his men
and horses, and gave the command of the fleet to an officer named
Grijalva, whom he ordered to sail as close as possible to the shore,
while he marched with his troops along the coast. The first two
days he passed over a desolate and swampy country ; he then
crossed a river and arrived in a townsliip almost deserted of its
inhabitants. He then marched round a large morass, and visited
several townships, everywhere meeting with the kindest reception
from the inhabitants. On the fourth d&y they arrived at a very
broad river, which they had no other means of crossing but by
canoes which were furnished them. The horses swam across, each
rider in a canoe leading his horse by the bridle ; five, however, were
unfortunately drowned. They then encountered another formidable
morass, which they passed with great difficulty, and so reached the
province of Panuco. But here he found scarcely any provisions.
To all this misery was added, that the fleet, on board of which
there was abundance of food, had not arrived in the harbor, nor
had any tidings of it been received. A Spaniard who had been
obliged, on account of some misdemeanor, to leave the town of

* Seo pagfl 60, Cortes's statement of the forces of Garay.

EXPEDITIONS OP FRANCISCO DE GARAY TO PANUCO. 59

Santlsteban del Puerto, informed Garay's men that there was a town
not far oflf, and a country wonderfully fertile. This excited the
men so much that they began to stroll about the country in small
bands, plundering every place they came to, and taking the route
to Mexico.

G-aray, therefore, dispatched a letter to Cortes' commandant at
Santisteban, who replied that Garay was at liberty to march his
troops into the town of Santisteban, and he would render him every
assistance in his power. His reply was perfectly satisfactory to
Garay, who thereupon marched his troops close up to the town of
Santisteban. In the mean time the fleet, after having lost two ves-
sels in a heavy storm, came to anchor in the mouth of the harbor,
and was summoned by Vallejo, the commandant of Santisteban, to '
run in, or otherwise he shoufd be obliged to treat them as pirates ;
to which the captains replied, that it was no business of his where
they anchored their vessels.

In this posture of affairs the partisans of Cortes were carrying
on secret negotiations with the troops, and particularly with the
captains of the vessels, which resulted in the surrender of the ves-
sels and forces of Garay to Vallejo.*

The continuation of Cortes' account of Panueo: —

" On my way from the province of Pauuco, there met me at a
city called Tuzapantwo Spaniards, whom, together with several
natives of the city of Temixtitan, and others of the province of
Soconusco (which is on the upper part of the coast of the South
Sea, towards where- Pedrarias Davila, a governor of your highness,
resides), I had sent to certain cities, of which I had long heard,
called Utlatlan and Guatemala, distant two hundred leagues from
this great city of Temixtitan, and seventy leagues beyond the
province of Soconusco. With these Spaniards came about a hun-
dred natives of those cities, by the command of their caciques,
offei-ing themselves as vassals and subjects of your imperial high-
ness, whom I received in your royal name ; and I assured them that
so long as they proved true to their professions, they would be well
treated and favored by me and those associated with me. I gave
them presents for themselves and their lords, and I determined to
send with them two other Spaniards in order to make the necessary
provisions for their journey. Since then I have been informed by
some Spaniards whom I have in the province of Soconusco, that
those cities, with their provinces, and another called Chieapan, in
their neighborhood, no longer entertain the loyal disposition they at

* Diaz.

60 EXPEDITIONS OF FRANCISCO DE GAR AT TO PANUCO.

first manifesteti, but have even annoyed some towns of Soconusco,
because they i are friendly to us. On the other hand, however, the
Christians write that they have sent messengers to them, and that
they disclaim those acts, which they say were committed by others ;
and in order to ascertain the ti'utii of the matter, I have dispatched
Pedro de Alvarado with more than eighty horse and two hundred
foot, amongst whom are many bowmen, musketeers, and four pieces
of artillery, wit!i an abundance of munitions and powder. At the
same time I have fitted out a naval ai-mament, under the command
of one Cristobal D'Olid, who came over from Cuba with me, to
coast along the North Sea, and establish a colony at the point or
cape Hibueras [Honduras], sixty leagues from the Bay of Ascen-
sion, which is to the windward of what they call Yucatan, and on
the coast above Terra Firma, towards Darien.

" While these two captains were on the point of setting forth on
their respective routes, a messenger arrived from Santistevan del
Puerto, the town I iiad settled on the river Panuco, who brought
me advices from the alcaldes of that place, that the adelantado
Francisco de Garay had arrived at that river with a force consisting
of one hundred and twenty horses, four hundred foot, and much ar-
tillery, and that he bore the title of governor of the country, as he
had informed the natives, by means of an interpreter he brought
with him, to whom he had announced his intention to avenge the
wrongs they had suffered from me in the past war, declaring to
them that they should go with him to drive out the Spaniards I
had posted there, and any others I should send ; in all which he
said lie would aid them, and many other scandalous things, which
had produced some disturbance amongst the natives.* They added
that, in confirmation of my suspicions of a confederacy between
him and the admiral [Diego Columbus] and Diego Velasquez, a
ship had arrived in the river, a few days after, ft-om the island of
Cuba, in which came certain friends and servants of Diego Velas-
quez, and a servant of the bishop of Burgosf (the latter being said
to have been appointed factor of Yucatan), nearly the whole party
consisting of servants and relatives of Diego Yelasquez, and ser-
vants of the admiral. As soon as this intelligence reached mc,
although I was suffering from an injury to my arm, occasioned by a
fall from a horse, and kept my bed, I determined to go and meet

* Though Diaz mentions much the same, yet it has the appearance of exag-
geration ; but, if true, it exalts so much the more the magnanimous conduct of
Cortes to Garay when the latter was overwhelmed with misfortimes.

f PonsBca, the evil genius of Christopher Columbus and Cortes, and a char-
acter of the type of Pedrarias.

EXPEDITIONS OF FRANCISCO DE GARAY TO PANTJOO. 61

him, in order to prevent any disturbance, and I immediately sent
forward Pedro de Alvarado, ^itli all the force prepared for his in-
tended expedition, proposing to set out myself in two days. When
my bed and everything were already on the road, and had readied
a place ten leagues from this city, where I was to go the next day
to sleep, there arrived a messenger from the town of Vera Cruz
about midnight, who brought me letters, i-eceived by a ship arrived
from Spain, containing an order, signed with the royal name of
your majesty, commanding the said Francisco de Garay to desist
from any interference on that river where I had established a colony,
as your majesty's service was promoted by my holding it in j'our
royal name. On the reception of this order my journey was at an
end, which was not a little advantage to my health, as I had not
slept for sixty days (six days?) and suflered much pain. Had I
gone at that time my life would have been in danger ; but I did not
regard this, esteeming it better to die on that journey than, by sav-
ing my life, to be the cause of great scandal and sedition, and of the
loss of many lives, which would be much poised about. I immedi-
ately dispatched Diego D'Ocampo, alcalde mayor, with the order,
to follow after Pedro de Alvarado, for whom I gave him a letter
directing him by no means to approach the place where the adelan-
tado's people were, lest it should give rise to some disturbnnce. I
also directed the alcalde mayor to notify the adelantado of the
order and immediately inform me of his answer.

"The alcalde mayor departed with the greatest possible haste, and
reached the province of Guastecas, through which Pedro de Alvarado
had passed, who had already gone into the interior of the country.
As soon as Pedro de Alvarado heard of the arrival of the alcalde
mayor, and that I had remained at home, he informed him that a
captain of Francisco de Garay, named Gonzalo D'Ovalle, was rav-
aging the towns of the province with twenty-two horse, and creating
some disturbance amongst the people; that he had placed scouts
along the road where Alvarado would have occasion to pass, which
led the latter to believe that D'Ovalle meant to attack him ; and in
consequence thereof Alvarado had placed his troops in the best
order, until he ariived at a place called Laxas, where he found
D'Ovalle, with his men, with whom he had at once obtained an in-
terview, when be told him that he was acquainted with his move-
ments, which had excited his surprise ; since the intention of the
governor and his captains neither was, nor had been, to attack them
or do them any injury, but rather to favor them, and provide what-
ever their necessities might require ; that, since this was so, in order
that they might feel secure, and no offence be offered on one side or

62 EXPEDITIONS OP FRANCISCO DB GARAT TO PANUCO.

the other, he begged it as a favor that the arms and horses of his
men should be deposited with him until matters were finally' settled.
Whereupon Gonzalo D'Ovalle disclaimed what had been alleged
concerning his movements, but professed a willingness to do as was
proposed ; so the two captains and most of their men came together
without any feelings of hostility, or distrust, and siiared with one
another their food and means of enjoyment. As soon as the alcalde
mayor knew this, he sent a secretary of mine, that he had taken
witli him, named Francisco d'Orduna, to the place where the cap-
tains Pedro de Alvarado and Gonzalo d'Ovalle were encamped, with
an order to take up the deposit and restore the arms and horses to
each one, informing them that it was my intention to assist and be-
friend them in every way their necessities might require, without
giving any uneasiness or disturbing the country by our dissensions.
At the same time the alcalde mayor sent another order to Alvarado,
bidding him grant them every indulgence, and not to interfere in
anj' way with their affairs, or cause them any trouble, with which he
accordingly complied.

" At this time the ships of the adelantado lay at the mouth of the
river Panuco, near the sea, in an offensive attitude towards the in-
habitants of the town of Santistevan, which I had built there ; but
it was three leagues up the river to the place where the ships that
arrived at the port were accustomed to anchor. On this account
Pedro de Vallejo, my lieutenant in the town, in order to guard
against any danger from the ships, required their captains and mas-
ters to ascend to the harbor, and anchor there in a peaceable man-
ner, without disturbing the country; at the same time directing that
if they had any orders from your majesty to enter or settle the
country, or of any other purport, they should exhibit them, and
promising to obey them, when exhibited, in relation to whatever
your majesty should command. To this requisition those oflScers
gave a formal answer, the conclusion was that they refused to do
what was required by the lieutenant. The latter, therefore, issued
a second order of a similar character, directed to the same officers,
to which a penaltj' was added ; to this they replied as before. Thus
they remained with their ships for more than two months at the mouth
of the river, giving rise to difficulties among the Spaniards who re-
sided there, as well as among the natives. At length one Castro-
mocho, master of one of the ships, and Martin de San Juan G-uipus-
cuano, master of another, sent privately their messengers to the
lieutenant, informing him that thej' desired peace, and would obey
the commands of the magistrate ; they wished, therefore, the lieu-
tenant to come on board the two ships, where thej- would receive

EXPEDITIONS OP FRANCISCO DE QAEAT TO PANUCO. 63

liim and comply with his orders ; adding that they would find means
to induce the other ships to adopt the same course. The lieutenan't,
therefore, resolved to go, with only five men, to those ships ; and
wlien he reached them he was received by the masters ; from thence
he sent to the captain Juan de Grijalva, the commander of the whole
armament, who was on board the flagship, requiring him to yield
obedience to the orders of which the lieutenant had before given him
notice. He not only refused, but directed the other ships to join
his own, and, when they all had collected around tlie flagship, ex-
cept the two before mentioned, he ordei-ed the captains to fire their
guns upon the two ships until they sunk them. As the order was
publicly given iu the hearing of all, the lieutenant commanded tlie
guns of the two ships to be got ready in their defence, whicli was
accordingly done. At this moment the oflRcers of the ships around
the flagship refused to obey the orders of Grijalva, and in the mean
time Grijalva sent a notary, named Vicente Lopez, to the lieutenant;
after he had delivered his message, the lieutenant answered, justify-
ing the course he had taken, and declaring that he had come with
pacific intentions, in order to prevent difficulties that would ensue
from the ships lying outside of the harbor in wliich it was customary
for vessels to anchor, being like pirates in a suspicious place, as if
for the purpose of making a descent upon his majesty's territory,
which had an unfavorable appearance ; with other remarks of a
similar character. Such was the eflect of the interview on the
notary, that he returned with the answer to Captain Grijalva, and
informed him of all the lieutenant had said, at tlie same time en-
deavored to induce the captain to obey his orders, since it was evi-
dent that the lieutenant was a magistrate appointed bj' your majesty
for this province, whereas Grijalva knew that neither on the part of
Francisco de Garay nor his own had any order as yet been pro-
duced which the lieutenant and the other burghers of Santistevan
were bound to recognize ; and that it was a very ugly business for
them to approach the territory of your imperial majesty with their
ships, like pirates. Influenced by these arguments. Captain Gri-
jalva and the officers of the other ships submitted to the orders of
tlie lieutenant, and went up the river to the usual anchorage ground.
When they had arrived within \he harbor, the lieutenant directed
Grivalja to be arrested on account of his disobedience of orders.
But when my alcalde mayor heard of his arrest, he immediately, on
the day after, commanded him to be set a liberty, and, together with
the rest of the party, to be kindly treated, forbidding anything be-
longing to them to be touched ; which order was accordingly carried
into effect.

64 EXPEDITIONS OF^ FRANCISCO DE GARAY TO PANUCO.

" The alcalde mayor also wrote to Francisco de Garay, who was
in another port ten or twelve leagues distant, informing him that
1 was unable to visit him, but that 1 had sent him with full powers
to settle our affairs by examining the authority under which each
acted, and making such a conclusion as would best promote the
service of your majesty. As soon as Francisco de Garay saw the
letter of the alcalde mayor, he immediately came where he was, and
was well received, both he and bis men being well supplied with
whatever their necessities required. Both then conferred together
and examined the several orders, especially the one your majesty
had done me the favor to grant, when the adelantado professed his
willingness to acquiesce, and agreed to take his ships and men and
seek some other place for his colony beyond the limits designated
in your majesty's order. He also requested that, as my disposition
was friendly towards him, the alcalde mayor would assist him in
collecting his people, as many of those he brought with him desired
to remain behind, and others were out of the way; and, likewise,
that he would enable him to obtain the necessary supplies for his
ships and men. The alcalde mayor immediately provided every-
thing he asked, and made proclamation in the port, where were
most of those attached to either party, that all persons who had
arrived in the armada of the adelantado Francisco de Garay should
follow and rejoin him, under the penalty, if a cavalier, of losing his
arms and horse and being surrendered a prisoner to the said adelan-
tado ; and, if a foot soldier, of receiving a hundred lashes and being
surrendered in like manner.

" The adelantado also requested the alcalde mayor, in consequence
of some of his men having sold their arms and horses in the port
of Santistevan and elsewhere, 'that he would cause them to be re-
turned, since his people would be of no use to him without their
arms and horses; and the alcalde mayor had proclamation made in
all parts where the arms or horses of the people might be, and
caused those who had purchased them to return them all to the
said adelantado. At his desire also, the alcalde mayor stationed
alguazils on the roads to arrest the fugitives and deliver them up
prisoners, many of whom were accordingly taken and delivered
into custody. He also sent the alguazil maj'or with one of my
secretaries to the town and port of Santistevan, for the purpose of
using similar diligence in making proclamation, and collecting the
people who were absent and delivering them up, as well as to obtain
supplies to the greatest possible extent for the ships of the adelan-
tado. All this was effected with the greatest diligence, and the
adelantado set out for the port to embark ; but the alcalde mayor

EXPEDITIONS OP FRANCISCO DE GARAY TO PANUOO. 65

remained behind with his people,in order not to increase the number
at the port, and the better to furnish the sujiplies of provisions ;
and he continued there six or seven days to see that all his orders
were obeyed, as there was a deficiency of provisions. He then
wrote to the adelantado to know if he had any commands, as he
was about to return to the city of Mexico, where I. resided. The
adelantado immediately sent a messenger to him, by whom he repre-
sented that he found himself in no condition to depart ; that he had
lost six of his ships, and those he retained were unfit for service ;
and that he was engaged in drawing up a statement of the case, in
order to apply to me, since he had not the means to enable him to
leave the country. He also represented his people as disputing liis
authority over them, and denying their obligations to follow him,
having appealed from the orders of my alcalde mayor, with which
they contended they were not obliged to comply for sixteen or
seventeen reasons that they assigned. One of these was, that some
of those who accompanied him had died of hunger; with others
of no great weight, which they addressed to him personally. He
likewise stated that all the diligence used in detaining his men
proved of no avail ; that tliose who were with him at night disap-
peared in the morning, and those one daj-^ delivered up as prisoners
regained their liberty the next day ; and that two hundred men had
deserted in one night. Finally, he begged in the most piteous
terms that the alcalde mayor would not set out until he iiad arrived,
for he wished to accompany him for the purpose of meeting me at
this citj-, and that, if he left him behind, he thought he should hang
himself from vexation.

" The alcalde mayor^ on seeing his letter, resolved to wait for him ;
he arrived in two days, as he had written ; when a messenger was
dispatched to me, by whom the alcalde mayor apprised me of tlie
adelantado's coming to see me in this city, and said that they
would travel slowly until they reached the town of Cicoaque, within
the limits of these provinces, where he would await my answer.
The adelantado also wrote me, describing the miserable condition
of his ships and the bad conduct of his men, and declaring his belief
that I had it in my power to remedy his difficulties, by providing
him with men and other things of which he was in want, but that
he knew he could not expect assistance from any other quarter; he
had, therefore, determined to come to me in person. At the same
time, he offered me his oldest son, together with all that he possessed,
and hoped tiiat he should be able to make him my son-in-law, by
marrying him to my little daughtfer. . . . After this, they set out
and reached the town of Cicoaque, where the alcalde mayor received
5

66 EXPEDITIONS OP FEAN0I80O DE GAKAT TO PANXICO.

my answer to his letter, in which I expressed my satisfaction at
tlie coming of tlie adelantado, assuring him that, on his arrival in
tins city, I would treat with him with the greatest good will on all
the subjects mentioned in his letter, and that everything should be
done conformable to his wishes. At the same time, I took care
that every provision should be made for his personal wants on the
road, directing the caciques of the towns through which he would
pass to furnish everything in the most ample manner. When the
adelantado arrived in this city, I received him with all the kindness,
botli in word and deed, that I could show to a real brother, for I
was truly grieved for the loss of liis ships and the desertion of his
men, and freely offered to do all in my power for his relief. As the
adelantado had expressed a strong desire for the fulfilment of what
he had written to me respecting the marriage before mentioned, and
importuned me with great earnestness on the subject, I determined
to comply with his wishes by having drawn up, with the consent of
both parties, and much formality, under oath, certain articles for the
conclusion of the marriage and the performance of the agreements
on both sides. Thus, besides the feelings inspired by our old friend-
ship, the connection entered into by our children gave rise to others,
producing a mutual good will and a desire to promote the welfare
of one another, and especially of the adelantado.*

" I have already related to your Catholic Majesty the great exer-
tions made by my alcalde mayor to collect the dispersed people of
tlie adelantado ; those efforts, however, proved insuflScient to re-
move the disaffection that prevailed amongst them all ; for believing
that they would be compelled to go with him, in obedience to the
order and proclamation that had been made, they retired into the
interior of the country, and dispersed themselves about in different
places, in small parties of three or six persons, with such privacy
that it was impossible to discover their retreats or bring them in.

* When Qaray had approached within a short distanue of Mexico, Cortes
went out to meet him. Cortes gave him his own new palace to live in, and
conversed with him about the posture of affiairs at Santistevan. It was at
length settled that Garay should continue commander-in-chief of his fleet, and
that he should colonize the country on the river Palmas. By these bright
prospects, Garay's spirits were again revived. As Cortes was making great
alterations in his palace, Garay soon after inhabited the house of Alonzo Valla-
nueva, who was an intimate friend of his. Narvaez was still in Mexico at this
time, and renewed his former friendship with Garay. And Garay soon after
even begged Cortes to grant Narvaez and his wife permission to return to the
island of Cuba. Cortes not only granted tliis request, but also gave Narvaez
2000 pesos to defray the expenses of his voyage. — Bernal Diaz.

EXPEDITIONS OP FRANCISCO DE GARAY TO PANUCO. 67

This state of things led to difficulties with the Indians of the pro-
vince ; the sight of the Spaniards scattered in various directions,
and the disorders coramitted by them in seizing the native women
and their supplies of food by force, with other outrages and irregu-
larities, caused the whole land to rise, in the belief that the Span-
iards were under separate leaders, as the adelantado had proclaimed,
on his arrival in the country, through an interpreter whom the In-
dians could understand. The natives had cunning enough to inform
themselves first how and where the Spaniards were to be found, and
then fell upon them by night or day in the villages where they were
dispersed ; and by this means, taking them unawares and unprovided
with arms,tliey destroyed great numbers of them. Thus their bold-
ness rose to such a height tliat they appeared before the town of
Santistevan del Puerto, and attacked it with so much spirit that the
inhabitants were alarmed lest the place should fall into their hands;
as it would have done had not the people been prepared J;o receive
them, rallying together at a point where resistance could be offered
in the most effectual manner, from which they made several sallies
upon the enemy and put them to rout. When affairs had reached
this pass, I received news of what had taken place by a messenger,
a foot soldier, who had escaped by flight from these scenes of dis-
order, and informed me that the whole province of Panuco had re-
volted, and that many Spaniards had been slain, especially of the
men left there by the adelantado, together with some of the inhabi-
tants of the town ; and from the extent of the insurrection, I was led
to believe that not a Castilian had been left alive. God our Lord
knows what were my feelings on the receipt of this intelligence,
especially when I reflected that no part of this country had cost us
so much as that which we were now on the point of losing. The
adelantado was so much affected by the news, as well on account of
his appearing to have been the cause of the disaster, as from his
having a son and all that he possessed in that province, that his
grief caused him to be siezed with an illness of which he died three
days after.*

" The Spaniard who brought the first news of the revolt of the
Indians of Panuco, gave no other account of what had taken place

* On Christmas eve of the year 1523, Garay accompanied Cortes to church to
attend midnight mass performed hy_Pathei" Olmedo ; after mass they both re-
turned home in high spirits, and sat down to breakfast, when it appears that
Garay, who was not in very good health, caught cold, by standing in a draught,
which ended in pleurisy accompanied by a violent fever. Though physicians
attended him, the disease continually grew worse, so that he died four days
after. — Diaz.

68 EXPEDITIONS OF FRANCISCO DE GAEAY TO PANUCO.

than that he, with three cavaliers and a foot soldier, had been at-
tacked while entering a town called Tacetuco [' Tanjuco']* V the
inhabitants of that place, who killed two of the cavaliers and the
foot soldier, with the horse of the otiier cavalier, who had himself
escaped together with our informant under cover of the night; and
that they had seen consumed by Are the quarters occupied bj' the
lieutenant in that town with fifteen iiorsemen and forty foot, where
they were expected, and from the appearances there exhibited he
believed all of them had been slain.

"In order that your majesty might be more particularly informed
of what subsequently occurred, I waited six or seven days after
olitaining the first news to receive further intelligence; in which time
there arrived another messenger from the lieutenant, who remained
in the town of Tenertequipa, which is subject to this city, and situ-
ated on the line dividing tlie Mexican territory from that province.
The latter wrote me that he was in the town of Tacetuco with fifteen
horse and forty foot, expecting the arrival of more men who were to
join his force; as he was going to the other side of the river to re-
duce certain towns that proved liostile; and that during the night,
just before dawn, his quarters were surrounded by a multitude of
Indians, who set them on fire ; that they mounted their horses, but
with so much iiaste, being taken by surprise, supposing the place to
be loyal, as it had been till then, that all were killed except himself
and two other cavaliers, who escaped by flight. His liorse had been
slain, but one of the cavaliers had taken him up on iiis horse behind
himself, and they had thus made their escape. Two leagues from
that place they had fallen in with an alcalde of the town, and several
people, from whom they received shelter, but did not stop long, for
they fled in company with him out of the province. He had gained
no intelligence of the people left in our colony, nor of those of
Francisco de Garay, who were scattered in difierent directions, none
of wiiom he believed remained alive ; for after the adelantado came
there with his company, and told the natives of that province that I
had no business with them, as he was the governor whom they ought
to obey, and encouraged them to unite with him in driving out of the
country the Spaniards who were there under.my authoritjr, they had
annoyed the colony and the people I had sent to it, and were never

* " Tanjuoo is now a small Indian village on the Panuoo, one hundred and
twenty-seven miles from its mouth by the course of the river, and about half
that distance by land. Here Captain Lyon (in 1826) heard the Guasteca lan-
guage spoken. Journal, etc., I. 75. This Intelligent traveller made a particular
examination of the river Panuoo, the results of which appear in the appendix to
his journal."

EXPEDITIONS OP FRANCISCO DE GAEAY TO PANUCO. 69

afterwards willing to serve a Spaniard. They had murdered some
whom'they met alone on the public roads, and I believe had all acted
in concert in what tliey had done; for they had attacked the lieu-
tenant, and the people who were with him, and probably the inhabi-
tants of the town, and all the rest who were dispersed about the
villages, unsuspicious of any insurrection, as the natives had until
then served them without the slightest symptoms of ill blood.

"Having satisfied myself, by this fresh intelligence, of the exist-
ence of a rebellion amongst the natives of that province, and of the
murder of several Spaniards, I ■ dispatched, with the greatest pos-
sible expedition, a force consisting of fifty cavaliers and one hundred
foot, including bowmen and musketeers, together with four pieces
of artillery, much powder, and other munitions, under the command
of a Spanish captain [Gonzalo de Sandoval], accompanied by two
natives of this city, each at the head of fifteen thousand of their
countrymen. I directed the captain to march with the utmost
speed to that province, and exert himself to enter it without stop-
ping anywhere, unless it should be absolutely necessary, until he
arrived at the town of Santistevan del Puerto, in order to obtain
intelligence of the inhabitants and people who had been left tliere ;
for it might be that they were invested by the enemy, and in want
of succor. The captain according]}' took up his line of march with
all possible expedition, and entered the province. He encountered
the enemy at two places, but God our Lord granting him the vic-
tory, he pursued his way until he reac^hed the town, where he found
twenty-two of the cavalry and one hundred foot besieged by the
enemy, with whom they had fought six or seven engagements ; by
means of their artiller}' they had so far succeeded in the defence of
the place, although unable to hold out much longer even with the
greatest exertions in their power; and if the captain I had sent
there had delayed his march three days, not one of them would
have survived, for they were already perishing with famine. They
had sent to Vera Cruz one of the vessels belonging to Francisco de
Garay, to carry me intelligence of their situation (as there was no
other way), and to bring them provisions, which they obtained, but
not until after they had been relieved by the force I sent. It was
ascertained that the people left by the adelantado Francisco de
Garay, in a town called Tamiquil, amounting to about a hundred
Spanish foot and horse, had been all cut off, except one Indian of
the Island of Jamaica, who escaped by taking refuge in the moun-
tains. From him they learned that the place had been taken in the
night. It was found that there had perished two hundred and ten
of the adelantado's people, and forty-three of the citizens left by

10 EXPEDITIONS OF FRANCISCO DE GARAY TO PANUOO.

me in Santistevan, who at the time of the massacre wei'e visiting
tlie villages that had been intrusted to their care. I am inclined to
believe that there were even more of the adelantado's people, all of
whom were not recollected.

" The force in the province, including the division under the cap-
tain, and the troops with the lieutenant and alcalde, together with
those found in the town, comprised only eighty horse,* and, being
distributed into three detachments, carried the war with such vigor
against the enemy, that about four hundred of the caciques and
principal persons were taken prisoners, without reckoning any of
the lower class ; all of whom, I mean tiie principal persons, were
burned, according to the sentence of the magistrate, after they had
confessed themselves to have been the instigators of the whole
war, each one admitting that he had been present at the death of
Spaniards, and concerned in killing tiiem. This done, the others
who had been made prisoners were set at liberty and restored to
their villages ; and the captain appointed new caciques in tlie vil-
lages, from amongst the persons to whom the succession belonged
according to their rules of inheritance. At this time I received let-
ters from the captain and others who were with him, assuring me
(blessed be our Lord !) tliat the whole province had been restored
to peace and security. "f

* Besides thirty thousand Mexican allies, according to Cortes's previous state-
ments. See, the whole force, on page 69.

t From Cortes's fourth letter, dated, "From the great city of Temixtitan, of
this New Spain, the 15th day of October, 1524." These letters, under the title
of " The Dispatches of Hernando Cortes," were translated into English from the
original Spanish, by George Folsom, secretary of the New York Historical So-
ciety, Member of the American Antiquarian Society, etc.

Some, if not all of the surviving followers of Francisco de Garay, were sent
by Cortes to forip a colony in Honduras, as appears from Bernal Diaz.

JUAN PONCE DE LEON. 11

CHAPTEE IV.

JUAN PONCE DE LEON— DISCOVERY OF FLORIDA.

1509-1521.

Columbus discovered Porto Rico in 1493, and changed the name
of Boriquen, which the Indians gave it, to that of John the Baptist.
He stopped there some days, in a bay to the west. This island was
neglected until 1508. When Juan Ponce de Leon, about the year
1509, conquered the island, he founded a town upon the borders of
the sea, in a place very convenient for vessels, to which he gave the
name of Porto Rico. .The island has, in consequence, taken the
same name.*

Juan Ponce de Leon was a native of Leon, in Spain. From an
early age, he had been schooled to war, and had served in various
campaigns against the Moors of Granada. He accompanied Co-
lumbus on his second voyage, in 1493. Having distinguished him-
self in various battles with the Indians, and acquired a name for
sagacity as well as valor, he received a command subordinate to
Juan deEsqnibal in the campaign against Higuey,'j' and so valiantly
seconded his chief in that expedition that, after the subjugation of
the province, he was appointed to the command of it as lieutenant;
of the governor of Hispaniola. He had not been long in tranquil
command of the province of Higuey before he began to cast a wist-
ful eye towards the green mountains of Boriquen, which was but
-twelve or fourteen leagues distant. The Indians of the two islands
frequently visited each other, and in this way Ponce received intelli-
gence that the mountains of Boriquen abounded in gold. He asked
of the governor Ovando permission to visit it, and having obtained
it, he equipped a caravel, and embarked for it with about a hundred
armed soldiers. He landed upon a coast which belonged to a ca-
cique, named Agueyh^na, who was the richest and most powerful
of the island. The Spaniards were received with great marks of
friendship. The cacique, believing that he could not better prove it

* Richer.

] The most easterly province of Hispaniola or St. Domingo, and also the name
of the Indian chief who ruled it.

72 JUAN PONCE DE LEON.

to them than in adopting the name of him wlio appeared to be their
general, caused himself to be named Juan Ponce Agueyhana, He
conducted his guests into all parts of the island, and upon the bor-
ders of two rivers (Manatuabon and Zebuco), whose sands were min-
gled with much gold. Ponce then hastened to carry this happy
news to Ovando. He left a part of his people on the island, who
were very well treated by the natives during his absence.

As soon as he arrived at San Domingo, he solicited of Ovando
the government of the island of Boriquen, which was granted him.
He then, preparatory to the conquest of the island, made a visit
there to make himself acquainted with the nature and resources of
the inhabitants. He found the companions whom he had left there
in good health and spirits, and full of gratitude towards Agueyhana,
who had treated them with undiminished hospitality. After remain-
ing some time on the island, he returned to San Domingo, but to
his surprise he found the whole face of affairs had changed during
his absence.

The governor Ovando had been recalled to Spain, and Diego Co-
lumbus, son of the renowned discoverer, appointed in his place;
besides a cavalier, Christoval de Sotomayor, already arrived from
Spain, empowered by the king to form a settlement, and build a
fortress on the island of Porto Rico. Diego Columbus was highly
displeased with this act of the king, as derogatory to his preroga-
tive, as viceroy, to b? consulted as to all appointments made within
his jurisdiction. He therefore refused to put Sotomayor in posses-
sion of the island, and paid as little respect to the claims of Juan
Ponce de Leon. He chose officers to suit himself, appointing Juan
Ceton to the government of Porto Rico, and Miguel Diaz to be his
lieutenant.

Ponce and Sotomayor bore their disappointment with a good
grace, and, in hopes of improving their fortunes, joined the crowd
of adventurers who accompanied the new governor to the island.

New changes soon took place, for when Ovando, on his return to
Spain, made favorable representation of the merits and services of
Ponce, the king appointed him governor of Porto Rico, and signified
specifically that Diego Columbus should not presume to displace him.

Ponce then, 1509, fitted out quite a considerable armament and
repaired there, but he did not find as much facility in establishing
himself there as he had anticipated. Agueyhana had died durin"
his absence, and his brother did not like the Spaniards as much as
he. Nevertheless, Ponce commenced building a town, called
Caparra, which he founded on the northern side of the island, about
a league from the sea. It was in front of the port called Rico,

JUAN PONCE DE LEON. IS

which subsequently gave its name to the island. The voad to this
town was up a mountain, through a dense forest, and so rugged and
miry that it was the bane of man and beast. Ponce, being firmly
seated in his government, began to distribute the natives into reparti-
mientos, as had been done in the island of St. Domingo. Then the
gentleness of the Indians was changed into rage. However, they
still regarded the Spaniai-ds as gods descended from heaven, which
restrained them ; but they sought every possible means to deliver
themselves from a yoke which was insupportable to them. They
assembled secretly, and decided that it was necessary to ICnow
positively if the strangers were immortal. One of the caciques,
named Brayau or Brayoan, was charged with this commission. He
soon- acquitted himself of it. A young Spaniard, named Saliedo or
Salzedo, travelled to his house and remained there several days to
rest himself. When he wished to leave, Brayau had him accom-
panied by several Indians, whom he charged to carry his pack, and
to aid him on the difficult roads. Having arrived at a river, an
Indian, charged with secret orders by the cazique, took him upon
his shoulders to carrj' him across the stream ; but, when he arrived
in the middle of the river, he allowed himself to fall with the Span-
iard. The other Indian who accompanied him then joined him to
prevent the Spaniard from rising. When they perceived tliat he no
longer moved, the^' drew his body upon the shore. Nevertheless,
fearing that he was not dead, they made excuses to him for having
let him swallow so much water, protesting that this accident grieved
them, and that they had made all haste to assist him. While they
held this discourse they did not cease to turn him, and to observe
if he gave any signs of life. They remained three days witlf the
dead body performing this comedj'. Finally, seeing that the corpse
began to putrefy, they went to inform Braj'au of what had happened.
He wished to convince himself personally of the fact, to inform tiie
other caziques of the island. The islanders, undeceived of the
pretended immortality of the Spaniards, resolved to make way with
them. Their precautions were so well taken that they surprised
the Spaniards without defence, and massacred about a hundred of
them before the others knew the danger that threatened them.

In arranging the massacre of those within his own domains,
Agueyhana assigned to one of the inferior caziques the task of
surprising the village of Sotomayor, giving him three thousand
warriors for that purpose. He was to assail the village at midnight,
to set fire to the houses, and to slaughter all the inhabitants. He,
however, proudly reserved to himself the honor of killing Soto-
mayor. This cavalier had won the affections of the daughter of an

74 JTJAN PONOE DE LEON.

Indian chief. She had heard enough of the war council to learn
that Sotomayor was in danger. She told him all that she knew
and feared, and warned him to be upon his guard ; but Sotomayor
disregarded her warnings.

About the same time, a Spaniard versed in the language and cus-
toms of the natives had observed a number of them gathering together
one evening, painted and decorated as for battle. Suspecting some
lurking mischief, he stripped and painted himself in their manner,
and, favored by the darkness of the night, mingled among them
undiscovered. They were assembled around a fire, performing tiieir
mystic war-dances. They repeatedly mentioned the name of Soto-
maj'or. The Spaniard withdrew unperceived, and hastened to
apprise Sotomayor of his danger, who, revolving during the night
the warnings which he had received, determined to repair in the
morning to Caparra, the stronghold of Ponce. But in the morning
he had the imprudence to ask Agueyhana for Indians to carry his
baggage, and departed slightly armed, accompanied by only three
Spaniards.

" The cazique watched his departure, and set out shortly after-
wards with a few chosen warriors, dogging his steps at a distance
tiirongh the forests. They had not proceeded far when they met
a Spaniard named Juan Gonzalez, who spoke the Indian language.
They immediately assailed him and wounded him in several places.
He threw himself at the feet of the cazique, and implored his life.
The chief spared him for the moment, being eager to overtake
Sotomayor. He stealthily approached him through the forest, and,
suddenly rushing with his warriors upon him, gave him a blow with
his war-club that felled him to the earth, when he was quickl^ dis-
patched with repeated blows. The Spaniards that accompanied
him sliared the same fate.

When Agueyhana had glutted his vengeance on this unfortunate
cavalier, he returned in quest of Juan Gonzalez. But the latter
had recovered sufficiently from his wounds to climb a tree and con-
ceal himself among its branches. Fortunately, his pursuers did not
think of looking up into ti»e tree, but after searching all the sur-
rounding forest gave up the search and left. But Gonzalez, though
they had departed, did not venture from his concealment until night.
He then descended and made the best of liis way to certain Span-
iards, where his wounds were dressed, when he immediately repaired
to Caparra, and Informed Juan Ponce de Leon of the danger that
threatened him.

In the mean time, the savages had destroyed the village of Soto-
mayor. They approached it unperceived through the forest, and,

JtTAN PONOE DE LEON. T5

entering at the dead of night, set fire to the straw-thatched roofs
and attacked the Spaniards as they endeavored to escape from the
flames. Several were slain at the onset, but a brave Spaniard,
Diego de Salazar, rallied his countrymen to beat off the enemy, and
succeeded in conducting the greater part of them, though sorely
mangled and harassed, to Caparra. Scarcely' had these fugitives
gained the fortress, when others came hurrying from all quarters,
bringing similar tales of conflagration and massacre. All the
villages on the island founded by the Spaniards had been surprised,
about a hundred of their inhabitants destroyed, and the survivors
forced to take refuge in Caparra.

Ponce was not easily daunted. He remained ensconced within
his fortress, wlience he dispatched messengers in all haste to Hispa-
niola, imploring immediate assistance. In the mean time he tasked
his wits to divert the enemy, and keep tliem at bay. He divided
his little force into three bodies of about thirty men each, under the
command of Diego Salazar, Miguel de Toro, and Luis de Anasco,
and sent them out alternately to make surprises and assaults ; to
form ambuscades, and to practise the other stratagems of partisan
warfare, which he had learned in early life in liis campaigns against
the Moors of Grenada.

One of the most efficient warriors was a dog named Berecillo, re-
nowned for courage, strength, and sagacity. It is said that he could
distinguish those of the Indians who were allies from those who
were enemies of the Spaniards. To the former he was docile and
friendly', to the latter fierce and implacable. He was the terror of
the natives, who were unaccustomed to powerful and ferocious ani-
mals, and he did more service in tliis wild warfare than several sol-
diers. His master received for the service of this dog the pay and
share of booty assigned to a crossbow-man, which was the highest
stipend given.

At length Ponce was reinforced by troops from Hispaniola,
whereupon he boldly sallied forth to take revenge upon those who
had thus held him in a kind of durance. His foe, Agueyhana, was
at that time encamped in his own territory with more than five
thousand warriors, but in a^negligent state, for he knew nothing of
the reinforcements of the Spaniards, and supposed Ponce shut up
with his handful of men in Caparra. The old soldier took him com-
pletely by surprise, and routed him with great slaughter. Aguey-
hana, however, stirred up his countrymen to assemble their forces,
and by one grand assault to decid^e the fate of themselves and their
island. Ponce received secret tidings of their intent, and of the
place where they were assembled. He had at that time barely eighty

76 JUAN PONCE DE LEON.

men at his disposal, but they were cased in steel, and proof against
the weapons of the savages ; without stopping to reflect, the old
cavalier put himself at their head, and led them through the forest
in quest of the foe.

It was nearly sunset wlien he came in sight of thfe Indian camp.
The sight of the multitude of Indian warriors there made him pause,
and almost repent of his temerity. However, ordering some of his
men in the advance to skirmish with the enemy, he hastily threw
up some breastworks with tlie rest ; when it was finished he with-
drew his forces into it, and ordered them to keep merely on the de-
fensive. The Indians made repeated attacks, but were as often re-
pulsed with loss. Tlte cacique, enraged at finding his warriors thus
baflBed, and finding the night closing in, and fearing that in the dark-
ness the enemy might escape, summoned his choicest warriors, and,
placing himself at their head, led the way in a general assault, but
as he approached the breastworks he received a mortal wound from
an arqnebuse, and fell dead upon the spot.

The Spaniards were not at first aware of the importance of the
chief they had slain. They, however, soon surmised it from the
confusion among the enem_y, wlio bore off the body with great
lamentations, and made no further attack. Ponce took advantage
of this to di'aw off his small force during the night, happy to get
out of the terrible jeopardy into which liis rash confidence had be-
trayed him.

While Ponce was fighting hard to maintain his sway over the
island. King Ferdinand, having repented of the step lie had taken
in superseding the governor and lieutenant-governor appointed by
Diego Columbus, and becoming convinced that he was infringing
the rights of Columbus, and that policy and justice required him to
retract it, sent back Ceron and Diaz empowered to resume the com-
mand of the island. They were, however, ordered on no account to
manifest any ill will against Ponce, but to cultivate the most friendly
understanding with him. The king also wrote to Ponce explaining
to him that this proceeding of the council was not intended as a
censure upon his conduct, but a mere act of justice, and that he
should be indemnified for the loss of his command. By the time
the new governor and lieutenant reached the island, Ponce had com-
pletely subjugated it.

This island was so populous that the Spaniards would have found
extreme difficulty in conquering it, if the inhabitants had not been
convinced that the new succours, which had arrived from the island
of San Domingo without their knowledge, were the same whom
they had slain who had revived to fight them. This idea caused
them to regard resistance as useless. They submitted to the dis-

JUAN PONOE DE LEON. 7T

eretion of the conquerors, who employed them in the mines where
nearly the whole of them perished.

Ponce resigned the command of Porto Rico. The loss of one
wild island was of little moment when there was a new world to be
shared ont, where a soldier like Ponce, with sword and buckler,
conld readily carve out a fortune for himself. Ponce had now amassed
a fortune sufficient to assist him in his plans, and his brain was
teeming with the most visionary enterprises. Some old Indians had
informed him of a country [Bimini], far to the north, abounding in
gold and all manner of deligiits, but above all possessing a foun-
tain of such wonderful virtue that whosoever bathed in it would be
restored to health and youth. They added that in time past, before
the arrival of the Spaniards, a large party of the natives of Cuba
had departed northward in search of this happy land, and of this
fountain of life, and had never returned.*

Ponce listened to these tales with fond credulity. So fully was
he persuaded of the existence of this region of bliss, and of this
river of life, that he fitted out three ships at his own expense to sail
in search of them, nor had he any difficulty in finding adventurers
in abundance ready to cruise with him in quest of this fairy land.

It is not astonishing that a story so absurd should have found
some credit among a simple and ignorant people, such as the natives
were, but that it should have been able to make any impression
upon enlightened men, is that which now appears almost incredible.
The fact of it is, however, not the less certain, and the Spanisii his-
torians tlie most credible, have related these extravagant traits of
their credulous fellow countrj^men. The Spaniards were, at this
epoch, engaged in a career of activity which every day revealed to
them extraordinary and wonderful objects which gave a romantic
turn to their imaginations. A new world presented itself to their
view. They visited islands and continents of whicli Europeans had
never imagined the existence. In these delightful countries nature
seemed to present itself under new forms : every tree, every plant,
every animal, was different from those of the ancient hemisphere.
The Spaniards believed themselves transported to enchanted coun-
tries, and after the wonders which they had already witnessed, in
the first ardor of their imagination there was nothing, however ex-
traordinary, that appeared incredible to them. If a rapid succession
of new and astonishing scenes made such an impression upon tlie
intelligent mind of Columbus that he boasted of having found the
seat of Paradise, we ought not to deem it strange that Ponce ex-
pected to discover the fountain of youth.

* Fontanedo in his account of Florida mentions this fact.

78 JUAN PONCE DE LEON.

On the 3d of March, 1512, Ponce sailed with three ships from the
port of St. Germain, in the island of Porto Rico. For some dis-
tance he kept along the coast of Hispaniola, and then stretching
away to the northward, made for the Bahama Islands (Luccas or
Los Cayos). He visited one island after another, until, on the four-
teenth of the month, he arrived at Guanahani, or St. Salvador (the
island where Columbus first landed in the New World, Friday,
Octol)er 12th, 1492). His inquiries for the island of Bimini and
the fountain of youth were all in vain. Still he was not discour-
aged. Having repaired his vessels, he again put to sea, and steered
his course to the northwest. On Sunday, the 27lh of March, he
came in view of a more extensive range of land than he had previ-
ously seen. It was crowned with magnificent forests, intermingled
with flowering shrubs and vines, which presented an enchanting
prospect. In navigating along its shores, his ships were violently
agitated by the currents, arising from the action of the gulf stream,
which rushes here with concentrated force through tlie Bahama
channels, and from which he gave to the southern cape the name of
Corrientes (Currents). He continued hovering about it for several
days, until in the night of the 2d of April, he succeeded in coming
to an .anchor under the land, in 30° 8' of N. latitude.* The whole
country was in the fresh bloom of spring; the trees, trellised with
vines, were gay with blossoms, and fragrant with delicious odors;
the fields were covered with flowers ; from which circumstance, as
well as having discovered it on Palm Sunday (Pascua Florida), he
gave it the name of Florida. Ponce landed and took possession of
the country in the name of the Castilian sovereigns. He afterwards
continued for several weeks ranging the coast. He doubled Cape
Canaveral, and reconnoitered the southern and western shores, still
believing that it was an island. In all his attempts to explore the
country, lie met with resolute and implacable hostility from the In-
dians. He was disappointed also in iiis hopes of finding gold and
the fountain of rejuvenation. Convinced, therefore, that this was
not the land of Indian tradition, he turned his prow homeward on
the 14th of June.f

In the outset of his return, he discovered a group of islands,
abounding in sea fowl and marine animals. On one of them his

* Near the mouth of the St. John River, according to the latitude.

t The hay of Tampa on some old mapa is called the bay of Ponce de Leon,
so he must have explored much of both coasts of the present peninsula of
Florida. Besides, when on the voyage of Cordoba, in 1517, the pilot Alaminos
landed on the western coast of Florida, he recognized the place as that he had
visited with Ponce when he discovered the country.

JUAN PONCE DE LEON. 79

sailors, in the course of a single night, caught one hundred and
seventy turtles, and might have taken more. To this group. Ponce
gave the name of Tortugas (Turtles).

Proceeding on his cruise, he touched at another group of islets,
near the Lucayos, to which he gave the name of La Viega (Old
Woman), because he found a solitary old woman there, whom he
took on board to give him information about the labyrinth of islands
into which he was entering. For a long time he struggled with all
kinds of difllculties and dangers, and was obliged to remain more
than a month in one of the islands to repair the damages which his
ship had suffered in a storm.

Disheartened at length, he gave up the search in person, and sent
in his place Juan Perez de Ortubia, who departed in one of the
ships, guided by the old woman and another Indian. As to Ponce,
he made the best of his. way to Porto Rico. He had not been long
in port, when Perez likewise arrived, who reported that he had
found the long sought for Bimini.* He described it as being large,
verdant, and covered with beautiful groves. There were crystal
springs and Jimpid streams in abundance, which kept the island in
perpetual verdure, but none that could restore youth to old age.
Thus ended the chimerical expedition of Juan Ponce de Leon.

Pouce now repaired to Spain to make a report of his voyage to
King Ferdinand, who conferred on him the title of adelantado of
Bimini and Florida, which last was yet considered an island. Also
permission was granted him to recruit men, either in Spain or in
the colonies, for a settlement in Florida. But, probably discouraged
or impoverished by his last expedition, he deferred entering on his
command for the present;

At length another enterprise presented itself to Ponce. The
Caribs had become a terror to the Spanish inhabitants of the islands.
So frequent were their invasions of the island of Porto Rico, that
it was feared it would have to be abandoned. In 1514 King Ferdi-
nand ordered tliat three ships, well armed and manned, should be
fitted out at Seville to free the seas from these marauders. The
command of this armada was given to Ponce. He was instructed,
in the first place, to assail tlie Caribs of those islands most con-
tiguous and dangerous to Porto Rico, and then to make war upon
those of the mainland in the neighborhood of Carthagena. He was
afterwards to take the captaincy of Porto Rico, and attend to the
repartimientos of the Indians in conjunction with a person to be
appointed by Diego Columbus.

Ponce, full of confidence, set sail January, 1515, and steered

* Bossu says the ialand of Providence is Bimini.

80 JUAN PONCE DE LEON.

direct for the island of Guadeloupe, where he cast anchor, and
sent men on shore for wood and water, and women to wash the
clothes of the crew, with a party of soldiers to guard them.* While
these peoi)le were scattered carelessly along the shore, the Caribs
rushed fi-om an ambuscade, killed the greater part of the men, and
carried off the women to the mountains. This blow at the very
outset of his expedition sank deep into the heart of Ponce, and put
an end to all his military excitement. Humbled and mortified, he
set sail for the island of Porto Rico, where, under pretext of ill
health, he relinquished all further prosecution of the enterprise, and
gave the command of the squadron to Captain Zuniga. Ponce
remained in Porto Rico as governor, where he gave great offence
and caused much contention in regard to the repartimientos, having
grown irritable through vexation and disappointment.

He continued for several years in that island, until the brilliant
exploits of Cortes aroused his dormant spirit. Jealous of being
eclipsed in his old days, he determined to sally forth on one more
expedition. He had heard that Florida, which he had hitherto
considered a mere island, was a part of the mainland, presenting a
great field of enterprise wherein he might make discoveries and con-
quests. Ponce, therefore, in the year 1521, fitted out two ships at the
island of Porto Rico, and embarked almost the whole of his property
in the undertaking. At length he arrived at the wished-for land and
made a descent upon the coast with a great part of his men, but the
Indians sallied forth with unusual valor to defend their shores. A
bloody battle ensued, several Spaniards were slain, and Ponce was
wounded by an arrow in the thigh. He was borne on board his
ship, and, finding himself disabled for further action, sailed for
Cuba, where he died soon after his arrival.

The following epitaph was Inscribed upon his tomb: —

Mole sub hac fortis requiescuut ossa Leonis

Qui vicit factio nomina magna suis.

Which has been paraphrased in Spanish, by Juan de Castellanos,

thus: —

Aqueste lugar estreolio
Es sepulcro del varon,
Que eu el nombre fue Leon.
Y mucho mas in el heclio. \

* At that time it was customary for all vessels sailing to the New World to
touch at the island of Guadeloupe for the above purposes.

t This account of Juan Pouoe de Leon is taken principally from the third
volume of Washington Irving's " Life of Columbus." Extracts have also been
taken from the first volume of the " Historical Account of Discoveries and Travels
in North America," by Hugh Murray ; and from the sixteenth volume of " His-
toire Moderne," by Richer.

THE VOYAGE OF JDAN VERAZZANI. 81

CHAPTEE V.

THE VOYAGE OP JUAN VERAZZANI ALONG THE ATLANTIC COAST OP
NORTH AMERICA.

1524.

The voyage of Juan Yerazzani in the year 1524 is the first
authentic voyage along the Atlantic coast of the territory now that
of the United States.

The Spaniards of Cuba, following in the wake of Ponce de Leon,
soon found their way to Florida, and made expeditions, of which
one object soon became the iniquitous practice of carrying off the
Indians as slaves. A considerable time elapsed before attempts
began to be made for the actual conquest and occupation of Florida.

While the nations both of the north and the south of Europe had
made vigorous efforts for the exploration of America, the French flag
had not yet appeared in the western seas. A monarch of such
spirit as Francis the First, however, could not be contented to see
his rival Charles the Fifth carrying off the brilliant prizes offered
by the New World. He, however, found himself under the same
necessity of Charles the Fifth, of Spain, and Henry the Seventh, of
England, to employ foreign science and skill to guide his fleets into
those distant seas.*

Juan Verazzani, a Florentine who had distinguished himself by
successful cruises against the Spaniards, was sent, with a vessel
called the Dauphin, to the American coast.

In the narrative of his voyage, Verazzani sets out from the little
island or rock near Madeira, called the Desertas. About midway
across the Atlantic, he encountered one of those disasters to which
the navigators of that age, in consequence of their small vessels,
were so liable. His little bark had nearly perished. It survived,
however, and, happily completing the rest of his voyage, arrived
on a coast, which, according to him, was never seen by any either of

* Christopher Columbus, John Cabot, Amerious Vespuoius, and Juan Veraz-
zani were all Italians. And Maroo Polo, who in the year 1291 conducted a fleet
from Pekin to Ormus, on the Persian Gulf, was also an Italian.
6

82 THE VOYAGE OP JTJAN VERAZZANI.

the ancients or moderns, and which appears to have been some part
either of Carolina or Florida.*

The following extract contains Verazzani's aecountf of the new
country, which he readied on the 20th of March, 1523 : —

"At first it appeared to be very low, but on approaching it to
■within a. quarter of a league from the shore, we perceived by the
great fires near the coast that it was inhabited. We perceived that
it stretched to the south, and coasted along in that direction in
search of some port, in which we might come to anchor, and examine
into the nature of the country, but for fifty leagues we could dis-
cover none in which we could be secure. Seeing the coast still
stretching to the south, we resolved to change our course and stand
to the northward, and as we still had the same diflSculty, we drew
in with the land, and sent a boat on shore. Many people, who were
seen coming to the seaside, fied at our approach, but occasionally
stopping, they looked back upon us with astonishment, and some at
length were induced by various friendly signs to come to us. These
showed the greatest delight in beholding us, wondering at our dress,
countenance, and complexion. They then showed us by signs where
we could more conveniently secure our boat, and oflfered us some of
their provisions. Of their manners and customs, I will relate as
brieflj' as possible what we saw.

"They go entirely naked, except that about the loins they wear
skins of small animals like martens, fastened by a girdle of plaited
grass, to ■which they tie all round the body the tails of other animals,
hanging down to the knees; all other parts of the body and head are
naked. Some wear garlands similar to bird's feathers.

" The complexion of these people is black, not much diflferent
from that of the Ethiopians. Their hair is black and thick, and not
very long ; it is worn tied back upon the head in the form of a little
tail. In person, they are of good proportions, of middle statue, a
little above our own, broad across the breast, strong in the arras,
and well formed in the legs and other parts of the body ; the only
exception to their good looks is, that they have broad faces, but

■* " Historical Account of Discovery and Travels in North America," by Hugh
Murray, P.E.S.E.

t "The North American Review for October, 1837, contains an account of
the researches of George W. Green, Esq., the American consul at Rome. He
found at Florence a manuscript of 'Verazzani's letter of the 8th of July, 1524,
to the king of France. Mr. Green having furnished the Historical Society of
New Yorlc a copy of this manuscript, a translation of it from the Italian was
made by Joseph G. Cogswell, Esq., a member of that society, and published in
1841, in the second series of the society's collection." — " Early Voyagers to
America," by Conway Robinson.

THE VOYAGE OF JUAN VERAZZANI. 83

■not all, however, as we saw many that had sharp ones, with large
black eyes and a fixed expression. They are not very strong in
body, but acute in nilud, active and swift of foot, as far as we could
judge by observation. In these two particulars they resemble the
people of the east, especially those the most remote. We could not
learn a great many particulars of their usages on account of onr
short stay among them, and the distance of our ship from the
shore. We found not far from this people another whose mode of
life we judged to be similar.*

" The whole shore is covered with fine sand, about fifteen feet thick,
rising in the form of little hills about fifty paces broad. Ascending
[northeastwardly] farther we found several arms of the sea which
made in through inlets, washing the shores on both sides as tlie
coast runs. An outstretched country appears at a little distance,
rising somewhat above the sandy shore in beautiful fields and broad
plains, covered with immense forests of trees more or less dense,
too various in colors, and too delightful and charming in appear-
ance to be described. Adorned with palms, laurels, cypress, and
other varieties unknown in Europe, that send forth the sweetest
fragrance to the greatest distance ; but which we coiild not examine
more closely for the reasons before given, and not on account of
any diflSculty in traversing the woods, which, on the contrary, are
easily penetrated.

"As the 'East' stretches around this countiy, I think it cannot be
devoid of some medicinal and aromatic drugs, and various riches
of gold and the like, as is denoted by tlie color of the ground. It
abounds also in animals, as deer, stags, hares, and many other simi-
lar, and with a great variety of birds. It is plentifully supplied
with lakes and ponds of running water, and being in the latitude of
34°f the air is salubrious, pure, and temperate, and free from the
extremes of both heat and cold. There are no violent winds in
these regions ; the most prevalent are the northwest and west. In
summer, tlie season in which we were there, th& sky is clear, with
but little rain ; if fogs and mists are at any time driven in by the
south wind, they are instantaneously dissipated, and at once it be-
comes serene and bright again. The sea is calm, not boisterous,
and its waves are gentle. Altiiough the wiiole coast is low and
without harbors, it is not dangerous for navigation, being free from

* This is the first account of the Indians of this part of the Atlantic coast,
and is much the same as that given by later voyagers.

t Probably east of Cape Fear Kiver, and between that river and Cape Look-
out. The description of the coast and depth of water appear to suit that locality.

84 THE VOYAGE OF JUAN VERAZZANI.

rocks, and told, so that within four or five fathoms from the shore
there are twenty-four feet of water at all times of tide, and this
depth constantly increases in an uniform proportion. The holding
ground is so good that no ship can part her cable, however violent
the wind, as we proved by experience ; for while riding at anchor on
the coast we were overtaken by a gale in the beginning of March,
when the winds are high, as is usual in all countries ; we found our
• anchor broken before it started from its hold, or moved at all.

" We sailed from this place, continuing to coast along the shore,
which we found stretching out to the ^east;' the inhabitants being
numerous, we saw everywhere a multitude of fires. While at anchor
on this coast, there being no harbor to enter, we sent the boat on
shore with twenty-five men to obtain water, but it was not possible
to land without endangering the boat, on account of the Immense
high surf thrown up by the sea, as it was an open roadstead. Many
of the natives came to the beach, indicating by various friendly signs
that we might trust ourselves on shore. One of their noble deeds
deserves to be made known. A young sailor was attempting to swim
ashore through the surf to carry them some knick-knacks, as little
bells, looking-glasses, and other like trifles ; When he came near three
or four of them, he tossed the things to them, and turned about to
get back to the boat, but he was thrown over by the waves, and so
dashed by them that he lay as it were dead upon the beach. When
these people saw him in this situation they ran and took him up by the
head, legs, and arms, and carried him to a distance from the surf; the
young man, finding himself borne off in this way, uttered very loud
shrieks in fear and dismay, while they answered as they could in their
language, showing him that he had no cause for fear. Afterwards
they laid him down at the foot of a little hill, when they took off his
shirt and trowsers, and examined him, expressing the greatest as-
tonishment at the whiteness of his skin. Our sailors in the boat,
seeing a great fire made up, and their companion placed very near
it; full of fear, as is usual in all cases of novelty, imagined that the
natives were about to roast him for food. But as soon as he had
recovered his strength after a short stay with them, showing by
signs that he wished to return aboard, they hugged him with great
afliection, and accompanied him to the shore ; then leaving him that
he might feel more secure, they withdrew to a little hill, from which
they watched him until he was safe in the boat. This young man
remarked that these people were black, like the others ; that they had
shining, skins, middle stature, and sharper faces, and very delicate
bodies and limbs, and that they were inferior in strength, but quick
in their minds.

THE VOYAGE OF JUAN VERAZZANI. 85

" Departing hence, and always following the sliore, which stretclied
to the north, we came in tlie space of fifty leagues to another land,
which appeared very beautiful and full of the largest forests. We
approached it, and going ashore with twenty men, we went back
from the coast about two leagues, and found that the people had
fled and hid themselves in the woods for fear. By searching around,
we discovered in the grass a very old woman and a girl of abont
eighteen or twenty, who had concealed themselves for the same
reason. The old woman carried two infants on her shoulders, and
behind her neck a little boy eight years of age ; when we came up
to them they began to shriek, and made signs to the men who had
fled to the woods. We gave them a part of our provisions, which
thejr accepted with delight, but the girl would not touch any ; every-
thing we offered her being thrown down in great anger. We took
the little boy from the old woman to carry with us to France, and
would liave taken the girl also, who was very beautiful and ver^^
tall, but it was impossible because of the loud shrieks she uttered
as we attempted to lead her away ; having to pass some woods, and
being far from the ship, we determined to leave her and take the boy
only. We found them fairer than the others, and wearing a covering
made of certain plants [probably moss] which hung down from the
branches of the trees, tying them together with threads of wild
hemp ; their heads were without covering, and of the same shape as
the others. Their food is a kind of pulse, which there abounds,
different in color and size from ours, and of a very delicious flavor
Besides, they take birds and flsh for food, using snares and bows
made of hard wood, with reeds for arrows, in the ends of which
they put the bones of flsh and other animals. The animals in these
regions are wilder than in Europe, from being continually molested
by the hunters. We saw many of their boats, twenty feet long and
four feet broad, made out of one tree without the aid of stone or
iron or other kind of metal. In the whole country, for the space
of two hundred leagues, which we visited, we saw no stone of any
sort. To hollow out their boats, they burn out as much of a log as
is requisite, and also from the prow and stern, to make them float
well on the sea. The land, in situation, fertility, and beauty, is like
the other, abounding also in forests filled with various kinds of
trees, but not of such fragrance, as it is more northern and colder.

" We saw in this country many vines growing naturally, which
entwine about the trees and run up upon them as they do in tlie
plains of Lombardy. We have often seen the grapes which they
produce very sweet and pleasant, and not unlike our own. They
must be held in estimation by them, as they carefully remove

86 THE VOYAGE OF JtTAN VERAZZANI.

the shrubbery from around them wherever they grow, to allow the
fruit to ripen better. We found also wild roses, violets, lilies, and
many sorts of plants and fragrant flowers different from our own.
We cannot describe their habitations, as tliey are in the interior of
the country, but from various indications we conclude they must be
formed of trees and shrubs.

"After having remained here three days, riding at anchor on the
coast, as we could find no harbor, we determined to depart and
coast along the shore to the northeast, keeping sail on the vessel
only by day, and coming to anchor by night. After proceeding one
liundred leagues we found a verj' pleasant situation among some
steep hills, through which a very large river, deep at its mouth,
forced its way to the sea ; from the sea to the estuary of the river,
any ship lieavily laded miglit pass with the help of the tide, which
rises eight feet. But as we were riding at anchor in a good berth,
we would not venture up in our vessel, without a knowledge of its
mouth ; therefore we took the boat, and entering the river, we found
the country on its banks well peopled, the inhabitants not differing
much from the others, being dressed out with the feathers of birds
of various colors They came towards us with evident delight,
raising loud shouts of admiration, and showing us where we could
most securely land with our boat. We passed up this river, about half
a league, when we found it formed a most beautiful lake three leagues
in circuit [diameter?], upon which they were rowing thirty or more
of their small boats, from one shore to the otiier, filled with multi-
tudes who came to see us. All of a sudden, as is wont to happen
to navigators, a violent contrary wind blew in from the sea, and
forced us to return to our ship, greatlj' regretting to leave this re-
gion which seemed so commodious and delightful, and which we
sujiposed must also contain great riches, as the hills showed many
indications of minerals.* Weighing anchor we sailed fifty leagues
towards the east, as the coast stretched in that direction, and alwa\-s
in sight of it ; at length we discovered au island of a triangular
form, about ten leagues from the main land, in size about equal
to the island of Rhodes, having many hills covered with trees,f
and well peopled, judging from the great number of fires we saw
around its shores. We did not land there, as the weather was un-
favorable, but proceeded to another place, fifteen leagues distant
from the island, where we found a very excellent harbor.| Before
entering it we saw about twenty small boats full of people, who came
about our ship, uttering many cries of astonishment, but they would

* New York Harbor. f Block Island. { Newport.

THE VOYAGE OF JUAN VERAZZANI. 81

not approach nearer than within fifty paces ; stopping, they looked
at the.structnre of our ship, our persons and dress, afterwards they
all raised a loud shout together, signifying that they were all pleased.
By imitating their signs, we inspired them in some measure with
confidence, so that they came near enough for us to toss them some
little bells and glasses, and many toys, which they took and looked
at, laughing, and then came on board without fear. Among them
were two kings more beautiful in form and stature than can possi-
bly be described ; one was about forty years old, the other about
twenty-four. The oldest had a deerskin around his body, artifi-
cially wrought in damask figures; his head was without covering;
his hair was tied back in various knots ; around his ueck he wore a
large chain ornamented with many stones of different colors. The
young man was similar in his general appearance. This is the finest
looking tribe, and the handsomest in their costumes, that we have
found in our voyage. They exceed us in size, and they are of a very
fair complexion ; some of them incline more to a white, and others
to a tawny color ; their faces are sharp, their hair long and black,
upon the adorning of which they bestow great pains ; their eyes are
black and sharp, their expression mild and pleasant, greatly resem-
bling the antique. The other parts of their body are all in good
proportion, and such as belong to well-formed men. Their women
are of the same form and beauty, very graceful, of fine countenances,
and pleasing appearance in manners and modesty ; they wear no
clothing except a deerskin ornamented like those worn by the men ;
some wear very rich lynx skins upon their arms, and various orna-
ments upon their heads, composed of braids of hair, which also hang
down upon their breasts on each side. Others wear diffferent orna-
ments, such as the women of Egypt and Syria use. The older and
the married people, both men and women, wear many ornaments in
their ears, hanging down in the oriental manner. We saw upon
them several pieces of wrought copper,* which is more esteemed by
them than gold, as this is not valued on account of its color, but is
considered by them as the most ordinary of metals, — yellow being
the color especially dislilied by them; azure and red are those in
the highest estimation with them. Of those things which we gave
them, they prized most highly the bells, azure crystals, and other
toys to hang in their ears and about their necks ; they do not value
or care to have silk or gold stuffs, or other kinds of- cloth, nor im-
plements of steel or iron. When we showed them our arms, they

* Copper ornaments were not uncommon among Indians, in certain localities
in America, tefore the introduction of European trinkets and utensils.

88 THE VOYAGE OP JUAN VERAZZANI.

expressed no admiration, and only asked liow they were made ; the
same was the case with the looking-glasses, which they returned to
us, smiling, as soon as they had looked at them. Tliey are very
generous, giving away whatever they have. We formed a great
friendship with them, and one day we entered into the port with
our ship, having before rode at the distance of a league from shore,
as the weather was adverse. They came off to the ship with a
number of their little boats, witli their faces painted in divers colors,
showing us real signs of joy, bringing us of their provisions, and
signifying to us where we could best ride in safety with our ship,
and keeping with us until we had cast anchor. We remained among
them fifteen days, to provide ourselves with many things of which
we were in want, during which time they came every day to see our
ship, bringing with them their wives, of whom they were very care-
ful ; for although they came on board themselves, and remained a
long while, they made their wives stay in the boats; nor could we
ever get them on board by any entreaties, or any presents we could
make them. One of the two kings often came with his queen and
many attendants, to see us for his amusement ; but he always stopped
at the distance of about two hundred paces, and sent a boat to in-
form us of his intended visit, saying he would come and see our
ship — this was done for safety, and as soon as they had an answer
from us they came off, and remained awhile to look around ; but on
hearing the annoying cries of the sailors, the king sent the queen
with her attendants in a very light boat, to wait near an island a
quarter of a league distant from us, while he remained a long time
on board, talking with us by signs, and expressing his fanciful
notions about everything in the ship, and asking the use of all.
After imitating our modes of salutation, and tasting our food, he
courteouslj'^ took leave of us. Sometimes, when our men stayed two
or three days on a small island near the ship, he came with seven
or eight of his attendants, to inquire about our movements, often
asking if we intended to remain there long, and offering us every-
thing at his command, and then he would shoot witii his bow, and
run up and down with his people, making great sport for us. We
often went five or six leagues into the interior, and found the coun-
try as pleasant as is possible to conceive, adapted to cultivation of
every kind, whether of corn, wine, or oil;* there are open plains
twenty-five or thirty leagues in extent, entirely free from trees or any
hinderances, and of so great fertility, that whatever is sown there will
yield an excellent crop. On entering the woods, we observed they
might all be traversed by an army ever so numerous; the trees

* As much as to say the olive tree would grow there.

THE VOYAGE OF JUAN VERAZZANI. 89

of which they were composed wei-e oaks, cypresses, and others
unknown in Europe. We found also apples, plums, filberts, and
many other fruits, but all of a different kind from ours. The ani-
mals, which are in great numbers, as stags, deer, lynxes, and many
other species, are taken by snares, and by bows, the latter being
their chief implement; their arrows are wrought with great beauty,
and for the heads of them they use emery, jasper, hard marble, and
other sharp stones, in the place of iron. They also use the same
kind of sharp stones in cutting down trees, and with them they
construct their boats of single logs, hollowed out with admirable
skill, and sufHciently commodious to contain ten or twelve persons.
Their oars are short, and broad at the end, and are managed in row-
ing by force of the arms alone, with perfect security, and as nimble
as they choose. We saw their dwellings, which are of a circular
form, of about ten or twelve paces in circumference,* made of logs
split in halves, without any regularity of architecture, and covered
with roofs of straw, nicely put on, which protects them from wind
and rain. Thej^ change their habitations from place to place, as
circumstances of situation and seasons may require. This is easily
done, as they have only to take with them their mats, and they
have other houses prepared at once. The father and the whole
family dwell together in one house in great numbers. In some we
saw twenty-five or thirty persons. Their food is pulse, as with
other tribes, which is here better than elsewhere, and more carefully
cultivated. In the time of sowing, they are governed by the moon,
the sprouting of grain, and many other ancient usages. They live
by hunting and fishing, and they are long lived. If they fall sick
they cure themselves without medicine, by the heat of fire, and their
death at last comes from extreme old age. We judge them to be
very affectionate and charitable towards their relatives — making
loud lamentations in their adversity, and in their misery calling to
mind all their good fortune. At their departure out of life, their rela-
tions mutually join in weeping, mingled with singing for a long time.
"This region is situated in the parallel of Rome, being 41"^ 40' of
north latitude, but much colder from accidental circumstances, and
not by nature. I shall confine myself at present to the description
of its local situation. It looks towards the south, on which side
the harbor is half a league broad ; afterwards, upon entering it,
the extent between the coast and north is twelve leagues, and then,
enlarging itself, it forms a very large bay, twenty leagues in cir-

* Probably twenty-five or thirty feet in diameter. Twenty-five or thirty per-
sons would hardly be stowed in a room eight or ten feet in diameter.

90 THE VOYAGE OP JUAN VERAZZANI.

cumference, in which are five small islands of great fertility and
beauty, covered with large and lofty trees. Among these islands
any fleet, however large, might safely ride without fear of tempests
or other dangers. Turning towards the south, at the entrance of
the harbor, on both sides, there are very pleasant hills, and many
streams of clear water, which flow down to the sea. In the midst of
the entrance there is a rock of free-stone, formed by nature, and
suitable for the construction of any kind of machine or bulwark for
the defence of the' harbor.

" Having supplied ourselves with everything necessary, on the 5th
of May we departed from the port, and sailed one hundred and fifty
leagues, keeping so close to the coast as never to lose it from our
sight. The nature of the country appeared much the same as before,
but the mountains were a little higher, and all, in appearance, rich
in minerals. We did not stop to land, as the weather was very
favorable for pursuing our voyage, and the country presented no
variety. The shore stretched to the east, and fifty leagues beyond,
more to the north, where we found a more elevated country, full of
very thick woods of fir trees, cypresses, and the like, indicative of a
cold climate. The people were entirely different from the others
we had seen, whom we had found kind and gentle, but these were so
rude and barbarous that we were unable, by any signs we could
make, to hold communication with them. They clothe themselves
in the skins of bears, lynxes, seals, and other animals. Their food,
as far as we could judge by several visits to their dwellings, is ob-
tained by hunting and fishing, and certain fruits, which are a sort
of root of spontaneous gi'owth. They have no pulse, and we saw no
signs of cultivation. The land appears sterile and unfit for growing
of fruit or grain of any kind. If we wished at any time to traffic
with them, they came to the seashore and stood upon the rocks,
from which they lowered down by a cord, to our boats beneath,
whatever they liad to barter, continually crying out to us not to
come nearer, and instantly demanding from us that which was to be
given in exchange. They took from us only knives, fish-hooks, and
sharpened steel. No regard was paid to our courtesies ; when we
had nothing left to exchange with them, the men at our departure
made the most brutal signs of disdain and contempt possible.
Against their will we, with twenty-five men, penetrated two or three
leagues into the interior. When we came to tlie shore, they shot at
us with their arrows, raising the most horrible cries, and afterwards
fleeing to the woods. In this region we found nothing extraordi-'
nary except vast forests, and some metalliferous hills, as we infer
from seeing that many of the people wore copper ear-rings.

THE VOYAGE OP JUAN VERAZZANI. 91

"Departing from thence, we kept along the coast, steering north-
east, and found the country more pleasant and open, free from
woods ; and distant in the interior we saw lofty mountains,* but
none that, extended to the shore. Within fifty leagues we discov-
ered thirty-two islands, all near the main land, small and of pleas-
ant appearance ; but high and so disposed as to afford excellent
harbors nnd channels, as we see in the Adriatic Gulf, near lUyria
and Dalmatia. We had no intercourse with the people, but we
judged that they were similar in nature, and usages to those we
were last among. After sailing between east and north the distance
of one hundred and fifty leagues more, and finding our provisions
and naval stores nearly exliausted, we took in wood and water and
determined to return to France, having discovered seven hundred
leagues of unknown land."f

Murray says, in regard to this last course : " Another course of
one hundred and thirty miles brought them to the land discovered
by the Bretons, in about 50° north latitude, and which is therefore
Newfoundland. Verazzani's stores being now exhausted, he took
in wood and water, and returned to France. Verazzani had thus
completed a survey of seven hundred leagues of coast, including
the whole of that of the United States, and a great part of British
America, forming one of the most extended ranges of early dis-
covery. He returned to France in high hopes and spirits, and laid
before Francis the First plans not only for completing the discovery
of the American coast, but for penetrating into the interior of the
continent, and also for colonizing some part of this vast and fertile
region. That monarch seems to have welcomed the proposal with
his characteristic ardor, since Ramusio speaks of the immense
liberality with which he was disposed to favor it, and from which
the most important results were expected. Yerazzaui did indeed
set out on another voyage ; but its records are equally brief and
fatal. Ramusio gives neither date nor place, nor country; but
states that, having landed with some of his crew, he was seized by
the savages, killed and devoured in the presence of his companions
on board, who sought in vain to give any assistance. Such was
the fate of one of the most eminent navigators of that age, whom
Forster ranks as similar to Cook, both as to his exploits during
life, and the dreadful mode of his death."J

* Probably the White Mountains of New Hampshire.

t "Early Voyages to America," by Conway Robinson, member of the
Virginia Historical and Philosophical Society.

X " Historical Account of Travels and Discoveries in North America," by
Hon. Hugh Murray.

92 THE VOYAGE OP JUAN VERAZZANI.

Vcrazzani states that his intention in this voyage [1523] was to
reach Cathay [China] on the extreme coast of Asia; not doubting
that he could penetrate by some passage to the Eastern Ocean.

The fate of Verazzani is involved in some mystery. If Francis
the First received the letter of Verazzani in any short time after it
was written, it must have been at a time when lus thoughts were
wholly occupied by his war with Charles the Fifth. Francis laid
siege to Pavia in 1524, was defeated there the 24th of February,

1525, and after having two horses killed under him, and receiving
himself three wounds,* fell, with his principal officers, into the
hands of the enemy. It was on this occasion that he wrote to his
mother "all is lost except our honor." He was carried to Madrid
and kept in confinement until after the treaty of the 14th January,

1526. It has been suggested that Verazzani on his return to
France, seeing from the condition of his king no chance of further
employment by his government, left its service. Mr. Biddle states
that Verazzani got into communication with Henry the Eighth, and
refers, as a proof of tliis, to the following statement in an edition of
Hakluyt, published in 1582. "Master John Verarzanus, which had
been thrice on that coast, in an old excellent map which he gave to
Henry the Eighth, and is j'ct in the custody of Master Lock, doth
so lay it out as is to be seen in the map annexed to the end of this
book, being made according to Verarzanus' plat."f

* "L'Histoire de France," printed at Paris in 1773, vol. ii. p. 462.

f "An Account of Discoveries in the West until 1519, and of Voyages to and
along the Atlantic Coast of North America, from 1520 to 1573," by Conway
Eobinson.

EXPEDITION OF PAMriLO DE NARVAEZ TO rLORIDA. 93

CHAPTER VI.

THE EXPEDITION OF PAMFILO DE NARVAEZ TO FLORIDA, AND THE
WANDERINGS OP ALVARO NUNEZ CABEZA DE VACA.

1527-1536.

Narvaez was I'eleased by Cortes in the latter part of the year
1523. His estate in Cuba must have required his immediate atten-
tion ; so it must have been soon after settling his affairs in Cuba
tliat he sailed for Spain, where he obtained of the emperor full power
to conquer all the country from the River de las Palmas (now the
Santander) to the cape of Florida. For this purpose he set out from
the haven of San Lucar de Barrameda on the 17th of June, 1527,
with a fleet consisting of five vessels, wherein were about six hundred
men, besides friars and spiritual people. The principal officers were
Alvaro Nunez Cabeza de Vaca, treasurer and alguazil mayor,
Agozino, provost marshal, Alonzo Enriquez, auditor, Alonzo de
Soils, factor, and Pamfllo de Narvaez, adelanlado.

The fleet stopped at the port of St. Pomingo about forty-five days
to procure necessaries, during which time more than a hundred and
forty men abandonediit. The rest proceeded to Santiago tie Cuba,
where Narvaez obtained men in the place of those who had
deserted him, and also a supply of arms and horses. Here Vasco
Porcallo offering some provisions that he had at Trinidad, a town
one hundred leagues from Santiago, the fleet proceeded thithei-, but
stopped at a port called Santa Cruz, about halfway, whence Narvaez
sent Captain Pantoja, in one vessel, accompanied by Alvaro Nunez,
in another, to get the provisions at Trinidad, while he remained at
Santa Cruz, with the rest of the fleet, to which he had added a vessel
purchased at St. Domingo.

While the two vessels were in the port of Trinidad, there arose so
tremendous a hurricane that the like had scarcely ever been wit-
nessed, even in these climes. The walls and houses continually
falling around them made it impossible to remain in the town with-
out the utmost peril. The inhabitants issued forth seven or eight
linked together, that they might avoid being carried away by the
wind, and they sought refuge in the woods ; but here the trees
falling or torn up by the roots on every side caused equal alarm.

94 EXPEDITION OP PAMPILO DE NARVAEZ TO FLORIDA.

All night they seemed to hear loud cries, with the sound of flutes,
drums, and trumpets, which doubtless were only the varied voices
of the tempest. In the morning there appeared such a scene of
desolation as they had never before witnessed. The trees lay
strewed on the ground, and every leaf and plant was destroyed.
On turning to the sea they beheld a spectacle still more sorrowful,
for, instead of the vessels, only some of their wrecks were seen
floating on the face of the deep. They searched along the coast for
any remains that might have been cast ashore, but found only a
small boat carried to the top of a tree, some clothes torn in pieces,
and the bodies of two men so mangled that they could not be recog-
nized. . Seventy persons and twenty horses, that were on board at
the time of the hurricane, went down with the vessels, and of all the
equipage, only about thirty persons, who had gone, ashore, survived.
These remained at Trinidad until the 5th of November, when Nar-
vaez arrived with his four vessels. Here he passed the winter,
wliile Alvaro Nunez, with the vessels and company, went to winter
at Xagua, twelve leagues from Trinidad.

On the 20th of February, 1528, Narvaez arrived at Xagua with a
brigantine bought at Trinidad, and a pilot named Miruelo, whom
he had engaged because of his knowledge of the coast of Florida.
Two days afterwards the governor embarked with four hundred
men and eighty horses in five vessels, one of which was a brigantine.
After doubling Cape St. Anthony, the western extremity of the
island of Cuba, and after suffering considerably by tempests in
coasting along the island to Havana, the fleet ran across to the
coast of Florida. In this course they met with dangers not much
inferior to the former, being once in danger of perishing all together
by running on shoals, and at another time by a raging tempest.
On the 11th or 12th of April the fleet aneliored at the entrance of a
bay, on which was an Indian village. Tlie next day the governor
went to the Indian village, which he found abandoned. In it they
found a house so large that it could contain three hundred persons.
The day after, Narvaez planted the royal standard and took posses-
sion of the country in the name of the emperor. He landed as
many horses as remained alive, being forty-two. On the following
daj' the Indians visited him, and by signs seemed to indicate that
they wished him to leave the country.

The governor afterwards, accompaniad by Alvaro and forty men,
set out to go into the interior. Going in a northerly direction they
reached a vevy large bay ; they passed the night there, and returned
to the vessels the next day. After sending the pilot Miruelo with
the brigantine to gain a particular port (whicli he said he knew), or

EXPEDITION OP PAMFILO DE NARVAEZ TO FLOEIDA. 95

else go to Havana and bring thence a vessel loaded with provisions,
the governor, with the same persons who had been on the previous
expedition, reinforced with some additional soldiers, penetrated
again into the interior. They coasted the bay which they had
discovered, and, after making four leagues, took four Indians, who
conducted them to their town a little distance off, at the end of the
bay. Here there was some corn not yet ripe. There was also a
number of boxes, in each of which was a dead body wrapped in
deer-skins. The commissary, supposing these were objects of
idolatry, caused the boxes and bodies to be burnt [though it was
but a pious custom of these Indians thus to preserve the remains
of their relatives]. They also saw here some pieces of painted
cloth and plumes of feathers, but the sight of some gold greatly
excited the avidity of the Spaniards, who became most inquisitive
about it, how and where they got it. The Indians, by signs and
words, gave them to understand that it came from a far-distant
province called Apalache, where they might find great quantities of
it. Taking the Indians for guides, they proceeded ten or twelve
leagues further, when they came to a village of fifteen houses, near
which were large fields of corn fit to be gathered. After halting
two days, they returned to the vessels on the 30th of April.

Miruelo had undertaken to guide the fleet into a secure and com-
modious harbor, instead of which he had brought it into a mere open
road, and now declared himself quite out of his reckoning, and at a
loss whither to steer ; however, the governor decided that the ves-
sels should follow the coast until they found the port that Miruelo
knew, or any other convenient harbor, and that the troops should
proceed on land in the same direction. On the first of May the
Spaniards — three hundred strong, of whom forty were mounted, set
out. After marching fifteen days, without seeing an Indian or a
house, they at length arrived at a river which they crossed with much
trouble, the current being very strong. On the other side there
were about twelve hundred Indians, to whose houses, about half a
league off, they were conducted. In the neighborhood was a large
quantity of maize ready to be gathered. The Spaniards, fatigued
with marching, and enfeebled by hunger, enjoyed here three days
rest. Then Alvaro Nunez, with Captain Castillo and forty soldiers,
set out to seek a port, but finding themselves impeded by the river,
which they had already crossed, returned. The following day the
governor ordered Captain Valenguela with sixty men and six cava-
liers to cross the river and descend it to the sea, and discover a port
if he could. This officer returned, after two days, saj'ing he had ex-
plored the baj' and found it had shallow 'water and no port.

96 EXPEDITION OP PAMFIIO DE NAEVAEZ TO FLORIDA.

In answer to -the governor's inquiries respecting Apalache, tiie
Indians informed ttiem that the Apalachens were their enemies, and
that they were ready to aid in whatever might be undertaken against
that people. Narvaez now resolved to push at once into the inte-
rior for Apalache. But Alvaro Nunez opposed this resolution,
urging that they should re-embark, and sail on till they should find
a secure harbor and a fertile country, from which, as a base, they
might penetrate into the interior. Only the secretary supported
this opinion ; all the rest, dazzled with the hope of wealth, and im-
pressed with the dangers of the sea, cordially seconded the governor's
proposal. Alvaro Nunez still remaining obstinate, Narvaez sarcas-
tically remarked that, since he was so dreadfully alarmed at the idea
of marching into the interior of the counti'y, he might take charge
of the ships, which he deemed a so much safer task. At this the
Castilian pride of Alvaro took Are. He declared that though he
did not expect that they would ever return, but that they would
leave their bones on this savage land, yet he was determined to
share every extremity with his countrymen rather than expose his
honor to the slightest imputation. The fleet was, therefore, com-
mitted to an officer of the name of Carvallo,* and all preparations
made for the expedition to the interior.

The Spaniards then marched for the province called by the
Indians Apalache, carrying for guides those whom they had taken.
On the 17th of June they saw an Indian chief, accompanied by
many people, who was made to understand by signs that they were
going to Apalache. He seemed to he an enemy of this nation, and
willing to aid in the expedition. After au exchange of presents,
he left them, and they followed the i-oute he had taken. In the
evening they arrived at a very deep, wide, and rapid river ; not
venturing to pass it upon rafts, they constructed a large canoe for
that purpose. A day was spent in crossing. A bold horseman
entering the river was thrown from his horse by the force of the
current and both were drowned. The horse, being found by the
Indians, afforded the Spaniards that night the only hearty meal
the3' had enjoyed for many days. After a long and fatiguing
march, during which they suffered much from hunger, they at length
arrived near Apalache, on tlie 25th or 26th of June, 1528.

* Five leagues' from the place of eml)arkatiou Carvallo perceived a. bay
which entered the land seven or eight leagues : it was the same that had been
discovered by those on land ; the place where they saw the boxes with dead
bodies. Three of the sliips entered this port. Th6 vessel which returned from
Havana with the brigantine was for a year seeking those on land, and not find-
ing them sailed for New Spain.

EXPEDITION OF PAMPILO DE NARVAEZ TO FLORIDA. 97

The village of Apalache contained forty small houses. Narvaez
ordered Alvaro Nunez, with fifty infantry and nine cavalry, to
enter and take possession of it. This he easily did, as all the men
were absent and only women and children in the place. The war-
riors, however, soon appeared, and attacking the Spaniards, dis-
charged a shower of arrows, one of which killed a horse, but not
being able to I'esist the Spaniards they retreated into the woods.
Two days after they appea,red in a pacific mood, and begged the
Spaniards to restore them their wives and children. These were
given up to them ; but the governor retained as a hostage one of
their caciques, who had been the cause of the hostility. It soon
was found that their enmity was in no degree abated; for the next
day thej- attacked so furiously the Spaniards, that tiiey succeeded
in firing some of the houses ; and though again quickly repulsed,
fled witli such celerity into the woods and marshes, that only one
could be killed. The next day an equally brisk attack was made
with similar result. The Spaniards were greatl}' annoyed, but re-
tained possession of the village twenty-five days, during which they
made three journeys into the interior.

The Spaniards being now convinced that the brilliant wealth
which had allured them into this laborious and perilous expedition
was a mere chimera, they began to feel themselves in an evil plight,
for though the Indians could not face them in the field, they
hemmed them closely in, and every man or horse that happened to
straggle from the main body, was overwhelmed with a shower of
arrows. At length they learned that to the south was the country
of Aute, which was situated on the sea-coast [on the Bay of St.
Mark] and abounded in corn. They therefore renounced all their
chimeras of gold and conquest, and determined to set out in search
of the coast of Aute.

They commenced their march, and the first day crossed some
lakes without meeting with any Indians. On the second day, while
they were struggling through a swamp, with the water up to their
breasts, the air was suddenly obscured, by clouds of arrows, dis-
charged by Indians concealed behind trees and logs, with which the
marsh was filled. With bows eleven or twelve spans long, and thick
as a man's arms, they discharged arrows to the distance of two
hundred yards with almost unerring precision, and with such force
that they penetrated the thickest armor, and severely wounded both
man and horse.(2) In the fight an arrow struck a Spaniard in the
head, and, notwithstanding his head-piece, made its way almost from
one side to the other. The Indians, when seen, being tall and naked,
and moving with great swiftness, had, in the ej'es of the Spaniards,
1

98 EXPEDITION OF PAMPILO DB NAEVAEZ TO FLORIDA.

almost the appearance of supernatural beings. No movement of
. attack conld be marie until the Spaniards were extricated from the
lagoon, and then the ground was so encumbered that the cavalry
could not act, and the Indians, even -when dispersed, soon rallied
and renewed the attack. Thus the Spaniards were allowed no rest
till after the Indians' stock of arrows was exhausted. The expedi-
tion then proceeded without further molestation, and finally arrived
at the village of Aute, nine days after their departure from Apa-
lache.*

The inhabitants of Ante had abandoned the place, but a good
store of corn was found in it. After the Spaniards had rested here
two daj'S, Alvaro Nunez, accompanied by captain Castillo, Andrez
Dorantes, seven cavaliers, and fifty foot soldiers, set out to seek the
sea. They marched till evening, when they came to the banks of a
river, which opened at some distance below into a broad arm of the
sea. They found here a great quantity of oysters, with which they
regaled themselves. The next day the coast was reconnoitred, and
then the party returned to Aute, where they found the governor
and a third of his men sick, and the rest likely to become so. The
situation was such as to call for the most serious reflection. A
general meeting was called, and every one was asked what he had
to propose After long deliberation there appeared only one resource
which offered a gleam of hope, and this was to construct boats and
sail along the coast to Panuco. They therefore applied themselves
to tlie task. One of them out of wooden pipes, and the skins of
wild beasts, contrived to make a pair of bellows, by the operation
of which their stirrups, spurs, and crossbows were converted into
nails, saws, and hatchets. Their shirts cut open and sewed together
made sails, the pine trees afforded tar, the moss of the cypresses served
as oakum, the fibres of certain trees and horse hair formed their
cords. But they were much perplexed for vessels to carry their
fresh water, to supply which defect they flayed their dead horses, and
sewed their skins together into convenient forms, and so nsed them
for better things, for that purpose. A horse was killed every three
days, and its flesh distributed partly to the working hands, partly
as a dainty to the sick. The construction was commenced with a
single carpenter, but the men set to work with so much ardor that
between the 4th of August and the 20th of September they made
five vessels of twenty-two cubits in length.

* Notwithstanding the distance or thne given, there is every appearance that
Apalaohe visited by Narvaez is the same that was visited by De Soto, and a
reforeuoe to the aoooiint of the expedition of the latter will show this very
clearly.

EXPEDITION OP PAMEILO DE NARVAEZ TO FLORIDA. 99

According to theii" calculation they had made a journey of about
two hundred and eighty leagues* from the bay where they first
landed to Aute. And in this time about forty men had died of
sickness or hunger, without counting those that had been killed by
the Indians. On the 22d of September, 1528, having prepared for
the voyage, they embarked forty-nine men in tlie I)ai'k of tlie
governor; the contador and tiie commissary witli a like number in
another ; Captains Alonzo de Castillo and Andrez Dorantes and
forty-eight men in the tliird ; Captains Telles and Peualosa with
forty-seven men in the fourth ; and Alvaro Nunez in the last witli
the comptroller and forty-nine men. Thus two hundred and fifty
men embarked in these five boats; but they were so crowded lliat
they could not turn nor move in them. Not more than a fourth
part of each boat was above the water. In this pliglit thej^ put out,
giving to the bay they left the name Baya de los Cavallos [the Bay
of Horses], probably from having slauglitered their horses tliere.
And thus was begun one of the most hazardous voyages that ever
was undertaken by men ; but necessity which obliged them to it has
no law. They voyaged westwardly,f and after seven days' sailing
arrived at an island that lies near the land, where some of the com-
pany landed, and got some little recruits at the houses of the Indians
upon the same ; they saw some of those people too in their canoes,
but they would not stay till the. Spaniards came up to them, but
made off and left the canoes, at their disposal. These canoes the
Spaniards attached to their boats, and thus were enabled to make
themselves somewhat less incommoded. They then proceeded on
their voyage, and after sailing two leagues passed a strait, between
tlie island and the mainland, to which they gave the name St. Miguel.
They sailed along the coast for about thirty days without finding
any secure haven or opportunity of refreshment, being still in the
same perplexity that they were at first setting out, as to the knowl-
edge of the country and their right way home. Hunger and thirst
prevailed grievously amongst them all this while, and they had no
sight of any people, but sometimes a few Indian fishers, a poor and
miserable sort of wretches that were not able to relieve them, nor
would come near them. Some of their men died with drinking large

* In Spain the common league Is 4.216, and the legal 2.635 (nearly two and
two-thirds) statute miles. The latter is the league alluded to.

t What is remarkable here is, that they should have sailed westwardly for
Panuoo, instead of endeavoring to reach the island of Cuba. It perhaps may
have been their dread of crossing the Florida Channel, while to reach Panuoo
they had only to follow the coast westwardly, having no dangerous channels to
cross. They certainly could not have been ignorant of the great difference in
the distances of these two places.

100 EXPEDITION OF PAMPILO DE NARVAEZ TO FLORIDA.

draughts of salt water, which they could not forego, tlie thirst that
possessed them was so great. Their sufferings were aggravated by
a severe storm, which continued for six days; at the end of which,
and when they were almost at the point of giving up all for lost,
when weathering a point of land, they discovered a fine and secure
bay with a considerable village where there appeared to be safe and
easy landing, and several canoes of Indians came out to see them.
But the barbarians having just looked upon them went away again;
however the Spaniards followed them ashore to their houses, before
the entrance to which they found, great quantities of fish, and pots
of fresh water. Tiie cazique had more civilitj' than his subjects,
and offered all this fish and water to Narvaez and his companions,
and more than that, invited them to his house. The Spaniards were
not ungrateful to these people for their hospitable treatment, but
presented tliem some trifles which they had brought. The cazique's
house was neatly made of mats, and he was covered with a mantle
made of marten sable which smelt like musk or rather like amber-
gris ; some others had fur mantles too, but none like the chiefs.
Mutual presents were exchanged, and such a cordial intercourse
established that Narvaez agreed to spend the night in tlie house of
the chief. At midnight the village was attacked by a hostile tribe
of Indians ; the cazique fled with all his people, and the Spaniards
were left to maintain alone a desperate fight. The governor him-
self and all his people were wounded more or less severely before
the enemy could be beaten off. Three times during tlie night they
attacked the troop left to guard the boat. They now had no choice
left but to embark.

After three days' sailing they met with more Indians in a canoe,
and applied to them for fresh water. The Indians promised to give
them fresh water enough if they would give them vessels to bring it
in. A Spaniard and a negro went ashore with them to get water,
and two Indians stayed in their place. At night the Indians brought
back the vessels, but not a drop of water in them ; but they did not
bring back the two men that went with them, nor would they give
any account of what had become of them.

But instead of that, the next day came a considerable number of
them in their canoes, together with five or six of their cacique's
dressed in their mantles of martens' furs ; and they were so impudent
as to demand their two men left for pledges, thougii those of the
other side were still detained (perhaps sacrificed) by them. These
caciques would fain have had the Spaniards go ashore with them,
biit they saw too much of their treachery already to venture them-
selves any further among them ; besides, the canoes still coming in

EXPEDITION OF PAMFILO DE NABVAEZ TO FLORIDA. 101

thick and threefold upon them, they had reason to suspect some
villanoiis design was then in hand. When the Indians saw they
could do no good, and the Spanianls peremptorily refused to restore
their two men, they threw off the mask, and appeared with ihe bare
face of enmity ; they began to sling great stones at them, and would
have done more mischief but that a fresh gale of wind blowing at
that time made them keep off, and invited the others to go on with
their voyage.

In the evening a point of land was seen, and on the other side of
it a very large river. The bark of Alvaro Nunez was the first to
reach the river, and east anchor near an island at its mouth. The
governor entered a bay a little way off, where Alvaro went to join
him, and they took in fresh water where the river entered the sea.
Here a north wind sijringing up, drove the vessels to sea, and they
were soon separated. Afterwards Alvaro saw two of the barks, one
of which was that of the governor and the other that of Captains
PeBalosa and Telles. Alvaro called out to the governor, and asked
orders how he was to proceed. Narvaez replied that the time was
past for giving or receiving orders, and that it rested with every
man to save his life as best he could ; he then pushed on and soon
was out of sight.

Alvaro, with another of the barks, continued the vo\-age for four
days, but having only half a handful of corn daily for each, and
encountering severe weather, they were reduced almost to the last
extremity. On the evening of the fourth day the crew sunk en-
tirelj' and fell down half-dead over each other. Alvaro alone being
capable of any exertion, the pilot called to him that he must take
the helm. Alvaro took the post, but after a few hours' rest the
pilot resumed it. Towards morning of the 6th of November they
heard the sound of breakers, and found the vessel in six fathoms of
water, which led them to hope that they were near land. Daylight
confirmed this hope, and after a severe shock in crossing the
breakers the boat was stranded, and the exhausted crew crept
ashore upon their hands and feet. Here thej' kindled a fire, cooked
the corn that they still had left, and began to feel their strength
and spirits revive.

Alvaro desired Lope de Oviedo, the most vigorous of the com-
pany-, to climb a tree and see what kind of land it was on which
they had been thrown. Oviedo reported that it was an island, and
so well cultivated that it appeared almost a Christian land* He
was then desired to advance cautiously a little into tlie country.

* Probably Galveston Island.

102 EXPEDITION or PAMFILO DE NARVAEZ TO FLORIDA.

He soon found a village, with only women and children in it; but
there soon appeared some Indians, who followed Oviedo quickly to
the shore and formed a circle of abont a hundred around the Span-
iards. The Indians were well armed and tall. Alvaro, who had
not six men that could rise from the ground, saw clearly that he
had nothing to hope from resistance, and that his only course was
to propitiate the Indians. This he sought to do by courtesy, and
by presenting them some toys.. He met a most gracious return ;
the Indians presented him with arrows — their surest pledge of
friendship— and told him by signs fhat they would return in the
morning and bring some provisions with them. And they were as
good as their word, coming at the time appointed with fish and
roots, and tliey repeated tlieir visits thus constantly for two or
tliree days. When the Spaniards thought tliey were well provided
with provisions they resolved to continue their voj'age, and for that
jiurpose it was a great labor in their weak state to loosen the boat
out of the sand in which it was fixed and drag it afloat, in doing
which it was necessary to strip themselves and throw their clothes
into the boat ; but in putting it afloat a violent wave overset the
boat, which sank with all their clothes, carrying down with it three
Spaniards. The rest with difficulty reached the shore and threw
Themselves naked on the sand.

They were now in a miserable condition, whatever they had being
lost, and themselves quite naked ; besides it was the winter season,
and the weather extremely cold, and a long course of hard living
had taken awaj' all the covering of fle.sh from tlieir bones, so that
they appeared like so manj' frightful images of deatii. But it was
tlieir good luck, by searching about, to find some of the brands
which thej' had just made a fire with before they embarked, and, as
Providence would have it, those brands not quite extinguished ; so
that here the3' quickly blew up a fire, which, in some measure, com-
forted them under the piercing blasts of the north wind.* They
were in this forlorn state not expecting to live, when the Indians
(who knew nothing of their misfortune) came as they were wont, to
bring them more supplies, but when they saw a parcel of naked
skeletons standing abont a fire, believing them to be some verj' hor-
rible things, they took to their heels, and ran as fast as they could.
But Alvaro made after them, and stopped them at last with many
fair words and persuasions, and told them the story of their sad ad-

* It is probable that this accident happened on the coast of Texas, and this-
cold wind was one of those severe north winds so noted in that climate.

EXPEDITION OF PAMFILO DE NAEVAEZ TO FLORIDA. 103

venture,* which they believed when they came back and saw one or
two dead bodies upon the shore. At the hearing of this tliey fell a
weeping and lamenting after their manner, bewailing the Spaniards
in very moving terms npon the score of their misfortunes, and ex-
pressed a great deal of tenderness and humanity. This encouraged
Alvaro to desire them to take them into tlieir houses for shelter,
which they readily consented to ; and because their habitations were
a good way off, they made several great fires by the way, at which
they stopped to rub and chafe the benumbed limbs of these poor
men, and carried them all the way upon their backs, not suffering
any one of them to touch the ground with his feet. They also made
good fires for them when they brought them home; gave them food
and a warm lodging, and sung and danced all night for tlieir arrival.
Some of the men who had been in Mexico were very averse to going,
believing that the Indians would sacrifice them to their gods, and
when thej' heard the Indians singing and rejoicing during the night,
they believed that it was preparatory to sacrificing them in the morn-
ing. These people (like most of the rest they had hitherto seen)
were of strong, well compact bodies, and of good courage. The men
had one of tlieir paps pierced from one side to the other, and in the
hole a little cane was thrust across, about two or three spans long,
and two fingers thick ; some had both their paps served thus. The
like they did to the under lip, in which they carried a piece of cane
about a half a finger thick. They made this island their habitation
from October to the end of February, feeding mostly all that time
upon fish, and a sort of root which they dig, out from under the
water with much labor and trouble. When that time is expired
they move into the continent to seek other food, for those roots do
then but begin to grow, and are not in their perfection till Novem-
ber and December. Their houses are made of mats, and they have
the hides of beasts for beds and couches to sleep on ; their weapons
are bows and arrows. They are the fondest lovers of their chil-
dren in the world, and use them with much tenderness; if one dies,
not only the family and kindred, but the whole village laments the
loss, and they keep up their mourning for a whole year, performing
the ceremony' of lamentation three times a day, before sun rising, at
noon, and at sunset; first the parents, and then all the rest of the
people. When the year is up, and the last funeral rites accom plished,
they wash themselves, and shift all their mourning apparel, and ap-
pear in their wonted garb. Old age they never bewail in this man-

* Alvaro must have done this with signs ; for, having just arriyed among these
Indians, he could certainly not have understood their language.

104 EXPEDITION OF PAMFILO DE NAEVAEZ TO FLORIDA.

ner, for tliey don't pay any great i-evei"ence to it, as manj', yea, most
other Indians do. Tliey say tlie old ones are good for notliing but
to consume the maintenance that the children should have; and that
since they liave lived their time, it is fit that they should die to
make room. They "bury all the other dead except their physicians,
whom they burn, and turn their bones into powder, which (at the
j'ear's end, when the funeral rites are consummated) they give to
their kindred to drink up in a draught of water ; the design of this,
it is to be supposed, is to turn them into doctors too, for a supply
of the other's mortality. These physicians have wonderful privi-
leges above all other people, for they may marry two or three wives,
whereas all the rest are allowed but one. They have farther this
advantage, that those whom they cure do esteem tiiem so much as
manj' times to give them all they are worth in the world, and to
procure their friends to make them presents besides. Their methods
of practice are only to cut and gash the parts affected, let it ail what
it will, and then to apply their month and suck out the distemper ;^
then instead of a plaster, they sear it with a hot iron ; and for the
conclusion of all, blow upon the place, to blow awaj' all the remain-
ders of the grief that would not come out by suction. And they
are so much for propagating the faculty of physick, that they would
needs have the Spaniards their guests turn doctors too, and pretend
to cure by blowing and sucking as they did. Neither would they
admit of their excuse, that they had no such skill or virtue to carry
oflf a distemper after that unaccountable manner. For (say they) all
manner of stones and plants that grow in the field liave a virtue and
a goodness in them that are profitable for some distemper or otiier,
and is not man a more excellent creature than a stone, or a plant,
and so has more healing and restoring virtues in him than they?
However, Alvaro says they did not go that way to work that the
Indian doctors did, but rather by spiritual methods of prayer and
invocation to recover the sick that way ; their plasters and cordials
were Pater Nosters and Ave Marias, benedictions and doxologies,
which he reports, did wonderful cures, and gained them a mighty
reputation in the country. Yet he confesses they were forced to
comply with the Indian practice so far as to blow over the patient
like them.

While they made their abode with the Indians of this island,
which tliey called Malhado, Alvaro saw some European articles in
the hands of one of the Indians, and asked him where he procured
them; he rci)lied that he received them from men like him, who were
not far from there. Alvaro then sent to visit them two Spaniards
with two Indians to guide them. But in going they met coming

EXPEDITION OP PAMFILO DE NARVAEZ TO FLORIDA. 105

Captains Andrez Dorantes and Alonzo Castillo witli some of the
people of their bark. They related that on the 5th of November
their bark had run aground about a league and a half from there.

And being all together they determined to bring up that boat and
as many of them as were strong and well to go in it, and endeavor
to find some way to come where Christians lived, and the rest should
stay tliere till they were recovered, and their friends could remove
them also. But just as they were putting this project into execu-
tion their boat failed them ; it was no sooner launched than it went to
the bottom. However, four of tiiem who were the best swimmers,
with an Indian as their guide, undertook to pass over to the main
land, and so travel to Panuco.

Alvaro and his company suffered very great hardships and
miseries upon the island. The wealher proved bad and unseason-
able, and they were ready to starve for want of provisions; there
was a sad mortality among them, too, and of eighty men which
there were in all, there were left remaining no more than fifteen.
Five who were lodged near the shore are said to have devoured one
another until only one survived, no person being there to devour
him. The Indians were greatly shocked at this, and ever after had
a very unfavorahle opinion of all the Spaniards. And which was
woi'se still, a sickness happened among the Indians, which swept
away a great number of them ; their superstitious fancy persuaded
them that the Spaniards were the cause of that mortality, and
now, instead of physicians, they made necromancers and murderers
of them. In sliort, this fancy prevailed so far that they began to
consult about the sacriQcing of them, and this they had certainly
done, had not one wiser than the rest argued his companions
into a belief of the innocency of the Spaniards, from this conside-
ration : That if they had a power to take a,wa.y men's lives, they
might be as reasonably supposed to have a power to preserve them,
which if tiiej' had, they certainly would not have suffered so many
of their own men to die as had done before their faces. This reason
saved their lives, but they lived an uneasy life here afterwards;
both the Indians and they too suffered great extremities for want
of provisions, and made a very hard shift to avoid starving. Upon
this some of the Indians removed over to the mainland, where
they could have a better subsistence, and carried some- of the Span-
iards along with them, and having lived there some time, they re-
turned to another island, about two leagues from the mainland,
for the convenience of the fresh water that was there. Alvaro was
also transported over to the mainland by some other of the In-
dians, who went, probably, upon the same account, of supplj-ing

106 EXPEDITION Of PAMFILO DE NARVAEZ TO FLORIDA.

themselves with the necessaries of life. And thus all were released
from the prison of Malhado island, but still it was but a remove
fi-om one prison to • another, and they were as far as ever, in
their own opinions, from getting away from these heathenish
people. While Alvaro was liere, his companions, at the island
lately mentioned, had notice of the place of his abode, and got an
opportunity to come over to him. The number that came was
twelve, and two, Hieronimo de Alanez and Lope de Oviedo, were
left sick behind on the island. Alonzo Castillo and the rest who
came over about the 30th of April, resolved to travel along the
coast homeward, but Alvaro being weak, could not pretend to bear
them company in such a journey, so they went on and he stayed.
After they were gone, he observed his time when the Indians were
out of the way, and got over to the island where his two country-
men were left, and stayed there a year at least, till he recovered his
health a little better. But then he resolved to bid farewell to them
too, for they used him ill and put him to the painful drudgery of
digging under water for the roots they lived on. This design he
executed, and conveyed himself over to the mainland again, among
the Indians of Carruco.* There he had a much easier life in all
respects, for he pretended liimself a merchant, which was a sort of
vocation very grateful to them, and procured him both good usage
and liberty too. For now his business was to travel up and down
from one place to another with wares ; he went where he pleased,
and returned when he would, and the people everywhere made
much of him and desired his company. The merchandise he car-
ried was shells, hides, red ochre, canes to make the bodies of arrows,
and flints to make heads, and such like trifles. But that which
was the greatest advantage to him by this course of life was that
by this means he had an opportunity of viewing the country, and
contriving his escape, for he travelled at least forty or fifty leagues
along the coast.

After this manner he spent six j^ears among these Indians of
Carruco, and went. naked all the while as they do; but the seventh
and last year of his apprenticeship coming on, he found a way to
give his Indian masters the slip, and come to another people on the
same coast.

The Indians in this part of the country (particularly the Mariames
and Fngavnns, among whom tlie Spaniards conversed) were a peo-
ple of sordid life and brutish and barbarous customs. Their lips

* This word " Carruco" might indicate, to one familiar with the languages
of the Indian tribes of Texas, the locality where Alvaro then was.

EXPEDITION OF PAMFILO DE NAEVAEZ TO FLORIDA. 101

and paps were pierced like those of the island of Malhado; their
food roots and every sort of animal almost that they can catch ;
frogs, worms, lizards, serpents, go down like good savory victuals
with them. They neither reverence old age nor love their children
as the other Indians do. They don't take any wives among them-
selves, nor any husbands for their daughters, so that what women
they have in that way are either taken from tlieir enemies in war,
or bought of some of the neighboring people, and the price they
generally give for a woman is either a good bow and a couple of
arrows, or else a large net. The women spend the greater part of
the night in heating their ovens and drying the roots they eat, and
tlien, as soon as the day begins to appear,they go to drawing water
and fetching wood into their houses. Their houses are made of
mats, and are so contrived that they can remove them to any
place where the conveniency of food calls them. As to tlieir tem-
per and moral qualities, the Spaniards give but an ill account of
them; tliey say that they practise unnatural lusts one with another,
are very sottish, will lie and dissemble monstrously ; theive and
steal, not only from their neighbors, but even fathers and children
from one another. They neither till the land nor sow any sort of
seeds, but leave all to the care and bounty of nature ; yet, notwith-
standing their poverty and uncertainty of food, they live merry
and jocund, and never cease their sports and dancing. They are
so Vbry swift of foot and every way so well made for running, that
they will follow a deer from morning to evening, till they have
quite run him down, and made him so weary as to be taken alive.
Tiie best of all their living is when they go to eat tune^ for
then they do nothing but eat almost all day and night too, and
spend their time in dancing and revelling, while that fruit lasts.
Wiien they have done eating the tunes in the country where they
grow, thej' take some and open and dry them, to eat by tlie way as
they return home. In sliort, tliis tune time is a festival of the
same quality and great expectation among tliem that Christmas it-
self is among Europeans. As for flesh, the most they have of that
is venison and beef, for there are some deer about the country, and
oxen too in some places. These cattle are of the bigness of the
Spanish oxen, have little horns like those of Barbary, and very
long hair, and tliicker than usual in some parts. Of their hides
they make garments to defend them from the cold of their climate;
shoes also, and targets for war. Tlie greatest plague in this countiy
is the multitude of flies that breed here ; and to defend themselves
from which the natives very frequently go with a flaming brand in
their hands, and sometimes burn down the trees where they are,

108 EXPEDITION OF PAMFILO DE NAEVAEZ TO FLORIDA.

that the flies lieing deprived of their shelter may be forced to go
away. And indeed, Alvaro said that they were so miserably vexed
and tormented with them that it may be compared with the most
troublesome thing in the world. The country contains a great
deal of excellent pasture land [prairies] which would maintain
mighty herds and flocks of cattle, and would certainly be a very
fruitful and profitable one, if the people had but sense enough to
manage it as it should be. There is hardly any mountain to be
seen in all that part where the Spaniards were, but all plain and
open. There are rivers of good, clear, wholesome water, too, but
the natives having no certain settled place of abode, depend more
upon the rain-water for their constant drink, than that of the
rivers.

A desire to take with him Lope de Oviedo had -caused Alvaro to
prolong his stay. De Alanez, Oviedo's companion, had died soon
after the departure of Castillo and the twelve men. Oviedo had put
off going to the following j'ear. At length he and Alvaro went
with some Indians to a bay a league broad and deep everywhere.
On the other side of it an Indian told them the thirteen Spaniards
had all died except three, and, if they wished it, they could see these
three when the Indians who had them should come to the shore of
that river to get nuts. Two days after this there came to the river-
bank the Indians who had the three survivors of the thirteen that
had set out from the Island Malhado to travel along the coast to
Panueo. An Indian of a different nation told Alvaro to go to a
particular place in the forest and he would conduct him to them.
This he did the next day, and Andres Dorantes and Castillo, who
were in the hands of these Indians, were greatly astonished to see
Alvaro, and asked him where he was going. Alvaro replied that
his design was to pass into a country where tiiere were Christians.
Dorantes, Castillo, and the negro Estevano, who appears to have
been one of the thirteen, determined to fly with him; but Dorantes
begged him to wait six months, when the Indians would Le going
away in quest of fruit. This being agreed to, Alvaro remained,
and was given in slavery to the same Indian who already had
Dorantes.

Castillo and Dorantes related that, after quitting the island of
Malhado, they passed four rivers, very large and with very strong
currents, when they found wrecked upon the coast the bark in
which tlie contador and the friars had sailed. This bark they
pushed into the sea, in doing which four men were drowned. The^'
then sailed to a bay and crossed it with much trouble ; fifteen
leagues further they found another, where were some Indians, who.

EXPEDITION OF PAMPILO DE NARVAEZ TO FLORIDA. 109

when they saw them, went to tlie other shore. In a journey of sixty
leagues two of the Spaniards had perished, besides the four that
were drowned. Whilst occupied in finding means to cross the bay,
an Indian came to them with a Christian, who proved to be Figiieroa,
one of the four sent from the island of Malhado to go to Panuco.
Figiieroa related to them how he had arrived at that place with his
companions ; that two of them and an Indian had died of cold and
hunger ; tliat, with him, the Indians had captured Mentes, wlio,
having fled with the intention of going to Panuco, was pursued and
killed by the Indians; that he had lieard from the Indians, of a
Christian who had been with the Mariames, and then iiad got to the
Quevenes. This Christian was Hernando de Esquivel, a native of
Bajados, who had been with the commissary. From Esquivel,
Figueroa learned the fate of the governor, the contador, and others.
Tlie last caused their bark to be driven ashore, and then following
tlie coast, found at the shore that of Pamfilo de Narvaez. The
governor went in his bark to the great bay; there he had the com-
pany carried to the opposite shore. Then he came to seek the
contador, the friars, and all the others. In the evening he would
not go on shore, but remained in his bark with the captain and a
cabin-boy, who were sick. At n5idnight so violent a north wind
arose that the bark, which had only a stone for an anchor, was
driven out to sea and never more heard of. Those who were on
land followed the shore, and, meeting a igreat expanse of water,
made a raft with which they came to the other side. Continuing
the mai'ci) they came to the end of a forest, where they found some
Indians, who, having perceived them, left their cabins for their
canoes. This was in November. The Spaniards, though they
found wood and water, and on the seashore some crabs and shell-
fish, yet they perished one after another of hunger and cold. Pen-
taja, whom Narvaez before being lost had made his lieutenant in
place of tlie contador, treated them badly. Sotomayor, brother of
Vasco Porcallo, of the island of Cuba, turned against Pentaja and
gave him a blow which killed him. Thus the numbers diminished.
Tiiose who remained alive caused the dead to be cooked. The last
who sank was Sotomayor. Esquivel had him roasted, and lived
upon his body till the 1 st of March, when one of the Indians who
had fied when the Spaniards arrived came to see if all were gone,
and carried off Esquivel. Andrez Dorantes, escaping to the Ma-
riames, learned from them that Esquivel, having attempted to escape,
was pursued and killed by the Indians. Yet Dorantes, after re-
maining a few days witii these same people, escaped. Castillo and

110 EXPEDITION OF PAMFILO DE NARVAEZ TO FLORIDA.

Estevano went into the interior of tlie country to the Tguazes.
The three had got with the same tribe when Alvaro joined them.

The six months having passed, and the time arrived for the
departure of the Indians to gather tune, a, quarrel broke out among
them, and they sejjarated ; and thus the Spaniards were obliged to
defer their attempt to escape. They did not meet each other again
for a year. At length, about the 1st of September, Alvaro escaped.
On the 13th of September, Dorantes and Estevano, the negro, joined
him, having left Castello not far off among the Anagados.

These last Indians had said that fai'ther in the shore there was a
nation called Camones, and that these Camones had killed all the
Spaniards who were in the bark with Panalosa and Telles.

Two days after all four got together they set off In the evening,
seeing some smoke, they went to the place where it rose, where they
found some Indians, called Avavares, whose language they under-
stood, having formerly traded with them, by whom they were very
kindly received. The Spaniards gained greatly the favor of these
Indians by curing their sick. They went about with them in their
journeys. They lived among these people about eight months, feed-
ing upon such wild fruits and roots as they did, and going as naked
as ever they were born, except at any time they could procure a
few skins to cover themselves. Alvaro says that with travelling
through woods and thickets, where the thorns and briai-s tore their
flesh, they were in a very miserable condition.

From these people they removed to the Maliacones and then to
the Arbadoes with whom they lived some time after the same poor
and hard fate that they had with the former. When these people
first saw them before their houses they withdrew and reasoned
awhile among themselves, which consultation being over, they came
in a very friendlj' manner, taking them by the hands and leading
them into their houses.

Of these people (as of all the rest in general from the island of
Malhado hither) they observed that they gave their children suck
till they are ten or twelve years old, and this because of the great
scarcity of victuals in their country; for nature having made a
provision for them in the mother's milk they rather chose to let
them depend upon that for a maintenance than upon the uncertain
products of the earth or tlieir uncertain getting them. They part
from their wives whenever (quarrels and differences arising between
them) they can no longer enjoy domestic pence and quietness ; this
is very common among the younger sort, but it is not customary
for, those who have had many children to turn off the mothers of
them and abandon them totally. When any couple is thus divorced

EXPEDITION OP PAMFILO DE NARVAEZ TO ELOEIDA. Ill

from each other, they both use their liberty to marry when or whom
thej' please. When a quarrel happens between two families they
have them to separate from the rest of the community and withdraw
with their women and whatever belongs to them into some place in
the fields by tliemselves; and here they stay till eitlier their neigh-
bors m^ke peace or they have mutually digested the matter on botli
sides and are disposed to a reconciliation. If a difference among
them ever proceeds so far as to come to blows, they take care never
to use any dangerous weapons. They commonly take pretty hand-
some cudgels and thrash one another with them till they have suffl-
cientl}' vented their choler on both sides ; but as for their bows and
arrows they reserve them for their enemies, and no passion ever
makes them turn upon each other with those weapons or any other
that may prove fatal. They are soldiers good enough, hardy, used
to labor, and able to endure it, cunning, and presently perceiving
the fear and cowardice of their enemies, and taking all the advantage
by it imaginable; in short, an enemy must use them the worst that
can be, and fear them without any discovery of it. Among some of
them, Alvaro says, there are a sort of impotent effeminate men, of
much larger and greater limbs than ordinary, who go in women's
dress and are devoted to women's work; they carry no bows nor
arrows, but instead of them burdens of wood and water, and within
doors do other domestic work; and of these he declares he saw
several.*

They have a sort of drink made of the leaves of a tree like the
mulben-y tree, which they boil very well, and work it up into a
froth, and so drink it as hot as ever they can suffer it to come into
their mouths. All the while this is over the fire the vessel must be
close shut; and if by chance it should be uncovered, and a woman
should come by in the mean time, they would drink none of it, but
fling all away. Likewise, while they stand cooling and poui'ing it
out to drink, a woman must not stir nor move,' or they w^ould throw
it all to the ground, or spew it up again, if they had drunk any, and
she herself would incur the bastinado. All this time they continue
bawling out aloud, "Who will drink?" And when the women begin
to hear these exclamations, then it is that they settle themselves in
their postures, and were they sitting, or standing, though it were a
tip-toe, or one leg up and the other down, they must continue so
till the men have cooled their liquor, and made it fit to drink. The
reason of this is every whit as foolish and unreasonable as the cus-

* Marquette mentions in his account of his voyage down the Mississippi
similar facts in regard to the Illinois and Nadonessians.

112 EXPEDITION or PAMFILO DE NARVAEZ TO FLORIDA.

torn itself; for they say, should not the women stand still when
they hear their voice, some bad thing would be conveyed into the
liquor, which they say would make them die; and if such a genera-
tion of asses were all poisoned, it were no great loss to the world.
Our Spaniards continued travelling on through this hungry barren
country ; the next Indians they came to, entertained them'with a
sort of food which thej' had met witli none before; it was a kind of
meat made of a fruit called Mesquiquez, which is like the carobe,
and Alvaro says of the same kind. As it hangs on the tree it
is very bitter, and as they prepare it one would think it should not
be mended, though they are of another opinion, and therefore pro-
ceed accordingly. They make a trench in the ground of a consider-
able depth, and throw the fruit into it, bruising and stiiTing it about
with a great piece of wood. Wlien they have done this to the pur-
pose, they take this hodge-podge of earth and fruit and put it into a
vessel, pouring as much water upon it as would just cover it; then
they taste whether it be sweet enough or not; if not, they take more
earth and mingle with it till they have wrought it up to that degree
of sweetness that pleases their palates best. When this is done,
they will sit round the trench, and every man thrusts in his hand
and takes out a lump to eat ; and so they eat on in this way of good
fellowship till their bellies sometimes are ready to burst. The liquor
they use to wash down this dirty meat is made of seeds or kernels
of the fruit and the husk together; for they take these and put them
into a vessel of water, and after they have lain steeped there awhile,
thej' come and squeeze them, and the liquor that is thus pressed out
is, without any further preparation, fit to be drunk bj' tlie best of them.

The next people they came to seemed to be struck with a mighty
fear and astonishment at the first approach of these strange men.
It was a good while before they would venture to come near them,
and, when they did, they laid their hands upon the faces and bodies
of the Spaniards, and then upon their own, bidding them welcome
by that kind of action.

These nations the Spaniards were now got among were of a, much
more civil and hospitable temper than those they had passed through
at first; but there were such varieties of them that they don't pre-
tend so much as to give us their names, much less could they learn
the languages of every one of them. They werfe pretty well ac-
quainted with six several tongues, but before they came into the
parts of the continent where the Spaniards dwelt, they had met
with about a thousand sorts of languages; so that all along they
expressed their minds to the Indians by signs and motions, which

EXPEDITION OP PAMFILO DE NARVAEZ TO PLOEipA. 113

they found no great trouble to make them understand the sense and
meaning of. (3)*

In this last country they had now reached, no European had
hitherto been seen ; and they were received with that pleasing sur-
prise which usually marks the first meeting between civilized and
savage people. Their reverence was much increased when Alvaro
began to act the physician as he had done on the coast. His success
was greater than ever when he succeeded in raising a dead man to
life (probably some one in a swoon or stunned by a blow). By this
such worship did they obtain in the eyes of the Indians that on the
assertion being made that they were the children of the sun it met
with immediate belief; and they were not only at full liberty to
proceed westward but were furnished with an escort to conduct and
recommend them to the next people as children of the sun who had
power to cure or kill every disease to which man was subject. They
add^d, it is said, even greater lies ; all passed current, and these
Indians scrupled not, even under cover of this sacred character of
their mysterious companions, to appropriate whatever appeared to
them desirable ; a proceeding viewed with much alarm by the
Spaniards on account of the hostile feelings which, seemingly, it
could not fail to excite; but, on the contrary, they found their com-
panions made welcome, on their account, to anything they chose to
take. This new people sent a similar escort, who repeated the same
absurdities, and made a similar use of the credit derived from them;
and thus they were passed on from nation to nation, guided, vene-
rated, and protected. They had nothing to encounter except the
physical obstacles of the route. Alvaro says that sometimes they
had thousands to attend them, neither was it an easy matter to get
rid of some of them, many times the people whose country they
came to would march out in a full body to meet them and bid them
welcome, and, according to their various customs and manners, such
was their reception and manner of entertainment among them.

One nation particularly Alvaro makes mention of,- where the
people ran out of their houses shouting and hollowing, and striking
their hands upon their thighs at such a rate, that they frightened
them most bitterly ; and then they thronged and crowded about
them with so much eagerness, every man striving to be foremost,

* " As so many tongues entirely different are spoken by the Prairie Indians,
a language of signs has become the general medium of communication between
the different nations. This system of signs has been brought to such perfection
among them, that the most intricate correspondence seems to be intelligibly
conducted by such as have acquired a proficiency in this dumb language." —
" Commerce of the Prairies," by Josiah Grregg.
8

114 EXPEDITION Of PAMPILO DE NARVAEZ TO FLOEIDA.

and came as near them as possible, that he says they were like to
be squeezed to death. The multitude would not let them touch the
ground with tlieir feet, but got them upon their shoulders, and
carried them away to their houses* Others of them, as soon as
they had brought the Spaniards into their houses, would offer them
all their goods, and the very houses tliemselves too ; and though
there were no great treasures there, yet they were not a little pleased
to see the free and open humor of these people. Some again would
not come out of their houses into the fields and highways to meet
them, but sit at home and stay till they came; and it is comical
enough what Alvaro relates of these silent people (who were yet as
hearty and kind as the noisy ones before mentioned); that when
they came to their houses, they found them all sitting with their
faces turned towards the wall, their heads hanging down, and their
long hair dangling over their eyes, as if they had been asleep, and
afterwards were entertained by them in a very frank and hearty
manner. They commended these for the most comely and sensible
people of all that they saw; their women, and all the old people in
general, wear a covering of deer skins, the rest go naked, here and
there a man only excepted. Their country abounds with kine
[buffalo], and they have also some store of maize.

Leaving the Indians, who by their actions appear to have never
before seen white and bearded men, the Spaniards first crossed a
large river flowing from the north. They then travelled thirty
leagues over a populous plain. On the way Dorantes received a
brass or copper bell with a face or figure on it. The next day they
crossed a mountain of seven leagues, and in the evening arrived at
numerous cabins on the bank of a very pretty stream. The Indians
in this place gave them many purses containing marcosite and
antimony, whicii last was used to paint their faces. The bell being
shown them they said in the place from which that came there was
found in the earth much of that metal, which was greatly esteemed,
and that in that country were fixed houses. They then crossed a

* Joutel, in his "Journal of the last voyage of La Salle," mentions a similar
reception which he and his party received on liis way to " Cappa." He says :
"As for my own part, heing of a pretty large size, and loaded with clotlies, a
firelock, a case of pistols, powder and ball, a kettle and other implements, there
is no donbt but I made a sufficient burden for him that carried me, and because
I was taller than he, and my feet would have hung upon the ground, two other
Indians held them up for me ; so that I had three to carry me. Other Indians
took hold of our horses to lead them, and in that ridiculous equipage we arrived '
at the village." This village was one of four allied together, viz., Assony,
Nathosos, Nachitos, and Cadodaquio.

EXPEDITION OP PAMPILO DE NARVAEZ TO FLORIDA. 115

rugged, arid, dreary tract, fifty leagues in extent. In this road tliey
suffered severely from thirst and hunger; and crossed a river, the
water of which came up to the breast, and were conducted over a
plain to the foot of the mountains, where at length they came to a
party of Indians, who had a little corn, and who conducted them to
their villiage.

These Indians told them that the next people lived afar off, and
were their enemies. Two women were given them for guides, one
of whom conducted Castillo and the ne^ro to a place where lier
father lived, on a stream running between mountains. The dwellings
here were the first seen that merited the name of houses. After speak-
ing with the inliabitants, Castillo returned to Alvaro and Dorantes,
bringing with him five or six Indians. The three then set out with
the Indians for their houses. . After stopping there a day, they
were conducted to other fixed houses. This country was thickly
populated, and in it were the greatest number of cows [buffaloes].
In answer to the question why they did not plant corn, they said
that, two years before, the water failed and the moles ate the seeds ;
that they could not plant it until there was plenty of rain. Being
asked where they procured corn, they said on the sea-coast where
the sun set; that there the whole countrj' was filled with it; and
that the shortest way to it was to go west.

After stopping two days, the Spaniards determined to seek this
countrj"^ where there was so much corn, and to go constantly to the
west until they should come to it. For some time they went up
a river, then they crossed it, and at sunset found themselves in
a great valley in the midst of very high mountains, where they
found a people who had much corn in store, and fixed houses, some
of which were constructed of earth [adobe], and others of mats of
reeds. They then went a hundred leagues into the interior, still
finding fixed houses, corn, and beans, and after having travelled a vast
extent of country came at last to a village of the provinces border-
ing on the Pacific Ocean, but, after having the welcome sight of this,
they travelled many days in great distress for want of prgvisions ;
but the worst of all was their being reduced to powder of straw,
which Alvaro says they did eat for several days, having nothing
else that was eatable to pretend to, as neither had the Indians in
whose country they then were. But out of this miserable place they
came into a land that migiit be called happy, beautiful, and fruitful
in comparison ; for here they had corn, pulse, gourds,* and venison

* This word gourd is not vinfreqiiently found in the early accounts of America.
It is mentioned here as a food, and means probably a squash or a pumpkin.

116 EXPEDITION OP PAMPILO DE NAKVAEZ TO FLOEIDA.

for the belly; deer-skins also, and cotton mantles for the back.
Going further, they had not only a, continuance of these necessaries,
but superfluities, too ; the natives gave them turquoise stones, some
emeralds, and pieces of coral, and told them that they had the
emeralds in exchange for quills and parrots' feathers from a certain
people that dwelt in very high mountains to the north. These
Indians were a polite people, in respect of a great many others they
had met with ; they had houses more large and handsomely built
than was common ; their women were used with great respect and
regard to their sex ; they wore shifts of bombazine cotton which
reached below the knee, and a sort of sleeves made of deerskin
which touched the ground, and were perfumed very sweet with
certain roots ; and all in general, both men and women, were shod.

From these they travelled to others, who lived a much more
poor and miserable life; and from these again through another
large and populous country, where the natives sowed maize and
pulse three times a year, and had also plenty of deer. They found
here a sort of poisonous tree, of which the inhabitants make use to
poison their arrows, and that either with the fruit or the milky juice
that drops from the boughs when they are broken ofl". There are
several of these trees that are so strong a poison that the leaves of
them bruised and cast into any pool or standing water will certainly
kill the beasts that drink it, according to their report.

They finally arrived at a village, where they stopped three days,
and then went a day's march to another, in which they were detained
fifteen days in consequence of the river being high. During this
time Castillo saw, on the neck of an Indian, the buckle of a sword-
belt. The Indian said it was brought into the country by men with
beards, who had come to that river (Petutan), and had horses,
lances, and swords. TUey saw sad demonstrations of it as they
passed further into the country, for the people had left their towns
and villages and hid themselves in the forests and mountains, the
fruitful fields lay neglected, and a whole rich and pleasant country
appeared to be spoiled.*

* Alvaro was now travelling through Xalisoo, called also Galicia and Guadala-
jara. About the year 1531 this country was first entirely reduced and colonized
by the Spaniards under Nunez de Guzman, who found it inhabited by a bold,
warlike people, well armed, well clothed, obstinate lovers of freedom, who for a
long time resisted all the power of the Spaniards, Their towns were well
built, the people were comparatively civilized, and conducted their aflfairs, both
civil and military, with great address and regularity. Guzman's troops every-
where committed terrible depredations, but lie drew no advantage from it. He
remained in the province of Xalisco until imperial orders were issued to arrest
and bring him back a prisoner to Mexico at his own expense.

EXPEDITION OF PAMFILO DE NARVAEZ TO FLORIDA. lit

Some of the Indians that had suffered thus, being at last got out
of their holes and hiding-places, told them that the Spaniards had
been there and destroyed and burnt their towns, laid their lands
waste, and carried ofT vast numbers of the people for slaves. Yet
were these a most innocent, courteous people, and made Alvaro
with his company as welcome as possible. In short, they went on,
with a great body of Indians attending, till they came where the
first Spanish settlement was, having all along traced the march of
the Spaniards by those marks of their cruelty which were visible
everywhere.

From the place where Alvaro first heard the Spaniards spoken
of he reckoned it to be eighty leagues to the river Petutan ; the
river on which Diego de Guzman arrived. In all the country where
the mountains ended, he observed traces of gold, iron, and other
metals ; and where the houses were fixed he describes it as warm,
even in January.

The next morning^ after seeing stakes to which horses had been
tied, Alvaro took with him the negro and twelve Indians, and fol-
lowed the trace of the Christians. He passed three villages where
they had slept, and made ten leagues that day.

The next day he met some Christians on horseback, who were
astonished to see him clothed in so strange a maimer, and in the
midst of these Indians. They regarded him for a long time with
such astonishment that they could not utter a word. Alvaro told
them to conduct him to their chief, and then the party went a half
league to the place where Diego de Alcarez, their captain, was.
When Alvaro had spoken to him, the captain told him he knew
not what to do ; that for a long time he ha'd not been able to take
any Indians ; and he did not know where to.,go, because his people
had begun to sufier with hunger. Alvaro told him that Dorantes
and Castillo were ten leagues from there -v^rith many people that
they were bringing with them. Tlie captain amraediately sent to
them three cavaliers and fifty Indians, the negro-serving for a guide.
Alvaro asked the captain to certify the year; the month, the day,
and condition in which he had found him, which he did. From
this river to the city of San Miguel, the chief place of the govern-
ment of this province [Xalisco ?] of New Spain they counted it to
be thirty leagues.

Two days after, Dorantes and Castillo arrived with those who
had been sent to seek them. They brought six hundred Indians
belonging to a village, all of the inhabitants of whicli had fled into
the forests, and concealed themselves for fear of the Spanish sol-

118 EXPEDITION OP PAMFILO DE NAEVAEZ TO FLORIDA.

diers. The natives who accompanied Alvaro's party had caused
all these Indians to come back, and had conducted them to where
they were.

The Indians brought Alvaro a great quantity of corn, of which
he took some, and gave the rest to captain Alcaraz and his men,
to divide among themselves. Alvaro was much chagrined at the
wish of these Spaniards to make slaves of the Indians who had
brougiit this supply. Seeing the Indians afflicted, Alvaro tran-
quillized them ; told them to return home and plant their corn ;
but they refused to leave him, saying that in his company they
were not afraid. The Spanish soldiers said they were masters of
the country, and must be obeyed ; and farther, that they were
Christians, as well as Alvaro. This the Indians would not believe.
They declared it to be utterly impossible, since everything was
contrary in the two parties : the one came from the east, the other
from the west; the one was naked and on foot, the other clothed
and on horseback; the one healed those who were sick, the other
killed those who were well ; the one showed no sign of avarice,
while the other seemed to have no object in life but to steal what-
ever they could reach: but at length Alvaro got tbem to return to
their homes, after which he and his companions, in a state of arrest,
were sent to an alcalde named Zebreros.

They carried Alvaro and his party into the mountains by path-
less ways where there was no water. They thought they all should
die of thirst. Seven men perished, and a great number of Indians
wlio accompanied them lived only till the noon of next day. In
the evening they found water. After going about twenty-five
leagues they arrived at a village of subjugated Indians. The alcalde
who conducted them left them there, and they went three leagues
further to another village called Cnliacan, where resided Melchoir
Diaz, alcalde mayor and captain of the province.

The reception of Alvaro and party by Diaz was very different
from that by Alcaraz. Diaz begged them to remain in the country
and use their influence with the Indians to bring about a better
state of affairs. Alvaro enjoined the Indians to build churches
and put crosses on tbem. He caused to be brought to him the
children of the principal Indian inhabitants, that he might bap-
tize them. Then Diaz solemnly promised not to make inroads into
the country, nor to permit the Indians to be oppressed, nor to re-
duce into slavery any of the natives of the country which Alvaro
had pacified. Diaz engaged to keep his promise until the emperor,
or the governor Nuno de Guzman, or viceroy should decide on

EXPEDITION OF PAMFILO DE NARVAEZ TO FLORIDA, 119

what would be fit for the service of God and the emperor. When
Alvaro had finished baptizing the Indian children, he set out for
the city of San Miguel.

In the city of San Miguel, Alvaro remained until the 15th of May.
From this place he went to the city of Compostella, the residence
of the governor, Nuno de Guzman. To reach -it, they were forced
to ti-avel a hundred leagues through a country entirely deserted
and hostile. He travelled with his people and twenty cavaliers for
forty leagues. From the place where these left him, his party con-
tinued its march in company with six Spaniards, who were conduct-
ing five hundred Indian slaves. Having arrived at Compostella, he
was well received by the governor, who clothed him and his party.
It took Alvaro a long time to accustom himself to wearing clothes,
and he could sleep only on the ground. Ten or twelve days after
their arrival at Compostella, they set out for the city of Mexico.
All along the route they were well received by the Christians, great
numbers of whom came to see them, and thanked God that they had
escaped from such great dangers. They arrived in the city of Mexico
on Sunday, the eve of St. James [1536]. The viceroy Antonio de
Mendoza and the Marquis de Valle [Hernando Cortes] received them
with the greatest pleasure, and treated them very kindl3'. They gave
them clothes, offered them whatever they possessed, and on the day
of St. James had carousals and bull-fights.

After he had rested two months at Mexico, he was going to em-
bark for Spain in October, when a storm arose, and drove the vessel
aground. Then he determined to wait till winter was over. When
part of the winter was passed, he and Dorantes went to Vera Cruz,
where they waited till Palm Sunday to embark. They waited fifteen
days for a wind. The vessel being deep in the water, Alvaro left it
for another, while Dorantes remained on board. On the 10th of
April, they sailed in company with a third vessel. The three ves-
sels kept together fifty leagues, when one night that of Alvaro
parted from the other two, which were lost sight of.

Alvaro's vessel arrived at Havana the 4th of May, and there
waited for the other two till the 2d of June. It then set out, but
not without apprehension of meeting the French, who had a few days
before taken three vessels in those parts. After leaving Havana,
having made five hundred leagues, the vessel arrived at the Azores,
and tlie next day, in passing- near the island of Cuervo, they per-
ceived a French vessel in company with a caravel loaded with
negroes. The French would have taken the vessel of Alvaro, but
for the sight of a Portuguese fleet, commanded by Diego de Silvelra.

120 EXPEDITION OP PAMVILO DE NARVAEZ TO FLORIDA,

With this fleet Alvaro's vessel went to the island of Terceira, where
they remained fifteen days for another vessel which was coming
from India,, and was in company with three vessels escorted by a
squadron. Then all set out together, and entered the port of Lis-
bon August the 15th, 1537.

Dorantes and Castillo also returned to Spain. The negro Este-
vano remained in Mexico, and served as a guide to Francisco Marco
de Nizza in his expedition to Cibola, where Estevano, on account of
some improprieties, was killed by the Indians.

EXPEDITION OP PEANCISCO VASQUEZ COEONADO. 121

CHAPTEE VII.

I.

EXPEDITION OF FRANCISCO VASQUEZ COEONADO TO CIBOLA AND

TIGUEX.

1539-1543.

In the year 1530, Nunc de Guzman, at that time president of
New Spain, had in his service an Indian, a native of the country
Exitipar, which was called by the SpaniarcJs Tejos or Texos, and
which in all probability was no other than the present Texas. This
Indian told his master that he was the son of a merchant long since
dead. That during his childhood his father used to go into the in-
terior of the country to sell the handsome feathers with which the
Indians adorn their heads ; and that he brought back in exchange a
great quantity of gold and silver, which metals were, according to
him, well known in that country. He assured him that, having on
one occasion accompanied his father, he had seen several large towns
in which entire streets were inhabited by people working the pre-
cious metals. Finally lie added that to arrive there, it was neces-
sary to travel for forty days through a wilderness, where nothing
was to be found save a short grass, and then get into the interior of
the country, keeping due north.

Relying on this information, Nuno de Guzman assembled an
army of four hundred Spaniards, and twenty thousand Indians, al-
lies of New Spain. He started from Mexico, traversed the province
of Tarasea, and reached that of Culiacan, the limit of his govern-
ment; no road leading farther on, and having great obstacles to sur-
mount in order to pass over the mountains which intercepted his
route, he now saw the greater number of his ofHcers and allies get
discouraged and abandon him. Meanwhile he was apprised that
Hernando Cortes, his personal enemy, was returning [from Spain]
to Mexico, loaded with titles and favors. He therefore resolved to
stop at Culiacan, and colonize that province. Shortly afterwards
the Tejos Indian died, and Nuno de Guzman was thrown into
prison.

Some time previously Pamfllo Narvaez, Hernando Cortes's unfor-

122 EXPEDITION OP FRANCISCO VASQUEZ CORONADO.

tunate rival, having been named governor of Florida, left St. Do-
mingo with four hundred men and eighty horses, in five ships ; he
reached Florida on the 11th of April, 1528. On the 1st of May
following, he penetrated into the interior of the country. After long
and weary marches he returned to the coast and constructed barks,
in hopes of reaching Panuco by coasting towards the west. On the
22d of September of the same year, he sailed, accompanied by two
hundred and forty-two men. On the 29th or 30th of October, after
a most perilous navigation, the Spaniards discovered and pointed
out to Narvaez the mouth of the Mississippi. They almost all
perished shortly after; some of hunger, some from shipwreck, and
others by the natives. There only survived [Alvaro Nunez] Cabesa
de Vaca, Dorantes, Castillo Maldonado, and a negro [Estevano].
At the end of eight years they reached Mexico.

Don Antonio de Mendoza, at that time viceroy of New Spain,
caused these three travellers to be brought before bim. They
related to him their adventures, declaring that they had met with
Indian tribes, some of whom cultivated maize, while others lived on
fish and the product of the chase; that they had heard of large
towns, with lofty houses containing many stories, and situated in
the same direction as those spoken of by the Tejos Indian. Men-
doza communicated the information he received from them, to Fran-
cisco Vasquez Coronado, a nobleman of Salamanca, and governor
of the province of CuHacan. The latter at once left Mexico and
hastily returned to his province.

When Nunc de Guzman had conquered the new kingdom of
Galicia, the first town he built there was Culiacan. It is situated
west of Mexico. According to Pedro de Castanedo de Nagera, who
had joined Coronado's expedition, there were three large and per-
fectly distinct populations in that couutry — the Tahus, the Pacasas,
and the Acaxas. The Tahus were the most intelligent and the
most civilived nation, and the one that first embraced Catholicism.
Previous to the conquest, these Indians adored the evil spirit under
the form of large serpents, which they reared with the greatest
veneration, and to which they made offerings of stuflfs and turquoises.
Although these men were very immoral, j'et such was their respect
for all women who led a life of celibacy, that they celebrated grand
festivals in their lienor. The Pacasas were more barbarous. They
ate human flesh, married several wives — even their own sisters, and
adored carved or painted stones. The Acaxas were also cannibals j
they hunted men like wild beasts, and built their villages on steep
cliffs, separated one from the other by ravines, over which it was
impossible to pass.

EXPEDITION OP FRANCISCO VASQUEZ CORONADO. 123

Coronado had taken with him the negro Esteva and three Fran-
ciscan monks, one of whom was Father Marcos de Ni§a, who had
already taken part in the expedition which Don Pedro d'Alvarado
had conducted by land to Peru.* As soon as the governor had
reached Culiacan, he sent Father Marcos forward to descry the
country, with which object the latter began his tour on the 'Tth of
March, 1539, in company of the two other Franciscans, the negro,
and a goodly number of emancipated Indians.

The little band remained three days at Petatlan, chief town of a
province of the same name, a short distance from Culiacan. The
name of Petatlan was given to it because its houses were constructed
of matted rushes, called petates. The inhabitants, whose customs
resembled those of the Tahus, had their villages built on the borders
of the rivers and on the mountains. As he journeyed along, Father
Marcos met entire populations, who received him with pleasure and
gave him provisions, flowers, and other presents. The first desert
he afterwards saw, and of which he speaks in the account of his
journey sent to tlie Emperor Charles Y.,is doubtless the one situated
between the Rio Yagui and the Rio Sonora. This country is cer-
tainly vei-y barren, and quite destitute of water for a distance of
about one hundred and ten miles.(4) Tiie Indians who lived beyond
this desert occupied the valley of Sonora, which Cabeza de Vaca
had named Tierradelos Corazones (Country of the Hearts), because,
when he passed there, a great many hearts of animals had been
offered to him.f The inhabitants of this valley were numerous and
intelligent. The women wore petticoats of tanned deer-skin. Evei'y
morning the caciques ascended little eminences, and for more than
an hour would indicate aloud what each was to do during the day.
At their religious ceremonies they stuck arrows around their
temples, resembling in this the Zunis of the present day, who some-
times stick them round their altars and tombs.J Father Marcos

* Pedro Alvarado went liy sea from a port in Guatemala, and landed at the
bay of Caragues, on the coast of Pent, and then marched to Quito.

t The Mexicans offered the hearts of their victims to their idols, and these
Indians, taking Alvaro Nunez for a divine being, may have offered him the
hearts of animals through superstitious motives.

t Rene Laudonniere, in his "History of the First Attempt of the French to
Colonize Florida," in speaking of the Indians of Florida, says : "When a king
dieth they bury him very solemnly, and upon his grave they set the cup
wherein he was wont to drink, and roundabout the said grave they stick many
arrows, and weep the first three days together without ceasing.

" The most part of them (the Indians) have their bodies, arms, and thighs
painted with very fair devices, the painting whereof can never be taken away,
because the same is pricked into the flesh. ' '

124 EXPEDITION OF FEANCISCO VASQUEZ COEONADO.

found on the borders of this desert other Indians, who were greatly
surprised to see him, for they had not the slightest idea of the ■
Christians. Some of them would try to touch his garments, and
would call him " Soyota," which signiges " Man come down from
Heaven." These Indians told him that, should he continue his
route, he would soon enter a very extensive plain, full of large towns,
which were inliabited by people clad in cotton, wearing gold rings
and ear-rings, and making use of little blades of the same metal to
scrape the perspiration off their bodies.

Although the information given by Father Marcos is rather
vague, and though it is scarcely possible to state precisely the
route he followed, or to indicate the geographical positions of the
countries he passed through, it is probable that the plain, here
spoken of, is that of the Rio de las Casas Grande, situated one
hundred and fifty miles east of the Rio Sonora, which is to this day
all covered with imposing ruins,* reminding one of handsome and
populous cities. After a few days' march, Father Marcos arrived at
Vacapa, now called Magdalena, situated on the Rio San Miguel,
one hundred and twenty miles from the California Gulf The in-
habitants of this town were, no doubt, the ancestors of the Cocopas,
who are now spread from the mouth of the Rio Colorado to the
northwestern deserts. Father Marcos remained a few days at
Vacapa to enable his fellow-travellers to rest themselves ; the
Indians generously giving them everything they were in need of.
The monks, being displeased .with the negro (who was misconduct-
ing himself towards the women of the country, and who only thought
of enriching himself), resolved on sending him away; but as he
knew how to make himself understood by the natives of that
country — through which he had already travelled — and as he was
known to those Indians, Father Marcos determined on sending him
forward with orders to acquaint him, at once, of whatever discoveries
he should make.

Four days afterwards Bsteva, the negro, dispatched to his supe-
rior a messenger who related wonderful things of a large town called
Cibola, known at the present day by the name of Zuni. According
to the fashion of his tribe, the messenger's face, breast, and arms
were painted. Those Indians whom the Spaniards called Pintados
lived on the frontiers of the seven towns forming the kingdom of
Cibola.f Their descendants, now called Papagos and Pimas, still
reside in the same country, which extends from the valley of Santa

* The Casa Grande of the San Miguel.

f Cibolos in the Mexican language means buffaloes, according to Clavigero.

EXPEDITION OE ERANOISCO VASQUEZ CORONADO. 125

Cruz to the Rio Gila. Cibola, the first of the seven towns and
capital of the kingdom of that name, was situated thirty days' jour-
ney from Vacapa. The Pintados said they often- went there and
were employed in tilling the ground; and received for their wages
turquoises and tanned hides.

An Indian of this town told Father Marcos that Cibola was a
great city, densely peopled, with a great number of streets and
squares ; that in some quarters there were very large houses with
ten stories, where the chieftains assembled, at certain times of the
year, to discuss public affairs. The doors and fronts of those
houses were adorned with turquoises. The inhabitants had white
skins like the Spaniards, and wore wide cotton tunics tliat reached
to their feet. These garments were fastened round the neck by
means of a button, and were ornamented at the waist with a belt
studded with very fine turquoises. Over these tunics some wore
excellent cloaks, and others very riclily wrought cowhides. The
same Indian added, " That towards the southeast there existed a
kingdom called Marata, with large populations and considerable
towns, the houses of which had several stories ; that these people
were continually at war with the sovereign of the seven towns.
And tliat in the direction of the southwest, on the Rio Verde, was
another kingdom called Totonteac, which was as wealthy as it was
densely peopled, and whose inhabitants were dressed in fine cloth."
Although these narratives were exaggerated, it is not less a fact
that all those countries were thickly populated, intersected with
roads, and studded with towns.*

When Father Marcos had rested himself, he took measures to
rejoin the negro, accompanied by the Pintados, who served him as
guides; and he left Vacapa on Easter Monday. He was everywhere
welcomed with the same marks of kindness and the same cordiality.
Everywhere he received presents of turquoises, tanned skins, rabbits,
quails, game, maize, and vegetables. On the 9th of May he entered
the last desert that separated him from Cibola. Having stopped
for a few minutes to dine at a farm-house, he saw one of Esteva's
companions coming hastily towards him, quite covered with perspi-

* The ruins on the Gila, Rio Verde, and San Miguel all go to confirm what
this Indian reported to Father Marcos.

The direction of one of these places appears to he wrong. The Indian was
s'peaking of the direction of these places from Cibola, which was probably where
now is the Casa Grande of the Gila. The Casa Grande of the San Miguel was
probably in the kingdom of Marata, for it would be southeast from the Casa
Grande of the Gila. But the Casa Grande of the Rio Verde could not be south-
west from that of the Gila, but rather is northward of it.

126 EXPEDITION OF FEANOISCO VASQUEZ COEONADO.

ration, faint from fatigue, and trembling with fear. This man told
him that the inhabitants of Cibola had first imprisoned the negro
and afterwards put him to death, as also several of the Indians who
accompanied him. These tidings threw consternation among Father
Marcos' followers. The greater number of them were relatives or
friends of the victims ; they accused him of being the cause of this
misfortune, and resolved upon killing' him. He fortunately escaped
this danger and returned in all haste to Culiacan, where he related
to the governor all that had occurred during his expedition.

Captain-general Vasquez Coronado, encouraged by the account
given by Father Marcos, and hoping to discover new territories, at
once organized, in New Spain, a little anny which assembled at
Compostella, and on the day following Easter, 1540, he put himself
at the head of his troops, composed of one hundred and fifty horse-
men, two. hundred archers, and eight hundred Indians. Having
reached Culiacan, the army halted to take rest. At the end of a
fortnight Coronado moved forward, accompanied by fifty horsemen,
a few foot soldiers, and his best friends, among whom was father
Marcos. The command of the remainder of the troops was confided
to Don Tristan d'Arrellano, with orders to leave fifteen days later,
and to follow the same route as the captain-general.

After a month of fatigue and of privation of all kinds, Vasquez
Coronado arrived at Chichilticale. This name, which signifies Red
House, was given to this locality because a large house of that color
was to be seen there, where the last desert begins, which house was
inhabited by an entire tribe that came from Cibola. At this place
the Spaniards lost several horses, and even some men, from want of
food. Nevertheless, encouraged by their chief, they continued their
march, and a fortnight after they had left Chichilticale, they arrived
within twent3'-six miles of Cibola. They saw, for the first time, the
natives of this singular kingdom, but the latter immediately took to
flight, spreading the alarm throughout the country by means of
great fires, which they kindled on the high mountains : a custom in
use to this day among the tribes of New Mexico.

Next day, Coronado came in sight of Cibola. The inhabitants
of the province had all assembled, and awaited the Spaniards with
a steady attitude. Far from accepting the proposals of peace which
were offered them, they threatened the interpreters with death.
The Spaniards then cried out, " San lago! San lago !" attacked
the Indians with impetuosity, and, notwithstanding a vigorous re-
sistance, Coronado entered the town of Cibola as conqueror. In
fighting, the Indians had made use of arrows, and of stones which
they threw with much skill. During the assault, the Spanish gen-

EXPEDITION OP PEANCISCO VASQUEZ CORONADO. ISt

eral was thrown down by an enormous stone which was hurled at
him, and would have been killed had it not been for the strength of
his armor, and the devotedness of his friends, Gai-cia Lopez de Car-
denas and Hernando d'Alvarado, who shielded him with their
bodies, while some others helped him up.* Coronado found neither
old men, women, nor children under fifteen years of age, in the town.
The besieged had caused them to be taken to the mountains before
the action began. The description which, in his report to the em-
peror Charles V., he gives of the country, its climate, its inhabit-
ants, their customs, and their usages, resembles much what we see
now-a-daj'S among the Zunis, and in their province. In general,
when one studies attentively the writings of tiie missionaries, and
of the other Spaniards of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries,
sent by the viceroys of New Spain to discover distant countries, the
information given by those writers is found to be exact, though
often incomplete or exaggerated.

The remainder of the army, which had remained at Culiacan, took
the route at the time appointed to join the commander-in-chief.
Every one was on foot, with a lance on his shoulder, and carrying
provisions. After unheard-of fatigues, the column reached the val-
ley of San Miguel, amidst the Corazones. But as the maize was
not j'et ripe, and the soldiers were dying from iiunger, their com-
mander, Don Tristan d'Arrellano, changed routes and marched to-
wards a valley, which the Spaniards call Seiiora, a name which was
changed into that of Sonora. The valley of Suya, where the army,
at this epoch, founded the town of San Hieronymo, is one hundred
and twenty miles farther on than the one of the Sonora. These two
valleys were peopled with Indians, agricultural tribes whose lan-
guage, manners, usages, and religion were alike. The women painted
their chins, and around their eyes ; the men were very depraved, and
intoxicated themselves with wine made from the Pitahayq, which
grows ever3-where there in abundance ; they also tamed eagles, as
is yet the custom among some tribes of New Mexico.

On reaching the Sierra Mogoyon the Spaniards lost several of their
companions, from the severe privations and difficulties of the route.
During this march the army crossed many rivers which flow into
the Californiau Gulf, and on the banks of which they found numer-
ous Indian tribes, who cultivated maize, kidne}' beans, pumpkins,
and melons of such an enormous size that a man could scarcely

* From this it may be inferred that the Indians hurled large stones from their
house-tops. The protection and assistance that the general required in this
accident show that the defence was vigorous, and that Coronado, at Cibola,
lacked very little of experiencing a fate similar to that of Pyrrhus, at Argos.

128 EXPEDITION OE FRANCISCO VASQUEZ CORONADO.

move them. After a march of nine hundred and seventy-five miles,
the detachment directed its course towards the northwest, and
soon made its junction with Vasquez Coronado, the general-in-chief,
at Cibpla. In consequence of this reinforcement, Coronado took
measures to follow up his conquest by sending Alvarado, his lieu-
tenant, to take possession of the province of Tigeux, on the Rio
Grande.

This province was subdued, after a resistance of fifty days on the
part of the Indians. It contained twelve towns, governed by a
council of old men. The, whole community helped to construct
each house ; the women made the mortar and built up the walls, and
the men brought the wood and ' prepared the timbers. Underneath
the houses and the court-yards were subterraneous stoves or dry-
ing places, paved with large polished flag-stones. In the middle
was a furnace, on which they threw, from time to time, a handful
of thyme, which was suflflcient to keep up an intense heat there, so
that one felt as if in a bath. The men spent a considerable part of
their time in those places, but the women could not enter there ex-
cept to carry food to their husbands or sons. The men spun, wove,
and attended to the tillage of their grounds ; the women occu-
pied themselves with the care of their children and household
affairs ; they were the mistresses of the house, and kept it remark-
ably clean. In the large houses each family had several rooms ;
one served as a sleeping room, another as a kitchen, and a third for
the purpose of grinding wheat [corn ]?. In the latter was an oven
and three large stones ; three women would seat themselves before
these stones ; the first would crush the grain, the second bruise it,
and the third pulverize it completely^ While they were thus em-
ploj'ed, a man seated at the door played on a kind of bagpipe,
and the women worked to measure, all three singing together and
marking the rhythm by striking with their tools the wheat they were
grinding.

The young girls were completely deprived of raiment, even dur-
ing the most severe frosts ; it was only when they married that
they were allowed to cover themselves. The young people could
only enter the married state with the permission of the old men who
governed the town. The young man had then to spin and weave a
mantle ; when completed, the girl who was destined to become his
bride, was brought to him ; he wrapped the mantle round her
shoulders, and she thus became his wife.

From Tiguex, the Spaniai'ds went to Cicuye — now called Pecos
— which they also subdued. From thence Coronado started for
Quivira, with a few men chosen among his best soldiers ; postpon-

EXPEDITION OP ERANCISOO VASQUEZ CORONADO. 129

ing until the following spring the conquest of the whole province.
In 1542, the Spaniards found themselves masters of almost all New
Mexico, whose centre was formed by the province of Tiguex,
around which weye grouped seventy-one towns, distributed among
fourteen provinces, viz., — Cibola, which contained seven towns ;
Tucayan, seven; Acuco, one; Tiguex, twelve; Cutahaco, eight;
Quivii-a, seven ; the Snowy Mountains, seven ; Ximena, three ;
Cicuye, one ; Hemes, seven ; Aquas Calientes, three ; Yuque-Yun-
que, six ; Braba, one ; and Chia, one. Besides these seventy-one
towns, there were many others scattered outside this circle ; as
also several tribes living in tents.

In the spring that followed Coronado's visit to Quivira, the com-
mander-in-chief set about preparing another expedition, with the
object of making new discoveries ; but on the occasion of a festival,
while lie was " running the ring" with Don Pedro Maldonado, he
fell from his horse ; his adversary's went over his body and nearly
killed him. This accident caused the general to alter his resolu-
tion, and inspired him with the desire of returning to New Spain,
where he possessed large estates, to die quietly near his wife and
children. The officers and soldiers, finding that the country was
not so rich as they had been led to believe, and instigated by
Coronado's secret emissaries, petitioned him to be allowed to re-
turn to Mexico ; taking advantage of this disposition of his army,
the general at once gave orders for departure, and returned to
Culiacan in the month of April, 1543. Juan de Padilla, of the
order of Saint Fraijcis, preferred remaining at Quivira, to preach
the gospel to the Indians, and became a martyr. Brother Louis, of
the same order, went to Cicuye, but was never more heard of. Such
was the end of this expedition, which, instead of having a favor-
able result for the Spaniards, only tended to arouse against them
the profound antipathy of the natives, who had been very ill-
treated by the conquerors.

In 1581, a band of adventurers, commanded by Francisco de
Leyva Bonillo, took possession of part of the province of Tiguex,
and finding its products, riches, and inhabitants very like those of
Mexico, they called it New Mexico.

In 1594 Count de Monterey, then viceroy of Mexico, sent the
famous General Don Juan de Onate de Zacatecas to take possession
of New Mexico in the name of the king of Spain, and to establish
colonies, forts, and missionaries there. In a short time the Fran-
ciscan missionaries succeeded in Christianizing numerous Indian
tribes who inhabited towns or villages which the Spaniards called
"Pueblos," to distinguish those half-civilized tribes from those who.

130 EXPEDITION OP FRANCISCO VASQTJEZ CORONADO.

more savage or more independent, would not submit to the con-
queror's autiioritj'.

For a long period the countrj' enjoyed perfect tranquillity ; the
grounds were tilled, and the mines explored throughout this large
territory; but in 1680 there occurred a general rising of the Indians
with the object of shaking off the foreign yoke; and all the Spaniards
who fell into the hands of the natives were unmercifully massacred.
After several bloody conflicts and unexampled efforts, Don Antonio
de Oternin, governor of New Mexico, was obliged to retire with his
troops from 8anta F^,.seat of the government. He stopped on the
Rio Grande, where he fell in with some friendly tribes who helped
him to build the town which now bears the name of Paso del Norte.
It was only after ten years of a most obstinate warfare that Spain
was able to reconquer New Mexico. Other insurrections again
nearly wrested this fine province from the Spaniards, but none
proved so fatal to them as that which broke out in 1680. An in-
veterate hatred exists to this day in the hearts of the Indians of
this country against their former masters ; the Mexicans who inhabit
it are scarcely better liked ; and the Americans, who now possess
tliis state (only very recently, it is true), will with difficulty find
much sympathy there.

New Mexico, properly so called, is a very mountainous region ; it
is traversed in its centre by a great valley going from north to south,
and formed by the Rio Grande, formerly called the Tiguex. The
average width of this valley is twenty miles ; it is bounded on the
east by the Sierra Blanca, the Sierra of Los Organos, and the Sierra
Oscura; and on the west by the Sierra of Los Grullos, the Sierra of
Acha, and that of Los Mimbres, which form the prolongation of the
Rocky Mountains. These mountains measure, south of Santa F^,
from 6000 to 7000 feet in height, and on the north are descried
peaks constantly covered with snow, which rise to 9000 and even
to 12,000 feet above the level of the sea. They abound in gold,
copper, iron, and even silver mines. The auriferous ground covers
an extent of more than two hundred and sixty-five miles around
Santa F^, but it is scarcely explored. Near Jemez, formerly Hemez,
towards the sources of the Rio Grande, there is a great quantity of
coal and some gypsum, and the windows of the greater number of
the houses are made of selenite instead of glass.

Lakes are numerous throughout this country; the Mexicans draw
from them muriate of soda, common salt, which they use for domestic
purposes. It is close to one of these lakes, between the Rio Pecos
and the Rio Grande, that the ruins of Gran Quivira may be seen.

EXPEDITION OF FRANCISCO VASQUEZ CORONADO. 131

Coronado visited this town in 1542 in hopes of finding the treasures
of which a wonderful account had been given him. Quivira, never-
theless, disappointed the conqueror's expectations ; but it appears
that, in the seventeenth century, this town became very rich and
flourishing, and sent twice a year considerable quantities of gold to
Spain. It is probable that this town was destroyed after the general
insurrection of 1680.

New Mexico is divided into three districts: the central, the north,
and the southeast. The principal Indian tribes who live outside of
this circle are Navajos, the Yampais, the Moquis, the Apaches, the
Cosninos, the Tontos, the Coco Maricopas, and the Mojaves. The
Navajos country is comprised between the Rio San Jifan, the valley
of Tumeca, and the canon of Clielly. Their hunting territory ex-
tends to the sources of the Gila. These Indians cultivate in beauti-
ful valleys a little wheat, maize, and vegetables ; but their greatest
wealth consists principally in herds of cattle, of sheep, and of horses.
They manufacture blankets, called jorongos in Texas, which are
much prized throughout New Mexico. West of the Navajos, in the
delta formed by the two Colorados, are situated the seven towns
belonging to the Moquis. Between the Colorado, Chiquito, and
the Rio Gila dwell two bands of Apaches, called Coyoteros and
Pinal Lenas. Those Indians depend more for their subsistence on
the plunder they make in the Sonora than on the produce of agri-
culture. The Cosinos live near the volcanic mountains of San
Francisco, and even as far as the great Colorado. The bordei's of
the Rio Verde and the range of the Aztecs are occupied by the
Tontos. The Yampais' villages are situated to the west and north-
west of the Rio Virgen, which falls into the California Gulf. Four
tribes are concentrated in the valley of the Colorado, viz.: the
Mojaves, Chemchuevis, the Yumas or Cuchans, and the Cocopas.
These Indians, particularlj"- those of the pueblos of New Mexico,
are generally remarkable for their sobriety and industry, the chastity
of the women, the conjugal fidelity of both sexes, their integrity of
manners, and their honesty in the ordinary transactions of social
life. If these half-civilized populations are inferior to the ancient
Mexicans in the development of the intellectual faculties, they are
decidedly superior to them in the exercise of the moral ones.

When New Mexico was discovered all the country extending from
Culiacan to the desert of Cibola, on one side, and to the Rio Colo-
rado on the other, was but a succession of towns, villages, and
habitations, joined together by cultivated fields, orchards, gardens,
and roads. But those great multitudes of human beings have almost

132 PUEBLOS OF NEW MEXICO.

disappeared since the conquest; the silence of the wilderness has
succeeded to the joyful songs of the extinct populations, and the
aridity of the desert replaces the primitive fertility of the soil.*

II.

PUEBLOS OF NEW MEXICO.

These monuments are dispersed throughout the country which
extends from the Rio Grande, in New Mexico, to the Gila, the
Colorado, and the Gulf of California. All these towns are so
ancient that no Indian tradition of the present race makes any
mention of them. In all these ruins are found fragments of pottery
which still retain a very perfect varnish ; they are ornamented with
brilliant paintings, lines, scallops, frogs, butterflies, tortoises, and
monkeys' heads. These remains of towns are extremelj"- numerous
in the country of the Zunis, Navajos, and Jemez. There is a pueblo
at Taos composed of two edifices separated by a river, and connected
by a bridge which reached from one edifice to the other.

The most remarkable are the pueblos Pintado and Wejegi, in the
narrow pass of Chaco, situated 35° 56' 21" north latitude, and 101°
46' west longitude. The Pueblo Pintado is built of small flat slabs of
gray, fine-grained sandstone. The wall stones are only two inches and
a half thick, sometimes less ; and the way in which they are built is
indicative of much art and ingenuitj'. The walls show no trace of
cement, the intervals between each layer being neatly filled up with
small colored pebbles, incrusted in mortar made without lime. It
has three stories, its whole elevation being about thirty feet. Each
story forms a terrace, and a step to the story above, which is attained
by means of wooden ladders resting against the wall. The thick-
ness of the outer wall is one yard at the base, diminishing at each
successive story, so that the top wall is but little more than one
foot thick. The length of the edifice is one hundred and thirty yards.
There are flftj'-three rooms on the ground floor, some being only
five feet wide on each side ; others, twelve by six. All these rooms
communicate by means of verj' small doors, some of which are only
thirty-three inches high by equal width. Tlie floors are made of
rough beams seven and a half inches in diameter, over which are
transversely laid cross-beams of less size ; above these is a layer of
bark and brush-wood covered over with mortar. These beams show

* " Deserts of North America," by AbbS E. M. Domeneoh.

PTJEBLOS OF NEW MEXICO. 133

no mark of having been wrought by ax or saw ; they rather appear
to have been cut or broken off with some rough instrument more-
blunt than sharp. The ground floor of this pueblo has no windows ;
those belonging to the other stories are of the same dimensions as
the doors.

The banks of the Rio Verde abound in ruins of stone dwellings
and fortifications. They are found in the most fertile valleys, where
traces of former cultivation and of small canals for artificial irriga-
tion are yet visible. The solidly built walls are twenty or thirty
yards long, by thirty or forty-five feet high. The houses are two-
storied, with small openings for doors, windows, and loopholes for
defence against attacks from the outside. The style of these con-
structions recalls that of Chichiltieale (Red House) of the Pimas.
Excavations among these majestic ruins have yielded abundant
fragments of beautiful pottery ornamented with brilliantly colored
paintings.

The ruins of Wejegi present the same character as those of which
we have already made mention. They are two hundred and thirty
yards [feet?] in length, and there are ninety-nine rooms on the
ground floor. The Pneblo Una Vida, situated in the defile of Chaco,
is ninety-eight yards longer than that of Wejegi. The Pueblo Bouito
Is more extensive still. The ruins of Pueblo Chettro Kettle measure
four hundred and thirty-three yards In length, and have four stories.
The doors and windows are larger than those of other monuments
of the kind, and the floor-beams are of pine and cedar wood. The
number of rooms is one hundred and twenty-four on each story.
One of these rooms is in a state of perfect preservation. It is four
yards twenty inches long, by two yards and a half broad, and ten
feet high. The walls are stone, covered over with plaster.

On the banks of the Gila are seen ponderous ruins, called Casas
Grandes, a description of which exists in the works of Humboldt
and in the collection of Ternaux Compans ; but many others have
never been described.

The country inhabited by the Coco-marl-copas, towards the Salt
River and the Gila, seems once to have been very populous, to j udge
from the remains of walls, houses, and pottery which the traveller
meets at every step. In this place lie the Aztec ruins called Casa
de Montezuma, which possibl3' may be nothing else than the oft-
mentioned Casas Grandes. They consist of remains of the walls of
four buildings, and heaps of rubbish indicating the places of other
edifices. The largest house appears to have had four stories ; the
floors and ceilings have long since crumbled away, but in the walls
there still exist pieces of round cedar beams more than a yard [foot ?]

134 PUEBLOS or NEW MEXICO.

thick. The walls are four feet thick at the base, and gradually di-
minish as they rise to the top ; they are made of a kind of concrete,
composed of pebbles and white earth, polished and whitened over.

Two hundred yards beyond this house there is a tumulus sur-
rounded by an earthen wall one hundred yards in circumference.
Still further on is a terrace of one hundred yards by seventy, sup-
porting a pyramid of thirty feet in height by twenty-five square
yards at the summit. The whole of the plain extending north, east,
and west of the left bank of the Gila, and formerly washed by its
waters, is discoverable from tiie top of this pyramid.*

Near Salt River the remains, and especially the ruins of houses,
are even more considerable than those we have described, but they
present nothing remarkable or worthy of particular mention. Tu-
muli, truncated pyramids, and filled-up wells surrounded by inclo-
sui-e walls are frequently met with in those latitudes. All these
monuments contain red and painted pottery, and perforated shells,
which were used as coins or ornaments.

All these pueblos of New Mexico contain small circular structures,
called estul'as, often placed within the building itself, or else only a
few 3'ards distant, once used as places of meeting for political or
religious assemblies. When a question of public interest has to be
discussed, the cacique who governs a pueblo calls the diflferent
chiefs together in the estufa, where secret debate is held over tlie
affair. Sometimes the warriors assemble there after an expedition,
to rejoice together for a day or two before they meet their
families.

Tliese estufas are, properly speaking, round or square store
rooms, usually' situated beneath the soil, like cellars; they are
sometimes of large dimensions. The ceiling is supported bj' enor-
mous pillars of masonry, or made of stout pine trees. The interior
is heated by means of aromatic plants, which are kept continually
burning. These edifices are generaly devoid of door or window,
and tlie only ingress to tliem is from an aperture at the top. There
are pueblos which possess not less tlian four, and even six estufas
of different sizes. Tlie estufas of Jemez were rectangular and one
story only, being about twenty-five feet wide, and thirty feet high.
The interior walls of these edifices were always covered with hiero-
glyphic paintings and various ornaments. Among the ruins of
Hungo-Pavie, near the beautiful plateau of the Mesafachada, one of
tliese edifices is found, which had at least four stories, buttresses in
the interior, and walls a yard thick by thirty feet in height. The

* Tlie general direction of the Gila is westwardly ; the left tank would, con-
sequently, be the southern.

PUEBLOS OP NEW MEXICO. 135

estufas in Pueblo Bonito are sixty yards in circumference, and tiieir
walls are regularlj' formed of layers of small stones, alternating
with layers of larger ones.

The Jemez, Zunis, and several other Indian tribes, still dwell in
pueblos like those we have described, and it is most probably to
their ancestors, and to those of nearly all the tribes of New
Mexico, that the construction of these gigantic edifices ought to be
attributed.

In the interior of the estufas one finds a system of picture writing
more perfect than that of ordinary inscriptions. The tribes of New
Mexico not yet converted to Catholicism adore the planets and fire,
as did their ancestors; emblems of this worship, and signs of their
veneration for Montezuma, are painted on the surface of the interior
walls of the estufas. These paintings, in point of form and color,
have great analogy with what may be called Indian pictography,
notwithstanding they are anterior to the discovery of America by
Columbus. In the estufas, more or less in ruins in the country of
the Jemez, one sees painted red and blue, plants, birds, and animals;
such as turkeys, stags, wolves, foxes, dogs, etc. The stags and
hinds, above all, are remarkable for the exactness of their propor-
tions, and the clearness of their outline. The Jemez pretend that
these figures have no signification whatever; that they are mere
ornaments, and in no way representations of any events of their
political, civil, or religious history.

The narrow passes of the Chaco, the Chelly, and of all the valleys
of New Mexico, as well as estufas, possess numerous inscriptions
of all kinds, indicating (except the Spanish ones) the same degree
of civilization, if not the same epoch. In the grotto in Rocky Dell,
the ceilings are covered with paintings, and the walls and floors
with hieroglyphic figures; there are combinations of allegoric draw-
ings signifying some historical fact; there is a ship with sails;
tlien a man standing upon a horse, and an Indian with naked legs
looking at liim from behind ; after which there are priests with
crosses, and Spaniards.

Modern Indian idiographj' does not differ from tlie method in
use among the ancient colonists of the united states of New Mexico:
a little more or less address, or natural talent, in the formation of
the lines of drawing, is all the difference to be perceived between
the hieroglyphic inscriptions of savages of our days, and those of
their ancestors.*

* " Deserts of North America," by Abbe E. M. Domenech.

136 THE GILA AND THE CASAS GRANDES.

III.

THE GILA AND THE CASAS GRANDES OF THE GILA, AND THE CASAS
GRANDES OF SAN MIGUEL.

To illustrate a portion of the account of Alvarez Nunez, and
especially of that of Coronado, I ha,ve extracted the following from
" Notes of a Military Reconnoissance," from Fort Leavenworth to
San Diego, made in 1846-'!, by W. H. Emory, brevet major (now
general), U. S. A., in which extracts will be found an account of
the Gila from the mouth of Night Creek to its junction with the
Colorado, including notices of the Apaches, Pimos, and Maricopa
Indians, the Casa Grande or Casa Montezuma, the interesting an-
cient ruins and remains along the route, and a general view of the
regions bordering on both sides of the Gila.

" Oct. 19th, 1846. Three miles from the camp last night we had
reached the divide, and from that point the descent was regular and
continuous to Night Creek.

" 20th. The broad, level valley we had been travelling the last
few miles was narrowing rapidly by the intrusion of high precipices,
and the proximity of great mountains in confused masses, indi-
cated some remarkable change in the face of the country. We
were in truth but a few miles from the Gila.

" The general sent word to the Apaches he would not start till
nine or ten. This gave them time to come in, headed by their
chief, Red Sleeve. A large number of Indians had collected about
us, all differently dressed, and some in the most fantastical style.
The Mexican dress and saddles predominated, showing where they
had chiefly made up their wardrobe. Several wore beautiful hel-
mets decked with black feathers, which, with the short shirt, waist-
belt, bare legs, and buskins, gave them the look of pictures of an-
tique Grecian warriors.

" These men have no fixed homes. Their houses are of twigs.
They hover around the beautiful hills that overhang the Del Norte,
between the thirty-first and thirty-second parallels of latitude.
These hills are covered with luxuriant gramina. The light and grace-
ful manner in which they mounted and dismounted, always upon
the right side, was the admiration of all Their children are on
horseback from infancy. There was among them a poor deformed
womiin, with legs and arms no longer than an infant's. She was
well mounted, and the gallant manner in which some of the plumed

THE GILA AND THE CASAS GRANDES. 13t

Apaches waited on her, for she was perfectly helpless when dis-
mounted, made it hard for me to believe the tales of blood and vice
told of these people.

" We wended our way through the narrow valley of Night Creek.
On each side were huge stone buttes shooting up to -the skies. At
one place we were compelled to mount one of these spurs almost
perpendicularly. A good road was subsequently found, turning
the spur and following the creek until it debouched into the Gila,
which was only a mile distant.

" Some hundred yards before reaching this river, the roar of its
waters made us understand that we were to see something different
from the Del Norte. Its section where we struck it, four thousand
three hundred and forty-seven feet above the sea, was fifty feet
wide, and an average of two feet deep. Clear and swift, it came
bouncing from the great mountains which appeared to the north,
about sixty miles distant. We crossed the river ; its large, round
pebbles and swift current caused the mules to tread warily. We
followed its course and encamped under a high range of symmetri-
cally formed hills overhanging the river.

" Oct. 21st. After going a few miles, crossing and re-crossing the
river a dozen times, it was necessary to leave its bed ■ to avoid a
canon. This led us over a very broken country.

" Oct. 22d. We were now fast approaching the ground where rumor
and the maps of the day place the ruins of the so-called Aztec towns.
We encamped on a bluff, high above the river.

"Oct. 23d. The table-land, one hundred and fifty feet above the
river, was covered so thick with large paving pebbles as to make it
diflflcult to get a smooth place to lie upon. The growth to-day and
yesterday on the hills, and in the valleys, very much resembles that
on the Del Norte ; the only exception being a few new and beautiful
varieties of cactus. After leaving our last night's camp, for a mile,
the general appearance, width of the valley, and soil much resembled
the most fertile parts of that river.

" To-day we passed one of the long-sought ruins. I examined it
minutely, and the only evidences of handicraft remaining were im-
mense quantities of broken pottery, extending for two miles along
the river. There were a great many stones, rounded by attrition of
the water, scattered about ; and if they had not occasionally been
deposited in lines forming rectangles with each other, the supposi-
tion would be that they had been deposited there by natural causes.

" Oct. 24th. To-day we lay by to recruit.

" Oct. 25th. We were now approaching the region made famous in
olden times by the fables of Friar Marcos, and eagerly did we as-

138 ■ THE aiLA AND THE CASAS GRANDES.

cend every mound, expecting to see in the distance what I fear is
the fabulous " Casa Montezuma." The Indians here do not know
the name Aztec ; Montezuma is the outward point in their chrono-
logy. The name at this .moment is as familiar to every Indian,
Puebla, Apache, and Navajoe, as that of our Saviour or Washing-
ton is to us. In the person of Montezuma they united both quali-
ties of divinity and patriot.

" We to-day passed the ruins of two more villages, similar to those
of yesterday. The foundation of the largest house seen yesterday
wassixty by twenty feet; today forty by thirty. About none did we
find any vestiges of the mechanical art, except the pottery ; the stone
forming the supposed foundation was round and unhewn, and some
cedar logs were also found about the houses, much decayed, bearing
no marks of an edged tool. Except these ruins, of which not one
stone remains upon another, no marks of human hands or footsteps
have been visible for many days, until to-day we came upon a place
where there had been an extensive fire.

" Oct. 26. The mountains, on the north side, swept in something
like a regular curve from our camp of last night to the mouth of
the San Carlos, deeply indented in two places by the ingress into
the Gila of the Prieto and Azul rivers.

" Oct. 27. After a day's work we were obliged to lie by to-daj-.
I strolled a mile or two up the San Carlos, and found the whole
distance, it has its way in a narrow canon, worn from the solid
basalt. On either side in the limestone, under the basalt, were im-
mense cavities, and near its mouth we found the foundation of a
rectangular house, and a mound adjacent that of a circular building
a few feet in diameter. Both of these ruins were of round unhewn
stones, and the first was surrounded b}"^ pieces of broken potterj-.

" Our camp was near an old Apache camp. The Gila at this place
is much swollen by the affluence of the three streams just mentioned,
and its cross section here is about seventy feet by four.

" Oct. 28th. One or two miles' Wde and we were clear of the Black
Mountains, and again in the valley of the Gila, which widened out
gradually to the base of Mount Graham, abreast of which we en-
camped. Almost for the whole distance, twenty miles, were found
at intervals the remains of houses like those before described. Just
before reaching the base of Mount Graham, a wide valley, smooth
and level, comes in from the southeast. Up this valley are trails
leading to St. Bernardino, Fronteras, and Tucson.

"At the junction of this valley with the Gila, are the ruins of a
large settlement. I found traces of a circular wall two hundred and
seventy feet in circumference. Here, also, was one circular inclosure

THE GILA AND THE CASAS GRANDES.

139

of four hundred yards. This must have been for defence. Large
mezquites now grow in it, attesting its antiquity. Most of the houses
are rectangular, varying from twenty to one hundred feet front ;
many were in the form of the present Spanish houses, thus —

COURT

Red cedar posts were found in many places, which seemed to de-
tract from tlieir antiquity, but for the peculiaiity of this climate
wliere vegetable matter seeras never to decay. No mark of an edged
tool could be found, and no remnant of any household or family
utensils, except the fragments of pottery, which were everywhere
strewn on the plain, and the rude corn-grinder still used by the In-
dians. So great was the quantity of this pottery, and the extent of
ground covered by it, that I have formed the idea it must have been
used for pipes to convey water. There were about the ruins quan-
tities of the fragments of agate and obsidian. This valley was
evidently the abode of busy, hard-working people.

" Oct. 29th. A subterraneous stream flowed at the foot of Mount
Graham, and fringed its base with evergreen. Ever3-where there
were marks of flowing water, yet vegetation was so scarce and crisp
that it would be difficult to imagine a drop of water had fallen since
last winter. The whole plain, from three to six miles wide, is with-
in the level of the waters of the Gila, and might easily be irrigated,
as it no doubt was by the former tenants of these ruined houses.
The crimson tinted Sierra Carlos skirted the river on the north side
the whole day.

'' Oct. 30th. Mt. Turnbull, terminating in a sharp cone, had been
in view down the valley of the river for three daj's. To-day, about
three o'clock P. M., we turned its base, forming the northern ter-
minus of the same chain in which is Mt. Graham.

" Half a mile from onr camp of last night were other very large
ruins, which appeared, as well as I could judge (my view being
obstructed by the thick growth of mezquite;, to have been the abode
of five or ten thousand souls. The outline of the buildings and the
pottery presented no essential difference from those already de-
scribed. But about eleven miles from the camp, on a knoll over-

140 THE GILA AND THE CASAS GRANDES.

looked in a measure by a tongue of land, I found the trace of a
solitary house somewhat resembling that of a field-work en cremal-
liere. The inclosure was complete, and the faces varied from ten
to thirty feet. The accompanying cut will give a more accurate idea
than words.

" Last night, about dusk, one of our men discovered a drove of
■wild iiogs. The average weight of these animals is one hundred
pounds, and their color invariably light pepper-and-salt. Their
flesh is said to be palatable, if the musk which lies near the back
part of the spine is carefully removed.

" Oct. 31st. To-day, reaching the San Francisco about noon, we
unsaddled to refresh our horses, aad to allow time to look up a
trail by which we could pass the formidable range of mountains
through which the Gila cuts its way, making a deep canon im-
passable for the howitzers.

" Nov. 1st. No alternative seemed to offer but to pursue Carson's
old trail, sixty miles over a rough country without water, and two,
if not three, days' journey. I took advantage of an early iialt to
ascend with the barometer a very high peak overhanging the camp,
which I took to be the loftiest in the PiSon Lano range on the north
side of the Gila. Its approximate height was only 5724 feet above
the sea.

" Nov. 4th. Six miles from our camp of last night we reached a
summit, and then commenced descending again rapidly towards the
Gila.

" Nov. 5th. The Gila now presented an inhospitable look. The
valley, not more than three hundred feet from base to base of these
perpendicular mountains, is deep. In the course of six miles we
had to cross and recross the river twice as many times, w^hen we

THE GILA AND THE OASAS GRANDES. 141

left it by turning abruptly up a dry ravine to the south. This we
followed for three miles, and crossed a ridge at the base of Saddle-
Back Mountain, and descended by another dry creek to the St.
Pedro, running nearly north.

" The dry creek by which we crossed to the St. Pedro River is
the great highway leading from the mountain fastnesses into the
plains of Santa Cruz, Santa Anna, and Tucson, frontier towns of
Souora. Since the 1st of November we have been traversing with
incredible labor the stronghold of these mountain robbers (Apaches).

"Nov. 6th. It is decided this should be a day of rest. In the
sandj' arroyos where our fires burn, were broken pottery and the
remains of a large building similar in form, substance, and apparent
antiquity to those so often described.

"Nov. 7th. About two miles from our camp the San Pedro joins
the Gila, just as the latter leaps from the mouth of a canon. The
place of meeting is a bpttora three miles wide, seeming a continua-
tion of that of the Gila Flights of geese and myriads of blue quail
were seen, and a flock of wild turkeys. Tlie river-bed at the junc-
tion of the San Pedro was seamed with tracks of deer and turkey,
some signs of beaver, and one trail of wild hogs.

" Our camp was on a flat sandy plain of small extent, at the
mouth of a dry creek. At the junction a clear, pure stream flowed '
from under the sand. From the many indications of gold and
copper ore at this place, I have named it Mineral Creek. There
was a great deal of pottery about our camp, and just above us were
the supposed remains of a large Indian settlement, differing very
slightly from those already described.

"Nov. 8th. The whole day's journey was through a canon. The
latitude of this camp, which is within a mile of the spot where we
take a final leave of the mountains, is 3-3° 05' 40", its longitude
111° 13' 10'' west of Greenwich, and the height. of the river above
the sea, as indicated by the barometer, 1751 feet.

"Nov. 9th. We started in advance of the command. The first
thing we noticed in the gorge was a promontory of pitch-stone,
against which the river impinged with fearful force. Mounting to
the top of the rock, on a beautiful table we found sunk six or eight
perfectly symmetrical and well-turned holes, about ten inches deep
and six or eight wide at the top ; near one in a remote place was a
pitch-stone, well turned, and fashioned like a pestle. These could
be nothing else than the corn-mills of long-extinct races.

"The Gila at this point, released from its mountain barrier, flows
ofi" quietly, at the rate of three miles an hour, into a wide plain,
which extends south almost as far as the eye can reach. Upon this

142 THE GILA AND THE CASAS GB.ANDES.

plain mezquite, chamiza, the green acacia, prosopis, artemisiaj
obione, canescens, and pilaliaya were the only vegetation. In one
spot, only, we found a few bunches of grass ; raoi'e than four-fifths of
the plain was destitute of vegetation ; the soil a light-brown, loose
sandy earth. We made our noon halt at the grass patch. At this
place were the remains of an immense Indian settlement; pottery
was everywliere to be found, but the remains of foundations of the
houses were imbedded in dust. Outlines of the zequias, by whicli
the soil was irrigated, were sometimes quite distinct.

" Nov. loth. The valley on the south side of the Gila still grows
wider. Away off in that direction the peaks of the Sonora moun-
tains just peep above the horizon. On the north side of the river,
and a few miles from it, runs a low chain of serrated hills. Near
our encampment a corresponding range draws in from the south-
east, giving the river a bend to the north. At the base of this
chain is a long meadow, reaching many miles south, in which the
Pimos graze their cattle ; and along the whole day's march were
remains of zequias, pottery, and other evidences of a once densely
populated countrj'. About the time of the noon halt, a large pile,
which seemed the work of human hands, was seen to the left. It
was the remains of a three-story mud house, sixty feet square,
pierced for doors and windows. The walls were four feet thick,
and formed of layers of mud two feet thick. We made a long and
careful search for some specimens of household furniture, or imple-
ments of art, but nothing was found but a corn-grinder, always
met with among the ruins, and on the plains. The marine shell
cut into various ornaments was also found here. No traces of
hewn timber were discovered ; on the contrary, the sleepers of the
ground floor were sound and unhewn. They were burnt out of
their seats in the wall to the depth of six inches. The whole in-
terior of the house had been burnt out, and the walls much defaced.
What was left bore marks of having been glazed, and on the walls
in the north room of the second story were traced hieroglyphics.*

" Where we camped, eight or nine miles from the Pimos village,
we met a Marieopo Indian looking for his cattle. The frank, con-
fident manner in which he approached us was in strange contrast
with that of the suspicious Apache. The camp of my party was
pitched on the side nearest the town, and we saw the first of these
people and their mode of approach. It was perfectly frank and
unsuspicious. Many would leave their packs in our camp and be
absent for hours ; theft seemed to be unknown among them.

* See end of this article for a desoription of this building.

THE GIIiA AND THE CAS AS GRANDES. 143

"Nov. 11th. Leaving the column, a few of us struck to the
north side of the river to visit the ruins of another Casa Monte-
zuma. Tiie casa was in complete ruins, one pile of broken pottery
and foundation stone making a mound about ten feet above the
ground. The outline of the ground plan was distinct enough. We
found the description of pottery the same as ever ; and among the
ruins the same sea-shells ; one worked into ornaments ; also a large
bead an inch and a quarter in length, of bluish marble, exquisitely
turned.

" Turning from the ruins towards the Pimos village, we came in
at the back of the settlement of the Pimos Indians, and found our
troops encamped in a corn-field from which the grain had been
gathered. We were at once impressed with the beauty, order, and
disposition of arrangements for irrigating and draining the land.
Corn, wheat, and cotton are the crops of this peaceful and intelli-
gent race of people. The fields are subdivided, by ridges of earth,
into rectangles of about two hundred by one hundred feet, for the
convenience of irrigating. The fences are of sticks wattled with
willow and mezqnite. The houses of the people are mere sheds
thatched with willow and cornstalks.

" The dress of the men consisted of a cotton scrape of domestic
manufacture, and a breech cloth. Their hair was very long and
clubbed up. The women wore nothing but the scrape, pinned about
the loins.

"Nov. 12th. They have but few cattle, which are used in tillage,
and apparently all steers, procured from the Mexicans. Their
horses and mules were not plenty, and those they possessed were
prized extravagantly high.

" To us it was a rare sight to be thrown in the midst of a large
nation, of what was termed wild Indians, surpa.ssing many of the
Christian nations in agriculture; little behind them in tbe useful
arts, and immeasurably before them in honesty and virtue. During
the whole of yesterday our camp was full of men, women, and
children, who sauntered amongst our packs unwatched, and not a
single instance of tlieft was reported.

" Each abode consists of a dome-shaped wicker work, about six
feet high, and from twenty to fifty feet in diameter, thatched with
straw or cornstalks. In front is usually a large arbor, on the top
of which is piled the cotton in the pod, for drying. In the houses
are stowed watermelons, pumpkins, beans, corn, and wheat; the
three last articles are generally in large baskets. A few cliickcns
and dogs were seen, but no other domestic animals except horses,
mules, and oxen. Their implements of husbandry were steel axes,

144 THE GILA AND THE CAS AS GRANDES.

wooden hoes, shovels, and barrows. Their molasses, put up in
large jars, hermetically sealed, of which they had quantities, is ex-
pressed from the fruit of the Gereus giganteus.

" A woman was seated on the ground under the shade of one of
the cotton sheds. Her left leg was tucked under her seat, axiA her
foot turned sole upwards ; between her big toe and the next, was a
spindle about eighteen inches long, with a single fly of four or six
inches. Ever and anou she gave it a twist in a dexterous manner,
and at its end was drawn a coarse cotton thread. This was their
spinning-jenney. I asked for the loom by pointing to the thread
and then to the blanket girded about the woman's loins. A fellow
stretched in the dust sunning himself, rose up leisurely and untied
a bundle which I had supposed to be a bow and arrow. This little
package, with four stakes in the ground, was the loom. He
stretched his cloth and commenced the process of weaving.

" We travelled fifteen and a half miles, and encamped on the divid-
ing ground between the Pimos and Maricopas. For the whole dis-
tance we passed through cultivated grounds, over a luxuriantly
rich soil. The plain appeared to extend in every direction fifteen or
twenty miles, except in one place about five miles before reaching
camp, where a low chain of hills comes in from the southeast, and
terminates some miles from the river. The bed of the Gila opposite
the village, is said to be dry, tlie whole water being drawn off by
the zequias of the Pimos for irrigation ; but the ditches are larger
than necessary for this purpose, and the water which is not used re-
turns to the bed of the river with little apparent diminution in its
volume.

"Looking from our camp north 30° west, you see a great plain
with mountains rising in the distance on each side. In almost an
opposite direction, north 50° east, there is a gap in the mountains
through which the Salt River flows to meet the Gila, making with
it an acute angle, at a point ten or fifteen miles from our camp,
bearing northwest. A little north of east another gap, twenty or
thirt}' miles distant, shows where the Rio San Francisco flows into
the Salt River.* Near the junction of the Gila and Salt Rivers,
there is a chain of low serrated hills coming in from both sides,
contracting the valley considerably. Around the South Spur the
Gila turns, making its course in a more southerly direction. To the
east, except where the Spurs, already mentioned, protrude, the
plain extends as far as the eye can reach.

"Tlie population of the Pimos and Maricopas together is estimated

* Salt or Salina.

THE GILA AND THE CASAS GEANDES. 145

variously at from three to ten thousand. The first is evidently too low.
They are without other religion than a belief in one great and over-
ruling spirit. Their peaceful disposition is not the result of incapa-
city for war, for they are at all times enabled to meet and vanquish
the Apaches in battle. The prisoners are sold as slaves to the
Mexicans.

" The Maricopas occupy that part of the basin lying between
Camp gt [Rio San Pedro?] and the mouth of the Salt River [Rio
Salina], and all that has been said of the Pimos is applicable to
them. They live in cordial amity, and their habits, agriculture, reli-
gion, and manufactures are the same. In stature, the Maricopas
are taller; their noses more aquiline, and they have a much readier
manner of speaking and acting. Most of tlie interpreters of the
Pimos were of this tribe. Though fewer in number, they appear to
be superior in intelligence and personal appearance.

"Nov. 13th and 14th. We were notified that a long journey was
to be made without water (to cut off an elbow in the river). The
interpreter who guided us to the Casa Montezuma on the north side
of the Gila, said that on the Salt River, about a day's journey and
a half, there was one of those buildings standing, complete in all
respects, except the floors and roof. He said it was very large,
with beautiful glazed walls, that the footsteps of the men employed
in building the house could yet be seen in the adobe, and that the
impression was that of a naked foot. Whenever a rain comes In-
dians resort to these old houses to look for trinkets of shells, and a
peculiar green stone.*

" At twelve o'clock, after giving our horses a last watering, we
started oflf in a southwest direction to turn the southern foot of the
range of hills pointing to the Salt River. We travelled till long after
dark, and dropped down in a dust hole near two large green-barked
acacias, There was not a sprig of grass, nor a drop of water. There
was nothing but the ofltensive Larrea, which even mules will not touch.
As soon as the moon rose, at 3 a.m., the bugle sounded to horse,
and we were up and pursuing our way. A little after sunrise, we
had passed the summit, and were descending towards the Gila.
We reached it after making forty miles from our camp of yesterday.
Our poor brutes were so hungry they would drink no water, but
fell to work on the young willows and cane. After letting them
bite a few minutes, we moved down the river five miles further, to
a large and luxuriant patch of paspalum grass.

* It protably was the stone so often mentioned by early authors as "tur-
quoise."
10

146 THE GILA AND THE OASAS GRANDES.

"Nov, 15th. In the morning the general found the mules so much
worsted by the forty-five miles journey, without food or water, that
he determined to remain for the day. This has been a gloomy day
for the dragoon camp. The Jornada cost them six or eight mules.

" The remains of an old zequia crossed our trail, and the plains
were covered with broken pottery. About us there are signs of .
modern Indian tenements, and the zequia may possibly have been
the work of their hands. We know the Maricopas have moved
gradually from the gulf of California to their present location.
They were found so late as the year 1826, at the mouth of the Gila.
The shells found to-day were, in my opinion, evidently brought by
the Maricopas from the sea. They difiier from those we found
among the ruins.

"Nov. 16th. The valley on the south side continues wide, and
shows continuously the marks of former cultivation. On the north
side the hills run close to the river.

" After making ten miles we came to a dry creek coming from a
plain reaching far to the south, and then we mounted the table-lands
to avoid a bend in the river, made by a low chain of black hills
coming in from the southeast. About the summit was a mound of
granite boulders, blackened by augite, and covered with unknown
characters; the work of human hands. On the ground near by were
also traces of some of the figures, showing some of the hieroglyphics,
at least, to have been the work of modern Indians. Others were of
undoubted antiquity, and the signs and symbols intended, doubt-
less, to commemorate some great event. One stone bore on it
what might be taken, with a little stretch of imagination, to be a
mastodon, a horse, a dog, and a man. Their heads are turned to
the east and this may commemorate the passage of the aborigines
of the Gila on their way south.

"Nov. Itth. The route to-day was over a country much the same
as that described yesterday. Wherever we mounted the table-lands
to cut a bend in the river, we found them dreary beyond description.
The bottoms of the river are wide, and alive with flights of white
brant (wing tipped with black), geese, and ducks, with many signs
of deer and beaver.

"Nov. 18th. After travelling some ten or twelve miles through
the valley, we mounted the table-land. The arroyo by which we
descended to the river was cut from a bed of reddish pebbles twenty
or thirty feet deep. The chain of broken hills still continue on the
north side, and when near our camp of this date, 'circled in an
amphitheatre, with its arch to the north.

"Nov. 19th. The table-lands were the same as those described

THE GILA AND THE CASAS GRANDES. 141

yesterday, but the valley widens gradually and for the most of the
way is six or eight miles wide, and soil excellent. Some remains of
former settlements, in broken pottery, corn-grinders, etc., but much
fewer than above. Nine miles from camp a spur of mountains came
in from the southeast, sharp and shooting into pinnacles. On this
spur we killed a mountain sheep, one of a large flock, from which
we named it Goat's Spur. We encamped on an island, where the
valley is contracted by sand buttes, in what had been very recently
the bed of the river. The pools in the old bed of the river were
full of ducks, and all niglit the swan, brant, and geese were passing.

"Nov. 20th. The table-lands were of sand, and the bottom of the
river constantly received deposits from them, which changed its
bed frequently. Our camp was pitched on a little patch of grass
two miles from the river.

"Nov. 21st. To-day we marched only eight and a half miles. The
plains are now almost entirely of sand.

"Nov. 22d. Mr. Warner and I started before the advance, rounded
and climbed the sharp spur of a continuous comb of mountain com-
ing from the southeast, to try if we could see the Colorado of the
west. The mountains rose abruptly from the plains, as they mostly
do in this region, resembling in appearance large dikes, terminating
at top in a sharp ridge, which a man could at any part straddle.
They were of hard granite, pepper-and-salt color, traversed by
seams of white quartz. This spur gives the river Gila quite a bend
to the north, and from that point to its mouth, which we reached at
night, the river is straight in its general direction ; but its course is
crooked and dotted with sand bars, by incursions from the sand
hills which now flank both its sides. The sand is brought down by
the winds from the valley of the Colorado. The day was warm, the
dust oppressive, and the march twenty-two miles.

" Nov; 23d. We did not move camp to-day, in order to give our
mules an opportunity to pick what little grass they could before
taking the desert of ninety miles, which lies on the other side of the
Colorado, and between us and water.

" Warner, Stanley, and myself saddled up to visit the junction of
the Gila and Colorado, which we found due north from our camp,
and about a mile and a half distant. We mounted a butte of felds-
pathic granite, and looking 25° east of north, the course of the
Colorado was tracked by clouds of flying sand. The Gila comes
into it nearly at right angles, and the point of junction is the hard
butte through which, with their united forces, they cut a canon, and
then flow off due magnetic west. The walls of the canon are vertical,
and about fifty feet high and a thousand feet long. For the distance

148 THE aiLA AND THE CASAS GRANDES.

of three or four miles 'below the junction the river is perfectly
straight, and about six hundred feet wide; and up to this point
there is little doubt that the Colorado is always navigable for
steamboats.

" Near the junction, on the north side, are the remains of an old
Spanish church, built near the beginning of the seventeenth century,
by the renowned missionary, Father Kino.

" The stone butte through which they have cut their passage is
not more than a mile in length. The Gila once flowed to the south
and the Colorado to the north of this butte, and the point of junc-
tion was below.

"At the ford the Colorado is fifteen hundred feet wide and flows
at the rate of a mile and a half per hour. Its greatest depth, in the
channel at the ford where we crossed, is four feet. The banks are
low, not more than four feet high. The ford is entered at the lower
extremity of the plateau upon which we encamped, and a few feet to
the right or left sets a horse afloat. Report makes the distance of
the mouth of the Colorado from the crossing eighty miles. Depart-
ing from the ford of the Colorado in the direction of Senora there is
a fearful desert to encounter. The distance is not exactly known,
but it is variously represented at from four to seven days' journey."*

Casas Grandes or the Gila.

In a book entitled "Adventures in the Apache Country: A Tour
through Arizona and Sonora," by J. Ross Browne, is the following
in regard to the " Casas Grandes" of the Gila.

"At the Pimo villages Mr. Poston and myself organized a party to
visit the Casas Grandes, situated about twenty miles above, near
the Gila. The first night we spent at the Sacatone Station, from
which the Tucson road diverges across the ninety-mile desert. Fol-
lowing, the banks of the river next morning through dense groves
of mesquite, keeping in view, a little to the left, a peculiar conical
peak, which forms a prominent landmark, we travelled some eight or
ten miles, till we struck the remains of an ancient acequia, very
large and clearly defined. This was evidently the main artery of a
series of acequias, by which a large tract of river-bottom was irri-
gated in ancient times. That villages and farms extended over a
vast area of valley land in this vicinity was evident from the quan-
tity of broken pottery and indications of cultivation we found on
all sides. Mesquite trees, apparently falling into decay from age,
now stand in the bed of the main acequia. Diverging to the right

* See Appendix note (4).

!— t

o

w

E-i
O "

CO

W "

S

o

o

THE GILA AND THE OASAS GRANDES. 149

when within a few miles of White's ranche, we struck out through
the mesquite groves, and in about half an hour's ride from the river
reached the famous Casas Grandes of the Gila.

" The earliest account we have of the Casas Grandes of the Gila
is that of Mangi, who visited them in company with Father Kino In
1694. He speaks of the main ruin as a great edifice with the prin-
cipal room in the middle, four stories high, and the wall two yards
thick, and composed of strong mortar and clay ; and also mentions
the existence of twelve other ruins in the vicinity. Only three of
these are now seen above the surface of the ground, although there
are evidences of many more in detached mounds which abound in
the neighborhood.

"Each group of ruins stands upon a slight eminence, distant from
the other a few hundred feet. The tower or central part of the
principal building is about forty feet high, and there were originally
four stories in the main body of the building, as well as we could
judge by the holes in the walls, in which are still seen the ends of
round poles, or rafters, which supported the floors. Several of these
that we took out are some five or six inches in diameter, and seemed
to be a species of cedar. The ends show ver3' plainly marks of the
blunt instrument with which they were cut — probably a stone hatchet.
It is evident the use of iron was unknown to the people who origin^
ally dwelt here.

"The walls of the Casa Grande are composed of a concrete of mud
and gravel, very hard, and capable of long enduring the wear and
tear of the seasons in this equable climate. The upper portion has
been somewhat washed and furrowed by the rains, and the base is
worn away to such a depth as to threaten the permanency of the
whole fabric, from which one may judge of its antiquity. This,
concrete, or adobe, was east in large blocks several feet square,
presenting originally, no doubt, a smooth, flat surface; but the
outside has been afliected by the changes of the seasons. The inner
surface is as smooth and hard as the finest plastered room. At the
time of Mr. Bartlett's visit, there were traces of rude paintings and
hieroglyphics to be seen on the interior walls ; but these have been
either so defaced as not now to be perceptible, or washed away by
heavy rains. The outer dimensions are fifty feet north and south,
and forty feet east and west ; the thickness of the walls at the base,
four feet. We spent half a day very pleasantly in exploring these
interesting ruins-, and took our departure for the camp on the Gila
late in the evening, well laden with curiosities. Every member of
the party had his fragment of pottery and specimen of adobe/ and
plaster. The next day we returned to the Sacatone, and prepared
for our journey across the desert."

150 THE OASAS GRANDES OF THE SAN MIGUEL.

The Cabas Gbandes of the San Miguel.

On the San Miguel River, about one hundred and fifty miles north-
west of the city of Chihuahua, in Mexico, are the ruins of the Casas
Grandes (Great Houses). The Casas Grandes were built of sun-
dried blocks of mud and gravel, about twenty-two inches thiclt, and
of irregular length, generally about three feet. The walls are in
some places about five feet thick, and they seem to have been
plastered both inside and outside. The principal edifice extends
eight hundred feet from north to south, and two hundred from east
to west ; its general outline is rectangular, and it appears to have
consisted of three separate piles united by galleries or lines of lower
buildings. The apartments have evidently varied in size from mere
closets to extensive courts. The walls still stand at many of the
angles, with a height of from forty to fifty feet, and indicate an
original elevation of several stories, perhaps six or seven. At a
distance of about four hundred and fifty feet from the main building
are the substructions of a smaller edifice,, consisting of a series of
rooms ranged round a square court, so that there are seven to each
side, besides a largei: apartment at each corner. The whole district
of Casas Grandes is further studded with artificial mounds, from
which are excavated from time to time large numbers of stone axes,
metates or corn-grinders, and earthen vessels of various kinds.
These last have a white or reddish ground, with ornamentation in
blue, red, brown, or black, and are of much better manufacture than
the modern pottery of the country. Similar ruins to those of the
Casas Grandes exist near the Gila, the Salinas, and the Colorado.*

The following is from the Abbe D. Francisco Saverio Clavigero's
" History of Mexico:" —

" The ancestors of the nations which peopled the country of
Anahuac, of which alone we ai"e treating, might pass from the
northern countries of Europe into the northern parts of America,
or rather from the most eastern parts of Asia to the most westerly
parts of America. This conclusion is founded on the constant and
general tradition of those nations, which unanimously says that
their ancestors came into Anahuac from the countries of the north
and northwest. This tradition is confirmed by the remains of many
ancient edifices built by those people in their migrations, which we
have already mentioned, and the common belief of the people in the

* Enoyolopsedia Britannioa.

THE OASAS GEANDES OF THE SAN MIGUEL. 151

north. Besides, from Torquemada and Betancourt we have a clear
proof of it. In a journey made by the Spaniards in the year 1606,
from New Mexico unto the river which they call Tizon, five hun-
dred miles from that province, towards the northwest, they found
there some large edifices and met with some Indians who spoke the
Mexican language, by whom they were told that a few days' journey
from that river, towards the north, was the kingdom of Tollan, and
many other peopled places, from whence came those who peopled
the Mexican empire, and that by the same people these and other
like buildings had been erected. In fact, the whole people of
Anahuac have usually affirmed that, towards the northwest and the
north, there were the kingdoms and provinces of Tollan, Teocol-
huacan, Amaquemecan, A-ztlan, Tehuajo, and Copalla, names which
are all Mexican, and the discovery of which, if the population of
the Spaniards should spread into these parts, will throw great light
on the ancient history of Mexico. Boturiui says that, in the ancient
paintings of the Toltecas, was represented the migration of their
ancestors through Asia and the northern countries of America, until
they established themselves in the country of Tollan, and even
endeavors to ascertain, in his General History, the route they pur-
sued in their travel ; but, as he had not opportunity to compose the
history which he designed, we can say no more on this matter."

152 HERNANDO DE SOTO IN NICARAGUA.

CHAPTBE YIII.
HEENANDO DE SOTO IN NICARAGUA.

1523-1526.

In the year 1514, Pedrarias de Avila, who had been appointed
governor of the mainland, called Castilla del Oro, b}-^ the Catholic
king, embarked at Seville with nineteen ships and fifteen hundred
men — the most distinguished company that had yet set out from
Spain. He was accompanied by a bishop of the new colony, named
Juan de Quevedo, Gaspar de Bspinosa as alcalde mayor, the
Bachiller Enciso as alguazil mayor, and Gonzalvo Hernandez de
Oviedo, the historian, as veedor or inspector of gold foundries ;
Bernal Diaz, author of the " Conquest of Mexico," also was in this
expedition. The first land of the Indies at which he arrived was
the island of Dominica. Here he disembarked with his troops.*

Leaving the island of Dominica, Pedrarias sailed for Darien, and
arrived in the Gulf of Uraba or Darien in the month of June, and,
anchoring about a league and a half from the settlement, sent a
messenger on shore to announce his arrival, who found Vasco
Nunez a plain, unassuming man, clad in a cotton frock and
drawers, and hempen sandals, directing and aiding the labor of
several Indians, who were thatching a cottage, in which he resided.

Pedrarias disembarked on tlie 30th of June, accompanied by his
wife, Dona Isabella de Bobadilla, and two thousand men well
armed. A brilliant train of youthful cavaliers, in glittering armor
and brocade, formed a kind of body-guard. All this pomp and
splendor formed a striking contrast with the humble state of
Nunez, who came forth unarmed, in simple attire, accompanied by
his counselors and a handful of the old soldiers of Darien.

On the day after his entrance into Darien, Pedrarias held a
private conference with Nunez, in the presence of the historian,
Oviedo. The governor assured him that he was instructed by the
king to treat him with great favor and distinction, to consult him
about the afBairs of the colony, and to apply to him for information
relative to the surrounding country. Nunez was of a frank, con-

* Pasonal Andagoya.

HERNANDO DE SOTO IN NICARAGUA. 153

fiding nature, and opened his whole soul to the politic courtier.
He gave to Pedrarias a minute and able statement in writing, de-
tailing the circumstances of the colony, and the information col-
lected respecting various parts of the country, the route by which
he had traversed the mountains; his discovery of the South Sea;
the situation and reputed wealth of the Pearl Islands ; the rivers
and ravines most productive of gold ; together with the names
and territories of the various caciques with whom he had made
treaties.

When Pedrarias had thus beguiled the unsuspecting soldier of
all the information necessary for his purpose, he dropped the mask,
and within a few days proclaimed a judicial scrutiny into the con-
duct of Nunez and his officers. He was acquitted of the criminal
charges made against him, though he remained involved in diffi-
culties from the suits brought against him by individuals for losses
and damage occasioned by his measures. Pedrarias was incensed
at this acquittal, and insisted upon the guilt of N-unez, which he
pretended to have established to his conviction, by his secret inves-
tigations ; and he even determined to send him in chains to Spain,
to be tried for the death of Nicuessa,* and for other imputed of-
fences.

The town of Darien was situated in a deep valley, surrounded by
lofty mountains, which, while they kept off the breezes, reflected
the concentrated rays of the sun, insomuch that at noon the heat
was insupportable ; the river which passed it was shallow, with a
muddy channel, and bordered by marshes ;" over-hanging forests
added to the general humidity, and the very so'l on vvhich the town
was built was of such a nature that on digging to the depth of a
foot there would ooze forth brackish water.

This situation, in a tropical climate, proved fatal to the health of
the men who had recently arrived ; Pedrarias himself fell sick, and
was removed with most of his people to a healthier spot, on the river
Corobari ; the malady, however, continued to increase. The pro-
visions brought out in the ships had been partly damaged by the
sea, the residue grew scanty, and the people were put upon short

* The inhabitants of Darien, differing among themselves, had called Nicu-
essa, then at Nombre de Dios, which he founded, to take charge of the gov-
ernment of Darien, which was in the territory allotted to him, but his threats
and conduct having alienated the friendship of the inhabitants, even before
his arrival at Darien, they refused to receive him when he did arrive ; and to
be rid of him and some' of his partisans, they put him and them in a crazy
boat. They left Darien and were never afterwards heard of. Nunez was at
this time one of the two alcaldes of Darien.

154 HERNANDO DE SOTO IN NIOARAGTJA.

allowance ; the debility thus produced increased the ravages of the
disease ; at length the provisions were exhausted, and the horrors
of absolute famine ensued.

Every one was more or less affected by these calamities, but to
none were they more fatal than to the crowd of young cavaliers.
As the famine increased, their case became desperate. Some would
be seen bartering a robe of crimson silk, or some garment of rich
brocade, for a pound of Indian bread ; others sought to satisfy the
cravings of hunger with the herbs and roots of the field, and one
of the principal cavaliers absolutely expired of hunger in the public
streets. In this wretched way, and in the short space of one month,
perished seven hundred of the little army that had embarked with
Pedrarias. The bodies of some remained for a day or two without
sepulture, their friends not having sufficient strength to bury them.
Unable to remedy the evil, Pedrarias gave permission for his men
to flee from it. A ship-load of starving adventurers departed for
Cuba, where Diego Velasquez was colonizing that island ; others
made their way back to Spain.

The departure of so many hungry men was some temporary re-
lief to the colony ; and Pedrarias, having recovered from his malady,
bestirred himself to send expeditions in all directions, for the pur-
pose of foraging the country and collecting treasure. The various
expeditions sent out by him to explore and subjugate the surround-
ing country, too often, through the rash conduct and ignorance of
those who conducted them, ended in misfortune and disgrace. In
fine, the colony became so weakened by these repeated losses, and
the savages so emboldened by success, that they beleaguered it with
their forces, harassed it by assaults and ambuscades, and reduced it
to great extremity.

While Pedrarias was harassed and perplexed by these complicated
evils, he was haunted by continual apprehension of the ultimate
ascendency of Nunez. He knew him to be beloved bj' the people,
and befriended by the bishop ; and he had received proof that his
services were highly appreciated by the king. The politic bishop
perceived the uneasy state of the governor's mind, and en-
deavored by means of his apprehensions to effect a reconciliation
between him and Nunez. He represented to him that his treatment
of Nunez was odious in the ej'es of the people, and must eventually
draw on him the displeasure of his sovereign. " But why persist,"
added he, " in di'iving a man to become your deadliest enemy, whom
you may grapple to your side as your firmest friend? You have
several daughters — give him one in marriage ; you will then have
for a son-in-law a man of merit and popularity, who is a hidalgo by

HERNANDO DE SOTO IN NICARAGUA. 155

birth, and a favorite of the king. You are advanced in years and
infirm, he is in the prime and vigor of life, and possesses great activity.
You can make him your lieutenant; and while you repose from your
toils, he can carry on the affairs of the colony with spirit and
enterprise; and all his achievements will redound to the advance-
ment of your family, and the splendor of your administration."*

The governor and his lady, won by the eloquence of the bishop,
readily listened to his suggestion ; and Nunez was but too happy
to effect a reconciliation on sucli flattering terms. Written articles
were accordingly drawn up and exchanged, contracting a marriage
between him and the eldest daughter of Pedrarias.f The young
lady was then in Spain, but was to be sent for, and the nuptials
were to be celebrated on her arrival at Darien.

The governor, now that he looked upon Nunez as his son-iti-law,
loaded him with favors. Nunez was authorized to build brigantines,
and make all necessary preparations for his long-desired expedition
to explore the South Sea. The place appointed for this purpose
was the port of Careta, situated to the west of Darien. A town
called Ada had been founded at this port. Two hundred men were
placed under his command to aid him in carrying his plans into
execution, and a sum of money was advanced to him from the royal
treasury. Hernando de Arguello, a notary at Darien, who had
amassed considerable property, embarked a great part of it in the
proposed enterprise.

On arriving at Ada, Vasco Nunez set to work to prepare the
materials for four brigantines to be launched into the South Sea.
The timbers were felled on the Atlantic seaboard, and were then,
with the anchors and rigging, transported across the lofty ridges of
mountains to the opposite shores of the Isthmus. Several Span-
iards, thirty negroes, and a great number of Indians, were employed
for the purpose. They had no other roads but Indian paths strag-
gling through almost impervious forests, across torrents, and up
rugged defiles, broken by rocks and pi-ecipices. On the summit of
the mountains a house had been provided for their temporary re-
pose. After remaining here a little while to refresh themselves and
gain new strength, they renewed their labors, descending the oppo-
site side of the mountains until they reached the navigable part of

* These sentiments of the Bishop Juan de Quevedo show the great merits of
Nunez, and the high esteem in which he was held by those whose superior in-
telligence could perceive and appreciate the extraordinary qualities that dis-
tinguished hira.

. t De Soto married with Dona Isabella de Bobadilla,' daughter of Pedro Arias
de Avila, Earl of Punno en Kostro.

156 HERNANDO DE SOTO IN NICARAGITA.

a river, which they called the Balsas, and which flowed into the
South Sea.

Much time and trouble and manj' lives were expended on this
arduous undertaking before they had transported to the river
sufficient timber for two brigantines. To add to their difflculties,
they had scarcely begun to work upon the timbers before they dis-
covered that it was totally useless, being subject to the ravages of
the worms* from having been cut in the vicinity of the sea-water,
they were obliged, therefore, to begin anew, and fell trees on the
border of the river.

Nunez divided his people into three bands ; one was to cut and
saw the wood, another to bring the rigging and iron-work from
Ada, which was twenty-two leagues distant; and the third foraged
the neighboring country for provisions.

Scarcely was the timber felled and shaped for use when the rains
set in, and the river overflowed its banks so suddenly that the
workmen barely escaped witli their lives by climbing trees ; while
the wood on which they had been working was either buried in sand
or mud, or swept away by the raging torrent.

When the river subsided the workmen again resumed their labors ;
a number of recruits arrived from Ada, bringing various supplies,
and the business of the enterprise was pressed with redoubled ardor,
until Nunez had the satisfaction to behold two of his brigantines
floating on the river Balsas. As soon as they could be equipped for
sea, he embarked in them with as many Spaniards as they could
carry ; and issuing from the river, launched triumphantly on the
great ocean he had discovered.

The first cruise of Vasco Nunez was to the group of Pearl Islands,
on the principal one of which he disembarked tiie greater part of
his crews, and dispatched the brigantines to the mainland to bring
off the remainder. It was his intention to construct the other two
vessels at this island. On the return of his vessels, and while pre-
parations were making for the building of the others, he embarked
with a hundred men and departed on a reconnoitering cruise to the
eastward, towards the region pointed out by the Indians as abound-
ing in riches. Having passed about twenty leagues beyond the
Gulf of San Miguel the mariners were alarmed at beholding a great
number of whales, which resembled a reef of rocks stretching far
into the sea and lashed by breakers. The seamen feared to ap-
proach these fancied dangers in the dark ; Vasco Nunez anchored,

* From the mention of salt-water, these worms were probably teredos, a sea-
worm that perforates the timbers of sea- vessels until they become honeycombed
and ruined.

HERNANDO DE SOTO IN NICARAGUA. ISlI

therefore, for the night under a point of land, intending to continue
in the same direction on the following day. When the morning
dawned, however, the wind had changed and was contrary; where-
upon he altered his course. Steering for the mainland he anchored
on that part of the coast governed by the cacique Ohuchama, who
had massacred Bernardo Morales and his companions when repos-
ing in his village. Here landing his men Nunez .came suddenly
upon the dwelling of the cacique. The Indians sallied forth to
defend their homes, but were routed with great loss. Having thus
avenged the death of his countrymen Nunez re-embarked and re-
turned to Isla Rica.

He now applied himself diligently to complete the building of his
brigantines, dispatching men to Ada to bring the necessary stores
and rigging across the mountains. While thus occupied a rumor
reached him that a new governor, named Lope de Sosa, was coming
out from Spain to supersede Pedrarias. Nunez was troubled at
these tidings. A new governor would be likely to adopt new
measures or to have favorites. In this pei-plexity he held a con-
sultation with several of his confidential officers. After some debate
it was agreed that a trusty and intelligent person should be sent to
Ada, under pretence of procuring munitions for the ships. Should
he find Pedrarias in possession of the government, he was to request
re-enforcements and supplies ; but should he find a new governor
arrived, he was to return immediately with the tidings. In the
latter case it was resolved to put to sea before any contrary orders
could arrive.

The person entrusted with this mission 'to Ada was Andres
Garabito, in whose fidelity and discretion Nunez had implicit con-
fidence ; his confidence, however, was destined to be fatally betrayed.
Yasco Nunez had continued to have a fondness for the daughter of
the Cacique Careta, whom he had received from her father as a
pledge of amity. In the course of some dispute with Garabito
concerning her, he had expressed himself in severe and galling
language; Garabito was deeply mortified at some of Nunez's expres-
sions, and being of a malignant spirit, he cherished a secret and
vindictive enmity against his commander, and determined on a
dastardly revenge. He wrote privately to Pedrarias, assuring him
that Nunez had no intention of marrying his daughter; being com-
pletely under the influence of an Indian paramour.* This mischiev-

* This Garabito or Garavita had a difficulty of a similar character with Cortes
in Cuba, on which occasion he received a chastisement from the future conqueror
of Mexico.

158 HERNANDO DE SOTO IN NICARAGUA.

Oils letter Gavabito had written immediately after the last departure
of Nunez from Acla.

When Garabito arrived at Acla he found Pedrarias still in pos-
session of the government ; for Lope de Sosa had died in the very
harbor. The conduct and conversation of Garabito were such as
to arouse suspicions ; he was arrested, and his papers and letters
were sent to Pedrarias. When examined he readily suflFered himself
to be wrought upon by threats of punishment and promises of par-
don, and revealed all that he knew, and declared still more that he
suspected and surmised of the plans and intentions of Nunez.

Hernando de Arguello wrote to Nunez, informing him of the
critical posture of affairs, and urging him to put to sea without de-
lay ; that he would be protected at all events by the Hieronimite
Fathers at San Domingo, who were at that time all-powerful in the
New World, and who regarded his expedition as calculated to pro-
mote the glory of God as well as the dominion of the king. This
letter fell into the hands of Pedrarias, and convinced him of a dan-
gerous plot against his authority. He immediately ordered Ar-
guello to be arrested ; and now devised means to get Nunez within
his power. Dissembling his suspicions and intentions therefore, he
wrote to him in amicable terms, requesting him to repair immedi-
ately to Acla, as he wished to confer with him about the imj)ending
expedition. The tenor of this letter awakened no suspicion in the
mind of Nunez. Leaving his vessels in command of Francisco
Companon, he immediately departed, unattended by any force, to
meet the governor at Acla. Having crossed the mountains and
drawn near to A cla, he had not proceeded far when he was met by
a band of armed men led bj' Francisco Pizarro, who stepped forward
to arrest his ancient commander. Nunez paused for a moment, and
regarding him with a reproachful look of astonishment, said : " How
is this, Francisco ? Is this the way you have been accustomed to
receive me ?" He suflfered himself quietly to be taken prisoner by
his former adherent and conducted in chains to Acla. Here he was
imprisoned, and Bartolome Hurtado, once his favorite officer, was
sent to take command of his vessels.

Pedrarias urged the alcalde mayor, Espinosa, to proceed against
Nunez with the utmost rigor of the law. The charge brought against
him was a treasonable conspiracy to cast off all allegiance to the
crown, and to assume an independent swaj' on the borders of the
South Sea. He was also charged anew with the wrongs inflicted on
Enciso, and with the death of the unfortunate Nicuessa.*

* Enciso, as lieutenant of Ojada, had founded Santa Maria de la Antigua del
Darien, and by his stern edicts incurred the displeasure of the people. They

HERNANDO DE SOTO IN NICARAGUA. 159

Espinosa at length gave a reluctant verdict against Vasco Nunez,
but recommended him to mercy on account of his great services, or,
that at least he might be permitted to appeal. "No," said Pedrarias ;
" if he has merited death, let him suffer death !" He accoi'dingly con-
demned him to be beheaded^ The same sentence was passed upon
several of his officers who were implicated in his alleged conspiracy,
and also on Hernando de Arguello. As to the perfidious informer,
Garabito, he was pardoned and set at liberty.

The execution took place in the public square of Ada, and the
historian Gviedo, who was in the colony at that time, assures us
that the cruel Pedrarias was a secret witness of the bloody specta-
cle, which he contemplated from between the reeds of the wall of a
house about twelve paces from the scaffold. Vasco Nunez was the
first to suffer death. He ascended the scaffold with a firm step and
calm and manly demeanor. Three of his officers were in a like
manner brought one by one to the block. One victim still remained.
It was Arguello, who had been condemned as an accomplice for
having written the intercepted letter. The populace entreated Pe-
drarias that this man might be spared. The daylight, they said,
was at an end, and it seemed as if God had hastened the night to
prevent the execution. " No," said Pedrarias, " I would sooner die
myself than spare one of them." The unfortunate Arguello was
led to the block.*

The vengeance of Pedrarias was not satisfied with the death of
his victim ; he confiscated his property, and dishonored his remains,

refused to acknowledge his authority. Nunez took advantage of this discon-
tent to form a party to depose Enciso, who was summoned to trial, found guilty
of usurpation, and imprisoned. By the intercession of his friends he was re-
leased, and permitted to return to Spain.

* The cruel and malicious spirit of Pedrarias is in strong contrast with the
genius of Cortes.

Some Spanish soldiers, partisans of Velasquez, governor of Cuba, secretly
agreed to take the life of Cortes, Alvarado, Sandoval, and Tapia, and of all
those who appeared most attached to the party of Cortes. And this they
planned, when Cortes was on the eve of besieging the city of Mexico. The con-
spirators not only determined the time and manner of securely executing the
blow, but elected also those on whom the vacant posts of general, judge, and
captains were to be conferred ; when one of the accomplices, having repented
of the deed, seasonably revealed the treason to Cortes. This general immedi-
ately had the chief conspirator seized, committed his examination to a judge,
and he, having freely confessed his crime, was hanged from i window of the
quarters. With respect to his accomplices, Cortes prudently dissembled, affect-
ing not to believe them culpable, and ascribing the infamy imputed to them by
the confession, to be the malice of the convict. — Clavigbko.

160 HERNANDO DE SOTO IN NICAKAGUA.

causing his head to be placed upon a pole, and exposed for several
days in the public square. Thus perished, in his forty-second year,
in the prime and vigor of his life and the full career of his glory,
Vaseo Nunez de Balboa, one of the most illustrious and deserving
of Spanish discoverers ; a victim to the basest and most perfidious
envy.*

The Fathers of St. Jerome, who possessed then a great authority
in the Indies, manifested a strong resentment against Pedrarias;
they wrote to him in a manner to let him know what was the opinion
of all America of his conduct; they added that he had forgotten
the orders of the king, which obliged him to do nothing without the
participation of the Council of his province ; but these warnings
came too late, the unfortunate Nunez was no more. Las Casas re-
proaches Pedrarias with having devastated all the country from
Darien to the lake Nicaragua. He accuses him also of having
exercised against the Indians cruelties which made humanity shud-
der. A man of his character could but with impatience see himself
subject to several governors ; he wished to shake off the yoke which
wounded his ambition ; he had Santa Maria del Darien destroyed ;
charged Diego d'Espinosa, in 1518, to repair to Panama, and build
a town there. He wrote at the same time to the king, that the
place where Santa Maria del Darien had been founded was not fit
for a settlement, and that it was the interest of his majesty to tranis-
fer the Episcopal seat to Panama. Having received a favorable
reply the following year, he sent orders to Oviedo, who then com-
manded at Darien as his lieutenant, to transport to Panama all the
inhabitants of Darien. Other settlements were not slow in being
formed in so rich a country .f

Yasco Nunez de Balboa " having been executed, Pedrarais set out
for the Pearl Islands with the troops that were at Ada. The ships
were there [at Pearl Islands], with the people who had remained on
the South Sea. Thence he went in the ships to Panama, where
he founded the present city [old Panama], the rest of the people
going round by land with the licentiate Espinosa."

" Panama was founded in the year 1519, and at the end of that
year Diego Alvites founded Nombre de Dios, by order of Pedrarias.
Having founded Panama in this year, the governor sent the licen-
tiate Espinosa in command of the ships, with as many men as they
could hold, to the westward. The licentiate arrived at the province
of Bnrica, on the coast of Nicaragua."

* Washington living's Colum'bus. His authorities quoted are Herrera, Peter
Martyr, and Oviedo. The latter was an ofBoer under Pedrarias.
f Richer.

HERNANDO DE SOTO IN NICARAGTJA. 161

" In the year 15 IT, Gil Gonzales tie Avila arrived at Darien, with
a certain capitulation which he had made with his majesty, accom-
panied by carpenters and laborers to build ships, and all the neces-
sary fittings for them to be put together in the Rio de la Balsa,
and their futtock timbers were brought ready made from Spain.
They disembarked at Ada, and Gil Gonzales went to Darien to
secure the support of the governor for the enterprise."

"The ships, having been built ©n the Balsa, were sent down to
the sea, passed the Island of Pearls ; and, Panama having been
■peopled in 1519, the flotilla was brought there. This Gil Gonzales
had to discover a certain number of leagues to the westward, con-
cerning which the capitulation had been made ; and thus he coasted
along, and arrived at tlie gulf of San Lucar, which had already
been discovered by [Espinosa, under the orders of] Pedrarias. It
is at the commencement of the land of Nicaragua. Having passed
the place where Leon and Granada now stand, he disembarked, and
came to a village where he found one hundred thousand pesos of
gold. As soon as his arrival was known in the land, a large force
of warlike Indians came against him, and obliged him to fall back
and embark again, as he had not sufficient force to resist tliem He
returned to Panama with the gold, and went thence to Spain ; but
returned to San Domingo, and equipped an expedition to settle in
Nicaragua, going by the way of Honduras."

In the mean time Pedrarias sent Francisco Hernandez de Cor-
dova in command of a force to subdue and settle Nicaragua; and
he entered that land, subduing and conquering, and fighting in many
skirmishes and battles. He founded the cities of Leon and Granada,
and built fortresses in them for defence.

Gil Gonzales, who set out from San Domingo in search of Nicara-
gua, via Honduras, encountered, in a province called Manalea, Cap-
tain Soto whom Hernandez had sent to that part. Soto resisted the
passage of Gonzales through the district, and Gonzales stopped and
cunningly treated for peace. Soto, finding himself more powerful in
numbers than his adversary, did not fear him, and, though the one
force was very near to the other, he did not set a guard on his camp.
So, one night, Gonzales took him unawares, made him prisoner, and
secured his arms. Of the troops which came out to resist, two men
were killed with two arquebuses. But Gonzales did not deem it
prudent to keep these persons in his company, so he released them,
and, seeing that there was no way to enter Nicaragua, he returned to
Puerto de Cavallos, where was Christoval de Olid, a captain whom
Cortes had sent to conquer and settle Honduras, but who, having
revolted, Las Casas was sent to capture him, but was himself taken
11

162 HERNANDO DE SOTO IN NICAEAGTJA.

b}' Olid, and kept as a prisoner with Gonzales ; but these, having
conspired, a short time afterwards slew Olid. About this time
Cortes arrived in Honduras, and soon Hernandez, desiring to revolt
from Pedrarias, sent to invite him to come and receive the province
[of Nicaragua] from him.

Hernandez, finding himself powerful in the number of his fol-
lowers, meditated a project to rise and throw oflf obedience to
Pedrarias, or any one he might send. With this view, he assembled
the principal people of the two settlements [Leon and Granada] to
induce them to write to his majesty, praying that he might be
appointed their governor. But the captains Francisco Campanon
and Soto not only refused their assent, but condemned the pro-
ceedings. Fearing these captains and their followers (for there
were ten or twelve who took counsel to resist this act), he seized
upon Soto and put him in the fortress of Granada. Campanon,
however, with nine of his friends, marched to Granada and took
Soto out of prison. The whole party then took the field, well armed
and mounted. Hernandez, as soon as he knew this, came to Granada
with sixty men, and found his opponents in tiie field ; but he would
not attack them, because he knew that they would try to kill him
before any one else. The dissentients then took their way to
Panama, and, after many hardships and dangers, and having aban-
doned their horses because they could not pass that way, they
arrived barefooted. They had passed the villages of the Indians at
night, and taken provisions from them. Thus they had reached
the province of Chiriqui, which is between Buriea and Nisca, where
there was a settlement called the city of Fonseca, which, by the
order of Pedrarias, had been made by Captain Benito Hurtado.
Here they were refreshed, and Hurtado gave them a canoe, in which
they came as far as Nata. Having reported to Pedrarias what had
taken place, the governor assembled ships and men to go to Nica-
ragua, where, having captured Hernandez, he cut off his head
[1526].*

It is probable that De Soto remained in Nicaragua till the death
of Pedrarias, which happened at Leon in the year 1530. He went
from there, in 1532, to Peru.

* Andagoya.

HERNANDO CORTES IN HONDURAS. 163

CHAPTBE IX.

HERNANDO CORTES IN HONDURAS.

1524-1526.

When Corfces had rebuilt and repeopled the city of Mexico, and had
founded tlie towns of Guanaca, Zacatula, Colitna, Yera Cruz [Villa
Rica], Panuco, and Guacasualeo, he also determined to subdue the
thickly populated province of Guatemala, the inhabitants of which
were verj' warlike. He therefore resolved to dispatch Pedro de
Alvarado thither to subdue'the country and to found colonies in it.
For this important campaign he selected above three hundred foot,
of which one hundred and twenty were musketeers and crossbow-men,
one hundred and fifty-three horse, and four field-pieces, to which
were added three hundred auxiliary troops, composed of Tlascalans,
Cholulans, and Mexicans.*

As soon as these troops were in marching order, Alvarado took
leave of Cortes, and left the city of Mexico on the ISthf of December,
1523. After various encounters with the Indians on his route, the
most dangerous of which was that with tiie tribes of Utatlan, he
finally ai-rived in Guatemala, where the inhabitants gave him a kind
and hospitable reception. Father Olmedo, who had accompanied
Alvarado, did everything in his power to convert the Indians to
Christianity; he ordered an altar with a cross to be erected, in
front of which he regnlarly performed mass, and the inhabitants on
these occasions imitated the Spaniards in all their religious cere-
monies. Father Olmedo also placed on the altar an image of the
Virgin Mary, which had been presented to him by Garay in his
dying moments. This image was of such extreme beauty that the
Indians became quite enamored of it. By degrees, every township
of the surrounding neighborhood sent ambassadors to Alvarado,
and declared themselves vassals of the emperor.J

At the same time that Cortes sent Alvarado to Guatemala, he
fitted out a naval armament under tlie command of Cristobal
i)'01id, to coast along the North Sea [Caribbean] and establish a

* These are the mambers Diaz gives, hut Cortes makes them somewhat more,
t Cortes says 6th. t Diaz.

164 HERNANDO CORTES IN HONDURAS.

colony at the Cape of Hibneras [Honduras], sixty leagues from
the Bay of Ascension, which is to the windward of what they call
Yucatan, and on the coast above Terra Firma towards Darien. The
object of this expedition was to obtain information about the
country, and also in reference to the opinion [then] entertained by
many pilots, that through this bay a passage might be found to the
other sea; the thing that of all others in the world Cortes most
desired to meet with. Cortes considered it certain, according to
the information he had concerning the country and its configuration,
that Pedro de Alvarado and Cristobal D'Olid would meet, unless
the strait divided them.

The armament committed to Olid consisted of five large ships
and a brigantine, and four hundred men, provided with artillery,
munitions, arms, victuals, and everything else necessary for them.
Cortes also sent two agents to the island of Cuba, with eight thou-
sand pesos of gold, to purchase horses and provisions, both for
the first voyage, and to be in readiness for loading the ships on
their return from the expedition. Thus the expedition departed
from the port of San Juan de Chalchiqueca [present Vera Cruz], on
the 11th of January, 1524, having to touch at the Havana, the
place on the island of Cuba where they were to obtain the supplies
that were wanting, especially horses, and for the ships to ren-
dezvous in order to proceed together thence to the place of their
destination. On reaching tlie first port in the country to which the
expedition was sent, they were to disembark men, horses, pro-
visions, and everything else, and seek the most favorable site that
offered to be fortified with artillery (of which they took a great
deal of the best kind), and for the settlement of a colony. They
were then to dispatch, at once, three of the larger ships to the port
of Trinidad, in the island of Cuba, as most conveniently situated
on their route, and where an agent was to be left to get ready a
cargo of such things as they required, for which the captain should
send. The smaller ships and brigantine, with the principal pilot, a
cousin of Cortes, named Diego Hurtado, for captain, were to run
along the coast of the Bay of Ascension, in quest of the strait that
was believed to be there, and to remain until they had explored
every part of it ; and in case they discovered the strait, the}' should
return to the place where captain Cristobal Olid was, and from
tlience dispatch one of tlie ships to Cortes, with an account of the
discovery, and air the information Cristobal Olid might have ac-
quired concerning the country', and also the occurrences of the ex-
pedition.*

* Cortes.

HERNANDO CORTES IN HONDURAS. 165

To this armament were also appointed two priests, and they were
to induce the Indians to abolish their human sacrifices, with other
abominations practised by them. Every place the troops visited
they were to look out for those diabolical cages in which the Indians
shut up those they intended for victims for their sacrifices ; these
they were ordered to release, and the cages were to be destroyed.*

After Cortes had strongly impressed all this on Olid's mind, he
bid him and all his troops an affectionate farewell. When Olid
arrived at "Vera Cruz, he found everj'thing in readiness, so that he
was enabled to embark immediately with his troops, and had a very
favorable passage to Havana, where he found the horses, with the
provisions and other things, in readiness. Here Diego Velasquez,
governor of Cuba, the mortal enemy of Cortes, visited Olid on
board the vessels, urged him in the strongest terms to refuse all
further obedience to Cortes ; and they came to a secret agreement
between themselves, jointly to subdue the Higueras and Honduras
in the emperor's name. Olid was to take upon himself the active
part, and Yelasquez, on his side, was to procure him every necessary,
and support him witli his money.

The armament being now fully equipped, Olid sailed from the
Havana, and, after a very prosperous voyage, arrived, on the 3d of
May, about sixty miles on the other side of Puerfro Cahallo, and
disembarked his men in a small bay, where he immediately began
to lay the foundations of a town, to which lie gave the name of
Triunfo de la' Cruz.

It was not until eight months afterwards that Cortes received
intelligence of this revolt of Olid. When, thei-efore, he learned that
Olid had made common cause with Diego Velasquez, and had
determined to act independent of him, he resolved to send against
him Francisco de las Casas, a relation of his on whom he could

* Diaz, to avoid tlie tediousness of constantly mentioning these cages, in his
account of the, various places through which he passed on his way to the city
of Mexico, gives the reader to understand they were in every town. Not only
were there teocalis in towns,but lilte heathen temples of antiquity, also on islands
and in secluded places, and they were their temples and their altars on which
the Indian priests immol ated their victims to their hideous idols. The unfor-
tunate Valdivia and several of his companions, being cast upon the shores of
Yucatan, were seized hy the Indians, confined in cages, and, when sufficiently
fattened, sacrificed hy the Indians to their deities, and then devoured. The
first structure of stone and mortar that Columbus discovered on the continent
was on the coast of Honduras, and was probably a teooali, of which, perhaps,
he knew not the use, as his son only mentions the fact: " The first place in
the Indies where they saw any sign of a structure which was a great mass or
imagery, that seemed to be of lime and mortar."

166 HERNANDO CORTES IN HONDURAS.

place implicit rel iance, as he had previously declared to the emperor.
For this purpose he fitted out five vessels, well provided with
cannon and other ammunition. On board this fleet he embarked
one hundred men.

Francisco de las Casas received full power from Cortes to seize
Olid and put him in chains. He sailed from Vera Cruz with very
favorable weather, and arrived in a short time in the bay of Triunfo
de la Cruz, where in front of the town lay at anchor the vessels of
Olid. As Las Casas on entering the bay had hoisted a white flag,
Olid scarcely knew what to think at flrst, but thought, at all events,
it was better to be upon his guard, and ran out two of his smallest
vessels, well armed with a strong body of men, in order to prevent
Las Casas from entering the harbor and landing his troops, though
he was as yet quite ignorant who the new-comers were. Las Casas,
who was a man of great courage and determination, immediately
lowered his boat, on board of which he placed one of the falconets,
and the most active of his men well armed with muskets and cross-
bows, being resolved he said to land his troops somehow or other.
A severe conflict now ensued, in which Las Casas bored one of
Olid's vessels into the ground, killed four of his men and wounded
several others.

Olid, seeing that matters were growing verj' serious, thought it
advisable, on his part, to stay hostilities in order to gain time to
assemble all his troops about him; for he had a few days previous
dispatched two companies to the river Pechin against Gil Gonzales
de Avila, who had begun to subdue the country there. He, there-
fore, sent word to Las Casas that he was desirous of making terms
of peace with him; to wliich Las Casas so far consented that he
staid hostilities for the present, and lay out at sea with his vessels
for the night, in order to effect a landing in some other bay. Fortu-
nately for Olid and unfortunately for Las Casas, a furious north
wind, which is the most dangerous of all on this coast, arose during
the night, and the wiiole of his vessels were wrecked; thirty of his
men were drowned, and all tlie ammunition and stores went to the
bottom. Las Casas and the rest of his men, after wandering about
the countrj' for two days, benumbed with wet and cold, without a
morsel of food to eat, were all taken prisoners by Olid's troops.

Qlid, it may be imagined, was excessively rejoiced that things
had thus terminated so unexpectedly in his favor, and he exulted
greatly in having the person of Las Casas in his power. He imme-'
diately took the latter's troops into his service, and compelled
them to take a solemn oath never to desert him, but to oppose

HERNANDO CORTES IN HONDURAS. 16T

Cortes if lie should come with an array against him. Las Casas
alone he kept a prisoner.

Shortly upon this the detachment returned which he had sent
against Gil Gonzales de Avila. This man had arrived in the country
with the appointment of governor of Golfo Dulce, and he had already
founded, at about four miles distance from the bay of the same name,
a town which he called San Gill de Buena Vista. The countrj'-
bounding on the river Chipin was at that time inhabited by a very
warlike people; and as by far the greater part of Gil Gonzales's
troops were suffering from ill health, the latter had only been able
to throw a feeble garrison into the town of Buena Vista. Olid had
been duly apprised of this and ordered the town to be attacked ; but
his troops could not so easily get possession of the place as they
expected. Gil Gonzales's small body of men defended themselves
most vigorously, and eight of the soldiers with a cousin of his were
killed. Olid was both rejoiced and proud to have taken prisoners
the chief commanders of two separate armaments; and as it was of
importance to him that the success of his arms should be made
known through the islands,* he immediately sent information of his
good fortune to Velasquez, governor of Cuba.

After this victory Olid, taking his prisoners with him, marched
his troopg towards the interior of tlie country, to a large township
named Naco, which lay in a verj-^ populous district. It was upon
this occasion that Naco was completely destroyed and the whole of
the surrounding country laid waste, and tliis Diaz relates from ej'e-
witness, as he subsequently visited those parts himself. ^

Prom Naco, Olid sent out a strong detachment to forage the
country, under the command of Briones. Some time after Briones
had been sent out by Olid to a distant part of the country, with a
considerable body of his troops, he received intelligence that he had
deserted with the whole of the men under his command, and was
marching in the direction of New Spain ; this news was indeed found
to be perfectly correct. This circumstance. Las Casas and Gil
Gonzales thought, presented to them a most favorable opportunity
to rid themselves of Olid, who still continued to treat botli of them
as prisoners of war, though they were allowed to go at large. The
whole of the adherents of Cortes secretly joined Las Casas and
Gonzales, and they agreed, upon a certain signal, to fall upon Olid
and stab him to death. Everything had been arranged in the best
possible manner for this purpose.

* Cuba, Jamaica, Hispaiiiola, Porto Rico.

f Diaz's own words, as translated into English, except the italics.

168 HERNANDO OOETES IN HONDUEAS.

One evening Las Casas, Gonzales, Juan Nunez de Mereado, and
other soldiers of Cortes's party, were invited to sup with Olid. The
first two, as prisoners of war, were not allowed to carry arms, but
had concealed on their persons large knives, which were ground
very sharp. The whole of the company had already laid aside
their cloaks to seat themselves at the table, and stood around Olid
discoursing on Cortes's good fortune. As Olid was thus quite off
his guard, not in the least suspecting there was any design upon
his life. Las Casas on a sudden seized hira forcibly b^' the beard,
and stabbed him in' the neck with his knife. Upon this, the other
conspirators fell in a body upon him and gave him so many stabs
that he fell to the ground, and was left as dead ; but, as he was a
man of enormous muscular power, he regained his consciousness
while the conspirators were sitting at the table enjoying their sup-
pers, and assembling all his strength he started up from the floor,
with the cry, "IZj/ friends^ assist your captain P^ and then ran out
to hide himself in the woods until his adherents should have rallied
around him; And, indeed, a great part of his troops instantly
assembled for this purpose ; but Las Casas cried out to them : " In
the name of the emperor and of Cortes, I command you to fall upon
the tyrant ; his tyranny is no longer to be borne!"

As soon as these names were mentioned, no one durst stir a finger
in Olid's defence; on the contrary, every one quietly submitted,
and immediately obeyed Las Casas's commands by hurrying off in
search of Olid, to bring him in prisoner. He then made known that
any one who knew of Olid's concealment, and neglected to give
information of it, should suffer death. By this means it was soon
discovered where Olid lay concealed, and, after he had been brought
in a prisoner, a criminal suit was commenced against him in due
form, and, sentence of death being passed on him, he was decapi-
tated by order of these two officers. Las Casas and Gonzales, on the
market-place of Naco.

As soon as Las Casas and Gonzales had got rid of their common
enemy, they assembled all tlie troops; they divided the command
equally between them, and continued on the best terms with each
other. Las Casas soon after founded the town of Truxillo, and
Gonzales dispatched a small body of troops to the town which he
had previously founded, called Buena Vista, in order to see what
condition the colony was in. The command of this small detach-
ment he gave to an oflBcer named Armenia, with orders not to make
any change there if, at least, he found everything in the same con-
dition as when he left it, but to await his return from New Spain,
whither ho would immediately repair to beg Cortes for a fresh

HERNANDO CORTES IN HONDTJRAS. 169

supply of troops. Las Casas likewise determined to proceed with
Gonzales to the city of Mexico, in order tliat they might jointly
give Cortes an account of every cirenmstance that had transpired.*

Several months having elapsed after the departure of Las Casas
with the armament, and Cortes still without any tidings from him,
he began to fear that some misfortune had befallen him. The more
he thought of the many dangers to which vessels are exposed, the
more he regretted, notwithstanding all the confidence he placed in
Las Casas, that he had not gone to Honduras by land at the head
of his army ; he therefore determined to march thither in person.

Cortes left the city of Mexico at the head of his army [in Octo-
ber, 1524], and took the road leading to Guacasualco, where he
staid altogether six days. [From Guacasualco Cortes continued
his march to Honduras, and having arrived at Coliste, the Indians],
on being questioned bj' Dona Marina about the town where the
Spaniards had settled, they answered that it lay on the sea-coast
about five days' journey from there. On this information Cortes
dispatched Sandoval, with six men on foot, to the sea-coast in the
direction the Indian had pointed out, in order to learn, if possible,
what number of Spanish troops Olidf had under his command ; for
at that time Cortes was still ignorant of wliat had taken place
there.

Sandoval took three Indian guides- with him from Oculizti, and
set out on his journey. When he had arrived on the north coast
[of the gulf of Honduras], and was marching along the beach, he
espied a canoe making for the land, with sails and paddles. He
therefore hid himself behind a rising ground until the vessel should
have run ashore. This canoe belonged to some Indian merchants,
was laded with salt and maize, and was destined for the large river
which flows into the Golfo Dulce.

In the night time Sandoval sallied forth from his hiding place,
captured all the crew, then stepped into the canoe, with two of his
companions and the tiiree guides, and desired the Indian merchants
to row him along the coast, while the four otlier Spaniards followed
by land. Sandoval was sure the great river could not be far dis-

* Cortes at that time was probably on his expedition to Honduras, as he left
the city of Mexico October, 1534, and on Easter, 1525, he was at a place between
Lake Peten and the head of the Grulf of Honduras.

t In Cortes's letters, this name is Christoval D'Oli. Bernal Diaz has it Olid,
and so Clavigero has it. There was in Cortes's army a Christoval de Olea,
who, on two occasions in battle, saved the life of Cortes. These two names, Oli
and Olea, are enough alike to be mistaken one for the other.

170 HERNANDO COETES IN HONDUEAS.

lant, and in this he was not deceived, for he entered it soon after,
and lie had the good fortune to come up with four Spaniards of the
new town [Buena Vista], founded by Gil Gonzales de Avila. These
men had just arrived, in a canoe, from an excursion in search of pro-
visions, of which there was an uncommon scarcity in the colony, as
the inhabitants were at enmity with the Indians, who had already
killed ten of their number since Gonzales's departure for Mexico.

When Sandoval was approaching in the canoe, he found these
Spaniards busily occupied in gathering cocoanuts. Two of them
who had climbed up the tree were the first to observe the strange
vessel, and the}' immediately called out to their companions below.
The whole of them were so astonished and alarmed that they scarcely
knew whether they should run away or stay where they were, but on
Sandoval coming up and addressing them in a friendly manner, they
took courage, and related to him the wliole history of tiie foundation
of the colony, and then gave him a full description of the miserable
condition of the colony, adding that the commandant [Armenta] had
obstinately refused to allow them to return to Cuba, for which reason,
and because he had scourged a Spanish priest who had caused an
insurrection in the town, the inhabitants rebelled against him, hung
him, and appointed Antonio Nieto commandant in liis stead. They
also informed him that two miles further on there was a harbor, in
which a vessel was being fitted out to convey the colonists to Cuba.
Sandoval considered it best to take these men along with him to
Cortes, in order that his approach to the colony might not be made
known to it.

When arrived in the presence of Cortes, tlie colonists related to
him all that they had told Sandoval. Cortes now marched with all
his troops in tiie direction of the sea-coast, the distance to which
was full twenty-four miles. At length he arrived at the broad river
of Golfo Dulce. Here the two canoes — one which Sandoval had
captured on the coast, and tlie other belonging to the colonists —
were fastened together, in which Cortes, with six men and a few of
his servants, embarked, and was ferried across the water. TJpon
this a few of the horses were swam across, the grooms holding the
animals by the bridles, which were kept as short as possible for fear
of the horses upsetting the canoes. The passage across this rapid
stream was excessively dangerous. Cortes left strict commands
that none should cross the river until further orders, which he would
send in writing.

The town of Buena Vista, which Gil Gonzales had founded in
this neighborhood, lay about eight miles from the broad river of the
Golfo Dulce, near the sea-shore, wliither Cortes immediately re-

HERNANDO CORTES IN HONDURAS. Ill

paired with his small body of men, after crossing the river. Wlien
he entered the town, the arrival of strangers on horseback, and others
on foot, in the first moment spread a great consternation among
the inhabitants, but, as soon as they learned that it was Cortes,
they were almost overcome with joy. All the inhabitants waited
on him, and he received them in the kindest manner; and then
ordered the commandant, Jfieto, to load the two boats belonging to
the town, and all the canoes he could get, with cassava bread, and
dispati-h them to Sandoval. Nieto immediately set about to fulfil
these commands, but was unable to collect more than fifty pounds
of this bread, as the colonists had had no other food than the fruits
which they gathered from the trees, some vegetables, and what fish
they could catch. Even tliis small quantity of cassava bread had
been set apart for their voyage to Cuba. With these provisions
the two boats, manned with eight sailors, left for the place where
Sandoval was encamped with the troops.

The population of the town of Buena Vista consisted of forty
Spaniards, four Spanish ladies, and two mulattoes. The whole of
these people were suflfering from ill health, and had a yellow, sickly
appearance. They had no provisions, and suffered as much from
hunger as the men of Cortes, nor could any one tell where to go in
search of maize. Cortes therefore saw that there was not a moment
to lie lost, and he dispatched Luis Marin with the eighty men of
Guacasualeo, into tiie country. They all set out on foot for some
townships which lay thirtv-two miles further up the country. When
they reached these they found that they contained great abundance
of maize, beans, and other vegetables ; besides that, the whole
neighborhood was literally sown with cocoanut trees.

When Cortes learned that Marin and his men had arrived in so
fertile a neighborhood, and was told that tlie road to Naco led
tiirough that township, he ordered Sandoval to follow them with
the greater part of the remaining troops, and not to leave this
township until lie should receive further instructions.

Sandoval, on arriving at Marin's camp, immediately dispatched
thirty bushels of maize to Cortes, who distributed it among the
colonists, who ate so ravenously of it that the greater part fell sick
in consequence of it, and seven of them died.

During this great distress for want of provisions, a vessel from
Cuba ran into the harbor, liaving on board seven passengers, seven
horses, forty hogs, eight barrels of pickled meat, and a large
quantity of cassava bread. The cargo belonged to Antonio de
Comargo, and Cortes purchased the whole of it upon credit, dis-
tributing a great part of the provisions among the colonists ; but

172 HERNANDO CORTES IN HONDURAS.

the consequences again proved fatal to many of these unfortunate
persons, for this very nourishing food brought on dj'sentery, and
ten more of them died.

As this vessel had brought a few soldiers, and had eight sailors
on board, Cortes' determined to embark in her and sail up the river,
to visit the townships along its banks, and to explore the interior
of the country. He also ordered one of the brigantines of Gil
Gonzalfes to be repaired, and a boat to be constructed in the shape
of those used for unloading vessels ; also four canoes to be securely
fastened together. On board these vessels Cortes embarked with
thirty soldiers, the eight sailors, and twenty Mexicans. He may
have sailed up the river to the distance of about forty miles, when
he came to a large lake wliich was apparently about twenty-four
miles in breadth, and its banks were quite uninhabited, as the whole
surrounding country was subject to frequent inundations. Further
up, the river continuall3^ became more rapid, until the vessels ar-
rived at some cataracts which none of them were able to pass.
Cortes therefore landed his men here, and, after leaving six Span-
iards in charge of the vessels, he commenced his march up the
conntr3', along a very narrow path. First he arrived at some town-
ships which were deserted by the inhabitants, and then to a few
maize plantations, in which he captured three Indians, whom he
took along with him as guides. These people conducted him to
several small villages where there was abundance of maize and
fowls. The inhabitants here also kept pheasants, tame partridges,
and pigeons. This breeding of partridges as domestic birds, Diaz
never observed in any other part of the country but in the town-
ships on the Golfo Dulce. From this place Cortes took new guides,
and next arrived at some townships where the whole surrounding
neighborhood was covered with maize, cacao, and cotton planta-
tions. When Cortes had approached within a short distance, he
heard the sound of drums, trumpets, and a noise as if the Indians
were in the midst of some festive orgie. He then concealed him-
self, with his men, on a rising ground, in order to watch for an op-
portunity of falling upon these Bacchanalians. This he accord-
ingly' did before they were in the least aware of it, and captured
ten men and fifteen women. The rest of the Indians fled to their
town, armed themselves, and commenced discharging their arrows
at the Spaniards Cortes immediately fell upon them, and very
soon cut down eight of their chiefs ; they then dispatched four old
men, of whom two were papas [priests], to Cortes, with a trifling
present in gold, and begged hard that the prisoners might be re-
stored to lliem. Cortes gave them to understand that they should

HERNANDO CORTES IN HONDURAS. 173

send maize, fowls, salt, and a lai'ge supply of other provisions to
his vessels. If they complied with this, he would immediately re-
store the prisoners to their families. They accordingly set their
canoes afloat, which lay in a hollow communicating with the river,
and loaded them with the required provisions ; but as he did not
release all the prisoners at once, and detained three men with their
wives to bake some bread, the whole of the inhabitants again flew
to arms, and showered forth their arrows, stones, and darts, upon
the Spaniards, wounding twelve men, and Cortes himself, in the
face.

Cortes was twenty-six days on this expedition, from which he
returned to Buena Vista with a greater supply of provisions than
it had ever before had.

As Cortes considered the site of Buena Vista every way unfavor-
able for a colony, he embarked the whole of the inhabitants in two
vessels and the brigantine, and sailed for the bay of Puerto de
Caballos, where he arrived in the space of eight days. Finding
that there was an excellent harbor in this bay, he determined to
found a colony in this place, to which he gave the name of Natividad,
and appointed Diego de Godoy commandant of the towrf. He then
made an excursion into the interior of the country to visit the
several townships. Tlie inhabitants assured him that there were
several otlier townships in the neighborhood, and that. Naco was
not far off. He well stocked tiie new town, and wrote to Sandoval,
whom he imagined had already reached Naco, to send him ten of
the men of Guacasualco. From this place [Puerto Caballos], he
added, it was his intention to repair to the Bay of Honduras, in
order to visit the new town of Truxillo. Sandoval received this
letter in the township where he had first halted, for he had not yet
broken up his quarters for Naco. He would gladly, that instant,
have set out for Naco, if he had not dispatched a great part of his
troops into the surrounding townships in search of provisions and
fodder for the horses. He was, therefore, compelled to await the
return of these troops.

When the troops returned, he marched further on to some town-
ships in the neighborhood of which gold mines were discovered
three years afterwards. From this place he came to Quinistaii, and
the following day, in the afternoon, he arrived at Naco, which at
that time was a township of considerable magnitude ; but there was
not a single inhabitant to be seen, and the troops quartered them-
selves in a large courtyard where Cristobal de Olid was beheaded.
In some houses they were fortunate enough to find a good supply
of maize, beans, and even salt. In this place they quartered them-

1T4 HERNANDO COKTES IN HONDURAS.

selves as comfortably as if they never meant to leave the spot
again.

In Naco there was a well of the most delicious water. Here,
likewise, stood a wide-spreading tree, under the shade of which,
even during the hottest part of the day, the air was so cool that
their very hearts became refreshed and invigorated. From this
tree there also continually fell a very delicate dew, which pro-
duced a most comfortable feeling to the head. The surrounding
neighborhood abounded in various kinds of provisions, and numerous
small townships lay dispersed in all directions.

Before the departure of the soldiers that Cortes had ordered to
be sent to him, Sandoval requested the caciques to dispatch five
distinguished personages to accompany them to Puerto Gaballos.
He then ordered them to provide these soldiers with the best of
provisions on their route.

Cortes was just about to embark for Truxillo when the Spaniards
marched into Puerto de Gaballos. Soon after he sailed with all his
troops, leaving Diego de Godoy as commander-in-chief of the new
colony, consisting of forty persons belonging to Buena Vista, and
of the passengers latel3' arrived from Cuba. After a favorable
voyage of six days, Cortes arrived in the harbor of Truxillo. The
whole inhabitants assembled on the beach to receive him, and the
most comfortable mansion was prepared for him. The chief inhabi-
tants tlien detailed to him every circumstance respecting Las Casas's
arrival and capture, with that of Gil Gonzales, and the subsequent
beheading of Olid ; how the two former officers had then departed
for Mexico.

Cortes then confirmed the several authorities of the town in their
respective offices, both civil and military, but appointed his cousin
Saavedra captain-general of tlie whole country. He then sum-
moned the iniiabitants of the surrounding country to declare them-
selves vassals of the emperor. As the caciques of the four principal
townships happened to stand all together in his presence, he took
the opportunity of addressing them at some length, which was in-
terpreted to them by Dona Marina.* Cortes then ordered them to
furnish the colony with provisions, and to send a number of Indians
with the necessary tools to level a rising ground which lay in the
town and obstructed the view of the harbor and of the sea. He

* Diaz mentions, on another occasion, Marina addressing the inhabitants of
Honduras ; the inference, therefore, is that the languages of Tabasco, Mexico,
and Honduras were the same, or very similar ; so much so, that she could
address the Houdurans iu her native language.

HERNANDO CORTES IN HONDURAS. It5

also desired them to repair witli their canoes to some townships of
the Guauajas Islands, to request the inhabitants there to supply him
with fish, which they had in abundance. The inhabitants of these
islands readily complied, and brought a present consisting of fowls
and fish. Cortes, in return, gave them some of the swine he had
taken with him on his expedition.* The caciques sent so large a
body of Indians to level the hill that in the space of two days there
was a good prospect of the sea from the town. They likewise con-
structed fifteen houses, of which one, for Cortes, was of large dimen-
sions.

While Cortes was at Truxillo, he sent in a vessel his cousin
Avalos, the two Franciscan monks, the licentiate Pedro Lopez, and
others, who all were ill, to Cuba, or to St. Domingo, and on this
occasion forwarded dispatches to the Hieronimites. The vessel
sailed with a favorable wind. She had already doubled the cape of
St. Antonio, and had arrived within seventy leagues of the Havan-
nah when a heavy storm arose, in which she was wrecked oS the
coast of Cuba. The Franciscan monks, the captain Avalos, and a
great number of others, met with a watery grave ; only a few by
great exertions saved themselves in the boat, and others drifted
ashore by clinging to pieces of wood. The licentiate, Pedro Lopez,
who had escaped destruction, hastened to San Domingo, and there
related to the royal court of audience every circumstance of Cortes's
expedition to Honduras; and how he was staying at Truxillo, oc-
cupied in subduing the surrounding country. He likewise stated
that the troops were in great want of provisions, wine, and liorses.

In St. Domingo,f the spirit of speculation was soon stirred up,
and two vessels were quickly dispatched to Truxillo, with horses,
shirts, caps, and Spanish toys, to all of which these speculating
merchants unfortunately forgot to add provisions, and only sent one
pipe of wine.

Cortes himself had remained at Truxillo, where his time was fully
occupied in making various regulations. While staying here, sev-

* The islands of Guauajas were discovered by Columbus in 1502, on his
fourth and last voyage. The swine mentioned in the text shows that Cortes
had taken these animals from the city of Mexico to Truxillo, in Honduras, as
he set out on his expedition with them. De Soto took some hogs from Tampa
Bay to the mouth of the Arkansas River, and Gonzales Pizarro took hogs with
him on his expedition to the Napo.

f The capital of Hispaniola, or Hayti, or St. Domingo, or Isabella, all of wliich
names have been given to the same island ; but the town of St. Domingo,
founded by the brother of Christopher Columbus, and named after their father,
was, from 1597, the capital of the Indies.

176 HERNANDO CORTES IN HONDTJRAS.

eral of the inhabitants of the Gruanajas Islands came, and complained
to him about a vessel that lay at anchor in front of their township.
This vessel, tliey said, had a great number of Spaniards on board,
all armed with matehloclis'and crossbows, and they were intent upon
carrying off the inhabitants into slavery. To all appearances, added
the^', these Spaniards were pirates, and the same wlio had visited
their country some years previously in a similai' manner, and forci-
bly dragged away a considerable number of their countrymen.

Ul)on this information, Cortes hastily fitted out one of the brig-
antines with the largest piece of ordnance, and sent twenty men on
board, under the command of one of his best officers, who was or-
dered, at all events, to bring the strange vessel, with all her hands,
into the port of Truxillo. The Indians likewise promised to man
all theif canoes, and accompany the brigantine to where the vessel
lay moored.

When tile strange vessel observed a well-armed brigantine ap-
proaching, with several canoes, she quickly weighed anchor, and
made off at the utmost of hei" speed, and so eluded the pursuit of
tlie brigantine. It was subsequently learnt that this vessel was
commanded liy the l)achelor Moreno, whom the royal court of audi-
ence at St. Domingo had dispatched on certain business to Nombre
de Dios, and he had either been driven by contrary winds off these
islands, or had purposely repaired thither to carry away a cargo of
slaves.

While Sandoval was staying at Naco, four caciques arrived at
his camp from the two townships of Quecuscapa and Tanchinal-
chapa, complaining bitterly of some Spaniards, who plundered the
iu habitants of all their property, and forcibly carried off their wives
and daughters in iron chains. Sandoval was exceedingly vexed at
this intelligence. On inquiring of the caciques how far distant their
townships lay, they told him only one day's journey. He then im-
mediately marched out with sixty of his men, all well armed, and
they arrived in the above-mentioned townships before the Spaniards
there had the least notice of their approach; yet ihe instant they
saw them they flew to their arms, but Sandoval came so suddenly
upon them that he took the greater part of the men, with their cap-
tain, prisoners, without a drop of blood being spilt on either side.
He then commanded the men and women they had taken prisoners,
around whose necks they had fastened iron collars, to be instantly re-
leased and restored to the caciques of the district. He then marched
back to Naco, carrying along with him his Spanish prisoners, and
their captain, whose name was Pedro de Garro.

Almost all of these men had horses, and were followed by num-

HERNANDO COBTES IN HONDURAS. ItT

bers of female Indians of Nicaragua, some of wliom were uncom-
monly beautiful ; besides a great many female slaves to attend upon
them. When they arrived in Naeo, Cortes quartered each of them
according to his respective rank and station, as there were several
men of distinction and quality among them.

When these men found that their captors formed a part of
Cortes's troops, their captain, Garro, did all in his power to ingra-
tiate himself into Sandoval's favor. Eespecting their arrival in this
neighborhood they gave the following explanation.

Pedro Arias de Avila [Pedrarias] was governor of Terra Firma,
and had sent out Francisco Hernandez [de Cordoba], one of his
most distinguished oflScers, with a considerable body of foot and
horse, in order to make conquests in the provinces of New Leon
and Nicaragua, which he subdued and colonized. Hernandez, find-
ing that everything went on so successfully, and thinking himself
sufficiently far removed from Pedrarias* to do what he liked,
listened to evil counsellors, and came to some secret understanding
with the bachelor Moreno, before mentioned, who had been dis-
patched, by the royal court of audience at St. Domingo, to Terra
Firma to make inquiries into the death of Balboa [Vasco Nunez],
whom Pedrarias had most unjustly beheaded. This Moreno hinted
to Hernandez that it would not amount to treachery if he strove to
gain for himself the government of the countries he should subdue,
which would be the more easily obtained, since Pedrarias had acted
so wickedly against Balboa [Nunezf], who had had the best claim
to be appointed adelantado of these countries. Francisco Her-
nandez lent a willing ear to this advice, and began by dispatching
his chief officer, Pedro de Garro, to the northern provinces, in
search of some harbor where he might found a colony, and send
the emperor thence an account of the countries he had subdued and
colonized ; and he doubted not that his endeavors would be crowned
with success, since the provinces of which he should petition to be
the governor lay so far distant from Terra Firma.

Respecting these matters Sandoval and Gari'o had several secret
conferences with each other, which terminated in the former writing
to Cortes, at Truxillo, to induce him to confer on Hernandez the
government of Nicaragua. For this purpose he dispatched Luis

* Pedro Arias de Avila has heretofore been written contracted to Pedrarias,
in accordance with other accounts.

t Vasco Nunez de Balboa was beheaded in the year 1517, at Ada, under the
administration of Pedrarias. Francisco Hernandez de Cordoba subdued and
settled Nicaragua, founding the cities of New Leon and Granada.
12

IT 8 HERNANDO CORTES IN HONDURAS.

Marin, with ten of his men and five of Garro's men, to Truxillo.
Great were the difficulties they had to encounter on this journey.
On approaching near to the coast they had .to pass arms of the sea
wliich abounded with alligators, and when they arnved at the river
Xaqua, which lay forty miles from Triunfo de la Cruz, it took them
two whole days before they reached the opposite shore, in canoes.
Here they saw the remains of seven horses which had belonged to
Olid's troops. At length they arrived in Triunfo de la Cruz, where
they found nothing but the wood of some vessels which had been
wrecked. They then marched on for another four days, and came
to the township of Guemara, where the inhabitants rose up in arms
against them. These Indians were armed with long, heavy lances,
and covered their bodies with shields. Two days further march
brought them into the neighborhood of Truxillo. It was about
the hour of vespers, and they speedily came in sight of five persons
who were strolling along the shore on horseback, one of whom was
Cortes himself, who soon recognized them at a distance, and gal-
loped up to them. ' He instantly dismounted and embraced them.

After the first welcomes were passed, Cortes accompanied them
to Truxillo, where they were shown their quarters, and then invited
to sup with the general. The letter they brought from Sandoval
he read to them at the table, and Cortes declared his willingness to
do all in his power for Hernandez.

Three days previously two small vessels from St. Domingo had
run into the harbor of Truxillo, but had unfortunately brought
nothing in the shape of provisions but a pipe of wine. While they
were still in conversation with Cortes, some one came running in
with information that another vessel was making full sail for the
harbor. This vessel came direct from Havana, and had been dis-
patched hither by the licentiate Zuazo, whom Cortes had appointed
alcalde mayor of Mexico.* Zuazo sent Cortes some refreshments,
by this vessel, and a letter.

After this vessel had cast anchor, the captain, who was a person
of quality, stepped on shore and delivered to Cortes a letter from
the licentiate Zuazo.

When Cortes had finished reading this letter [which contained an
account of what had happened in the city of Mexico during his
absence], he shut himself up for half a day, and would not allow
any one to come near him. When he made his appearance it was
unanimously proposed to him immediately to embark, with the three

* But, in a revolution, being expelled from the city of Mexico, had gone to
Cuba.

HERNANDO CORTES IN HONDURAS. 1Y9

vessels which lay in the harbor, for New Spain. To this he replied,
" I intend, with God's assistance, to embark with no more than four
or five of you gentlemen."

Cortes then wrote to Francisco Hernandez, who was staying at
Nicaragua, offering to promote his interests to the utmost of his
power ; and sent him two mules laden with horseshoes,* of which
he knew he was in great want, a quantity of agricultural imple-
ments, several splendid articles of dress, and four pieces of beautiful
plate, besides several golden ornaments. With these things a cer-
tain Cabrera,f one of the five men, of Garro's troop, which had been
sent from Naco to Truxillo, was dispatched to the camp of Her-
nandez. He then desired Godoy, commandant of Puerto Caballos,
to repair to Naco with those of the inhabitants who were suffering
from ill health. The rest of the troops, under the command of Luis
Marin, were to take the route overland to Mexico, and, if possible,
to march through Nicaragua.

The men sent by Sandoval to Cortes then took leave of the latter,
and marched in a direct line for Naco. After suffering a great deal
of fatigue and hunger, they arrived safely there. Pedro Garro had
already left with the whole of his men for Nicaragua, to inform
Hernandez of the arrangement he had made with Sandoval.

Among the troops under Francisco Hernandez there were two
soldiers named Garaveta and Zamarano, who were close adherents
of Pedrarias, the governor of Terra Firma [then at Panama].
When these men saw the presents which Cortes had sent to Her-
nandez, and observed how the latter held secret conferences with
Garro and other of his officers, they suspected that Hernandez de-
signed giving Cortes possession of the province of Nicaragua.
They consequently hastened off to communicate their suspicions to
Pedrarias. Garavita in particular evinced a considerable degree of
zeal in this matter, for he had an old spite against Cortes, for, when
they were both young men and lived at St. Domingo, tliey camo to
blows about some woman, and Garavita came off with a good
dr ubbing.J

On receiving this information, Pedrarias marched out in person
at tlie head of a large body of troops, and soon arrived in Nicaragua,
where he instantly seized Hernandez. Pedro de Garro had been
wise enough not to await his arrival, and sought refuge in Sandoval's

* These were worth their weight in gold.

t Cabrera afterwards served in Peru .under Benalcazar, and was quarter-
master-general under Blasoo Nunez Vela, viceroy of Peru, and fell in the same
battle with him, according to Diaz.

t He also had a quarrel with Vasco Nunez in regard to Caritas's daughter.

180 HERNANDO CORTES IN HONDURAS.

camp. Hernandez had had suflflcient time to do the same, but,
unfortunately for him, he put his trust in the previous friendship
which had existed between himself and Pedrarias, and felt quite
confident the latter would behave leniently towards him. Pedrarias,
however, paid no respect to former friendship, but immediately put
him upon his trial, and, as it was proven that he intended to declare
his independence of his commander-in-chief, Pedrarias sentenced
him to decapitation, which was put into execution in the town
which he had himself founded shortly before.

Cortes, after setting sail from Truxillo two several times, was
again obliged to put back into the harbor ; the first time on account
of a tremendous storm which arose, and the second time on account
of the foremast snapping in two. He then dispatched three couriers
in all haste with orders for the troops at Naco to discontinue their
march to Mexico, and to proceed with the further conquest of the
country, as his guardian angel, he said, had pointed out this course
to him.

When the troops received these orders they became greatly
enraged, and told Sandoval he might remain if he liked, but they
were determined to continue their march to Mexico. Sandoval said
he would only request of them to halt until lie had informed Cortes
of the resolution they had taken, and had received his answer in
return. Sandoval set out for Truxillo, promising to do all in his
power to persuade Cortes to embark for Mexico.

Cortes could not then be persuaded to embark for New Spain, but
was determined to continue the colonization of the country about
Truxillo. [[Afterwards the news which Cortes received from Mexico
induced him to return there, but] he said, however, he would return
to New Spain by land, as he was afraid of the sea, after having twice
set sail and each time been obliged to put back into the harbor.*
The pilots, however, assured him that now being the month of April,
there was less apprehension of boisterous weather, and the best of
weather was to be expected at this time of the year. By these re-
presentations Cortes was induced to alter his determination ; and
he made up his mind to journey thither by sea, but would postpone
his departure until the return of Sandoval, whom he had dispatched
with a detachment of troops to Olancho, to drive out of this province
a captain named Rojas, who had been sent out by Pedrarias to ex-
plore the gold mines of the country, after the latter had beheaded
Francisco Hernandez. (5)

* Cortes while in Honduras was twice in a oritioal condition from extreme ill-
ness, and at the present time was very weak.

HERNANDO CORTES IN HONDURAS. 18.1

The Indians had journeyed all the way to Truxillo to make bitter
complaints to Corte§ of the Spaniards of Nicaragua, who, they said,
had fallen hostilely into their country, plundering them with impu-
nity, and carrying off their wives and daughters.

Sandoval on tliis expedition was accompanied by only sixty men,
and on arriving in Olancho, at first was going to imprison Rojas,
but several cavaliers stepping in as mediators between the two cap-
tains, they came to more amicable terms, and parted tlie best of
friends. While Sandoval was still here he received Cortes's letter, in
which he was desired immediately to repair with his troops to Trux-
illo. He, therefore, after arranging matters with Rojas marched to
the coast.

Cortes conferred upon Saavedra the chief command of the pro-
vinces about Truxillo, and gave him particular instruction as to
what he was to do. He also wrote to Luis Marin, desiring him to
march forward, with his troops, to Guatemala. Diego de Godoy,
who had previously commanded in Puerto de CabaIlos,was ordered
to march with his men into the province of Naco.

Cortes, previous to embarliing, again fell dangerously ill, yet he
had the good fortune to recover, and he set sail from Truxillo with
a considerable suite. He had the most beautiful weather all the way
to the Havana, where, after having remained for five days, he gave
orders for embarking without further delay, and, after a very favor-
able passage of twelve days, arrived in the liarbor of Medelliii, op-
posite the island of Sacrificios, where he dropped anchor for the
night. The next morning lie disembarked with twenty men, intend-
ing to march to San Juan de Ulua, which was only a couple of miles
distant, but fortunately coming up with a party of travellers, who
had a number of horses with them, and were on their way, to the
harbor he had just left, to embark for Spain, Cortes took posses-
sion of the horses, and then proceeded direct to Vera Cruz, whicli
was distant about twenty miles.*

* Bernal Diaz, Conquest of Mexico, translated by John Ingram Locldiart,
F.R.A.S.

Cortes left the City of Mexico, October, 1524, and he re-entered it June, 1526 ;
he was, therefore, absent one year and eight months, or thereabout, as the day
of the month is not given.

182 HEENANDO DE SOTO IN PERU.

CHAPTEE X.

HERNANDO DE SOTO IN PERU.

1532-1536.

When Pedrarias, governor of Darien, had put to death Nunez,
he continued to signalize his cruelties by bloody executions; made
war upon different Indian tribes and subdued them. He finally
formed the project to extend the limits of his government on the
coast of the South Sea, and to make new discoveries in following
the directions which Nunez had given him.

After Yasco Nunez de Balboa had discovered the South Sea, and
acquired some imperfect notions of the rich countries to which it
would lead, all the eyes and projects of the adventurous Spaniards
settled in the colonies of Darien and Panama were turned to these
unknown countries. In an age when the spirit of adventure was
sufficiently ardent to engage a great number of men to hazard their
whole fortunes, and brave the greatest dangers to attempt a dis-
covery barely possible, the least ray of hope was seized with avidity,
and upon slight information they undertook the most perilous expe-
ditions. It was thus that different armaments were made to take
possession of the countrj- situated to the east of Panama. But
these enterprises, confided to chiefs whose talents were not equal to
the emergencies, were unsuccessful. As these excursions did not
extend bej'ond the limits of the province to which the Spaniards had
given the name of Terra Firma,(6) a wooded and sparsely popu-
lated country, and very unhealthy, at their return the3' made dis-
couraging reports of the hardships they had endured, and of poor
prospects presented by the places they had visited. These accounts
calmed a little the furore of discovery in that direction, and they
produced a general sentiment that Nunez had permitted himself to
be misled by some ignorant Indian, who had sought to deceive him,
or who had been misunderstood.*

* The son of Comagre, a cacique whose province bordered on the North Sea,
had said to Nunez, " Behold those lofty mountains, beyond these lies a mighty
sea, which may be discerned from their summit. It is navigated by people who
have vessels almost as large as yours, and furnished like them with sails and

HERNANDO DE SOTO IN PERU. 183

But there were then at Panama three men upon whom the cir-
cumstances which discouraged all the rest made so little impression
that, at the very moment when all others regarded as chimerical the
hope of discovering to the east the rich countries which Nunez had
announced, they determined to undertake the execution of his pro-
ject. These extraordinary men were Praneisco Pizarro, Diego
d'Almegro, and Hernando de Luque. The governor had no diffi-
culty in granting them what they requested of him ; it cost him no-
thing, and being master of the conditions, he could derive all the
advantages of it. This confederation formed through avarice and
ambition was confirmed by the most solemn ceremonies of religion.
Luque celebrated mass, divided the consecrated host into three parts,
for himself and his two associates, and a contract which had for
its object pillage and murder was ratified in the name of the God of
peace!

The preparations for the expedition were ready about the end of
October, 1524, and Pizarro left about the middle of November of
the same year. He had had the precaution to consult Pascal d'An-
dagoya,* who had made a part of the route which he undertook to
travel over; Andagoya advised him to abandon his enterprise.
But the dangers wliich were represented to Pizarro only excited his
courage and confirmed him in his resolution. His fleet consisted, at
first, but of a single vessel and two canoes.f After enduring great
hardships, suffering many privations, and repeated efforts, Pizarro
finally reached Tumbez, on the Gulf of Guayaquil, in the empire of
the incas.

.Almegro, Du Luque, and Pizarro, having exhausted nearly all
their wealth in the search for Peru, were by their united talents and
efforts, in 1530, enabled to collect only three small vessels and a
hundred and eighty soldiers, of whom thirty-six were cavalry; with
this small force Pizarro did not hesitate to undertake the conquest
of a great empire. Almegro remained at Panama to collect and

oars. All the streams which flow down the northern side of those mountains
into the sea abound in gold, and the kings who reign upon its borders eat and
drink out of golden vessels. Gold, in fact, is as plentiful and common among
these people of the south, as iron is among you Spaniards." But this had no.
reference to Peru. The hostile Indian tribes at constant war with each othei-
would have rendered intercourse with Peru impossible. Pizarro with his ves-
sels was from November 1524 to 1526 in making his way to Peru. But the In-
dian's story served a purpose, to send to Diego Columbus and the King of Spain.

* He wrote an account of what occurred in Terra Firma while he was there,
and from this account have been drawn some of the quotations in this volume.

f Richer.

184 HERNANDO DE SOTO IN PEEU.

send the reinforcements and provisions of which Pizarro might have
need. The proper season for sailing from Panama to Peru being
better known, Pizarro made the voyage in tiiirteen daj-s, altliough
contrary winds and currents forced him a hundred leagues to the
north of Tumbez, and he was obliged to land his forces in the bay
of St. Matthew. He lost no time in returning to the south without
leaving the shore, as well to be more easily joined by the re-enforce-
ments which he expected from Panama, as to secure a retreat upon
his vessels in case of accident. The seducing description of the
country, which Pizarro had made to his followers, so little corre-
sponded with their expectations, tiiat many of his companions began
to reproach him on account of it, and the soldiers would have lost all
confidence in him if, even in those sterile parts of Peru, he had not
found some appearances of wealth and culture which seemed to
justify the reports of their chief. Finally they arrived in the pro-
vince of Coaque, and, having surprised the inhabitants of the prin-
cipal town, they found there vases and ornaments of gold and silver,
valued at more than thirty thousand pesos, and other riches which
dissipated their doubts and restored courage and hope to even the
most discontented.

Pizarro, himself, was so transported with these rich spoils, which
he considered as the flrstfruits of a land abounding in treasures,
that he immediately dispatched a vessel to Panama with a large
part of the booty for Almegro; and another to Nicaragua, charged
with considerable sums for persons of influence in that province, in
hopes that this display of the wealth which he had acquired in so
short a time might determine many of the adventurers to come and
join him. In the mean time he continued his march along the coast.
Pizarro did not meet with any resistance as far as the island of
Puna, in the bay of Guayaquil ; this island was more peopled than
the other countries which he had traversed, and its iniiabitants were
more courageous and less civilized than those of the continent.
They defended themselves with so much valor and obstinacy that
Pizarro spent six months in subduing them.

While here lie began to gather the fruits of the care which he had
taken to spread the renown of his first success. There arrived to
him from Nicaragua two detachments, wliich it is true did not
exceed thirty men each, and some horses for the cavalry ; but it
appeared to him a re-enforcement so mucli the more important as
the one was commanded by Sebastian Benalcasar, and the other by
Hernando de Soto; two of the best officers that had served in
America.

HERNANDO DE SOTO IN PERU. 185

PizaiTO found many prisoners in the island of Puna, which showed
that its inhabitants were very warlike. Among these prisoners he
found many inhabitants of Tiimbez; he set them all free, and those
of Tumbez he sent back to their country, and requested them to
take in their bark three of his men whom he sent to their cacique.
Scarcely had these perfidious Indians arrived in their town when
they sacrificed these three deputies to their idols.* Hernando de
Soto, who with many Indians was put upon another bark, came
near experiencing the same fate. Some of his friends seeing him
leaving, stopped him and made him come ashore, and thus saved
his life.

The next day Pizarro landed his troops in Tumbez, on entering
the town he was surprised to find it not only deserted, but with the
exception of a few buildings entirely demolished. He advanced
more than two leagues into the country without encountering a
single Indian. It appeared to him that all the inhabitants had
retired to a neighboring height. On his return he met a detachment
of cavalry sent to seek him. He resolved to establish a camp there
in order to take time to examine the country and its Inhabitants.

He sent propositions to the cacique ; but three weeks elapsed
without receiving from him any answer. The cacique made dreadful
menaces to all the Spaniards who left the camp. One day Pizarro
discovered a large body of Indians posted on the other side of a
river. Irritated at the cacique's obstinacy, he finally determined to
attack him. He prepared secretly some flats and crossed the river
at the close of day, with his two brothers and fifty cavaliers, marched
all night ; finding himself the next day, at day-break, very near the
camp of the Indians, he rushed upon them with an impetuosity that
so frightened them that they thought only of escaping. He slew a
great number of them, and made a cruel war upon them for fifteen
days, to avenge the death of the three Spaniards whom they had
slain. The cacique, frightened, sued for peace, accompanying his
request with some presents of gold and silver. The fame of this
victory caused all the inhabitants of this province to sue for peace.

This victory excited the courage of Pizarro. He advanced into the
country with the greater part of his troops, and left the rest near
Tumbez under the command of Antonio de Navarre and' Alonzo
Requelme, his design being to penetrate as far as Port Payta, and
reconnoitre the land before deciding on any plan of operations.f

* Pizarro on his first visit to Tumbez (1527) had heen hospitably received,
but since then a revolution had occurred, and the place had been destroyed,
t Richer.

186 HERNANDO DE SOTO IN PERU.

He set out early in May 1532, and keeping along the more level
regions himself, sent a small detachment under the command of
Hernando de Soto to explore the skirts of the vast sierra that
border the lowlands of Peru on the Pacific. At the expiration of
some three or four weeks spent in reconnoitring, Pizarro came to
the conclusion that the most eligible site for his settlement was the
rich valley of Tangarala, thirty leagues south of Tumbez. To this
spot, accordingly, he ordered the men left at Tumbez to repair at
ouce with their vessels ; and no sooner had they arrived than busy
preparations were made for building up the town, Pizarro gave his
infant city the name of San Miguel,* in acknowledgment of the
services rendered him by that saint in his battle with the Indians of
the island of Puna. The site was afterwards found to be so un-
healthy that it was abandoned for anotlier on the banks of the
Piura. Hence the name San Miguel de Piura still commemorates
the founding of the first European colony in Peru.f

Wlien Pizarro embarked at the bay of St. Matthew, a civil war
which raged between Atahualpa and Huascar, two contestants for
the throne of Peru, was in all its force. If in his expedition in
1526 Pizarro had attacked this country, he would have had to op-
pose the forces of a great state united under Huayna Capac, a skil-
ful and courageous monarch without anything to divert him. But
when the two competitors learned the outrages and violence of the
Spaniards, they were so occupied with a war so interesting to each
of them that they could not give the least attention to the move-
ments of an enemy who seemed too feeble to alarm them, and whom
thej' believed they could easily stop when they had leisure.

Huascar sent to Pizarro to ask his assistance against Atahualpa,
as against a rebel and usurper. Pizarro immediatelj' comprehended

* This saint had appeared to the faithful in the battle with the Indians on
the Island of Puna. The saints, Peter and James, had, according to Gomara,
appeared to the faithful of Cortes's army at the battle of Tabasco ; but Diaz, who
was in that battle, says he was such a sinner that he could not see them. At
the battle of Xoohimilco, Cortes, being overpowered by his enemies, would have
been captured and sacrificed to the Indian idols had not a brave Tlascalan
seasonably come to his relief. Herrera and Torquemada say that the day after
this event Cortes sought for the Tlascalan who had rescued him, but could not
find him, either dead or alive ; on which account, from the devotion which the
general paid to St. Peter, he became convinced that the apostle had been the per-
son who had saved his life. These same saints who, with flaming swords, hovered
over the army of Cortes at the battle of Tobasco, were represented in a fine paint-
ing in the church of Sta. Maria degli Angeli at Eome, hovering over Pope Leo
in the presence of Attila.

t Presoott.

HERNANDO DE SOTO IN PERU. 187

the importance of this overture, and so clearly foresaw all the ad-
vantages that could be derived from the civil war which divided the
kingdom, that, without awaiting the reinforcements from Panama,
he determined to advance into the interior while the domestic dis-
cord deprived the Peruvians of the possibility of attacking him
with all their forces; hoping that in taking (according to circum-
stances) the defence of one of the competitors he would be able the
more easily to overcome them both.

As he was obliged to divide his forces, he left at San Miguel a
garrison suflBcient for the defence of this place, which, in case of
mishap, was to serve as a retreat and shelter where he could re-
ceive the succors which he was expecting from Panama. He began
his march on the 24th of September, 1532, five months after landing
at Tumbez, with sixty-two cavaliers, one hundred and two foot sol-
diers, of whom twenty were armed with arquebuses, and three with
muskets.* He marched for Caxamalca, a town twelve days' journey
from San Miguel, and where Atahualpa was encamped with the
greatest part of his troops.

The Spaniards were obliged to cross the sandy plains between
San Miguel de Piura and Motupe, seventy miles in extent, and
without water, tree, or plant, or any verdure on this horrible extent
of burning sand ; but as soon as tliey had left them they found popu-
lous villages, where they supplied their wants.f He had proceeded
but a short distance when an officer, dispatched by the inca, met him
with a rich present from this prince, who offered him his friendship,
and had him assured that he would be well received at Caxamalca.
Pizarro, employing the artifice already made use of by his fellow-
countrymen in America, pretended that he was the embassador of a
powerful prince, and declared that he advanced with the intention

* Probably arquebuses was intended for arbaletes — crossbows ; for arquebus
and mousquet were at that time the same thing. Arquebuses were at first fired
by applying by hand the match to the touch-hole, but in 1476 there was a con-
trivance, suggested by the trigger of the arbalast, by which the burning match
could be applied with more celerity and certainty. The arquebus was fired from
the chest, with the butt in a right line with the barrel ; but the Germans soon
gave a hooked formed to the butt, which elevated the barrel, and then the
weapon was called haguehut. The former were common in 1485, and the latter
in 1540. Xeres says that " he (Pizarro) had sixty-seven horses, and one hun-
dred and ten foot soldiers, three of them with guns, and some with crossbows."
Xeres makes no mention of the two falconets, the smallest class of cannon,
weighing from five to fifteen hundred weight ; and carrying a ball weighing
from one to three pounds. But in the attack on Atahualpa he mentions Candia
with his guns,
t Kicher.

188 HERNANDO DE SOTO IN PERU.

of offering to Atahnalpa.his assistance against the enemies who dis-
puted his til rone.

The Peruvians, not being able to form any correct idea of what
object the Spaniards had in view in entering their country, ex-
hausted themselves in conjectures. Should they regard these for-
eigners as beings of a superior nature, who came to them to do
them good or to punish them for their crimes, or should they con-
sider them as enemies of their peace and liberty ? The protestations
of the Spaniards, who ceased not to say that they came to bring to
the Peruvians a knowledge of the truth, and to lead them into the
way of hai)piiiess, gave some appearance of probability to the first
oj^inion ; but they were disproved in the second l)y the violence,
rapacity, and cruelty of these terrible guests. In this uncertainty
the declaration that Pizarro made of his pacific intentions dissi-
pated the fears of the Inca, and determined him to receive the
Spaniards as friends. In consequence of this they were permitted
to cross undisturbed the sandy desert between San Miguel and
Motoupe,(7) where the least effort of an enemj', joined to the dis-
tress in which they were in crossing so wretched a country, would
have been fatal to them ; and afterwards they were allowed to pass
through a mountain defile, so narrow and difficult that a few reso-
lute men would have been able to defend it against a numerous
army. But there again, through the imprudent credulity of the
inca, they did not meet with any obstacle, and they took peaceable
possession of a fort constructed for the defence of this important
pass.

From Motoupe he advanced towards the mountains which en-
viron the low countrj' of Peru,* and arrived at a place called
Zaran, situated in a fruitful valley among the mountains. The
curaco received him with kindness and hospitality, and the troops
were quartered in one of the royal tambos.f Shortly before enter-
ing Zaran, Pizarro learned that a Peruvian garrison was at Caxas,
at no great distance from Zaran. He immediately dispatched a
small partj' under Hernando de Soto, in the direction of Caxas, to
reconnoitre the ground, and bring him intelligence of the state of
things to Zaran, where he would halt until his return.

Day after day passed, and a week had elapsed before tidings
were received of De Soto and his men, and Pizarro was becoming
seriously alarmed for their fate, when on the eighth morning they
appeared, accompanied by an envoy from the inca himself. The

* Richer.

t Large public Ijuildings along the highways of Peru.

HERNANDO DE SOTO IN PERU. 189

Spaniards had met at Caxas this envoy, and he had accompanied
them to Zaran, to deliver the message of his sovereign, with pres-
ents to Pizarro. The Indian ambassador came charged with his
master's greeting to the Spaniards, whom Atahualpa welcomed to
his countiy, and invited Pizarro to visit him in his camp among the
mountains.

PizaiTo now received from De Soto a full account of his expedi-
tion. Soto, on entering Caxas, found the inhabitants mustered in
hostile array, as if to dispute his passage. But he soon convinced
them of his pacific intentions, and they received the Spaniards with
'the same courtesy which had been shown to them in most places on
their march. Here Soto saw one of the royal officers employed in
collecting the tribute for the government ; from this functionary he
learned that Atahualpa was quartered with a large army at Caxa-
malca. Soto also gathered much important information in regard
to the resources and general policy of the government, the state
maintained by the inca, and the stern severity with which obedi-
ence to the law was everywhere enforced. He had an opportunity
of observing this himself; on entering the village he saw several
Indians hanging dead by their heels, having been executed for some
violence offered to the Virgins of the Sun, of whom there was a
convent in the neighborhood.

From Caxas, Soto passed to the adjacent town of Guanca-
bamba ; much larger, more populous, and better built than Caxas.
The houses, instead of being built of clay baked in the sun, were
many of them constructed of solid stone so nicely put together
that it was impossible to detect the line of junction. A river which
traversed the town was crossed by a bridge and the higli-road of
the incas. The road was raised in many places lilie a causeway,
paved with heavy stone flags, and bordered with trees, while
streams of water were conducted through aqueducts along the
sides. At certain distances there were small houses for the accom-
modation of travellers, who might thus pass from one end of the
kingdom to the other. In another quarter they beheld magazines
destined for the army, filled with grain and clothing ; and at the
entrance of the town was a stone building occupied by a public
officer, who collected the tolls and duties on various commodities
brought into or taken out of the town. These accounts of De Soto
not only confirmed all that the Spaniards had heard of the Indian
empire, but greatly raised their ideas of the resources and domestic
policy of the empire.*

* Presoott's Conquest of Peru.

190 HERNANDO DE SOTO IN PEBa.

The envoy presented Pizarro with such a quantity of rich presents
that it made the Spaniards believe that the prince who sent them
possessed immense treasures. They doubted not that he was
offended at the treatment of the inhabitants of Tumbez; but they
were ignorant, says Garcialasso, that the Peruvians regarded them
as the sous of the Sun, and as executors of his vengeance, and that
their object was less to purchase the friendship of the small number
of men, than to appease the anger of the Sun, whom they believed
was offended at them. The Spaniards received, on the part of the
Peruvians, a welcome wherever they passed, and they brought them
divers sorts of liquors and viands. And the Spaniards observed
everywhere that they had spared nothing for their reception.

As they drew near Caxamalca, they had a view of the inca's army,
which extended a whole league. In the afternoon they reached the
town and found it deserted. Pizarro entered it and took possession
of the great court or public square, the one side of whicli was formed
by the palace of the inca and the other by the temple of the Sun,
the whole environed by a strong rampart of earth.*

The population of Caxamalca was about two thousand. The
town was built at the foot of a sierra, upon a flat space extending
for a league. Two streams traversed the adjacent valley, and the
town was approached by two bridges, under which these rivers ran.
The great square, larger than any at that time in Spain, was con-
nected with the streets by two gates. In front of this square, and
incorporated with it in tlie direction of the plain, was a fortress
built of stone. Stone stairs led up from the square to the fortress.
On the other side of this fortress there was a secret staircase and a
sally-port connecting the fortress with the open country.

Above the town, on the hill-side, where the houses begin, there
w.as another fortress constructed on a rock, the greater part of it
scarped. This hill-fortress, which was larger tha-n the other, had a
triple inclosure of more extent than the great square, and the
ascent to it was by a winding staircase. There was still another
inclosed space between the hill-fortress and the heights of the sierra,
which was surrounded by buildings where the women-servants
attached to the palace had their residence.

Outside the town there was a building surrounded by a court open
to the air, but inclosed by mud walls and planted with trees. This
was the temple of the Sun. There were also several other temples
within the town. The houses, which probably formed two sides of
the great square, were very large. The frontage of some of them

* Richer.

HERNANDO DJB SOTO IN PERU. 191

occupied no less than two hundred yards, and they were surrounded
by walls about eighteen feet high. The walls were of good and
solid masonry. The roofs of these houses were formed of straw
and wood. The interior of these houses was divided into several
blocks of buildings, each of these blocks consisting of a suite of
eight apartments, and having a separate entrance. In the court-
yard were reservoirs of water brought from some distance in tubes.
The town was commanded by the fortress on the hill, and com-
pressed, as it were, between the fortress and the great square, where
probably the government buildings were. This square again, with
its smaller fortress, commanded the open country.*

Pizarro, after a consultation with his officers, determined to send
an embassy to the inca.f Accordingly, De Soto was appointed to
execute this commission, with a retinue of twenty horse ; he was
directed to proceed with this party to the emperor's presence. The
Spaniards found the Peruvian army drawn up to receive them, notice
of whose arrival had been given by an Indian sent to prepare the
way. As they passed the ranks, the Indians gazed with astonish-
ment at the horses. Soto, leaping over a ditch, advanced rearing
and curveting with his mare, to the unspeakable amazement of these
simple people, who, having never seen anj' quadruped much larger
than a llama, could hardly separate in their imagination the rider
from the horse. The inca had dispatched one of his generals to
receive the ambassadors and show them all possible respect. When
this officer approached Soto and the Spaniards, he saluted them
with the most profound obeisance ; then, turning to tlie people, de-
clared that these were the descendants of Viracoclia, whom they
ought to worship with the most humble adoration. Immediately

* Arthur Help's "Life of Pizarro."

f In the "Modern Universal History," vol. 34, p. 409, is the following : "Ac-
cordingly Hernando Pizarro and Ferdinando Soto were appointed to execute this
commission with a retinue of twenty horse ; Soto was directed to proceed with
this party to the emperor's presence, and Pizarro to remain a little distance
behind with another party to bring him off in case any violence should be offered
to his person." This was done by Pizarro after deliberating with his officers,
and probably Soto was appointed, at their suggestion, as the proper person for
such an embassy. It was not till after Soto had set out that Hernando Pizarro,
according to his own account, followed him ; and he gives as a reason why he
should do so, " That their numbers (Soto's) were insufficient for defence." " He
(Francisco Pizarro) therefore ordered me to follow, and to act according to cir-
cumstances." Xeres says the same, and probably had it from Hernando Pizarro
himself. Every Spanish officer who went to Peru in those days had the exploits
of Cortes and his heroes before him, and aspired to emulate them, or to appear,
in the eyes of the world, great heroes.

192 HERNANDO DE SOTO IN PERU.

all the Indian files began their protestations, which they continued
even as they accompanied the Spaniards into the incas's presence.*
The amazement of both parties was almost equal. The Spaniards
admired the riches, grandeur, and magnificence of the inca, while
the monarch was surprised at the habits, beards, complexion, man-
ners, arms, and horses of the Spaniards. Some minutes passed in
profound silence; when, at length, Soto came within proper dis-
tance, the inca rose up, embraced him cordially, and bade him
welcome into his dominions. After this compliment, an elegant
entertainment of bread, fruits, and divers kinds of liquors, was
served up by six virgins and as many boys, well dressed. Two
beautiful maidens of the royal blood advanced before these, holding
in their hands small golden cups filled with the liquor usually drunk
by the inca, of which they gave one to Ataiiualpa and another to
the ambassador, who drank peace and friendship to each other, this
ceremony being deemed in Peru a mark of the most cordial recep-
tion and sincere welcome. At lengtli, Soto began to deliver his
commission, but was stopped by the inca, that he might admire a
little longer in his form and figure the image of the god Vira-
coche.(8) Soto, mounting his horse, made him prance, leap, and
curvet, to the great satisfaction of Atahualpa, who suffered the
beast to come up and smell him, without seeming afraid, though
the Indian soldiers fled in crowds when the animal approached-
The emperor's curiositj' being now satisfied, the ambassador was
allowed to speak, but was requested to be concise. Soto accord-
ingly began to inform the inca of the Roman pontiff, of Charles the
Fifth, etc., and concluded with acquainting him of the arrival of the
Spaniards at Caxaraalca, and referring him for further particulars
to a personal interview with Pizarro.f

Atahualpa promised him that he would go the next day to visit
them in their quarters. The becoming deportment of the monarch,
the order which reigned at his court, the respect with which his
subjects approached his person, and executed his orders, astonished

* Soto did not ride into the presence of the inca, but dismounted before
he reached him, and left his horse at a little distance in charge of some of
his soldiers. When Hernando Pizarro arrived where Soto had left his men,
he there left those who had aooompauied him, and advanced from there with
only two horsemen, but whether mounted or not is left to conjecture. The inca
was so surrounded by his chiefs and retinue that he could not have been
approached on horseback without way having been made for him. Cortes dis-
mounted and advanced on foot to meet Montezuma.

t "The Spanish writers differ widely about the particulars of this audience,
and, indeed, the whole conduct of the inca, but they agree that he told the
ambassador he would visit Pizarro at Caxamaloa." — Ricuer.

HERNANDO DE SOTO IN PERU. 193

the Spaniards, -who had not till then seen anything in South
America above the petty chiefs of some savage tribes. But their
gaze was fixed much more upon the immense riches displayed with
profusion in the camp of the monarcli. The ornaments which were
worn upon the person of the inca and the people of his suite, the
gold and silver vases in which the repast he gave them was served,
tlie multitude of utensils of every kind, made of these precious
metals, were for them a spectacle which exceeded all the ideas of
opulence that a European of the sixteenth century could form.

At the return of the Spaniards from the encampment of the inca,
their imagination still heightened by the spectacle which they had
witnessed, and their cupidity increased more and more, they made
to their companions so seducing a description of what they had
seen, that Pizarro was confirmed in the resolution which he had
already taken. He knew, by the observations which he had made
of the manners of the people of the new world, as well as by the
example of Cortes, of what importance it would be to him to seize
the person of the inca. To succeed in it he formed a plan which
required as much audacity as perfidy. In contempt of the char-
acter with which he had invested himself, in announcing himself as
the ambassador of a great monarch who sought the alliance of the
inca ; in violation of the repeated assurances of friendship which
he had given him, and of the offer of services which he had made
him, he resolved to profit by the confiding simplicity with wliich
Atahualpa counted upon his protestations, and to seize upon the
person of the inca in the interview to which he had invited him.
He prepared the execution of his plan as coolly and with as little
scruple as if this treason were not to be one day the disgrace of
himself and his country. He divided his cavalry, consisting of
sixty, into three equal squads, under the command of his brother
Hernando, Benalcasar, and De Soto. They were drawn up behind
a wall, so as not to be at first perceived by the inca. He made one
corps of his infantry, except that he retained near his person
twenty of the most determined soldiers, to aid him in the perilous
enterprise which he reserved for himself. The artillery, -Cvhich con-
sisted of two falconets, and the arquebusers, were placed opposite
the route by which the inca was to arrive. All received orders not
to leave their posts, nor to make any movement until the signal of
action was given.

At dawn the whole camp of the Peruvians was in motion ; but,

as Atahualpa wished to appear with the greatest magnificence in

his first interview with these foreigners, the preparation for his

march was so long that the day was already far advanced when he

13

194 HEENANDO DE SOTO IN PERU.

commenced it. The inca advanced with great order and solemnity,
amidst the din of warlike instruments. He was preceded by four
hundred men, dressed alike, who opened the way for him. Sitting,
himself, upon a kind of throne or palanquin adorned with plumes
of divers colors, and almost covered with plates of gold and silver
enriclied with precious stones, he was carried upon the shoulders
of his principal courtiers. Behind him, some of his principal offi-
cers were borne in tlie same manner. (Several bands of dancers
and singers accompanied the march, and all the plain was covered
with troops to the number of more than thirty thousand men*

The advance guard entered, the first, the great square, while a
troop of three hundred Indians, clothed in chequered livery, made
clean the way before the inca's litter. After them came a corps of
dancers and singers, then a number of Peruvians in golden armor,
wearing crowns of gold and silver, in the midst of whom was borne
along the inca himself. Then came several columns of men. As
each body of men advanced . they deployed to the right or the left ;
and Atahualpa's litter was borne on towards the centre of the great
square. He then ordered a halt, and that his and the other litters
should continue to be held up.f

As soon as the inca was near the quarters of the Spaniards,
Vincent Valverde, a Jacobin priest, almoner of the expedition,
advanced through the crowd with a crucifix in one hand and his
breviary in the other, and in a long discourse expounded to the
monarch the doctrine of the creation, the fall of the first man, the
incarnation of Jesus Christ, the choice that God had made of St.
Peter to be his vicegerent upon earth, the power of St. Peter trans-
mitted to the popes, and the donation made to the king of Castile
by the pope, Alexander VI., of all the regions of the new world.
After having disclosed all this doctrine he summoned Atahualpa to
embrace the Christian religion, to recognize the supreme authority
of the pope, and the king of Castile as his legitimate sovereign,
promising him, if he submitted, that the king, his master, would
take Peru under his protection and permit him to continue to reign
there ; but declared war against him, and menaced him with the
most terrible vengeance if he refused to obey and if he persisted in
his idolatry.

This strange discourse, which embraced incomprehensible myste-
ries and unknown facts, of which all human eloquence could not
give a distinct idea to an Indian in so short a time, was so badly

* Eioher. This prooesaion of the inca was much like that of the Mexican
monarch, Montezuma, at his first interview with Cortes.
t Arthur Help's "Life of Pizarro."

HERNANDO DE SOTO IN PERU. 195

rendered by the interpreter, who understood but little Spanish, and
who could not express himself with clearness in the language of the
inca, that Atahualpa comprehended scarcely any of it. Only some
items of the harangue of the priest, more easy to be seized, filled
him with astonishment and indignation. His reply, however, was
moderate; he commenced by observing that he was master of his
own kingdom by the right of succession, and that he could not con-
ceive how a foreign priest claimed to dispose of what did not belong
to him ; and that if this pretended donation had been made lie, who
was the legitimate proprietor, refused to confirm it ; that he was not
at all disposed to renounce the religion which he held from his
ancestors, and to abandon the worship of the sun, the immortal
divinity which he and his people adored, to worship the god of the
Spaniards who was subject to death ; that in regard to the other
points treated of in his discourse he had never heard of them, that
he comprehended nothing of them, and that he desired to know of
the priest where he had learned such extraordinary things. In this
book said the priest, presenting to him his breviary. The inca
eagerly took the book, and, after having turned over a few leaves,
placed it to his ear, and then said : This here which you have given
me does not speak, and tells me nothing; — so saying, he with disdain
threw the book upon the ground. The monk picked it up and,
furious, rushed to his companions, crying out, to arms! to arms!
slay these miscreants who tread under their feet the law of God.*

The friar had no sooner returned than Pizarro gave the signal for
attack. Immediately the artillery was discharged in order to be'gin
the attack by astonishing the Indians. Then the musketeers poured
in a most terrible fire, while the cavalry sallied out and trod and cut
down the afirighted Indians. At the same time the foot pressed on
with their crossbows, pikes, and swords, making dreadful slaughter
of a confused multitude, who in their fear and flight trampled down
one another, and thus facilitated the action of the Spaniards in the ■
scene of slaughter. The suddenness of the attack, the astounding
noise of the artillery and musketry, the vigor of the onset, the death
of their companions, and the fury of the horses and dogs entirely
disconcerted the Peruvians. Pizarro, sensible that the capture of
the inca would secure a guarantee for the safety of his forces, fell
desperately, with his guard, upon the corps that surrounded the
royal litter. Great numbers of the nobility, who pressed around
their monarch and shielded him with their bodies, were slain without
resistance, but their places were undauntedly filled up by others;
insomuch that the Spaniards must have relinquished their design of

* Richer.

196 HERNANDO DE SOTO IN PERU.

seizing the monarch, through mere fatigue, had not Miguel, a resolute
soldier, pierced through the crowd, laid hold of the'litter and made
way for Pizarro and some other soldiers, who immediately laid hands
upon Atahualpa, who made no resistance, overturned the litter and
made him prisoner.(9)*

The capture of their monarch decided the flight of all his troops.
The Spaniards pursued and continued to massacre in cold blood,
with a deliberate' barbarity, the fugitives, who made no resistance.
The carnage ended only with the day ; more than four thousand of
the Peruvians were slain ; not a Spaniard perished ! Pizarro alone,
who had too eagerly seized the inca, was only slightly wounded in
the hand by one of his own men.

The riches collected in the pillage of the camp exceeded all the
ideas which the Spaniards had formed of the wealth of Peru, and
they were so transported with this astonishing success, that they
passed the night in drunken revels and foolish sport, natural to base
adventurers who had niade in so short a time such an extraordinary
fortune.

In tiie first moments of his captivity the inca could hardly realize
an event so unexpected ; but he very soon felt all the horror of his
situation, and his depression was proportioned to the elevation from
which he had fallen. Pizarro, fearing to lose all the advantages
which he might draw from the possession of a prisoner of such im-
portance, endeavored to console him by demonstrations of mildness
and respect which belied his action. In living among the Spaniards
thelnca very soon discovered the passion that ruled them, and which
they did not take the trouble to conceal ; he believed that he could
make use of it to obtain his liberty. He offered to the Spaniards
a ransom which astonished them, notwithstanding all that they
already knew of the wealth of his kingdom. The chamber in which
he was guarded was twenty-two feet by sixteen ; he engaged to fill
it with golden vases and utensils to the height to which a man could
reach. Pizarro, without hesitation, accepted an offer so seducing,
and drew a line along the walls of the room to mark the height to
which the promised treasure should be raised.

Atahualpa, transported with joy by the hope of recovering his
liberty, immediately took measures to fulfil his engagement. Very
soon there were seen Indians, bending beneath the weight of the
gold they4)ore, arriving from all directions. As it was necessary to
collect this gold from all parts of the empire, the Spaniards, being
impatient, thought that they did not fulfil the engagement of the
inca with sufficient promptitude, and began to suspect artifice in

* Universal History. .

HERNANDO DE SOTO IN PERU. ■ 19T

this slowness. Atahualpa, perceiving their discontent, told Pizarro
that the town of Cuzco being two hundred leagues distant, and tUe
road to it being very difficult, it therefore was not astonishing that
those who had charge of his orders were slow in returning. He
added that if he would send there two of his men they would see
with their own eyes that he was able to fulfil his engagement. See-
ing that Pizarro was deterred by the danger which the Spaniards
might incur in so long a route, he smilingly said to him : " You have
me, my wife, my children, and my brothers, in your power; are we
not sufficient security ?" Hernando de Soto and Pedro de Varco
offered to make the journey. Atahualpa advised them to make it
in one of his litters, in order that they might be more respected.

They left, and met, at nine days' journey from Caxamalca, a body
of Peruvian troops who led prisoner Huascar, the brother of Ata-
hualpa. The unfortunate prince, having heard who they were, whom
he saw in the litters, asked to speak to them. Soto assured him
that the intention of his sovereign, and of Pizzaro, was to cause
justice to be done the Peruvians. Then Huascar explained to them
his rights to the crown, the injustice of his brother, and begged
them to return to the general to engage him in his interest, and
added, that if Pizarro would declare in his favor, he would engage
to fill with gold the hall of Caxamalca, not only to the line which
they li'ad marked, but even to the very ceiling (which was a third
more). Atahualpa, he added, in order to fulfil his engagement, will
be obliged to strip the temple of Cuzco, and I have in my power all
the precious stones and all the treasures of my father. Having, in
fact, received them by inheritance from his father ; he had concealed
them in the earth, in a place which was not known to any one, for
he had slain the Indians who had worked at this operation.

Hernando de Soto, not wishing to disobey the orders which had
been given him, refused to retrace his steps. On the other hand, the
partisans of Atahualpa believing his deliverance near at hand, and
regarding the offers of Huascar as an obstacle to his re-establish-
ment, informed him of what had passed between Soto and Huascar.
Atahualpa, perceiving of what importance it was that Pizarro should
not be informed of it, gave orders to slay his brother immediately,
and this order was punctually executed. In the mean time Soto
and Varco continued their journey to Cuzco.* On their arrival in
that city they were astonished at the respect and deference shown
them by the Indians of both parties. The friends of Huascar, im-
agining that he still lived, endeavored to engage the strangers in
his interest by the most liberal presents and offerings ; those of the

* Richer.

198 HERNANDO DE SOTO IN PERU.

opposite faction practised the same civilities and attentions in ex-
pectation of procuring tlie release of Atahualpa. The vestals, called
Mamaconas, dedicated to the sun, were ordered to attend upon the
strangers, whom they regarded as the children of that luminary.
Unfortunately, however, four Spaniards, who attended Soto and
Varco on this expedition, by their folly and insolence, abused the
respect shown them ; they laughed at the simplicity of their vota-
ries, and thereby incurred their hatred and contempt. As theinea's
chief treasures were lodged in the great temple, application was
made to the high priest, Vilavena, to issue out what was neces-
sary for Atahualpa's ransom, which he readily granted. Immense
quantities of gold and silver were accoi-dingly brought to the
Spaniards, who set out with it for Caxamalca. Pizarro was greatly
astonished at the prodigious wealth that flowed in, which greatly
surpassed his most sanguine expectations. But not yet satisfied,
he obtained a grant from his prisoner of the treasures contained in
the temple of Pachacamac, to which place he sent his brother Her-
nando.

Not long after the departure of Soto, Hernando Pizarro began
his journey to Pachacamac, in the temple of which place the inca
affirmed there were immense treasures. Pizarro reached the temple
of Pachacamac where he saw everything corresponding with the
inca's account, returned after a fatiguing march with much treasure
and one of the inca's generals, named Chalcuchima, who had been
assembling troops to attempt the recovery of his king, but had
yielded to the remonstrances of Hernando Pizarro, who was so bold
as to go, attended only by an interpreter, into the midst of the
Indian camp, and prevailed upon the Indian general to accompany
him, to dismiss his troops, and submit quietly to the fate of his
sovereign, and to repair to the place of his confinement to endeavor,
with the rest of his friends, to alleviate his misfortunes until the
ransom should be paid.

When Clialcuchima approached the palace where Atahualpa was
detained prisoner he took oflf his shoes,* and, on approaching before
him, he cast himself at his feet, and, shedding tears, said to him,
that if he had been near his person he would not now be loaded
with chains. Atahualpa replied to him that he recognized in his
disgrace a just punishment for the negligence he had had for the
worship of the Sun; and that his misfortune came principally from
the cowardice of his people who had abandoned him.

Fame rapidly spread at Panama the news of the progress which

* " Put oflf thy shoes from off thy feet ; for the place whereon thou standest
is holy ground." The incas were considered by the Peruvians as holy.

HERNANDO DE SOTO IN PERU.

199

Francisco Pizarro had made in Peru, and of the immense riches
which he found there. Almegro, yielding to the influence of jeal-
ousy, conceived the project of putting himself in possession of the
country which was beyond the limits of the government of Pizarro.
He equipped some vessels and repaired to Puerto Viejo where was
spread the news of the defeat of Atahualpa, and of the engagement
he had made for his ransom. At this news Almegro changed his
design and resolved to go to Oaxamalca, hoping to share with
Pizarro the riches of the inca. On arriving there he found that
they had already amassed a great part of the ransom of Atahualpa;
but the soldiers of Pizarro declared to liim that the iiew-comers
ought not to share with the conquerors the spoils of the vanquished.
There arose on this subject a contest that might have had dangerous
consequences. Pizarro, the strongest in the number of his soldiers
and by the affection which they had for him, feigned not to notice
the discontent of Almegro, and took occasion of his arrival to send
his brother Hernando to Spain. He charged him to render to the
court an account of the progress of his conquest, and to present to
the emperor what belonged to him of the riches which they had
amassed. Atahualpa saw with extreme sorrow tlie departure of
Hernando Pizarro.

Hernando Pizarro took with him a hundred thousand pesos of
gold, and as much in silver. Each cavalier had for his share twelve
tiiousand pesos in gold and very near the same quantity in silver,
that is to say, two hundred and forty marks of each kind. The in-
fantry were paid in proportion. The general, knowing how danger-
ous it would be for him to let exist a motive of jealousy between
his soldiers and those of Almegro, gave to these last a sum almost
as considerable as that which he had disti'ibuted to his own.*

* The following is taken from a note to Xeres, on the distribution of the ran-
som of Atahualpa: "Almegro got 30,000 pesos of gold, and 10,000 of silver.
The total ransom of Atahualpa, 4,605,670 ducats.. Of this sum, 3,933,000 du-
cats was the value of the gold, and 372,670 ducats the value of the silver. This
may he considered equal to £3,500,000."

The following is taken from the report of the notary, Pedro Sancho, in whose
presence the distribution was made : —

To the Governor, Marks of silver,

To Hernando Pizarro,

To Hernando de Soto,

To Juan Pizarro,

To Pedro Caudia,

To Gonzalo Pizarro,

To Sebastian de Benalcazar,

To Juan Pizarro de Orellano,

, 2350.
1267.
724.
407.
407.
384.
407.
362.

Pesos of gold,

57,220

31,080

17,740

11,100

9,909

9,909

9,909

8,980

These sums show the estimation placed upon the merits of the men to whom

200 HEKNANDO DE SOTO IN PERU.

Sixty soldiers asking permission to return to Spain to enjoy in
peace their wealth, Pizarro, doubting not that their fortunes would
excite the desire of the greater part of those who should see them,
and in this way would procure him a great number of men, per-
mitted them to leave.

All the treasure being now collected, Pizarro passed a decree,
that the king's fifth should be deducted, and the remainder divided
iu a certain proportion to 'each, according to his merit. The pro-
digious treasures they had amassed served only to diminish the
enjoyment of the adventurers. The great plenty of gold and silver
diminished its value one-half. Gaming rose to an exorbitant
height among them, and property was continually shifting from one
hand to another. The tides of affluence and indigence brought
along with them an infinity of vices which foiled all the authority
and influence of the commander, and rendered the Spanish con-
quorers the most profligate, corrupt, and abandoned set of miscre-
ants in the universe. No regard was paid to the most sacred
obligations ; wealth was the only pursuit, and power the only rule
of right ; nor was Pizarro himself untainled with the general de-
pravity.*

The inca, after the division of his ransom among the Spaniards,
summoned them to fulfil the promises they had made to set him at
liberty ; but nothing was farther from the thoughts of Pizarro.
After having succeeded in his project, he held as of no account
what he had promised, and while the credulous prince hoped soon
to ascend his throne, Pizarro had secretly resolved to kill him.
Several circumstances seem to have determined him to commit
tiiis crime, one of tlie most criminal and most atrocious with which
the Spaniards have blotted their fame in the conquest of America.

Pizarro, in imitating the conduct of Cortes towards Montezuma,
lacked the talents necessary to follow out the plan. As he had
neither the address nor the moderation which would have enabled
him to gain the confidence of his prisoner ; he knew not how to
profit of the advantage of being master of his person and au-
thority. Atahualpa showed more discernment than Montezuma,
and had better unravelled the character and plans of the Spaniards.
Suspicion and distrust were very soon created between them and
him, and Pizarro very soon beheld the inca as a burden of which
he desired to be relieved.

they were given. Pizarro appears to have apportioned the several sums to the
private soldiers, and probably did so to the officers.
* Universal History.

HERNANDO -DE SOTO IN PERU. 201

Whilst Almegro and his companions openly demanded the death
of the inca, this prince imprudently contributed to hasten his own
destruction. During his captivity he had conceived an attachment
for De Soto and Hernando Pizarro, who, having received a better
education than the other adventurers, conducted themselves toward
Atahualpa with more propriety and attention. Calmed by the re-
spect shown him by these officers of distinguished rank among the
Spaniards, he was pleased with their society ; but in the presence of
the governor he was timid and constrained. To the fear was very
soon joined a contempt of Francisco Pizarro. Among the arts of
Europe that of reading and writing attracted the inca's greatest
admiration. He sought for some time whether it was a talent ac-
quired or natural. To enlighten his doubts he requested one of the
soldiers who guarded him to write upon his thumb nail the name of
God. He afterward showed this writing to different Spaniards, and
asked them what it meant, and to his great astonishment they all
made the same reply. Pizarro one day entering his room, the inca
presented him his thumb, and asked the significance of the word. The
governor blushed, and waS forced to avow with some confusion his
ignorance. From that time Atahualpa regarded him as a low chji-
racter, less instructed than his soldiers. He had not the address to
conceal the sentiments of contempt with which this discovery had
inspired him. The general was so deeply wOunded to see himself
the object of the contempt of a barbarian, that his resentment, joined
to all the other motives, determined him to destroy the inca.*

The inca now loudly demanded his freedom. The proposed
amount had indeed not been fully paid. But an immense amount
had already been realized, and it would have been a still greater one
but for the impatience of the Spaniards. These considerations
Atahualpa urged on several of the cavaliers, and especially on Her-
nando de Soto, who was on terms of more familiarity with him than
Pizarro. De Soto reported Atahualpa's demands to the governor,
but the latter evaded a direct reply. He did not disclose the dark
purpose over which his mind was brooding.

Atahualpa in the most pressing manner urged the fulfilment of
the compact for his liberty, but his remonstrances were in vain, and
fresh pretexts were invented to prolong his confinement. Upon
these delays some of his commanders proposed attempting liis re-
lease by force of arms; to which the inca very prudently' refused
his consent. In obedience to him they laid aside their design, but
suspicions were aroused in the Spaniards, which were corroborated

* Riclier.

202 HERNANDO DE SOTO IN PERTJ.

by the Peruvian slaves. They spread a variety of reports, the foiinda-
tion of which could never be traced, though they were readily be-
lieved by the Spaniards, who wanted an apology for their own per-
fidious conduct.*

A large force, it was said, was already gathered at Guamachucho,
not a hundred miles from the camp, and their attack might be hourly
expected. Murmurs and menaces were now heard against the inca,
as the author of these machinations. Many began to demand his
life as necessary to the safety of the army. Among these the most
vehement were Almegro and .his followers. They were supported
by Riquelme, the treasurer, and by the rest of the royal officers.
These men had been left at San Miguel by Pizarro, who did not care
to have such oflScials spies on his movements. But they had come
to the camp with Almegro, and now loudly demanded the death of
the inca as indispensable to tlie tranquillity of the country, and the
interest of the. crown. To these dark suggestions Pizarro seemed
to turn an unwilling ear, manifesting a reluctance to pro6eed to ex-
treme measures with his prisoner. There were some few, and among
them Hernando de Soto, who supported him in these views, and who
regarded such measures as not at all justified by the evidence of
Atahualpa's guilt. In this state of things Pizarro determined to
send a small detachment to Guamachucho to reconnoitre the coun-
try and ascertain what ground there was for the rumors of an insur-
rection. De Soto was placed at the head of the expedition, which,
as the distance was not great, would occupy but a few days.

After Soto's departure the agitation among the soldiers increased
to such a degree that Pizarro consented to bring Atahualpa to in-
stant trial. But to give some appearance of justice to an action so
violent, and in order not to be alone responsible to his sovereign,
Pizarro decided to have the inca tried according to all the forms of
law, in criminal proceedings, observed in Spain. He and Almegro,
with two advisors, were the judges, with absolute power to acquit
or condemn. They brought to this strange tribunal accusations
still moi'e strange. They consisted in divers articles.

They pronounced that Atahualpa was guilty, and condemned him
to be burnt alive. The friar Valverde prostituted his sacred func-
tions so far as to confirm this sentence by the authority of his min-
istry and to attest the jnstice of it by his signature. The sentence
was to be carried into immediate execution that very night. They
were not even to wait for the return of De Soto, when the informa-
tion he would bring would go far to establish the truth or falsehood
of the reports respecting the insurrection of the natives.

* Prescott's " Conquest of Peru," and Richer.

HERNANDO DE SOTO IN PERTJ. 203

Tlie*doonx of the inca was proclaimed by sound of trumpet in the
great square of Caxamalca ; and two hours after sunset the Spanish
soldiers assembled by torchlight in the public square to witness the
execution of the sentence. On the 29th of August, 1532, Atahualpa
was led out, chained hand and foot — for he had been kept in irons
ever since the great excitement in the army respecting an attack.
What added to the bitterness of the last moments of the unfortu-
nate inca, the same monk who had just ratified the sentence pre-
sented himself to console and to convert him. The strongest argu-
ment which the priest could use tp make the inca embrace the
Christian religion was the promise to modify the rigor of his pun-
ishment ; the fear of a cruel death wrung from him a request to be
baptized; the ceremony was performed, and Atalmalpa, instead of
being burnt, was strangled at a post to which he had been tied.*

A day or two after this tragic event, Hernando de Soto returned
from his excursion. Great was his astonishment and indignation
at learning what had been done in his absence. He sought out
Pizarro, and said to him, bluntly, " You have acted rashly. Ata-
hualpa has been basely slandered. There was no enemy at Gruama-
chucho ; no rising among the natives. I have met with nothing on
the road but demonstrations of good-will, and all is quiet. If it
was necessary to bring the inca to trial, he should have been taken
to Castile, and judged by the emperor. I would have pledged my-
self to see him safe on board the vessel." Pizarro confessed that
he had been precipitate, and said that he had been deceived by
Riquelme, Valverde [the priest], and the others. These charges
soon reached tlie ears of the treasurer and the Dominican, who, in
their turn, exculpated themselves, and upbraided Pizarro to his
face, as the only one responsible for the deed. The dispute ran
high ; and the parties were heard by the bystanders to give one
another the lie ! This vulgar squabble among tlie leaders, so soon
after the event, is the best commentary on the iniquity of their own
proceedings, and the innocence of the inca.f

Fortunately for the honor of the Spanish nation, among these
adventurers abandoned to every excess, and parted from their
country to conquer and desolate the new world, there were yet
found men who preserved the sentiment of honor and generosity
worthy of the Castilian name. Although Fernando Pizarro had
left for Spain before the trial of Atahualpa, and Soto had been sent
to a post far from Caxamalca, yet this cruel execution was not
made without opposition. Several officers, and particularly some

* Richer and Prescott. f Prescott.

204 HEENANDO DE SOTO IN PERU.

of the greatest reputation and the noblest families, made remon-
strances and even protestations against this judgment as dishonor-
able to tlieir country, and contrary to all the maxims of equity.
They added, that it was a violation of the rights of nations to
usurp over an independent sovereign a jurisdiction to which they
had not any right. All their efforts were in vain ; the number and
opinion of those who regarded as legitimate all that they believed
to be advantageous to themselves, prevailed. But history has pre-
served the names of those who thus endeavored to save their coun-
try from the stigma of so great a crime.

Tiie death of Atahualpa and Huascar left the Peruvians with-
out a king. The people, filled with the idea of the phantom of
Viracocha, and convinced by the conduct of the two last incas,
that the Spaniards were the children of the Sun, paid them an hom-
age that approached adoration. However, there were found some
generals who formed the project of maintaining their independence;
among others, one named Riiminagui retired to Quito, with five
thousand men, and resolved to seize the throne.

Some Peruvian oflBcers believed that their honor required that
the3' should render the honors of sepulture to their sovereign ;
they assembled two thousand soldiers, and took the corpse from
the place where the Spaniards had deposited it, transported it to
' Qnito, to place it in the tomb of his ancestors. Ruminagui, who
then commanded in this town, received it with great manifestations
of respect ; gave it a magnificent funeral, and deposited it himself
in the tomb of his fathers.

Quizquiz, another Peruvian general, assembled troops and made
for himself a considerable party. Knowing that two young brothers
of Atahualpa were still living, he sent for the youngest, named
Paulu, and proposed to crown him. He made this proposition to
the youngest of the two brothers that he might have but the phan-
tom of an emperor. Paulu, raised in respect for his elder brother,
Manco, whom he recognized as the legitimate successor to the
throne, after the death of his two other brothers, refused the honor
which did not belong to him, and of which he knew there would be
left him only the title. He immediately left the army of Quizquiz
and repaired to that of Pizarro.*

What to the Spaniards was the most unfortunate consequence of
their late cruel and iniquitous conduct, was that loads of gold on
the road to Caxamalca, by order of Atahualpa, were now carried
back to Cuzco. The two factions of Indians united against Pizarro,

* Richer.

HERNANDO DE SOTO IN PERU. 205

and many of the Spaniards who had exclaimed against the death
of the inca as a base infraction of the law of nations and a viola-
tion of the Spanish honor, would have proceeded to open mutiny,
had not the impending danger united them for their common safety.
At Cuzco the friends of the late emperor, Huascar, immediately
proclamed as inca, Manco Capac,the legitimate brother of the late
emperor, and determined to support him against the machinations
and violences of the Spaniards. On the other hand, Pizarro set up
Toparca, the son of Ataliualpa.

It was essentially necessary to the success of Pizarro's designs
that he should gain possession of Cuzco, the capital, and suppress
the opposite faction before it could gather strength sufficient to
maintain the vigorous resolutions it had taken. Accordingly he set
out from Caxamalca, attended by the new inca, after having spent
seven months in that town. Near the valley of Xuaxa, notice was
brought that an army of Indians occupied the passes and resolved
to oppose Pizarro's progress. Advancing a few miles further, he
saw the plain covered with armed troops, a sight extremely formid-
able to the Spaniards, who were now fatigued with the march and
the prodigious rains that had lately fallen. Almegro led the van ;
he approached so near as to hear the enemies' revilings, and, giving
way to his indignation, attacked them with great impetuosity, after
having passed a rapid river in despite of all their opposition, and
defeated them. In the.fruitful vale of Xuaxa was a temple dedicated
to the sun ; here Pizarro resolved to found a colony, which, how-
ever, was not permanent, but afterwards removed to the place where
Lima now stands.*

While Pizarro was thus employed, he dispatched Hernando de
Soto, with sixty horse, to make the best of his way to Cuzco, and
clear the road for the remainder of his army. Soto had not ad-
vanced far when he received intelligence that a considerable body
of the enemy had fortified themselves at Cababayo to defend the
pass. Fearing that his forces would prove insufficient, he sent
notice to Pizarro, and desired that the. inca might join him, as the
presence and influence of the monarch might probably prevent an
effusion of blood and obtain the ends of a victory without the hazard
of a battle ; but Toparca fell sick about this time and died, an event
which frustrated all the expectations entertained by the Spaniards
of bringing the Indians, by means of this inca, to acknowledge
their authority, without the necessity of having recourse to arms.
Soto was now forced to place his dependence on his own valor ; the

* Universal History.

206 HERNANDO DE SOTO IN PEEU.

Indians liad cut down a bridge over an exceedingly rapid river that
divided tliera from the Spaniards ; but Soto, without regard to the
violence of- the stream, plunged in with his horse and reached the
opposite bank, to the unspeakable astonishment and terror of the
enemj', who fled in the utmost consternation. Thus Soto obtained
a complete victory without striking a blow, after having performed
what has never been since attempted — the fording, in the face of an
enemy, a river which had always been deemed impassable, and
without the loss of a single horse or soldier. The enemy flying to
Lima Tambo, he continued the pursuit, notwithstanding he had
received orders to advance slowly, saying it would be folly and
cowardice to adhere so literally to orders as to neglect seizing tlje
opportunity of an important advantage which could not possibly
have been foreseen when the orders were issued. Accordingly lie
continued his march along the great road of Chinahayso to the
mountains of Bilcaconga, seven leagues from Cuzco, where the
Indians determined to fortify a difficult pass, to dig pits and
trenches and fill them with sharp-pointed stakes, to incommode the
horses. Here they resolved to make their best effort. Every meas-
ure was taken to defeat the intention of the Spaniards of seizing
the capital.

Soto could have no reliance upon the assistance of Pizarro, who
was employed in reducing the Tuanas and Yayos and settling his
colony. He, therefore, reposed his whole hopes on the vigor of his
arms and the possibility of defeating the Indian army before it
could be re-enforced. As he advanced, however, it was perceived
that the enemy were exceedingly numerous. The whole face of the
mountain was covered with their forces, and unexpected difficulties
occurred in reconnoitring the pass. The Indians began to pour
in their darts and arrows upon the Spaniards with more resolution
and regularitj' than they were accustomed to observe, a circum-
stance which produced murmurings and discontents among the
soldiers. Soto told his people that it was necessary to conquer or
die. He said the number of the enemy cut off" all possibility of
retreating without being exposed to disgrace and the most imminent
danger, and if they hesitated a moment the same difficulty would
attend their advancing, as new levies were continually joining the
inca. One victory more, he observed, would remove every obstacle,
and the same valor which had hitherto proved invincible would now
likewise be successful, if they would exert it properly. This speech
gave new life and vigor to the troops. They advanced with great
resolution up the hill, amidst showers of the enemj^'s missiles.
They formed themselves two abreast, cut their way through the

HERNANDO DE SOTO IN PERU. 20V

Indians with dreadful slaughter, and at last reached the summit of
the mountain. Five soldiers and two horses were killed in tliis
attack, and eleven men and fourteen horses wounded ; however, the
joj' of obtaining a victor^' rendered this loss of less consideration.
Soto probaby would have liad to encounter the same dangers the
next morning, had not Almegro seasonably arrived with a re-enforce-
ment, which so dispirited the Indians that they dropped their in-
tention of renewing the engagement, and suffered the Spaniards to
proceed unmolested.* '

Pizarro now marched for Cnzco, but considering it most prudent
not to hazard the loss of his treasures by taking them on the march,
he left them at Xauxa, under a guard of forty soldiers who remained
there in garrison. At the end of a few days he arrived before Cuzco ;
but he saw arising from it so thick a smoke that he believed the
Indians had set it on Are. He sent a detachment of cavalry there
to arrest the effects, which he attributed to their despair. This
detachment was repulsed with an astonishing vigor, and the liostili-
ties lasted all the night. The day following, Paulu declared to the
inhabitants that he had made his reconciliation with Pizarro, and
the Spaniards were admitted tliere without any resistance. The
quantity of gold and silver they found there was even more im-
IJortant than that which they had received at Caxamalca. They
were engaged in dividing it when they learned that Quizquiz was
ravaging the province of Condefugos. It was a feint. Soto, with
fifty cavaliers, was dispatched against him ; the skilful Indian, in-
formed of his march, took the route to Xauxa, in hope of surprising
a part of the baggage of the Spaniards and the treasure which they
had left under a guard of some infantry. But he found this little
detachment so well posted that he could not cut it off; Pizarro,
informed that he had turned in that direction, sent off his two
brothers with a considerable detachment. When they had joined
Soto, Quizquiz decamped ; they pursued him the distance of more
than a hundred leagues on the route to Quito, but losing hope of
overtaking him, they returned to Xauxa, took tlieir baggage and
treasures, and carried them to Cuzco.

Wliilst the troops of Pizarro were occupying Cuzco, Benalcazar,
whom Pizarro had left in charge of San Miguel, became weary of
inaction, and anxious to distinguish himself among the conquerors
of the New World. A body of fresh troops, arrived very oppor-
tunely from Panama and Nicaragua, placed him in a condition to
satisfy his wishes. After having left a sufficient force for the

* Modern Universal History, vol. 34.

208 HERNANDO DE SOTO IN PEETJ.

security of the settlement, he placed himself at the head of the
rest, and set out to subdue Quito, where, according to the reports
of the Peruvians, Atahualpa had left the greatest part of his treas-
ures. It was a great distance from San Miguel to Quito, and the
march was difficult in a country of mountains covered with forests ;
he was often and vigorously attacked by the best soldiers of Peru,
led by a skilful chief. His valor, perseverance, and good manage-
ment surmounted all obstacles, and he entered victoriously into
Quito. But he experienced a great mortification. The inhabitants,
knowing by their own unfortunate experience the dominant passion
of their enemies, had carried ofi" all the riches that attracted the
Spaniards, and which had made them undertake this perilous enter-
prise, endure so much suffering, and brave so many dangers.*

While Benalcazar was thus capturing Quito, Pizarro sent, at the
same time, Alraegro towards the coast to learn the truth of a very
important rumor which was in circulation. It was asserted that
Pedro de Alvarado, governor of Guatemala, in Mexico, had em-
barked for Peru with a large army. Almegro repaired to San
Miguel, and, not having learned anything which had relation to the
rumor that was spread, he returned to Cuzco. Nevertheless, tlie
rumor was not without foundation. Hernando Cortes, after having
conquered Mexico, gave to Alvarado, as a recompense for his ser-
vices, the province of Guatemala, the government of which was
confirmed to him by the emperor Charles V. Alvarado, being
informed of what was taking place in Peru, solicited the court of
Spain for permission to contribute to the conquest of that kingdom.
His request was granted. Alvarado, with regret, beheld himself
second to Cortes in the former expedition, but he hoped to render
himself equal to Pizarro in this, as to his own experience in the
art of war, he joined the assistance of some of the best officers and
most approved soldiers of the age. Garcilasso de la Vega, whose
father attended Alvarado upon this expedition, alleges that he had
a commission from Charles Y. to conquer, govern, and colonize all
those countries, on that part of the continent, which were not 3-et
possessed by the Spaniards, and that his jurisdiction was wholly
independent of the authority of Pizarro and Almegro, The conduct
of Alvarado appears to confirm this.

While preparing his army and fleet at the port of Istapa,f in
Guatemala, he dispatched Garcia Holquin, in a small vessel, to

* Richer.

f Celebrated for being the place where Alvarado equipped hia armaments in
the yeara 1534 and 1539. "Thia place," says Guarroa, "is highly deserving
of notice, in a commercial point of view, as it affords every convenience and

HERNANDO DE SOTO IN PERU. 209

procure some intelligence of the country and coast against which,
he intended the expedition, and also of the progress of the Span-
iards. Holquin, after encountering manifold hardships, could pro-
ceed no further than Puerto Viego, where he received some vague
accounts of Pizarro, the riches he had acquired, the immense wealth
that still remained, and a few other hints of general information,
with which he returned to Alvarado, who now embarked. Having
been informed that they were equipping two vessels in Nicaragua,
with re-enforcements of men and provisions for Pizarro, he, with
the five hundred men who embarlied under his orders, had ■ the
address to approach and seize them during the night.

He now continued his voyage with seven hundred men, two hun-
dred and twenty-seven of whom were horsemen, and after sailing
tliirty days arrived at Cape St. Francisco, in the first degree of
north latitude. Alvarado, perceiving the crews grew sickly, and
that the horses perished, or contracted such diseases as would render
them useless, landed in the bay of Caragues, sent the provisions by
sea to Puerto Viego, and proceeded with some cavalry to Mantu.
Orders were given the pilots to sail along the coast of Peru to the
furthest extremity of Pizarro's government, to make the necessary
charts, observe the soundings and harbors, and set up marks of having
taken formal possession. After landing, Alvarado marched towards
the east, almost under the equator. Having an imperfect idea of the
country, he undertook, without a guide, to march directly to Quito,
in following the course of the river Guayaquil and crossing the
mountains near its source. Hunger and thirst would have destroyed
all his men if he had not found certain canes the size of a man's leg,
hollow, and filled with water, which they believed came from the
dews which collected during the night.(io) They had no other
recourse against famine than to eat their horses. To aggravate
their misfortunes, they were overwhelmed with hot cinders ejected
from a volcano in the neighborhood of Quito. Before arriving at
Quito, they were also obliged to cross mountains where a con-
tinual snow rendered the cold so piercing that there perished sixty,
men. In this route, one of the least practicable in America,
his troops were so overcome by fatigue in opening roads though
forests and marshes in the low-lands, and suff'ered so much from the

advantage for carrying on an extensive traffic in the Pacific. Its contiguity to
the city of Guatemala" [founded hy Alvarado] "would enable speculators to
obtain all the productions of the country at a moderate rate, which could be
conveyed by land-carriage to the place of embarkation at a trifling expense, on
a road that was opened and levelled in 1539, for the purpose of transporting
upon carriages some of Alvarado's small vessels."—" The Modern Traveller."
14

210 HERNANDO DE SOTO IN ' PERU.

severity of the cold on the tops of the mountains, that, before he
arrived on the plains of Quito, a fifth of the Spaniards and half of .
the horses had perished ; the rest were discouraged and in a con-
dition unfit for service-. Alvafado and his companions finally
arrived in the province of Quito;, but the melting of the snows
caused so great an inundation that several men perished. Being
near a village where a party of Indians had fortified themselves, he
besieged it and forced the Indians to leave it.*

At this time Pizarro and Almegro were deeply engaged in the
progress of their conquests, and the news of Alvarado's approach
and designs gave them the greatest unasiness. A body of horse
was immediately dispatched by Almegro to watch his movements,
but this party falling into Alvarado's hands, was kindly treated
and dismissed. This moderation suggested the first idea of com-
promising diflferences in such a manner that all should heartily
unite in the same design. Almegro made the proposals, and they
were accepted without hesitation by Alvarado. An interview was
appointed, and the following agreement signed by the commanders :
that a hundred thousand pesos should be paid by Pizarro and
Almegro ; that such of Alvai'ado's officers and soldiers as desired
to serve under Pizarro and Almegro should be provided for as their
own troops, according to the merit of their services ; and that Alva-
rado should return to Mexico after he had visited Pizarro at Cuzco,
of which capital he had heard the most exaggerated accounts.
There were some other stipulations of less consequence in this
treaty, to which both parties adhered with great punctuality, ex-
cept that Pizarro, apprehensive that a sight of the immense wealth
of Cuzco miglit stagger Alvarado's resolution, sent a message to
Alvarado that he would save him the trouble of so tedious a journey,
and give him a meeting in the valley of Pachacamac ; for which
place he immediately set out, escorted by a body of cavalry. There
he met with Alvarado and Almegro. He gave Alvarado twenty
thousand pesos more than was stipulated in the treaty, made him
several valuable presents of turquoises and other precious stones,
and conducted himself with so much address that Alvarado returned
pei'fectly satisfied to Mexico, having been fully recompensed for the
expense and trouble of tlie expedition, and assured that his soldiers
and officers would be well provided for according to their several
abilities.f

About this time Hernando Pizarro arrived in Spain. The im-

* Universal History, and Richer.

t Modern Universal History, vol. 34, p. 433.

HERNANDO DE SOTO IN PERU. 211

mense quantity of gold and silver he brought caused as much
astonishment as it had excited at Panama and the other Spanish
colonies. PizaiTO was received by the emperor with the respect
due a man who brought him a present whose value exceeded all
the ideas that the Spaniards had formed of the wealth of their
acquisitions in America, even after having been ten years in posses-
sion of Mexico. To reward the services of Francisco Pizarro the
emperor confirmed him in the dignity of governor, and joined to it
new powers and new privileges, and extended the boundaries of his
government seventy leagues to the south, along the coast, beyond
the limits fixed by his first patent. Almegro also obtained the
honors which he had so long sought. He was given the rank of
adelantado, or governor, and his jurisdiction was extended over
two hundred leagues, to commence at the southern limits of the
government of Pizarro. Hernando Pizarro himself was made
knight of the order of San lago, and returned to Peru accompanied
by many persons of greater distinction than those who had hitherto
served in America.

They received in Peru some news of Hernando Pizarro's negotia-
tion before his arrival there. Almegro was no sooner informed
that he had obtained of the emperor a government independent of
Pizarro, than he claimed that Cuzco was embraced in it, and pre-
pared to take possession of this important post. Juan and Gon-
zales Pizarro prepared to repulse him. Each of the contestants had
a powerful party, and the dispute was about to be decided by force
of arms, when Francisco Pizarro arrived at the capital, and the
address, mingled with firmness, which he showed in his complaints
against Almegro and his partisans, diverted then the storm. He
made a new reconciliation with Almegro, the principal condition of
which was that Almegro should attempt the conquest of Chili, and
that if he did not find there an establishment worthy of him,
Pizarro, to indemnify him, would cede to him a part of Peru. This
new convention was confirmed with the same religious solemnities
as the first, and observed with as little fidelity.

In consequence of his convention with i^izarro, Almegro pre-
.pared to march into Chili. The inca placed at his disposal the
services of his brother Paullo, and of the high priest Villac Umu,
who were ordered to accompanj' Almegro to Chili. These he sent
on before ; he himself was to go next ; and his lieutenant, Rodrigo
Orgonez, was to follow with the rest of the people. It may show
how much Almegro's service was sought after, that so distinguished
a person in Pizarro's camp as Hernando de Soto was greatly disap-
pointed at not having been named lieutenant-general of the maris-

212 HERNANDO DE SOTO IN PERU.

cal's [Almegro's] forces.* Almegro set out for Chili with five
hundred and seventy men. It was the largest body of Europeans
that had to that time assembled in Peru.

There were two roads which led thence to Chili; one by the
plain, but it was the longest ; the other by the mountains, it
was the shortest. The snows and the cold rendered the latter
impracticable in every season but the summer. Paullo and the
high priest advised Almegro to take the best of the two routes, but
he took the shortest. The impatience to terminate promptly the
expedition, or the custom to endure every labor and to brave every
danger, the common custom of all the Spaniards who had served in
America, determined Almegro to cross the mountains. The route
was, indeed, the shorter, but almost impracticable. In this march
his troops suffered all the ills that human nature can experience
from fatigue, hunger, and the rigor of the climate of those elevated
regions of the torrid zone, where the cold is almost as severe as
that which is found under the polar circle. There perished a great
number of them. One of his officers and several cavaliers remained
upon the mountains frozen with their horses. The historians who
confirm this fact say that five months afterwards the army repass-
ing by the same place, found the corpses in the same position, hold-
ing in their hands the bridles of their horses. Their flesh was as
fresh as if they had died that moment.f

Those who resisted the cold and arrived as far as the fertile plains
of Chili, found there new obstacles to surmount. They had to do
with men, very different from the Peruvians, intrepid, hardened to
labor, much resembling, by their physique and their courage, the
warlike nations of North America. Although astonished at the
first appearance of the Spaniards, and still more at their cavalry,
and the effect of their fire-arms, they very soon recovered from their
surprise, not only to the degree of defending themselves with cour-
age, but even to assail their new enemies with more resolution and
vigor than any other American nation had hitherto shown. The
Spaniards notwithstanding continued to penetrate into the country,
and to collect gold ip abundance ; but they no longer thought of
forming a settlement. Notwithstanding all the valor and skill of
their chief, the success of their expedition was still extremely

* "Life of Pizarro," by Arthur Helps.

t The army of Almegro did not return over the mountains, but the forces
under Diaz and Herreda crossed the mountains to join Almegro, and they may
have seen these frozen horsemen on frozen horses. The Spanish soldiers under
Almegro experienced all the vicissitudes and inclemency of the seasons and
climates that the soldiers of Napoleon endured in Egypt and Russia.

HERNANDO DE SOTO IN PERU. 213

doubtful, when they were recalled to Peru by an unexpected revo-
lution.

Aliriegro had been joined by Ruyz Diaz and Juan de Herreda with
more than a hundred Spaniards, who had crossed the mountains in
a more favorable season of the year. Herreda informed Almegro
of the situation of affairs in Peru, and of the general insurrection of
the Indians of Peru.

The news of the general revolt of the Peruvians would have suf-
ficed to induce Almegro to leave Chili and return to succor his com-
patriots, but he was led to this resolution by less generous and more
interested motives. The same messenger who informed him of the
situation of affairs in Peru, brought the royal patent which made
him governor of Chili, and fixed the limits of his government. Ac-
cording to this patent Cuzco appeared to him evidently comprised
within the limits of his department, and he had from this time as
much eagerness to take from Pizarro the possession of this capital
as to hinder the Peruvians from seizing it. Impatient to execute
this double purpose, he ventured to return by a new route, through
the sandy plains of the coast, the desert of Atacama. In this
march he suffered almost as much from heat and thirst as he had
suffered from cold and hunger in crossing the summits of the Andes.*

He arrived at Cuzco the 12th daj' of July, 153Y, having left it
shortly after his last compact with Pizarro, made the 12th day of
June, 1535. It has already been mentioned that Soto sought the
rank of lieutenant-general in this expedition, and was disappointed ;
that Hernando Pizarro returned to Peru, accompanied by many
persons of greater distinction than any that had to that time
served in America; and that Hernando Pizarro had been knighted.
Hernando de Soto, in ability, was second to none of the conquerors
of Peru ; his ambition and love of fame, as his pride and sense of
honor, were great and ennobling. He saw the spirit of faction and
discord that raged in the rival parties of Almegro and Pizarro, and
probably anticipated the storm that was destined soon to devastate-
Peru with the internecine sti'ife of civil war. As after this period
his name no more appears in the events of Peru, it is probable that
he left the country about this time ; and that he returned to Spain
with Luis Moscoso de Alvarado, Nuno de Touar, and Juan Rodri-
quez Lobillo. He probably was in Spain during the years 1536
and 1537. In the spring of 1538 he sailed from Spain on his expe-
dition to Florida.

* Richer's "Histoire Moderne."

HERNANDO DB SOTO AND FLORIDA.

VOLUME II.

INTRODUCTION

HISTORY OP THE CONQUEST OP PLORIDA.

As the works of Garcilasso Inca de la Vega are the first literary
productions of the native genius of South America, it is proper that
here something should be said of the author and his works. In fact,
Garcilasso miglit, with propriety, be called the first distinguished
native author of the New World, though the Abb^ Clavigero, in the
preface to his " History of Mexico," mentions the following

INDIAN AUTHORS OF THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY.

Fernando Pimentel Ixtlilxochitl, son of Coanacotzin, last king of
Acolhuacan, and Antonio de Tobar Cano Montezuma Ixtlilxochitl,
a descendant of the royal houses of Mexico, and Acolhuacan. These
two nobles, at the request of the Count Benevente, and the Viceroy
of Mexico, Luis de Velasco, wrote letters on the genealogy of the
kings of Acolhuacan, and other points relative to the ancient his-
tor3' of that kingdom.

Antonio Pimentel Ixtlilxochitl, son of Fernando Pimentel, wrote
Historical Memoirs of the Kingdom of Acolhuacan, by which Toi'-
quemada was assisted ; "and from it we have taken the annual ex-
penses incurred in the palace of the fainous king Nezahualcojotl,
great-great-grandfather of the author."

Taddeo de Niza, a noble Indian of Tlaseala, wrote in the year
1548, by order of the viceroy of Mexico, the History of the Con-
quest, which was subscribed by thirty other nobles of Tlaseala. '

Gabriel d'Ayala, a noble Indian of Tezcuco, wrote, in the Mexican
language, Historical Commentaries ; containing an account of all
the affairs of the Mexicans from the year 1243 of the vulgar era
unto 1662.

218 INTRODUCTION TO THE

Juan Ventura Zapata 6 Mendoza, a noble of Tlascala, wrote, in
the Mexican language, tlie Chronicle of Tlascala ; containing all the
events of that nation, from their arrival in the country of Anahuac
to the year 1589.

Pedro Ponce, a noble Indian, rector of Tzompahuacan, wrote in
Spanish, An Account of the Gods and the Rites of Mexican Pagan-
ism.

The chiefs of Colhuacan wrote the Annals of the Kingdom of
Colhuacan.

Christoval del Castillo, a Mexican mestee, wrote the History of
the Travels of the Aztecas, or Mexicans, to the country of Anahuac.

Diego Mugnoz Camargo, a noble mestee of Tlascala, wrote, in
Spanish, the History of the City and Republic of Tlascala. Tor-
quemada made use of this work.

Fernando d'Alba Ixtlilxochitl, a Tezcucan, and descendant, in
a right line, from the kings of Acolhuaean, wrote, at the request of
the viceroy of Mexico, several very learned and valuable works;,
all written in the Spanish language. In order to remove any
grounds for suspicion of fiction, he made his accounts conform ex-
actly with the historical paintings which he inherited from his illus-
trious ancestors.

Juan Balesta Pomar, of Tezcuco, or Cholula, a descendant from
a bastard of the roj^al house of Tezcuco, wrote Historical Memoirs
of that Kingdom, which Torquemada made use of.

Domingo de San Anton Mufion Chimalpain, a noble Indian of
Mexico, wrote, in the Mexican language, four works much esteemed
bj' the intelligent : 1. American Chronicles, containing all the
Events of that Nation from the year 1068 to the year 1597 of the
vulgar era. 2. The History of the Conquest of Mexico by the
Spaniards. 3. Original Accounts of the • Kingdoms of Acolhua-
ean, of Mexico, and o-f other provinces. 4. Historical Commenta-
ries, from the year 1064 to 1521.

Fernando d'Alvarado Tezozomoc, an Indian of Mexico, wrote in
Spanish, a Mexican Chronicle, about the j-ear 1598.

The Hon. Clement Markham, in a note to his translation of Cieza
de Leon, gives the following account of

GAECILASSO DE LA VEGA, THE FATHER OP GARCILASSO INCA
DE LA VEGA.

Garcilasso de la Vega was born of noble parentage, in the city
of Badajos, in Estremadura. His great-grandfatiier was Gomez
Saurez de Figueroa, the first count of Feria, by Elvira Lasso de la

HISTORY OF THE CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 219

Vega. This lady was a sister of the famous Marquis of Santillana,
the charming poet, and founder of the great familj' of Mendoza.
Slie was maternal granddaughter of that Garcilasso who, in 13t2,
received the surname of " de la Vega," in memory of a famous
duel fought with a Moorish giant, before the walls of Granada.
The lady's paternal grandfather was Don Diego Mendoza, the
knight who, in the battle of Alj iibarrota, with the Portuguese, in
1385, saved the life of King John First, by giving him his horse
when his own was killed under him.

The subject of this note was a second cousin twice removed of
Garcilasso de la Vega, the poet,* whose poems, with those of his
friend Boscan, were published in 1544.

So much for Garcilasso's descent, which is sufBciently noble and
distinguished. He was a young man of twenty-five years of age,
tall, handsome, polished, generous, and well-practised in the use of
arms, when in 1531, he set out for the New World, as a captain of
infantry, in company with Alonzo [Pedro ?] de Alvarado, who was
returning to assume his government of Gautemala. That famous
chief, on hearing of the riches of Peru, set out witii a large fleet
from Nicaragua, and landed in the bay of Caragues, in March, 1534.
Garcilasso de la Vega accompanied him, and shared in all the ter-

* His ancestors from remote antiquity were persons of opnlenee and liigli
consideration. They originally sprung from tlie mountains of Asturias. Don
Pedro Lasso was, in 1329, admiral of Castile ; his son, Garcilasso, arrived at
yet greater honors. He was made high judge, as well as ohahcellor of the
kingdom. The chancellor left two sons, Garcilasso and Gonzalo Ruyz, who, in
the grand tattle of Salado, in 1340, were the first that, in spite of the Moors,
crossed the river.' The former was made lord chief-justice of Spain, as appears
by the deeds of the year 1372 ; and this knight it was who, for his valor in
slaying a gigantic Moor that had defied the Christians hy parading in the vega
or plain of Granada, with these words, "Ave Maria" fixed to his horse's tail,
took the surname of De la Vega ; and for his device, Ave Maria in a field d'or,
as is seen in the scutcheon of Garcilasso de la Vega, a son of one of the
brothers, who followed the party of King Henry against the king Don Pedro,
and was slain in the battle of Najara. — ^'Life of Garcilasso" the poet, hy J. H.
Wiffin.'

' Abil Hassan, king of Morocco, of the dynnsty of the Merinis, invited by the in-
habitants of Granada, came and landed in Spain, fallowed by innumerable troops,
which he united to those of Joseph I. The kings of Castile and Portugal, united,
fought this great army on the borders of the Salado, not far from the town of Tariff.
This battle of the Salado, as celebrated in the history of Spain, as the victory of
Toloza, cost the lives of thousands of Moors. The battle of Toloza was fought in the
year 1212, and was the most important and brilliant victory ever achieved by the
Christians over the Moors of Spain. Sixty thousand crusaders, from It.aly and
France, repaired to the assistance of the Castilian king. — ^'Florian^s Precis HistoriqiLe
sur les Matires."

220 INTRODUCTION TO THE

rihle hardships and suffering of the subsequent march to Riobamba.
After the convention with Almegro, and the dispersion of Alva-
rado's forces, Garcilasso was sent to complete tlie conquest of the
country round the port of Buenayentura. He and his small band
of followers forced their way for many days through dense unin-
habited forests, enduring almost inci-edible hardships, and finding
nothing to repay their labors. He displayed much constancy and
endurance, and persevered during a whole year, but, having lost
eight}' of his men from hunger and fever, he was at last obliged to
reti'eat. He was nearly drowned in crossing the river Quiximies,
and, after many other strange adventures and narrow escapes, he
reached the Spanish settlement of Puerto Viejo, and went thence
to Lima, where Pizarro was closely besieged by the insurgent
Indians. He then marched to the relief of Cuzco, and afterward
accompanied Gonzalo Pizarro in his expedition to the Collao and
Charcas. On the arrival of Vaca de Castro in Peru, Garcilasso de la
Vega joined him, and was wounded in the battle of Chupas. When
Gonzalo Pizarro rose in rebellion against the viceroy Blasco Nunez
de Vela, Garcilasso and several other loyal knights fled from Cuzco
to Arequipa, and thence up by the deserts to Lima, in order to
share the fortunes of the viceroy. But when they arrived at Lima,
that ill-fated and wrong-headed knight was gone, and the whole
country was in favor of Gonzalo Pizarro. The fugitives, there-
fore, concealed themselves as best they could. Garcilasso was
lodged in tlie house of a friend, and afterwards hid himself in the
convent of San Francisco. Through the intercessions of friends,
Gonzalo Pizarro granted him a pardon, but detained him as a
prisoner until he escaped to the army of Gasca, on the morning of
the battle of Xaquxaquana, galloping across the space between the
two camps at early dawn, on his good horse Salinillas. He after-
wards resided at his house in Cuzco until the rebellion of Giron
broke out in 1554, when he once more showed his loyalty by escap-
ing in the night, and joining the royal camp. After the fall of
Giron, Garcilasso de la Vega was appointed corregidor and gover-
nor of Cuzco, where, he appears to have devoted himself to the
duties of his oflSce, and, amongst other good deeds, restored the
aqueduct which brought a supply of water from the lake of Chin-
chiru, for a distance of two leagues, to irrigate the valley of Cuzco.
His house was a centre of hospitality and kindness, where the
conquerors fought their battles over again in the evenings, while
Garc'ilasso'a wife, the inca princess, and her friends dispensed their
numerous charities. Both lie and his wife were engaged in acts of
benevolence, and in collecting subscriptions for charitable purposes

HISTORY or THE CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 221

during the time that he held office. It is said that in one night
they raised thirty-four thousand five hundred ducats for a hospital
for Indians. When Garcilasso was relieved of his charge, the .Inez
de Residencia, who came to review his administration, honorably
acquitted him of the charges which were brought against him, and
he retired into private life. He died at Cuzco, in the year 1559,
after a long illness.

Garcilasso de la Yega was married to a Susta or inca princess,
who was baptized under the name of Isabella in 1539. She was the
daughter of Hualpa Tupac, a younger brother of the great inca
Huayna Capac. By this lad^' he had a son, the well-known histo-
rian, who was born at Cuzco in 1540. After his father's death, the
young Garcilasso Inca de la Vega, who had received his earljr edu-
cation at a school in Cuzco, went to Spain. This was in 1560, when
he was just twentj' years of age. He fought against the rebel
Moriscos, under the banner of Don John of Austria, and afterwards
settling at Cordova, devoted himself to literary pursuits. He wrote
a history of the conquest of Florida, and tjie two parts of his Com-
mentarios Reales were published in 1609 and 1616. An excellent
second edition appeared at Madrid in 1722. His memory was well
stored with the recollections of his youth, when he had learned the
history of the ineas from his mother's relations, and of tlie conquest
from his father's old companions in arms. He also quotes largely
from Cieza de Leon, Goraara, Zarate, Fernandez, and Acosta, as
well as from the manuscript of the missionary Bias Valera, a most
important work, which was destroyed wlieu Lord Essex sacked the
city of Cadiz. No man, therefore, could be better qualified
TO write a history of the early civilization of the inoas and
OF THE conquest OF Peru BY THE SPANIARDS. He has been inval-
uable to me in explaining and illustrating the text of Cieza de
Leon ; and in gratitude I have tlierefore devoted a long note to an
account of his father. The Inca Garcilasso died in 1616, at the
advanced age of seventy-six, and was buried at Cordova.

GARCILASSO INCA DE LA VESA, THE HISTORIAN.

Garcilasso de la Yega, the Peruvian historian, was the son of the
preceding and Nusta, niece of Huayna Capac, and granddaughter
of the inca Tupac-Yupanqui. He was born at Cuzco in 1540.
From the circumstance of his descent from the family of the incas,
he adopted the title of inca, naming himself Garcilasso Inca de la
Yega.

222 INTRODTJCTION TO THE

Peru, during the fifteen years succeeding the birth of Gareilasso,
was the theatre of wars, conspiracies, persecutions, and revolts.
In the midst of such scenes Gareilasso had but few opportunities
of education, and he says : " I lay the fault of my deficiency upon
the civil wars which existed in the Indies during my youth. Lite-
I'ature was then no longer cultivated, and we applied ourselves to
arms. We learned horsemansliip, and I abandoned myself to this
exercise with some of my companions, who have acquired much
distinction there, and have become excellent horsemen." In 1560
Gareilasso went to Spain, and embraced a military career,- distin-
guishing himself in various encounters, and reaching the rank of
captain under the command of Don John of Austria. But the
vengeful court of Spain did not forget that Gareilasso, the father,
had embraced the revolutionarj' side, and followed in all his dan-
gerous enterprises Gonzalez Pizarro ; and hence distrust rested
upon the son, who, in consequence, despairing of ever attaining to
eminence in his career, or of fixing upon any other occupation which
seemed suited to his birth, threw up his commission and retired to
Cordova, where he devoted himself to literary pursuits.

Tlie results of his literary labors were the first part of his Royal
Commentary, completed in 1570 or 1575, and printed at Lisbon in
1609 ; the second part of the same, finished in 1616, and printed at
Lisbon in 1619; the General History of Peru, printed in Cordova
in 1606; and the Florida of the Inca, or History of the Adelantado
Fernando de Soto, finished in 1591, and printed in Lisbon in
quarto, in 1605.

The sources of Garcilasso's knowledge in regard to the first part
of the Roj'al Commentaries are principally the information of his
mother and one of his uncles, and his own observations relative to
the religion and customs of his countrymen. He had witnessed in
his youth the ancient usages and ceremonies of the Peruvians, and
mastered many of their ancient traditions. While in Spain, en-
gaged on the Royal Commentaries, he corresponded with his old
companions and school-fellows of the inca family in Peru, to collect
materials for his history.

In tlie work on Peruvian Antiquities by Rivero and Tschudi is
the following sentence : " Finally young Gareilasso did not under-

HISTORY OP THE CONQUEST OP PLORIDA. 223

stand the difficult art of decipliering the quipus, an important defi-
ciency which neither an abundance of traditions nor ingenious con-
jectures could supply." But Prescott, in the excellent critical
notice of Garcilasso, which he gives in the first volume of the
" Conquest of Peru," page 293, says that Garcilasso " understood
the science of their quipus." As it was not until after his arrival
in Spain and disappointment in his military career that Garcilasso
devoted himself to literature, his acquaintance with the quipus
■could have been of little service to him there. But as the science
of the quipus, which constituted the national archives of tlie Peru-
vians, was especially and exclusivelj' confined to the members of
the inca family, Garcilasso, in bis correspondence with them, could
easily have acquired what information was proper for bis purpose ;
and this intimacy and connection with the inca family must have
been in this respect of the greatest advantage to him.

"The Florida of the Inca; or, History of the Adelantado Her-
nando de Soto," was translated in 1610 into the French language
by Pierre Richelet, who had been professor of Belles Lettres in the
college of Vitri. But either through a distaste for his profession,
or otherwise, he came to Paris and became a lawyer, associated with
the literati, and lived as a man of letters. He was a man of genius,
distinguished for the correctness and purity of his language ; the
author of an excellent dictionary of the French language, and of
several other literary works. He died in the beginning of the year
1699, when nearly seventy years of age. After a lapse of nearly
forty years, and when the first edition of his translation of Florida
had almost been forgotten, a second was published in the year 1711 ;
an English version of which is the following volume.

Besides Garcilasso's there are two other accounts of De Soto's
expedition to Florida. One by Louis Fernandez de Biedma, who
accompanied the expedition, was presented to the king, and council
of the Indies in 1544. The other was by one of De Soto's oflScers,
a gentleman of Elvas in Portugal, and was printed at Bvora in
1557. The latter was translated from the Portuguese into the Eng-
lish language by Richard Haekluyt, and printed at London 1609.
It was also translated into the French language, in the last third of

224 INTRODUCTION TO THE

the seventeenth century, by M. de Citri de la Guette,* one of the best
French writers, author of an excellent history of the Triumvirate,
and of a translation of the " Conquest of Mexico." Thus it is evi-
dent that the earliest of these accounts appeared forty-seven, and
the other thirty-four years before Garcilasso finished his "Florida."
As Garcilasso went to Spain in 1560, there were thirty-one years
from the time of his arrival to the completion of his Florida in
1591, to which, and his other works, he devoted himself after retir-
ing from the army. The survivors of De Soto's expedition to Florida,
some of whom had been in Peru, disbanded in the City of Mexico
in 1543. Sortie went to Peru, where Garcilasso became acquainted
with them, remained fifteen years after their arrival, and heard re-
lated by lliem the stories of the expedition. When he went to Spain,
in 1560, he found there followers of De Soto ; and even as late as
1591, when he finished his " Florida," there were still living some
of the soldiers of De Soto. But Garcilasso began his literar3'
labors nearly thirty 3'ears before that date, when in all probability
many of the veterans of the expedition still survived. In his
" Florida" he gives the statements made by the soldiers of the ex-
pedition, and refers to authors, other than those already mentioned,
who had treated of the same subject ; while at the same time he had
the advantage of profiting by all previous accounts of the expedition.
Thus circumstances and opportunity favored Garcilasso in an emi-
nent degree ; and he did not fail to take advantage of them to pro-
duce a work which reads more like romance than reality, embellished
in tlie glowing colors in which he depicts the trials, triumphs, and
tragedy of his hero.

Garcilasso, having derived much of his knowledge of the North
American Indians from the accounts of Mexico, and the reports of
Spanish adventurers, who, having been in Peru and seen the wealth
and populousness of that kingdom, endeavored, by the exaggeration
of their own exploits in Florida, to acquire a reputation rivalling
that of the conquerors of Mexico and Peru, and, moreover, having
been influenced by certain similarities in the manners and customs

* It appears to have been published after the first edition of Elohelet's trans-
lation of the Conquest of Florida, and before the second.

HISTORY OF THE CONQUEST OP FLORIDA. 225

of the Peruvians and Floridians, was easily led to believe accounts,
which, fictitious concerning the latter, were not at all improbable in
regard to the former. Hence, the vast armies of Indians, and the
wealth and magnificence of their temples. Nevertheless these were
but exaggerations; facts were their foundations. There were armies,
and large ones ; there were temples, but rude ones ; there were forts
and magazines ; and there were objects of art.

There sometimes appears to be in the Conquest of Florida a vein
of satire, expressive of Garcilasso's own sentiments, in the addresses
wHich he makes his Indian caciques deliver. They convey stern
truths which it would not have been prudent for him to have other-
wise expressed. Yet he imparts them in so ingenious a manner,
that while he censures and condemns the injustice and cruelty of
the Spaniards, he offends not their sensibilities nor incurs their
displeasure.

De Soils, in his " History of the Conquest of Mexico," alluding
to the works of Garcilasso, says : As for his " History of Peru," it
is found separate in two volumes which the inca Garcilasso has com-
posed, and this author is so exact in choosing his memoirs, and so
flowery in his style, for the time in which he wrote, that I would
condemn the temerity of him who should undertake to excel it, and
would give great eulogy to any one who could imitate it in finishing
this history. Such is the testimony which an eminent Spanish au-
thor bears to the merit of one of the works of Garcilasso : lie has
not been less exact and flowery in his " History of Florida."

What Prescott, in his critical notice of Garcilasso, says of the
" Commentarios Reales," is, in a manner, applicable to the " Florida
of the Inca;" his words are: "Garcilasso, in short, was the repre-
sentative of the conquered race, and we might expect to find the
lights and shadows of the picture disposed, under his pencil, so as
to produce an effect very different from that which they had hitherto
exhibited under the hands of the conquerors."

"Such, to a certain extent, is the fact; and this circumstance
affords a means of comparison, which would alone render his works
of great value in arriving at just historic conclusions. But Garci-
lasso wrote late in life, after the story had been often told by Oas-
tilian writers. The stores of information which he has collected
15

226 INTKODTJCTION TO THE

have made his work a large repository whence later laborers in the
same field have drawn copious materials. He writes from the ful-
ness of his heart, and illuminates every topic that he touches with
a variety and richness of illustration that leave little to be desired
by the most importunate curiosity."

"Our debt is large to the antiquarian who, with conscientious
precision, lays broad and deep the foundations of historic truth ;
and no less to the philosophic annalist who exhibits man in the
dress of public life — man in masquerade. But our gratitude must
surely not be withheld from those who, like Garcilasso de la Yega
and many a romancer of the middle ages, have held up the mirror
— distorted though it may somewhat be — to the interior of life,
reflecting every object, the great and the mean, the beautiful and
the deformed, with their natural prominence and their vivacity of
coloring, to the eye of the spectator. As a work of art, such a
production may be thought to be below criticism. But, although
it defies the rules of art in its composition, it does not necessarily
violate the principles of taste ; for it conforms, in its spirit, to the
spirit of the age in which it was written. And the critic who coldlj'
condemns it on the severe principles of art, will find a charm in its
very simplicity that will make him recur again and again to its
pages, while more correct and classical compositions are laid aside
and forgotten.

" Garcilasso died a few months after finishing, in 1616, the ' Second
Part of the Royal Commentaries,' thus closing his labors with his
life at the age of seventy-six. His remains were interred in the
cathedral church of Cordova, in a chapel which bears the name of
Garcilasso, and an inscription was placed on his monument, inti-
mating the high respect in which the historian was held, both for
his moral worth and his literary attainments."

The Preface to the French version of " The Conquest of Florida "
("Printed at Lille in IVll") gives some curious facts in regard to
Garcilasso's works : —

" For forty years the}'- had nearly forgotten this rare book of
Garcilasso de la Vega. Perhaps it had had, in its time, the same
fate as the other works of this historian, translated into French bj'
the famous translator or metaphrast Jean Baudouin. But if there

HISTORY OP THE CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 221

was some reason not to do entire justice to a celebrated author
whom Baudouin had rendered nearly unrecognizable in disguising
him in our language, we cannot say the same thing In regard to the
' History of the Conquest of Florida.' The translator- is not less
celebrated among us than the author is in Spain and America."

We have four important works of this author : " The History of
the Kings of Peru," that of " The Civil Wars of the Spaniards in
the Indies," " The General History of Peru," and " The Account of
the Conquest of Florida," all four written in the Castilian language
with much more of ingenuousness and accuracy than of art and
elegance. He shows a great knowledge of the condition of America.

His history of the incas, which he calls Royal Commentary, is
written judiciously and accurately. The second work includes the
civil wars which the Spanish conquerors of Peru made against each
other, and we observe that Providence has made use of the Span-
iards to avenge upon the Spaniards themselves the great cruelties
which they had committed in the conquest of this country, the
inhabitants of which submitted without trouble to their domination.
The mutual jealousy and avidity which they had at the sight of so
much wealth which they discovered were the causes why they
mutually destroyed each other ; and they did not lay down their
arms until all those who had committed these unheard-of cruelties
had perished by the sword, the fire, or the hands of the executioner.

These two works were translated into our language by Jean
Baudouin, of the French Academy, and published at Paris, the first
in 1633, and the second in 1658, after the death of Baudouin. This
translation, though good in the main, had quite an extraordinary
fate. The booksellers, who saw that at first it had not any sale,
regarded it as a very poor book, and they did with it what they had
done with the works of Pelletier, ajid what they should do with a
hundred other books with which the world is flooded every day.
When the copies had been sacrificed to the grocers, they became
rare. Their rarity was the reason why they were sought after and
esteemed. They had risen to such an excessive price, especially the
" Royal Commentary," that twelve crowns were scarcely sufficient
to purchase the two volumes in quarto. But the booksellers of
Holland, more industrious and more observant than those of other
nations, had them reprinted in 1705 and 1706, in four volumes
.duodecimo. They rendered even a double service to the public in
this reprint. For although Baudouin was learned, altiiough he had
an easy, natural French style, nevertheless his fortune did not
permit him to give to his wriCing all the time and attention which it
required. Thej', therefore, were obliged to remj.ly in the new edition

228 INTEODUCTION TO HISTORY OF CONQUEST- OF FLOEIDA.

the defects of the translator. Baudouin had followed his author
step by step, and he had translated tedious and sometimes useless
repetitions much less tolerable in our language than in any other.
They have retrenched in the new edition all those that might do
injury to the text. And as nearly eighty years over a French
translation had altered the language of it, and also changed among
us our ideas, characters, and customs, they have remedied it, and
there is scarcely a sentence that has not been repaired and reno-
vated.

We have not had this trouble in the new edition which we here
give, of the "Conquest of Florida," which is the fourth work of
Garcilasso. The translation is by a master hand ; but before speak-
ing of the translator we shall say a word of the work itself. We
cannot describe with more accuracy than is here done all tliat has
happened in the expedition to Florida. If this work does honor to
Garcilasso, it is not less glorious to the Spaniards and Indians. We
see, in the first, an extraordinary endurance, which could not be
inspired but by an excessive love of glory or of riches.' The Indians
exhibit a courage and judgment much above the idea that is gene-
rally formed of a barbarous people. This history does not appear
written upon mere hearsay, as a modern author* has pretended. It
was necessary that Garcilasso, in order to enter, as he has done,
into such an excellent account, should have had statements accurate
and well authenticated. His manner of narrating is insinuating. If
there is anything to object to him, it is in having too much of detail
and some minutise. But even trifles, to him who knows how to place
them properly, all serve to make known the man. He accompanies
his narrative with judicious reflections, and these reflections flow
naturally from his subject. Garcilasso finished this work in 1591,
more than thirty years after he, had arrived in Spain.

We know what sort of a man Richelet was for the purity of
our language. And if we would make one conceive something cor-
rect and chaste, it is sufficient to say that this version is from him.
He is too well known to the world by his excellent dictionary for us
to undertake to say much of him here.

* De Citri de la Guette, in the preface to his translation of the " Conqujest of
Florida," by a Portuguese gentleman.

HISTORY

THE CONQUEST OF FLORIDA;

OB,

A NARRATIVE OF WHAT OCCURRED IN THE EXPLORATION
OF THIS COUNTRY BY HERNANDO DE SOTO.

BY
THE INCA GARCILASSO DE LA VEGA.

TRANSLATED FEOM THE FBENCH VERSION OP

PIERRE RICHELET,
FEOM THE ORIGINAL SPANISH.

CONTENTS.

PART FIRST.
BOOK FIRST.

PAGE

Chapter I. Design of the Author 237

11. Bounds of Florida 238

III. Those -who have undertaken the Conquest of Florida . 239

IV. Religion and Customs of the People of Florida . . 241
V. Preparations for Florida 243

VI. Embarkation for Florida 244

YII. What happened to the Army from San Lucar to Cuba . 245

VIII. Combat of two Ships 248

IX. Arrival of De Soto at Cuba 250

X. Despair of some of the Inhabitants of Cuba . . . 251

XI. Vasco Porcallo de Figueroa joins the Army . . . 252

XII. Soto arrives at Havana 253

XIII. The Adventure of Ferdinand Ponce at Havana . . 254

BOOK SECOND.

Chaptee I. The arrival of Hernando de Soto in Florida . . . 257

II. The death of three Spaniards, and the tortures which

Juan Ortis suffered 259

III. The Escape of Ortis 261

IV. The generosity of the Cacique MncoQo .... 262
V. The General sends to demand Ortis .... 264

VI. The Meeting of Ortis and Gallego 265

VII. MucoQO visits the General 267

VIII. The Mother of Mucoqo comes to the Camp . . . 268

IX. Preparations to advance into the Country . . . 269

X. Continuation of the Discovery 271

XI. The Misfortune of Porcallo 272

XII. The Report of Gallego 273

XIII. The Passage of th^ Swamp 274

XIV. Silvestre carries the orders of the General to Moscoso . 276
XV. The return of Silvestre 278-

XVI. The Province of Acuera 279

232

CONTENTS.

Chapter XVII. The entry of the Spaniards into the Province of

Ocaly ....

XVIII. The Province of Vitachuco

XIX. The brother of Ochile comes to the Camp, and sends

for Vitachuco

XX. The Arrival of Vitachuco

XXI. The Result of the Enterprise of Vitachuco

XXII. The Defeat of the Indians

XXIII. The Fortitude of the Indians, and their exit from

the Pond

XXIV. The Death of Vitachuco
XXV. The Consequence of the Death of Vitachuco

XXVI. The Province of Ossachile .
XXVII. Concerning the Town and House of the Cacique,
Ossachile, and the Capitals of other Provinces
XXVIII. The author anticipates some difficulties .

281
283

285
288
290
291

293
296
298
299

300
301

BOOK THIRD.

Chaptek I. The Arrival of the Troops at Apalache .... 303

II. The Passage of the Swamp 304

III. The March of the Spaniards to the Capital . . . 306

IV. They reconnoitre the Country 308

V. The Discovery of the Coast 309

VI. A Party of Thirty Lancers for the Province of Hirriga . 312

VII. The Capture of Capasi 315

VIII. Capasi goes to quell his subjects, and escapes . . . 316

IX. Continuation of the March of the thirty Lancers . . 318
X. Continuation of the Journey of the thirty Lancers to

Hirriga 321

XL The Arrival of the Party at Hirriga .... 324

XII. They execute the Orders of the General . . . . 326

XIII. "What happened in the Neighborhood of Hirriga during

the absence of Soto . ' 326

XIV. The Departure from the Town of Hirriga . . . 328
XV. Continuation of the March of Calderon, and his arrival at

the Camp 330

XVL The Discovery of the Coast 334

XVII. They send to Havana an account of the Discovery . . 335

XVIII. The intrepidity of an Indian 336

XIX. They offer to conduct the Spaniards to Places where they

believe there were Gold and Silver .... 337
XX. Concerning some single Combats, and the fertility of

Apalache 338

CONTENTS.

233

BOOK FOTJRTH.

PAQE

Chapteb I. Departure from Apalache 340

II. Arrival in the Provinces of Altapalia and Aclialaque . 342

III. Concerning the Cacique Cofa and his province . . 343

IV. Cofaqui receives the Spaniards 344

V. The Adventure of an Indian 346

VI. The March of the Troops 347

VII. Continuation of what happened in the Wilderness . . '350

VIII. The success of the Captains sent out to explore . . 351
IX. Arrival of the General at Cofaciqui, and the Discovery of

the Country 352

X. The Conduct of the Lady of Cofaciqui .... 354

XI. The Army crosses the Cofaciqui River .... 356

XII. They send for the Mother of the Lady of Cofaciqui. . 357

XIII. The Death of the Indian Chief, and the return of the

Envoys 358

XIV. The Metal which they found in Cofaciqui . . .360
XV. The Temple where were interred the most distinguished

Inhabitants of Cofaciqui 361

XVI. Description of the Temple of Talomeoo .... 362
XVII. Departure from Cofaciqui, and what happened on the

March as far as Chovala 366

XVIII. The generosity ,of the Lady of Cofaciqui .... 367

XIX. What happened to the Troops in the Wilderness . . 369

PAET SECOND.

Chapteb I.
II.

in.

IV.

V.

VL
VIL

VIIL

IX.

X.

BOOK FIRST.

How the Caciques of Guachoule and Iciaha received the

Troops 370

The Manner in which the Indians extract Pearls from

their Shells 371

The Reception of the Spaniards in the Provinces of Acos-

te and CoQa 373

The Civility of the Cacique Co(;a, and the Departure of

the Troops . 374

The Manner in which Tascaluca received the General . 376
The Discovery of the Treachery at Mauvila . . . 378
The Decision of the Council of the Cacique, and the be-
ginning of the Battle of Mauvila .... 380
Continuation of the Battle of Mauvila .... 382
Some particulars concerning the Battle .... 386
The Condition of the Spaniards after the Battle . . 387

234

CONTENTS.

Chapter XI.
XII.

XIII.
XIV.

XV.

XVI.

XVII.

PAUE

Indians killed in Battle 388

The Conduct of the Troops after the Battle, and the

Mutiny of some Soldiers 389

Concerning Indian Adulteresses 392

The Entrance of the Spaniards into the Province of

ChicaQa 394

The Battle of ChicaQa 396

What the Spaniards did after the Battle . . . 399

An Invention against Cold 400

Chapter I.

II.

III.

IV.

V.

VI.

VII.

VIII.

IX.

X.

XI.

XII.
XIII.
XIV.

XV.

BOOK SECOND.

The Attack upon Fort Alibamo 401

The Death of many Spaniards for want of Salt . . 403
The Troops arrive at Chisca, and make Peace with the

Cacique 404

What happened to the Spaniards from Chisca to Casquin 406

A Procession in which they adore the Cross . . . 408

The March of the Troops to Capaha ..... 410
The Excesses which the Casquins committed in the Temple

of Capaha, and the Pursuit of the Cacique . . . 411

The Casquins flee, and Soto makes Peace with Capaha . 413

Peace between Casquin and Capaha . . . 415

The Spaniards send to seek Salt, afld go to the Province

of Quiguate 417

The Troops arrive at Colima ; they make Salt and pro-
ceed to Tula 419

The Inhabitants of Tula 421

The Combat of an Indian with four Spaniards . . 422

The Departure from Tula, and the wintering of the Troops

at Utiangue 424

The Stratagem of the Cacique of Utiangue, and the Dis-
covery of the Province of Naguatex .... 426

Chapter I.

II.

III.

IV.

V.

VI.

VII.

VIII.
IX.

e

BOOK THIRD.

The Entry of the Troops into Naguatex .... 427

The Flight of Gusman 428

Concerning the Province of Guacane .... 430

The March of the Troops to the Provice of Anilco . . 431
Concerning Guachoia, its Cacique, and the War of the

Indians 432

The Vengeance of Guachoia 434

The Return of the General to the Town of Guachoia, and

his Preparations for Mexico 436

The Death of Soto " . 437

The Funeral of Soto 438

CONTENTS.

235

Chapter X.

XI.
XII.

XIII.
XIV.

XV.

XVI.

XVII.

XVIII.

XIX.

XX.

XXI.
XXII.

XXIII.

The Decision of the Troops after the death of their
General

The Superstition of the Indians ....

The arrival of the Spaniards at Auche, and the Death
of their Guide

What happened in the Province of Herdsmen

The Beturn of the Spaniards to the Ohucagua, and their
Adventures

The Troops take possession of Aminoia

The Conduct of two Caciques to the Spaniards .

The League of some Caciques ....

The Quarrel of Guachoia with the Lieutenant of Anilco

Concerning an Indian Spy

The Preparations of the Leagued Caciques ; and an
overflow of the Chucagua ....

They send to Anilco

The Conduct of the Spaniards during the overflow, and
the News of the Continuation of the League .

Concerning the Envoys of the League, and the Prepara-
tions of the Spaniards to Embark

439
440

441
443

445
449
450
452
453
455

■457
458

460

461

BOOK FOURTH.

Chapter I. The Captains of the Caravels, and the Embarkation of

the Troops

II. The Boats and Bafts of the Indians.

III. The Vessels of the Fleet of the allied Caoiqnes

IV. The Battle with the Indians upon the Biver .
V; Adventures of the Spaniards

VI. A Stratagem of the Indians, and the rashness of

Spaniard

VII. The Beturn of the Indians to their Country, and the ar-
rival of the Spaniards at the Sea
VIII. The number of Leagues which the Spaniards travelled in
Florida, and a Fight with the Indians of the Coast
IX. The Voyage of the Spaniards, and their Adventures
X. The Adventure of two Caravels ....
XI. They send to seek the General, and.to Explore the Country
XII. The Spaniards know that they are in Mexico .

XIII. The Arrival of the Spaniards at Panuco, and their Dis-

sensions

XIV. The Arrival and Eeception of the Spaniards at Mexico
XV. Concerning some particulars of the Journey .

XVI. The Spaniards disband

XVII. What Maldonado and Arias did to get Information con-
cerning De Soto

XVIII. The Christians who have died in Florida .

463
464
465
466
467

469

471

472
473
475
477
479

480
482
483
484

484
485

HISTORY OF FLORIDA.

PAET FIRST.

BOOK FIEST.

DESIGN OF THE AUTHOR ; BOUNDARIES OF FLORIDA ; BY WHOM IT
WAS DISCOVERED; CUSTOMS OF ITS INHABITANTS; PREPARA-
TIONS OF HERNANDO DE SOTO TO CONQUER IT.

CHAPTER I.

DESIGN OF THE AUTHOR.

I DESIGN to write of the discovery of Florida and the memorable
deeds that have been done there. But as Hernando de Soto
performed great actions there, and as this relation particularly
concerns him, I shall commence his history from the beginning.
Soto was one of the twelve conquerors of Peru, and parti'cipated in
the capture of Atahualpa,* who was the last king of Peru. This
prince was the natnral son of the inca Huayna Capac, and had
usurped the kingdom from the legitimate heir, who was called
Huascar. But the cruelties of this usurper caused the people to
revolt against him, which facilitated to the Spaniards the conquest
of Peru, and procured them great riches. The fifth alone, for the
emperor, amounted to nearly two million three hundred thousand
ducats, and Hernando de Soto had more than a hundred thousand.l
This captain received, besides that, many presents from the In-
dians, and from Atahualpa himself, who gave him magnificent ones,
because he was the first Spaniard to whom he had spoken. When
Soto had thus enriched himself, he returned to Si)ain with seve-
ral others, who had all made fortunes at Caxa Malca. But in-

* Atabalipa in the French text.

t De Soto brought from Peru to Spain one hundred and eighty thousand ducats.

238 HISTORY OF FLORIDA.

stead of thinking of tlie acquisition of some great estate in bis own
country, the remembrance of the glorious deeds which he had
achieved, inspired him with a vast design. Therefore he went
to Valladolid to solicit Charles the Fifth to permit him to under-
take the conquest of Florida, and engaged to do it at his own
expense, and to do everj'thing for the glory of the empire. What
most prompted him to this illustrious enterprise was seeing that he
had conquered nothing in his own right; that Hernando Cortes had
conquered Mexico; and Pizarro and Almegro, Peru. For, not
inferior to them, neither in valor nor in any other qualitj', he could
not endure that fortune should be more propitious to them than to
himself. He therefore renounced all his claims upon Peru, and
turned all his thoughts upon the conquest of Florida, where he
died. It is thus, that great commanders have sacrificed themselves
for the interest of their sovereigns. Nevertheless, there are among
us, persons who maliciously say, that Spain owes to the rashness of
some young fools, the greater part of the countries of the new
world. But they do not reflect, that they themselves are the
children of Spain, and that this generous mother has not raised
those to whom she has given birth, but to conquer America and to
carrj- the terror of their arras into the rest of the earth.

CHAPTER II.

THE BOUNDS OF FLORIDA.

Florida is so-called because it was discovered on Palm Sunday,
the 21th of March of the year 1513. But because it is a great
country, of which all the parts are neither conquered nor known, it
is difficult to describe them accurately. It is not known, in fact,
whether Florida is bounded on the north bj' the sea or by the land.
What is certain is, that it has the Gulf of Mexico and the Island of
Cuba to the south ; to the east, the ocean which faces Africa ; and
to the west, what is now called New Mexico. In this direction is
the province of the Seven Towns, which was so called by Tasquez
Coronado, who went, in 1539, to discover those regions. But as
tliey could not settle them, Antonio de Mendoca, who had sent him
there, lost with regret all that he had expended in this enterprise.

ATTEMPTED CONQUEST OF FLORIDA. 239

CHAPTER IIT.

THOSE WHO HAVE ATTEMPTED THE CONQUEST OF FLORIDA.

Juan Ponce de Leon was the first who discovered Florida. He
was a gentleman, born in the kingdom of Leon, and had been gov-
ernor of the island of Porto Rico. As the Spaniards then thought
only of making new discoveries, he equipped two caravels, and
endeavored by every means to discover the island of Bimini, on ac-
count of the report that there was there a fountain which restored
youth to old men. But after having searched in vain for this island,
a tempest cast him upon the coast which is opposite the north part
of Cuba ; and he named this continent Florida, and without consider-
ing whether it was an island or the mainland, he proceeded to Spain
to ask permission to conquer it, and obtained it. Wherefore, in tl>e
year 1513, he equipped three vessels, and landed in the country
which he had discovered.* The Indians, on his arrival, forcibly re-
pulsed him, and slew nearly all his people, except seven wounded,
of which number he was, who fled to Cuba, wiiere they all died of
their wounds. Such was tlie end of Ponce and his expedition. But
after him, it seemed, that all attempts upon Florida continued to be
fatal to those who made them.' Some years after tliis misfortune,
the pilot Mirvelo, who commanded a caravel, going to traffic with the
savages, a storm drove him upon the coast of Florida, where he was
so favorably received, that he returned very well pleased to the is-
land of Saint Domingo. But he did not profit bj- this opportunity,
like a wise pilot, for he had not the precaution to take the latitude
of the places, and this neglect cost him dearly as will be seen.

At the same time seven of the richest men of Saint Domingo
formed a company, and sent two vessels to the islands of Florida,
in order to bring from them Indians to work in the mines which they
possessed in common. These vessels landed at the cape which was
named Saint Helena ; because thej- arrived there on the anniversary
of that saint. They passed thence to a river which they called the
Jourdain from the name of him who discovered it. The Spaniards
landed at this place, and the inhabitants of the countrj', who had
not yet seen ships, were led to consider them as supernatural things.
They were also astonished at the fashion of the attire of the stran-
gers, and at seeing men with beards. But that did not prevent them

* This was in 1521, and, as Garcilasso gives 1513 as the date of the discovery
of Florida, the above date in the text is evidently a misprint.

240 HISTORY OP FLORIDA.

from receiving them kindly ; for they gave them marten skins, some
silver, and some seed pearls. The Spaniards made them presents
in return, and induced them, by their caresses, to visit the vessels.
The Indians, wlio trusted to these appearances of friendship, to the
number of one hundred and thirty, entered the ships. Our people
immediately weighed anchor, and went, with all sail, to Saint Do-
mingo But only one of the two vessels arrived at port, and also
they did not profit by their prize. These poor savages, in despair
at having been deceived, abandoned themselves to grief, and starved
themselves to death. This news having spread in Saint Domingo,
Vasquez Lucas d'Aillon went to Spain to ask permission to conquer
Chicorie, one of the provinces of Florida, and the administration
of the country which he should subdue. The emperor* granted
to him what he desired, and in addition to this favor, conferred
upon him the order of San lago. Aillon,on his return to Saint
Domingo, equipped three vessels in 1524, and took Mirvelo to con-
duct him to the land where this pilot had been ; because it was be-
lieved to be tiie most fertile of all that had been discovered to that
time. But because Mirvelo no longer remembered the place where he
had first landed, he tried in vain to reach it, and he was so sensibly
affected by it that he lost both his reason and Iiis life. Aillon did
not cease to go on, and even after the admiral ship was lost in
the Jourdain, he continued his voyage with his two remaining ves-
sels, and anchored near to Chicorie, on a very pleasant coast, where,
at first, he was very well received. So tiiat, as he imagined it would
be very easy for him to conquer the country, he sent two hundred
men to reconnoitre it. The Indians, who concealed their evil de- '
signs, conducted tliem into the interior of the country; and after
having manifested much friendship for them, they recalled the
treachery of the other Spaniards to them, and fell upon them and cut
them in pieces. Then they came with fury upon Aillon and his
comrades, who had remained upon the vessels; they slew and
wounded many of them, and forced the rest to return quickly to
Saint Domingo. The most important of those who escaped were
Aillon and a gentleman of Badajos, by whom I have heard narrated
the defeat which I have just related.(ii)

This misfortune did not deter Pamphile de Narbaez. He went
to Florida in 1529,* and took with him the young Mirvelo, tlie
nephew of him of whom I have spoken. But, tliough lie had some
knowledge of the country, having been instructed by his uncle, lie
was not, however, more fortunate than he. Naibaez himself, in this
voyage, perished with his people, excepting Alvar Nugnez, Cabeca

* The Emperor Charles V. f "Others say in 1528."

RELIGION AND CTJSTOMS OP THE PEOPLE OF FLORIDA. 241

de Vaca, and four of his companions, who returned to Spain, where
they obtained some public offices. But that did not succeed ; for
they died very miserably, and Alvar returned, a prisoner, to Valla-
dolid, where he ended his days. After those of whom I have just
spoken, Hernando de Soto undertook to invade Florida. He
arrived there in 1539, but finally he lost bis fortune and his life
there. His death being known in Spain, many asked the govern-
ment of Florida, and permission to continue the discover}' of it.
But Charles the Fifth would listen to no one upon the subject.
However, in 1549, he sent there Cancel Balbastro, a Dominican
monk, as the superior of those of bis order, who should go to preach
the gospel to the inhabitants of Florida. This father, arrived in
these countries, began to catechise the natives ; but instead of lis-
tening to liim, the Indians, who remembered the injuries they had
received from the Spaniards, slew him, and two of bis companions.
The others, completely frightened, regained the vessels, and re-
turned in hastei to Spain, and said, as an excuse for their quick '
return, that the barbarians had hardened hearts, and took no plea-
sure in hearing the word of God. Thirteen years afterwards the
government of Florida was promised to one of the sons of Aillon
if he would conquer it. But as he solicited his departure, 'and they
put off from one day to another the execution of his enterprise, he
died of grief. Pedro Menendez and several otliers went afterwards
to Florida. Nevertheless, as I have not sufficient knowledge of
what they did there, I shall not speak of it.

CHAPTER IV.

4

RELIGION AND CUSTOMS OF THE PEOPLE OF FLORIDA.

The people of Florida are idolaters, and have the sun and moon
for divinities, which they adore without offering them either prayers
or sacrifices. However, they have temples, but they make use of
them only to inter those who die, and to shut up there their treas-
ures. They erect also at the entrance of these temples, in the form
of a trophy, the spoils of their enemies.

These Indians espouse ordinarily but one wife, who is obliged to
remain faithful to her husband, under penalty of being punished
with a shameful chastisement, or sometimes with a cruel death.
But, by a privilege of the country, the great have permission to
have as many wives as they please. However, they have but one
legitimate wife. The others are but as concubines, so that the
16

242 HISTORY OP FLORIDA.

children that spring from these last do not share equally the estate
of the father with the children of his wife.

This custom is also observed in Peru, for, except the incas and
the caciques, who, in the quality of princes and lords, have as many
wives as they desire, or as they can support, it is not permitted to
the others to have more than one. These persons of rank say that
they are obliged to fight, and that it is necessary that they should
have many wives, in order to have many children who may share
their labors ; that the greater part of the nobles dying in battles, it
is necessary that they should have a great number of them ; and
that, as the multitude have no share in public aflfairs and are not
exposed to perils, there are always enough people to labor and bear
the expenses of the government.

To return to the inhabitants of Florida. They have no cattle
and support no flocks. They eat instead of bread, corn ; and instead
of meat, fish and vegetables. However, as they are accustomed to
hunt, they often have game, for they kill with ' their arrows harts,
roebucks, and deer, which they have in abundance, and larger than
those of Spain. They also catch many kinds of birds, which they
eat, and of which the plumage of different colors serves them to
deck their heads, and to distinguish during peace the nobles from
the people, and during war the soldiers from those who do not bear
arms. They drink only water ; they eat their meat well cooked,
their fruit nearly ripe, their fish well roasted, and ridicule the Span-
iards, who use them otherwise. So I cannot give faith to those
who report that these people eat human flesh. At least, I dare say
that it has not happened in the provinces which Soto discovered ;
and that, on the eontrarj^, they have an extreme horror of this
inhumanity; for, some Spaniards residing in a quarter where they
died of hunger, and their companions eating them as they expired,
there was*but the last who escaped it, at which the Indians were so
offended that they wished to go and slay the Spaniards who were
in another place.

Tiie people of Florida go almost naked ; they wear only a kind of
chamois or buckskin drawers. These drawers are of diverse colors,
and serve to cover what decency requires them to conceal. Their
cloak is a kind of cover which hangs from the neck to the middle of
the leg ; it is ordinarily of fine marten-skins, and smells of a very
agreeable musk odor. They sometimes have them also of cat's,
deer, stag's, bear's, lion's, and even of cow's skins, which they pre-
pare so well that they can use it as cloth. As for their hair, they
wear it long, and tied on their heads. Their cap is a colored net-
work, which they attach to their forehead in such a manner that the

PREPARATIONS FOR PLORIDA. 243

ends hang as far as below the ears. Their women are also clothed
with the skins of deer or roebucks, and have all the body covered
in a decent and modest mannei'.(i2)

The Indians make use of all sorts of arms except the crossbow
and the musket. Thej' believe that the bow and arrow give thein
a particular grace, and for that reason they alwaj'S carry them to
the chase and to the war. But as thej' have a very convenient
height, their bows are very long and large in proportion. They are
of oak ordinarily, or of some other wood of this sort ; it is for this
reason that they are difficult to bend, and there is no Spaniard who
can draw the cord to his face, whereas the Indians draw it even
behind the ear, and make astonishing shots. The cord of their bow
is of the skin of the stag, and this is how they make it: from the
skin of the stag they cut from the tail to the head a thong two
fingers in breadth. Then they take the hair from this tliong, soak
it, twist it, and attach one end of it to the branch of a tree, and the
other to a weight of one hundred or one hundred and twenty pounds,
and leave this skin until it becomes in the form of a large catgut.
Finally, in order not to wound the left arm with the cord when it is
discharged, they make use of a half armlet of large feathers, which
covers it from the wrist to the elbow, and which is secured with a
leather strap, with which they make several turns around the arm,
and thus they discharge the cord with a force altogether remarkable.

These, in brief, are the customs of the inhabitants of Florida.
But as I have spoken also concisely of those who discovered it, and
as the enterprise of Soto upon this countrj' is more illustrious than
that of the others, I shall now relate at more length the things
whicli he did in these countries. I shall describe the provinces
which he discovered there, and tell tlie deeds of his soldiers to the
time when they left Florida and retired to Mexico.

CHAPTER V.

PREPARATIONS FOR EtORIDA.

Soto obtained permission to conquer Florida and to erect a mar-
qnisate, thirty leagues long by fifteen wide, in the country which he
should conquer. The emperor, who granted him this favor, gave
him also the government of St. lago de Cuba, in order to take in
this island what should be necessary for his design, and appointed
him to be governor-general of Florida when he should conquer it.

This news spread through Spain, it was believed that Soto was
going to annex to the crown new kingdoms. As he was one of

244 HISTORY OF FLORIDA.

those who had conquered Peru, and as he employed in this last
enterprise all his fortune, they believed that it would greatly ex-
ceed the first, and that they would em-ich themselves in following
his fortunes. This was the reason why persons of every degree
were attracted to this enterprise ; and in the hope of acquiring
from it great wealth, they abandoned what was most dear to them,
and all presented themselves to accompany Soto. There joined
him, at the same time, seven gentlemen who had returned from the
conquest of Peru, and who had in view only the acquisition of
riches. As they were not contented with what they had, and the
desire to accumulate increased in them, they believed that they
would better satisfy their avarice in Florida than iu Peru.

Soto, therefore, in virtue of his power, began to give his orders
for his vessels, and for everything which he needed. He chose per-
sons upon whom he could relieve himself of some of his cares ; he
raised troops and made captains and other officers. In the mean
time, they executed with so much despatch what he had com-
manded, that, in less than fifteen or sixteen months, everything was
ready and conducted to San Lucar de Barramede, so that the sol-
diers repaired there with great quantities of cordage, mattocks,
panniers, and other things necessary for their enterprise, and in
that manner they embarked.(i3)

CHAPTER VI.

THE EMBARKATION FOR FLORIDA.

There assembled for Florida, at San Lucar, more than nine hun-
dred Spaniards, all in the prime of life, because strength was re-
quired to support the fatigues of war, and to overcome the obstacles
that are met with in enterprises upon the countries of the new
world. However, as vigor alone did not suffice, the general ordered
money to be distributed to the troops, having regard to the equi-
page and birth of those to whom it was given. Several officers who
were not equipped, received this favor ; others, who considered the
great expense which Soto was obliged to make, refused it, in the
belief that it would be more generous to employ their means for
his service, than to be a burden to him.

When the weather was favorable for navigation, the troops em-
barked upon ten vessels, of which seven were large, and three
small. The general, with all his family, embarked upon the St.
Christopher, well provided with soldiers and materials. Nunez
Touar, lieutenant-general, with Carlos Henriquez, embarked upon

WHAT HAPPENED TO THE ARMY FROM SAN LUCAR TO CUBA. 245

the Madelaine. Louis de Moscoso, colonel of cavalry, commanded
the ship Conception, which was of more than five hundred tons.
Andrez Vasconcelos was captain of the galleon Bonne Fortune, and
had a company of Portuguese gentlemen, some of whom had served
in Spain. Diego Garcia commanded the ship Saint Jean, and Arias
Tinoco tiiat of Sainte Barbe. Alonzo Romo de Cardenioso was
upon the galleon St. Antoine, and had with him Diego Arias Tinoco,
ensign colonel of the army. Pedro Calderon commanded a very fine
caravel, and had in his company Misser Espindola, captain of sixty
halberdiers of the general's guard. There were, besides these, two
brigantines, which were used for tenders, because they were lighter
than the ships. There also embarked upon these vessels, priests,
and some monks,* all men of exemjDlary probity. To this army was
joined, also, the fleet destined for Mexico, which consisted of twenty
ships. Soto was commander of it as far as the island of Cuba
(where it was necessary for this fleet to separate, in order to go to
Vera Cruz), and then he was to leave the command of it to Goncalo
de Salazar, the first Christian born in the town of Granada, after
the Moors had abandoned it (in 1492). Therefore, in consideration
of this quality, the Catholic sovereigns who conquered that place,
granted great privileges to this gentleman, and overwhelmed him
with their favors. These two fleets left San Lucar the sixth day of
April, of the year fifteen hundred and thirty-eight, with everything
necessary, but especially there was nothing wanting to the ti'oops
that were going to Florida.

CHAPTER VII.

WHAT HAPPENED TO THE ARMY FROM SAN LTJCAR TO CUBA.

The day that the fleet set sail, Soto, a little before night, ordered
Silvestre, in whom he confided, to visit the sentinels, with orders to
the captain of artillery to have the cannon ready, in' order that
should any ship fail of its duty to fire thereupon. This was
immediately executed ; and about midnight a great confusion
happened. The sailors of Salazar's ship, wishing to show tlie speed
of their vessel, or to go at the head of the fleet with that of the
general, or rather having allowed themselves to be overcome by
sleep, and the pilot who tlien steered the vessel not having a suffi-
cient knowledge of the rules which are observed in an armada, the
vessel went oflT a cannon-shot from the fleet, and gained the advance

* "Francisco de Pozo, Dionisio de Paris, Louis de Soto, Juan de Gallegos,
Francisco de Eocha, Juan de Torres."

246 HISTORY OP FLORIDA.

of Soto's ship, which was at the head. But as Silvestre, to whom
the general had given his orders, was on the alert, and as he saw
the ship of Salazar, he awoke the captain of artillery, and asked
him if that vessel belonged to the fleet, and upon his reply that it
had not the appearance of it, because the sailors who should thus
advance would deserve death, caused the ship to be fired upon.
The first shot broke the sails ; another carried away tlie gunnel,
and they heard those who were in the ship ask for quarter, crying
out that they belonged to the fleet. In the mean time the other
ships took to arms at the report of the cannon, and got ready to
fire upon this vessel, which, drifting with the wind because its sails
were torn, fell afoul of the admiral,* which was giving chase to it.
This misfortune was more vexatious than the other; some, in the
fear and the disoi'der in which they were, thought more of excusing
their fault than of managing their vessel ; others, on the contrary,
under the belief that the action of the people of Salazar was a
mark of contempt, breathed only vengeance, and did not mind
any method, nor how they sailed. Finally, however, when they
perceived that the two vessels were going to injure each other, they
made use of poles and pikes, and broke more than three hundred
of them to arrest the violenceof the shock and save themselves
from danger. But they could not prevent the ships from entan-
gling their rigging and running the risk of being sunk. Not a ves-
sel succored them in this confusion. The pilot, afi"righted, despaired
of extricating himself from the danger ; the night prevented them
from knowing what was necessary to be done ; the air resounded
with cries, and as the noise hindered them from hearing, neither
the soldiers could obey, nor the captain command. This was the
condition to which the two vessels were reduced, when God inspired
them to cut the rigging of Salazar's vessel, which had caused all
the accident; for immediately they found themselves out of dan-
ger, and Soto's ship, favored by the wind, separated from the other.
However, this general, enraged either at having seen himself in
peril, or believing that his misfortnne was the effect of contempt
that Salazar showed him, reproached him, and lacked but little to
have had his head cut oft But Salazar apologized with respect,
and supported with so much address his reasons, that Soto received
his excuses, and generously forgot everything. Salazar did not act
exactly in the same way ; for in Mexico, when he sometimes spoke
of this adventure, he manifested bitterness against Soto, and ar-
dently wished to find an occasion to challenge him, in order to

* The ship of the commander of a fleet or squadron was called " the admiral."

WHAT HAPPENED TO THE ARMY PROM SAN LUCAR TO CUBA. 24T

avenge himself of the outrage which this general had done him.
But to return to the fleet. After the sailors of Salazar had repaired
the rigging, the fleet came to anchor at Gomera,* where it recruited.
In the mean time the general found so many charms in the natural
daughter of the lord of this island, that he demanded her of him,
promising to marry her richly in the country which he was going
to conquer. This lord, who believed the words of Soto, confided
to him his daughter, who was then but sixteen years of age. But
he put her, in the first place, in the hands of Isabella de Bovadilla,
the wife of the general, and besought her to have, in the future, for
this young person, the sentiments of a mother. Afterwards Solo
left Gomera, and, favored by the wind, he perceived, at the end of
May, the island of Cuba. Then Salazar obtained permission to
separate from the fleet, and he conducted the army of Mexico to
Vera Cruz. The general, rejoiced to have safely finished his voy-
age, thought only of repairing to the port. As he was ready to
enter it, the troops saw a horseman coming at full speed, who cried
out with all his strength to the admiral ship, ^^ starboard." This
horseman had been sent from the town of San lago, to cause the •
ship of the general to perish among the shoals and rocks which are
encountered in the places which he designated. And in fact, the
sailors, who were not well acquainted with the entrance of the
port, brought the bow in that direction. But as soon as the horse-
man discovered that it was a friendly vessel, he changed, to cry to
them " Zarfioa/d ;" and, dismounting, he ran and made signs to
them to pass to the other side, or that they would go to destruc-
tion. The admiral, who comprehended the thoughts of tliis man,
took immediatel.y to the left. However, notwithstanding what dili-
gence he made, he ran against a rock ; so that the sailors, who believed
that the vessel had sprung a leak, had recourse to the pumps ; but,
instead of water, they drew wine, vinegar, oil, and honey,
"many casks Cnat were full of then]^ Iriaxi UTO'l sEarod. This accident
increased to such a degree their fear, that losing ntearly all hope of
escaping from danger, they lowered the boat, into which entered
the wile of the general, aud the ladies of lier suite, and several
young men who were the first to escape. Soto was very much self-
possessed on this occasion; for, notwithstanding the entreaties of
his people, he remained firm at his post ; he encouraged some, by
his example, to work, and controlled the others. He finally gave
orders for everything, and made them descend into the hold of the

* ' ' Gfomera, port and capital of the island of Gomera, one of the Canaries
in the Atlantic Ocean."

248 HISTORY OF FLORIDA.

ship, where they found nothing was broken but the casks. The
army felt much joy at this, and there were only those who had
escaped with the ladies, who had -some mortification, having mani-
fested so little firmness in danger.

CHAPTER VIII.

COMBAT OP TWO SHIPS.

Ten days before the general arrived at the port of Cuba, Diego
Perez arrived there with a ship fully equipped. Perez was of__
Seville, and went to trafficking among the islands of the new world.
It is not so well known what was his rank ; it is known only that
in all his actions he acted with so much honor that, from his con-
duct only, it might be judged that he had a noble soul. He had
been in this port but three daj-s when there arrived there a French
corsair, who had a very good ship and was a very brave man. But
as the Spaniards also had much valor, they had no sooner recog-
nized that they were national enemies than they attacked each other
and fought until night separated them, after which they sent their
compliments to each other, with presents of wine and fruits, and
promised each other that during the night there should be a truce,
and even that cannon should not be fired on either side. They said
there was neither courage nor honor to fight with 'cannon ; that it
was more glorious to owe their victory only to their courage and
their sword ; and that, besides, they would be enriched with the
spoils of the vanquished and with an excellent ship. They kept
their word ; and yet, for fear of some surprise, they did not neglect
to post sentinels during the night. The next day, at break of day,
they renewed the conflict with so much obstinacy tliat it was only
fatigue and liunger that separated them. But when they had re-
covered their strength, they fought again until evening. Afterward
they visited each otlier, made presents, and offered to each other
remedies for the wounded.

During that night Perez wrote to the inhabitants of Sian lago
that it was necessary to purge their sea of a corsair as formidable
as he whom he was trying to sink; that, in consideration of the
efforts that he was making to oblige them, he requested them to
promise him that, if he should fail, they would render to him or to
his heirs the value of his ship ; that if they would assure him of this
favor, he would die, or triumph over his enemy; that he demanded
of them this favor because he was worth nothing but his ship; and
that, if he possessed other riches, he would hazard with all his heart

COMBAT OF TWO SHIPS. 249

what he had upon the sea, for their service. Tlie town of San lago
received very ungraciously the proposition of Perez; for, very far
from according him anything, they replied that he might do what
he pleased ; that they would not guarantee him anything. This
captain, piqued at their ingratitude, placed his hopes in his own
courage, and resolved to fight alike for his honor and his fortune.
With this view, as soon as tlie third day appeared, Perez prepared
for the combat, and attacked his enemy with as much vigor as
before. The Frenchman, on his part, received the Spaniard with
confidence, resolved to conquer or die. It was, in reality, rather
honor than profit which animated these captains, for except their
ships, which were worth something, the rest which they possessed
was inconsiderable. However, i\\ey attacked each other, fighting
like lions, and did not separate except to take breath. They after-
ward renewed the combat, irritated at not having been able to gain
any advantage over each other. Is ight finally separated them ;
each retired with his wounded and his dead, and they sent to each
other in the accustomed manner. A conduct so extraordinary
astonished the town ; to see two persons who were seeking fortune
contend with so much courage, with the intention to take each
other's life, without having been oliliged.to it by duty, nor by the
hope of being recompensed by their kings, since neither of these
brave men fought by the order of his prince.

The fourth day, when Perez and the corsair had saluted each
other with a few volleys of cannon, they continued the combat, and
did not quit it but to give orders for their wounded. They fonglit
afterwards with so much ardor that night alone separated them.
Then they sent to pay their compliments to each other, and enter-
tained each other with divers presents. But as Perez had remarked
feebleness in his enemy, he requested him that the combat might
be continued the first opportunity until one or the other gained the
victory ; and, to pledge him to it, he challenged him according to
the rules of war, adding that, after the courage lie had shown to
him whom he had fought, he hoped that he would willingly accept
the challenge. Tlie French captain replied that he accepted it with
all his heart, and that at the day appointed he would conquer or
die. He even besought Perez to take all the night to renew his
strength for the next day, and not to deceive him with a false chal-
lenge, because he wished to show in his own person the valor of the
French nation. Nevertheless, when he knew that the time was
favorable to escape he secretly weighed anchor and set sail. The
Spanish sentinels heard some noise, but in the belief that their
enemy was preparing for the battle they did not give the alarm, and
when day appeared they were' surprised to see that he had escaped.

250 HISTORY OP FLORIDA.

Perez, nfflicted at this flight, because he believed the victory was
assured to him, took at San lago what he needed and pursued tlie
corsair. But he was already afar, and, after all, he did well not to
try any longer the fortunes of battle, since the success of it was
uncertain for him.

Certainly the proceeding of these captains was worthy of remark.
They attacked each other as real enemies, and, nevertheless, it
seemed that after the combat they loved each other as brothers.
They had for each other only respect and kindness, and they gave
noble proofs that their civility did not yield to their courage, and
that, whether in peace or in war, they were equally generous.

CHAPTER IX.

AREIVAL-OP DE SOTO AT CUBA.

When the inhabitants of San lago, still wholly frightened at the
combat, saw the vessels of the general appear, they feared lest it
should be the corsair, who was returning with others to sack their
town ; which induced them, as has been said, to cause Hernando de
Soto to wreck himself if it were possible. But when they recognized
him they changed their design, and he safely landed. The people ran
to meet him, and promised to obey him, and testified their aflfection
by frequent cries of joy. They afterwards asked his pardon for
their mistake, caused by the battle of which the^' had been the
spectators. However, as tliey did not speak to him of their conduct
to Perez, and as the general was secretlj' informed of it, he blamed
them for their ingratitude. He represented to them that the cap-
tain had risked himself for their service; that the victory having
balanced four days between him and his enemy, it had been easj' for
them, with a boat of thirty men, to have rendered him master of
this corsair ; that the fear which had hindered them from declaring
themselves was badly founded ; because, if the Frenchman had been
victorious, he would not have had regard for all the indifference they
had manifested for a man who had fought for their interests ; and
that, finally, they could not too soon, nor with too much ardor, suc-
cor those of his part}', nor too readily get rid of his enemies.

The inhabitants, touched with these words, promised that for the
future their conduct should be wiser and more generous, and that they
should continue to please him. But that which increased their joy
was tlie arrival of their bishop, Ferdinand de Moca, who came near
being drowned in the port. As he attempted to pass from the vessel

THE DESPAIR OP SOME OF THE INHABITANTS OF CUBA. 251

into the boat, he fell into the sea, because the boat was too far from
the ship. However, the greatest danger that happened was, that in
coming to the surface he struck his head against -the boat ; but the
sailors leaped into the sea and saved him. The loss of this prelate
would have been very grievous. He was considered, in the order
of Saint Dominique, to vvhich he belonged, as a man of extraordinary
merit; so that the people of Cuba esteemed themselves fortunate,
to have for bishop, a great personage, and for governor a renowned
captain. There were, for several days, through all the town, nothing
but sports, balls, feasts, and masquerades. There were even run-
nings at the ring, where were seen a number of horses of every
color and size ; the most beautiful in the world. We may add that
finally, in order to render the rejoicing more celebrated, there were
distributed divers prizes to those who most distinguished them-
selves. They gave to some rings; to others, silk stuffs; and on the
contrary the3' railed at those who ha^d neither the skill nor thfe
courage to render themselves worthy of esteem. These honorable
rewards Induced several cavaliers of the army, who were adroit, to
mingle with them, which augmented the beauty of the festival, and
gave to all the town a special pleasure.

CHAPTER X.

THE DESPAIR OP SOME OE THE INHABITANTS OF CUBA.

The soldiers, living in peace with the people of the town of San
lago, and trying to render kind ofBces to one another, made their
rejoicing last nearly tliree months. In the mean time the governor
visited all the posts of the island. He established there judges, to
whom he gave the rank of lieutenant, and purchased horses for his
enterprise. The principal officers did the same thing ; so that this
obliged him to distribute money among them, and induced the in-
habitants of the island to make him a present of some horses ; for they
raised them with great care, and sold them in Peru and Mexico.
There were, in fact, some private persons of Cuba who had twenty
and others so many as fifty and sixty ; because tlie island was then
rich, fertile, and full of Indians. But the greater part hung them-
selves soon after the arrival of De Soto. This is the cause of their
desperation. As the peoj^le of Cuba are naturallj"^ lazj', and as the
land of the country yields much, they did not take great pains to
cultivate it. They raised only a little corn, which they gathered
each year for the necessaries of life. So that these poor Indians

252 HISTORY OF FLORIDA.

limited themselves to what nature demanded for its subsistence ;
and as gold was not necessary for life, they did not esteem it, and
could not endurer that the Spaniards should compel them to draw it
from the places where it was found. Therefore, in order to. be no
longer obliged to do a thing to which they had so great an aversion,
they nearly all hung themselves ; and there were found in the morn-
ing in a single village, lift}' families which had made way with them-
selves in this manner. The Spaniards, frightened at the horror of
this spectacle, tried to divert the rest of the barbarians from a reso-
lution so cruel ; but it was useless, for the greater part of the island,
and nearly all their neighbors, ended their lives by the same kind
of death. Hence it comes that now they pay very dearly for the
negroes whom they take to the mines.

CHAPTER XL

VASOO PORCALLO DE FIGUEROA JOINS THE ARMY.

To return to Soto; after he had sent troops by sea, under the
conduct of one of his captains, in order to rebuild the town of
Havana, which the French corsairs had sacked, he provided what
was necessary for the conquest of Florida, and was seconded in this
enterprise by Vasco Porcallo de Figueroa, of whom I have just
spoken. Porcallo was a gentleman who had, from his birth, wealth
and courage. He had a long time borne arms, and suffered great
hardships, both in Europe and America. So that being old and
disgusted with war, he retired to Trinidad, a town of the island of
Cuba. But upon the information that Soto had arrived at San lago
with an army, he paid him a visit. He stayed there several days,
and when he saw the brave troops and magniScent preparations for
Florida, he was tempted, in spite of his age, to again take up arms.
He then offered himself and all his wealth to the general, who re-
ceived him with joy, and praised his resolution. So that, to ac-
knowledge with horior, the offer which this captain had made liim
of iiis wealth and his person, he made him his lieutenant-general in
place of Nunez Touar, who, without his consent, had married the
daughter of the lord of Gomera. Thus the troops were augmented
with all the retinue of Porcallo ; and that helped exceedingly', for he
had a great number of Spaniards, negroes, Indians, many domestics,
and more tiian eighty hoi'ses, thirty for his individual service, and
fifty which he gave to the cavaliei's of the army. He also caused
to be made provisions of bread, salt meat, and other things ; and

SOTO ARRIVES AT HAVANA. 253

encouraged, by his example, many Spaniards who lived in the island
to follow the general, who, after having put his affairs in order,
departed in haste for Havana.

CHAPTER XII.

SOTO ARRIVES AT HAVANA.

About the end of August of the year 1538 the general left San
lago, accompanied bj^ fifty hoi-semen, to go to Havana; and com-
manded the rest of the cavalry, which was three hundred men, to
follow him, and divide themselves into small companies of fifty men
each, arid set out at intervals of eight days from one another, in
order that being in small numbers they might the better find what
they should need. But he resolved that the infantry and his house-
hold should go along the coast to Havana, where, as soon as he
had arrived and seen the desolation of the town, he made-donations
to the inhabitants to repair their houses and their churches which
the pirates had destroj'ed. He afterward ordered Juan d'Aniasco,
who was very skilful in navigation, to arm two brigantines and to
go and discover the coast of Florida, and observe its rivers and
inhabitants. Aniasco obeyed, and after having sailed, during two
months, along many parts of the coast, he jeturned with an exact
account of the things which he had seen, and brought with him two
men of the country. Soto, satisfied with his diligence, sent him
back with orders to see where an army could land. Aniasco again
set out to visit the coast and notice the places where they could
land. But in this second voyage, from which he returned with two
other Indian men, it happened that he and his companions, having
wandered from each other in a desert island, were two months
before they could join each other ; during which time they fed upon
only the birds which they killed with large shells. Afterward they
incui'red such great perils at sea, that when they landed at Havana,
they went from the vessel to the church upon their knees ; where,
after having thanked God for delivering them from danger, the
army received them with so much the more joy as they believed
that they all had been shipwrecked.

In the mean time, the general, who applied himself wholly to his
enterprise, had information that Mendoca, viceroy of Mexico, levied
troops for the conquest of Florida. But as he feared their meeting
might cause differences, he resolved to communicate to him the
commissions which he had from the emperor. He, therefore, des-

254 HISTOET OF FLORIDA.

patched to Mendoca to beseech him not to make any levy which
might interrupt him in the conquest which he meditated. And the
viceroy replied that Soto could with every assurance continue his
voyage; that he would send his troops to places different from
those wliere he wished to take his fleet:* that Florida was a vast
country ; that each would find there wherewith to satisfy his ambi-
tion; that very far from having an idea of injuring Soto he wished
that fortune .would give him an opportunity to serve him ; and that
he would not spare, for that end, either his wealth or the power
wiiich his character of viceroy gave him. The general, contented
with this reply, thanked Mendoca for his good-will.

By this time the cavaliers, who had orders to leave San lago for
Havana, arrived there and had travelled a little more than two
hundred leagues, which is the distance from one of these toTvns to
the other. Soto then, seeing that his cavalry and infantrj' were
united, and that the season for putting to sea was drawing near,
left for commander in his absence Isabella de Bovadilla, his wife,
and gave her, for counsellor, Juan de Rochas. He also established
in the town of San lago, Francisco Guzman : for tliese two gentle-
man commanded in the country before he arrived ; and upon the
report which was made to him, of their good conduct, he confirmed
tliem in their charge. He purchased, at the same time, a fine ship
that had landed at Havana, and had served as the admiral ship,
when Cuuiga made the discovery of the Rio de la Plata. This vessel
was called Santa Anna, and was so large that it carried eighty
horses to Florida.

CHAPTER Xlir.

THE ADVENTURE OP FERDINAND PONCE AT H.WANA.

While the general awaited a favorable wind to set sail, Ferdinand
Ponce, who was at sea, strove four or five days to avoid putting in
at the port of Havana; but the storm forced him there. He did
not wish to enter the port, because, when Soto left Peru for Spain,
they agreed to share their good and their bad fortunes. The reso-
lution of Soto, when he left Peru, was to return there to enjoy the
recompense which his services in the conquest of that kingdom
had merited. As afterwards he changed that resolution. Ponce
obtained from Pizarro, by order of the emperor, a country where he
accumulated much gold, silver, and precious stones. He also
caused to be paid him some debts which Soto had left to him to

* This has reference to the expedition to Clhola.

THE ADVENTURE 0¥ PERDINAND PONCE AT HAVANA. 255

collect ; and, after having enriched himself, he left for Spain. But,
upon information which he received at Nombre de Dios, that Soto
was preparing for the conquest of Florida, he endeavored to pass
by; for fear of being compelled to divide with him ; and that under
pretext of his expedition, Soto might seize upon his riches, or at
least a part of them.

As soon as Ponce was in port, the general sent to pay his com-
pliments to him, and to offer him what he could. He went after-
ward to induce him to come and refresh himself on shore ; and after
being entertained with much politeness, Ponce told him that he
was so unwell from the effects of the storm, that he had not
strength to leave his vessel ; and tliat as soon as he should be a
little strengthened, he would go and thank him for the kind offer
which he had made him. Soto, through politeness, did not urge
him; but as he suspected something, he resolved to try him. In
the mean time Ponce, who consulted only his avarice, and who also
did not trust in the faith of the general, imprudently thought only
how he might conceal from him the knowledge of the riches which
he brought from Peru. He therefore ordered that about midnight
tiiej"^ should take from his vessel the gold, pearls, and precious
stones, which were valued at more than forty thousand crowns,
and carry them to the house of one of his friends, or inter them
near the shore, in order to recover them when he should find it con-
venient, without Soto knowing it. However, they did not succeed ;
for those who watched the people of Ponce, perceiving a vessel ap-
proach, quickly concealed themselves without noise. But when
they saw that the treasure was landed, and those who had charge
of it. were advancing, they pounced upon them, put them to flight,
captured the booty and carried it to the general, wlio ordered them
to say nothing until it was seen in what manner Ponce, whom he
suspected, would conduct himself.

The next day Ponce, who concealed the sadness which he felt for
the loss of his treasure, visited the dwelling of the general, where
they had a long conversation concerning things past and present ;
but wlien the conversation fell upon the misfortune which happened
on the night preceding, Soto complained to Ponce of his want of
confidence in him ; and to show the justice of his complaints, he
caused to be brougiit the precious stones, and delivered them to
him, assuring him at the same time that if there was any one miss-
ing, he would have it restored to him, in order that he might know
that, concerning the effects of the partnership, his conduct was very
difl'erent from his own. Besides, that the expense which lie had
made to obtain the permission to conquer Florida, was with the view
of sharing with him all the wealth that might result to him from it ;

256 HISTOEY OF FLORIDA.

that he had made his declaration of it in the presence of men of
honor; and that, nevertheless, it depended upon him whether he
would embark for Florida ; and that if lie wished it, he would even
renounce the claims whieli were allowed him ; and that he would be
obliged to him if he would inform him of the things which he should
find proper to do for their common interest ; that, in one word, he
would find in him all the fidelity that should be expected from a
generous person.

Ponce, full of confusion at the course he had taken, and still
more surprised at the manner in which he had just been spoken to,
begged the general to pardon his fault, and to continue his friend-
ship. He also entreated him to consent that each of them should
pursue his voyage, and to renew their partnership, putting, for that
purpose, into, the hands of Isabella de Bovadilla ten thousand
crowns of gold and silver, of which the general could make use for
the benefit of the company. This way of acting seemed so fair,
that what he requested was granted. Afterward, when the time
appeared favorable for navigation, Soto had the munitions and two
hundred and fifty horses embarked in the vessels, which, without .
counting the sailors, carried a thousand men, all well made and
well equipped. So that tiiere had not been seen, up to that time,
an armament for the Indies so large and so fine. He put to sear the
12th day of May, 1539. But whilst they sail at the will of the
winds, I shall relate what Poncedid in port. This captain, under
pretext of recruiting himself, and awaiting a favorable time to re-
turn to Spain, remained at Havana after the departure of the gen-
eral ; and eight days after, he presented a. petition to Rochas, who
was judge of tiie place, in which he alleged that, without owing
Soto anything, and only through fear lest he should seize upon all
that lie had brought from Peru, he had given to his wife ten thou-
sand crowns in gold and silver, and demanded that they should
restore this sum to him, or, he declared, that he would complain of
it to the emperor. This lady replied that the petition declared that
there were accounts to be settled between Ponce and her husband,
according to the contract of the partnership into which they had
entered. That Ponce owed more than fifty thousand ducats, and
that she prayed that they would arrest him until thej' had exam-
ined the accounts, which she offered to produce as soon as possible.
Ponce, who, in fact, was debtor to a large amount to the firm, sur-
prised at this reply, set sail, so that they could not arrest him.
And as he had thus embarrassed himself verj' improperly, he acted
prudently in not urging the affair. See how avarice blinds men,
and brings them nothing but trouble and confusion.

THE ARRIVAL OP HERNANDO DE SOTO IN FLORIDA. 25.'7

BOOK SECOND.

WHAT HAPPENED IN THE DISCOVERY OF THE FIRST EIGHT PROVINCES.

CHAPTER I,

THE ARRIVAL OP HERNANDO DE SOTO IN PLORIDA. ,

Soto, having been nineteen days at sea, because he had not had
favorable weather, did not discover Florida until the end of May,
wlien he came to anchor in a verj' good bay, which is called Espiritu
Santo.* But as it was very late, they did not land ; and tlie next
day they sent the boats ashore. They returned with wild grapes
which were still quite green, for the Indians, who esteem them but
little, take no care to cultivate them, but nevertheless do not neg-
lect to eat them when they are ripe. The general received the fruit
with pleasure, because they were like the grapes of Spain, and
because they had not found any either in Mexico or in Pern, so that,
judging from this, of the excellence of the soil of Florida, he com-
manded three hundred men to go and take possession of it in the
name of the emperor. They immediately landed, and after having
marched all the day, they rested at night, because of the fatigue
which they had undergone. But in the morning the Indians
charged them with vigor, put them to fliglit, and drove them as
far as the sea. Porcallo, in order to support them, sallied out at
the head of some troops, and, at first, he would have cut the enemy
into pieces but for the disorder of his soldiers, of whom some were
wounded, because of their inexperience. Nevertheless he rallied
them ; and when he had encouraged them he charged upon the bar-
barians, whom he eagerly pursued. And after having chased them,
he retuj'ned to the camp, where his horse immediately died from an
arrow shot through his body. At the same time the general landed ;
and after recuperating nine days he left orders for the security of
the vessels, and marched about two leagues into the country, as far
as the capital of Harriga,f which bears the name of the country and

* Tajnpa Bay; also called Bahia Honda (Deep Bay), and Bahia de Ponce
(Ponce de Leon),
t "Or Hirrihigua."

17

258 HISTORY OP FLORIDA.

its lord ; because in Florida, the provinces, the capital, and the ca-
cique, ordinarily bear the same name. When, therefore, the general
had thus advanced, the cacique, who was in the capital of the
province, irritated against the Spaniards because they had some
time previous cut off liis nose and caused the dogs to devour his
mother, and moreover, alarmed at the arrival of so many people,
abandoned the place and retired into the woods, whence they could
not make him leave, however favorable the treatment they might
lead him to expect ; for, wholly enraged against those whom they had
sent to oblige him to contract an alliance with the Christians, he
said, that, very far from having communication with them, his honor
would not permit him even to- listen to them ; that they were cow-
ardly and perfidious, and that the greatest pleasure they could do
him was to bring him their heads, and that he could never suffi-
ciently acknowledge so great, a favor. Such great power have
outrages to excite hatred in the hearts of those whom they have
injured.

But in order to better understand to what degree the cacique
carried his resentment, I shall relate the cruelties which he inflicted
upon four Spaniards.

It was some time after Narbaez had left the province of Harriga,
when one of -his vessels wliich remained behind, and which came to
search for him, appeared in the bay. The cacique, who was informed
of it, resolved to capture those who were in the vessel, and sent
word to them that their captain, on leaving, had given him orders
as to what they should do, if by chance they anchored in the port.
He -also showed them some leaves of white paper, with letters which
he had received from Narbaez whilst he was on good terms with
him. But that was useless, for they always kept on their guard, and
refused to land until Harriga sent to them, as hostages, four of his
principal sulijects. This artifice succeeded, and as many Spaniards
entered the boat where were the Indians who had brought the hos-
tages. The cacique, who perceived them, sorry to see so few of
them, wished to demand a greater number, but he changed his
mind for fear lest those wlio were coming should discover his de-
sign and escape from him. When they had embarked and the
hostages knew that their enemies were in the power of their chief,
they leaped into the water, according to the orders they had received,
and escaped. In the mean time the Spaniards, seeing that they
had unfortunately sacrificed their companions, weighed anchor, for
fear of some other misfortunes, and fled with all sail.

THE DEATH OF THEEE SPANIARDS. 259

CHAPTER II.

THE DEATH OE THREE SPANIARDS, AND THE TORTURES WHICH JUAN
ORTIS SUFFERED.

Harriga guarded with care his prisoners, in order to increase by
tlieir death the pleasures of a feast which he was to celebrate, in a
few days, according to the custom of the country. The time of the
ceremony arrived, he commanded that the Spaniards, entirely naked,
should be produced, and that they should be compelled to run by
turns from one extremity of the public place to the other ; that at
times arrows should be shot at them', in order that their death might
be the slower, their pain the more exquisite, and the rejoicing more
noted and of a longer duration. Tiiey immediately obeyed, and the
cacique, who assisted at the spectacle, saw with pleasure three of
the Spaniards run from one side to the other, searching in vain to
escape death. As for the fourth, who was named Juan Ortis, as he
was but about eighteen years of age and a handsome man, the wife and
daugliters of the cacique interested themselves in his favor. They
said that his age was worthy of pitj' ; that lie had not taken part
in the perfidy of the people of his nation ; and, therefore, not having
committed any crime wortliy of death, it was only'necessarj' to keep
him as a slave. The cacique consented to it; biit this favor only
served to make Ortis die a thousand deaths. They forced him to
carry, continually, wood and water. He ate and slept very little,
and was tormented with so many blows that, had he not been re-
strained by the fear of God, he would have committed suicide. In
addition to this, tlie barbarians increased his afflictions at the
public rejoicings, and compelled him to run entirely naked in the
great square, where they were with their bows ready to pierce
liim in case he should attempt to rest. He began to run at sun-
rise, and did not stop till night ; and even during the dining of
the cacique they would not suffer him to interrupt his course, so
that at the end of day he was in a pitiable condition, extended
upon the ground more dead than alive. The wife and daughters
of Harriga, touched with compassion, then threw some clothes
upon him, and assisted him so opportunely that they prevented
him from dying. But their pity was cruel to liim, for it served
only to augment the barbarity of the cacique, who, enraged that
Ortis could endure so many divers hardships, ordered, on a day
of entertainment, that they should kindle a fire in the middle of

260 HTSTORT OF FLORIDA.

the public square ; that they should put a griddle upon the fire ;
and that they should put his slave upon it, in order to burn him
alive. This order was promptly executed, and Ortis remained ex-
tended upon this griddle until the ladies, attracted by his cries, ran
to his assistance. They besought the cacique not to push his ven-
geance further ; they censured his cruelty, and took off the wretched
Ortis half burned, for the fire had already raised upon his body
great blisters, of which some having broken covered him with blood.
This drew the compassion of the greater part of the spectators.
Afterward these merciful daughters had him carried to their house,
where they treated him with herbs of which tJie Indians made use in
their complaints, having neither surgeons nor physicians. Finally,
at the end of some days, Ortis was cured of his wounds, there re-
maining only the scars. The barbarian, rejoiced to see him in a
condition to suffer again, in order to make his vengeance last
longer, invented a new kind of punishment in order to fully satisfy
himself, and to free himself from the importunities of his daughters.
He, therefore, ordered him to guard, day and night, the dead bodies
of the inhabitants of the village. These bodies were in the midst
of a forest, in coffins of wood covered with boards which were not
fastened, but retained only by the weight of some stones or of some
pieces of wood' which were placed upon them.* But as the lions,
which are in great numbers in the country, came sometimes to drag
the bodies from these cofflus and carry them off, the cacique com-
manded Ortis, upon penalty of being burnt alive, to take care that
they did not carry them off; and he gave him four darts to defend
himself against all kinds of wild beasts. This poor Spaniard re-
ceived with joy this order, in hopes of leading a life a little more
happy than before. He then went away into the forest, where he
acquitted himself strictly of his commission, and especially at night,
as he had then the most to fear. However, it happened that once,
when he was oppressed by fatigue and had permitted himself to be
overcome by sleep, a lion uncovered a coffin and drew from it an
infant, which he carried off. The slave awoke at the falling of the
planks, ran, approached the coffin, and, no longer finding tlie body
there, believed that finally it was all over with him. Moved by
fear and grief, he went to seek the lion, to die fighting him or to make
him leave his prey. He knew that at the break of day the subjects
of Harriga would come to visit the coffins, and that, if they did not
meet with the infant there, he would be cruelly burnt. So that fear
making him run here and there, he found himself in a great road in

* See note 12.

ORTIS ESCAPES. 261

the midst of the forest, and heard a noise as of a dog gnatving a
bone. He listened, and in the belief that it was the lion, he crawled
through the bushes, and by the light of the moon he saw him de-
vouring his prey. He therefore took courage and launched one of
his darts at him ; and because he did not hear him fly, he believed
that he had slain him, and remained until daylight to be certain of
it, praying God, with tears, not to abandon him in his misfortune.*

CHAPTER III.

ORTIS ESCAPES.

As soon as light began to appear, Ortis found the lion slain ; and
all transported with joy, he collected what remained of the infant,
inclosed it in the coflSn, took the lion by the paw, and, without
drawing out the dart which pierced him, dragged him to Harriga.
As it is an extraordinar}' thing to kill a lion in that country, where^
however, they are not so fierce as in Africa, Ortis was honored by
all thc^own, and the cacique was entreated by his daughters to
make use of so courageous a slave, and to suppress his resentment on
account of so brave a deed. The barbarian on this occasion had a
little of complacenc}', and during some days he treated Ortis with
more humanity. But because the injuries which he had received
always left some remains of hate, as often as he recalled the indig-
nities the Spaniards bad done him, he thought only of avenging
himself on this nation in the person of Ortis, and his anger, which
seemed as it were extinguished, rekindled suddenly with more
violence. So that, yielding to the desire for vengeance which pos-
sessed him, he declared to his wife and daughters that, since the
sight of his slave recalled to mind the affronts which he had received,
he would, at the first festival, have him siiot to death with arrows ;
and that, upon pain of incurring his indignation, they should no
more importune him in his favor; that it was true that he had
shown a little courage, but that it was not a sufficient consideration
to prevail over his resentments. His wife and his daughters, who
knew him, accommodated themselves to his humor, and expressed

* Biedma does not mention this affair. The Elva narrative tells much the
samesto'r.y as Garoilasso, hut says it was a temple he was ordered to guard, and
that instead of a lion, it was a wolf that Ortis killed as he was dragging the
corpse away, and that the Indians the next morning found the wolf pierced with
the dart of Ortis.

262 HISTORY OF FLORIDA.

to him that it was acting right to make way with a man for whom
he had so great an aversion and whose presence ■ served only to
renew his troubles. Nevertheless, his eldest daughter, resolved to
save Ortis, informed him of all that had happened. But as at this
news he appeared half dead, she told hira not to despair; that she
would extricate him from the danger, if he had sufficient resolution
to escape; that the night following, at such an hour and at such a
place, he would find an Indian in whom she confided ; that this man
would conduct him as far as a certain bridge, two leagues from the
town ; that, when he should arrive at this place, the Indian would
return before it was day,- so that tlie cacique might not know any-
thing of it, and not be able to avenge himself for his fliglit upon any
one. She added that, at six leagues beyond the bridge, he would
meet with a village, the lord of wliich, called Mucogo, esteemed her,
and even wished to marry her ; that he should saj' to him that she
had sent him to place himself under his protection, being assured
tliat, in consideration of her, he would be protected by Mucogo ;
that, besides, he should implore the succor of the God whom he
adored, and that, for her part, she could do nothing more. Scarcely
had she finished when Ortis cast himself at her feet and rendered
humble thanks to her for the kindness wliich she had for him. He
•prepared to escape the following night; and, as soon as the people
of Harriga were sound asleep, he went off to seek his guide, whom
he found at the rendezvous, and- left secretly with him. But as
soon as they were at the bridge, Ortis requested him to put him in
the right road and to return home. Afterwards he thanked him,
made him a thousand protestations of friendship, and went off in
haste to Muco§o.

CHAPTER TV.

GENEROSITY OF THE CACIQUE MUOOCO.

Oetis arrived before day near the village of Muco§o. Neverthe-
less, for fear of accident, he dare not enter until the sun rose. Two
Indians, who had discovered him, then left and put themselves in a
posture to shoot at him. He also prepared to defend himself; for
the honor of being the favorite of a beautiful and generous lady,
giving him boldness, obliged him to say that he was sent on the
part of a lady of rank to Mucogo. At the same time the Indians
joined him, and they returned in company to inform their lord that
a slave of Harriga brought hira news. Mucogo, who left his house,
advanced to learn what they wished with him. As soon as Ortis

GENEROSITY OF THE CACIQUE MUCOOO. 263

saw him he approached him with respect, and said to him, that
Harriga had resolved to put him to a cruel death at the first festi-
val ; that his daughters dared no more to speak in his favor ; that
the eldest had induced him to escape, and had given him a guide ;
that she had commanded him to present himself to him on her
behalf; finally, that she prayed him by the love he had for her, to
take him under his protection ; and that she would be greatly
obliged to hira for it. After Mucogo had kindly listenedto Ortis, he
pitied him, and embraced him, and told him that he should fear noth-
ing ; that upon his lands he should lead a life very diflferent from
that' which he had led ; that in consideration of the beauty who had
sent him he would protect him openly ; and that so long as he lived
no one should attempt to do him wrong. Mucogo kept his word
with Ortis, and treated him much better than he had ever dared to
expect. He desired that, night and day he should remain in his
chamber. But he finished by overwhelming hira with his favors
when he learned that with one blow of a dart he had slain a lion.
In the mean time Harriga learned that his slave was with Mucogo,
and he sent a cacique, their common friend, to demand him. But
Muco§o replied that Ortis, having sought an asylum in his house,
he siiould never permit hira to be torn from it ; and that the loss of
a man whom Harriga would liave put to death ought not to be im-
portant to him. Upon this reply Harriga visited Mucogo, but very
uselessly, for after some words of civility, Mucogo expressed to
him that it was very unreasonable in him to wish to compel him to
do a tiling contrary to his honor; and that he would be the most
cowardly of men if he abandoned a person who was under his pro-
tection. This reply embroiled the cacique with Mucogo, who would
rather renounce his love than violate his faith, so that Ortis re-
mained with this lord, who continued to him his benevolence. He
lived with him up to the time when Soto entered Florida, and was,
in all, ten years among the Indians ; one year and a half with the
cacique who tortured him, and the rest with him from whom he re-
ceived every act of kindness. Mucogo, in fact, conducted himself well
toward Ortis, and his conduct covers with shame certain Christian
princes, who basely betray those to whom they are under obliga-
tions to keep their word. But it is to be hoped that in the future
the generosity of the cacique may influence them. His actioii
sprung truly from a great soul. The more we consider tlie person
for whom he did so many things, those whom he resisted, and the
passion which he had for the daughter of Harriga, the more he
merits praise for having generously sacrificed his mistress and his
friends to his honor. It is thus that God is pleased to produce iK

264 HISTOET OF FLORIDA.

barbarous regions extraordinary persons in order to confound the
Cliristians wlio live in countries where reign the sciences and re-
ligion.

CHAPTER Y.

THE GENERAL SENDS TO DEMAND OETIS.

SoTO, being in the town of Harriga, heard of the adventures of
Ortis, of which he had learned something at Havana from one of
the Indians whom Aniasco had kidnapped when he went to discover
the coast of Florida, for- they were subjects of the cacique Harriga.
But as he who related the story of Ortis pronounced Orotis for
Ortis, the Spaniards, notwithstanding their interpreters, believed
that this barbarian asserted that his country abounded in gold, and
they rejoiced to hear this word " Orotis," because their views did not
extend beyond searching for gold in Florida. Finally upon the
assurance the general had that Ortis was with Muco§o, he believed
that he ought to send to demand him, as well to liberate him, as
to make use of liim as an interpreter. He therefore ordered Bel-
thazar de Gallego, sergeant major of the army, to go to Mucogo and
say to him that the Spaniards appreciated the favors which he had
done Ortis ; that, trusting to the kindness which he had for them, he
besought him to return to them this slave, because he was very
necessary to them ; that in consideration of this new favor which
he expected, there was nothing which he would not undertake for
him ; that if he would take the trouble to visit them, he would find
that he had not obliged ungrateful persons ; finally, that, after the
marks of generosity he had given, their greatest joy would be to
meet him, and have him for a friend.

Gallego left immediately with sixty lancers, and at the same time
Mucogo learned that the Spanish troops had arrived at Harriga, in
order to conquer the country. As he dreaded this army he spoke
of it to Ortis, and told him that on his account he had embroiled
himself with powerful caciques ; that now a good opportunity pre-
sented itself for him to show his gratitude for this favor; that
really he had obliged him without the expectation of a return, but
that it seemed that fortune desired that the good offices which he
had rendered the Spaniards in his person should be recognized ;
that, therefore, it was his intention to send him with fifty of the most
distinguished of his subjects to the general in order to offer him his
alliance, and to solicit him to receive the country under his protec-

THE MEETING OP ORTIS AND GALLEGO. 265

tion. Ortis, overjoyed at this news, replied to Muco§o tliat he was
much rejoiced to be able to evince to him his gratitude ; that he
would relate to the Spaniards his generosity, and that those of his
nation, who pride themselves upon being very sensible for the favors
which are done to their people, would esteem him now and forever,
and that assuredly he would receive the fruits of the kindness which
he had shown liim.

No sooner liad he spoken than he saw fifty Indians, who had been
commanded to hold themselves ready to accompany him. They took
the route which goes from Muco§o to Harriga, and left, the day that
Gallego started fi-om the camp, to go to the cacique. But it hap-
pened that after three leagues of travel in the high road, the guide
of the Spaniards took it into his head that he ought not to conduct
them faithfully. He, therefore, began to regard them as enemies,
who had come to take possession of the Indies, and to rob the inhabi-
tants of their wealth and their liberty. Moved by these consider-
ations he left his road and took the first that he met, and misled
the Spaniards a great part of the day. He led them round about
toward the sea, with tlie design of eml)arrassing them among some
marshes, in order to destroy them therel And as they had not any
knowledge of the country, they did not discover the motive of the
barbarian until one of them perceived tlirough the oaks of the
forest where they were the masts of their ships. They informed
Gallego of the wickedness of the guide, and he placed himself in a
posture to pierce him with a thrust of his lance. The Indian, quite
astonished, made known that he would re-conduct the Spaniards into
the road. He kept his word, but they were obliged to retrace their
steps.

CHAPTER VI.

THE MEETING OF OETIS AND GALLEGO.

• Ortis, going from Mucogo to Harriga, entered into the road which
Gallego had taken, and discovered by the tracks of the Spaniards,
that their guide had misled them through malice. Therefore, to
prevent the alarm which they would give to the town, if they should
arrive there before having spoken to him, he resolved to follow them
with his company. And after having marched some time he dis-
covered Gallego and his companions in a great plain, bordered on
one side by a thick forest. The opinion of the Indians was to im-
mediately gain the woods, because they ran the risk of being badly
treated by the Christians if they were not recognized b^' them as

266 HISTORY OF FLORIDA.

friends before they reached them. Ortis, without heeding this advice,
imagined it was enough to be a Spaniard, and tliat those of his nation
would not inistalte him. However, as he was dressed as an Indian,
with a cap covered with plumes, short drawers, a bow and arrow in
his hand, the aflFair did not turn out as he had calculated ; for as
soon as the Spaniards saw him accompanied by his men, they in-
creased their steps, quitted their ranks, and, without obeying Gal-
lego, who recalled them, charged upon the barbarians whom Ortis
led, and drove them with thrusts of their lances into the woods.
However, as the Indians did not stand their ground, there was but
one of them wounded by the thrust of a lance in his groin. Tliis
barbarian, who acted so boldly, had remained behind w'th Ortis,
whom Nieto pursued vigorously with the thrusts of his lance, which
Ortis parried at first with his bow. But as Nieto, who was ardent
and robust, renewed the attack, Ortis, fearing to succumb, began
to cry Xibilla for Sevllla. He made at the same time with his
bow the sign of the cross, in order that they should know that he
was a Christian, because he could not say it in Spanish. He had,
to such a degree, lost the custom of speaking his language, since he
was among the Indians, that he had so forgotten it that he could
not even pronounce Sevilla, the proper name of the jilace where he
was born. ' The same thing has happened to me, for not having found
in Spain any one with whom I could converse in my native tongue,
which is that of Peru, I have lost to such a degree the habit of
speaking it, that, to make myself understood, I cannot speak six or
seven words in succession. I had, notwithstanding, formerly known
how to express myself in Indian, with so much grace, that, except
the incas who spoke the best, no others could express themselves
more elegantly than I.

To return to Ortis : when Nieto heard him pronounce "Xibilla,"
he asked him who he was, and as soon as he replied, Ortis, he took
him by the arm, lifted him upon the croup of his horse, and joyfully
led him to Gallego, who quickly caused to be reassembled his peo-
ple, who had given chase to the Indians. Ortis himself entered into
tlie woods, called his companions, crying with all his strength, that
they could return with all safety. But some frightened fled as far
as the town of Muco§o, where they gave information of all that had
happened, and others who were not so much frightened, and had not
wandered so far, came, one after another, out of the woods at the
call of Ortis. They all cursed his bad conduct, so that, but for the
presence of our people, they would have abused him. But to satisfy
themselves in some manner, they flew into a passion at tlieir inju-
ries, which Ortis explained as well as he could to the Spaniards,

MUCOCO VISITS THE GENERAL. 267

who also blamed him, and gave orders that they should take care of
the wounded Indian. In the mean time he dispatched a man to the
cacique Mucogo to extricate him from the trouble into which the
fugitives had placed him, and then they all took the route to the
camp.

CHAPTER VII.

MUCOCO VISITS THE GENERAL.

The night was already far advanced when Gallego arrived at the
camp. The general, surprised at so quick a return, imagined some
great misfortune, but he was immediately reassured at the sight of
Ortis, whom he kindl3' received, and to whom he gave a skirt of
black velvet, of which Ortis could not make use, because he was ac-
customed to go naked. He wore only a shirt, linen drawers, a cap,
and shoes; and remained in this condition more than twenty days,
until, by degrees, he recovered the habit of clothing himself. Soto
also gave a favorable reception to the Indians ; and afterward he dis-
patched a person to the cacique to thank him for having sent Ortis
to him. He ordered him to say to him that he felt obliged for the
offer which he had made him, of his desire to place himself under the
protection of the Spaniards ; and that he accepted it with joy, in the
name of his master, Charles the Fifth, the first of Christian princes.

In the mean time the Spaniards came to see Ortis, embraced him,
congratulated him upon his arrival, and passed the night in rejoic-
ing. Afterward the general called him, to leain the peculiarities of
Florida, and the life he had led under tlie caciques. Ortis told him
that Harriga had cruelly tortured him. He showed him the marks
of it, and it was seen that worms had come from the wounds which
the fire had made. But that Mucogo had treated him civillj^ That,
nevertheless, he had not dared to go out of the way, for fear of
being killed by the subjects of Harriga ; so that he had scarcely
any knowledge of the country, and that he knew only that the fur-
ther they advanced into the country, the more fertile it was.

Whilst Ortis was entertaining the general, notice was given that
Mucogo, attended by many Indians, was approaching the camp. In
fact, he was seen almost as soon as he was announced, and they
conducted him to the general, whom he saluted witli respect, as
well as all the ofHcers of the army, according to the rank which
each one held, as Ortis made known to him. He returned after-
ward to pay his court to the general, who received him with much
friendship, on account of the kindness which he had had for Ortis.

268 HISTORY OP FLORIDA.

But Mucogo showed that thej' were not under obligations to Iiim
for what he had done, because, in his quality of cacique, it was his
duty; that they were to consider it only in that light; and also
that he had sent Ortis only to prevent the troops from laying
waste his lands ; that thus his services were of little importance.
That, however, he rejoiced that his conduct was favorably con-
strued by the general, for whom he had a very special esteem.
That he besought him, by that zeal and magnanimity which is
so natural to the Spaniards, to take him under his protection.
That henceforth he would recognize Charles the Fifth and Her-
nando de Soto as bis legitimate lords; that, being their vassal,
he was recompensed" beyond his merit, and that for the future he
would serve them with all his power. Porcallo and the other cap-
tains, surprised at the good sense of the cacique, paid him much
honor, and even made presents to him and all his suite.

CHAPTEB VIII.

THE MOTHER OF MUCOCO COMES TO THE CAMP.

Two days after the arrival of Mucogo, his mother, who was ab-
sent when be left his home, and wlio would never have consented
that he should deliver himself into the power of the Si)aniards,
visited Soto. She had sadness depicted on her countenance, and
appeared so much agitated by the uneasiness which she had for her
son, that, approaching the general, she besought him to restore to
lier Mucogo, for fear lest he should be treated as Harriga. That if
he was resolved to go to this extremity, she was ready to die for
her son. The general received her civilly, and replied to her, that,
very far from doing anything unpleasant to Mucogo, he merited
every act of kindness ; that he even wished that they should pay
his mother great respect, on account of so generous a son ; that
for tills reason she should fear nothing and expect everything from
the generosity of the Spaniards. These words reassured a little
the kind mother, and induced her to remain in the camp. But
she had so much distrust, tiiat, eating at tlie table of the general,
she was afraid lest they should poison her ; so that she would not
taste anything until Ortis had, first of all, tasted it, and assured
her that there was no danger ; which led one of tiie gentlemen of
the suite to say that he was astonished that she had offered her life
for her son, since she dreaded so much to lose it. This lady, to
whom they explained that, replied that it was true that she dearly
loved her life, but that she loved still more her son ; and that there

PREPARATIONS TO ADVANCE INTO THE COUNTRY. 269

was nothing which she would not give to preserve him ; that in
consideration of this, slie besought the general to restore to her the
object of all her affections ; that she desired earnest!}' to take him
with her J that in one word she could not overcome her distrust of
the promises of the Christians.

The general replied to her, that she was at liberty to go ; but as
for her son, he would find some pleasure in remaining among the
Spaniards, of whom the greater part were of his age ; that when he
should wish to return, no one should oppose it; that finally, he
declared that her son would have rather whereof to be pleased than
to complain.

The mother of the cacique left the camp upon this promise ; but
first of all she begged Ortis to remember that her son had obliged
him, and to do the same for him in the danger in which she was leaving
him. The general and all his suite laughed at this distrust ; which
JVIucogo turned with so much wit that he contributed to the diver-
sion of tlie Spaniards ; and to show that he confided in them, he
remained eight more days to converse with Soto and his oflScers.
Sometimes he inquired about the emperor, sometimes about the
ladies, and sometimes about the customs, and the grandees of Spain.
After this he took a suitable pretext for returning, and politely left
the Spaniards. But he returned to see them many times afterward,
and made divers presents to them all.

Mucogo was, at that time, between twenty-six and twenty-seven
years of age ; he had a handsome countenance, a flue form, and an
inexpressible air of grandeur in all his actions, which gained the
love and esteem of those who approached him.

CHAPTER IX.

PREPARATIONS TO ADVANCE INTO THE COUNTRY.

During these affairs, the general ordered everything: for after
they had landed their provisions and munitions at Harriga, the
town nearest to the bay of Espiritu Sai\;fco, he sent the largest of his
vessels to Havana, and authorized his wife to dispose of them. He
kept the others to make use of them in time of need, and gave the
command of them to Pedro Calderon, a vigilant and experienced
captain. He then tried to win over the cacique, Harriga, in hopes
that he would have no troulile to propitiate the other chiefs of
the country, who had not received any offence from the Spaniards;
that, moreover, it would acquire credit for him among the Indians,

270 HISTORY OF TLORIDA.

and increase his reputation among those of his own nation. Where-
fore, when he had made some prisoners, he sent them to Harriga with
presents. He sent him word that he ardently wished his good- will,
and that he would give him satisfaction for the outrages that had
been done him. But the cacique only replied that the injuries he
had received would not permit him to listen to any proposition on
the part of the Spaniards. However, the conduct of Soto did not
fail to produce very good effects ; for as the servants of the army
went every day for forage, escorted by thirty or forty soldiers, it
happened, that not being upon their guard, the Indians charged
upon them with loud cries, and put them in disorder, captured a
Spaniard, named Graiales, and retired. In the mean time, our
people rallied and dispatched to tlie general, who immediately sent
the cavalry after tlie enemy; whom thej' surprised, at the distance
of two leagues, in a place surrounded with reeds. Then, while these
barbarians thought only of rejoicing with their wives and children,
our soldiers entered with fury into this place, frightened them, put
them to flight, and took women and children prisoners. Graiales,
who in the confusion, heard the voices of those of his nation, ran
and placed himself under their protection. He was not immediately
recognized by them, because he was already dressed as an Indian,
but very soon after they recognized him, and returned very joyfully
to the camp with their prisoners. That pleased Soto exceedingly,
who wished to know the details of their encounter. Therefore,
Graiales told him that the Indians had had no design of injuring
the Spaniards, and had drawn their arrows only to frighten them ;
that as they had taken them in disorder it had been easy for them
to have slain a part of them ; but that they were contented to make
one prisoner; that, very far from having offered him any injury,
they had treated him civilly; and tliat, reassuring him by degrees,
they courteously pressed him to eat. The general immediately sent
for his prisoners ; and, after having thanked them for the manner
in which they had acted, he sent them back. He also declared to
them that they had nothing to fear from the Spaniards; and he
prayed them that it might be the same on their part in regard to
his people; and that they might live in a good understanding with
each other ; that he had not entered their country to draw upon
himself their hate, but their friendship. The general accompanied
these words with some presents, and they returned home well
satisfied.

Some time after that, these same Indians captured two Spaniards;
to whom they left so ranch liberty that they were enabled to escape.
These people were, without doubt, thus softened, only because of

CONTINUATION OF THE DISCOVERY. 271

the courtesies of Soto to their cacique ; and, therefore, there is
notliing which malies a greater impression upon men than the favors
which are politely done them.

CHAPTER X.

CONTINUATION OF THE DISCOVERY.

After Soto had been about three weeks in making his prepara-
tions to advance, lie commanded Gallego to go with sixtj' lancers
and as many fusileers, into the province of Urribaracuxi. Gallego
left immediately and went to Muco§o, where he was received with
joy by the cacique, who lodged the Spaniards one niglit, and fed
them sumptuously. But the next day when they were ready to
march they asked a guide of him, and Mucogo said to them that
they were too civil a people to take advantage of his friendship in
order to oblige him to do a thing against his honor. That, Urriba-
racuxi being his cousin, he would be blamed by everyliody were he
to give them anyone to lead them over his lands ; that, even if this
cacique were not his relation, he ought not to serve them in this
respect, because he would pass for a traitor to his country' ; that
he would rather die than commit a crime so unbecoming a person
of his condition. Ortis,who conducted the Spaniards, replied to
him by the order of Gallego, that they did not wish to abuse his
friendship ; that they requested of him only an Indian in whom
Urribaracuxi had faith, in order to send to inform him that he should
not dread their coming; that, even if he would have neither peace
nor alliance, they were ordered not to ravage his province, on ac-
count of the generous Mucogo, of whom thej"- were the friends
and relations, and that for the love of him they had not committed
any devastation in the countrj' of the cacique Harriga, their avowed
enemy. Mucogo replied that he was very much obliged to the
Spaniards, and that, understanding their design, he would give them
a guide such as thej' wished. They tlien left'Mucogo, greatly satis-
fled with the cacique, and in four daj's arrived at the country of
Urribaracuxi, distant about seventeen leagues from the town of
Mucogo. As Urribaracuxi and his subjects had fled away into the
woods, the Spaniards dispatched to him their guide, who offered to
hira their alliance, but after having politely listened to him, lie sent
him back without having concluded anything.

During the journey, which is twenty-flve leagues from Harriga
to Urribaracuxi, they met with many grape-vines, pine, mulberry,

272 HISTORY OF FLORIDA.

and other trees like to those in Spain. They also passed through
certain countries where there were marshes, hills and woods, and
ver^' pleasant plains, of which Gallego made an account, which lie
sent to the general, and informed him that the army could subsist
two or three days about Urribaracuxi. While they go to Soto it is
well to tell what is passing at the camp.

CHAPTER XI.

THE MISFORTUNE OF PORCALLO.

TJpoN the news that Harriga was in the woods near the camp,
Porcallo resolved, notwithstanding the entreaties of the general, to
go and take this cacique. , He therefore left, with cavalry and in-
fantry, in the hope of bringing him back a prisoner, or obliging
him to sue for peace. Harriga, informed of this enterprise, sent
many times to Porcallo to tell him not to go any farther, because
the marshes and other diflflculties of the route, which it would be
necessary for iiim to overcome in order to reach him, would protect
him ; that he gave him this counsel, not through fear, but in ac-
knowledgment of the pleasure they had given him in not ravaging
his lands and maltreating his subjects. Porcallo laughed at this
advice, and believed that the cacique was afraid of him, and that he
could not escape him. Wherefore, he doubled his speed, encour-
aged Ills soldiers, and arrived at a marshy place, where, upon the
objections which each one made to entering it, he spurred on, and
by advancing obliged many of his men to follow him. But he did
not go very far before his horse fell, so that he found himself encum-
bered beneath him, with his arms, and because they could not go to
him on account of the marsh being too deep, it was only by extra-
ordinary good luck that he did not perish. Thus, when he saw that
he was conquered without a combat, and even without the hope of
taking the cacique, he returned to the quai'ters in a violent passion,
making reflections upon the pleasures which he enjoyed at Trinidad,
and upon the hardships which the Spaniards were going to suffer
who were yet but at the commefacement of their conquest. Besides,
as he considered that he had acquired enough glory, and that at the
age at which he had arrived he ought not to expose himself so rashlj',
he believed that it would be no discredit for him to quit the army,
aiid leave the honor of the enterprise to young men, who had need
of acquiring a reputation in arms. His misfortune really occupied
him so much that he talked of it to himself, and sometimes with those

THE EEPORT OP GALLEGO. 213

who accompanied him. He even pronounced aloud, syllable by syl-
lable, the names of Harriga and Urriliaracuxi. He also, sometimes,
transposed the letters. He said Huri, Harri, Siga, Siri, Barracoxa,
Huri, and added that he would give the land to the devil, where the
first words they heard were frightful, that nothing good ought to
be expected from those who bore them ; that each one might work
for his own individual interest, but that in respect to himself for-
tune did not concern him. Porcallo, agitated in this manner, ar-
rived at the camp, where, after having demanded his return to
Trinidad, they gave him a vessel, but before embarking he distrib-
uted his equipage to some soldiers whom he liked. He left to the
troops the provisions and munitions which he had, and desired that
Sanrez de Figueroa, his natural son, whom he equipped very well,
should accompany Soto in his expedition. Figueroa obeyed with
joy the orders of his father, and let no occasion of distinguishing
his courage escape, but he liad the misfortune to have his horse
killed and himself wounded by the Indians, and afterwards he
marched on foot and would not receive anything from the general
or any of his captains. This manner of acting displeased Soto,
who urged him, many times, to take from him wherewith to equip
himself. But Figueroa bore it very indignantly, and tliey could
never prevail upon him.

CHAPTER XII.

THE RBPOET OP GALLEGO.

Porcallo, in quitting the army, gave marks of imprudence, as
he had given them of ambition, when, to follow the general, he
abandoned his home and his repose. It is thus that in affairs of
importance the resolutions that are not prudently taken, disgrace
those who execute them. If Porcallo had maturely considered be-
fore committing himself, he would not liave lost a part of his
wealth and his reputation. But often persons of wealth imagine
tiiat they excel others not less in the qualities of the intellect than
in the advantages of fortune; and convinced of this error, they
take counsel of no one.

Porcallo had hardly left when the report of Gallego arrived. It
rejoiced the camp, because it gave hopes of the conquest of Florida.
It noticed, among other things, that three leagues beyond Urri-
baracuxi there was a very dangerous marsh. But that only served
to encourage the Spaniards, who said that God had given to men
18

274 HISTORY OF PliORIDA.

courage and industry as their share to overcome the obstacles which
they should encounter in their designs. Therefore, upon this news,
the general published that tliey should hold themselves ready to leave
in three days, and sent thirty cavaliers, under the command of
Silvestre, to inform Gallego that he was about to follow him.
However, he left a garrison of forty lancers and eighty fusileers in
the town of Harriga, where, after having established Calderon to
guard the vessels and munitions, he commanded him to keep peace
witli his neiglibors, cultivate the friendship of Mucogo, and not to
leave tlie place without his order. The general then left Harriga
with the rest of his troops, and took the route to Mucogo; and on
the morning of the third daj' of his march lie discovered the town.
The cacique, informed of his coming, went out to meet him, received
him with joy, and offered him his house. But for fear of incom-
moding him, tlie general assured him that he was obliged to pass
on ; and after having recommended to him the garrison at Harriga,
he thanked him for all the favors he had done the Spaniards.
Muco§o, kissing his hands with respect, said to him with tears in
ills eyes, that he could not express wliich was the most affecting to
him, the satisfaction of having known him, or the pain of seeing
iiim depart without being able to follow him. He also begged him to
remember him, and to give his compliments to the principal oflBcers
of the arm}'. On leaving there, the general continued his march as
far as TJrribaracuxi, without having met with anything worthy of
notice ; and he marched always to the northeast. Nevertheless, I
am obliged to say that his route is not so precisely known, but
that some day it may be found that I have failed to trace it right.
It is not because I have not tried to learn the distances of the
country, but I have not been able to get as exact a knowledge of
them as I would wish ; for the Spaniards did not think so much of
learning the situation of places, as of hunting for gold and silver
in Florida.

CHAPTER XIII.

PASSAGE OF THE MARSH.

The general arrived at TJrribaracuxi, where Gallego awaited him,
learned that the cacique was in the woods, and iramediatel}' sent
for him to solicit him to make peace with the Spaniards. But as
the barbarian would listen to nothing, Soto sent to examine a great
wide marsh which was upon his route. He knew that the bottom

PASSAGE OP THE MARSH. 215

at the borders of it was not good, and that it had such a quantity
of water in the middle that it could not be passed on foot. How-
ever, they searched so well, that at the end of eight days they found
a passage ; where, the general having repaired with the array, he
easily extricated himself from it ; but, because the defile was long,
he spent a day in passing it, and camped at half a league beyond
it, in a great plain. The day following he sent scouts to discover
the road, and they reported that he could not advance, because of
the waters which inundated the country. Upon this news, after
having taken a hundred cavaliers and as many foot soldiers, and
left the rest of the troops under the command of Moscoso, his
colonel of cavalry, he repassed the marsh, and sent to search
another passage. In the mean time the Indians, who were in a
forest, charged upon Soto and his men, fired upon them, and imme-
diately regained the woods. The Spaniards repulsed them, and
also slew or captured some of them. Those who saw themselves
captured, wishing to get out of the power of their enemies, oflEered
themselves to guide them, and led them into the ambuscade of the
barbarians, who pierced them with their arrows. This malice being
discovered, they caused four of the most culpable of them to be torn
to pieces by the dogs ; so that the others, being frightened, began
in earnest to do their duty, and put the people of the general in a
road, where, after having marclied about four leagues, they found
themselves over the great marsh, in a passage, of which the entry
and exit were dry. But during one league they had the water up
to their armpits ; and the middle of the passage, a hundred feet
long, was not fordable. The enemy, in this place, had made a
wretched bridge of two large trees felled in tiie water, supported
by some stakes fixed in the ground, and some cross-pieces of wood,
after the fashion of a hand-rail.

As soon as the general saw this bridge, he commanded Pedro
Moron and Diego D'Oliva Metis, who were great swimmers, to go and
cut the branches of the trees that encumbered tlie bridge, and to do all
tliat they should find necessary for the convenience of the passage.
They executed their orders, but with great diflBculty. The Indians,
who were concealed among the reeds, came out in small boats, and
fired upon them. So that Moron and his companion leaped from
the bridge and dived into the water, where they were slightly
wounded, and saved themselves. Nevertheless, the Indians, aston-
ished at the resolution of these two men, dared no more to show
themselves, and the Spaniards repaired the bridge. At the distance
of two musket-shots higher up, they found a place for the cavalry
to pass. The general gave notice of it to Moscoso, his colonel of

276 HISTORY on FLORIDA.

cavalry, with orders to cause the rest of the army to march, and to
quickly send him provisions. Silvestre, who was dispatched for
that purpose, had charge to bring the provisions with an escort of
thirty lancers, and to return toward evening, the next day. For
Soto promised to wait for him, and told him that, although the
route was long and diflScult, he hoped for everything from him.
Silvestre then mounted an excellent horse, which they held ready
for him, and met Lopez Cacho, whom he ordered, on the part of
the general, to accompany him. Cacho excused "himself, because
he was so fatigued, and begged him to choose some one else ; but as
Silvestre pressed him more and more he yielded, mounted his horse,
and left with him at sunset.

CHAPTER XIV. .

SILVESTRE CARRIES THE ORDERS OF THE GENERAL TO MOSCOSO.

Silvestre and Cacho, who were each not more than twenty years
of age, exposed' themselves, resolutely, to all that might happen to
them. They made, at first, without difllculty four or five leagues,
because the road was good, and they did not meet with any Indians.
Afterward, on account of the marsh, they found themselves engaged
in very wretched roads, from which they despaired of extricating
themselves. As they had not any certain knowledge of the country
they were obliged to march at hazard, and to endeavor to remember
the places by which they had passed tlie first time with their gene-
ral, and in that their horses rendered them very good service. For
guided only by their instinct, they took the route which they had
kept in coming,' and lowered their heads to scent the track. Cacho
and his companion, who understood nothing of that, drew the reins,
but their horses immediately sought the road after their fashion.
They snorted so loud when they lost it, that it was to be feared that
the noise which theymade might discover the cavaliers. The horse
of Silvestre was the most certain to conduct them right, and he had
very excellent marks ; he was a brown bay ; the near foot white, with
a like mark in his forehead. The horse of Cacho was a burnt sor-
rel, with the extremities black ; but he was not so valuable as that
of Silvestre, who, after having understood the actions of his horse,
let him go at his will. Such was the condition in which Silvestre
and Cacho were ; and this condition can, without doubt, be better
imagined than described.

These cavaliers travelled thus all night without keeping any cer-

SILVESTRE CARRIES ORDERS OP THE GENERAL TO MOSCOSO. 27 T

tain route, overcome by labor and sleep, and tortured with hunger ;
because they had not eaten anything during two days, except a
little corn. Their horses were also broken down with fatigue ; be-
cause they had travelled for three days without any relaxation, and
they had not been unbridled, except to feed for a few moments. For
the image of death, wlilch these two cavaliers saw before their eyes,
obliged them to push on with diligence, and overcome every diffi-
culty. There were on both sides of the road troops of Indians,
whom they perceived by the light of the fires which these barbarians
had kindled, and around which they were dancing and making
everything echo with their cries. It was not known whether they
were then celebrating some festival, or whether it was a simple di-
version ; but their cries lasted all the night, and' prevented them
from hearing the steps of the horses, or minding their dogs which
barked louder than usual. For if they had discovered Silvester and
Cacho they would have endeavored to capture them.

After these cavaliers had travelled ten leagues, with much fear
and trouble, Cacho begged Silvestre either to kill him or let him
sleep, and declared to him that he could not go any farther, nor hold
himself any longer upon his horse. Silvestre replied, bluntly, that
he might then sleep, since, in the midst of the dangers which threat-
ened, he could not resist sleep for one hour; that the passage of the
marsh was not far ; that thej"^ could not avoid death if they did not
pass it before daylight. Cacho, without hearing what he said to
him, fell to the ground as if he had been dead. Silvester immedi-
ately took the bridle of the horse and the lance of his companion,
and at this moment there spread a great darkness, accompanied by
a very heavy rain, which, however, did not awaken Cacho, so power
ful is the force of sleep. The rain ceased, the weather brightened,
daylight appeared, and Silvestre was in despair at not having dis-
covered the light sooner. But whilst his companion reposed he had
probably himself fallen asleep upon his horse. For I remember to
have known a cavalier who travelled about four leagues asleep, and
who did not awake, altl)ough they spoke to him, and who was even
in danger of being killed by his horse. As soon, then, as Silvestre
saw daylight, he called Cacho, pushed him with the butt of his lance,
and finally awoke him, and told him that for being too sleepy it was
almost impossible not to fall into the hands of the barbarians.
Cacho remounted his horse, and spurred, with Silvestre, at a fast
gallop ; but daylight disclosed them, and immediately they heard,
on both sides of the marsh, nothing but shouts and horns, drums,
and other instruments. The Indians came out from among the
reeds in canoes, gained the passage, and awaited there the two

278 HISTORY OF FLORIDA.

Spaniards ; who, very far from losing courage, reassured tliemselves
by the remembrance of the peril to which they had just been ex-
posed on land, and rushed boldly into the water through which they
were to pass. They were then enveloped with arrows, but as they
went rapidly, and were well armed, they escaped without receiving
a wound ; which was great good luck, considering the multitude of
arrows which were discharged at them. In the mean time, the noise
which the savages made was heard by the troops, which were not
very far from the swamp ; and because they suspected something,
tliirty cavaliers were sent off, who repaired to the passage. Touar,
advantageously mounted, spurred at their head. He was bold and
ambitious ; for, although he knew that he was in ill-favor with Soto,
and that his actions would not be esteemed, he did not cease to serve
as a brave man. However, that did not restore him to the favor of
the general ; it seemed, on the contrary, that he was chagrined to
see so much virtue in a man for whom he had so great an aversion.
It had been better that Touar had abandoned the service, than to
have persisted in wishing to regain the friendship of Soto. It is
rarely that the great pardon when they believe that they have been
injured.

CHAPTER XV.

THE RETURN OF SILVBSTRE.

As the Indians were pursuing the two Spaniards out of the water
they perceived the succors, and for fear of being injured they re-
treated ; so that Silvestre came to the camp, where he was received
by Moscoso, who, having learned the orders of the general, had the
supplies quickly brought, and commanded thirty cavaliers to escort
tliem. In the mean time, Silvestre stopped about three-quarters of
an hour to eat a little corn and cheese, for there was nothing else ;
and when everything was ready he resumed his route, accompanied
by his escort, and led with him two mules loaded with cheese and
biscuit. Cacho, who had not orders to return, remained with Mos-
coso, who commanded his men to hold themselves ready to leave:
whilst Silvestre and his escort crossed the swamp without the enemy
pretending to attack them ; and arrived, at two o'clock at night, at
the place where the general was to have waited for them. But as
they did not find him there, they were much troubled, and they
camped in that condition. One part of the night, ten cavaliers
scouted, and a like number watched, and fed the horses all saddled,

THE PROVINCE OP ACUERA. 279

while the others were taking a little repose ; in order that each one
might work and sleep by turns, and that they might not be surprised
by the enemy. So soon as it was day, they discovered the route of the
general through the swamp,which they crossed before the Indians had
taken possession of the pass. If, at any time, they had seized them,
the Spaniards would have Iiad trouble to take them ; because they
would have been obliged to fight in the water up to their armpits,
without being able to retreat or to attack with advantage: whereas
the enemy, who had boats which they propelled very swiftly, could,
at their pleasure, shoot near or at a distance. Nevertheless, they
did not take advantage of the opportunity, and thej;^ did not know
the cause of it, unless it was that they observed lucky days for bat-
tle. • rinall3', after six leagues of travel, the escort found Soto in a
valley full of corn so high that they gathered it on horseback. But,
as they were very hungry, they ate it raw, and thanked God for
their good luck. The general received Silvester witli joy; and when
he learned the hardships he had suffered, lie praised him highly, and
promised to reward his services. He then told him that he had not
remained at the rendezvous, because his people could not endure
their hunger, and that lie believed that the savages had killed him.
When he finished speaking, he was informed that Moscoso had
passed the swamp without the enemy having opposed him ; and that,
having arrived in three days, at another passage, which was on the
other side, they had taken tliree days more to extricate themselves
from it ; because it was long, and there was a great deal of water.
He was also informed that Moscoso and his troops were in want of
provisions ; and he sent them corn, which greatly rejoiced them ;
after which they repaired to the province of Acuera, where the
general was.

CHAPTER XVI.

THE PROVINCE OP ACUERA.

The country of Acuera is to the north, in regard to that of Urri-
baracuxi, from which it is distant about twentj' leagues. But as the
cacique of Acuera had fled from it, upon the arrival of the troops in
his province, they dispatched to him some Indian prisoners. They
had orders to induce him to make an alliance with the Spaniards,
who were valiant, and who could ruin his lands and his subjects:
that, however, up to the present time, they had not gone to that
extremity, because their desire was to reduce by mildness, only,
the inhabitants of the country to obedience to the king of Spain,

280 HISTORY OP FLORIDA.

their master. That, for this purpose, they desired to speak to him,
and to inform him of the orders whicii they had to treat with the
cnciqnes. Acuera replied, "that the Spaniards having already
entered the country, he regarded them as vagabonds, who lived by
brigandage, and slew those who had done them no injury. That,
with a nation so detestable, he would have neither peace nor inter-
course. That however brave they might be, they would find men
who would be as much so as themselves. That, from this very
instant, he would declare war against them, without, however,
designing to come to an engagement with them, but that lie would
lay so many ambuscades for them that he would entirely defeat
them. That he had even commanded them to bring him, every
week, two Christian heads: a sure means of exterminating them;
so much the more easily, as they had no wives. That as for the
obedience which they wished him to render their prince, they should
know that it was the extreme of baseness for a free people to place
themselves under a foreign domination. That he and all his subjects
would sooner lose their lives than their liberty, and that they should
expect no other answer from a sovereign. That, therefore, they
might depart in haste from his country. That they were wretciies
who sacrificed themselves for the sake of others. That, thus, he
esteemed them unworthy of his friendship ; and that he would
neither see their orders nor suffer them an^- longer upon his lands."
The general, surprised at this haughtiness, endeavored to win over
the cacique, but in vain. The army sojourned twenty days in his pro-
vince, which they found very good, and they took there provisions
to go on. During this time, the Indians harassed the Spaniards so
much, that a soldier could not stray a hundred steps from the camp
without being killed. They immediately cut ofi" the head, unless
they charged suddenly upon them, and carried it to their cacique.
Thej' were, in fact, very active. They disinterred, by night, the
dead Christians, thej^ quartered them, and hung them from the tops
of trees; and executed the orders of their chief with so much
courage that they carried to him the heads of eighteen soldiers,
without mentioning those whom thej' put to death, and those whom
they wounded with their arrows. As for them, after having at-
tacked, they fled very often ; so that our people slew only about
fifty.

ENTRY OF THE SPANIARDS INTO THE PROVINCE OF OCALT. 281

CHAPTER XYII.

THE ENTRY OF THE SPANIARDS INTO THE PROVINCE OF OCALY.

The army left Acuera without having done anything except kill
a few Indians. They took the route to the province of Ocaly, dis-
tant twenty leagues from the other, and marched to the northeast.
They traversed between the two_ countries a wilderness about twelve
leagues long, filled with walnut trees, pines, and trees unknown in
Spain, but arranged in such equal distance that they seemed planted
for pleasure, so that they made a very delightful forest.*

They did not find in Ocaly many- marshes and bad defiles, as in
the other countries. As this country was higher and further from
the coast, the sea could not reach it, and the otiier provinces being
nearer it and lower, the sea entered them in certain places, sometimes
thirty, sometimes forty, flftj'j sixty, and sometimes one hundred
leagues. There were found there great marshes, which rendered
the earth trembling to such a degree that it waS almost impossible
to pass over. The Spaniards, in fact, found in these wretched roads
that as soon as they set foot upon the land, it trembled twenty or
thirtj"^ steps around ; sometimes it seemed as though a horse could
gallop there ; one would never have believed that it was but har-
dened mud, and that there was water and mire beneath. Neverthe-
less, when the top happened to break, the men, with their horses,
were swallowed up and drowned without resource ; so that they
had much to endure when it was necessary to pass those places.

To return to the country of Ocaly. The Spaniards found there
more provisions than in tlie other provinces. The land was better,
and the country more cultivated. They remarked also tiiat the
farther these countries were from the sea the nfore populous they
were, and the more abundant in all kinds of fruits.

The troops had made seven leagues as they traversed the wilder-
ness between the two countries. On the route they met with
some houses here and there, and entered the capital, which was
called Ocsily, where the cacique held his court. But he and his vas-
sals had retired into the woods with the best of what they had.
The town of Ocaly consisted of six hundred houses, where the
Spaniards lodged because they found there large quantities of veg-
etables, nuts, dried grapes, and other fruits. The general, at the

* These were probably live oaks.

282 HISTORY OF FLORIDA.

same time, sent some Indians to solicit the fi'iendsliip of the cacique
But he excused himself because he could not leave so soon, and six
days after he came to the army, where, although he was well re-
ceived and had made an alliance, they did not cease to judge that
he had bad. designs, which they conceailed for fear of frightening
him. What I am going to say will sliow that they did not suspect
him without i-eason.

There was near Ocaly a deep river, the steep banks of which were
about the height of two pikes. Nevertheless, it was necessary to
pass this river, and because tiiere was no bridge they agreed that
the Indians should make one of timber. The cacique and the gen-
eral, accompanied by many Spaniards, selected a day to see the
place where they should erect this bridge. As they were planning
it some five hundred barbarians, concealed in the bushes on the
opposite side of the river, advanced and commenced calling out to the
Spaniards, "cowards," "robbers," "you want a bridge, but we will
not build it for you ;" and thereupon they discharged at them their
arrows, which obliged the general to sa^' that since they had sworn
an alliance this action ought to be punished. The cacique, to
excuse himself, replied that as soon as his subjects saw that he was
inclined in favor of the Spaniards, he had lost all authority ; that
it was not in his power to punish them, and that they could not,
without injustice, impute their fault to him.

At the cries which the barbarians made, a greyhound named
Binitns, which a page of the general led in leash escaping, leaped
into the water. The Spaniards commenced calling him, but that
encouraged him to swim straight to the Indians, who pierced his
liead and shoulders with more than fifty arrows. He, liowever,
passed to the other bank, and fell dead on leaving the water. The
Christians were sensibly touched at it, because he had rendered
them much service, as I am going to relate.

One daj' four Indians, through curiositj', came to the camp to see
the troops, their arms, and principally their horses, which they
dreaded above all things. The general, who knew their design, and
that they were the principal men of their province, received them
with civility. He made them some presents and commanded them
to be regaled in a room to themselves. When they had eaten heart-
ily and saw that they were not observed by any one, they fled with
such speed that the Spaniards, despairing of overtaking them, did
not follow them. In the mean time Brutus came. He pursued close
upon the heels of the Indians, who fled in file, and after having reached
them, he passed three of them without attacking them, and leaped
upon the forejmost, whom he brought to the ground. In the mean

THE PROVINCE OP VITACHUCO. 283

time be let' him approach who followed ; he floored him, and did the
same to the others when they were near him, thus holding them all
in the same place, he leaped npon the first who made an apj)earance
to rise, and arrested him by barking. He finally embarrassed them
to such a degree that he detained them until the Spaniards ran to
and seized them, and brought them back to the camp.* They im-
mediately separated them, and questioned them on the motives of a
flight so unreasonable. They replied that they had fled only in the be-
lief that it would be a glorious thing for them, among those of their
own nation, to have thus escaped from the hands of the Christians,
and that Brutus had deprived them of a very great honor. It is
also said of this greyhound, that one day as the Indians and Span-
iards were together upon the banks of a river, an Indian struck,
with his bow, a Spaniard. That 'then the Indian leaped into the
water with the other savages, and tliat Brutus, who saw this,
pursued him, attacked him, and strangled him in the middle of the
river. It is tlius that in the conquest of the new world the grey-
hounds have done things worthy of admiration. Becerillo served
so well in the island of Porto Rico that on his account the Span-
iards gave to his master the half of all their earnings. Nugnes de
Balboa also was willing to pay five hundred gold crowns to him to
whom Leoncello belonged, on account of the good services which
that dog had done in the discovery of the Pacific Ocean.

CHAPTER XVIII.

THE PROVINCE OF VITACHUCO.

SoTO, who saw that the cacique remained uselessl^'^ at the camp,
told him that if he remained there long he feared that his vassals
would altogether revolt, or that, believing tiiat he was detained as
a prisoner, they might become more and more irritated ; that he
begged him to return home, and that wlien he should come to visit
him again he would always pay him much respect. Ocaly replied
that he wished to go to his subjects, only to induce them to submit
to the general, and that if he could compel them to it he would not
fail to return to show his affection for the whole army. Tiiereupon
he went away and did not keep any of his promises. Afterwards,
by means of a Genoese engineer named Francois, the Spaniards

* The Elva Narrative relates this of a counterfeit caolque who attempted to
escape ; the dog passed all the other Indians to take him, caught and held him.

284 HISTORY OP FLORIDA.

madp a bi-idge of beams with puncheons across, secured by cords.
As there was no lack of wood they succeeded so well in their design
that the men and horses passed with great facility. But before
crossing the river the general commanded some of his men to place
themselves in ambush to capture some Indians. They took thirty
of them, who by dint of promises and threats, conducted them into
a province, distant sixteen leagues from Ocaly. The country
through which they travelled was unsettled, but agreeable, level, full
of trees and streams, and appeared very fertile.

The army made eight leagues in two days, and on the third, after
liaving marched until noon, Soto advanced with a hundred cavaliers
and as many foot-soldiers, and continued his route the remainder
of the day and all the night ; he arrived about morning at Ochile,
which was one of the towns of the province of Vitachuco. This
country contained nearly two hundred leagues, and was divided be-
tween three brothers. Vitachuco, who was the eldest, bore the
name of the province and the capital, and of the ten parts wliicli
composed this extent of country he possessed five of them. The
second, whose name is not known, had three of them. And the
last whom they called Ochile, from the name of the town of wliich
he was the chief, had two of them. The cause of this division is
not known, for in the provinces which they had discovered, the
eldest was the only heir. It may be that these parts had been
united by some marriage, and afterwards divided among the chil-
dren, or that relations who had died without heirs had left them to
the father of these three brothers, upon condition that he should
divide them in this manner among his sons, in order to preserve the
memory of their benefactors, so natural to man is the desire to
immortalize himself, and so powerful even over the minds of nations
the most savage.

The town of Ochile consisted of fifty houses, fortified to resist
their neighbors, for the greater part of the countries of Florida are
all enemies of each other. The general entered Ochile by surprise,
sounding the bugles and beating the drums to astonish the Indians.
In fact, many of them, wholly frightened at a noise so unexpected,
left their dwellings in the hopes of saving themselves, and fell into
the hands of the Spaniards, who after having made some prisoners,
attacked the dwelling of the cacique. It was a very fine house,
which had properly but one hall, one hundred and twenty paces
long, by forty wide, with four doors, one at each corner, and many
chambers round about, which were entered through the hall. (14)

The cacique, who had enemies to deal with, was in this house with
his warriors ; to whom were quicklj' joined the greater part of his

THE BROTHER OF OCHILE SENDS TO VITACHUCO. 285

vassals, when they saw the Spaniards masters of their town. Im-
mediately they all took their arms and pnt themselves in a state to
defend themselves, but in vain. The Spaniards had already gained
the entrances, and endeavored to oblige them to surrender, some-
times by threatening to burn them, and sometimes by promising
them kind treatment. Nevertheless, the cacique remained firm,
until they brought to him several of his subjects, who had been
made prisoners. Tliey assured him that there were so many
Spaniards that he ought no longer to think of resisting them. That
so far they had not maltreated any one, and tliat he would be acting
prudently in trusting himself to their promises. The cacique suf-
fered himself to be prevailed upon, and was kindly received by Soto ;
who retained him and set at liberty all the other Indians. But
when he saw, on the other side of the town, a valley filled with
many houses, well inhabited and at some distance from one another,
he believed that there would be no security for him to pass the night
at Ochile; because, if these savages of the country should come and
join themselves to their neighbors, they Could easily take from him
the cacique. He therefore returned, witli haste, to join his troops,
which were three leagues from there, and uneasy at not seeing liim.
But their sorrow was changed to joy when they saw him returning
bringing with him Ochile, accompanied by his domestics and many
Indian warriors, who voluntarily followed his fortunes.

CHAPTER XIX.

THE BROTHER OP OCHILE COMES tO THE CAMP AND SENDS TO
VITACHUCO.

The day after that on which Soto had joined his troops they
entered in battle array the country of Ochile, the drums and trum-
pets at their head ; which made tlie whole neighborhood echo with
their noise. The array lodged, the general begged Ochile to send
to his brothers to induce them to peace. The cacique then made
knoWn to his brothers that the Christians had entered upon their
lands ; that they had for their object only the friendship of the
people ; that if they should receive them they would make no
devastation, and would content themselves with taking only pro-
visions for their subsistence; if not, they would ruin, burn, and
slaughter all; that therefore he begged them to ally themselves
with them.

The second brother replied that he thanked Ochile for his advice ;

286 HISTORY OP FLORIDA.

that he desired to see and know the Spaniards; that, however, he
would not go to their camp until about three days, because he wished
to put himself in a condition to be seen ; but that he could always
assure them of his obedience, and accept, on his part, the friendship
which they offered him. In fact, three days after, this cacique came
to the army, accompanied by the finest and most distinguished of
his subjects. He politely saluted Soto, and entertained the officers
with so much wit tliat they would have said that he had been a long
time among them. The Spaniards, on their part, received him with
great manifestations of friendship ; they neglected nothing that
might gain the friendship of the caciques who sought their alliance;
they supported, strongly, their interests, and would not suffer that
there should be committed the least disorder upon their lands.

Vitachuco, who was the third brother, made no reply ; and re-
tained tli6se whom they had sent to him. His two brothers, at the
suggestion of Soto, dispatched to him other persons, who entreated
him to receive the peace wliich the Spaniards offered him. That he
should not imagine that he could contend with thera. That they
drew their origin from heaven, and were tiie veritable sons of the
Sun and Moon. That, in one word, they rode certain beasts, so
swift that they could not escape them. That they besought him to
open bis eyes upon the misfortunes which threatened liim, and
prevent the desolation of liis country and the ruin of his subjects.
Vitachuco answered so proudly that never bombast approached the
haughtiness of his words. But as they were not able to remember
them, I will relate only the response which he made to his brothers.
He ordered their envoys to tell them that their conduct was that of
young men, who had neither judgment nor experience. That they
gave to their enemies fictitious birth and virtues. That tlie Span-
iards were neither the children of the sun nor so valiant as they
imagined. That his brothers were cowards to put themselves into
their power. That since they preferred servitude to liberty they
spoke as slaves, and praised the men for whom they should have
only contempt. That they did not consider that those, of whose
merit they boasted, would not act less cruelly than the others of
the same nation, whom they had seen in the country. That they
were all traitors, murderers, robbers ; in short the children -of the
devil. That they carried off' women, plundered their property,
seized upon the habitable country, and basely maintained them-
selves by the labor of others. That if they had as much virtue as
they said, they would not have abandoned their country ; but they
would have cultivated it, and would not have drawn upon them-
selves, by their brigandage, the hatred of all men. That they might

THE BROTHER OF OCHILE SENDS TO VITACHUCO. 287

say to thera, on his part, that they should not enter his lands ; that,
otherwise they should never leave them; that they should all perish
there, and that he would have them cruelly burnt.

After this reply, Vitachuco sent many of his subjects to the camp
of the Spaniards. There came sometimes two and sometimes four
of them, who sounded the trumpet and made new manaces, more
terrible than the first. For this barbarian thought to astonish our
people by the different sorts of punishments with which he threat-
ened them. He sometimes informed them, that when they should
enter into his province, he would command the earth to open and
engulf them; the mountains between which they, should march to
close and crush them ; the winds to tear up the forests through
which they should pass and overturn them upon them ; the birds to
take poison in their beaks, and drop it upon his enemies, in order
to consume them. At other times he would have the waters, the
grass, the herbs, the trees, and even the air, poisoned in such a
manner, that neither the men nor the horses would ever be able to
protect themselves from deatli ; and that thus the Spaniards would
serve as an example to those who should hereafter think of entering
his lands without his consent. These reveries, which sufficiently
show the character of Vitachnco, made the Christians laugh at him.
However, they did not neglect to stop eight days in the country of
the two brothers; who regaled them with emulation, and showed
them the disposition which the}' had to serve them. But as those
whom they had sent to their eldest brother could not persuade him,
they resolved to go there themselves. They communicated this
design to the general, who approved it, and who gave to them many
presents for Yitachuco. This barbarian, moved by the presence of
his brotiiers, who told him that the troops were advancing toward
his countr}', and that they would be able to ravage it entirely, be-
lieved that he ought to conceal his hale ; that some daj- he would
find occasion to mariifest it openly ; and that, the Spaniards relying
upon the alliance he would swear to thera, lie would exterminate
them all, without incurring any danger to his person. For this
reason, he said to his brothers, that up to tliat hour he had not been
able to imagine that the Spaniards had so much valor, and so much
merit ; that finally, since he was convinced of it, he would receive
their alliance with joy; but, beforehand, he wished to know how
long they would remain upon his lands, and how much provisions
Would be necessary for them when they should leave it. The two
brothers dispatched promptly to the camp to make known this re-
ply. So soon as the general knew it, he begged tiiem to assure their

288 HISTORY OP FLORIDA.

oldest brother that the troops would not remain in his country, and
that he might furnish as much provisions as he chose ; for the Span-
iards desired only the honor of his friendship, with which they ex-
pected to have everything in abundance.

CHAPTER XX.

THE ARRIVAL OF VITACHUCO.

ViTAOHuco was contented with the reply of the general ; so that,
in order to conceal more adroitly his design, he asserted that he
felt increasing in him a desire to see the Spaniards. He then com-
manded the principal persons of his province to hold themselves
ready to go to the camp, to collect provisions and the things neces-
sary, and to bring them to the capital, in order to give there the
Christians an honorable reception. Afterwards he left, accompa-
nied by his brother and five hundred men well armed, and in very
good Older. But after marching two leagues, he met Soto, who had
advanced to receive him, and he rendered him his civilities with
great marks of amity. He also begged him to pardon what passion
had made him say against the Spaniards ; that he had been mis-
informed of tlieir conduct; that for the future, he would render
them the honor which was their due ; that, in one word, to repair
the offence which he had committed, he would recognize the general
as his lord, and that his subjects were ready to implicitly obej' him.
At these words, Soto embraced him, and replied that he would for-
get all that had passed ; that he would remember only the favor
which he had done him of loving him ; and that, in recognition of
this favor, he wislied to render him every service. The colonel of
cavalry, and the captain,, came afterward to salute him, and to i-e-
joice at his arrival ; and after some compliments on both sides, the
troops entered, in good order, into the capital, wliicli was called
Vitachuco. It had some two hundred large houses, very strono'
and some others, smaller, which coitiposed the fauxbourgs. The
army lodged in the strongest houses. The caciques, and the
general with his guard and his retinue, took for themselves the
dwelling of the cacique, where, when they had remained three days
together and lived high, the two brothers demanded permission to
return home. Soto granted it, and made them some presents so
that they left well satisfied. Vitachuco was still four days en-
tertaining tiie Spaniards, in order to keep them less upon their
guard, and that he might the better succeed in what he meditated

THE ARRIVAL OF VITACHTJCO. 289

against them. This design so prepossessed him that he was daz-
zled with it ; so that, instead of taking counsel of his faithfnl friends,
he avoided them, and communicated iiis idea only to those who flat-
tered him. Such is the behavior of persons who trust too much to
themselves ; and who also seldom fail to draw upon themselves the
,troul)le which their imprudence merits.

Finally, Vitachuco, who could no longer resist his passion to de-
stroy the troops, assembled, five daj'S after the departure of his
brothers, four Indians who sei'ved as interpreters to the general.
He revealed to tiiem that he had determined to massacre the Span-
iards. That it was very easy for him to succeed in it. That they
relied upon his friendship, and did not suspect anything. That he
had assembled more than ten thousand of his subjects, all bold and
enterprising men. That he had ordered them to conceal their arms
in the neighboring forests.; to enter the town loaded with wood and
provisions, and to leave it under pretext of rendering service to their
enemies, so that, not doubting anything, they, might not be upon
their guard lie added that, in a great plain, he would put all his
subjects in battle array ; that he would entreat the general to come
and see them ; that afterwards he would order twelve of the
strongest and bravest of the Indians to accompany this commander,
under pretext of doing him honor, and to kill him in the midst of
the battalion, when they should see a favorable opportunity, for it;
that, in the mean time, the others should fall upon the Spaniards,
who, surprised at an action so bold, would not have time either to
recover themselves, or to put themselves in a state- of defence.
Thereupon, as if his design had already succeeded, he continued, he
would make those who fell into liis hands suffer all the punishments
with which he had threatened them, and that he would make use of
fire, poison, and tortures. Finally, that tliere should not be any
kind of death of which he would not think in order to torture them.
After Vitachuco had spoken in this manner, he commanded the in-
terpreters to tell him their opinion, and forbid them to discover his
secret. And he promised them that, when he should have satisfied
his vengeance, he would give them important offices, and very ricli
wives if they should wish to dwell upon his lands. That if not, he
would liave them escorted as far as their own country, and would
load them witii favors ; that they should consider that the Span-
iards held them as slaves; that they would drag them into regions
so far that they would lose all hopes of ever seeing their country ;
• that they would injure, not only them, but all the country; that
their only aim was to deprive them of their liberty, their wealth,
wives, and children, and to load them every daj' with some new
19

290 HISTORY OP FLOKTDA.

burden ; that it was, therefore, necessary to bravely oppose their
tyranny. That finally, since his designs regarded only the glory
and the interests of the people, he besought them by all that they
lield most dear to aid him with their counsel.

The interpreters replied that his enterprise was lofty and worthy
of a great soul ; that his measures appeared well taken ; that cer-
tainly he would not be deceived in his hopes ; that the country would
owe to him its preservation, and the people their honor, their for-
tunes, and their lives ; that, with this view, they would swear to
him not to divulge his secret, and to implicitly execute his orders;
that, in one word, as they could contribute but their vows, for the
success of an action so glorious, they would pray the Sun and Moon
to favor it.

CHAPTER XXI.

THE RESULTS OP THE ENTERPRISE OP VITACHUCO.

ViTACHUCO and the interpreters separated with much joy. The
latter hoped to be very soon free, elevated to honors, and married
to very rich wives ; and Vitachuco imagined that he had gloriously
accomplished the object of his designs ; that his neighbors would
adore him, and that all the people of the country would recognize
him as their liberator. He even thought that he heard then the
praises which they ought to give him for an action so illustrious,
and saw the women, with their children, dancing and singing before
him, according to the custom of the country, songs which pro-
claimed his valor, and the fortunate success of his enterprise.
Puffed up with these vain imaginations he sent for his captains, not
to take their advice concerning what should be done, but to make
them execute his orders. He told them that he was going to be
crowned with an immortal fame ; that he even enjoyed it already, in
advp,nce ; but that it depended upon their courage to cover him with
glory ; that, therefore,, he entreated them to attack the Christians
vigorously, and to make such a slaughter of tbem as he had imag-
ined. His captains replied that they had so much respect for him
that he had only to command, and they would obey him like brave
men. The cacique, satisfied with their reply, dismissed them with
a promise to inform them, in a sliorttime, what they should have to
do. In the mean time the interpreters, to whom Vitachuco had
disclosed himself, considering that his enterprise could not succeed,
because'of the courage of the Spaniards, and of the vigilance of
Soto, and besides, the fear of the dangers to which it would expose

THE DEFEAT OP THE INDIANS. 291

them, prevailing over the hopes of being recompensed, they believed
that their individual interest obliged them to violate their faith.
They, therefore, went to Ortis and declared to him the treason, with
orders to give notice of it to the general, who immediately assem-
bled his council. It was decided that it was necessary to dissemble,
and secretly to warn their people to hold themselves upon their
guard with an apparent negligence, in order that the barbarians
might not suspect anything. They believed that, to secure Vita-
chuco, they should even employ the means of which he had resolved
to make use in order to take the general. Therefore, they ordered
twelve of the most robust soldiers to keep near the general, when,
at the request of Vitachueo, he should go to view the Indians in
battle array ; and that they should always be on the alert to observe
closely all the movements of the barbarian.

The day arrived when everything was to be executed, the cacique
invited Soto to come and see his subjects in the country where they
awaited him in battle array. That his presence would oblige them
to act well. That he would see their numbers and their skill, and
whether they understood warfare. As Soto dissembled and feigned
not to give himself a guard, he replied, he would view, with much
pleasure, the Indians under arms ; and that, to render the review
more beautiful and contribute to their satisfaction, he would send
out, in order of battle, the Spanish cavalry and infantry, that both
might exercise and skirmish for amusement. Vitachueo did not
wish that they should do him so much honor ; but his passion so
much prepossessed him that he consented to everything. He relied
upon the valor of his subjects ; and believed that, without difficulty,
he would succeed in his enterprise.

CHAPTER XXII.

THE DEFEAT OP THE INDIANS. (

When, on both, sides, the troops were under arms, the Spanish
cavalry and infantry left in order of battle, and the general marched
on foot with the cacique. There was, near the town, a great plain,
which abutted one side upon a forest and the other upon two
marshes. The first of these marshes was a kind of pond, of which
the bottom was verj' good, but the water so deep, that, at four paces
from tlie shore, it was overhead ; the second was three-quarters of
a league wide, and the length greater than the eye could view. The
India,ns came and camped between this forest and these marshes ;

292 HISTORY OP FLOBIDA.

they had these waters on their right and the forest on their left.
There were nearly ten thousand, all men of the elite, and very
at'tive, with plumes disposed in eueh a fashion upon their heads
that they appeared larger tihan ordinary. Being camped, they con-
cealed their arms, to make it appear that they had no evil design,
and formed a very beautiful battalion in the form of a crescent.
There they awaited their chief and the general, who came with the
resolution to seize each other; accompanied, each, by twelve persons.
The Spanish infantry marched on the side of the forest, and the
cavalry in the middle of the plain, to the right of the general, who
had no sooner arrived where Vitachuco was to have had him seized,
than he anticipated him, and had a musket fired, which was the
signal. The twelve Spaniards immediately seized the cacique, the
Indians endeavoring to rescue him ; but their efforts did not succeed.

The general, who was anned under his dress, had ordered that
they should keep ready for him two of his best horses ; so that,
after seizing the barbarian, he -mounted the horse named Azei-
t-uno and attacked the battalion of Indians. It was his custom to
encourage others by his example, find to go first, headlong, into
danger: for he would not have found his victory glorious if he had
not gained it at the peril of his life. He also passed for one of the
four bravest captains who had gone to the West Indies ; but he did
not take sufficient care of himSelf. The Indians, who had then taken
arms, received him courageouslj', and prevented him from breaking
their battalion. At the same time that he put the first line in dis-
order, they fired upon him, and pierced Azeituno with eight arrows.
This horse fell dead ; for it was at this that they had principally
aimed, and even in all the other combats, they took more care to
kill the horses than to kill the men ; imagining that the death of
the one was more important to them than that of the other.

The signal being given our men charged upon the Indians, and
the cavalry followed so closely the general that it succored him
before he could be wounded. But Viota, who was one of his pages,
seeing his master's horse was slain, dismounted and gave him his
own. The general immediately rushed upon the barbarians ; who,
without pikes, could not resist three hundred cavalry, and all took
to flight; they who had boasted of exterminating all the Spaniards.

As the battalion was broken, the Indians, about ten o'clock in
the morning, fled ; some into the woods and others into the pond.
Those of the rear-guard scattered over the plain ; which was the
reason why they slew more than three hundred of them and made
many prisoners. Nevertheless, those of the advance-guard, who
were the most valiant, were still worse treated : for, flying after

THE INDIANS' EXIT FROM THE POND. 293

having sustained the first shock and the fury of the cavalry, tliey
could gain neither the wood nor the marsh, which were the best-
retreats; so that more than nine hundred threw themselves into the
poild. In the mean time the Spaniards pursued the others as far as
the forest ; but to no purpose, and they retraced their steps to the
pond to harass, the remainder of the day, the barbarians who had
escaped there. They flred upon them, sometimes arrows and some-
times musket shots, merely to compel them to surrender; for since
they could not escape our people did not wish to injure them. The
Indians, on their side, defended themselves valiantly, and exhausted
upon the Spaniards all their arrows. But as they had no footing,
there were many of them who swam three or four abreast ; pressing
one against the other, and who carried upon their backs one of their
comrades who flred until he had no more arrows.* They fought in
this manner, all the day, without any of them being willing to sur-
render. The night come, our men invested the' pond ; the cavaliers
placed themselves two and two at intervals, and the foot soldiers
six and six at very short distances from each other ; for fear lest,
by favor of the darkness, they should egcape from them. And when
they heard them approach the shore, besides promising them every
kind of good treatment, they would menace them and fire upon
them to make them retire ; and fatiguing them by dint of swimming
they soon constrained them to surrender.

CHAPTER XXIII.

THE FORTITUDE OF THE INDIANS AND THEIR EXIT FROM THE POND.

They were the greater part of the night harassing the Indians,
who, without any hope of succor, showed they would rather die
than surrender. However, by the persuasion of Ortis, the most
fatigued began to leave the pond, one after another, but so slowly
that at break of day there were not yet fifty out. The others, who
saw that their companions were treated well, surrendered in greater
numbers. They came, however, so reluctantly, that the greater
part, being upon the shore, leaped again into the water and did not
leave it until the last extremity'- ; so that there were many of them who
swam twenty-four hours. And the next day, when the day was already
a little advanced, about two hundred surrendered ; but so swollen
by the water which they had swallowed, and so overcome by hunger,

* Garcilasso's imagination.

294 HISTORY OP FLORIDA.

fatigue, and drowsiness, tliat they were lialf dead. Finally, the
others left it, with the exception of seven, whom nothing could
move, and who would have died in the water, if before evening the
general had not commanded them to be drawn out of it. Twelve
great swimmers then leaped into the pond, and taking them by the
.legs, arms, and hair, brought them to shore. But the poor Indians
were pitiable ; extended upon the sand more dead than alive, and in
a condition in which you may imagine men who had foughj; thirty
hours swimming in the water. Our people, touched with compas-
sion and admiring their courage, brought them to the town, where
they assisted them ; and they were more aided by the goodness of
their constitution than by the virtues of their remedies. Afterwards,
when they saw them a little recovered, the general had them called,
and feigning to be enraged, demanded of them why, in the deplora-
ble condition in which they saw themselves, they had not followed
the example of their companions. Then four, about thirty-five
years each, replied through one of them, that they had known the
peril which threatened them, but that, in consideiiation of the com-
mands which Vitachuco had given them as his troops, and of the
esteem which he had for their valor, they had Ibeen obliged to
show that they were not entirely unworthy of his favors, and that
he was not mistaken in the choice which he had made of their
persons. That besides they desired to leave to their children an ex-
ample of fidelity and courage, and to instruct by their valor, all
the other captains. That they were, therefore, to be pitied for
not having done their duty, and that the compassion which they
had for them was painful to their honor. That, however, they
should not cease to have much gratitude for the kindness they had
intended to do them ; but that they would increase the favors they
had done them if they would take their lives; that not having died
for the service of Vitachuco, they dared not appear before him or
among his people.

The general, who admired this reply, turned to the other Indians,
who were young chiefs from eighteen to nineteen years of age each.
He demanded of them what had constrained them to remain with
so much obstinacy in the water, they who held no rank in the
army. They replied that they had left their homes, neither in the
view of destroying his troops nor in the hope of making booty, nor
to gain tlie friendship of any cacique as a recompense for it, but to
acquire a reputation in the.battle that was to be fought against the
Christians. That they had always been taught that the glory that
was to be acquired in battle was grand and enduring. That in con-
sideration of this, they had exposed themselves to the danger in

THE INDIANS' EXIT FROM THE POND. 295

which he had seen them, and from which he had so generously ex-
tricated them. That now they would voluntarily sacrifice themselves
for his service. Tliej' added, that fortune having declared for him,
and having robbed tliem of a victory that would have covered them
with glory, they beheld themselves in the sad state in which the
vanquished ordinarily are. That, however, they had learned that if
they should suffer their misfortunes with firmness, they would be
able to render themselves commendable, because the vanquished
who had fought only for liberty did not deserve less praise than he
who governs himself wisely in victory. That, therefore, he should
not be astonished if, instructed by these maxims, thej' had shown
as much courage as the captains. They maintained, on the contrary,
that they were more obliged than they to fight valientlj', because their
birth destined them to higher employments than these officers.
That, in this view, they had aimed to show that they aspired to
succeed their fathers ; since they endeavored to imitate the noble
examples which they had given them. That they had .even desired
to show them that they were worthy to be their children, and to
console them for their- loss by a glorious death. That finally, if
these considerations could excuse them with him, they implored his
clemency ; if not, they offered to him their lives, and that it jvas
permitted to the conqueror to use his victory according to his will.

This discourse, joined to the courage, the fine appearance, and
the misfortunes of these young nobles, drew tears from the greater
part of the Spaniards who were present. The general himself felt
pity for them, and, embracing them, said to them that he judged of
their birth by their actions; that men who had as much firmness
as they had shown deserved to command other men ; that for this
reason he had a special pleasure in having preserved their lives ;
but that they need not grieve ; that the height of his satisfaction
was to set them at liberty. In fact, the general, after having de-
tained them only two or three days in order to show to them his
affection, sent tliem away, accompanied by some of their domestics
who were prisoners. He gave them divers presents for their fathers,
with orders to offer to them his friendship, and to tell them the
way in which he had treated th.em.

These Indians, after many thanks, took the road to their country,
well pleased with the general, who the next day summoned Vita-
chuco and the captive captains. He told them that their conduct
was criminal, since, under the appearance of friendship, they had
conspired the destruction of the troops ; that such treason ought to
be punished with death, in order that their example might hinder
the other Indians of the province from rising; that, nevertheless,

296 HISTORY OP FLORIDA.

to show that he preferred peace to vengeance, he pardoned them on
condition that for the future they would return the affection wliich
he had for them. He begged them also to forget the past, and to
make no more attempts against the Christians, because it would
inevitably bring only misfortune upon all tii,eir undertakings. He
afterwards took the cacique aside and tried by every means to calm
him, and -was pleased that he should return to eat at his table, from
which he had expelled him on account of his perfidy. But these
manifestations of affection, so far from obliging this barbarian to
return to his duty, served only to preserve the aversion which he
had conceived against the Spaniards, so that he let himself be
carried away more and more by the violence of his hate, and finally
destroyed himself and the greater part of his sulijects.

CHAPTER XXIV.

THE DEATH Or VITACHUOO.

The Indians who went out of the pond were made prisonei-s anxl
distributed for slaves to the Spaniards, and Vitachuco' had his
dwelling for a prison. Tlie general ordered it so, to punish these
barbarians for their treason, and to retain them b^' fear in their duty.
However, he had resolved that on leaving the province he would
give them all their liberty. , But the cacique, who did not know this
design, and who saw his subjects slaves, again meditated means of
destroying the Spaniards. He flattered himself that the nine hun-
dred prisoners, who were the bravest of his troops, would execute
alone what they had not been able to do together ; that, being as
numerous as tiie Spaniards, each one would slay his master ; and
that, choosing the hour of dinner, his design would so much the
more surely succeed, as the Spaniards would suspect nothing. This
design, which should have been conducted with much prudence,
was precipitated ; and he believed that his subjects with their arms
only could make away with their enemies. He, therefore, commanded
four j'oung Indians, who were left for his individual service, to in-
form the principal prisoners of his resolution, with orders to have
it adroitly communicated to the others, and to hold themselves
ready about noon of the third day, in order for each one to slay his
man. He also sent them word that at the same hour he would take
the life of the commander; and as a signal, he would make, whe'n
he should be engaged with him, a shout so loud that the whole town
should hear it. Vitachuco gave this order to the Indians the same

THE DEATH OP VITACHUCO. 297

day that Soto, forgetting his crimes, caused liim to dine at his table.
Bnt it is ordinarily thus that traitors and ingrates recognize the
favors that are done them.

The subjects of the barbarian, informed of this second enterprise,
S8,w clearly that it would not be more fortunate than the first.
However, they replied that they would all obey him or die, for
the Indians of the new world have so rniich love and veneration for
their princes that they consider them as divinities. If their sovereign
desired it, they would cast themselves as freely into the fire as they
would into the water ; and, without considering the danger in which
they placed themselves, they would regard only their duty and the
obedience they had pledged them.

Finally, seven days after the first rout of the Indians, when the
general and the cacique had dined, the barbarian bent his whole hody,
turned himself from one side to the other, closed his fist, extended
his arms, drew them back even to reversing therh upon his shoul-
ders, and brandished them with such great violence that his bones
cracked with it, ah ordinary custom of the Indians when they would
_ undertake anything which required vigor. Then he raised himself
upon his feet with an inconceivable haughtiness; he closed with the
general, pressed his left arm around his neck, and with his right
hand gave him so violent a blow with his fist upon his face that he
knocked him to the ground, fell upon him, and made so loud a cry
that it was heard more than a quarter of a league. The officers
who had assembled for dinner, seeing the insolence of the barbarian,
pierced him ten or a dozen times with their swords, and he fell
dead with rage in his soul and curses in his mouth because he had
not succeeded in his undertaking. But for the officers, he had
finished the general with another blow, for that which he had
already given him was so great that he remained senseless for half
an hour. The blood flowed from his eyes, his nose, and his mouth.
He even had some teeth broken, and the others so much injured
that for twenty days he was unable to eat anything but hash. His
lips, his nose, and his face were swollen to such a degree that it was
necessary to cover them with plasters, so violently had Vitachuco
struck him.* This savage was then ahout thirty-five years of age.
He had a robust bodj', handsome shape, and a countenance sombre,
haughtj', and altogether cruel.

* The Elva narrative makes mention of this occurrence, and of the insurrec-
tion of Vitachuco and his men ; hut the place was Napetuca, and the cacique
Caliquen.

298 HISTORY OF FLOEIDA.

, CHAPTER XXV.

THE CONSEQUENCE OF THE DEATH OF VITACHUCO.

The cr\' of Yitachuco heard, each Indian attacked the Spaniard
he served, and tried to kill him ; some with firebrands, others with
whatever they met with, for they had not weapons. Nevertheless,
they did not fail to make a v^ry great confusion. Some struck the
Spaniards in the face ; others on the head, sometimes with the iron pots
in which they cooked the meat, with which some of our men were
burnt, and sometimes with pots and plates. However, they did
more mischief with the firebrands than with all the rest ; as the
most of them had some, they injured many of our people. Some
had tiieir arms broken, others had their eyelids burnt, their faces dis-
figured, and their noses broken. There were even four' slain, of
whom one, being knocked down with a firebrand, three savages fell
upon him so cruelly that they knocked out his brains. It happened
also in this confusion, that after an Indian had, with a blow of a
stick, struck down a Spaniard, and broken his teeth with a blow of
his fist, he fled from some of our men who rushed upon him, as-
cended to a chamber wiiich faced the court, took a lanee'which was
against the wall, and defended the door with so much courage that
no one could enter tliere. In the mean time, Diego de Soto, a rela-
tion of tiie general, liastened there, and commenced firing from the
court with a crossbow. When the Indian saw this new enemy, he
placed himself directly in the door, and, determined to sell his life
dearlj', he threw his lance at the same moment that Soto fired ; but
it touched, only with the wood, the shoulder of the Spanish cava-
lier ; and having staggered him, it entered half a yard into the earth.
The shot of Soto was more fortunate ; it struck his enemy in the
breast and'slew him. In the mean time the report spread that Vi-
tachuco had injured the general, so that the Spaniards, irritated
more and more, and principallj' those who had been wounded,
avenged therasejves upon the savages whom they encountered.
There were, however, cavaliers, who, being ashamed to acknowledge
tliat they had been beaten, believed that it was unbecoming them to
take the lives of slaves. Therefore, they had some of them slain by
the Indians themselves, who served them in the army, and placed
the greater part of them into the hands of the archers of the gene-
ral's guard ; who pierced them, with the halberts, in the middle of
the public square of the town. Among others, Saldagna, who would

THE PROVINCE OP OSSAOHILE. 299

not himself put this slave to death, tied a cord around his neck, and
led him to deliver him to the guards. But when the'savage entered
the square, and saw what was passing there, such a rage seized him,
that, with one hand, he took his master by the neck, and with the
other under the thigh, lifted him up, turned him upside down, and
let him fall so, violently that he stunned him. He immediately
mounted him witli his two feet upon his belly with so much vio-
lence that he would have crushed it if some fifty Spaniards, sword
in hand, had not come to his assistance. However, the savage was
not confounded, and received them ''so courageously that he was a
long time without being either wounded or taken! He seized the
sword of Saldagna, and whirling it around, thus kept his enemies
at a distance, so that they were obliged to kill him by shooting him
with fusees and pistols.

Such was a part of the disorders which happened the day that
Yitachuco struck the general ; and, without donbt, they would have
been greater if the greater part. of tlie Indians had not been chained.
Thus, there were but few Spaniards killed, but many wounded. As
to the Indians, because they were brave, and attacked and defended
themselves vigorously, there died more than nine hundred of them,
who were the flower of the subjects of Vitachuco ; whom this bar-
barian unfortunately hurried headlong to destruction. He was also
the cause of the death of four captains, whom they had drawn from
the pond, who were involved in the misfortune of the others. It is
thus that the foolish and the rash destroy the wise who believe them
and obey their orders.

CHAPTER XXYI.

THE PROVINCE OF OSSAOHILE.

After the defeat of the prisoners, the general remained four days
in the town of Vitachuco, and had dressed his own wounds and
those of the others; and on the fifth he took the route to Ossachile.
The troops made four leagues the first day's journey, and camped
upon the borders of a great river which separates the province of
Ossachile from that of Vitachuco. But as this river was not ford-
able, it was necessary to build a bridge. The Spaniards, therefore,
quicklj'^ collected timber, and they already began to work on it, when
the Indians appeared on the other side of the river to defend the
passage. So that they abandoned it, and made six large rafts of
man J' pieces of wood, upon which crossed a hundred fusileers and

300 HISTORY OF FLORIDA,

crossbow-men, with fifty cavaliers who carried tlie saddles of their
horses. Then Soto ordered that fifty horses should be made to
swim across, and that they should be saddled as soon as they
reached the other shore. Thej' then began to march into the plain,
and the Indians quitting their position, gave time to erect the bridge,
which was made in a day and a half. The troops passed over.
Afterwards they found the lands planted with corn and other sorts
of vegetables, and began to see houses which were here and there in
the country, and which extended four leagues from there to the capi-
tal. This place was composed of two hundred houses, and was called
Ossachile, from the name of the cacique who lived there. From the
town of Vitachuco to this one there are ten leagues of very pleasant
plain.

The Indians at first had not dared to resist the Spaniards ; but
when they saw them on their cultivated lands they turned upon
them and, concealing themselves in the corn, fired a great number
of arrows at them and tried to defeat them. They also wounded
many of them ; but the Christians, irritated at seeing themselves
attacked, beat them back, made some of them prisoners, pierced tlie
greater part of them with their lances, and fought them for four
leagues.

As the Spaniards found the capital of Ossachile abandoned, and
that the cacique and all his people had fled, the general dispatched
some of his Indian subjects to him, to beg him to make peace with
the Christians. But he did not make any reply, and even those who
had been sent to him did not return. In the mean time, the troops,
which sojourned two days in the country, placed themselves in
ambuscade, and captured many barbarians who rendered them ver3''
good service, and who being taken manifested for them as mucli
kindness as they had before shown aversion. These are the most
important things that happened in the provine of Ossachile.

CHAPTER XXVII.

CONCERNING THE TOWN AND HOUSE OF THE CACIQUE OF OSSACHILE,
AND THE CAPITALS OF THE OTHER PROVINCES

The town and the house of the cacique Ossachile were like those
of all the other caciques of Florida. Therefore, without making a
particular description of this place and this house, it seems prpper
to give only a general idea of all the capitals and all the houses of
the chiefs of the country. I will say then that the Indians endeavor
to place their towns upon elevated places. But because, in Florida,

THE ATJTHOE ANTICIPATES SOME DIFFICULTIES. 301

they rarely meet with this sort of place where they can find the
n6cessar3' conveniences to build, they raise themselves eminences in
this manner. They choose a place where they bring a quantity of
earth which they elevate into a kind of platform, two or tliree pikes
high; the top of which is capable of containing ten or twelve or
fifteen or twenty houses to lodge the cacique with his family and all
his retinue. They then trace, at the bottom of this elevation, a
square place conformable to the extent of the village which they
would make; and around this place the most important persons
build their dwellings. The common people lodge in the same raan-
uer; and thus they all environ the house of their chief. In order to
ascend to it they draw, in a straight line, streets from top to bottom ;
each one fifteen or twenty feet wide, and unite them to each other
with large posts, which enter very deep into the earth and which
serve for walls to these streets. Then they make the stairs with
strong beams which they put across; and which they square and
join in order that the work may be more even. The steps of these
stairs are seven or eight feet wide; so that horses ascend and de-
scend tliem without diflSculty. However, the Indians steepen all the
other sides of the platform, with the exception of the stairs, so that
they cannot ascend to it; and the dwelling of the chief is sufficiently
strong.*

CHAPTER XXVIII.

THE AUTHOR ANTICIPATES SOME DIPFICULTIES. ^

Before proceeding farther it is proper to anticipate those who
should say, that in the other histories of the West Indies they have
not seen that the Indians have said or done things worthy of
memory, as \hese which I have reported appear to have : that gene-
rally they even believe that these people are stupid, and that they
have not any policy, either in peace or in war ; that, therefore, I
have either had a particular design to praise the Indians among
whom I have been born, or that I am vainly emulous to show my wit
at the expense of truth. I reply, that the belief of certain persons
that the Indians are not intelligent, and that they do not know how
to govern themselves in affiairs of importance, is ill founded, and
contrary to what Acosta i-elates of them ; an author very worthy of
confidence."}" Besides I advance nothing but upon the relation of an

* See Appendix, notes 17 and 18,

t Joseph D'Acosta, a celebrated Spanish Jesuit. This great man, after hav-
ing resided some years in both Americas, and informed himself, from experienced

302 HISTORY OP FLORIDA.

ocular and accurate witness, who carefully reviewed his account ;
who added to it what he had forgotten, and retrenched the things of
which he had not seen all the particulars; so that, only copying
hira, I can assert that there is in this history nothing but truth.
Moreover, I have been tlie enemy of fiction and of all that which
they call romance. As to that which thej' may say — that I enthusi-
astically praise those of my own country, it is an error ; for very far
from exaggerating anything, it is impossible for me to put in their
proper light the facts which here present themselves in crowds. But
I lay the defect of my inferior abilitfy upon the civil wars which
existed in the Indies during my youth. Letters were then no longer
cultivated, and we applied ourselves only to arms. We learned
horsemanship, and I abandoned myself to this exercise with some
of ray companions who have acquired much distinction there and
have become excellent horsemen. But as things have since changed
their appearance, letters now flourish in the Indies; and the Jesuits
have established so many colleges there that they can easily do with-
out the universities of Spain.

Besides, to continue to show that I. write nothing but what has
really happened, I will saj' that, one day, speaking of the replies
full of good sense, which the Indians made to the general, I made
known to him who had given me this relation, that they would
hardl}' believe it. He replied to me, that it was important to disa-
buse the public in regard to the people of the West Indies ; and
tliat I mj'self knew that there were in these coimtries persons of
sound judgment and excellent mind, who conducted themselves
wisely, in war and in peace, and who reasoned very well on all sorts
of affairs. That I might therefore write boldly the things of which
he had assured me, and that, though I should speak with the elo-
quence of the most famous orators, my words would never equal
tlie magnanimity, the courage, nor the glorious deeds of the In-
dians. That whether they believed or not what I should say, I
could never, without doing injustice to the inhabitants of the
Indies, conceal through a cowardly complacency, their valor from
posterity. My author told me these very things, and I repeat them
to make known to honorable men that thus far I have written with
much sincerity ; and that, in the course of this history, I shall ad-
vance nothing but the truth.

persons, of the customs of those nations, wrote in Spanish The Natural and Moral
History of the Indians, which was printed first in Seville, in 1589, reprinted after-
wards in Barcelona, in 1591, and from thence circulated into the various lan-
guages of Europe. — Clavioeko.

THE ARRIVAL OF THE TROOPS AT APALACHE. 303

BOOK THIED.

WHAT HAPPENED BETWEEN THE SPANIARDS AND THE INDIANS IN
THE PROVINCE OP APALACHE.

CHAPTER I.

THE ARRIVAL OF THE TROOPS AT APALACHE.

Upon the assurance which the Spaniards had, that they were not
far from the province of Apalache, of which thej' had been told so
many marvels ; that its lands were admirable for their fertility,
and its people very valiant, they begged the general to lead them
into winter quarters in this country, which he readily granted.
They therefore marched towards Apalache, and after having made,
in three days, twelve leagues, without finding any habitation, they
arrived the fourth, about noon, near a marsh half a league wide, and
its length greater than the eye could reach. It was, besides that, bor-
dered on both sides with a forest, where the brambles and bushes,
joining togetiier with the trunks of great trees, rendered the entry
to it diflflcult. In fact, they could not go to the marsh but by a
road so narrow that two men abreast had difficulty to pass it.
Before arriving there the troops encamped in a plain ; but as it was
early the general commanded two hundred foot soldiers and thirty
cavaliers to go and reconnoitre the passage. He also ordered
twelve excellent swimmers to trj' the depth of the marsh, and to
notice well the places, so that they might, with safety, venture there
the next day. All the soldiers obej'ed immediately, but no sooner
were they in the forest than the Indians disputed with them the
passage, and as the place was narrow, there were only the two first
of each party who could fight. Therefore, the two best armed
Spaniards, drawing their swords, passed to the head of the others ;
and being supported by two fusileers and two crossbow-men, vigor-
ously charged the barbariang, drove them along the forest, and
forced them to leap into the "water. There the Indians stood firm
and fought courageously ; so that on both sides there were many
wounded and slain, which prevented them from reconnoitring the
marsh. They informed the general of it, who came with the best of
his troops. The enemy also were re-enforced, and the combat grew

304 HISTORY OF FtOElDA.

obstinate ; the Indians and the Spaniards up to their waists in water,
and among the brambles, the bushes, the trees, and rocks, which
they encountered everywhere. Nevertheless, our men, determined
to reconnoitre the passage or die, took courage more and more, and
surmounting every obstacle, they drove the barbarians as far as the
other side of the water, and found that it was easy to ford it, ex-
cept in the middle, where, for about forty paces, they crossed on
timbers. They dlso saw, oft the other side of the water, a very
dense forest, which they could not pass but through a defile, and it
had as much of marsh as of forest, which were here and there a
league and a half across. When the general had reconnoitred the
route, he returned to his troops to encourage them to conquer the
diflaculiies which presented themselves. He took the counsel of his
captains, on the manner in which he should act, and ordered a
hundred cavaliers to dismount and all take their shields, and march
in front ; and two hundred men, as many crossbow-men as fusileers,
to support them, and each one have an axe, in order to clear a place
of the wood which was on the other side of the- marsh, for the
Spaniards were obliged to defile through a place where they could
easily close the passage ou them. He believed that it was impossi-
ble for them to traverse the two forests that day ; wherefore, he
made them camp in the second, so as not to be exposed during the
nijfht to the ambuscades of the barbarians.

CHAPTER II.

THE PASSAGE OF THE MARSH.

As soon as the general had given his orders, each soldier took
some parched corn for a day, and then marched about two hundred
of the bravest of the army. As they had a design to surprise the
barbarians, they slipped away, without noise, two hours before day
by a path which conducted them as far as the bridge; which they
passed without resistance ; the Indians not having had the precau-
tion to seize it, in the belief that the Spaniards would not expose
themselves by night in the woods. But wlien the day dawned, and
the Indians saw their enemies passed, they advanced with loud
shouts, and, in despair at not having sooner seized the passage, they
charged with fury upon them, in order to defend a quarter of a
league of marsh which remained to cross. The Christians, on their
side, received them with courage, and they both fought in the water.

THE PASSAGE OF THE MARSH. 305

Our people pressed them so vigorously that they drove them out
and shut them in the defile which was on the other side.

The Spaniards, who saw that the Indians annoyed them, resolved
that a hundred and fifty soldiers should make an esplanade for to
camp ; and there being no other route than this defile, that the
other fifty should defend it and hinder the Indians from coming
to attack the workmen; they executed immediately this resolution.
In the mean time, the Indians who could not fire upon the soldiers
endeavored to frighten them by their yells; but the Spaniards did
not cease to do their duty. Some defended the passage of the
defile, some cut down the woods, and others burnt what had been
cut, in order to clear the place. The night having surprised them
at this work, they remained each one at his post, and could not
sleep because of the continual yells of the barbarians. When it
was day^ the rest of the troops began to march without the enemy
opposing them. But the difficulty of the road and the briers which
they encountered there incommoded them so much, that, being
obliged to defile, they could reach only the place where they had
cut down the woods. It was there that the Indians tormented them
all the night with their cries and, above all, gave alarm to those
who defended the passage, to whom they had taken care to forward
provisions from hand to hand. As soon as day dawned they all
marched with diligence bythe defile of the forest, and drove before
them the Indians, who, after having discharged their arrows, re-
treated little by little, and yielded only as much ground as could be
gained by the sword.

The Spaniards traversed in this manner this second forest; after
which they entered another, not so dense, where the enemy, having
room to extend themselves, incommoded them very much ; for they
took them on all sides. Some attacked, others prepared for combat
and did not engage until their companions had retired, so as not
to wound one another with the multitude of arrows which they
showered.

But, although the trees of this last forest, where the Indians and
Spaniards fought, were not so close as those of the first, the horses,
for all that, could not run but in certain places ; and this made the
enemy bolder. That, also, which increased their courage, was the
almost incredible rapidity with which they discharged their arrows.
One Indian had shot six or seven times before a Spaniard had fired
and reloaded. The Indians, in fact, are so adroit in handling the bow,
that no sooner have they fired than they are ready to recommence.

The places of the forest where the horses could run were small
eminences ; but the barbarians had obstructed them with long pieces
20

306 HISTORY OF FLORIDA.

of wood, and had made, at places where it was impossible to get at
them, entrances and outlets in order to fall upon the Spaniards
without the possibility of being injured by them. The Indians had
some days before thought of all these things. They knew that the
forest of the marsh was dense, and that there they could not much
incommode' the Spaniards. However, they considered that in the
woods where they were they would gain some advantage over the
Christians, and with this view they had recourse to ruses, to wound
or slay them all. Our men, on their side, endeavored to shun the
ambuscades which they made for them ; and seeing that their horses
were useless to them, they thought only of defending themselves.
The Indians, who discovered that, exerted themselves more and
more to put them to rout. They were, moreover, encouraged by
the remembrance of what had taken place ten or twelve years before.
They had defeated, in the same place, Narbaez, and they threatened
to treat the troops of Soto in the same way. Our men were tor-
mented in this manner during two leagues, and afterwards arrived
in an open country, where, after having given thanks to God for
having delivered them from danger, they fought on horseback with
much courage and success. Tor, in two other leagues of march
through an open country as far as the cultivated lands, they did
not encounter an Indian that was not either taken or slain. Espe-
cially they did not give any quarter to those who made a show of
resisting them ; so that, on that day, there died many of the enemy;
and the Spaniards avenged gloriously the defeat of the people of
Narbaez.*

CHAPTER III.

THE MARCH OF THE SPANIARDS TO THE CAPITAL.

After all these things, the general, with his troops, camped on
a plain near a village, where commenced the habitations and culti-
vated lands of Apalache. But the barbarians, who thought only of
tormenting the Christians, did nothing but shoot and shout all the
night, so that both were continually upon their guard. Tlie day
arrived, the Spaniards marched through lands planted with corn,
which were two leagues in extent, where they met with many
houses, distant from one another, without any form of a village.
The Indians who were in these houses furiously rushed out upon
the Christians and tried to kill them ; but our men, irritated at the

* See page 97.

THE MARCH OF THE SPANIARDS TO THE CAPITAL. 307

boldness of the barbarians, drove them across the fields, and pierced
them with violent thursts of their lances. They went to tliis ex-
tremity with them, in order to subdue them ; but very uselessly ;
the more the Spaniards showed their valor, the more the courage of
the Indians increased.

Finally, after two leagues of travel through cultivated lands, our
men arrived at a very deep stream, bordered on both sides with a
very thick forest. The enemy, who were fortified in this place,
awaited there to defeat the troops. But it happened otherwise than
they expected. The Spaniards, having reconnoitred the post of
the enemy, the best armed cavaliers dismounted, gained the passage
sword in hand , and cut with axes the palisades which covered the
barbarians and hindered the horses from advancing.

The Indians then violently charged our men, of whom many were
wounded and some killed. The passage was difHcult, and tlie In-
dians, who hoped to conquer, made a last effort because of the
advantage of the place. Nevertheless, they were unfortunate ; the
Spaniards attacked with so much order and courage that they broke
through them with the loss of but very few of their men. Then
they made two more leagues through cultivated lands ; but the In-
dians, who dreaded the horses, did not attack them. The Span-
iards, therefore, lodged in the field, hoping that, finally, during
the night, they might take some repose. They were, however, dis-
appointed. The Indians, under favor of the darkness, gave them
continual alarm, in order to sustain their reputation, and to pass for
braves, in the estimation of their neighbors. In the morning as the
troops were marching, they were informed by the prisoners that they
were but two leagues from the capital, and that the cacique, with a
great number of his subjects, awaited there the Christians, in order
to fight them. The general immediately detached two hundred
horses and a hundred foot soldiers. He advanced toward the town
and commanded that upon the route they should put all to the
sword. He arrived at the place and found it abandoned, and tlie
chief run away. But upon information that he was not far, he be-
gan to search for him, hunted two leagues around the village, slew
and made many Indian prisoners, without being able to capture
Capasi. It is thus that the chief of the Apalaches is called, and he
was the first, up to this time, who had not borne the name of his
province. The general, despairing of taking this barbarian, rejoined
the army, which was in the capital. Tiiis place had two hundred and
fifty houses. Soto took for himself that of Capasi, at the end of the
town, and more elevated than the others.

The province of Apalache has, besides a great number of habita-

308 HISTORY OP FLORIDA.

tions scattered here and there through the countrj', many villages
of fifty and sixty houses each, of which some are a league distant
from the others, and some, two or three. The situation of the coun-
try is very agreeable. There are there, many ponds. They fish
there all the year, and the inhabitants make provision of flsh for
their support. The country does not cease to be fertile in every
other respect. Soto and his men felt, also, a manifest joy at having
arrived there; for, without speakingof the provisions which they found
there, they acquired much glory in the conflicts which they fought
there. I shall relate them, to make known tlie boldness of the In-
djans and the valor of the Spaniards.

CHAPTER IV.

THEY RECONNOITRE THE COUNTRY.

After the army had refreshed itself some days, Soto sent troops, .
under the command of Tinoco, Vasconcelo, and Aniasco, to explore
the province of Apalache and the neighboring countries. Two of
these captains went by different routes, fifteen or twentj'' leagues
toward the north. Thej' returned, the one at the end of eighteen
days, and the other at the end of nine, and said tliat they had seen
many towns, well populated. That the land was fertile, and that
there were neither forests nor marshes. Aniasco* reported entirely
the contrary ; that it was very difficult to travel in the country ;
that there were but forests and swampy places ; and that the more
they advanced the more diflBcult the roads were. Nugnez,f in his
commentaries, says nearly the same thing ; that the province of
Apalache is full of marshes, covered with woods, sterile, and badly
populated. That is really true of places in the vicinity of the sea, but
not of the places which the general sent to discover. What confirms me
in this belief is, that the greater part of the relation of Nugnez, iiav-
ingbeen given by the Indians, they have maliciously described their
country as a country frightful and inaccessible, in order to deprive
the Spaniards of the idea of conquering it. I may add, that the
people of Narbaez, of whom Nugnez relates the adventures, having
been beaten at Apalache, and even the greater part having died
there of hunger, they could not entirely discover this province.
Therefore, I relate nothing but what is certain of the part of Apa-
lache where Soto was ; and that which Nugnez relates of the places
of this country which are in the vicinity of the sea, is also very true.

* Aniasco went toward the south,
t Alvaro Nugnez Cabeza de Vapa.

THE DISCOVERY OF THE COAST. 309

CHAPTER V.

THE DISCOVEEY OF THE COAST.

When Aniasco went to discover the sea-coast, which was not
tliii'ty leagues from Apalache, he took fifty foot soldiers and forty
cavaliers. He also took with him Arias Gomes, a valiant and ex-
perienced soldier, who gave good counsels, swam very well, and
found means to give success to enterprises which were undertaken
by sea or by land. Arias had been a slave in Barbary, and had so
well learned the language of the country that, escaping from the
power of the infidels, he repaired to the frontier, where the Chris-
tians were, without the Moors, whom he met and to whom bespoke,
discovering that he was a foreigner. This cavalier and his com-
panions set off about noon, guided by an Indian wlio had volun-
taril^' offered himself for that purpose, and who manifested much
affection for them. They made in two days twelve leagues. They
passed two small rivers and safely arrived at the town of Ante,
which they found abandoned, and filled with all sorts of provisions.
They took enough of them for four days, and continued their march
by a fair road. But finally the guide, conceiving that it was wrong
in him to guide them faithfully, led them out of the way into a
forest where there were many large fallen trees, and where they did
not find anyroad. He also caused them to go by certain places
which were without wood, and so full of mire that the horses and
tiie men could hardly extricate themselves from it. That which
incommoded them most was the great quantity of large brambles
which ran upon the ground, and which gave them much trouble.
However, they marched five days in these ways, where they suftered
incredible hardships. But when they had exhausted their pro-
visions they returned to Ante to get others^ in order to continue
their route, and upon the way experienced toils which cannot be
described, because, repassing the same places liy which they came,
the earth there being already trodden, they sank deeper than before.
Besides, while they were wandering among the woods, thej^ found
themselves at times so near to the sea that they heard the noise of
the waves. But immediately their guide led them away and tried
to entangle them in places from which, not being able to extricate
themselves, they might all die of hunger. As for himself, he did
not care to perish so that he involved them in his ruin. However,

310 HISTORY OF FLORIDA.

in spite of his malice, they returned to Aute, overcome with fatigue
and hunger, having lived during four days upon roots only. They
there refreshed themselves a little, took provisions for five days,
and continued their discovery by routes still more detestable than
the first.

One night, as the Spaniards reposed in the woods near a large
fire, the Indian who guided them, wearied with being so long a
time destroying them, took a firebrand and struck witli it a soldier
in the face. The others, who saw this insolence, would without
doubt have slain him if Aniasco had not represented to them tliat
thej' could not substitute a guide, and that it was necessary to bear
with this one. Afterwards they went to sleep again, and the
Indian had still the boldness to maltreat another soldier, but they
chastised his rashness by beating him with a stick. Nevertheless,
he did not return to his duty, and before day he even beat another.
This last insolence drew upon him violent blows, and caused him to
be chained; after which they gave him in keeping to one of the
most robust of the troop, with orders to watch him closely. The
day come, they began to march, displeased with the diflBculty of
the route and the conduct of their guide. This barbarian, seeing
himself not in a condition to lose them nor to escape, fell in des-
paration upon him who guarded him, and, seizing him behind,
threw him to the earth and maltreated him with violent kicks. The
Spaniards, finally exasperated at this madness, gave him several
tliriists with the sword and lance, of which not one hurt him more
than a switch, and they said that he was charmed. Aniasco, sur-
prised at that, raised himself in his stirrups, took his lance in both
hands, and gave him with it a blow with all his force. Still, not-
withstanding he was very robust, he only slightly wounded him.
Then, despairing of being able to take his life, they abandoned him
to a graybound, and it was in this manner that the perfidious wretch
deserved to be treated. Scarcely were they fifty steps from him
when they heard the dog howl as if they were killing him. They
returned and found the guide, who, with his thumbs, held the two
sides of the chaps of the grayhound and tore them so that tlie
dog could not defend himself. One of the soldiers immediately
gave the barbarian so many thrusts with his sword that he killed
him ; another with a knife cut off his hands, which, being separated
from the body, still held firmly to the chaps of the dog. After-
wards our men continued their route, and commanded, under penalty
of deatli, an Indian whom they had taken when they returned to
Ante, to conduct them faithfully. This savage, while the first was
living, had never intended to serve them. He pretended to be deaf

THE DISCOVERY OF THE COAST. 311

•when they spoke to him, because the other had threatened him with
death if lie replied. But when he saw himself delivered from his
companion, and as he feared some bad treatment, he made known by
signs that he would conduct the Spaniards to the sea at the same
place where Narbaez had built his ships ; that, however, it was first
necessary to retrace their steps to Aute, and from there they would
take the route. But as the Spaniards gave him to understand that
they were near the sea, since they heard the waves, he made known
to them that, by the route which they held, it was impossible to arrive
there, because of the woods and the marshes. They then returned to
Aute, where they, with much trouble, arrived in five days. That
which disturbed them, besides, was tlie uneasiness which they im-
agined the general would experience because they remained too long
at their discovery. During the march. Arias and Silvestre went be-
fore and captured two Indians, of whom, having demanded by signs
if they could lead them to the sea, they made known that in that re-
spect they would serve them with fidelitj', and they coincided in opin-
ion with the guide. Our people, full of joy and hope to succeed in
their discovery, passed tranquilly the night, and when it was day
they took their route across large stubble fields by a very agreeable
road which enlarged by degrees. However, they met with one bad
defile, but they easily extricated themselves from it; so that, at the
end of twelve leagues, they found themselves upon the shores of a
vast gulf, which they coasted and finally arrived where Narbaez had
landed. They saw the places where he made the iron-works for his
ships, and found much charcoal around, with the troughs which
had served to feed the horses.* Then the Indians showed the place
where they had slain ten soldiers of Narbaez, and made known by
signs and by words the principal adventures of that captain, for the
inhabitants of this coast had retained some words of Spanish.
They even tried each day to learn more of them. In the mean
time, Aniasco and his companions searched with much care upon
the bark and in the hollows of trees to see if they could find some
memorial or some writing, for always it is the custom of those who
have the first discovered a country to leave instructions, which
sometimes have been of great importance. But seeing that they
discovered nothing, they followed the coast of the gulf as far as the
open sea, which was but three leagues from there. Afterwards,
when the tide was down, twelve of the best swimmers entered into
boats half stranded. They sounded the entrance of the gulf, and
found it navigable for the largest vessels. They left signs of it

* See page 98.

312 HISTOEY OF FLORIDA.

upon the highest trees, in order that those who should come into
these quarters might take their precautions. Then Aniasco re-
turned to the camp, where the general was very glad to see him and
to learn that he had discovered a good port.

CHAPTER VI.

A PARTY OF THIRTY LANCERS FOR THE PROVINCE OF HIRRIGA.

Whilst they were occupied with discovering the coast, the general,
who saw winter approaching, put his soldiers in garrison ; and as
he knew that Calderon did notliing at the capital of Harriga, he sent
him orders to come and join him. In the mean time he had provi-
sions gathered, and houses built to lodge his men more comfortably.-
He also commanded the town of Apalache to be fortified, in order to
place himself under shelter from the assaults of the barbarians;
and he dispatched persons to Capasi, with presents, to induce him
to peace. But this cacique would not listen to any propositions ;
and fortified himself in a very intricate forest. As Soto lost all
tiiought of gaining him, he ordered Aniasco, who had courage and
good luck, to leave with thirty lancers for Hirriga. This command
was severe, for the route was about one hundred and fifty leagues,
and they ran the risk of very great dangers. It was necessary to
pass among a people, bold and valiant, and declared enemies ; to
cross rivers and very difficult swamps. However, notwithstanding
all these considerations, the thirty Spaniards courageously under-
took the expedition, and performed very brilliant actions. But I
pity them for having only an Indian to relate them. Nevertheless,
to render them what I can, I shall report the names of those who
have come to my knowledge. Juan de Soto, Aniasco, Arias, Cacho,
Atiensa, Cordero, Silvestre, Espinosa, Fernande, Carillo, Atanasio,
Abadia, Cadena, Segredo, Argote, Sanchir, Pechado, and Moron.
This last had a scent so fine that he scented better than a hunting
dog. For, many times in the island of Cuba, going with his com-
panions to hunt the Indians who had revolted, and who had taken
to flight, he traced them in the bushes, in the hollows of trees, and
in the caverns where they had concealed themselves. He scented,
also, Are for more than a league ; for often, without having seen
either light or smoke, he said to those who accompanied him, that
there was a fire close by, and they found it at half a league or a
league from there.

These thirty lancers left Apalache the twentieth daj' of October

A PARTY OF LANCEES FOR THE PROVINCE OF HIRRIGA. 313

of the year 1539. They were well mounted, and had their helmets
on their heads, their corslets over their clothes, and their lances in
their hands, and some provisions in their valises. In tliis state, they
went out before day, in order that the Indians might not perceive
them and go and seize upon the passes. Tliey travelled with
speed ; they even galloped very often, and slew, upon the route,
some barbarians by whom they feared to be discovered. They
continued thus their route, and arrived at the swamp of Apalache,
which they safely crossed. As they had made more than thirteen
leagues this day, twenty cavaliers reposed, and the others watched
for fear of surprise. Afterwards they travelled twelve leagues
through the uninhabited country, from the swamp of Apalache to
the town of Ossachile.

But in the fear of being seen, and lest they might win the passage
from them, they made a halt towards the evening, and about mid-
night passed Ossachile at a fast gallop. One league beyond they left
their road, to take, during the rest of the'night, a little repose ; and
held themselves upon their guard according to their custom. At
break of day they started again at a fast gallop, because there were
persons in the fields, and they feared to be discovered. They trav-
elled five leagues from the place where they reposed, to the river
Ossachile, and exceedingly fatigued their horses. But when they
approached this river, Silvestre took the lead ; and as he saw that
the water was not so high as when the troops crossed it, he rushed
into it, and fortunately gained the other side.

Aniasco, and all the others, followed him, and as soon as they had
crossed they ate. They afterwards continued their journey at a slow
pace, and made four leagues from this river to Vitachuco ; where,
fearing to be obliged to fight against the Indians, they resolved to
spur on with all speed. But when they reached this town, the con-
dition in which they found it, reassured them. It was abandoned,
the houses entirely ruined, and the streets strewn with slain barba-
rians. The Indians destroyed, in this manner, this place, in the be-
lief that it was unfortunate. They also left the dead without burial,
because they regarded them as miserable beings, who had not been
able to execute tiieir designs, and who ought to be the prey of wild
beasts: a chastisement with which they punished those who had
failed in war.

The party were hardlj' out of Vitachuco when they met two In-
dians who were hunting, and who had the air of people of rank.
When these barbarians saw the Christians tliey retired under a wal-
nut tree ; but one of them, not believing himself in safety, fled to a
forest on the side of the road. Two cavaliers overtook and cap-

314 HISTORY OF FLORIDA.

tnred him. As for the other Indian, who had courage, fortune
favored him. For, holding the arrow in place upon the bow, he op-
posed the cavaliers, and threatened to fire upon them if they ap-
proached. Some, irritated at this boldness, wished to go and pierce
him with their lances. But Aniasco told them that it was unbe-
coming them, to wish to take the life of this rash person ; that in
the situation in which they were, they ought not to expose tiiem-
selves to be either wounded or slain. Therefore he turned them
aside from the road, which was near the walnut tree, and commanded
them to advance at a hard gallop. The barbarian, in the mean time,
presented at them his bow as they defiled. Then he began to cry
out to them that they were cowards for not having dared to attack
him; and he said to them many other insults, accompanied with
arrogance and threats. At his cry, the Indians on both sides of the
road flocked together, and began to call to each other to cut thera
off fi-om the passage. However, the thirty Spaniards extricated
themselves from these, and arrived in a plain where they took a little
repose. They made, this day, which was the third of their journey,
seventeen leagues; and the fourth, as many through the province of
Yitaehuco. But the people of this country, indignant at what had
passed, endeavored to avenge upon them the defeat of their men.
They dispatched persons to give notice of the route of the Chris-
tians, in order that they might seize upon the avenues. The cavaliers,
who discovered this, rode at full speed, captured the messengers, and
slew seven of them, with their lances. They arrived that day, about
evening, in a very beautiful plain, where, not hearing any noise, they
reposed for some time. They left there after midnight, and, at sun-
rise, had made five leagues, and had reached the river Ocaly. They
expected to find it not so high as ordinaril3-, but they found the waters
over the banks, and rapid, which whirled in many places, and marked
the gulf which it covered. Besides, the enemies assembled upon
the borders of the river, and encouraged each other, by their cries,
to defend the passage of it.

The Spaniards then, considering the danger which menaced
them, and that to escape, it was necessary not to lose time in vain
deliberations, appointed twelve among them to gain the other shore,
in order to assist them when they should cross. They also ordered
fourteen to cut branches with which they made floats on which to
place their accoutrements, with those who could not swim ; and
that the others should resist the barbarians who assembled to
hinder their crossing. This order given, the twelve cavaliers re-
solved to die or accomplish the object of their design. They urged

THE CAPTURE OP CAPASI. 315

their horses into the river, and with helmets on their heads, coats
of mail over their shirts, and lance in hand, eleven safely gained an
opening on the other side; only Cacho could not reach it, because
his horse had not strength enough to break the force of the water.
He was therefore constrained to let himself go along the river to
search some outlet. When he found none, he saw himself forced
to implore tlie succor of his companions, who were cutting wood.
Four leaped into the water and saved him. But let us leave these
cavaliers, and consider what the general did at Apalache.

CHAPTER YII.

THE CAPTURE OF CAPASI.

SoTO, wearied at seeing these savages at his heels, believed that
if he could take Capasi, he could reduce them without trouble. He
therefore carefully inquired concerning his retreat, and learned that
he was eight leagues from the army, in a dense forest, where he
expected to be in security, as much on account of the situation of
the place as of the swamp and of the people whom he had to defend
it. Upon this news, the general took as many soldiers as he had
need of, and went, in person, to seize the cacique. After much
labor, he reached, in three days, the place of the forest which the
Indians had fortified. It was a place of which they had cut down
the trees, and to which they could not approach except by a very
narrow avenue, half a league long. But at every hundred paces
they had good palisades with stakes, and each palisade was well
defended. Such was the place where Capasi had retired with a
great number of his subjects who had resolved to perish rather than
see their lord in the power of his enemies. Finally, Soto having
arrived at the avenue which led to the intrenchment where the
cacique was, he found the people determined to defend the entrance
against him ; and at the same time he made the attack. But as the
way was narrow, it was only the foremost who fought, who, after
enduring some discharges of arrows, gained, sword in hand, the
first and second palisades. They pulled up the stakes and cut the
bonds which tied them. The barbarians fired, and wounded some
of them. The Spaniards, encouraged more and more, rushed head-
long, as far as the third barricade, which they forced, gaining thus
all the others ; and advancing step by step, in spite of the resist-
ance of the enemy, as far as the place where Capasi was.

Then the Indians, who saw their cacique in danger, redoubled

316 HISTORY OF FLORIDA.

their eflforts, rushed among the swords and lances, and fought to
desperation. Our people, on their side, attacked with vigor, and
did not lose sight of Oapasi, for fear lest he might escape them.
The general, above all others, showed his courage; fought, like a
true captain, at the head of his men, and animated them by his
example and by his words. Finally, the barbarians failing of de-
fensive arms, gave way ; tlie Spaniards made a last effort, and cut
them nearly all in pieces.

The cacique, who saw the carnage which they made of his sub-
jects, and that those who resisted could no longer defend him, com-
manded them to lay down their arms, and at the same instant they
came and embraced the knees of Soto, and besought him with tears
to pardon their lord, and to oi-der that they should rather take their
lives than to do him any injury. The general, touched by this
generosity, yielded on condition that they should remain in subjec-
tion.

Capasi came to salute Soto, who received him very civilly, very-
glad to have him in his power. This cacique was supported by
some Indians who aided him to walk, because he was extraordi-
narily large. He could neither make a step, nor hold himself upon
his feet; so that they carried him upon a handbarrow wherever he
wished to go, and in his house he went upon all fours. This weight
was the cause why he could not retreat very far.

CHAPTER VIII.

CAPASI GOES TO QUELL HIS SUBJECTS, AND ESCAPES.

After the capture of Capasi, the general returned to the quarters,
in the hope that the Indians would no more harass the troops ; but
it happened quite otherwise. Irritated at the confinement of their
cacique, and not being any longer occupied with protecting him,
they made more disturbance than usual. Soto, enraged at this,
complained to Capasi that his subjects were ungrateful for the
good treatment that was given him ; that in respect to themselves,
they were obliged to use another sort ; that he had neither seized
their goods nor ravaged their lands ; and that if they had not at-
tacked him, he would never have permitted any one to have been
wounded or slain ; that therefore he commanded them not to lay-
any more ambuscades for the troops ; that otherwise he would make
open war upon them, and put all to fire and sword ; that flnallj', he
should consider that in the state in which fortune had reduced him,

CAPASI GOES TO QTJELL HIS SUBJECTS, AND ESCAPES. 317

the Indians were treating the Spaniards so cruelly, that they would
compel them to some violence towards him, and to carry desolation
into his province.

Capasi replied with respect, and apparently with gratitude, that
the condnct of his subjects displeased him so much the more, as,
since his confinement, he had sent them orders not to do any injury
to the Spaniards. But that all the care he had taken for that purpose
had been useless. That they doubted the messengers which he had
sent to them, and could not believe tlie good treatment which they
had given him ; that, on the contrary, they rather imagined that he
was loaded with chains and exposed to all sorts of insults ; that,
therefore, he prayed the general to command some of his soldiers to
accompany him as far as six leagues from the camp, to a forest
where he would find all the bravest of his vassals ; that there he
would call them by their names ; that they would come at his call ;
that having related to them the favors which he had received, they
would cease all acts of hostility; and that this was the only means
of reducing them.

The general, moved by these reasons, had the cacique escorted by
a company of cavalry and of infantry as far as the place where he
asserted that his subjects were ; and he ordered the captains, above
all things, to take care of the barbarian. Afterwards they left before
daj', and after six leagues of travel they arrived, towards noon, at
the forest where the Indians had retired. The cacique immediately
sent three of his people there. But hardly were they there than
the^^ returned with twelve others; whom he commanded to notify
his principal subjects to join him, and to present themselves before
him the next day, as he had to communicate to them things which
concerned their glory and their interest. The Indians immediately
entered the forest with this order. In the mean time, the Spaniards
placed sentinels everywhere; they reposed during the night, satisfied
with the conduct of Capasi, and in the expectation of returning with
honor to the camp. But when the day svppeared they experienced
that the most flattering hope is often disappointed. They no longer
found the cacique nor one of the savages who had accompanied him.
Surprised at this extraordinary event, they inquired of each other
how the thing had happened ; and, as they replied that It was im-
possible that he had fled, because the sentinels asserted that they
had watched all the night, they believed that Capasi had implored
the succor of some demon, and that he had been carried away by
him. What is certain is, that the Spaniards being fatigued fell
asleep, and that the savage, who saw a good opportunity to escape,
dragged himself, without noise, on all fours ; that whilst he fled,

318 HISTOEY OP FLOEIDA.

he found in ambush some of his subjects who carried him off.
Heaven, without doubt, favored on this occasion tlie Spaniards ; for
if, at the time they slept, the Indians had come to attack them,
they would have slaughtered them. But, all transported with joy,
they thought only of putting their chief in safety. As they
concealed him very well, the Spaniards searched in vain for him all
the day. Besides the Indians contented themselves with ridiculing
the Spaniards and insulting them. So that they returned to the
camp, without jeopardy, but in the greatest confusion in the world
for having let their prisoner escape. They excused themselves,
because in the night in which he had escaped they had heard an
extraordinary noise; and that, having been guarded with so much
care, the devil must have carried him off.

The general, who saw that the error was irreparable, would blame
no one. ■ He feigned to give faith to all that they told him ; that
the Indians were great sorcerers, and that they did very wonderful
things. Nevertheless, however good a face he put upon it, he was
sensibly touched at the negligence of his officers.

CHAPTER IX.

THE CONTINUATION OP THE MARCH OP THE THIRTY LANCERS.

When the raft was made, the soldiers' launched it into the Ocaly
with long cords, and two swimmers carried one of them to the other
shore to eleven of their companions. In the mean time the Indians
assembled with loud cries ; but those who had ci'ossed resisted them
vigorously, and after having pierced the foremost of them with their
lances, the others dared not await them ; so that the Spaniards were
masters of the field. Because the enemies were not in great number
on this side of the river, there were only four cavaliers who opposed
them. Two caracoled up, the others down ; for the barbarians ap-
proached from these two sides.

These cavaliers engaged them so adroitly that the rafts had
opportunity to cross several times. The first time they carried the
clothes of those who were on the other shore; for, having but tlieir
coats of mail over their shirts, there blew a north wind which chilled
them. The second time, thej' crossed the equipage and the valises
with those who could not swim. The greater part of the others,
impatient to fight, crossed the Ocaly by swimming ; and in order
as they passed they joined those who were engaged with the Indians.
So that there remained on this side of the river only two cavaliers

CONTINUATION OF THE MARCH OF .THE THIRTY LANCERS. 319

of the four who sustained the enemy, and who passed in this man-
ner ; whilst one made his horse enter the river and accommodated
himself on the raft, the other drove back the barbarians. When he
had chased them sufficiently far, he returned at full speed, ujitied
the rope which held the raft to the shore, and crossed the Ocaly wiih
his companion. The Indians charged with fury upon them, but iii
vain ; everything conspired in favor of the cavaliers.

About two hours after midday, as all the Spaniards had crossed,
they took the road to the town of Ocaly, to comfort Cacho, frozen
with, the cold and overcome by fatigue ; the Indians, who perceived
them, proposed to oppose their entry into it. But they resisted
only in order to favor the retreat of their people ; and when tliey
knew that thej' had fled into the woods, they retired. The cavaliers
immediately entered the town, and stationed themselves in the
middle of a great square, for fear of surprise if they lodged in
the houses. Afterward, they kindled four great fires at some dis-
tance from each otlier, and in this space they placed Cacho. They
covered him with clothes and gave him a shirt, from which he re-
ceived much comfort, and thej' remained there the rest of the day.
But as Cacho was not yet in a condition to follow, and as it was
dangerous to stop there longer, because the barbarians were able
to assemble to cut them off from the road, they redoubled their
care, in order to promptly restore their companion. They fed their
horses, repaired the harness, took some plums, grapes, and other
dried fruits, which they found in abundance.

Afterward, when it was night, they posted videttes, and scoured
the environs ; and about midnight two cavaliers heard a noise as
of people who were marching. One of them put spurs to his horse
and came to inform the troops of it. In the mean time, the other
remained to discover more certainly what it was, and perceiving by
the light of the moon, a body of Indians who were advancing toward
Ocaly, he hastened, with all speed, to give notice of it. They
immediately placed CaCho on horseback, and because he could not
well hold himself there, they tied him to the saddle and ordered a
cavalier to take care of him. Thereupon they left and travelled with
so great speed, that, at break of day, they had already made six
large leagues.

They travelled in this manner when they passed through very
populous places ; they even slew those whom they found, in order
that they might not disclose their route ; but through places unin-
habited, they went at a slow pace, in order to rest their horses, and
to gallop in case of necessity. This day, which was the sixth of
their journey, they made nearly twenty leagues, both through the

320 HISTOET OF FLORIDA.

country of Ocaly, as well as through the province of Acuera. The
next day Autiensa was taken ill, and a few hours after he died on
the route, upon his horse. His companions, who had not stopped
to relieve him, not believing his sickness dangerous, were sensibly
touched that, on an occasion so sorrowful, death had taken from
them this cavalier. As grief, under these circumstances, is of no
avail, and as they were obliged to advance rapidly, they made a
ditch, where they interred Antiensa, and continued their route.
They marched, this day, twenty leagues, and at sunset, arrived at
the great swamp. These long journeys are, without doubt, surpris-
ing things, and those who have not been present at the conquest of
Florida, would hardly have believed them. Nevertheless, there is
nothing more certain ; the cavaliers made, in seven days, one hun-
dred and six leagues, which there are from Apalache to the Great
Swamp.* They found it so swollen that the waters flowed in and
out of it, with an impetuosity like to that of an arm of the sea.
For my part I am so surprised every time I consider the labor of the
liorses to pass through such places, that I believe that they would
not have been able to endure so much fatigue, if they had not been
fed on corn. The use of it is indeed excellent, and gives new forces
to the animals which eat of it. It is the reason why the inhabi-
tants of Peru, who make use of llamas for beasts of burden, nourish
them only with this kind of grain, which renders them vigorous and
able to bear the weight of a man.

The cavaliers then passed the night, upon the borders of the
swamp, and were so cold that they were compelled to kindle many
fires, and that made them fear lest the Indians should perceive them,
for only twenty would have prevented them from crossing. They
even would have easily killed them, because, with their boats, they
would have been able to fire upon them without danger. Besides,
our people had neither pistols nor crossbows, and it was impossible
for them to aid themselves with their horses. Thus they passed
the night in a continual dread, and prepared for the labors of the
following day.

* The Ugua or league, of Spain, contains 7680 I'aras or Spanish yards. The
vara is about 33 inches English. 1920 varas make an English mile of 1760

yards.

CONTINUATION OP THE JOURNEY OP THE THIRTY LANCERS. 321

CHAPTER X.

THE CONTINUATION OE THE JOURNEY OP THE THIRTY LANCERS TO

HIRRIGA.

The night that the cavaliers were upon the borders of the swamp,
Juan de Soto, one of their companions, died suddenly. Another,
at the same instant, fled, saj'ingthat since they died so quickl3', the
plague was among them. But as he was leaving, they cried out to
him that he carried this malady with him ; that it would not leave
him, in whatever place he might go; that besides, he was far away
from his country, that he could not stop there, and would do much
better to remain with the others. These words induced him to join
those who prayed to God for Juan de Soto ; however, in the belief
that he had died of the plague, he dared not assist in putting him
in the ground.

When the day appeared the cavaliers prepared to cross the
swamp, and saw with joy that the water had fallen. Eight among
them mended the bridge, which was narrow and wretched, and
passed over, carrying the saddles of their horses. As the horses
could not pass upon this bridge, all were stripped and led into the
water as far as the place where they no longer had footing; but,
because it was too cold, the horses would not commence swimming.
To compel them, they attached to them halters of long cords which
four or five of the most excellent swimmers drew as far as the
middle of the water, whilst the others struck them with switches.
However, it was useless, for they drew back, and they would rather
have let themselves be killed than advance. A few, nevertheless,
hy force of blows, began to swim; but they quickly retraced tlieir
way, dragging with them tiie swimmers, without Arias and the
others who were behind being able to arrest them. Finally, the
horse of Aniasco passed with that of Silvester, and as those to
whom thej' belonged were on the other side they saddled and
mounted them, to be in a state to oppose the enemy should they
come to an encounter. Arias and his companions had already been
eiglit hours in the water suffering from cold and making useless
efforts, so that they found themselves exceedingly enfeebled and
began to despair of their lives.

Aniasco, irritated at this delay, approached on horseback near the
bridge and abused Arias, who could not make the horses advance.
Arias, who knew that it was not his fault nor that of his com-
21

322 HISTOEY OF TLOEIDA.

panions, and who .thought it very strange that, after the evils he
had suffered, tliey should act thus, replied that it was unbecoming
him to speak in that manner; that Aniasco ought to consider that
they were unfortunately freezing in the water without being able to
do anything with all their efforts; that he himself might dismount
and thej' would see what wonders he would do. Arias pushed still
further his resentment, for when once one is in a rage he can hardly
restrain himself. Finally, the liberty of the cavalier brought Ani-
asco to himself, and obliged him to condemn his brusque temper,
whose violence had many times destroyed the respect which was
due him. This instructs those who have some power in the arm}',
and teaches them that it is necessary to win the soldiers by mild-
ness ; that in matters of command example is more powerful than
all discourses; and that, if they are forced to reprimand any one,
they should do it in terms which are not insulting.

Aniasco and Arias being then reconciled, they continued to urge
the horses, and about the middle of the day, when the sun had
more force, and had tempered the coldness, they began to cross, but
so slowly that it was more than three o'clock in the afternoon before
they were all on the other side. The Spaniards then excited pity :
fatigued, languishing, deprived in general of everj'thing. Kever-
theless, they took courage, in consideration of the dangers they
had passed, and of which they had had such great dread ; for if the
enemy had attacked them in the passage and had obliged them to
flght, they would have been lost. But, by good luck, the savages
did not appear, because, going nearly entirely naked, they seldom
left their houses in winter. Finally, when our people "Were out of
the swamjj, they camped quite near in a plain ; they made great
fires, for 'they were exceedingly cold; they recovered by degrees
their strength, and rejoiced that thence to Hirriga they had no
more bad roads.

When night came they reposed, and before day they continued
their journey, upon which, having met five Indians, they slew them
with their lances, for fear of being exposed by them. They made
this day thirteen leagues, and stopped at niglit in a beautiful plain.
But the next day, before the smi had risen, thej' decamped, and
passed, while it was morning, near Urribaracuxi, which, for fear of
the inhabitants, they would not enter. They marched fifteen leagues
this day, which was the tenth of their journey, and reposed a part
of the night at three leagues from Mucogo. About midnight they
recommenced their march, and at the end of two leagues they saw
Jire in a wood on the side of their road. Moron, who had scented

CONTINUATION Or THE JOURNEY OF THE THIRTY LANCERS. 323

this fire, had given them notice of it before, find even after having
again spolien to them of it, they perceived it almost imraediatel3-.

The Spaniards, surprised at a thing so extraordinary, went di-
rectly to this fire, and found around it several Indians with their
wives and children, who were roasting fish. They were the subjects
of MUC090 ; nevertheless they took them, to know if their lord had
kept the peace ; for it was resolved that if there were found any
complaints against him, they would send his subjects to Havana.
They therefore rushed upon them at full speed, and captured nine-
teen of them. The others went into the thickest of the forest and
escaped by favor of the darknCss. The prisoners cried out Ortis,
and endeavored to make the Spaniards remember the good services
they had done them in his person, but it was to no purpose. In
the mean time the cavaliers, seeing that they could take no more
Indians, began to breakfast upon the fish that were there, and
which the hunger with which they were pressed made them find
excellent, although thej' had been covered with the dust whieli the
horses had thrown upon them. Afterward, taking a by-road, they
went away from. Mucogo, and at the end of five leagues Caeho had
recovered his strength. Tlie alarm which the enemy had given
when they were at Ocaly, had made such an impression upon his
mind, that, aided by the vigor of his age, he found himself cured of
the sickness which the cold and fatigue had caused him, and he
served as vigorously as the others. But his horse could go no fur-
ther, and thej' left him in a meadow, after having taken from him
the saddle and bridle, which they placed upon a tree, in order that
if any Indian wished to use them, he might have everything that
was necessary to do so.

Afterwards they continued to travel ; but when they approached
within a league of Hirriga, where there were forty horse and eighty
foot soldiers, fear seized the cavaliers at seeing that they met with
no traces of eitlier men or horses. They could not imagine that
Calderon, who was at this place, had not made excursions in the
neighborhood. They therefore believed that either the garrison
had been massacred, or that they had retired upon the ships which
they had left with iiim. In this belief, they were both afraid and
sad ; considering themselves so far from the army, deprived of pro-
visions, and of vessels to retire by sea. They reflected upon the
evils they had suffered on their journey, and despaired of ever re-
turning to Apalache. However, in the midst of such sorrowful
uneasiness, they resolved that if they did not find tlieir people at
Hirriga, they would camp at a place in the forest, nearest to where
they might have grass. That whilst they should rest, they would

S24 HISTOET OF FLORIDA.

kill the horses least useful, and after having cut them in pieces for
food upon the route, they would attempt to return. They flattered
themselves that if they were killed, they would have, in dying, at
least the consolation of having put themselves in a condition for
doing their duty ; and that if fortune should favor them they would
have satisfaction and honor. Thereupon they boldly continued
their route, and went to Hirriga.

CHAPTER XI.

THE ARRIVAL OF THK PARTY AT HIRRIGA.

The cavaliers, arrived at a little marsh half a league from Hirriga,
found some horse tracks, at which they were exceedingly rejoiced.
Even their horses, which could hardly sustain themselves, recovered
courage ; they scented the tracks which they met, and went caper-
ing as though they had just come out of the stable ; so that the
Spaniards travelled with speed, and arrived at sunset within sight
of Hirriga. Some cavaliers of the garrison were then going out on
horseback to scour the environs of the place, marching two and
two, with lance in hand.

Aniasco and his companions, perceiving them, put themselves in
the same order, and, as if it had been to race at the public rejoic-
ings, they spurred at a canter to meet one another, which was very
agreeable. At the noise which they made, Calderon and the rest
of the garrison left the town. They were pleased to see the races
of Aniasco and his men, and received them with every mark of a
sincere affection. Aniasco and his companions also manifested to
them their joj', and on both sides thej' remained a long time em-
bracing each other. Afterwards the garrison, without inquiring
after the health of Soto or the state of the army, oa\j asked if there
was much gold found in the province of Apalache ; so greatly had
the love of this metal prevailed over the minds of the men, and
made them easily forget their duty.

The journey of Aniasco and those who accompanied him lasted
eleven days. Tliey passed two of them in crossing the Ocaly and
the great marsh ; so that in nine days they made more than one
hundred and fifty leagues, which there are from Apalache to the
town of Hirriga. But by the hardships which these cavaliers suf-
fered, we can easily judge of the difficulties of the other Spaniards
who have conquered the rest of the New World, so vast in its extent,
and so redoubtable for the valor of its inhabitants. However, there

THE ARRIVAL OP THE PARTY AT HIRR16A. 325

are persons who enjoy the fruits of the labors of those who have ac-
quired for the crown of Spain so many rich kingdoms, and who
laugh at the labors which they have had to subjugate them. As
they possess the wealth without the trouble, they think that they
themselves have won them, and stupidly deceive themselves.

Aniasco, arrived at Hirriga, inquired if the Indians of the province
of Muco§o and of tliat where thej' were had not broken the peace.
And at the same time that he learned that they were satisfied with
their conduct, he sent back the prisoners with orders to the cacique
to come to the quarters, and to bring with him people to carry away
the provisions and the other things of which they wished to make
him a present. He also charged them to take care of the horse
wiiich they had left in their country: and, thereupon, they set out
for their country, full of joy at recovering their liberty. Three days
after Mucogo arrived with the horse; the bridle and saddle of which
some Indians carried, because they.had not been able to put them
on him. He affectionately embraced Aniasco and those of his suite ;
he politely inquired after the health of tlie general, and asked them
to relate to him the success of their conquest, the circumstances of
their journej', the battles they had been compelled to flght, the
adventures they had had, and the hunger and hardships tliej' had
suffered. That it would be fortunate if he could compel the caciques
of the country to render obedience to the Spaniards; because they
could never live under a government milder or more illustrious than
that of so warlike a nation.

Aniasco, having contrasted this courteous manner in which Mu-
C090 had received them with that of his companions who at first
had inquired only concerning the wealth they had discovered,
thanked him, in the name of all, for the affection which he bore the
Spaniards, and complimented him upon the subject of the peace
which he had preserved. But the cacique replied to these civilities
with so much intelligence that he acquired the esteem, friendship,
and admiration of everybody. Mucogo possessed also very excellent
qualities ; for, without speaking of his physical advantages, he had
prudence, generosity, and a particular manner which charmed the
Spaniards. Therefore lie was tenderly beloved by them ; and, in
my opinion, they should have adroitly induced him to be baptized.
According to the natural intelligence which he had, it would not
have been very diflScult to have converted him to the Faith, and
this had been a happy commencement. But the Christians wished
not to preach the Gospel to the inhabitants of Florida until they had
first conquered the whole.

After that, and during four days that Mucogo was with the

326 HISTORY OP FLORIDA.

Spaniards, he sent away more than five hundred quintals of cassava,
which is the bread that is made in Cuba of the root of the manioc,
many cloaks, sacks, drawers, pantaloons, hempen shoes and other
things, with coats of mail, lances ; in one word, all sorts of arms.
They gave him, moreover, sails, cordage, anchors, cables, and other
things of the vessels. Onr people had all these in abundance, and
they were very glad to leave some of them to Mueogo and his sub-
jects.

CHAPTER XII.

THEY EXECUTE THE ORDERS OF THE GENERAL.

When Mucogo had caused to be taken away that which they had
left him, they looked at the orders of the general. They imported
that Aniasco should take the brigantines remaining in the bay of
Espiritu Santo, and coast to the west as far as the Gulf of Aute,
which he himself had discovered. Aniasco therefore inspected the
vessels, put them in order, filled them with all kinds of provisions,
and chose the men to accompany him. He was seven days getting
ready ; and when he had given the orders of the general to Calderon
concerning his route, he made his adieux, set sail, and took Ms route
for the gulf of Aute. But let him sail at the mercy of the winds,
and let us see in what manner Arias executed what he had to do.
He was commanded to take the caravel, and go to Havana to
Isabella de Bovadilla, and inform her of the details of the discovery.
He was also charged to treat of some aflairs ; but they do not regard
this history, and I shall not speak of them. Arias then, to discharge
that which was enjoined him, had the caravel repaired, equipped it,
put to sea, and, in a few days, arrived at Havana. He was received
with much joy by the wife of Soto and all the inhabitants of the
island, who made great rejoicings because of the news which he
brought them, and of the health of the general, whom they loaded
with benedictions and praises.

CHAPTER XIII.

WHAT HAPPENED IN THE NEIGHBORHOOD OF HIERIGA DURING THE
ABSENCE OP SOTO.

During the sojourn of Calderon at Hirriga, his people made
many gardens, where they planted a great many radishes, lettuces,
and other herbs. They collected divers seeds for their need, in case

WHAT HAPPENED DURING THE ABSENCE OF DE SOTO. 327

they should settle in the country. Also, the Indians captured some
of the Spaniards, which happened by the fault of the Spaniards
themselves, in this manner: the barbarians had made, upon the
borders of the bay of Espiritu Santo, large places inclosed with
rude stones, for to fish for rays and other fishes which went into
these places when the tide was high and which, when it retired,
remained there almost aground. This fishing was excellent, and
the soldiers of Calderon enjoyed it with the Indians. Therefore,
Lopes and Galvan one day took a fancy to go a-fishing without the
orders of the captain. They got into a boat and took with them
Mugnos, page of their commander. As they were fishing, there
arrived in small canoes some barbarians, who, approaching them,
said, partly in Indian and partly in Spanish, that the fish sliould
be in common. Lopes, who was brutal, replied to them that they
should serve for food for tlie dogs; that he had notliing to divide
with them ; and immediately he drew his sword and wounded an
Indian who was near him. The others, exasperated at this inso-
lence, fell upon the three Spaniards, dispatched Lopes with the
oars, left Galvan for dead, and carried off Mugnos, to whom they
did nothing, in considei'ation of his youth. Some soldiers of the
garrison wiio were not far from there, attracted by the noise and
suspecting the difficulty which had happened, came in a boat to
give assistance to Lopes and Galvan ; but they found them sense-
less and Mugnos in the power of the Indians. They immediately
interred Lopes, and as Galvan still breathed, they assisted him so
promptly that they restored him. However, he was more than
thirty days recovering, and the same time remained stupefied by
the wounds in his head; for when he recited this misfortune he
said: When the Indians killed us, Lopes and me, we did such
things. His companions, who diverted themselves with his dreams,
replied to him that only Lopes was killed, and that, as for him, he
was not dead. But he persisted with warmth that he was dead and
living at the same time, because God had restored him to life.

Some time afterwards the Indians took another soldier, who was
called Vintimilla, as he was fishing for crabs at low tide, at the end
of a forest between the town of Hirriga and the bay of Espiritu
Santo. The barbarians concealed in the woods, seeing him alone,
approached and said to him mildly that they should divide the fish.
Vintimilla, who thought to frighten them, replied fie I'cely that he
had no division to make. The Indians, indignant that a single man
should dare, with so much arrogance, to speak to them who were ten
or twelve, carried him ofl", but, however,did him no injury. Mngnos
and Vintimilla were ten years among them, with liberty to go where

328 HISTORY OP FLORIDA.

they pleased. But finally they escajjed in this manner: A Chris-
tian ship, pursued by the subjects of Hirriga, was overtaken by a
storm, and to escape its fury it retired to the bay of Espiritu Santo.
The storm ceased, it put into the high sea, and the Indians began
to give it chase. Vintimilla and Mugnos, who accompanied tliem,
were alone in a boat, and, as thej^ designed to escape, fortune pre-
sented them a fine o[)portunity for it. A north wind suddenly
arose; the Indians, fearing lest it might increase and drive them
too far to sea, exerted themselves to gain the land. In the mean
time the two Spaniards gradually desisted from rowing, and feigned
that they had not strength to go against the violence of the wind.
But when they saw the Indians at a distance, they turned the prow
of their vessel toward tlie ship, rowed with all their might, and
called to them to wait for them. The Christians, at their call,
lowered the sails and received with joy tlie two Spaniards, to console
themselves for those whom they had lost.

CHAPTER XIV.

DEPAETURE FROM THE TOWN OF HIRRIGA.

After Apiasco and Arias had left, the one for the gulf of Ante,
and the other for Havana, Calderon took the route for Apalache,
with fifty foot soldiers and seventy lancers, and arrived the second
day at Mucogo. The cacique came to meet him, and lodged him in
the town, entertained them all well, and accompanied them the next
day out of his territory. And, when he was readj' to leave them,
he told tliem, with tears in his ej-es, that he lost all hopes of. ever
seeing the general again ; that, whilst they were at Hirriga, he had
flattered himself that ho would return some day to the country,
where he would still have had the honor to offer him his services ;
but that now, as he saw himself condemned to deplore his absence,
he begged them to make known to him tlie affection which he had
for him ; and with tliese words, embracing them, he returned
home quite dejected. In the mean time the Spaniards continued
their route, and came as far as the Great Swamp without encounter-
ing any tiling ; except that it happened one night tliat, being camped
in a plain near a wood, there came out of it man}"- Indians, who
kept them In continual alarm ; for they had no sooner recognized
them than they all became enraged, especially one among tliem,
who, showing much boldness, was attacked by Silvestre. The

DEPARTURE FROM THE TOWN OF HIRRIGA. 329

Indian stood firm at first, but afterwards took to his heels. The
Spaniard pressed him ; but the barbarian, seeing himself about to
be pierced, resisted, and at the moment that the cavalier gave him
a thrust with his lance which brought him to the ground and Isilled
him, he shot an arrow which piei'ced and prostrated the horse of
Silvestre, so that the barbarian, the horse, and the rider fell one
upon the other. The Spaniards, surprised that a single shot of an
arrow fired so close had slain a horse so vigorous, had the curiosity
to see, in the morning, the effect of tliis shot. They found that the
arrow had entered the breast, and, after having pierced the heart,
had stopped in the intestines; with so much force do the Indians
shoot. Also, from their earliest years, they have no other exei'cise.
When the infants begin to walk, they study to imitate their fathers;
they handle arrows and ask for bows, which, if they refuse them,
they make them themselves of small sticks, and declai-e war against
the mice of the dwellings ; but not meeting with anything upon wliich
they can fire, they hunt the flies, and out of the house they hunt the
lizards, and when these animals are in their holes thej' will wait for
them five or six hours until they come out of them.

Thus, by a continual exercise, they shoot with surprising skill.
But since it has become proper to speak of the extraordinary shots
of the Indians, I shall relate an instance of them. Moscoso, in one
of the first skirmishes with the Apalaches, received, in his right side,
the shot of an arrow, which pierced his buff and his coat of mail with-
out killing him, because the shot went aslant. The Spanish officers,
astonished that a coat of mail of the value of a hundred and fifty
ducats should be pierced bj' a single shot, wished to prove theirs, in
order to know if they could depend upon them. As they were then in
the town of Apalache, those who wore coats of mail took a cane bas-
ket, strongly woven, and adjusted around it one of the finest coats of
mail. They then unbound one of the Indian prisoners, gave him a
bow and arrow, and commanded him to fire, at the distance of one
hundred and fiftj'^ paces, upon this coat of mail. At the same time,
the barbarian, having closed his fist, stretched himself, extended
and bent his arm to awaken his strength, shot through the coat of
mail and basket with so much force that the shot would still easily
have pierced a man. Our people, who saw that a coat of mail could not
resist an arrow, adjusted two of them to the basket. They gave an
arrow to an Indian whom tliey ordered to shoot, and he pierced both
of them. Nevertheless, the arrow remained fixed, as much on one side
as on the other, because it had not been fired with sufficient skill.
The barbarian requested that he might be permitted to shoot

330 HISTORY OP FLORIDA.

another, upon condition that if he should not pierce the two coats
of mail with as much force as the first, he would forfeit his life.*

The Spaniards would not grant his request, and afterward they
held their coats of mail of no account, which they, in mockery, called
Holland cloth. Therefore they made, of thick cloth, doublets four
inches thick, which covered the chest and the croup of the horses,
and resisted an arrow better than anything else. But as in this rela-
tion, I shall again speak of some surprising arrow shots, I return
to Galderon.

CHAPTER XV.

CONTINUATION OF THE MARCH OF GALDERON, AND HIS ARRIVAL AT

THE CAMP.

The Indians, seeing one of their men slain, did not return any
more to harass the Spaniards, who arrived the day following, at the
great swamp, where they remained all night. They crossed it the
next day, without being attacked by the enemy ; and travelled, by
long stages, through the province of Acuera. To relieve one another,
the cavaliers dismounted, preferring, through fear of fatiguing their
horses, rather to give them to the foot-soldiers, than to carry these
behind them. They finally arrived at Ocaly, which they found
abandoned, and when they had taken provisions there, thej- crossed,
on rafts, the river which passes near this town. Afterwards, they
entered into Ochile ; from there they went into Vitachuco, then to
the river Ossachile and to the town of the same name, from which
the inhabitants had retired. They took there provisions, and con-
tinued their journey through an uninhabited country between Ossa-
chile and the'swamp of Apalache, without the barbarians attacking
them but a single time ; they made more than a hundred and thirty
leagues, from the commencement of their route to the place where
they were. Having arrived at the wood which borders the swamp,
they camped all the night in a neighboring plain, and at break of
day, when they had marched through the defile, entering the waters,
they advanced as far as the bridge, and mended it. The people on
foot passed over without the enemy opposing them, and those on
horseback safely crossed by swimming the deepest water. Then'
Calderon gave orders for crossing the remainder of the swamp. He
commanded ten cavaliers to place behind them five crossbow-men

■* See Appendix, note 2.

CONTINUATION OF THE MARCH OF CALDERON. 331

with as many men armed with bucklers, and to seize the jDass
which was on the other side. They then prepared to cross the
water, and quickly gain the other shore. The Indians in ambush
sallied out at the same time, attacked them with loud cries, enveloped
them with arrows, slew the horse of Alvar, and wounded five others.
The rest, frightened at the noise and the shots of the barbarians,
kicked, reared, retraced their steps, and threw into the water those
whom they carried behind, who were nearly all wounded ; for when
the horses turned back, the Indians, seeing the foot-soldiers down,
picked them out. They even prepared to go and kill them in
the water, calling their companions to aid them and to be witnesses
of their victory. This attack astonished even the Spaniards. Their
horses were disabled, and it was necessary to fight in the marsh.
They saw themselves in disorder, and the enemy rushing upon them ;
all that, made them dread being all cut to pieces. The barbarians,
on the contrary, who noticed the trouble of our men, became more
audacious, and redoubled their efforts against those who were in
the water.

In the mean time, Villabo and other valiant soldiers advanced
to the assistance of their companions, and checking the Indians,
arrested their fary. In the mean time the other barbarians of the
country, informed that the Christians were routed, hastened to take
part in the victory.

To the left of the Spaniards who were crossing the marsh, there
came a large troop of barbarians, and some paces in front, marched
an Indian with tall plumes upon his head, clothed superbly after the
fashion of the country. This captain, seeing that the Spaniards
were approaching, wished to get possession of a large tree which
was equally distant from them and him, and from whence he would
have greatly incommoded them. As Sylvestre had discovered his
design, he called Galvan, who hastened to him; they gained the
tree before the barbarian, who, through rage, shot at them three
arrows. The buckler of Sylvester received them and resisted the
violence of the blows, because it was wet. Galvan, who had orders
to fire only upon that Indian, waited until he was within reach of
his crossbow. He took his opportunity in such a manner that he
struck him in tfie middle of the chest, and pierced him, because he
was covered only witli a small skin. However, he was not prostrated
by the blow ; he only made a pirouette, and cried out that these
Christian traitors had killed him. There was immediately heard a
great noise ; there were but cries and howls among the barbarians.
They rah to their captain, took him in their arms, and passing him
from hand to hand, carried him off by the way he had come.

332 HISTORY OP FLORIDA.

To the right of 'our men, advanced, all infuriated, a crowd of In-
dians, against whom Manassas, accompanied by ten others, marched
to oppose tliem. Tiie barbarians briskly charged them and wounded
Manassas in the thigh, on account of him not having his buckler ; and
the four arrow shots which they fired at him in this place were so
violent that they precipitated him into the water. Five of his com-
panions had the same misfortune. The Indians, animated by this
action, and in the hope of gaining the victor3-, made new efforts to
achieve it. The Spaniards then, reduced by necessity to flght for
their lives, defended themselves like lions. In the mean time, the
report circulated among the barl)arians that their chief was mor-
tally wounded ; and they began to give way by degrees and t.o re-
treat. Our men immediately reunited in very good order, and not
to lose an opportunity which fortune presented them, they pushed
the enemy and drove him into the defile which was on the other
side of the marsh ; and without difficulty, made themselves mas-
ters of the place in the forest which the troops had opened in
going through. The barbarians who had fortified it, and who had
retreated there, abandoned it again on the wounding of their chief.
The Spaniards camped in this place, which was very difficult of
approach, and very easy to guard. They passed the night there to
dress the wounds of the wounded who were in very great numbers,
and they were always on the alert on account of the continual yells
of the enemy. When it was daj', they began to march, driving the
Indians before them as far as another forest, about two leagues
through. In this wood, which was not so dense as that whicli they
had passed, the barbarians had made, here and there along the road,
good palisades, from whence they fired and attacked with so much
order, that when one of the ranks engaged the other did not fight,
for fear of injuring themselves with their own arms. The Spaniards
bravely traversed this forest, and had twenty wounded without ever
being able to kill a single Indian. They believed that tliey even did
well to protect themselves from their shots. Afterwards they en-
tered into a vast plain, where the barl)arians, fearing the cavalry,
dared not to attack nor to await them. At the end of five leagues,
as the wounded were generally fatigued, our men camped in a plain,
and during tiie night tlie enemy fell upon them from all quarters.
Then the cavaliers advanced to oppose them, and charged vigor-
ously into the thickest of the barbarians, who retreated, and tried
to shoot the horses; however, they wounded only one of them.
Nearly all the, night they did but cry out to the Spaniards that
they had killed the otiiers, that they had quartered them, and
hung them to the highest trees; that they would do the same thing

CONTINUATION OP THE MARCH OF CALDERON. 333

to them before they should arrive where they wished to ; that they
■were not so cowardly as to endure their tyranny, and that if they
did not leave the country Ihey would cut them all in pieces.

When it was day our men continued their route, and arrived at a
deep stream, and so much the more difficult to cross, as it was for-
tified on the other side with palisades. Calderon sent to reconnoitre
the passage, and prepared to attack. He commanded tliirty cava-
liers to dismount ; to go with sword in one hand and an axe in.
the other, and cut down the stakes ; that those who were the least
in a condition to fight should place tiiem selves in the middle with
the equipage, and the best armed in the rear, so that from all sides
they might be able to sustain the enemy. In this order they entered
into the wood, which was in front of the stream. When the barba-
rians saw them enter into a place where the horses could not be
used, they began to make loud cries, and charged them with so much
fury tliat they expected to cut them all in pieces. Our men, deter-
mined to pass or die, rushed impetuously at the entrenchments.
The contest was obstinate. Nevertheles, in spite of the resistance
of the Indians, they gained the palisades, and cut them down with
the sturdy' strokes of tiieir axes. There were a few wounded, and
one horse killed. They afterwards marched through the plain with-
out the enemy attacking them, except when they met with thick
bushes upon the route, for the Indians, being in ambush, fell unex-
pectedly upon them, crying out that they would exterminate them
as they had done the others. The Spaniards began to be concerned
at these menaces, for, from the town of Apalache, whence they
could easily have heard the noise, no succor came, and likewise
they did not see any horse tracks. However, thej' advanced at a
slow pace towards the place, where they entered at sunset. Some
days after, there died twelve of their wounded, and among others,
Manassas, who was a very brave cavalier.

Calderon and his soldiers were received by all the army with so
much the more joy, as they believed them dead ; for the barbarians
came every day to cry to our men that they had slain them on the
route, which appeared very likely ; for the general having seen
himself, with nine hundred men, in great peril in these defiles, it
was easy to believe that Calderon, with one hundred and twent}',
was there destroyed. But when the general fortunately found him-
self mistaken, the satisfaction which he had at receiving Calderon
and his companions cannot be imagined. He embraced them all
many times, and courteously inquired of the particulars of their
journey. He ardently praised and spoke of their fatigues, their
courage, and commanded that they should take the greatest care
of the wounded.

334 HISTORY OP FLORIDA.

CHAPTER XVI.

THE DISCOVERY OP THE COAST.

When Calderon arrived in the town of Apalaclie, Aniasco liad
alreaidy been there six days, having debarked at Ante, without hav-
ing met with anything worthy of relating. He had safely landed
at this port, because, to make it secure for him, they had sent there,
twelve days before his arrival, two companies, one of cavalry and-
the other of infantry. They were relieved every four days, and
during their sojourn at the port, they hoisted their colors, in order
that they might discover them from a distance.

Aniasco, who saw them, came and landed at Aute ; whence, after
having sheltered two vessels, he set out for the camp, with those
who were ordered to escort him. But when Calderon arrived there,
and the Spaniards saw themselves all together, they believed that
there was no danger which they could not overcome. They were
therefore always in good spirits, and passed the winter pleas-
antly in their quarters. In the mean time the general, who applied
himself wholly to the discovery of the country, sent for Maldonado,
a valiant captain who had served well upon all occasions, and
commanded him to leave the care of his company to Gusman, and
to go to the gulf of Aute; that there he should take two brigantines
which they had left there ; that next he should follow the coast a
hundred- leagues to the west ; that he should notice particularly
the bays, the harbors, and the rivers, and should make an exact
account of them ; that this' discovery would be very important, and
that he would give him two months for the voyage.

Maldonado went to the gulf of Aute, and wheij he had sailed
along the coast, he returned within the prescribed time. He rcr
ported that he had found, at sixty leagues from the gulf, a port
which they called Achussi.* That this port was very fine, shel-
tered from all the winds, capable of containing many ships, and of
so good a depth that it was easy to approach the land and leap
upon it without assistance. He brought from there two Indians
who were relations, and of whom one was a cacique. But he took
them in a manner very unjust. When he had entered the port, the
inhabitants received him civilly ; thej^ invited him to land, and said
that they would give him provisions. Maldonado, who did not

* Pensacola.

THEY SEND TO HAVANA AN ACCOUNT OF THE DISCOVERT. 335

Gonflde in them, dared not accept their offer ; but the Indians, dis-
covering his distrust, took the first steps to dispel his suspicions.
They came on board the vessels by twos and fours to pay him a
visit. Tliey brouglit him provisions, of wliich he was in need, and
by degrees the Spaniards, becoming reassured, sounded the port.
Then, after taliing all that was necessary, they hoisted the sails and
put to sea, taking with them the two Indians, who, trusting to tlie
marks of amity which were given on both sides, were basely be-
trayed.

CHAPTER XVII.

THEY SEND TO HAVANA AN ACCOUNT OF THE DISCOVEKY.

The Spaniards learned with joy the discovery of the port of
Achussi and all the coast. It seemed to them that they would
finally be able to settle in Florida. That the principal thing de-
pended upon finding a port. Thej' had found one in which the vessels
could land, with everything necessary for an establishment. There-
fore Maldonado received orders to go with the two brigantines to
Havana, to Bovadilla, and relate to her the details of what had
happened, and spread the news of it through the island of Cuba.

He was also commanded to repair, in the month of October fol-
lowing, of the year fifteen hundred and forty-one, to the port of
Achussi with the brigantines, the caravel of Arias, and some ves-
sels loaded with muskets, lead, powder, and all sorts of munitions.
He was, moreover, ordered to bring back Arias, a man of sage
counsel and great discretion in war. The general had given these
orders, because he believed that at the time set for Maldonado, he
on his part would have discovered the interior of the country, and
have taken all his measures for establishing himself there; and that
afterwards he would repair to the port of Achussi. But, first of all,
it was necessary to seize this port ; for, with the view of settling in
Florida, it was a thing of which they absolutely could not do
without.

Maldonado then left the gulf of Aute and repaired to Havana,
where, for the good news which he brought, and his good fortune
in all his enterprises, he was well received by the wife of tlie gen-
eral and by all the island. After they had communicated the
success of the discovery, there was nothing but rejoicing and
prayers in the behalf of Soto. The rich themselves, in particular,
contributed with all their power, to his designs. They sent, or

336 HISTORY OF FLORIDA.

bronglit, what they had of the most valuable, because they ex-
pected some profit from it, and that they would show that they
shared in the interest of their governor. But while the inhabitants
of the island make their preparations, we will return to the people
of Apalache.

CHAPTER XYIII.

THE INTREPIDITY OF AN INDIAN.

Aniasco mounted on horseback one day, and, having ridden with
six of his companions tlirough the streets of Apalache, thej' all
took a fancy to make a tour of the town on the outside. As they
had no intention of going very far away, because the barbarians
placed themselves in ambush behind the bushes and the country was
not safe, they left without other arms than their swords, except Pe-
gado, who carried a lance. Whilst they were riding at a slow pace,
and pleasantly conversing on different subjects, they perceived an
Indian and his wife, who were collecting beans, in a field near a
wood. They immediately spurred straight towards them, and the
woman, wholly beside herself, not being able to escape, the Indian
took lier, carried her into the forest, tiirust her against the first
thicket, and forcibly pushed her into it. Then, instead of saving him-
self with hei", he boldly returned to where he had left his bow, and
advanced against the cavaliers with as much resolution as if he had
but one to contend with. The Spaniards, surprised .at tliis action,
and believing that it would be a shame for seven men to slay one,
wished only to capture him. They charged so suddenly upon him
that he had not time to shoot. They overthrew him and held him to
the earth, crying out to Mm " quarter " and tliat he should surrender.
But the more they pressed him the more he showed courage, for quite
struck down as he was, he wounded them all in the legs, and stuck
with arrows, the bellies of their horses ; finally, he escaped once
from under their feet, arose, took his bow with both hands and gave
with it, so violent a blow upon the forehead of Pegado, that the
blood flowed down his visage, and he was quite stunned by it. This
cavalier, enraged at seeing himself thus treated, urged his horse
upon the barbarian, gave him some thrusts with his lance, struck
him in tlie breast, and laid him dead at his feet. The Spaniards at
the same time examined their horses, and found that thej' all were
slightly wounded. They retraced their route to Apalache, ashamed
that a single man had given them so much trouble.

OFFER TO CONDUCT THE SPANIARDS TO GOLD AND SILVER. 337

CHAPTER XIX.

THEY OFFER TO CONDUCT THE SPANIARDS TO PLACES WHERE THEY
BELIEVE THERE WERE GOLD AND SILVER.

During the wintering of the Spaniards at Apalache, Soto resolved
to visit the countries of Florida situated towards the west. There-
fore he inquired of the Indians who served in the army and of those
whom they captured every day, if they had any knowledge of the
western regions of the country. In the mean time, they brought
to him a barbarian about seventeen years of age, who had been
with Indians who went very far into Florida to barter merchandise.
For monej' not being in use among the people of these countries,
they make use of only exchanges. The general, rejoiced at this
opportunity, had this young man interrogated concerning the places
of Florida which he wished to discover. He replied to him, that he
knew only the countries where he had accompanied his masters ; and
that in twelve or thirteen da3's he could conduct the troops there.
The general immediately placed him in the hands of a soldier, with
orders to take care that he did not escape. But very far from fleeing
he accommodated himself to such a degree, to the disposition of the
Christians, that he evinced that he had no greater pleasure tlian to
live among them ; and he also adopted all their manners, and one
would have believed him a real Spaniard.

A few days after the taking of this Indian, they captured another
•who knew him, and who confirmed what lie had said. He even oflered
himself to lead our men to the provinces where he had been, which
he asserted to be of very great extent. But when they demanded
of him, if in those quarters, there were found gold, silver, and pre-
cious stones, all of which things they showed him to make him
comprehend what they wished to learn of him, he declared that in
Cofaciqui there was a metal lilie tiie yellow and white which they
showed him. That the merchants whom he served, purchased this
metal and trafficked with it in otlier countries. That there was
also found in Cofaciqui a very great quantity of pearls ; and there-
upon he pointed to one among the jewels which they showed to him.
The Spaniards, full of joy at this news, thought only of the means
of going to Cofaciqui and rendering themselves masters of the
riches of this province.

22

338 HISTORY OF PLOKIDA.

CHAPTER XX.

CONCEENING SOME SINGLE COMBATS ; AND THE FERTILITY OF
APALACHE.

One day a party of fifty foot-soldiers and twenty cavaliers left the
camp to search for corn at a league from there, where, on their ar-
rival, they collected as much as they had need of. They then placed
themselves in ambush to capture some barbaiians, and posted a
sentinel on an elevated place. He almost immediately gave notice
that an Indian appeared, who glanced from one side to the other as
if he had an Intention to discover something. Upon this notice,
Diego de Soto, one of the .brave cavaliers of the army, spurred to
capture the barbarian, who, at first, attempted to escape. However,
happening to consider that the horse would intercept him, he gained
a tree, the ordinary refuge of the Indian. He prepared his bow?
and awaited with firmness until his enemy was within reach of his
arrow. As Soto had seen that he could not advance as far as under
the tree, he passed close by and gave a thrust with his lance at the
Indian, who had no sooner parried it than he fired and pierced the
horse of the Spaniard with so much force, that afterwards he stag-
gered about twenty steps and fell dead.

In the mean time, arrived Velasques, who followed at a canter to
succor Soto, and when he saw his companion's horse slain, he urged
his own, advanced directly at the barbarian, and thrust at him his
lance. The Indian, after having parried it also, fired and slew the
horse of Velasques. These two Spaniai-ds immediately charged,
with their lances, upon the barbarian, who, in retreating to the
wood, turned his head, and said to them with disdainful pride,
that if they had to fight on foot, they would see with whom would
remain victory. He thus escaped from the cavaliers with his repu-
tation, and left them in despair at being unfortunately dismounted.
The party then retraced their route to the camp, sorry at what had
happened to their comrades.

A short time after this action, Rodriguez and Telves, on horse-
back, left Apalaclie to gather fruit in a forest near this town. Hav-
ing arrived they dismounted and climbed to the tops of the trees, in
the belief that the fruit was better there than on the branches below.
The Indians in ambuscade perceived them, and crawled quietly to
surprise them. Yelves, who saw them, leaped down from the tree
where he had placed himself. They fired at him an arrow which

CONCERNING SOME SINGLE COMBATS. 339

prostrated him as he was running to his horse. The arrow struck •
him in the shoulder and passed through his breast. As for Rodriguez,
they shot him upon the tree as they would a bird, and having brought
him down at the third shot, they took oflf his head, which they car-
ried away as an evidence of what had happened. Yelves was not
treated thus ; some cavaliers came to his assistance, to whom, after
having related in a few words his misfortune, he asked for a con-
fessor, and expired.

The horses of Yelves and Rodriguez, being frightened at the noise
of the barbarians, fled towards the camp. The soldiers, who were
advancing, and who met them, perceived that there was one of them
wounded in one of his hind legs. However, because the wound was
not larger than that of a lancet, they neglected to dress it, and the
next day they found the horse dead. The Spaniards, surprised that
a wound so light should produce such an effect, opened the horse at
the place where he was wounded, and following the trace of the
arrow, they found that it had pierced the thigh, and had passed to
the liver. I'report these particulars to show that during the sojourn
of the troops at Apalache, the barbarians attacked them courage-
ously, and did not lose any opportunity to injure them. The people of
these quarters are brave and proud ; always on the alert, and always
ready to fight. They also relate this of their courage : As the
Spaniards, in the province of Apalache, ate sometimes small dogs,
because they found tliem to their taste, seven cavaliers left the camp
to seek them, and were perceived by five Indians,- who resolutely
awaited them upon the route. These barbarians, seeing them near
them, made a mark across the road, and told them that if they passed
it they would kill them. The cavaliers, who laughed at these men-
aces, advanced ; and immediately the Indians shot some arrows at
them, by which they had two horses killed, and two wounded with
one soldier. But there remained only one Indian upon the field ; the
others took to flight and escaped, because they are very swift. The
people of Apalache were not contented to skirmish with those who
straggled ; but they attacked the army, day and night, without at-
tempting to come to an engagement. They concealed themselves in
the woods, and came and fell upon the troops whom they endeavored
to destroy.

The province of Apalache abounds in corn, pumpkins, and vege-
tables. There are also found there divers sorts of plums and nuts,
and such a quantity of mast that it is lost at the foot of the trees ;
because the Indians do not raise herds. In one word, the country
is so fertile, that the troops, during five months of winter there, had
food in abundance ; and even to get it, they had never to go farther

340 HISTORY OP FLORIDA.

than a league from the quarters. Notwithstanding, beside about
three hundred and fifty horses, they numbered nearly fifteen hun-
dred men, without counting the Indians in service. There are also,
in that countrj-, many white mulberry trees, very good pastures,
excellent water, ponds full of fish, marshes full of herbs, the buds
of which are good for cattle, and of tliemselves sufficient to nour-
ish then*.

BOOK FOUETH.

ADVENTURES OF THE SPANIARDS IN DIVERS PROVINCES..
CHAPTER I.

DEPARTURE FROM APALACHE.

After they bad dispatched Maldonado to Havana for provisions
and other things necessary for the troops, the general left the town
of Apalache about the end of March of the year 1540, and took his
route towai-d the north. He marclied three days without being at-
tacked by the enemy, and lodged in a village almost inclosed by a
marsh which was more than a hundred yards wide, and where they
sank over their knees. However, as in this marsh there were pieces
of wooil from one side to the other, thej-- easily passed it, and from
there, without diflBculty, they reached the town, situated upon an
elevation, whence they discovered many villages here and there in
a pleasant valley. The troops sojourned three days in this town,
wliich was still a dependence of Apalache. During this time, five
guards of the general loft the quarters with Aguilera and Moreno to
reconnoitre the villages of the country. The guard carried each a
halberd, and the others their swords. Aguilera had also a shield,
and Moreno a lance. They passed, in this state, the marsh and
the angle of a wood, and entered into a field planted with corn ;
where, at about two hOndred yards from the camp, they were at-
tacked by the Indians. They immediately cried out " to arms," the
soldiers who heard them left the town, and not to lose time in search-
ing a passage, they rushed into the marsh and ran in haste to their
assistance. However, notwithstanding the speed they made, they
found the guards slain, each one with ten or twelve arrows through
his body, and the two others badly injured. Moreno had in his
breast a wound which went through to his shoulder, and he expired

DEPARTURE PROM APAX-ACHE. 341

■whilst they were dressing it. Aguilera, who liad fought bravely, had
his thigh pierced by two arrows, his body blaclc with blows, and iiis
head wounded ; for tlie barbarians, having exhausted their arrows,
took his shield, and with it, struck him such violent blows that they
laid bare his head, even to his eyebrows. But as he was j'oung and
robust, he did not die from it. In the mean time, the Indians, per-
ceiving the succors, fled so quickly that they could not learn their
number. The}- knew, however, from Aguilera, that there were more
than fifty men ; and some time after, they learned, in this way, the
manner in which the thing liad liappened.

One day the Spaniards, through raillery, asked Aguilera, if he
had counted the blows which he had received, and if, to avenge
himself for them with honor, he would not challenge these bar-
barians to fight him, man to man. He replied that the blows
had fallen so thick upon his shoulders, that he had not been able
to count them. That in regard to the injury they had done hitn,
they would some day be able to give information when they should
be in the hands of the enemy. That, nevertheless, to inform them
in what manner his misfortune had happened, they should know
that many Indians had met him and his comrades in the field, and
that, having seen them only seven, on foot, they had detached from
the main body a like number, who advanced toward them, and charged
them vigorously, whilst the otiiers remained spectators of the com-
bat. That his companions and he, having neither crossbow nor
musket to repulse them, the seven Indians had approached them at
their leisure, and had. fired upon them as upon beasts taken in a
snare. That finally, they had put them in a deplorable condition ;
that however, since he had not lost his life, he pardoned them the
injuries they had done him ; and that, for fear of another misfortune,
he would not think of challenging them ; at the same time counsel-
ling those who railed at him, not to leave the camp without arms, for
fear of being maltreated, and serving, in their turn, for the diver-
sion of others. Those who were listening tb Aguilera remained sur-
prised, for they had never believed that the Indians would dare to
fight in equal numbers against the Spaniards. But this encounter
made them acquainted with the boldness of these people, who, see-
ing no horses, confided so strongly in their courage, that thej"^ did
not think of yielding to the bravest Christians in either valor or
address.

342 HISTORY or floeida.

CHAPTER II.

ARRIVAL IN THE PROVINCE OF ALTAPAHA AND ACHALAQUK

The general left Apalache and repaired to the frontiers of the
province Altapaha. He went there to reconnoitre, himself, with
one hundred and fifty men, as raany of cavalry as of infantry, and
entered the third day of his march into the first town of the conn-
try. Tiie greater part of the inhabitants had retired from this place,
so that they took but six of them, of whom there were two cap-
tains, who had remained in order to make the last leave.

They led them to the general, to get some knowledge of the
country, but no sooner were they in his presence than these Indian
chiefs boldly demanded of liim if he came to make war or treat of
peace. He had them told that he demanded only peace and some
provisions in order to go on. They replied that they ought not to
arrest them ; tliat the demand which they made being reasonable, it
would be granted without difficulty ; and that even throughout the
l^rovince the troops would be favorably received. They dispatched
two of their people to the cacique to inform him of all that had
hai)pened, and ordered them to tell those whom they should meet,
not to harass the Spaniards ; and to make known to each other that
tiiese people only traversed their country without devastating it.
The general, who had these orders interpreted to him, began to
hope that everything would succeed according to his wishes, and
commanded that they should regale the two chiefs and set them at
liberty. In the mean time, the Indians that were with the general
counselled him to retrace his steps to another town, better than the
village where he was, and offered to conduct him there by an agree-
able route.

Soto, allowing himself to be persuaded, sent orders to his colonel
of cavalry to repair to this town. He marched tliere quickly with
what troops he had, and was received there with the greatest dem-
onstrations of joy. The cacique, informed of these things, came to
salute the general, who appeared very much rejoiced at his arrival,
and the inhabitants who had fled returned to their houses. In the
mean time, the rest of the army arrived, one part lodged in the town
and the others outside ; and during the three daj's that they so-
journed there, they lived peaceably with the barbarians. After-
wards they marched ten days, up along the river, where they saw
fine mulberry trees, and remarked that the country was fertile, the

CONCERNING THE CACIQUE COPA AND HIS PROVINCE. 343

people, .gentle and sociable. So that, on both sides keeping the
peace inviolate, the Indians did not receive any offence ; because
they contented themselves with what was only necessary. After-
watds, the Christians departed from Altapaha and entered into
Achalaque, a poor and sterile province where they found only old
men, of whom the greater part had weak vision or were blind. As
they judged of the number of young men by that of the old, and as
in the country they had not met any young men, the Spaniards be-
lieved that they had concealed themselves, and that they awaited
them in ambush. But when they had investigated with care, they
learned that they had nothing to fear, and in fact, there were no
young men found in Achalaque, which surprised them still more.
However, they did not put themselves to the trouble of learning the
cause of it ; they thought only of going to Cofaciqui, where they
all hoped to enrich themselves. They therefore made long journeys
and as the country was beautiful, without rivers or forests, they
traversed it in five days. When the general left Achalaque, he gave
to the cacique, among other things, two hogs. He had ma,de a sim-
ilar present to the chief of Altapaha, and to some others with whom
he had made alliance; for he had brought into Florida more than
one hundred of these animals, which, during the entire journey,
were of use on divers occasions. But because sometimes they went
astray upon the road, and the general gave away always as many
males as females, it is very likely that if the barbarians have
not slain them in hate of the Christians, there may be, at this time,
many of them in Florida, which is a country very suitable for rais-
ing them.

CHAPTER III.

CONCERNING THE CACIQUE COPA AND HIS PROVINCE.

When the general passed from one province to another, he was
accustomed to go himself openly, or to send notice of his coming;
wherefore he sent to the cacique of Cofa to induce him to make an
alliance, and to as.'sure him that his design was to gain the people
by gentleness ; that he acted generously toward those who desired
peace, of which the inhabitants of Apalache, their neighbors, were
witnesses, whom the Spaniards had treated with every kindness.
And as for him, if he would accept their friendship, he would be not
less satisfied with it than the others. Cofa and his subjects replied
that the general did them much honor, and that he and his troops
would be received with joy ; that they could never see him too soon,

344 HISTOKY OF FLOEIDA.

nor could lie enter their country too soon. The Spaniards, de-
lighted with this response, quickened their march, and the fourth
day after their departure from Achalaque they arrived at the first
town of Cofa, where the cacique, in order to appear as a great lord,
awaited them with the most active of his subjects, whom he had
assembled from all of his provinces. But when he learned that the
Christians were approaching, he went out a quarter of a league to
meet them ; where, after having saluted Soto and fulfilled his
promise to him, and finally made known to each other their satis-
faction, the army entered into the town in very good order. The
cacique lodged Soto, distributed the quarters, and retired to a town
about two musket shots from the troops.

The Spaniards, rejoiced at this reception, remained five days in
the country, and, at their departure, gave in custody to the cacique
the only piece of cannon which they had. And to show to him the
esteem which they had for him, by the importance of the thing
which the3'- had confided to him, the general ordered the cannon to
be fired at a large oak, which was upset at the second shot. The
cacique and his subjects, surprised at an effect which appeared to
them so extraordinarj-, showed that it was truly a great mark of
esteem and confidence to leave with them so important a trust.
Afterwards the troops took the route to the province of Cofaciqui,
and the cacique with his people accompanied them. But after one
day's march, they besought him not to go any further. He there-
fore took leave of the Spaniards with a thousand declarations of
kindness, commanded his suite to embrace them, and sent to liis
brother, Cofaqui, to inform him that the army was approaching his
country, and that it deserved to be favorably received. Soto, at
the same time, sent to seek an alliance with Cofaqui ; and after six
days of travel he left the province of Cofa, which is a country suit-
able for cattle, very productive in corn, and very deliglitful. There
they met with great forests, beautiful rivers, plains, mountains,
and, above all, people very sociable.

CHAPTER IV.

COFAQUI RECEIVES THE SPANIARDS.

Having learned- that the Christians were coming upon his lands,
Cofaqui had everything prepared to give them an honorable recep-
tion, and dispatched to the general four of the most distinguished
of his vassals, accompanied by a number of others, to assure him of

COPAQXIl RECEIVES THE SPANIARDS. 345

his obedience. Soto, rejoiced to see them, treated them with great
kindness, and went with them as far as the first town, which is
called Cofaqni,from the name of the chief and the province. While
he was approaching this place, the cacique, who was within, had
information of it, and went out to meet him, followed by many of
his subjects equipped with bows, plumes, and mantles of marten
skins. Cofaqui saluted him with respect, and after some compli-
ments he confirmed him in what they had said in respect to him-
self. The general, on his part, received him in a very courteous
hianner, and promised him every favor, in gratitude for the recep-
tion he had given him. The Spanish officers and the Indians, fol-
lowing their example, also paid each other great civilities, and our
people went into the town full of joy and satisfaction. Cofaqui at
the same lime distributed the lodgings, and for fear of incommod-
ing his new guests, retired, with his own people, to a neighboring
village. But the next day he came to pay his respects, and he
asked the general to tell him if he would remain or go on further,
in order the better to take his measures to render him every service.
Soto replied that he would take the route to Cofaciqui, and would
not stop until he had reached that country. Thereupon the cacique
replied that it was separated from the province of Cofaqui by a
wilderness of seven days' journey. That for that purpose he offered
him provisions and soldiers, and that, if it pleased him to give his
orders, he would have them punctually executed. The general
made known that he was obliged to him, and requested him to do
on this occasion what he judged necessary for the march, and that
thus he hoped the troops would not lack anything, and that he
would arrive safely at Cofaciqui.

The cacique, delighted that the general confided in him, ordered
the troops to be immediately raised. In four days there were four
thousand men to escort the army, with a like number to carry the
baggage and provisions. Nevertheless, for fear of some surprise
on account of the number of Indians, the general commanded his
men to hold themselves more than ordinarily on their guard. But
these barbarians were very far from undertaking anj^thing. They
thought only of gaining the friendship of the Spaniards, in order
that thej' might assist them to avenge themselves upon the people
of Cofaciqui, with whom they were at wai-. Therefore one day, be-
fore the departure of the Christians, the cacique had Patofa, his
lieutenant-general, called, and said to him that a good occasion pre-
sented itself of resenting the wrongs which the inhabitants of Cofa-
ciqui had done them all. That to have satisfaction for it, he sent
him into the country with the army of the Spaniards ; that it was

346 HISTORY OF FLORIDA.

his interest to cherish its friendship by every service, because it was
by the assistance of these invincible troops he would avenge him, in
a great degree, on his enemies ; that this, besides, would give him
an occasion to deserve well of his prince and country, and would
increase his reputation ; that knowing his ardor for glory, his zeal
for his country, and his valor upon all occasions, he would say no
more, convinced that he would gloriously respond to the hopes they
had of him.

After Patofa, who was handsome, and whose visage indicated
something noble, had received this order, he took off a mantle of
cat skins which he had upon his shoulders, took a palm branch which
one of his servants carried for him, and made, before his lord, many
gambols and leaps, with so much grace that he was admired. Then
advancing towards his chief witli the palm branch in his hand, he
saluted him in a manner but little different from ours, and assured
him' that he would sacrifice himself for his service ; that since his
force was seconded by the Spaniards, he pledged him his word of
honor that he would avenge him of his enemies; that even his ven-
geance should be illustrious, and capable of making him forget the
insults which he had received : adding, that if fortune should be-
tray his courage, and that. if he did not fulfil the expectation which
they had conceived of him, his misfortune should be. followed by
his death. At these words the cacique embraced his lieutenant, and
said to him, that upon the assurance of the success of his enterprise,
he would recompense him in advance. Thereupon, he took a mantle
of marten skins, which he wore, and which our people valued at two
thousand ducats, and invested Patofa with it : which is, among the
Indians, the greatest mark of honor that a subject can receive.

CHAPTER V.

THE ADVENTURE OF AN INDIAN.

The night before the Spaniards left for Cofaciqui, their guide,
who was one of the Indians they had taken in Apalache, and whom
they named Pedro, without, however, having baptized him, began
to cry for help, and that they were killing him. The troops imme-
diately seized their arms in the fear of some treason, and put them-
selves in order of battle. But not seeing anything, and having in-
quired the cause of alarm, they learned that it was their guide,
whom they found quite frightened, and almost half dead. When the
general demanded of him what had made him utter such loud cries.

THE MARCH OP THE TROOPS. 347

he replied that the devil, with a frightful visage, accompanied by
many little demons, had appeared to him ; that he had threatened
to kill him if he led the Christians to Cofaciqui; that, thereupon,
he had trodden upon his belly; had dragged liim through the room,
and had given him so many blows that he could not move ; that if
he had not been succored by two Spaniards the devil would have
killed him ; but that the moment he perceived them he fled away
with all his attendants; that, therefore, since the demons feared the
Christians, he begged that tliey would baptize him immediately, in
order that the devil might not come any more to maltreat him.
The general and his officers, who judged of the truth of the adven-
ture by the wounds, sent for the priests ; who, after having inter-
rogated this poor Indian, baptized him, and did not abandon him
the rest of the night nor the following day. He was in such a
pitiable condition that it was necessary to restore him, and the army
could not decamp until the next day ; yet it was necessary that this
Indian should mount on horseback. Cofaqui accompanied the
general two leagues, and afterwards paid him some compliments
upon the sorrow he had at leaving him. He again commanded
Patofa to obey the Spaniards in all things, and he reminded him
that he was engaged in very important affairs ; that they would
judge of the merit of men, but by the brilliancy of their deeds.
Then he returned to the town,, and the troops went on to Cofaciqui,
where they ardently wished to arrive.

CHAPTER VI.

THE MARCH OP THE TROOPS.

The Indians and Spaniards formed two separate armj' corps, and
marched every day in this manner : Patofa and the general, each
at the head of liis troops, the baggage and servants in the middle.
When night drew near, the Indians distributed provisions to the
Spaniards ; the armies encamped and posted sentinels, and put
themselves in such a manner, upon their guard against each other,
that one might have believed tliem enemies. The Christians, espe-
cially, were always watching the deportment of the barbarians, who
only wished to show that they understood warfare. The Spaniards
also prided themselves upon the same thing; each one emulously
observed discipline. At the end of two days' journey they arrived
in very good order at a wilderness between the provinces of Cofaqui
and Cofaciqui. The Spaniards marched six days, without much

348 HISTORY OP FLORIDA.

trouble, throngh this desert; because its woods and ways were
favorable. Besides some rivulets, they crossed two rivers, not deep,
but very wide, and so rapid that they were obliged to place many
horses in a file in order to break the rapidity of the water, and
favor the passage of the persons on foot, who could not keep them-
selves erect unless the horses supported them. On the seventh day,
about noon, they found themselves at the end of the road which they
had followed till then, and met with nothing but paths which went
here and there into tlie forest, and which lost themselves almost
immediately. So that, no longer knowing what route to take, the
general began to suspect the barbarians. He told Patofa that, un-
der the appearance of friendship, he had wished to destroy them.
That it was not credible that among eight thousand Indians whom
he commanded, there was not one who kne~w the road, considering
that they had always been at war with the people of Cofaciqui, and
made incursions on each other. Patofa replied that he had never
been so far, and not one of those who accompanied him ; that they
could not call war, the skirmishes which had taken place between
them and their enemies ; that in the desert they had fought only in
the divers encountei-s in hunting and fishing, where they had killed
and made prisoners on both sides ; that, as the inhabitants of Cofa-
ciqui had always gained the advantage, they feared them, and had not
dared to enter their country ; that, therefore, since neither he nor his
people knew where they were, he begged that he would entertain, in
their favor, other sentiments than those which he had expressed ;
that the people of Cofaqui were not capable of any baseness ; be-
sides, the cacique and he had too much honor. to falsify, bj' an in-
famous treachery, the good reception tliey had given the Spaniards;
that, for the guarantee of his word, they might take such hostages,
and as many as tliey pleased ; that he would even pledge his life
and those of his soldiers, who would all devotedly sacrifice them-
selves to maintain the honor of their cacique and their own glory.

Soto, moved by this discourse, feared lest their commander
might go to some extremity to show the innocence of his conduct,
and replied to him, that, very far from believing that he had mali-
ciously misled the Spaniards, he was now convinced to the contrary,
and that the manner in which he had spoken, sufficiently justified it.
They then called the Indian, Pedro, who had guided them so cor-
rectly, that, at the close of the day, he marked the route for the fol-
lowing day. But he avowed that he liad entirely lost the way, and
excused himself, because it had been a long time since he had been
to Cofaciqui. The Spaniards, who imagined that he dreaded being
again maltreated by the devil, and that it would be in vain to entreat

THE MARCH OP THE TROOPS. 349

him, continued the remainder of the day to march tlirough tlie
most open parts of the forest, and arrived at sunset at the borders
of a large river which was not fordable.* As tliey Iiad nothing to
cross it with, and as they had consumed tlielr provisions, this in-
creased their misfortunes, and they were all the night in great con-
sternation. At the break of day the general, in order to reassure
them, promised not to continue the march until they had first dis-
covered some road.

He therefore commanded Gusman, "Vasconcello, Aniasco, and Ti-
noco, captains of cavalry and infantry, to take each their men, and
ordered some to coast the I'Lver upward, others to do the same down-
ward, and all the rest to advance a leagne into the country, and to
return in five days to the camp, to report there what they should
have discovered. Aniasco went up the river with the barbarian
general, the guide Pedro, and a thousand Indians. The other cap-
tains had each as many of them, in order to spread themselves
through the woods and be able the more easily, to discover some
road. In the mean time, Soto awaited them upon the borders of the
river, and endured all that one could suffer of famine. He and iiis
soldiers ate, ordinarily, only the tilings which the four thousand
barbarians who remained, brought to them. These Indians left the
quarters as soon as it was morning, to search for provisions, and
did not return until night, some with herbs, roots, and some birds
which they had killed ; others with fish ; in one word, with what-
ever they had met with, which they gave entirely to tlie Spaniards,
who were three days only partially nourished by the provisions
which the Indians furnished tliem. But as our people left them the
better part of it, and as Soto saw that tiiey could no longer subsist
upon it, he had some hogs killed, and distributed half a pound of
meat to each Spaniard, which rather irritated than appeased their
hunger. Nevertheless, to show their gratitude to the Indians, they
divided with them what tliey had. The general, who persuaded the'm
to this, sufiered as the plainest foot-soldier. He concealed his dis-
tress ; he caressed the soldiers, and encouraged them with a gayety
that charmed them and made them forget a part of their troubles;
so that, in their turn, they showed a countenance as contented as if
they had everything in abundance.

* This river probably was the Ogeeche. Thny, according to the Elva Narra-
tive, crossed it ; and then took place what is related of searching for the road.

350 HtSTORY OF FLOEIDA.

CHAPTER YII.

CONTINUATION OP WHAT HAPPENED IN THE WILDERNESS.

The fifth day that the army marched in the desert, an Indian of
those who had the care of the provisions ran away ; either that he
desired to return to his wife or that he feared to die of hunger.
Patofa, who was informed of it, dispatched four of his men in close
pursuit of him, who, after having overtaken him, led him back to
the quarters with his hands bound, and presented him to him. Then
he began to reproach him for his baseness, and represent to him. the
injury which his flight was doing the Indians, the disrespect which
he had for the orders of his cacique ; and swore that his crime should
not remain unpunished, but that he should serve for an example to
retain the others in their duty. Thereupon, he ordered that they
take him to a rivulet and then make him take oflf what covered him,
except his di-awers. He commanded them to bring many sprouts, a
yard long ; he had the water muddied, and ordered the deserter to
lie down in it and drink it all. Four of the stoutest Indians had
charge to take the switches and strike, with all their force, this mis-
erable man if he ceased to drink. This poor Indian drank at first
as much as it was possible; but when he came to take breath, they
gave him so many blows that they forced him to continue. In the
mean time, some of liis friends ran to find Soto, cast themselves at
his feet, and conjured him with tears, to ask Patofa to pardon the
unfortunate man.

Soto, who knew that they would not cease to torment the Indian
until he had lost his life, requested Patofa to be contented with the
punishment the deserter had suffered. He consented, and they drew
from the stream the poor barbarian all swollen with the water which
he had drunk ; in one word, half dead.

It also happened that one of the days when they suffered the
most from famine in the desert, four soldiers, the most courageous
and the most honorable men of the army, resolved to divide what
provisions remained to them in common. As they found but a
handful of corn, they had ft parched to swell it, they divided it
among themselves, and each one had eighteen grains of it. Three
"ate their parts, and there remained but Silvestre, who wrapped his
in a handkerchief. Afterwards, another soldier whom they called
Troche, asked him if he had anything to eat, and he replied very

StJCCESS OP THE CAPTAINS SENT OUT TO EXPLOKE. 351

pleasantly that they had sent him some good macaronis • from
Seville.

Troche began to laugh. In the mean time, another of his com-
panions arrived, who begged them to give him some food. Silvestre
also pleasantly replied to him, that he had a very excellent cake ;
that he was ready to share it. This last, turning this into ridicule,
Silvestre replied that he had asserted nothing but what was true,
and drew out his handkerchief, in which were the eighteen grains of
corn. He gave to each of his companions six, and kept the rest for
himself. Tliey regaled themselves immediately with this before any
one might surprise them. They then went away to drink at a
stream, and passed the day thus, without eating. Such is the
way in which the other soldiers endured hunger, and it is by such
suflfering that they won the new world, whence they draw, every
year, twelve or thirteen millions of gold and silver, and a great
quantity of precious stones. When I consider also that it is prin-
cipally from Peru that come these riches to the Spaniards, I esteem
it very glorious for me to be the son of one of the conquerors of
that kingdom.

CHAPTER VIII.

THE STJCCESS OF THE CAPTAINS SENT OUT TO EXPLORE.

During these things the oflScers who had been sent to find out
the route, did not suffer less from hunger than the general. During
three days of the five of their march they had nothing to eat. They
did not even succeed in their discovery, except Aniasco, who met
with a village on the borders of the fiver which he c#&,sted. There
were few people in this village, but so much provisions that in a sin-
gle lodge they found five hundred measures of corn-meal, besides a
quantity of corn in the grain. The people of Patofa and Aniasco
rejoiced at this good luck, visited the rest of the houses, ascended
the highest, saw on both sides of tiie river many habitations and
cultivated lands. Afterwards they took their meal, and about mid-
night the Spaniards dispatched four cavaliers to Soto, who, to
assure him of the things , which they should tell him, took samples
of corn and some cow horns. Up to that time they had not seen
cattle in Florida ; yet they had found the fresh meat, which often
induced them to urge the Indians to tell them where they should
meet with these cattle. But neither by entreaties nor by threats
had they ever been able to draw anything from these barbarians.(i5)

352 HISTORY OF FLORIDA.

The same night that the cavaliers were sent to the general, the
people of Patofa learned that they were in a village of the province
of Cofaciqui, and they sacked it. They pillaged the temple, where
were the riches of the place, and, without consideration of sex or
age, slew those whom they could capture, and took off' their heads
to carry them to their cacique, to show him the vengeance which
they had taken upon his enemies. This disorder continued until
day; and about noon Aniasco and Patofa, with those who accom-
panied them, apprehending that if they remained longer at the vil-
lage, the people of the country might assemble in great numbers,
come and attack them, and cut them all to pieces, resolved to de-
camp and go and rejoin Soto.

CHAPTER IX.

ARRIVAL OP THE GENERAL AT COPACIQIII, AND THE DISCOVERT OF
THE COUNTRY.

The general, having learned the particulars of the discovery of
Aniasco, decamped, and took for guides the cavaliers whom they
had dispatched to hira ; but, because the troops which had accom-
panied him were sufi'ering greatly from hunger, they thought only
of repairing to where there were provisions. So that, without keep-
ing any order in their march, they advanced with so much speed
that, after having made in one day and a half more than twelve
leagues, they arrived where their companions were. They there
refreshed themselves seven days, and during this time the three
otlier captains whom they had sent on the exploration returned to
tlie place wlltnce tiiey had departed, without having met with a
single village or taken any Indian, although they had seen many
pass. But as they no longer found Soto, tliey followed the route
which he had taken, and repaired to the village where he had pro-
ceeded.* There they related to him the details of their expedition,
and recuperated themselves, of wliich they had great need; for
they were overcome with fatigue, and during eight days they had
eaten only roots. In the mean time Patofa and his people spread
themselves four leagues around the quarters ; they slew indifferently
men and women, sacked the towns, and pillaged the temples
where they could enter. The general, informed of this, and that
the barbarians were going to push their resentment still further

* Soto had marked a tree, and at the foot of it buried a letter for thein, which
they found.

ABRIVAL OP THE GENERAL AT COPAOIQUI. 353

believed that it was liis interest to stop tliis disorder ; because,
being contrary to the design wliich he had of gaining the people by
mildness, they would be to iiim in the future cruel and powerful
enemies. He therefore sent to request Patofa to curb his people.
This captain obeyed, and at his return from the pursuit of his ene-
mies, Soto gave him, for his cacique and for himself, some silk stuffs,
linen, knives, mirrors, and other like things ; and after having
thanked him for his kindness, be entreated him not to go any fur-
ther, but to return to his province.

Patofa, delighted with the presents which they had made him,
returned with so much the more joy, as he had bravely avenged his
chief. Soto, after his departure, remained two days more at the
camp ; but as soon as he saw his men ready, he marched up along
the river, where he found much provisions and many Indians mas-
sacred, which had compelled the other inhabitants of the quarters
to retire into the forest. And at the end of three days' journey he
encamped in a place filled with mulberry trees and many trees
loaded with fruit. The quarters made, he commanded Aniasco to
follow, with thirty soldiers, the route which they had held thus far,
and to endeavor to capture some Indians, in order to get some
knowledge of the country and of the cacique of the province. That,
at all events, he should take great care to notice everything which
he should see, in order that the army might continue its march in
safety ; that he relied on his discretion, and hoped that the good
fortune which had always accompanied him would not abandon him
on this occasion. A little before night Aniasco, with his compan-
ions, secretly left the camp. They followed the road which they had
directed them, which gradually enlarged ; but after two leagues they
heard a confused noise, like that which is made in a town. There-
upon continuing their route until out of the forest where they were,
they saw a light. They, heard the dogs barking, the children crj'-
ing, and persons speaking, and knew that they were not far from
some town. They therefore prepared to capture some Indians ;
and, with this design, they silently crept directly toward the vil-
lage, each emulating the other.

When they had gone a little way they perceived the town on the
other side of the river along which they had come. They turned
and ran here and there to discover a crossing ; but not finding one,
they stopped in an open place upon tlie borders of the river at a
place where boats landed. They rested there for some time, and
then returned before day. They related to the general their dis-
covery, and as soon as the sun had risen he took a hundred horse
and as many foot soldiers and went to reconnoitre the town. When
23

354 HISTOEY OP FLORIDA..

he arrived at the crossing, Ortis and Pedro the Indian cried out to
the inhabitants tliat they came to make an alliance with their cacique,
and that the people whom they perceived were the retinue of the
ambassador. The barbarians, surprised at what they saw, quickly
retired into the village to carry there this news.

CHAPTER X.

THE CONDUCT OP THE LADY OP COPACIQUI.

The arrival of the Spaniards being made known throughout the
town, six of the principal persons of the place, good looking and
aged about forty-five years each, entered a boat with other Indians
and crossed the river. When they were in tiie presence of the
general, they turned to the east, and bowed to the sun ; then to the
west, and bowed to the moon ; then to Soto, who was gravely sitting
upon a seat which was always kept ready for him to receive the
ambassadors who were sent to him. They, according to the custom
of the inhabitants of Florida, first asked if he wished peace or war,
and he replied peace, their alliance, and boats to cross the river ;
that he also asked them to give him a passage through their lands,
and some provisions to proceed further; that he was sorry to beg
them, but that necessity compelled him ; that, therefore, the favor
which they should grant him would be very gratifying to him ; that
he would endeavor to acknowledge it, and should so act that they
would have as much reason to be satisfied with his conduct as he
with their generosity. The Indians replied that they accepted the
peace, but that there were but few provisions in the country ; that,
with the exception of tlieir town, the pestilence had desolated the
province ; that the greater part of the inhabitants had been taken
off by the malady, and that the others, having retired into the forest,
had not planted ; that even since the pestilence ceased they had not
returned to their homes. Nevertheless, he ought to hope for the
best, since they were the subjects of a young lady who was not less
prudent than generous; that they were going to render her an
account of everything, and return to bring her answer, which, ac-
cording to all api:(^arances, would not fail to be favorable. There-
upon they took leave of the general and returned to the village, and
made to their princess a faithful recital of all that they were charged
to say to her. Hardly had they spoken and told their opinion con-
cerning the measures which ought to be taken on this occasion, than
their lady commanded that they should hold ready a boat, and that

THE CONDUCT OP THE LADY OP COPACIQUT. 355

they should deck it in the best manner possible. She afterwards
entered it with eight women, the most eminent of the province.
This boat was towed by another, where were seated the six Indians
who had returned from the Spaniards, and with tliem many rowers
who managed the boats and who crossed them to the side where the
general was.

As soon as the young lady approached the general, she paid her
compliments to him, and, having sat down on a seat which they
had brought for her, she related the things which her men had told
her. She added that, although the misfortune of the year had
deprived her of the means of assisting Soto as she would have
wished, she would, notwithstanding, offer him six hundred measures
of corn ; that in two houses of the town, which were hers, they
w^ould find this quantity in each ; that she had amassed these pro-
visions to succor those of her subjects who had been preserved from
the pestilence, and provided the general left her the one-half of her
provisions, because of the poverty of the country, she would cheer-
fully abandon the other ; that, if he desired any more, she would
command to be opened the granaries of a village quite near ; that
she had two thousand measures of corn,* and he might take as
much of it as he should judge necessary; that to lodge more
comfortably the general and his officers, she would quit her own
house and abandon to them half of the town ; that, as for the
soldiers, she would have huts built ; that, even if all this was not
sufficient, she would command the inhabitants to go away into a
neighboring village ; that, in order to facilitate to his army the
passage of the river, she would take care that the next daj' they
should have there rafts and boats all ready, in order to show the
general with what ardor she endeavored to serve him.

Soto replied that he was under the greatest obligations to her;
that the offers which she had made were more than he merited ;
that they appeared to him so much the more important, as her
subjects were suffering on account of the misfortune of the year ;
that she deprived herself of many things to oblige him; that, under
this consideration, he should have the provisions carefully hus-
banded, and should incommode her as little as possible; that,
touching the lodging, all should be regulated with prudence ; and
that he was so charmed with her generosity that he desired to be
favored by fortune only to testify to her some day his gratitude for the

* This word "measures" conveys no correct idea of the quantity, and is
very vague, but from the context it appears that there was a great abundance
of corn.

356 HISTOKY OP FLORIDA.

favors she conferred upon the Spaniards. Afterwards, Soto adroitly
drew her into conversation about the province of Cofaciqui and the
neighboring countries, and she replied in a manner that marked
much intelligence and knowledge. They observed, also, that the
people of Cofaciqui and of the two last provinces were more gentle,
independent, and polite than the inhabitants of the other countries;
for, although those of the countries which they had discovered
might have demanded peace, and even might have kept it, they
remarked, nevertheless, something inexpressibly rude, stiff, and
insincere in their conduct. But as for those of Cofaciqui and their
neighbors, it seemed as though they all their lives had had inter-
course with the Spaniards. Besides, having much esteem for them,
they obeyed them in all things, and endeavored by every way to
show to them their affection, which required that they should treat
their friendship with much discretion.

CHAPTER XI.

THE AKMT CROSSES THE COFACIQUI RIVER.

Whilst the Lady of Cofaciqui was speaking to Soto, she unstrung,
one after another, large pearls from a chain, which made three tours
around the neck, and descended to her waist. Then she made a
sign to Ortis to take them and give them to the general ; but when
he showed to her that by presenting them herself, her pearls would
receive a new lustre, she said to him that the modesty of persons
of her sex forbade her this liberty. Soto, who knew what she said,
replied to her that really iier hands enhanced the value of her pearls,
and that since she presented them only with the view of making
peace, she was acting contrary neither to decorum nor her dignity.
These words inspired her with a becoming confidence. She imme-
diately arose, and gave the pearls to the general, who very politely
approached to receive them. He, himself, took from his finger a
very beautiful ruby, of which he made her a present as a sign of
peace. She accepted it, and put it upon her finger with remarkable
grace. Afterwards she took leave of the general and retired into
the town, after having filled the Spaniards with admiration. Her
beauty and her intellect had captivated them to such a degree that
they did not even think of inquiring her name.* In the mean time,
to give orders for the passage of the army, the general remained

* This story of the queen of Cofaciqui is very much like what the Elyas Nar-
rative and Biedma relate ; though each gives some different particulars.

THEY SEND FOR THE MOTHER OE THE LADY OP OOPACIQUI. SSt

upon the borders of the river, which the sailors believed to be the
same as that ■which, upon the coast, is called Saint Helena, and
commanded the colonel of cavalry to quickly forward the rest of
the troops and repair to him. Also, during this time, the Indians
made rafts ill very great numbers, and brought many boats ; so that
the next day they crossed the river. Some persons relate that the
Spaniards had four horses drowned, and others seven ; which grieved
them so much the more sensibly, as this misfortune had happened
through the fault of those who conducted the horses. In fact, they
drove them, so heedlessly across the river that they got them into a
gulf where they were lost.* The others having safely crossed with
the army, one part of the troops lodged in the half of the village
which the Indians had left for them, and the others under huts
of branches ; for the country is full of wood, fruit trees, and mul-
berry trees, more beautiful than those of which we have spoken
heretofore.

CHAPTER -XII.

THEY SEND FOR THE MOTHER OF THE LADY OF COFACIQTII.

The day after the passage of the troops, Soto carefully inquired
about the province of Cofaciqui, and he learned that the land was
very good for cultivation, and for raising herds. He learned, more-
over, that the mother of the lady of the country was a widow who
dwelt twelve leagues from the quarters. Therefore, he entreated
her daughter to send for her, and immediately she dispatched to her
twelve of the principal Indians, with orders to entreat her to come
to the camp to see, there, strangers well worthy of admiration,
and also unknown animals. But nothing could move the mother,
who blamed her daughter's imprudence, and manifested much re-
sentment at her conduct. She also found great fault that the
envoys had not opposed their lady, and she showed, by her con-
duct, a great contempt for the Spaniards. The general, upon this
news, commanded Aniasco to descend along the river with thirty
foot soldiers to a place distant from the communication with the vil-
lage; that there he would meet with the mother of the lady of
Cofaciqui, and that he should lead her, with much gentleness, to the
quarters; because he wished to gain the country in this way, in
order that he might be able, some day, to establish himself there

* This river was the Savannah ; they had crossed the Ockmulge, Oconee, and
Ogeeche ; which is evident in the Elvas Narrative.

358 HISTORY OF PLOBIDA.

without much trouble. Aniasco left with his comrades, and took a
young Indian of rank, whom the lady of "the province had given to
accompany him. This Indian was followed by some of his domes-
tics, and had orders to march in advance, when they should arrive
near the place to which they were going, in order to give notice of
the coming of the Spaniards, and to beseech the good moti)er, in tiie
name of her daughter, and the inhabitants of the country, to come to
the camp; that she would have pleasure and honor there ; that, in a
word, she would be received there with much joy and affection. The
lady of Cofaciqui had sent this j'oung lord, because, iTaving been
raised by her mother, he was tenderly loved by her ; and in consider-
ation of this, there was reason to believe that he would render iier
more favorable to tlie Spaniards. Besides, he alone was able to
make the scheme succeed : for he had address, besides an attractive
form and mien, and was very spruce after the fashion of the country,
with plumes of divers colors upon his head, a beautiful mantle of
skins, a painted bow in his hands, and a quiver full of arrows upon
his shoulders. This was the state in which the young Indian
marched, who thought-only of gaining the friendship of the Span-
iards, and who, in all things, manifested that his greatest pleasure
would be to oblige them.

CHAPTER XIII.

THE DEATH OF THE INDIAN CHIEF, AND THE RETURN OP THE ENVOYS.

After Aniasco and his companions had marched about three
leagues, they rested themaelves, during the heat of the day, under
great trees. In the mean time, the Indian lord, who was in the
midst of the troops, and who, until then, had agreeably- entertained
them concerning Cofaciqui and the neighboring country, began sud-
denly to muse. He negligently rested his head upon his elbow, and
at times uttered profound sighs. Nevertheless, for fear of afflicting
him more, they dared not ask him the cause of it. Afterwards,
when he ceased sighing a little, he took his quiver and emptied it
of nearly all the arrows, one after another. They were extremely
beautiful ; because the most distinguished inhabitants of Florida
pride themselves on the beauty of these sorts of arms, especially on
those which served them for ornaments. That one may have the
pleasure of learning the manner in wiiich they are made, I shall speak
of the arrows of the Indian who accompanied the Spaniards. The
arrows of this chief were of reed, furnished with feathers, and every

THE DEATH OF THE INDIAN CHIEF. 359

one had something remarkable. Many were armed with stags' horns
or fish bones, and a few, of palm wood, sliarpened at the end, and
indented at the side with so much neatness that nothing could have
been made more exact with steel.

As the Spaniards found them so well made, they took some of
them to examine them closely ; and all agreed that of this kind,
there was nothing more finislied. During this time the Indian, who
saw that our men did not observe him, drew quietly from his quiver
an arrow, the point of wliich was flint and like that of a poniard,
stabbed himself with it in the throat, and fell dead. The Spaniards,
astonished at this event, and sorry not to have been able to prevent
a blow so fatal, called the valets of this Indian and demanded the
cause of this misfortune. They replied, with tears in their eyes,
that they supposed their master had killed himself in the belief that
the services which he was rendering the Christians would be very
disagreeable to the lady to whom he was conducting them. Tiiat
since she had not come the first time, it was to be believed that she
was offended. Tliat thus he was illy requiting the love she bore
him and tlie care she had taken of his education. They added that
he was thus convinced that if he executed the orders of the young
lady, he would grow out of favor with her. That finally he would
be compelled to retire ; and they asserted that seeing that he could
not avoid disobliging either the daughter or the mother, he had
generously resolved to show to them that he preferred death to the
misfortune of displeasing them. The Spaniards found these con-
jectures very probable, and continued the journey. But after three
leagues, they inquired of the servants of the Indian, if they knew
the retreat of the lady whom they sought, and how far they were
still from it. They replied that only their master knew it, but that
nevertheless, they would endeavor to find it. Our men did not tire
of travel, and at the end of four leagues they perceived some Indians.
They immediately placed themselves in ambush, and captured a
man and three women. They requested them to direct them to the
road which led to the mother of the lady of Cofaciqui ; and these
barbarians replied that the report was current that she had left her
ordinary dwelling, and that even they did not know exactly where
she had retired. That, however, if they would follow them, they
would inquire about it ; and that, without searching very far, she
might perhaps be found veiy near. As the Spaniards were deliberat-
ing concerning the resolution they ought to take upon this reply, one
of their companions said, that, the first envoys not having had any
success in their enterprise, there was no appearance that they would
be more fortunate. That the lady whom they were going to seek

360 HISTOET OF FLORIDA.

showed a particular aversion to the Spaniards ; that she having
persisted in not coming, she had perhaps assembled troops to cut
them all in pieces in case they should wish to carry her off; and
that, without horses, they could not defend themselves nor attempt
anything ; that after all, this good woman was very useless to them
for their conquest, and that it was suflacient to have her daughter,
with whom it was requisite to make a durable peace. Besides, they
did not know what route to take to go to the dwelling of the
mother, because they lacked faithful guides ; and that, without
speaking of the young chief whose death was a bad sign, their
fatigue ought to make them return to the general. They all unani-
mously concurred in this opinion, and retraced their route to the
camp, where they rendered an account of their adventure. Three
days after that an Indian offered to conduct them, by descending
the river, to where was the mother of the lady of Cofaciqui; and
Aniasco took two boats with twenty of his comrades, and followed
his guide. . The first day they found the four horses that were
drowned at the crossing of the river Cofacique, and this renewed
the regret which they had had for their loss. But the five other
days which they continued their voyage they did not make any dis-
covery ; and after much trouble they returned to the quarters with
news that the lady whom they went in search of, having known that
they would return for her, had concealed herself in a forest, whence
they had no means of drawing her. The general then, despairing-
of taking her, turned all his thoughts elsewhere.

CHAPTER XIV.

THE METAL WHICH THEY FOUND IN COFACIQUI.

During the expeditions of Aniasco, the other Spaniards, who
all expected to make fortunes in Cofaciqui, carefully inquired about
the riches which are found there ; and the general commanded to be
called the two young Indians whom they had brought from Apa-
lache. He sent them to the lady of Cofaciqui to entreat her to pro-
cure the pearls and the white and yellow metals with which trafficked
the merchants whom they had served, assuring her that if she
obliged the Spaniards in that, she would succeed in loading them
with her favors. This lady immediately dispatched some of her
subjects to fetch these metals, and they brought back copper of a
very golden color, with some white slabs like silver, an ell long and
wide, from three to four inches thick and yet very light. But when

TEMPLE AT COEAOIQTII. 361

they handled it they reduced it to powder as they would a dry clod of
earth. Afterwards, she sent word to the Spaniards, that at the end
of the village, in a temple where were interred the most distinguished
persons of the place, thei'e were all sorts of pearls in abundance ;
that they might take as many of them as they thought proper ; that
if they wanted more they would find some at a league from the
quarters, in the capital of the country ; that this town, the residence
of her ancestors, had a temple where they would see a great quan-
tity of pearls, which she abandoned to the discretion of the general
and his troops ; and that, if they were not satisfied with all that,
they could even have more of them, by means of the fishing that
was practised in the country. This news consoled the Spaniards
for not having met, in Cofaciqni, with the gold and silver with
which they had flattered them. They also rejoiced to see that many
believed that there might be gold in the copper, but as they had
neither aqua-fortis nor quicksilver they could not assay it.

CHAPTER XV.

THE TEMPLE WHERE WERE INTERRED THE MOST DISTINGTJISHED
INHABITANTS OH COPACIQUI.

When they knew the riches of the temple where were interred
the most distinguished of the inhabitants of Cofaciqui, they had it
guarded, and, at the return of Aniasco, the general and the captain
went there. They found in this temple great wooden boxes without
locks, and they were astonished that, without tools, the Indians had
been able to make them so well. These boxes were around the wall
upon benches two feet from the ground, and inclosed the dead,(i6)
embalmed in such a manner that they had not an offensive odor.
Besides these great boxes, they had smaller ones, and cane baskets
very well made. These last boxes were filled with clothing of
men and women, and the baskets with pearls of all sorts. The
Spaniards were rejoiced at so much wealth ; for they found there
more than a thousand measures of pearls. They examined twenty
measures, and took only two, with as many of the seed pearls, to
send to Havana, where their value was known.* In fact, the general

* Biedma mentions the temple as a 'burial place of tlie chiefs of the country ;
that the Spaniards took from it a great quantity of pearls, six or seven arrobas,
but that they were spoiled hy being buried in the ground. He says they dug
up two Spanish axes, a ohaplet of wild olive seed, and some small beads resem-
bling those brought from Spain for the purpose of trading with the Indians.

362 HISTOEY OF FLOKIDA.

did not wisli that they should encumber themselves with many-
things, and he even would have had the rest of the pearls replaced
in the baskets, if they had not begged him to distribute them. He
therefore gave them liberally to the soldiers and the ofiacers, with
orders to make chaplets of them, for which they were suited. After-
wards the Spaniards left the temple, and' Soto, two days after, took
three hundred men, the principal of his troops, and went to Talo-
meco.

Both sides of the road, from the camp to this town, were covered
with trees, of which a part bore fruit, and it seemed as though
they promenaded through an orchard, so tiiat our men arrived with
pleasure and without difficulty at Talomeeo, which they found
abandoned on account of the pest. Talomeeo is a beautiful town,
and quite noted, as it was the residence of the caciques. It is upon a
small eminence near the river, and consists of five hundred well-
built houses. That of the chief is elevated above the town, and is
seen from a distance. It is also larger, strongei*, and more agree-
able than the others. Opposite this house is the temple, where are
the coffins of the lords of the province. It is filled with riches, and
built in a magnificent manner ; but as I despair of describing it
properly, I conjure the worthy persons who shall read this history
to supply the defects of my description in forming to themselves a
grand idea of the things with which I am going to entertain them.

CHAPTER XVI.

DESCRIPTION OP THE TEMPLE OF TALOMECO.

The temple of Talomeeo, where is the sepulchre of the caciques,
is more than a hundred steps long, by forty broad. The walls are
high in proportion, and the roof very elevated, to supply the want
of tiles and to give more slope to the water. The covering is of
canes, very thin, split in two, of which the Indians make mats
which resemble the rush carpets of the Moors, which are very beau-
tiful to view. Five or six of these mats, placed one upon the other,
serve to prevent the rain from penetrating and the sun from enter-

The Elvas aooount says, that about a league and a lialf around Cofaoiqui were
great towns dispeopled and overgrown with grass ; that there were, in store-
houses, great quantities of clothes, mantles of yarn made of the barks of trees,
and others made of feathers, white, green, red, and yellow ; deer skins made
into hose, stockings, and shoes. He also says that in this town were found a
dagger and beads that had belonged to Christians.

DESCRIPTION OF THE TEMPLE OF TAIOMEOO. 363

ing the temple ; which the private people of the country and their
neighbors imitate in their houses.

Upon the roof of this temple'are many shells of different sizes,
of divers fishes, ranged in very good order. But they could not
comprehend whence they could have brought them, these peo-
ple being so far from the sea, unless they had taken them in the
rivers and streams which water the province. All these shells are
placed with the insides out, to give more brilliancy, putting always
the great spiral sea-shell between two small shells, with the interval
from one piece to the other filled with many strings of pearls of
divers sizes, in the form of festoons, from one shell to the other.
These festoons of pearls, which extend from the top of the roof to
the bottom, joined to the vivid brightness of the mother-of-pearl
and the shells, produce a very beautiful effect when the sun shines
upon them.

The temple had doors proportioned to its grandeur. There
were seen at the entrance twelve statues of giants, made of wood.
They are represented with an aspect so ferocious and menacing
that the Spaniards stopped a long time to consider these figures,
worthy of the admiration of ancient Rome. They say that these
giants were placed there to defend the entrance of the door ; for
they are in a row on each side, and gradually diminish in size. The
first are eight feet high, and the others proportionally a little less,
in the order of the tubes of an organ.

They have arms conformable to their height, the first on each side
have clubs ornamented with copper, which they hold elevated, and
seem ready to bring them down with fury upon those who may dare
to enter. Tlie second have maces, and the third a kind of oar; the
fourth, copper axes, the edges of which are of flint ; the fifth hold a
bended bow with the arrow ready to leave. Nothing is more curious
to see than these arrows, the lovver end of which is a piece of stag's
horn very well finished, or a flint stone as keen as a dagger. The
last giants have very long pikes, ornamented with copper at the
two, ends, and are in a menacing posture as well as the others, but
all in a different manner, and very natural.

Tlie height of the walls of the temple within is adorned conform-
able to tlie exterior of the roof; for there is a kind of cornice
made of the great spiral sea-shell, placed in very good order, and
between these are seen festoons of pearls which hang from the roof.
In the intervals of the shells and pearls, there is seen in the arches
a quantity of plumes of divers colors tied to the roof, and very well
arranged. Besides this order which reigns above the cornice, many
plumes and strings of pearls hang from all the other parts of the

364 HISTORY OF FLORIDA.

roof, retained by imperceptible threads tied above and below, so
that it seems as though these works might be ready to fall.

Beneath this ceiling and cornice, there are around the four sides
of the temple two rows of statues, one above the other, the one of
men and the other of women, of the height of the people of the
country. Bach one has his niche joining another, only to adorn
the wall which had otherwise been too naked. All the men have
arms in their hands, on which are rolls of pearls of four or five rows
with tassels at the end, made of very fine thread, and of divers
colors. As for the statues of the women, they hold nothing in their
hands.

At the base of these walls there are wooden benches very well
worked, where are placed the coflBns of the lords of the province,
and of their families. Two feet above these coffins, in the niches
of the wall, are seen the statues of the persons who are buried there.
They represent thera so naturally that we can judge how they were
at the time of their death. The women have nothing in their hands,
but the men have arms. The space which is between the images of
the dead, and the two ranks of statues, which commence under the
cornice., is decorated with bucklers of divers sizes, made of reeds so
sti-ongly woven that there is no arrow of a crossbow, nor even shot
of a musket that can perforate them. These bucklers are all adorned
with pearls and with colored tassels, which greatly contribute to
their beauty.

In the middle of the temple there are three rows of chests upon
separate benches ; the largest of the chests serve for a base to the
medium size, and these for the smallest, and ordinarily, these pyra-
mids are composed of five or six chests. As there are spaces be-
tween the benches, they do not prevent going from one side to the
other, and seeing, in the temple, all that one wishes.

All these chests are filled with pearls, in such a manner that the
largest contain the largest pearls, and thus, in succession, to the
smallest which are full of seed pearls onlj-. Besides, the quantity
of pearls was such, that the. Spaniards avowed, that even if there
had been more than nine 'hundred men and three hundred horses,
they all together could not have carried off" at one time all the pearls
of this temple. We ought not, however, to be too much astonished
at this, if we consider that the Indians of the province convej^ed
into these chests, during many ages, all the pearls which they found, .
without retaining a single one of them. And hence we can judge
by comparison, that if all the gold and silver, which they have
brought from Peru to Spain, had not been transported felsewhere,
the Spaniards would now be able to cover with gold and silver many
churches.

DESCRIPTION. OF THE TEMPLE OF TALOMECO. 365

Besides the innumerable quantity of pearls, there were found
many packages of chamois skins, some of one color and others of
another, without counting many raiments of skin with the hair
variously dyed ; many garments of cats', martens', and other skins,
as well dressed as at the best places in Germany and Russia.

About this temple. Which everywhere was very clean, there was
a great magazine divided into eight halls of the same size, which
added much ornament to it. The Spaniards entered these halls,
and found them filled with arms. There were, in the first, long
pikes, mounted with very beautiful copper, and ornamented with
links of pearls, which made three or four turns. The place where
these pikes touched the shoulder was embellished with colored cha-
mois ; and at the extremities there wiBre tassels with pearls, which
contributed greatly to their beauty.

There were, in the second hall, maces, like those of the giants,
furnished with links of pearls, and, in places, with tassels of divers
colors with pearls roundabout^ In the. third were found hammers, em-
bellished as the others ; in the fourth, pikes decked with tassels near
the blade and at the handle ; in the fifth, a kind of oar adorned
with pearls and fringes ; in the sixth, very beautiful bows and
arrows. Some were armed with flint, sharpened at the end in the
form of a bodkin, a sword, a pike blade, or the point of a dagger
with two edges. The bows were adorned with divers brilliant
colors, and embellished with pearls in divers places. In the seventh
hall there were bucklers of wood and of cow-skins, brought from a
distance, decked with pearls and colored tassels. In the eighth were
bucklers of cane, woven very skilfully, and decked with tassels and
seed pearls. Such is the description of the temple and magazine
of Talomeco ; which the Spaniards, who had been in Peru and in
other parts of America, admired as the wonder of the New World.
Afterwards, they asked the Indians, what had led them to amass
so much wealth ; and they replied that all the chiefs of the country,
and principally those of their province, made their grandeur to
consist in the magnificence of their temples.(i7) Our people con-
tented themselves with this reply, and immediately the controllers
of the emperor, who attended the array to receive the fifth of all
the wealth it should find, deliberated upon taking the claims of
their master. Bat Soto told them, that they ought not to burden
themselves with anything ; that they were sufficiently encumbered
with the arms and provisions which they carried; that after the
conquest of Florida they would divide it, and that he to whom
should fall the province of Cofaciqui should pay the fifth of the

366 HiSTOET or floeida.

treasure which should be found in the temple of Talomeco. Every-
body approved this sentiment, and they retraced their route to the
quarters.*

CHAPTER XVII.

DEPARTURE FROM COFACIQUI, AND WHAT HAPPENED ON THE MARCH
AS PAR AS CHOVALA.

As soon as the general had arrived at the quarters, he employed
ten days in inquiring about the neighboring provinces, and, upon
the assurance that they were fertile and popiilated, he commanded
his men to hold themselves ready to leave, and went with the ofDcers
to take leave of the lady of Cofaciqui and the principal Indians.
•He thanked them for their kind reception, and particularly the
young princess, to whom he promised every acknowledgment for
the kindness she had had for the Spaniards. Then the troops de-
camped ; but because they had not enough provisions to march in
a body, they divided. The general ordered three of his captains to
take a hundred cavaliers and two hundred foot soldiers and advance
twelve leagues into the country, aside from the route to Chovala,
whither they were going ; that they would find in a village six
hundred measures of corn ; and that, after having taken as much as
they could, they should rejoin the i-est of the army on its march.
Tliese captains departed immediately, and the general took the
route he had resolved upon. He arrived in eight days at Chovala,
which bounds the province of Cofaciqui, and his oflBcers at the
town wliere they had been ordered to repair. Thej' found there a
great quantity of corn. They took two hundred measures and went
to resume the route of the general who had passed. The greater part
of them (who did not know how far they were from him, and who,
in this uncertaintj', feared to fail of provisions on the route) muti-
nied and would not obey, and doubled their pace in order to over-
take him. The captains, who wished to go slowly on account of
three sick horses, endeavored to restrain these mutineers by the
consideration of the services they would draw from these animals;
but they replied fiercely that they must not prefer three horses to
the lives of three hundred men ; and they began to march faster and
in greater disorder than before. Thereupon one of the captains,
who was at their head, told them that he was astonished at the
recklessness with which they went ; that in two days at the most
they would rejoin the general at Chovala ; that he had too much

* Neither the Elvas Narrative nor Biedma mentions these marvels.

GENEROSITY OF THE LADY OP COFAOIQUI. 367

honor, and was too well versed in war, to leave them in an enemy's
country; thatj therefore, it was not necessary, through a ridiculous
fear of provisions failing, to abandon the horses which were sp'
useful against the barbarians ; that, without doubt, their conduct
would cover them with shame, and would give great displeasure to
Soto, who loved them ; that, therefore, they ought rather to return
to their duty and die like brave soldiers, than to be disobedient
and live without glory. These words arrested them a little ; and
,the next day at noon there arose, as they were marching, a storm,
accompanied with wind, thunder, and hail, so destructive that, had
they not met with some large trees, they^ould have all perished,
for the hail was very large. But forttTffately it did not last long ;
so they continued their march, and the third day arrived at a small
village which was called Chalaques, whence the inhabitants had re-
tired, excepting some old men, of whom the greater part were blind.

At three days' journey thence they rejoined the general, who had
waited for them two days in a valley of the province of Chovala,
distant from the capital about five leagues by the route which they
had taken, and which they found quite pleasant, for they marched
almost always through a country level and intersected, every three
or four leagues, b^' small streams which flowed pleasantly through
the, country. They also met with some mountains with very gentle
slopes, covered with herbs very suitable for cattle, and saw during
their journey very good lands.

However, from Apalache to Chovala the route was about flfty-
seven days' journey, and almost always toward the north or north-
east. What is somewhat remarkable, the Spaniards found in the
villages which were subject to the lady of Cofaciqui many slaves,
Indians of other countries, that those who went hunting and fishing
had made prisoners. These slaves served to cultivate the lands,
and had been very badly treated to prevent them from escaping.
Some had the tendons of their insteps cut, and others that of their
heels. When I shall again have something to say of the lady of
Cofaciqui, I will relate the most important things that happened or
were seen in her provinces.

CHAPTER XVIII.

THE GENEROSITY OF THE LADY OF COFACIQUI.

The Spaniards sojourned fifteen days in the capital of Chovala,
situated between a town and a very rapid little river. They were
very well received there, because the province was subject to the

368 HISTORY OF FLORIDA.

lady of Cofaciqui. Afterwards they decamped, and marched the
first day through cultivated lands, and five others over uninhabited
^•mountains which were twenty leagues across. They were full of
dak and mulberry trees, good pastures, and small streams which
flowed among valleys very cool and agreeable.

To yeturn to the lady of Cofaciqui. She had not been contented
to have the Spaniards conducted as far as Chovala ; she even com-
manded the inhabitants of this province to furnish them with as
much provisions as they should wish, and even to give them Indians
to serve them duriri.g the twenty leagues of mountains which they
had to cross before r^'eiching Guachoula. She also took care, in
order that everything sUfculd work the better, that the Indian
servants should be commanded by four of the chiefs of the country,
and made to keep this order while the Spaniards marched through
her lands. But this is the manner in which she conducted herself
in respect to them when they left her dominion : She ordered the
four Indian commanders that, as soon as they should arrive at the
country of Guachoula (which borders on her provinces), they should
march in advance ; and that, in the quality of ambassadors, they
should go and solicit the cacique to favorably receive the Spaniards
in his kingdom ; that, in case of refusal, they should declare war
against him, and threaten to put fire and sword to everything in his
country. The general knew nothing of this order until after tliey
had passed the mountains. Then, when the four Indians asked him
that they might take the lead, they discovered to him the business
with which they were charged. Our people, surprised at this
generous conduct, retained the opinion which they had, that the
lady of Cofaciqui ardently desired to serve them. In fact, when in
her province, she zealously served them ; she begged them always
to pardon her if she did not render them all the favors that were ex-
pected of her. The Spaniards, to convince her of the contrary, com-
plimented her upon the manner in which she acted. This lady was
not only liberal to our people, but even to her subjects, whom she
loaded with favors. She also deserved to rule kingdoms; and to be
an accomplished princess she only needed to be enlightened with
the light of the faith.*

* This is very different from what the Elvas account relates of this Indian
princess. It relates that she was forced to accompany Soto ; that, one day
stepping aside in the forest with one of lier servant-women, she escaped with
three slaves that fled from the camp ; and that, in Xualla, she and a slave of
Vasoouoellos lived as man and wife.

WHAT HAPPENED TO THE TROOPS IN THE WILDERNESS. 369

CHAPTER XIX.

WHAT HAPPENED TO THE TROOPS IN THE WILDERNESS.

The day that the Spaniards left Chovalathey missed three slaves,
of whom two were negroes and the other a Moor. The love of
women rather than any bad treatment had caused them to flee and
live among the Indians, who were so delighted to have them, that
they could never recover them whatever haste they made for that
purpose. As the negroes loved their masters and passed for good
Christians, they were surprised at their crime ; but no one was
astonished at the conduct of the Moor, who was crafty and wicked.

Two days after this flight, when the troops were marching through
the wilderness, Juan Terron, one of the stoutest soldiers of the
army, toward noon, drew from his saddle-bags about six pounds of
pearls, and pressed a cavalier, one of his friends, to take them. The
cavalier thanked him and told him that he ought to keep them, or
rather, since the report was current that the general would send
to Havanna, send them there to buy with them horses, and go no
longer afoot. Terron, offended at this answer, replied that " these
pearls then shall not go any farther," and thereupon he scattered
them here and there upon the grass and through the bushes. They
were surprised at this folly, for the pearls were as large as hazel-
nuts, and of very fine water, and because they were not pierced
they were worth more than six thousand ducats. They collected
about thirty of these pearls, which were so beautiful that it made
them regret the loss of the others and say, in raillery, these words
which passed into a proverb with them, " These are not pearls for
Juan Terron."

TerrOn would never disclose where he had found so many large
pearls, and as his companions often laughed at him for his conduct,
he begged them, one day, to spare him, and said that every time he
remembered his folly he took a notion to hang himself. Such are
the prodigals that foolishly spend their wealth, and afterwards are
in despair for it. On the contrary, those who are liberal have cer-
tain secret joys which they feel better than they can express.

24

PART SECOND.

BOOK FIEST.

THE KECEPTION OF THE SPANIARDS IN DIVERS PROVINCES, AND THE
BATTLES WHICH "WERE FOUGHT THERE.

CHAPTER I.

HOW THE CACIQUES OF GTJACHOTJLA AND lOIAHA RECEIVED THE

TROOPS.

When the Spaniards had traversed the wilderness of which I
have spoken in the last chapter of the first part of this history, they
entered into the capital of Guachoula, situated among many streams
which pass on both sides of the town and come from the mountains
which are round about. The lord who bore the name of the province
left the capital half a league, to meet the Spaniards, accompanied
by five hundred of the principal persons of the country, very gayly
dressed after their fashion. In this state he received the general
with great manifestations of friendship, and conducted him into his
village which consisted of three hundred houses. Then he lodged
him in his house which he had prepared for that purpose, in consid-
eration of the lady of Cofaciqui, and provided the Spaniards with
everything necessary. His lodge was upon a mound, with a terrace
around it where six men could promenade abreast.(i8)

During four days that the general sojourned in this place, he in-
quired about the character of the country. Then he took the route
to the province of Iciaha, and bj'' making every day five leagues
he arrived the sixth at the capital which bears the name of the
cacique and the country. To go there, he descended along the many
streams which pass by Guachoula, and which unite at some dis-
tance from there and make a river so powerful, that, in the province
of Iciaha, distant about thirty leagues from tlie other, it is larger
than the Guadalquivir, which passes by Seville.

The capital of Iciaha is at the point of an island of more than
five leagues. The cacique, on the arrival of the general, left this
village, and received him with every appearance of great joy. The

EXTRACTING PEARLS FROM THEIR SHELLS. 371

Indians who accompanied him did the same thing in regard to the
other Spaniards, and they ferried them over in boats and upon rafts,
■which they held ready to render them this service. Afterwards
they lodged them in their houses, and regaled them the best they
could, and tried by every means to show to them their good-will.
The general inquired, according to his custom, what in particular
was found .in that country ; and the cacique told him that at thirty
leagues from the capital, there were mines of the yellow metal of
which he inquired, and that, if he wished to send people there, he
would have them safely conducted there and back. Villabos and
Silvera offered to make the journey. Soto consented to it, and they
left immediately, on foot, with Indian guides.*

CHAPTER II.

THE MANNER IN WHICH THE INDIANS EXTRACT PEARLS FROM THEIR

SHELLS.

The next day the cacique visited the general, and gave him a
string of pearls of about two fathoms. This present had, without
doubt, passed for beautiful, if the pearls had not been pierced ; for
they were all alike, and large as filberts. Soto, in acknowledgment
of this favor, gave him some pieces of velvet and cloth which were
particularly esteemed by tlie Indians ; of whom he inquired where
they fished for pearls. He replied that it was in his province;
that in the temple of the town of Iciaha, where his ancestors were
buried, there was a great quantity of them, and that they might
help themselves at their discfretion. The general replied that he was
obliged to him, but that he would not carry away anything from the
temple, and that he had received his present only in order not to
displease him ; that his design was only to know in what manner
they extracted the pearls from the shells. The cacique replied that
he would have them fished for all the night ; and that the next
morning at eight o'clock he should have the satisfaction he wished.
He, therefore, immediately commanded them to send four boats to
fish for pearls, with orders to return in the morning. In the mean
time he took care that they should burn a great deal of wood upon
the shore, in order to make there a great bed of live coals, that at

* DaUonega, or Talonioa, as it was originally named hy the Indians, is in
Lumpkin County, in the heart of the gold region of Georgia, not far from the
northern boundary of that State. It is probable that the Indians procured
their gold from this region. They " ascended to the sources of a great river"
(Co9a or Chattahooche) .

3Y2 HISTOET OP FLORIDA.

the return of the boats they might put thereupon, the shells, which
would open with the heat. They found, at the opening of the first
shells, ten or twelve pearls of the size of a pea, which they took to
the cacique, and to the general, who was present, and who found
them very beautiful, except that the fire had deprived them of a
part of their lustre.

When the general had seen what he wished, he returned to dine ;
and immediately after, a soldier entered, who instantly said to
him that, in eating oysters which the Indians had caught, his teeth
had encountered a very beautiful pearl of a very lively color, and
that he begged him to receive it to send to the governess of Cuba.
Soto politely refused this pearl, and assured the soldier that he was
as obliged to him as if he had accepted it ; and that some day he
would try to acknowledge his kindness, and the honor which he did
his wife ; and that, nevertheless, he was of the opinion, that he pre-
serve his present to purchase with it horses at Havana. The Span-
iards, who were then with the general, inspected the pearl of this
soldier ; and some of them, who prided themselves upon their knowl-
edge of jewelry, valued it at four hundred ducats ; and as they had
not made use of fire to extract it, it had not lost any of its lustre.(i9)

While the Spaniards sojourned in the capital of Iciaha, a cavalier,
whom they called Louis de Bravo, taking a walk upon the bank near
the river, with a lance in his hand, saw a dog passing, and threw
his lance at him with the intention of killing him to eat, for the
want of better meat. But he missed him, and the spear struck the
temple of Juan Mateos, who was fishing with a line, and killed him.
Bravo, who had not seen him, and who did not suspect the misfor-
tune, ran to get his lance, and found that he had pierced the head
of Mateos — the only person of the troops who was gray -headed ;
wherefore they called him their father, and as they had much re-
spect for him, his death sensibly affected them.

While these things were passing, those who had gone to exploi'e,
returned at the end of ten days, and reported that the mines were
of a very highly- colored copper ; that, likely, if they had searched
with care, they might have met with gold and silver ; that, besides,
the land through which they passed was good for grazing and for
tillage ; that, through the towns which they had passed, they had
welcomed them ; that even, every night, after having regaled them,
they sent them two very pretty young girls to sleep with ;(2o) that,
nevertheless, they had not touched them, for fear that if they had
taken any liberties with them, the barbarians the next day might
have avenged themselves for it by shooting them with arrows. But
the Indians, perhaps, made use of them in this manner, with the

RECEPTION OP THE SPANIARDS IN AOOSTA AND COCA. StS

idea of better diverting their guests, wliom they saw young and
vigorous ; for if they had wished to kill them, they could easily have
done so without seeking any pretext.

CHAPTER III.

THE RECEPTION OF THE SPANIARDS IN THE PROVINCE OF ACOSTA AND

COCA.

After the return of Silveraand Villabos, the general commanded
that they should hold themselves ready to leave, and they left
the following day, with the friendship of the Indians of the country.
The troops marched along the island, and at five leagues from
Iciaha (where the river of this country unites with that of the
country into which they were entering),* they came to the capital of
Acosta, which bears the name of the province. The cacique received
them at first in a manner very different from that of his neighbor ;
for when they entered Acosta there were more than fifteen hundred
men under arms, all resolute and determined to fight, who did not
disarm during the whole day, and who treated the Spaniards with
so much pride and insolence that many times they were ready to
come to blows with them. But the general prevented it, to preserve
the peace they had kept ever since they had left Apalache. They
obeyed ; but they were all night under arms, as well as the savages,
who, the next day, acted with less defiance and more civility. And
the cacique, accompanied by the leading men of the country, came
obligingly to offer corn ; and our people believed that he was calmed
by the recommendation of the cacique of Iciaha, who had sent to
plead in their favor. The general accepted the provisions and paid
for them. The troops immediately decamped, and passed the river
in boats and on rafts, delighted that the afiair had terminated with-
out battle. From there they entered into the province of Coga,
the inhabitants of which came to meet them, and received them with
aflection. They also furnished them with provisions, and with
guides to conduct them from one town to another.

Coga is a province of a hundred leagues through. The land is
good and the country is well peopled, for within a single day, with-
out counting the "villages on each side of the route, the Spaniards
passed through ten or twelve small villages, the inhabitants of which
gave them provisions, and also those of one place conducted them
to another and introduced them. They accompanied them in this

* The junction of the Etowah and the Oostenaula, which make the Co9a.

374 HISTORY OP FLORIDA.

manner during their march, which was from four to five leagues
per day ; so that, according to the occasion, our people encamped
sometimes in the villages and sometimes in the fields.

While they were marching, the cacique, who held his court at the
other extremity of the province, dispatched each day to congratu-
late the general upon his coming, and to request him to advance
wholly at bis leisure ; that he was awaiting him at the capital,
where he and all liis troops would be well received. The Spaniards,
after twenty-three or twenty-four days of travel, safely arrived at
this town which was called Coga, from the name of the chief and
the country. Tlie cacique, on the tidings that they were approach-
ing, advanced a league to meet them, followed by more than a
thousand men, well formed and gayly dressed with habiliments
of skins, many of which were marten skins which were fragrant.
They marched in order, each rank twenty abreast, witli great plumes
of divers colors upon their heads, which was pleasant to see.

Thus did the subjects of Coga receive the Spaniards and evince
to them the esteem which tliey had for them. Afterwards, they all
came to the capital, and they lodged Soto in one of the houses of
the cacique, made as those of the other chiefs of Florida. The town
of Co9a is upon the borders of a river, and consists of five hundred
houses, of which the chief had one-half vacated to lodge the troops
coramodiously. They sojourned about two days in this place, where
they received from Coga and his vassals, every mark of sincere
friendship.

CHAPTER IV.

THE POLITENESS OP CACIQUE COCA, AND THE DEPARTURE OF THE

TROOPS.

One day, after Co§a had dined with Soto, and had been convers-
ing of the conquest of the country and of the manners of the people,
he arose and made his obeisance to him, turning slightly toward the
officers who were present. Then he said to him, that in considera-
tion of the kindness which 'the Spaniards had manifested for him,
he begged that, if he sought to establish himself in the country,
he would prefer the province of Co§a to the others. That he had
seen of this province, only the places the least fertile ; but that if it
pleased him to send to examine the whole of it he would find that
its land was very good and the abode very agreeable ; that he might
choose the best and most beautiful part ; that he would populate it,
have villages built, and a town where he might hold his court ; that

THE POLITENESS OP CACIQTIB COCA-. 315

at least, if he refused this favor, he besought him, since winter was
approaching, to pass it with him ; that during this time, he raiglit,
at his leisure, inquire into everything and be served with much
aflfection. The general thanked the cacique for so much friendship,
and replied that he could not settle in the country until he had first
secured some port where he could land the ships of Spain with the
things necessary for a settlement. That when he should see the
time favorable for a settlement, he would heartily accept of his offer,
and that he should not forget it. That nevertheless, he begged him
to always preserve, for him; this good intention, and that very soon
he would return into his province when he would comply with it in
every respect. The cacique, rejoiced at this reply, said to Soto that
he took his woi'ds for the pledge of his promise, and that he should
remember them until he should have accomplished it. Co§a was then
twenty-six or twenty-seven years of age, handsome, intellectual, gen-
tle, wise, so polite that one might have believed him raised among pol-
ished and intelligent people. The Spaniards refreshed themselves
ten or twelve days in the capital of his province, and continued their
journey toward the sea, for as soon as they left Chovala they struck
straight for the coast and turned in the form of a curve, to arrive
at the port of Achussi. The general had thus decided with Maldo-
nado, who was to bring soldiers, cattle, and provisions there.

The cacique accompanied Soto as far as the frontier of tlie prov-
ince, and was followed by many of his soldiers, subjects, and Indian
porters. At the end of five days, they arrived in good order at the
town of Talisse, which is the key of the country. This town was
palisaded, invested with very good terraces, and almost surrounded
by a river.(2r) It did not heartily acknowledge the cacique,
because of a neighboring chief, who endeavored to make the people
revolt against him. However, Coga was not at war with this lord,
but Tuscaluca, it was thus that the neighboring chief was called,
was artful, bold, and enterprising, and took pleasure in making mis-
chief. Coga, who, for a long time, knew the design of Tuscaluca,
was very glad to accompany the general as far as Talisse ; not more
to serve him than to intimidate the inhabitants and make them re-
turn to their duty by means of the Spaniards.

Whilst the troops were leaving the town of Coga, a Christian who
was not a Spaniard, concealed himself in this place that he might
not follow the others, but as he was not of importance, they did not
miss him except at Talisse, where they endeavored to make him
come, but in vain. He sent word to the general that he would re-
main with the Indians, and that his captain having quarrelled with
him, he therefore wished never to see him or the Spaniards. There-

376 HISTOKY OP FLORIDA.

upon the general asked the cacique to deliver this deserter to him.
But Coga pleasantly replied, that since they all had not wished to
settle upon his lands, it was just that there should remain at least
some one of them, and that he would take very particular care of
him ; that therefore he begged him to pardon him, if he did not com-
pel his soldier to rejoin the troops. Soto, who then reflected that
he would obtain nothing from the cacique, did not urge him further^
I have forgotten to say that a negro, a very good Christian and a
very good slave, remained sick at Coga, and that he was recom-
mended to the cacique, who promised to take care of him. These
particulars are of little consequence, but I report them in order
that if some day, they make the conquest of Florida, they may in-
quire of the inhabitants of the country, if they do not remember the
strangers who had established themselves among them.

CHAPTER V.

THE MANNEK, IN WHICH TUSCALUCA RECEIVED THE GENERAL.

The general sojourned ten days at Talisse, where he inquired about
the neighboring provinces and the journey he had to make. In the
mean time the son of Tuscaluca visited him. He was a young man,
about eighteen years of age, but so tall that he exceeded in height,
by nearly half of his body, all the Spaniards and all the Indians of
the army. He had in his suite, many important persons, and came,
in the quality of ambassador, to offer to Soto the friendship of his
father, his person, and his province. Soto received him also with
much politeness ; as much for the personal merit which he seemed to
possess, as for his appearance which had something noble. After-
wards, when the young lord learned that the general wished to
visit Tuscaluca, he told him that his father was but twelve leagues
from the camp, and that they could go there by two routes ; that
he begged the general to send some soldiers to reconnoitre them,
with orders to go by one and return by the. other ; that he would
have tbem conducted there and brought back in safety, and that
afterwards they could march by the route the most agreeable and
. the easiest. Villabos, who expected that the expedition would be
fortunate, offfered to go with one of his companions to Tuscaluca.
On his return, the Spaniards bade adieu to Co§a and his subjects,
and took the route that Villabos indicated to them. They crossed
the river Talisse* upon rafts and boats, and at the end of three
days they arrived in view of a little village where Tuscaluca awaited

* Tallapoosa River wliioli with the Co9a forms the Alabama Kiver.

MANNER IN WHICH TUSCALUCA RECEIVED THE GENERAL. STI

them. But when he learned that they were approaching, he went
to meet them, and stopped upon an eminence, the better to see
them. He was surrounded by a hundred of his principal subjects,
all standing while he was seated, upon a wooden chair about two
feet bigh, without back or arras, and all of one piece. Near to this
chair there was an Indian with an ensign of chamois skin ti-aversed
by three azure bars of the sliape of a cavalry ensign. Our people
were surprised at it, for they had not yet seen flags among the
Indians.(22)

Tuscaluca was forty years of age or thereabouts, and two feet
higher than those who accompanied him, so that he appeared a giant.
His face, his shoulders, and the rest of his body corresponded with
his height, and he was large in proportion ; a handsome man, of
proud and noble mien ; the best formed and greatest that they had
yet seen in Florida. While he was awaiting Soto upon the emi-
nence, some Spanish officers proceeded as far as to him without his
deigning to look at them or show them the least civility, and he
pretended as though he did not see them. But on the arrival of the
general he arose and made fifteen or twenty stepsto receive him.
Soto, on his part, dismounted and embraced him. They conversed
together while the soldiers were taking lodgings in the village and
the environs. Afterwards, they went hand in hand to the house
which was prepared for the general, where the cacique took leave of
him and retired.

The army refreshed itself two days in the village, and the third
it left. Tuscaluca, under pretext of friendship and service, wished
to accompany it during its march over his lands. Therefore,
Soto commanded that they should have ready a horse for this
cacique, the same as they had done, until then, for all the other
Indian lords, which I had forgotten to mention. But as Tuscaluca
was large, they had trouble to find a steed for him. Nevertheless,
when they had searched well, they found a large pack-horse. They
put him thereupon, after having given him a scarlet dress, and cap
of the same color, but his feet lacked very little of touching the
ground.

The general, rejoiced that they had found wherewith to mount
the cacique, gave his orders to march, and the army made four
leagues each day, and on the third day arrived at the capital, which
is called Tuscaluca, from the name of the lord of the province.
This town is strong because it is in the middle of a peninsula, which
is formed by the river which passes by Talisse, and is mucli larger
and more rapid at Tuscaluca than at that town.* The next day they

* It was tlie Alatama Eiver.

3^8 HISTORY OF FLORIDA.

crossed the river ; but because thej' had not rafts enough, thej' con-
sumed the whole day in crossing, and could not camp but at half a
league from there, in a very pleasant valley. There the Spaniards
missed Villabos and another cavalier, without being able to learn
what had become of them. Only then they suspected that, having
gone astray, the Indians had killed them. Villabos, in fact, loved
to leave the camp and travel over the country, but from this kind
of excursions there ordinarily happened only misfortune.

They began from that time to have a bad opinion of the friend-
ship of Tuscaluca ; and that which confirmed this belief was that,
when the Spaniards manifested to the Indians their astonishment
at the loss of their companions, the barbarians replied, with inso-
lence, that they had not given them to their keeping, and that they
were not obliged to render them an account of them. The general
would not push the affair further for fear of disquieting the cacique ;
and because he believed that Villabos and his companion were
slain, he deferred avenging their death until fortune should furnish
him an opportunity.

The next day Soto sent to Mauvila, which was a league and a half
from the camp, Gon9al Quadrado Charamillo and Diego Vasques,
cavaliers experienced in all kinds of encounters, and ordered them
to reconnoitre the town and await him there.

CHAPTER VI.

THE DISCOVERY OF THE TREACHERY IN MAUVILA.

At the same time that Quadrado and his comrade left, the general
took a hundred horse and as many foot soldiers to go as a vanguard
with him and the cacique, and gave orders to the colonel of cavalry
to promptly follow him. Nevertheless, the rest of the army did not
leave until late, and in the belief that they had nothing to fear, they
scattered themselves here and there to hunt.

The general arrived about eight o'clock in the morning at Mau-
vila, which consisted of eighty houses, in some of which they could
post fifteen hundred men, in others a thousand, and in the smallest
about six hundred. These houses, however, have but one main
room, for the Indians do not make them otherwise, and each main
room is in the form of a hall, with some small chambers. Besides,
as Mauvila is a frontier place, its houses are strong, beautiful, and
indicate sufficiently the power of the cacique. The greater part
also belongs to him, and the' rest to the most important of his

THE DISCOVERT 0! THE TREACHERY IN MAUVILA. 379

subjects. The town of Mauvila is on a very agreeable plain, and
surrounrled with a very high rampart, palisaded with large pieces
of wood fixed in the earth, with beams across on the outside, and
attached within with strong cords. To the height of the pieces of
wood was plastered with loam mixed with long straw, which filled
the void between the pieces of wood in such a manner that it ap-
peared a wall of masonry. There were, every fifty paces, towers
capable of holding eight men, and embrasures four or five feet
from the ground. There were but two gates at Mauvila (one to
the east, the other to the west), and a great square in the middle of
the town, surrounded with the principal houses.(23) Soto arrived
with the cacique at this square. Tuscaluca immediately dis-
mounted, and called Ortis to show him the lodges of the general
and his officers. He told him that the valets and other servants
should take the house nearest to the lodge of the general, and
that the troops should camp outside at the distance of an arrow-
shot, where very good huts had been made. The general replied
that he must wait until his colonel of cavalry joined him, and
thereupon the cacique entered into a house where was his council
of war. However, the soldiers who had proceeded with the general
remained in the square, and sent their horses out of town until
they had seen the place which was destined for them. In the
meanwhile, Quadrado, who had been to reconnoitre Mauvila, came
to the general. He told him he must beware of the chief, and that
he feared treachery ; that there were, in the houses of the town,
nearly ten thousand warriors, all young men, brave, and well armed,
the flower of the vassals of Tuscaluca and the neighboring chiefs ;
that many lodges w.ere full of arras ; that there were in Mauvila
only j'oung women who could fight, no children ; and that the in-
habitants were free and unembarrassed ; that, to the distance of a
quarter of a league around the town, they had laid waste, which
showed that they intended to fight ; that every morning they went
out into the field and exercised in very good order ; that to this
they should add the death of Villabos and the pride of the bar-
barians ; and that, therefore, he was of opinion that they should
hold themselves upon tlieir guard. The general immediately com-
manded that they should secretly advise those of the men who were
in the town of the treason, in order that they might hold themselves
ready in case of alarm, and ordered Quadrado to relate to the colonel
of cavalry what he had seen.

Carmoua says the general was received at Mauvila with great
rejoicing, and that at his entry, the Indians, the better to conceal
their evil design, had ordered many women dances which were

380 HISTORY OF FLORIDA.

pleasant to see, for the Indian women are beautiful and well made.
In fact, that which Moscoso took from Mauvila to Mexico was
found so charming, that the Spanish ladies in that kingdom often
besought him to send her to them that they might see her.

As to the cacique, when he had entered the house where his coun-
cil awaited him, he said to his captains that they had no time to lose,
and that they must promptly decide whether they should kill the
Spaniards who were in the town or wait until they were all assem-
bled. That he did not doubt of the success of the enterprise, what-
ever resolution they might take, because they had^o do with but
a small number of cowards and inexperts. But as to them, that
besides being eight to one, they were valiant and experienced. That
they might therefore boldly declare what they found proper to do,
and that he awaited but that to destroy his enemies.

CHAPTER VII.

THE DECISION OF THE COUNCIL OF THE CACIQUE, AND THE BEGINNING
OF THE BATTLE OP MAUVILA.

The opinions of the council of Tuscaluca were divided. Some
maintained that they ought not to wait to attack the Spaniards
until they should be united, because their defeat would be more
diflQcult. Others, that it would be cowardly to attack them when
they were so few ; that they ought to defer the attack until they all
should be in Mauvila, and that then they would have more glory in
conquering them. To that, the first replied tliat they ought to
hazard nothing ; that the Spaniards being united, would defend
themselves with more vigor, and might be able to slay some Indians.
That the death of their enemies would be bought too dear if it cost
them the loss of any of their men ; that therefore it was important
to attack them without further deliberation. This opinion prevailed,
and it was decided that they should seek a pretext for a quarrel,
and that in case they did not And one, they should not defer it,
inasmuch as they had always a right to destroy their enemies.

While these things were passing, the valet of the general who had
prepared the dinner, informed him that they were going to serve it,
and he commanded them to tell Tuscaluca, who had always eaten
with him, that he awaited him in order to dine. Ortis,.who
had received this order, went to the lodge of the cacique to invite
him to dinner, but was refused admittance, and they told him that
Tuscaluca was going to leave. He returned a second time and had

THE DECISION OF THE COrNOIL 01 THE CACIQUE. 381

the same answer, and the third time he said that Tiiscaliica might
come if he pleased, that the dinner was upon the table. Then an
Indian who had the appearance of an officer, replied that he was
astonished that brigands dared to utter the name of his lord with so
little respect, and to call him Tuscalnca without giving him the
titles which were due to him. He swore by the Sun that the inso-
lence of these scoundrels should cost them their lives, and that it
was necessary to begin from that day to chastise them. Hardly
had this Indian spoken, when there came another who gave him a
bow and arrows to begin the battle. The barbarian immediately
threw back the borders of his mantle over his shoulders, made ready
his bow, and put himself in position to shoot upon a troop of Span-
iards in the street. Gallego, who by chance met him at the side of
the door through which he had gone out, seeing this treachery,
struck the barbarian with the edge of his sword, such a blow upon
his shoulder, covered only with his mantle, that he clove him even
to the entrails, and he fell dead upon the spot, as he was going to
discharge the arrow. This captain just slain, had, on going out,
commanded the Indians to charge the Spaniards. Therefore the
Indians rushed from all sides upon our men, and attacked with so
much fury that they drove them more than a hundred paces out of
town. Nevertheless, not a Spaniard turned his back; all fought
and retired like brave soldiers.

Among the barbarians who attacked the first, was a young man of
distinction, eighteen years of age, who casting his eyes upon Gal-
lego, discharged six or seven arrows at him, but in vain ; so that
through rage at having neither wounded nor killed him he closed
with him, and discharged with his bow, three or four blows with so
much force upon his head that the blood flowed from it. Gallego,
who anticipated the second attack, pierced him with two thrusts of
his sword, and laid Mm dead at his feet.

Tliey were convinced that the person killed was the son of the
Indian captain who had lost his life ; and that the strong desire to
avenge the death of his father had irresistibly impelled him to
Gallego. But it was not only this young man who fought courage-
ously, the others attacked with the same ardor, for the sole aim of
them all was to exterminate the Spaniards.

The cavaliers who had sent their horses out of Mauvila, ran im-
mediately to recover them. The swiftest mounted, the others had
not time, and cut their halters that they might escape the fury of
the barbarians ; but the last, who could neither mount nor set them
at liberty, saw them severely wounded with arrows, for the Indians
who had formed two battalions, attacked vigorously : one battalion.

382 HISTORY OF FLORIDA,

the Spaniards, the other the horses and baggage that was there.
Afterwards they carried the booty into their houses, and the Span-
iards had only their lives left, which they defended like brave men.
They in fact did on this occasion, all that brave soldiers could do.

CHAPTER VIII.

CONTINUATION OF THE BATTLE OF MAUVILA.

The cavaliers, who had ;mounted their horses, being joined by
those who had arrived in file, opposed themselves to the fury of the
barbarians, and advanced to succor the infantry, which was hard
pressed. The enemy gradually giving way, our men assembled
and formed two bodies, one of infantry, the other of cavalry. Then
they fell upon the Indians with so much order and courage, that
they drove them back even into their fortifications, where they
would have entered pell-mell, if those who were within had not
showered upon them, from all sides, arrows and stones. Therefore
our men retired, and the Indians sallied so quickly that many leaped
down from the walls and approached the Spaniards so near, that
some of them seized the lances of the cavaliers. However, they did
not gain any advantage. Our soldiers, who fought in good order,
having adroitly drawn them more than two hundred paces from the
town, redoubled their efforts, and briskly drove them back. But
as the barbarians incommoded our men from the tops of the ter-
races, the Spaniards had recourse to ruses to induce them to sally,
and give the cavaliers an opportunity to pierce them. They there-
fore made many feints to draw them out, and as they succeeded,
they repulsed them many times, but not without loss on both sides ;
for they vigorously opposed and attacked our men.

Captain Gallego, in the skirmishes, was followed by a Dominican,
his brother, well mounted, who begged him to accept his horse ; but
the captain, who was foremost in the fight, and who was passion-
ately fond of fame, would never quit his rank. Meanwhile his
brother, who was spurring on with another after him, was shot by
an Indian, who wounded him slightly in the shoulder, because he
had on two hoods, with a large felt hat that flapped above.

In these attacks there were a number killed and wounded.
Among others, died Don Carlos Henriquez, who had espoused the
niece of the general, and was loved by all the army. This cavalier,
among many excellent qualities, was generous toward everybody,
and personally very brave. Nothing touched the Spaniards more

CONTINUATION OF THE BATTLE OP MATJVILA. 383

than his death, which happened in this manner. His horse, in the
last attack, had an arrow-shot in his breast, and immediately Hen-
riquez stooped to draw it out ; but as he turned his head a little to
his left shoulder, he exposed his throat, and received in that place
an arrow armed with flint. He fell to the ground, and died the
next day.

Thus the Spaniards and Indians fought; but there perished more
on the side of the barbarians, because they had no defensive armor.
Therefore, after thej' discovered that the horses prevented them
from conquering, they retired into the town, of which they shut the
gates, all resolved to die upon the ramparts with arms in their
hands. The general at the same time commanded the cavaliers to
dismount, because they were better armed than the foot soldiers,
and ordered them to take bucklers and axes, and rush headlong to
crush in the gates of Mauvila, which they bravely did, but not
without suffering. Then they entered this town, and in the mean
time the foot soldiers, who were in the environs, ran there in a great
crowd. But as they all could not pass through the gates because they
were narrow, and moreover, as they would not lose the opportunity of
distinguishing themselves in the battle, they struck down, with the
sturdy strokes of their axes, a part of the palisades, and, sword in
hand, entered the town to the assistance of their comrades. Then
the Indians, who saw their enemies masters of the town, fought
with desperation in the middle of the streets and from the ram-
parts, whence they incommoded our men very much ; so that, to
prevent the barbarians from taking them in the rear, and from re-
gaining the houses which we had seized, we set fire to them, and
as they were only straw, there was in a moment seen nothing but
flame and smoke, which served to increase still more the number of
the dead and wounded.

As soon as the Indians had retired into the town, many of them
ran to pillage the lodge of the general; but they found there per-
sons who repulsed them — three crossbow-men, a well armed Indian
friend of the Spaniards, two priests, as many slaves, and five of Soto's
guards. Whilst the priests prayed, the others fought courageously,
so that the enemy, not being able to gain the door of the house,
endeavored to enter by the roof, and made openings there in three
or four places ; but the crossbow-men shot all who presented them-
selves. In the mean time the general and his men arrived. They
fell upon the barbarians who were besieging the house, put them to
flight, and delivered those who were within.

Then the general, who had already fought four hours on foot,
left the town and mounted his horse, in order to increase the fright

384 HISTORY OF FLORIDA.

of the Indians and the courage of the soldiers. Then he re-entered
Mauvila accompanied by Tovar, and crying " San lago," they cut
through the enemy, put them in disorder, and pierced them with
many thrusts of their lances.

In the melee, as Soto raised himself in his stirrups to pierce an
Indian, he was shot behind. The arrow broke his coat of mail and
entered quite deep into his buttock. Nevertheless, for fear that the
wound might abate the courage of his men, and elevate that of
the barbarians, he concealed the wound that be had received and
did not extract the arrow, so that he could not sit down. But he
did not cease to fight valiantly until the end of the combat, which
lasted five hours. Certainly this action alone marks sufficiently his
courage and his horsemanship.

Tovar, also, had an arrow-shot which pierced through his lance
above the handle. But because the wood was good, the arrow made
only its hole, so that the cavalier made use of his lance as usual,
after the arrow was cut. This shot is of little importance ; however,
I related it because the like of it seldom happens.

In the mean time, the fire which they had set to the houses in-
creased more and more, and incommoded the barbarians even upon
the ramparts, whence the greater part fought ; therefore they were
constrained to abandon them. The fire, ■which they set to the doors
of the lodge, each of which had but one, also did great mischief.
Those who were within, not being able to get out, were miserably
burned up. Many Indian women who were shut up in the houses
where the fire was at the doors, all perished there in this manner.
The fire excited not less disorder in the streets than in other places.
Sometimes the wind drove the flame with the smoke upon the In-
dians, and favored the Spaniards ; and sometimes the contrary, so
that the enemy regained what they had lost, and there were many
persons slain on both sides.

The battle so disastrous and so stubbornly contested during seven
hours lasted until four in the afternoon. Then, when the barbarians
saw the number of people they had lost by fire and sword, and that
their forces began to grow weaker and those of the enemy to in-
crease, they implored the assistance of the women, and induced
them to avenge the death of many brave Indians or all nobly perish.

When they called the women to assist, some of them were already
fighting by the sides of their husbands, but as soon as they were
commanded they ran in a crowd, some with bows and arrows, others
with swords, halberts, and lances, which the Spaniards had dropped
in the street, which they skilfully used. They all put themselves
at the head of the Indians, and full of anger and hate, braved the

CONTINUATION OF THE BATTLE OF MAUVILA. 385

peril and showed a courage above their sex. But -vrhen the Span-
iards saw that they were no longer flgliting except merely against
women, and that these brave Indian women meant rather to die
than to conquer, they spared them to such a degree that they did
not wound one of them.

In the mean while the rear guard, which was advancing and
amusing itself on the march, heard the noise of the drums and
the sound of the trumpets, and, conjecturing what had happened,
marched rapidly and in good order ; so that they arrived even in time
to give assistance. But no sooner had they arrived and Diego de Soto,
nephew of the general, learned the death of Don Carlos, his cousin,
■frhom he dearly loved, than he wished to avenge him. He leaped
from his horse, took a shield, drew liis sword, and entered the town
in the height of the melee. He was there immediately struck by
an arrow which passed through his eye to the back of his head. He
fell to the ground, and languished till the next day, when he died
without they being able to extract the arrow. This misfortune was
distressing to the whole army, and above all to the general ; Diego
de Soto was a cavalier truly worthy of being his nephew.

The battle was not less sanguinary in the country than in the
town. As soon as the Indians discovered that their numbers
impeded them in such a small place as Mauvila because their
skill was almost useless, many of them glided down the ramparts
and gained the country, where they fought like brave men. Never-
tiieless, they had not more good fortune there than in the town.
The advantage which they gained over the foot-soldiers the cavaliers
had over them, and pierced them easily with the thrusts of their
lances because the barbarians had no pikes. They also broke them
many times ; and then when the rear guard joined Soto, they finally
put them to rout, and very few escaped.

At the time the sun was about to set and the cries and noise of
those who fought in Mauvila increased, there entered there a party
of cavaliers. Until then no person except Soto and Tovar had
entered there on horseback to fight, for they could not there con-
veniently manage their horses. Therefore, as soon as these cavaliers
were there, they divided into many small squads and raced through
all the streets, where they slew many Indians. Twelve &f these cav-
aliers spurred through the main street where there was a battalion
of men and women whom despair had forced to fight. These cava-
liers took them in the rear, and when they had broken them they
briskly drove them, at the same time overthrowing, pell-mell, some of
our men who were fighting on foot, and killing these brave Indians,
nearly all of whom died with arms in their hands, preferring death
25

386 HISTORY OF FLORIDA.

to servitude. It was by this last battle, which took place the day
of St. Luke in the year one thousand five hundred and forty * that
the Spaniards, after having fought nine entire hours, without ceas-
ing, succeeded in completely conquering their enemies.

CHAPTER IX.

SOME PARTICULARS CONCERNING THE BATTLE.

When the Indians attacked our men so courageously that they
drove them from Mauvila, a Spaniard, of very little importance,
took to flight ; and when he had escaped from danger, he fell on the
ground and arose immediately. However, because he did not be-
lieve that he was entirely safe, he began again to flee, and fell.
What appeared surprising, they found him dead without the vestige
of a bruise or wound ; they believed he was frightened to death.
That is one of the events which happened during the battle, and
tliis is what happened immediately after : Men-Rodriguez, a Portu-
guese cavalier, who had served well in Africa and on the frontiers
of Portugal, fought nearly all the day and did very noble deeds ;
but after the battle, when he had dismounted, he remained immov-
able, without the power to speak or to eat, and died in this con-
dition at the end of three daj's, although he had received neither
wound nor bruise. They believed that the extraordinary efforts
which he had made against the barbarians had caused this accident to
him, and they said that he died of excess of courage. Finally, after
the battle, there was found in Mauvila an Indian, who had charged
the Spaniards with so much fury that, during the heat of the battle,
he had not perceived the carnage they had made of his companions ;
but when the rage with which he fought had passed, and he dis-
covered tlie peril in which he was and the misfortune of Iiis party,
he gained in haste the ramparts to endeavor to escape to the
country. However, seeing the Spanisli cavalry and infantry spread
here and there, he lost all hope of escape. He took the cord from
his bow, attached one end of it to a branch of a tree which they had'
left between the pieces of wood of the rampart, the other to his
neck, dropped from tlie top of the rampart, and strangled himself.
Some soldiers ran to his- assistance, but when they arrived he was
dead. This action shows the courage and desperation of the Indians,
since the only one who had survived the battle preferred destroying
himself to falling into the hands of his enemies.

* Monday, the 18th of October, 1540, is the date the Elvas Narrative gives.

THE CONDITION OF THE SPANIARDS AFTER THE BATTLE. 387

CHAPTER X.

THE CONDITION OF THE SPANIARDS AFTER THE BATTLE.

The day of the battle, the general rendered the last duties to the
dead, and the next day he took care to have all the wounded at-
tended to, but there died many of them beforehand ; for they found
seventeen hundred and seventy dangerous w.ounds, some in the
breast, others in the head, without speaking of the slight wounds,
the number of which they could not tell. There was scarcely any
soldier who was not wounded, and sometimes with ten or twelve
hits. Therefore, many surgeons were needed ; nevertheless, there
was but one, very slow and very unskilful. Besides, everything was
wanting — oil, bandages, lint, clothes — because the Indians had car-
ried off the baggage and the fire had consumed everything; also,
there were neither huts to cover them during the night nor pro-
visions to refresh them. The soldiers themselves could not go in
search of them because of the darkness and their wounds ; so that,
not hoping any solace from men, they implored the aid of Heaven,
and discovered that by prayers their strength and courage gradually
increased. Thus they gloriously extricated themselves from the de-
plorable condition to which the fortunes of war had reduced them.
The least wounded first took care of those whose wounds were mortal.
Some brought straw ; others, boughs of the huts which the Indians
had made outside of the town, and made lodges of them, which they
rested against the ramparts, and under which they placed the sick.
Several opened the bodies of the dead barbarians, from which they
drew the fat and made of it an unguent for the wounds. Some
took the shirts of their dead companions, and even stripped them-
selves of their own, to make of them bandages and lint, and kept
those of flax for the dangerous wounds ; for the slight wounds were
dressed witli coarse linen and the linings of pantaloons. Others
skinned the horses which had been killed, and gave their flesh to
the most feeble ; and the rest were under arms to oppose the enemy
in case he should appear. Thus the Spaniards rendered every
service to one another during the four days that they attended the
mortally wounded, and yet they lost twenty-two of their comrades
for want of their being well treated ; so that, with thirteen who
expired immediately after the battle and , forty-seven who were

388 HISTORY OP FLORIDA.

slain (of whom eighteen died of arrow-shots in the head), there died
eighty-two of them, without counting forty-five horses, which they
regretted as the principal force of the array.

CHAPTER XL

INDIANS KILLED IN THE BATTLE.

The Indians lost nearly eleven thousand persons in the battle.
There were slain, in the environs of Mauvila, more than two thou-
sand five hundred, among whom was the son of the cacique ; and in
the town more than three thousand, besides a like number who were
burnt ; for in a single house there were a thousand women stifled
by the fire, which drew the compassion of everybody-. At four
leagues around the town, among the woods, in the streams, and other
like places, the soldiers, who went out in parties, found more than
two thousand barbarians, some dead and others wounded, who made
every place echo with their cries.* But they could not learn what
had become of the cacique. Some asserted that he had cowardly
fled, and others that he had burnt himself, as he well deserved the
fire because he had caused all the misfortunes that had happened on
both sides. In fact, as soon as he learned that the Spaniards were
to pass over his lands, he determined to exterminate them there.
Therefore, before they entered them, he sent his son, accompanied
by some of his subjects, to the general, in order that, under pretext
of peace, they might observe the practice of the Spaniards in war,
and that, upon their report, he might take measures to accomplish
his designs. They learned also that one day, when the inhabitants
of Talisse complained to him that their cacique compelled them to
give to the Spaniards men and women for slaves, he told them that
they might obey him without reluctance, for that very soon he
would send their people back to them, and even the Spaniards them-
selves, of whom they might make use to cultivate the land. The
Indians whom our men captured in battle confirmed the same
things : that, by the persuasion of Tuscaluca, the inhabitants had
assembled with the view of killing the Christians. As for them,
the greater part, under great promises only, had been drawn from
the neighboring provinces ; that to some they were to make presents
of scarlet capes, and of satin and velvet aprons, in order to appear
at the public dances and feasts ; and to others they had agreed to
give the horses to ride before the Spaniards. Some said that they

* Indians killed, in tlie town, were about 2500; Christians, 18 died, 150
wounded ; horses, 12 killed, 70 wounded. — Elvas.

THE CONDUCT OF THE TROOPS AFTER THE BATTLE. 389

had promised them several soldiers for slaves, and all declared the
number they were to have ; that, as many of them had their hus-
bands, they had come by their orders, and others at the solicitations
of their parents, who caused them to hope that they would have
great rejoicings, in order to render thanks to the Sun for the defeat
of their enemies. Finally, some avowed that they were at the
battle at the request of their lovers, who ardently wished that they
should be witnesses of their valor, which suflSciently showed that
Tuscaluca had a long time meditated his treachery. But it was
fatal to him, as well as to the Spaniards, who, without counting the
things I have mentioned, lost many chalices, many altar decorations,
chasubles, and other ornaments, the wine, and some measures of
flour which they kept for mass ; so that, not being able to hear
it, the clergy and the monks who served the armj' assembled to
learn if they could consecrate it with corn-bread. But all agreed
that bread of pure wheat, and real wine were necessary. As, there-
fore, they could no longer consecrate it, they erected, every Sunday
and every festival, an altar ; and then a priest dressed in a kind of
chasuble of buckskin said the Introite, with other prayers of the
mass, without consecration, and the Spaniards called that a dry
mass. He who celebrated it, or else some other clergyman, ex-
plained the gospel, and accompanied it with a short exhortation.
Thus our men consoled themselves a little for not being able to
adore Jesus Christ under the sacramental elements of bread and
wine. But that? which grieved them was, that they remained in this
state more than three years, until, leaving Florida, they entered
into Christian lands.

CHAPTER XII.

THE CONDUCT OF THE TROOPS AFTER THE BATTLE, AND THE MUTINY
OF SOME SOLDIERS.

The Spaniards were eight days at the lodges which they had made
around the ramparts of Mauvila, and fifteen more in healing them-
selves in the huts which the Indians had prepared for them. In the
mean time, those who were the healthiest went four leagues round-
about in search of provisions in the villages, where they found much
corn and many wounded Indians, without meeting with any one who
took care of them. They only learned that, by night, persons came
to attend them, who, by day, retired into the forest. Our- soldiers,
touched with compassion, shared their provisions with these poor
barbarians. But, as the other Indians were concealed, and as they

390 HISTOKY OF FLORIDA.

wished to know what was passing in the country, the cavaliers
hunted here and there to make some prisoners, and took eighteen
or twenty Indians. They demanded of them, at first, if they were
assembling to attack the troops. They replied that the bravest of
their men having been slain in battle, there was no longer any one
who could bear arms. They believed this without any difQculty ;
for while the Spaniards sojourned in the environs of Mauvila, they
had this good fortune in their misery; that their enemies gave them
no alarm, which would have very much incommoded them in the
condition in which they were.

During these events, Soto learned that Maldonado and Arias had
brought over the ships, and that they had safely reached the coast.
He knew, also, from prisoners, that the sea, and the province of
Achussi, where he wished to go, were not thirty leagues from
Mauvila. This news rejoiced him in the hope of putting an end to
his journey, and of establishing himself in Achussi ; for he had re-
solved to build a town at the port which bears the name of this
province, where he could receive all the ships ; to make another,
twenty leagues in the country; to compel the inhabitants to em-
brace the Catholic faith, and to reduce them by degrees to the
domination of Spain.

In consideration of such good news, and that they could easily
go from the camp to Achussi, the general released the cacique of
that province, whom, for some time, he had retained very civilly
about his person. He begged him to preserve the honor of his
friendship; and, after telling him that he had not sent him back
sooner for fear that, being so far from his country, some misfortune
might happen to him upon the road, he assured him that it would
not be long before the Spaniards would repair to his lands. The
cacique showed much joy at this, and after some compliments
which he made to Soto on the manner in which he had treated him,
he promised that he would endeavor to respond, by his services, to
the obligations under which he had placed him ; and, there'upon, he
set out for Achussi. In the mean time, discord, that pest of nations
and of armies, destroyed all the designs which the general had
formed of peopling this province. For, as there were among the
troops soldiers who had aided in the conquest of Peru, and who re-
called to mind the riches wiiich they had gained there, and con-
sidered that they had notliing of the like to hope for in Florida, it
was impossible for them to resolve to settle there. Besides, dis-
couraged by the fatigues, and frightened at the last battle, they said
they ought to despair of ever conquering a people so fierce and so
warlike as the inhabitants of the vast regions they were every

THE CONDTICX OF THE TROOPS AFTER THE BATTLE. 391

day discovering; that tliese barbarians too ardently loved their
libertj', and would rather lose their lives than submit to the yoke
of the Spaniards ; that after all, the most fertile of their countries
were not worth the suffering which unfortunately was consuming
them ; and that, since neither gold nor silver was found there, they
should, when tliey arrived at the coast, take the route to Peru and
Mexico, where it would be easy for everybody to make a consider-
able fortune. These discussions were repeated to tlie general ; but,
being unwilling to believe them, unless he should hear them him-
self, he, all alone, began to rove around at night in disguise. He
heard that a treasurer of the troops, and some others, were declaring
that if, on their arrival at the port of Achussi, they found vessels,
they would sajl for New Spain; that they were tired of sacrificing
themselves for the conquest of a miserable country. These words
troubled Soto with the belief that, at the first opportunity, the army
would disperse ; that he would have the same misfortune in his
plans that Pizarro had in the conquest of Peru, who remained with
only thirteen soldiers upon the island of Gorgonne ; that afterward
it would be impossible for him to raise new troops, because he would
have lost his labor, his authority, his honor, and, finally, his fortune.
All these considerations compelled the general, who was jealous of
his reputation, to take resolutions precipitate and full of despera-
tion. Therefore, for fear that the soldiers should execute what he
had heard them say, he gave his orders, with dispatch and address,
to advance into the country; desiring to put himself at a distance
from the coast, and to take from the malcontents the means of de-
priving him of his glory, and making the rest of the army mutiny.
But this conduct was the cause and commencement of his destruc-
tion, and afterwards he always had misfortune. For, sorry to see
all his plans fruitless, his hopes disappointed, he wandered, as
through spite, here and there, until he lost by his death, all the
fruits of his labor, his fortune, and the glory of having founded a
kingdom for tlie enlargement of the faith and the crown of Spain.
Nevertheless, if, instead of wandering from the coast, he had, at
first, taken the counsel of his wise friends, and chastised the princi-
pal authors of the mutiny, he would have, without difficulty, re-
tained the others in their duty, and successfully terminated his
enterprise; but as he followed only his passion, he failed in an
undertaking which, to him, was of the greatest importance. Thus,
he who neglects to consult his friends when he should do so, often
fails in his affairs.

392 HISTORY OP FLOEIDA.

CHAPTER XIII.

CONCERNING INDIAN ADULTERESSES.

Before leaving the province of Tuscaluca, it is proper to relate
the manner in which the laws of this country and of that of Coga,
punish adulteresses. There is, in this last province, a law which
decrees, upon penalty of death, that if any one has sufficient indi-
cations to believe that a woman is an adulteress, he has to inquire
into it and impeach her before the cacique, or, in his absence, before
the local judges. These judges upon the report that is made to them,
secretly hold an inquest against the person accused, and arrest her
if they find her guilty. Afterwards, at the first festival, they order
to be published that the inhabitants, on going out from their dinner,
repair to a certain place outside of ilie village, and that there they
all arrange themselves in a row. Then come the judges, of whom
two place themselves at one end of this file, and two at the other.
They first decree that they bring to them the adulteress, and then
they say to her husband who is present, that she is convicted of a
lewd life, and that he must deal with her according to the rigor of
the law. The husband strips her entirely naked, and shaves her
with a kind of razor of flint ; a disgraceful punishment and common
among the Indians of the new world. Then to show that he repudi-
ates her, he leaves with the clothes of his wife, and abandons her to
the power of the judges. Two immediately command the criminal
to pass in front of the persons who are in a row, and to go and de-
clare her crime to the other two officers. She obeys, and as soon as
she draws near to them she tells them that she is convicted of adul-
tery and condemned to the penalty with which the law punishes that
crime ; that she is sent to them in order that they may do with her
what it shall please them for the welfare of the province. The
judges immediately send her back with this answer : that it is just
that the laws that are made with a view to the preservation of pub-
lic virtue should be inviolably observed ; that therefore they confirm
the sentence which they have rendered against her, and order her
in the future not to relapse again into her crime. Thereupon she
returns back to the first judges, and the people who are in a row
hiss her, and endeavor by means of insults, to increase her shame.
In the mean time the people who come in a crowd and see her naked,
yell at her. Some cast clods of earth at her, and others straw, and
others old rags and pieces of mats and other like things, the law

CONCERNING INDIAN ADULTEEESSES. 393

ordering it so, and they regard this poOr woman only as the dis-
grace of her sex. After all these inflictions, the judge banishes her
from the country and places her in the hands of her parents, with
orders, upon pain of exemplary punishment, not to permit her to
enter into any place of the province. The parents receive her, and
as soon as they cover her with a mantle they lead her away into a
place where she is never seen by any Indian of the country; and at
the same time the judges permit the husband to take another wife.
Thus they punish, in Coca, the Indian women who violate the faith
which they owe to those whom they marry. But in the province of
Tuscaluca they punish them with still greater rigor. The law of
this country decrees that if, at an unseasonable hour, they see any
one enter and leave three or four times a house, and that they
suspect the mistress of the lodge of adultery, they are obliged, by
the religion of the country, to inform the husband of the conduct of
his wife, and to prove, by three or four witnesses, that they assert
nothing but the truth. The husband, at the same time, assembles
the witnesses, and interrogates them one after another, with horrible
imprecations against him who lies, and great benedictions in favor
of him who discloses the truth.

Afterwards, if he finds his wife suflflcientlj' convicted of having
violated her faith, he leads her out of the village, ties her to a tree
or to a post which he fixes in the ground, and shoots her to death
with arrows. Then he goes to the cacique, or, in his absence, to the
justice of the place. He tells them that, in such a place outside of
the village, he has just killed his wife, upon information that she
had committed adultery; that he petitions them to summon the
accusers, in order that, if the crime of which they charged her is
true, he might be formally acquitted, and, if the contrarj^, he might
receive the punishment decreed by the law of the province. In the
latter case, the law commands that the parents of the wife shoot the
husband to death with arrows ; that he be the prey of dogs and
birds, and that his wife, as a mark of her innocence, be honorably
interred ; that if the witnesses persisted in their evidence and did
not contradict thepiselves, in a word, if they verified by good proofs
the crime in question, they acquitted the husband, with the liberty
to take a wife, and forbid, upon pain of death, the parents of the
criminal from drawing a single arrow from her body, or even in-
terring it^ because it was necessary that she should serve as an
example and be devoured by beasts. We see by this that, in all
Florida, they punished very rigorously adulteresses. But we do
not know in what manner they punished the men who debauched
the wives of others. The laws perhaps favored them there, as among

394 HISTORY OP FLORIDA.

other nations. I remember what a lady of my acquaintance one
day said upon this subject : that only the men were regarded when
they made laws against adultery, and that the fear which, without
foundation, they had of the infidelity of woman had made them
treat her cruelly ; but that, if the persons of her sex had decreed
the penalties against this crime, they would have been governed in
it without passion, and with so much prudence that they would
not have had, on either side, any i-eason to complain.

CHAPTER XIV.

THE ENTRANCE OP THE SPANIARDS INTO THE PROVINCE OP CHICAOA.

To return to Soto ; after tlie Spaniards had remained twentj'-four
days about Mauvila, and recovered enough strengtii to continue on,
they left Tuscaluca, and arrived, at the end of three days, in the
province of Chica§a, through, places unpopulated but very pleasant.
The first town which they found in the direction in which they were
advancing, was on a river, large, deep, and with high banks. The
general immediately sent into the town to ask an alliance, but they
haughtily replied that they wished war. In fact, when our men
were approaching this place, a battalion of about sixteen hundred men
came to attack them. However, after some skirmishes, the enemy
yielded, and retired with their most valuable things towards the
river, with the design of defending the passage of it. Our men
drove them briskly, so that some leaped into the water, and others
passed it in small boats, and many bj' swimming, and joined their
troops, which amounted to nearly eight thousand men. They bor-
dered about two leagues of the other side of tlie river, and strove
courageously to prevent us from crossing it ; for in the night they
crossed it in boats, and came and fell upon the Spaniards, who,
tired of being harassed with impunity, secretly made some ditches
opposite the places where the enemy landed. Then they concealed
in these places crossbow-men and fusileers, with orders not to flre
until the Indians should be at a distance from their boats, but then
to charge them vigorously, and, sword in hand, to rush headlong
upon them, which was executed with success. Three times they
drove them back as far as their vessels ; so that, without putting
themselves to the hazard of crossing the river, they defended only
the passage. But while they were acquitting themselves very well,
and Soto was despairing of crossing this river, he commanded a
hundred of those most expert in carpentry to go into the woods at

ENTRANCE OP SPANIARDS INTO THE PROVINCE OF OHICAOA. 395

a league from the camp and make there two large boats, capable of
holding many persons. They executed these orders, and in twelve
days the boats were made, and two carriages, on which they placed
them, and which they caused to be drawn by mules and horses.
The Spaniards themselves aided them during the journey, and for-
tunately reached before day a part of the river where they found
a very convenient crossing. In the mean time, the rest of the
troops joined them. And then, after the general had had the boats
launched, he commanded ten cavaliers and forty foot-soldiers to
enter into one, and as many into the other, and to cross quickly,
for fear of the enemy, and commanded the footmen to row while
their companions should remain on horseback, in order to be ready
to fight on leaving the fiver. In the mean time five hundred In-
dians, who were scouting, heard the noise of those who were cross-
ing the river, they ran to the passage, showered upon them arrows,
sent for assistance, and gave the alarm everywhere. Nevertheless,
without losing courage, the Spaniards arrived at the other border,
the greater part wounded ; for the Indians shot them at their ease.
The second boat deviated a little from the way, and could not gain it
but by dint of oars. But those of the first, which was already landed,
leaped ashore ; Silvestre and Garcia, bold and valiant cavaliers,
left the first, and vigorously charged the enemy. They drove them
four times, more than two hundred paces from the river, and when
they returned to tlie charge they were seconded by the other cava-
liers, which began to lessen the fury of the barbarians and favor the
foot-soldiers, who, hors de combat on account of their wounds, re-
tired into a village on the borders of the river. In the mean time
the second boat made the passage, the soldiers leaped ashore, and
joined those who were fighting in the field. Nearly at the same
time the general, who, at the entreaty of his troops, had not em-
barked on account of the danger, crossed with eighty Spaniards,
and redoubled, by this reinforcement, the courage of the others.
The Indians, who saw the number of their enemies increase, and
who feared to be cut in pieces, gave way, and gained a forest quite
near, and from there their main body, whicli was advancing to their
assistance. But upon the assurance that the Spaniards had nearly
all crossed the river, they together returned to the quarters, where,
on their arrival, they fortified themselves with palisades. Our men
followed tiiem in the rear, and persistently harassed them, in order
to hinder their work. However, they did not cease to continue it,
and the boldest even sallied out to skirmish ; but the cavaliers,
swifter than they, gave them many thrusts with their lances. They

HISTORY OF FLORIDA.

employed the day in these sorts of combats, and at night they re-
mained quiet, because the enemy no longer appeared. In the mean
time the rest of the troops safely crossed.

CHAPTER XY.

THE BATTLE OP CHICACA.

After the passage of the river the troops broke up the boats and
preserved the iron works to make use of them in case of necessity.
Then they continued their march, and after four days of travel
through a level country, strewed with villages, they arrived at the
capital of Chicaga, This town, situated upon a hill which extends
from north to south, has two hundred houses, is watered by many
small streams clothed with walnut, chestnut, and like trees. Our
men entered into this place at the beginning of December of the
year 1540 ; and as they found it abandoned, they went into winter
quarters there. They' also built there, to lodge themselves more
comfortably, houses, with wood and straw which they brought from
the neighboring villages. Then they scoured the country and made
many prisoners. But with the view to makepeace, the general sent
back some of them with presents for the cacique, who, amusing him
with hopes and excuses, dispatched, in his turn, to him, and sent
him fruits, fish, and game. However, every night Indians came to
harass our men, but as soon as they saw them they retired, mani-
festing fear and weakness to render the Spaniards more negligent to
fight them, through the contempt which they bore them, and to con-
quer them with more facility when they should attack them in
earnest. Finally, ashamed of all these feints and of having so long
concealed their courage, thej' resolved to give evidences of it by the
defeat of our troops. Therefore, one night, about the end of Jan-
uary of the year 1541, when the north wind favored them, they
advanced three battalions abreast to within one hundred yards of
the Spanish sentinels The cacique, at the head of the middle one,
commanded the attack on the town, and there were heard, at the
same time, fifes, horns, and drums. Everything echoed with the
yells of the barbarians, who, flambeau in hand, charged upon our
men. These torches, wliich seemed to be of wax because they illu-
minated well, were made of a certain herb which grows in that coun-
try, which, when it is twisted and lighted, preserves the fire like a
•wick, and shaken emits a very brilliant flame. Besides these torches
which were very useful to them in the fight, they kindled, at the

THE BATTLE OF CHICAOA. 397

end of their arrows, this herb of which I have just spoken. Then
they discharged them upon the town, and set Are to it without diffl-
culty because the houses were of straw and the wind was very favor- .
able. Therefore, an attack so extraordinary and so unexpected
surprised our men ; but it did not shake their eonrage ; they made
resistance everywhere. Soto gave what orders he could in this
horrible confusion, mounted his horse, his helraet on his head, his -
lance in hand, and with his coat-of-arms, and boldly sallied from the
town to oppose the barbarians. But in a little while he is seconded
by ten or twelve brave cavaliers and then by many foot-soldiers, who,
in spite of the flames and smoke which the wind drove upon them,
showed their courage. Some, on all fours crawled under a torrent
of flame which rolled in the place where they were, and safely
joined the general. Others ran to the sick and made their escape to
tlie country with a part of them, while the rest were burnt before
they could be succored.

The cavaliers, on their part, endeavored to extricate themselves
from this danger. Some, in the fear of not being able to save them-
selves, abandoned their horses. Others mounted them without sad-
dles and went to the general, who, the first had had the honor to
slay a barbarian with his own hand. In the mean time, the Indians,
except the battalion of the cacique, entered into the place by the
favor of the fire, and cruelly slew men and horses. Forty or fifty
foot-soldiers, frightened at this fury, cowardly took to flight, a
shameful thing which had not yet been seen since the troops had
entered Florida. Tovar, who perceived them, ran, sword in hand,
after them, and cried out to them with all his strength to return
immediately against the enemy ; that there was no retreat for them,
and that only their courage could save them. In the mean time
Gusman, at the head of thirty soldiers, sallied from another quarter
of the town, intercepted these fugitives, blamed their cowardice, and
urged them so strongly to recover their honor that compunction
seized them. They returned to their duty, going round the town
with him and Tovar, and courageously driving all the barbarians
whom they encountered. Yasooncelos at the same time also
sallied with twenty-four Portuguese cavaliers, and from his side, fell
upon the Indians. Finally, both attacked them and pressed them
with so much vigor that they forced them back even into the bat-
talion of the cacique, where was the height of the melee, and where
those who seconded Soto fought like true soldiers. However, on
the arrival of assistance, they made a new effort. The general
attacked an Indian who was distinguished among all in the fight.
He closed with him, wounded him, and redoubled his blows, for he

398 ^ HISTORY OP TLOEIDA.

had not taken his life. But as he raised himself in his stirrups to
completely finish him, the weight of his body joined to the violence
■ with which he bore himself, turned the saddle of his horse, which
they had forgotten to girt, and he fell in the midst of the enemy.
The Spaniards, who saw him in danger, rushed headlong to the
rescue and fought with so much courage that they saved him. They
immediately placed him upon his horse and he recommenced to
fight. In the mean time, the Indians, noticing our men chargihg
upon them from all quarters, began to yield ; and, except occasion-
ally, no longer obstinately contended. But finally, in view that
they were going to succumb, they called out with loud cries to one
another to retire, and took to flight. The general closely pui-sued
them with his cavalry, and followed them as far as the fire could
liglit them. Then he had the retreat sounded, and re-entered the
place to see the disorder that the barbarians had made during more
than two hours of fight. He found forty soldiers dead with many
horses wounded and fifty slain, of which some that they had not
had leisure to untie, had been burnt at the mangers to which they
had been fastened with the iron chain of their halters. Besides the
hogs, except some which escaped from the pen which inclosed them,
were consumed by the fire, which was felt so much the more, as, in
the need in which they were of meat, they were reserved for the sick.
Carmona, who relates this particular, adds that each Indian brought
three cords, one to tie a hog, another a horse, and the third a soldier.
That which also grieved, very sensibly, our men, was the death of
Francisca Henestrosa, the only Spanish woman who followed the
army. She was the wife of Fernando Bautista, and ready to ac-
couch when the enemy gave the alarm. Her husband, who was brave,
then thought of repulsing them, and on his return from the fight, he
saw that his wife, not having been able to protect herself from the
fire, had perished in it. Francisco Henriquez, a poor foot-soldier, was
much more fortunate in his affliction. All wasting away as he was,
among the sick, he saved himself from the conflagration. But as he
was fleeing, an Indian shot him with an arrow near th^ groin, and
extended him on the ground, where he remained more than two
hours. However, he was fortunately cured of his sickness and his
wound, which was believed mortal. Sti-ange thing that a wretched
man should escape from all his ills whilst so many brave men should
perish I

WHAT THE SPANIABDS DID AFTER THE BATTLE. 399

CHAPTER XVI.

"WHAT THE SPANIARDS DID AFTER THE BATTLE.

When they had rendered the last duties to the dead, and given
orders for the wounded, they went upon the field of battle where, they
saw a large horse with an arrow that passed through his shoulder
and four inches on the other side. They also found many other
horses with their entrails pierced with arrows, and fifteen pierced in
the middle of their hearts ; of which four had each two arrows
through them. And three days after, in fear of a new attack, be-
cause the enemy had lost but a hundred men, the general ordered
an advance of a league, and commanded the soldiers to go in search
of wood and straw, and to build a town which they called Chicacilla.
They there quickly fitted up a forge with bear-skins and musket-bar-
rels, and made lances, shields, and other arms of which they had
need. It was in this, place that the general gave the office of Mos-
coso to Gallego ; for when he had investigated the conduct of the
field officers he knew that Moscoso had badly discharged his duty,
and that he was partly the cause why the Indians had surprised and
almost conquered the Spaniards. In fact, but for a monk and some

'ivates, who compelled the fugitives to return to the melee, the
Oarbarians, who fought for the honor and for the liberty of the
country, had gained the victory. Therefore, the Indians, ashamed
of having run away, returned three days after their fliglit, to attack
us ; determined to conquer or gloriously die. But at two musket
shots from the camp, there fell so heavy a rain that it wet the cords
of their bows and compelled them to retrace their steps. Our men,
informed of this design by an Indian whom they took the next morn-
ing, again dreaded the fire, and placed themselves in battle array
outside of the burgh, with sentinels here and there. N(5twithstand-
ing, the barbarians did not cease to come every night, by divers
places, to fall upon them with loud cries. They constantly killed
some soldier or wounded some horse. The Spaniards, who stoutly
repulsed them, also did not fail to pierce many of them ; but for all
that the Indians did not lose courage. Soto, who wished to secure
himself from their assaults, sent every morning into the country
parties of cavalry and infantry who slew all the Indians they met,
and returned at sunset with the assurance that four leagues around
the camp there would not be found any inhabitants of the country
alive. But what was astonishing, the enemy's battalion, some hours

400 HISTORY or FLORIDA.

after, returned to harass us, with loss on both sides. Nevertheless,
during these skirmishes, nothing of more importance happened
than that one night the quarter of Gusman was attacked by a bat-
talion of Indians. This captain, with five cavaliers, immediately
went out to oppose them ; he commanded his infantry to follow him,
and at the same instant that the enemies lighted their torches, our
men charged them. Gusman attacked the standard bearer, made a
violent thrust at him with his lance ; the Indian avoided it, seized
the lance, wrested it from the hands of Gusman, and without aban-
doning his standard, with his left hand pulled him down from his
horse. Our soldiers ran to his assistance, rescued him, and put the
enemj''s battalion to rout; but not without loss. They had two
horses wounded and as many slain, which moderated the joy which
they had of extricating their captain from peril.

CHAPTER XVII.

AN INVENTION AGAINST COLD.

Notwithstanding the continual attacks of the Indians, the
Spaniards remained until the end of March at their post. They
suffered much from cold, because they passed the nights under
arms, and the greater part were without shoes, with wretched doub-
lets only, and miserable buckskin pantaloons. Therefore, to all
appearances, they would have died of cold, but for Juan Vego, of
whom I shall here say something before coming to the good services
which he rendered them. Vego passed for a rough soldier, but,
nevertheless, sometimes agreeable. Therefore they amused them-
selves with making meri-y with him, and playing him some petty
tricks. Porcallo de Figueroa, especially, loved to ridicule him, for
he had played him such a joke at Havana that, to satisfy him for
it, he gave him a horse, for which they offered him- in Florida seven
thousand crowns, to be paid upon the first smelting of gold that
they should make there. But Vego refused this condition, and no
smelting was ever made. This is what he invented for himself and
his companions. As he perceived that thej' all were going to suffer
from cold, and that there was a great deal of very good straw at
the quarters, he set himself to making a mat four inches thick,
and long and wide in proportion ; so that one-half served him for
a mattress and the other for a covering. He knew that this inven-
tion would protect him from the cold, and he speedily made many
other mats on account of the soldiers who assisted him to work,

THE ATTACK UPON FORT ALIBAMO. 401

each one priding himself upon putting his hand to the work ; so
that by means of these mats, which tiiey carried to the guard-house
and to the parade, the Spaniards easily resisted the cold. Also,
with the exception of the mischief which the barbarians did them,
they passed the winter without inconvenience ; for they had fruits
and corn in abundance, and needed none of the necessaries of life.

BOOK SECOND.

THE ATTACK ON FORT ALIBAMO ; THE DEATH OF MANY SPANIARDS ;
THE ARRIVAL OF THE TROOPS AT CHISCA ; PROCESSION IN WHICH
THEY ADORE THE CROSS ; THE WAR BETWEEN THE TWO CACIQUES ;
AN INVENTION TO MAKE SALT ; THE INHABITANTS OF TULA ; AND
THE TROOPS WINTERING IN UTIANGUE.

CHAPTER I.

THE ATTACK UPON FORT ALIBAMO.

The general and his captains, after four months' sojourn in the
province of Chicaca, left it with joy at the beginning of April,
of the year 1541, and made, the first day of their march, four
leagues through a country with many villages of fifteen to twenty
houses each. They camped at a quarter of a league from these
habitations, in the expectation of finally taking a little repose,
but it happened otherwise ; f«r, after the scouts wliom they had
sent out to. explore had reported that quite near the camp there
was a fort where there appeared about four thousand men, the
general, with fifty horse, went immediately to reconnoitre them,
and at his return he told his captains that it was necessary to drive
away these barbarians before night. That it was provoking be-
yond measure that they should pursue and brave tliem with so much
presumption; that, therefore, they were in honor bound to chastise
them, and teach them at the cost of their lives, the valor of the
Spaniards ; that, in one word, they ought to bear themselves with so
much the more courage to cut off their retreat, as they would harass
the troops all the night with continual skirmishes. All the officers
approved the opinion of their general, who left a part of the army
to guard the camp, and marched with the others against the fort,
which was called Alibamo.(24) This fort formed a square with
four lines of palisades, each four hundred paces long, and two others
26

402 HISTORY OF FLORIDA.

within. The first of all had three gates, so low that a cavalier could
not enter ; one in the middle, and the others at the angles ; and
only opposite to these entrances they had, in each line of palisades,
three others, so that if the first were won, they defended themselves
in the next. The gates. of the last palisades faced a small river, with
wretched bridges, which in certain places was very deep, with bor-
ders so high that one conld hardly cross on horseback. The In-
dians thus had built the fort in this place in this manner, in order
to secure themselves against the horses, and oblige the Spaniards
to fight on foot ; for they did not fear our infantry.* When they
approached this place, the general ordered a hundred of the best
armed cavaliers to dismount; and, after having formed three bat-
talions of them, he commanded the attack, and ordered the infantry
to support them. Gusraan marched straigiit to the first gate, Car-
deniosa to the second, and Silvestre to the third, each at the head
of his men. The besieged immediately made through each gate a
sortie of a hundred men, with great plumes upon their heads, and,
in order to give more fright, their faces and their arms painted
with streaks of divers colors. They vigorously attacked the Span-
iards, and wounded first Diego de Castro and Pedro de Torres,
who were at the side of Silvestre, whom Peinoso seconded very
promptly. Louis de Bravo, at the head of another battalion with
Gusman, was also struck with an arrow in the lower part of the
thigh. Cardenioso saw fall near him Francisco de Figueroa
wounded in the same place as Bravo. The Indians generally aimed
from the thigh downward, because elsewhere tlie Spaniards had
wherewith to protect themselves from their shots. Nevertheless,
because they fired upon our men with arrows armed with flint, and
as these arrows did much more injury than the others, Cardenioso
and his companions pursued them so closely that th*ey prevented
them from making use of their arrows, and drove them before
them as far as the gates. Thereupon the general attacked with
fifty cavalry, and received upon the front of his helmet so violent a
blow that the arrow bounded at least to the height of a pike. How-
ever, without being disconcerted, he drove the Indians so briskly
that he compelled them to quickly throw themselves into the fort.
But, as the gates were so narrow that but two at a time could
pass, they made great slaughter of them, and they also entered
pell-m«li with them. The Spaniards then, reanimated by the re-
membrance of the injury they had done them, charged them with

* In equal numlDera on foot, the Indians had the advantage of them by water
and by land. — Elvas.

THE DEATH OP MANY SPANIARDS I'OR WANT OF SALT. 403

ardor, and put a great number to death. The enemy, in disorder,
abandoned the fort. Some leaped from the top of the palisades,
and fell into the power of the cavaliers who had not dismounted,
and who pierced them with their lances ; others passed upon the
bridges, but they crowded each other to such a degree that they
fell into the water. Many who could not gain the bridge because
tiiey pushed them so closely, leaped into the river, crossed it by
swimming, and ranged themselves in order of battle upon the
bank. And immediately one of. these Indians came out of the
battalion and challenged the bravest of the Spanish crossbow-men
to fight with him. Juan de Salinas boldly accepted the challenge,
left the main body that was behind trees, under shelter from the
arrows, and went and posted himself upon the edge of the river
opposite his enemy, who, as he, was unprotected by any shield.
They made readj' for the battle, and fired. The Spaniard strucls
the Indian in the breast, and the Indian, the Spaniard a little lower
than the ear, and pierced his neck in such a manner that the an-ow
projected as much from one side as from tlie other. The Indians,
who saw that their man staggered, ran to him, and carried him off.
In the mean time, the general, annoyed by their resistance, crossed
the river at a ford above the fort, assembled the cavalry, rushed
upon them, and pursued them until night. ,So that counting those
who perished in the fort, there were slain on the side of the enemy
more than two thousand men, but on that of the Spaniards only
three soldiers, Castro, Torres, and Figueroa, for whom they had
much sorrow, and moreover there died of their wounds a few after
the battle. But there were so many wounded, that at the return
from the pursuit of the barbarians they were obliged to remain four
days in the fort to treat them.

CHAPTER II.

THE DEATH OP MANY SPANIARDS FOR WANT OF SALT.

Before going further it is proper to relate that at the time that
the Spaniards entered Tuscaluca, they lost many of their com-
panions for want of salt. At first a malignant fever seized those
who had most need of it, and putrefied their entrails, so that at
the end of three or four days they were so offensive, that at fifty
paces one could not endure the stench; thus, after languishing some
time, this disease got the better of them beyond remedy. The
greater part of the others, astonished at so strange an occurrence,

404 HISTOET OP FLOKIDA.

fortunately had recourse to the preservatives of the Indians which
saved them from this putrefaction by means of a certain herb whicli
they burnt, and mingled the asiies of it among the things which
served to nourish them. But as for the other Spaniards who con-
temned this receipt, and who fancied that it was a disgrace to them
to employ for their preservation the same remedies as the barba-
rians, they unfortunately died, for although during their illness
they gave them this preservative, it was of no benefit to them
because it was only fit to prevent the corruption and not to expel
it ; and in the course of a year that they lacked salt, there perished
more than sixty of these vain persons.

It also seems necessary to say here that they spoke a language
entirely different from all the other countries of Florida, and that
Soto had, besides Ortis, thirteen or fourteen interpreters in order to
communicate with the caciques. These interpreters, when there was
business with these lords, placed themselves in a row according as
they understood one another, and the word went from one to the
other to Ortis, who was at the end and who reported everything to
the general.* Thus our men had much trouble to inquire about
the particulars of these provinces through which they passed. The
Indians, on the contrary, had not any to understand the language of
the troops, for after two months of frequent visiting they conceived
what was said to them, and partly explained themselves upon subjects
the most ordinarj", but when they had remained five or six months
along with the army, they served as interpreters. They understood
the Spanish and expressed themselves_ in it with facility, which
greatly aided the general to inquire about everything, and that
showed that the inhabitants of Florida had a reasonable amount of
understanding.

CHAPTER III.

THE TROOPS ARRIVE AT CHISCA AND MAKE PEACE WITH THE CACIQUE.

I RETURN to where I was in my history. The Spaniards, on leav-
ing Alibamo, marched through a wilderness always towards the
north, in order to go away, more and more from the sea, and at the
end of three days tliey saw the capital of Chisca, which bears tlie
name of its province and of its chief. This town is situated near a
river which the Indians call Chucagua ; the largest of all those
which our men had seen in Florida. The inhabitants of Chisca, who

* This was in Tula, west of the Arkansas. The Alibamos were somewhere
between the Yallohusha and the Mississippi.

THE TROOPS ARRIVE AT CHISOA. 405

■were not informed of the coming of the troops because of the war
vhich they had with their neighbors, were surprised. The Span-
iards pillaged them and made many of them prisoners. The rest
fled ; some into the woods between the town and the river, and
others to the house of the cacique, built upon an eminence whence
it commanded all the place. This chief was old and then sick in
bed, almost without strength, of so small a size, and so poor an ap-
pearance, that they had not yet seen any such in the country.
Nevertheless, at the noise of the alarm and upon the report that
they pillaged and seized his subjects, he arose, left the room with a
battle-axe in his hand, and threatened to slay all those who had en-
tered upon his lands without his orders. But as he -was going to
leave his house to oppose himself to the Spaniards, his wives, aided
by some of his subjects who had fled to him, retained him. They
represented to him, with tears in their eyes, that he was weak,
■without troops, his vassals in disorder and not in a condition to
fight ; and those with whom thej' had to do, vigorous, in good order,
in great numbers, and the greater part mounted upon animals so
swift that they could never escape them. That it was therefore
necessary for him to await a favorable opportunity to avenge him-
self, and in the mean time to deceive his enemies by fair appearances
of friendship in order to prevent his ruin and that of his subjects..
These considerations arrested Chisca, but he was so much irritated
at the injury the Spaniards had done him, that without deigning
to listen to the envoys of the general who demanded peace of him,
he declared war upon them, adding that he hoped in a short time
to kill their captain and all those who accompanied him. Soto,
nevertheless, without being surprised at this, dispatched other per-
sons to him, who apologized for the disorder they had made at first and
continued to demand peace of him, for he saw that the troops were
disheartened by continual fighting, and embarrassed with sick men
and horses ; that in less than three hours there had joined the cacique
about four thousand men very well armed ; that probably he would
assemble a still greater number of them; besides, that the situation
of the place was very favorable for the Indians and very inconven-
ient for the Spaniards, because of the woods which was around the
town, and which prevented them from making use of their horses ;
that finally, instead of progressing by war, they were daily ruining
themselves. Such were the considerations, which led the general
to make peace. But the greater part of the Indians who had assem-
bled to deliberate upon this subject had views quite to the contrary.
Some desired war, in the belief that they had no other means to re-
cover their goods, and to deliver their companions from the power
of the Spaniards ; that such people were not to be feared ; that the

406 HISTOBY OF FLORIDA.

peace ■which they demanded with so much eagerness was a sure
mark of their lack of courage ; that it was therefore necessary to
teach them by a battle, the courage of those whom they came to
attack, in order that no foreigner should, for the future, have the
boldness to enter upon their lands. But the others maintained that
peace was the only means to repossess their goods and to recover the
prisoners ; that if they came to blows, they would have to apprehend
a greater misfortune than the first ; fire, the loss of their com which
was still standing, the entire ruin of the province, and the death of
many of their people ; -that since these enemies had come so far to
them, through so many difficult perils and brave people, they could
not reasonably doubt their valor ; that therefore, without having
other proofs of it, it was necessary to declare for peace ; and that if
it was not beneficial, they could then break it much more advanta-
geously than they could now make war. This opinion was the
strongest, and the cacique, concealing his resentment, demanded of
the envoys of the general what they expected in consideration of
the peace for which they had manifested so much desire. They re-
plied, their lodgings in the town and provisions to proceed. Chisca
consented to everything on condition that they should set at liberty
those of his subjects whom they had taken; that they should restore
all the plunder, and should Viot enter into his house ; that otherwise
they would have but to prepare to fight to the last extremity. The
Spaniards accepted the peace upon these conditions. They released
the subjects of Chisca because they did not lack Indian servants;
and restored all the booty, which was poor buckskin and some man-
tles of very little value. Then the inhabitants abandoned the town
and what provisions they had, and the Spaniards remained there
six days to treat their sick. The last day Soto obtained permission
of Chisca to visit him in his house, where, after having thanked him
for the favors which he had done to the troops, he retired and con-
tinued, the next day, his discovery.

CHAPTER IV.

WHAT HAPPENED TO THE SPANIARDS FROM CHISCA TO OASQCIN.

On leaving the province of Chisca the troops again marched up
the river.* They made, in four days, only twelve leagues on account
of the sick, and arrived at a place where they could cross the river,
because it was easy to approach it ; and elsewhere, on both sides,

* The Chucagua, now the Mississippi.

WHAT HAPPENED FROM OHISCA TO CASQUIN. 407

the river was bordered with a very thick forest, and the banks so
steep that they could neither ascend nor descend them. They re-
mained to make boats at this place, where, at their arrival, there
appeared on the other side of the river about six thousand Indians,
well armed, and with many boats, to dispute the passage of it. But
the next day, four of the most eminent of the troop came on the
part of the cacique to visit the general ; and after the customary
ceremonies they complimented him upon his arrival, and demanded
of him peace and his friendship. Soto received them with joy, and
sent them back well satisfied. Therefore, during twenty days that
the Spaniards were upon the borders of the river, these four Indians
served them with all the forces that were with the cacique. Never-
theless, it was impossible to induce liim to come to the camp, and he
always excused himself in one way or another. So they believed
that he had sent to the general only through fear, and to prevent
the devastation of his province ; for as the time of the harvest, which
looked remarkably fine, was near at hand, that caused him much
uneasiness.

The Spaniards finished two large boats in fifteen days, because
everybody worked at them. And they guarded them night and day
for fear lest the Indians should burn them, for they came from all
quarters, in boats, to range themselves against our men ; then they ad-
vanced against them with loud cries and showered upon thepi arrows.
But they were repulsed with musket shots from the entrenchments
which were upon the bank of the river. So that, in spite of all
their efforts, the Spaniards launched four boats, which could hold
one hundred and fifty soldiers and thirty cavaliers, and rowed in the
presence of the enemy, who, despairing of hindering them, retired
each into his burgh ; so that our men safely crossed the river in
these boats and in the pirogues which they had taken from the
enemy. Then, after having detaciied the iron works from their boats,
because it was indispensable to them, they continued their route, and
at the end of four days of travel through unpeopled places, they
discovered, on the fifth, from the top of an eminence, a town of
about four hundred houses, upon the banks of a river larger than
the Guadalquivir which passes by Cordova.* They also saw that
the lands about it were covered with corn and a number of fruit
trees. The inhabitants of this place, who were informed of their
coming, went out to meet them, and offered to the general their
property and their persons, and put themselves under his protection.
Some time after, there came to him on the part of the cacique, tvfro

* St. Francis River, about eighty miles below Memphis. The Mils border the
old bed of the Mississippi from Helena, and then oontinue up the St. Francis.

408 HISTORY OF FLORIDA,

pf the principal persons of the country, who confirmed what the
Others had said. Soto received them with all the tokens of great
kindness, and sent them back to him well pleased.

The capital, the province, and the cacique were called Casquin.
The Spaniards stopped six days in the town, because of the pro-
visions which they found there. And after two daj's of marching
they arrived at some small villages where the lord of the country
held his court, and which were distant four leagues from the capital,
in ascending the river. The cacique left these villages, accompanied
by his principal subjects, and came to receive Soto, to whom he
offered his friendship and his house ; for at one side of his dwelling
he had still ten or twelve lodges where dwelt his family with many
women and servants. The general received with joy the friendship
of the eaciqne. Nevertheless, for fear of incommoding him, he
thanked him politely for his house, and lodged in a garden, where
the Indians promptly made huts with the branches of trees, because
of the heat of May, in which month they then were. So that the
troops commodiously camped, one part in the village and the other
in the neighboring gardens.

CHAPTER y.

A PROCESSION IN WHICH THEY ADORE THE CROSS.

The army had been at Casquin three days when the cacique, who
was about fifty j'ears of age, accompanied by the most important of
his subjects; came to the general. When he had made a verj' pro-
found reverence he said to him that since the Spaniards always
vanquished the Indians he was compelled to believe that they were
the favorites of a greater God than theirs. That therefore he had
come with the most distinguished of his vassals to b^ the general
to ask rain of his God ; because the fruits of the earth had need of
it. Soto replied that although he and those of his suite had been
very great sinners, nevertheless they would pray to God, who was
the Father of Mercy, to send rain ; and at the same time he charged
the ship carpenter to make a cross of the highest pine tree that
could be found in the province. In fact, the}' chose one so large
and so high that even after having made it round, a hundred men
Could hardly raise it. In two days they made of it a cross, without
taking anything from its height ; and they placed it upon a very
high knoll* on the borders of the river. Afterwards, Soto ordered

* Artificial, according to Biedma, aud on the east side of the St. Francis.

A PROCESSION IN WHICH THEY ADORE THE CROSS. 409

a procession for the next day ; and for fear of a surprise, he com-
raanded that the rest of the army should be under arms. The cacique
and the general marched in the procession by the side of each other,
followed by many Spaniards and many Indians. They amounted to
about a tliousand persons. The priests and the monks went before
chanting the litanies, and the soldiers responded. They advanced in
this order towards the cross, where, as soon as they arrived, they
fell upon their knees, and after some prayers, they went with much
zeal and humility to adore it, the clergy first, then Soto and the
cacique and the rest of the troops.

On the other side of the river there were about fifteen or twenty,
thousand persons of all ages and sexes ; they raised their hands
and eyes to heaven, and showed, by their posture, that tliey prayed
God to grant to the Christians the favor which they desired. There
were also heard among them cries as of people who wept, to obtain
from heaven, as soon as possible, their demand. So that the Span-
iards had much joy to see their Creator acknowledged, and the cross
adored in a country where Christianity was unknown. Afterwards,
the clergy sang the " Te Deum," and the Spaniards and the Indians
returned to the village in the same order that they had come. This
lasted, in all, more than four hours. In the mean time our Lord
was pleased to show the subjects of the cacique Casquin that he
heard the prayers of his servants ; for, towards the middle of the
following night, it began to rain. Some say that it rained during
three entire days, and others six; so that the inhabitants of the
province, rejoicing at the favor which God granted them through
the means of tlie Christians, came with the cacique to render thanks
to the general for it. They assured him of their service, and de-
clared to him that they held it aii honor to depend, absolutely, on
him. Soto replied to them, that he was very glad to see evidences
of their kind sentiments ; but that they were under obligations only
to God, the Creator of heaven and earth, and that it was He whom
they ought to thank. After that, when the troops had already so-
journed nine or ten days in the villages, they left them to continue
their discover}-. Casquin begged the general to permit him to go
with him, and to bring soldiers and porters ; the one to escort the
army and tlie other to carry the provisions ; because he would have
to pass through places where they would find no habitations. The
general consented to what Casquin desired ; who immediately com-
manded the bravest of his subjects to hold themselves ready to ac-
companj' the Christians as far as the province of Capaha, of which
the cacique and the capital bear the same name.

410 HISTORY -OP FtOEIDA.

CHAPTER VI.

THE MARCH OF THE TROOPS TO CAPAHA.

The lords of Casquin and Oapaha had, at all times, been at war
with one another. Therefore, the caciques who governed these pro-
vinces, at the arrival of the Spaniards, were embroiled. As that of
Capaha was the most powerful, he had always had the advantage
of the other, who was shnt up within the bounds of his country
without daring to leave it for fear of exasperating the cacique Ca-
paha. But when he saw an opportunity to free: himself from re-
straint and to avenge himself on his enemy, by the help of the troops,
he levied five thousand men, very active, and in good order, without
counting three thousand Indians, loaded with provisions, and very
well armed. Then they went forward, in order of battle, towards
Capaha, under pretext of discovering some ambuscade, and to take
care to choose a good post to lodge the two armies. The Spaniards
followed at the distance of a quarter of a league, and continued
their route all the day. Then, on both sides, the}' camped in very
goo/i order, and in such a manner that the cavalier scouts passed
. between the Indian sentinels and the Spaniards. They marched
three days in this manner ; and early on the fourth, thej' arrived at
a swamp which separated the provinces of Casquin and Capaha, and
of which the bottom was so bad at the borders, and the water so deep
in the middle, that they had to swim more than twenty paces. The
men on foot passed it upon wretched wooden bridges, and the horses
by swimming. But because of the mud of the shores, the}' had so
m ucli trouble that they remained the rest of the day to cross it ; so that
the Spaniards and the Indians went but half a league from there,
where they camped in very pleasant pastures, and arrived, at the end
of three days, upon an eminence from which they saw the capital of
Capaha, very well fortified, because it was the key of the province.
This town is upon a small eminence, and has some five hundred good
houses, and a ditch of ten or twelve fathoms, fifty paces wide in
most places, and forty at others. Besides, it was filled with water
by means of a canal which they had extended from the place to the
Chucagua. This canal was three leagues long, at least as deep as a
pike-staff, and so wide that two large boats abreast could very easily
ascend and descend it. The ditch, which is filled by the canal, sur-
rounds the town, except in a place which is closed by a palisade of
large posts fixed In the ground, fastened by other cross-pieces of wood ,

PURSUIT OF THE OACIQTJE OAPAHA BY THE CASQUINS. 411

and plastered with loam and straw. There were, besides, in this
ditch, and in this canal, such a quantity of fish that all the Span-
iards and Indians, who followed the general, fished from it without
it appearing that they had taken a single fish from it.

The cacique Capaha was in the town when the Indians, who ac-
companied the troops, discovered it. But as he lacked people to
defend it, he retired into an island which the Chucagua makes.
Those of the inhabitants who were able to have boats followed him ;
a part of the others gained the woods, and the rest remained in the
place. Nevertheless, there yet escaped some of them, because the
vassals of Casquin apprehended that those of Capaha had laid am-
hushes for them ; and remembering that they had been many times
vanquished by them, they feared them, and did not enter at first
but cautiously into the town. But upon the certaintjr that there
was no danger, they ran in crowds into the place ; slew more than
a hundred and fifty inhabitants ; took off' their heads as a mark of
their victory, and pillaged the town — particularly the houses of the
cacique. They took, besides many j-oung men, two of his wives,
who were very beautiful, and who had not been able to escape with
the others, on account of the confusion in which the arrival of the
enemy had placed them.

CHAPTER VII.

THE EXCESSES WHICH THE CASQUINS COMMITTED IN THE TEMPLE OF
CAPAHA, AND THE PURSUIT OP THE CACIQUE.

After the vassals of Casquin had pillaged the town, they called
one another, and, with the design of barbarously offending Capaha,
who was high-spirited and proud, they entered the temple where was
the sepulchre of his ancestors, and carried off all its riches. They
overthrew the trophies which had been erected of their spoils, broke
the coffins, and scattered on all sides the bones of the dead. Then,
through rage, they trampled them under their feet, took away the
heads of their people that were upon the ends of lances at the doors
of the temple, and put in their places those which they had cut from
the inhabitants of Capaha. Finally, they omitted nothing that
could mortally oflTend their enemies. They even deliberated about
burning the temple and the houses of the cacique, and were pre-
vented only because they feared to offend Soto, who arrived after this
disorder. When he learned the retreat of the cacique, he dispatched
to him some of his subjects, whom they had taken, to solicit peace

412 HISTORY OP FLORIDA.

and his friendship. 3ut the barbarian showed that he breathed but
vengeance for the wrong which they had done him, and that he
assembled troops to have redress for it. Wherefore, the general
commanded the Spaniards and the Indians to hold themselves ready
to march towards the island ; and thereupon Casquin begged him
to wait three or four days, whilst he should bring boats up the
Chucagua, which also passed by his lands. Soto consented to this j
and immediately Casquin ordered his subjects to come and join him
with sixty boats, in order to completely avenge themselves of their
enemies. In the mean time, Soto sent each day to Capaha, with
the view of making peace ; but as he despaired of succeeding, and
as he knew that the boats were advancing, he went with his troops
to' receive them and repair to the island where Capaha had retired,
after having remained five days in the town of the cacique.

The Casquins immediately followed the general, and the better to
devastate the lands of their enemy they extended themselves, on the
march, about half a league. They found many slaves of their proV'
ince, the tendons of whose insteps were cut in order to prevent them
from escaping ; and they sent them back to their country, more to
show their victory than to derive any service from them. Then
they arrived, with the Spaniards, at the island which the Chucagua
forms, where the cacique had fortified himself with good palisades,
and where it was difficult to take him because of the woods which
were there, and of the brave men who accompanied him, all well
armed and resolved to defend themselves courageously. Neverthe-
less, in spite of all tliese obstacles, the general made two hundred
Spaniards embark in twenty boats, and three thousand Indians in
the otliers, and ordered the attack on the island. But at the
moment when they were going to debark, there was drowned a
Spaniard named Francisco Sebastien, who had served a long time
in Italy. This soldier, wishing to have the honor of being the first
to leave the vessel, placed the large end of his lance in the ground
and tried to reach the shore. In the mean time, the vessel recoiled ;
he fell into the water, and went to the bottom because of a coat-of-
mail whidli he wore. Sebastien had never appeared more joyful
than the day he lost his life ; for, some hours before his misfortune,
he agreeably entertained his companions. He told them that his
bad luck had led him to America ; that he had much more happi-
ness in Italj', where he was treated with great respect, and where
he was in need of nothing ; that if by chance, in tliat country, he
slew some enemy, he had his spoils, and often a good horse, Iq
place of which, in Florida, he gained by the death of an Indian only
a bow, some arrows, and worthless feathers. He added that nothing
grieved him more than the prediction of a famous Italian astrologer,

THE OASQTJINS FLEE AND SOTO MAKES PEACE WITH CAPAHA. 413

who had assured him that water would be fatal to him. It was
therefore, he said, that his destiny had driven him into damnable
regions, where he was always engaged in the midst of waters. In
this manner, before his death, Sebastien entertained his companions,
who were greatly concerned at his loss. Nevertheless, they landed
and fought like true men of courage. They forced the first palisades,
driving the enemy as far as the second, which frightened to such a
degree the women and servants who were on the island that they
ran, with loud cries, to embark, and rowed with all speed along the
river. But those who guarded the second palisades defended them-
selves like lions ; for, encouraged bj' the presence of the cacique,
the remembrance of their noble deeds, and the glory of their an-
cestors, they fought with desperation, and wounded so many Span-
iards and Casquins that they prevented them from advancing
further.

CHAPTER VIII.

THE CASQUINS FLEE, AND SOTO MAKES PEACE WITH CAPAHA.

When the people of Capaha had sustained the attack of their
enemies, they recovered courage, and cried to them that they were
cowards; that they ought to bravely prosecute their design and
lead them prisoners, since they had had the insolence to sack their
village and insult their cacique ; but that they should remember the
injury thej"- were doing them, and should know that some day they
would have redress for it. These words frightened the Casquins,
who remembered that they had many times been vanquished by
those whom they attacked ; so that they abandoned the fight and
fled to their boats. Neither the entreaties of the general, nor the
threats of their cacique, could retain them. They all, therefore,
embarked in disorder, and even wished to carry off the vessels of
the Spaniards, that their enemies might not find any to pursue
them ; but they were prevented by some soldiers who guarded them.

After a flight so shameful, the Spaniards knew that they could
not resist the multitude of enemies, because they lacked horses.*
They began to make their retreat in very good order ; and as soon
as the Indians of the island saw them in small numbers, they came,
all in a rage, to attack them. But Capaha, who was wise, and who
wished to gain the good-will of the general, in order to hinder, by
his means, the Casquins from making more devastations, and to
oblige him afterwards to pardon the contempt which he had shown

* See note, page 402.

414 HISTOEY OP FLORIDA.

for his friendship, ran, with loud cries, to his subjects and forbid
them to do anything to the Spaniards ; so that our men safely
retired, satisfied with the conduct of Capaha ; for, without him, they
would all have been cut in pieces. And the next day there came
to the general four of tlie principal Indians, who, after having de-
manded peace, ofi'ered to him their services and their friendship,
and entreated liim not to suffer their enemies to make more disorder
in their country. They also begged him to return to the town of
Capaha, and that immediately their cacique himself would come
to assure him of his obedience. Such are, in a few words, the
speeches of the envoys, who made a bow to tlie sun, another to tlie
moon, and the third to Soto ; but they did not render any civility
to Casquin, who was present. The general replied to the Indians,
that Capaha might come when he pleased ; he should be well re-
ceived ; that he accepted with much joy his friendship, and that lie
would prevent tliem in the future from ravaging his lands ; that
their cacique was the sole cause of all the disorder, because he had
always refused peace ; but as, for his part, he had generously for-
gotten all that had passed, he would beg him to do the same. The
envoys, contented with this reply, returned to their lord. In the
mean time, Casquin was in despair at all this, for he wished that
his enemy might be obstinate, in order to have the means of de-
stroying him liy the assistance of the foreign troops.

After the departure of the envoys of Capaha, the general resumed
his route to the town, and had published that not an Indian nor a
Spaniard should, during the march, take anything that should
prove prejudicial to the inhabitants of the province; and, when he
had arrived at Capaha, be commanded the subjects of Casquin to
return to their country, and that there should remain but those
whose services were necessary to the cacique, who would not leave
the army.

About the middle of the day on which the troops marched, Indians
on the part of Capaha came to learn how the general was, and
assured him that their cacique would very soon pay his respects to
him. At sunset, as Soto was at the village, Capaha dispatched
other persons who congratulated him upon his virtues. All these
envoys made the accustomed reverences and said what they were
ordered to. Soto answered them with civility, and took care that
they should be treated very politely, in order that they might know
the esteem which he had for them. The next day, at eight o'clock
in the morning, they saw Capaha accompanied by a hundred of his
principal subjects very spruce in their way. As soon as he had
entered the town he went to the temple, where, concealing his dis-

PEACE BETWEEN CASQUIN AND CAPAHA. 415

pleasure, he himself collected the bones of his ancestors, which the
Casquins had cast upon the ground, and after having kissed them,
he replaced them in the coflSns. Then he went to the lodge of the
general, who left his room to receive him, and embraced him with
much affection. The cacique assured him that he came to place
himself and his province under his authority. Soto rejoiced at that,
kindly thanked him for it, and then he inquired about the nature of
the country and the neighboring lands. Oapaha replied with intelli-
gence, and showed wisdom in all his remarks. This cacique was
then twenty-flve or twenty-six years of age, and very handsome.

When the general had ceased to inquire concerning his province,
Capaha broke out against Casquin who was present, and told him
he ought to be henceforth satisfied to see what he had not imagined
and what he had not dared to hope from his own forces ; that he was
finally avenged of his enemy, and had effaced the disgrace which he
had had in the war ; that in truth he was indebted for it to the valor
of the Spaniards, who would very soon leave his province, and that
then he should suffer for all the outrages received.

CHAPTER IX.

PEACE BETWEEN CASQUIN AND CAPAHA.

Upon the knowledge which the general had of the hate of the
caciques, and that after his departure the war would rekindle with
intensity between them, he showed them that it was sad that they
should destroy one another, and that he was firmly determined that
they should agree. He therefore tried at first to calm Capaha, and
said that if they had ravaged his lands, he ought to impute the fault
to himself; that if he had sent persons to meet the Spaniards, they
would have prevented his enemies from making any disorder, and
they should not have entered his province ; that therefore, he ought
not, on his part, refuse to make peace with Casquin; that he en-
treated them, for his sake, to stifle their resentment; that even
should it be necessary, he should command them to obey him upon
this occasion, and would regard as an enemy him of the two who
should insist upon war. Capaha replied to Soto that the greatest
mark he could give of his obedience, was to do what he requested of
him, and that he was ready to willingly unite in friendship with
Casquin ; and thereupon the two caciques embraced each other, but
apparently their caresses were constrained. Nevertheless, they did
not omit to converse ingeniously with the general concerning Spain

416 HISTORY OF FLORIDA.

and the provinces of Florida. Their conversation lasted until thej'
came to inform him that it was time to dine, and immediately they
passed into another room, where the table was set for three. The
general placed himself at the upper end, and Oasquin at his right,
but Capaha civilly remonstrated with Casquin, that as the most
distinguished, most powerful, and of a more illustrious nobility,
that place belonged to him. Soto, who saw this contest, wished to
know the cause of it, and when he had learned it, he said tliat
without having regard to the advantages which the one had over
the other, Capaha ought to have respect for the white hairs of Cas-
quin, and accord to him the place the most honorable ; tliat it was
becoming a young lord, well-bred, to have consideration for the aged.
Capaha replied that if Casquin was his guest he would willingly
concede the first place to him without even having regard to his age,
but that eating at the table of a third person, he ought not to lose
his rank ; and that if he were not jealous of this honor, all his sub-
jects would complain of it ; that for these considerations, if the
general wished that he should eat with him, he should not suffer
him to derogate from his rank nor from the glory of his ancestors ;
that otherwise it would be better for him to go and dine with his
soldiers, who, knowing his conduct, would love him the more for it.
Casquin, who wished to appease Capaha, and who knew that this
lord was right, arose and said to Soto that Capaha demanded noth-
ing but what was verj' just, and that he begged him to invite him
to take his place; that as for him, he esteemed himself so honored
to be at his table, that it was of no importance on which side
he sat. As he thus spoke, he passed to the left of the general
and calmed Capaha, who, during all the time of dining, did not
show any resentment. These circumstances show that even among
barbarians, the rank which gives title is something of importance.
The Spaniards were astonished at the proceedings of these two
chiefs, for they never would have believed that the Indians would
have been so sensitive upon the point of honor.

As soon as the general and the caciques had dined, there were
brought in the two wives of Capaha, who, the preceding daj', had been
set at liberty with the other prisoners. This cacique received these
two ladies very civilly, and then begged the general to accept of them
for himself, or at least to give them to some of his officers, because
they must no longer live in his house nor upon his lands. The
general, who did not wish to refuse Capaha for fear of offending
him, replied that he willingly accepted the agreeable present which
he made him. These women were indeed very beautiful, and because
of that they were so much the more surprised at the conduct of the

THE SPANIAEDS SENB TO SEEK SALT. 417

cacique, who was in the bloom of life. But they believed that he
had an aversion to these ladies because he suspected that they liad
been defiled by his enemies, whose prisoners they had been.

CHAPTER X.

THE SPANIARDS SEND TO SEEK SALT, AND GO TO THE PROVINCE OP

QUIGUATE.

The general inquired of the caciques and of their subjects where
they could find salt, because many soldiers died for want of it, and
by good luck he met with eight Indian merchants who traded it
through the provinces, and who asserted that there was some in the
mountains at forty leagues from Capaha. They also said that there
was found there that yelloV metal of which they had spoken to
them. Our people rejoiced at this news. Moreno and Silvera, who
were careful and wise, offered to go with the merchants and find out
the truth of all these things. The general immediately dispatclied
them with orders to notice the qualitj' of the land through which
they should pass ; and Capaha had them escorted by Indians, and
gave them pearls, deer-skins, and beans to purchase gold and salt.
Then they left, and at the end of eleven days they, returned with
six loads of fossil salt, clear as crystal, which gave great joy to
the Spaniards. They also brouglit back some copper, very yellow,
and said that the country whence thej' came was sterile and very
poorly populated. Upon this report Soto resumed the route to the
town of Casquin, in order, from there, to direct his course towards
the west and to explore its lands, for from Mauvila he had alwaj's
marched directly to the north, in order to place himself at a distance
from the sea. He refreshed himself five days at Casquin, and then
marched four days down the river through a country fertile and
populated, and arrived at the province of Quiguate. The cacique
and his subjects came to meet him, and received him courteously.
But the next day they begged him to advance as far as the capital,
with the assurance that he would be much better served there. The
general believed what they told him, and continued five days his
journey, descending along the river through places abounding in
provisions, and on the fifth arrived at the capital named Quiguate,
which gives the name to the province. JThe town was divided into
three quarters. The Spaniards lodged in two, and the Indians in
the tliird, where was the house of the cacique. Two days after the
arrival of the troops, these barbarians ran away without the cause
27

418 HISTORY OF FLORIDA.

of it being known, and returned at the end of a couple of days to
ask pardon for tlieir fault. The cacique excused himself in regard
to it, that he expected to return the same day. But they believed
that he had returned only through fear that the Spaniards, on their
departure, would set fire to the town and to the corn ; for evidently
he had left with a bad intention, since his subjects, during their
flight, caused all the mischief they could. They placed themselves
in ambush and wounded two or three Spaniards. However, the
general, who did not wish to break with the Indians, did not man-
ifest to them any concern about it.

One of the nights while the Spaniards remained at Qniguate, an
aide of the sergeant-major went out at midnight to seek the general,
and told him Juan Gaitan, whom he had commanded to patrol
a part of the second watch, had refused to obey, under pretext that
he was the treasurer of the emperor. This disobedience piqufed.
Soto so much the more as Guitan was one of those who, at
"Mauvila, had formed the plan to abandon Florida. Then Soto,
quite enraged, went to the middle of the court of his lodge, which
was elevated, and whence he could easily be heard by the soldiers
who were in the neighborhood. There he said that it was a shame
that they should mutiny every day, and that they would not do
their duty under pretext that they were treasurers of his majesty ;
that besides he could not comprehend these people who desired to
return to Spain or to Mexico, never being able to appear there but
as cowards ; that they knew that, on the point of rendering
themselves masters of a vast and fertile country, they had basely
abandoned him ; that, as he could not endure that they should make
tliem a reproach so injurious, because it would recoil, in part, upon
himself, they therefore must not think of leaving Florida whilst
he lived, because he had resolved either to die there gloriously or
to conquer it completely ; that no one must any longer, under pre-
text of his office, imagine himself exempt from doihg that which
should be ordered him, that otherwise he would cut off the head of
the first who should disobey. These words, pronounced in an
imperious tone full of resentment, made the mutineers a,nd disaffected
return to their duty, for they knew that the general was strict and
severe, and that after having publicly expressed himself, his menaces
were to be feared.

THE raOOPS ARRIVE AT COLIMA. 419

CHAPTER XI.

THE TROOPS ARRIVE AT COLIMA ; THEY MAKE SALT, AND GO ON TO

TULA.

The Spaniards sojourned six days at Quiguate 1(25) tliey left the
seventli, and after marching five days down along the river, which
passes by Casquin, they arrived at the capital of the province of
Colima. The cacique received Soto with the greatest manifesta-
tions of affection ; and this reception rejoiced our men, who were
extremely concerned about what had been told them— :tliat the in-
habitants of Colima poisoned their arrows. They despaired of being
able to resist them ; for without using poisoned arrows these bar-
barians were already too strong in battle. But they learned, with
joy, that they did not shoot poisoned arrows, and they esteemed the
more their friendship, which, however, did not last but a very short
time. For, two days after the arrival of the troops, they mutinied
without cause, and retired into the woods with their cacique. After
this retreat, the Spaniards remained another day in the town of
Colima; whence, when they had collected provisions, they continued
their journey through fertile fields, pleasant forests, easy to pass,
and at the end^ of four days arrived at the borders of a river, where
the army camped. Afterwards, some soldiers, who went to walk upon
the borders of the river, perceived there some sand of an azure color.
One of them took some of it, tasted it, and perceived that it was
salty. He informed his companions of it, and said that he believed
that they could make saltpetre of it ; of which there could be made
very good powder. They, therefore, collected this sand with this
intention, and endeavored to select only that which appeared azure.
When they had enough of it they threw it into the water ; where, after
having washed it, they pressed it between their hands in order to
strain it. They then cooked it with a great fire, and converted it
into a pale yellow salt, but very suitable for salting. Tlie Span-
iards, rejoiced at this new discovery, refreshed themselves eight
days at Colima, and made a supply of salt. But there were some
of them who, notwithstanding the entreaties that were made them,
eat so much of it that nine or ten of them died of dropsy. Thus
some lost their lives from having an abundance of salt, and others
for want of it.

After our men had furnished themselves with salt, they left Colima
and marched two days in order to leave the country which they

420 HISTOEY OF FLORIDA.

called the Province de Sel. From there they passed into that
of Tula. They made three days' travel through an unpeopled
country; and about noon on the fourth they camped in a very
pleasant plain at half a league from the capital, where the general
would not go, because the troops were tired ; but the next day he
took sixty foot soldiers, and a hundred horse, and went to recon-
noitre this town, which was situated in a flat country between two
streams. The inhabitants, who knew nothing of his coming, armed
themselves when they saw him ; came out against him, and were
assisted by many women, who fought very valiantly. Our men im-
mediately broke the enemy, and drove them. even into the town,
where they entered pell-mell. The Dght then grew warm, for the In-
dians and their women fought to desperation, and all showed that
they preferred death to servitude.

ReinoS'o, during the melee, entered a house and mounted to an
upper room. There were, in a corner of it, five Indian women, to
whom he made known that he would not do them any injury; but
these women, who saw him alone, sprang with fury upon him ; some
took him by the arms and the legs, some by the neck, and some even
by the privy parts. Reinoso, in order to disembarrass himself,
struggled and shook himself with violence, and kicked so forcibly
that the floor, which was hut of cane, gave way ; and as one of his
feet passed through the hole, he fell upon the floor, where the In-
dian women treated him cruelly. However, he would not cry for
assistance, in the belief that it would be disgraceful for him when
it should be seen that women had caused him so much trouble.

While the Indian women were thus outraging Reinoso, another
Spaniard entered the room below, and because he heard a noise
above, he looked and saw a leg projecting through a hole in the
floor. He took it at first for that of an Indian, because it was
naked, and raised his sword to cut it ; but in the doubt that it
might be some disaster, he called two soldiers. They mounted to
the room, where, seeing their comrade in a pitiable condition, they
attacked the Indian women, and slew all five of them, because not
one of them would ever stop biting and striking Reinoso. Thus
tliey saved his life, which he would have very soon lost if he had
not been rescued.

This year, 1591, as I finish the History of Florida, I learn that
Reinoso still lives, and that he is in the kingdom of Leon, where
he was born.

It happened, towards the end of the fight, that Paez, captain of a
company of crossbow-men, a very poor horseman, attacked an In-
dian, who fled. He first thrust at him with his lance. The Indian

THE INHABITANTS OP TULA. 421

parried it with a large sticlj, with which he gave Paez so severe a
blow upon the face that he broke all his teeth, and, leaving him
completely stunned upon the field, retired witli honor.

Then, as it was already growing late, Soto had the retreat
sounded, and returned to camp, much surprised at the courage of
the Indians, and especially of the Indian women, who fought witli-
more obstinacy than the men. There remained upon the field many
barbarians ; but on the side of our men there were only the
wounded, whom they took to the quarters, and for whom Soto was
very sorry.

CHAPTER XII.

THE- INHABITANTS OP TULA.

The day after the battle the Spaniards entered the capital of
Tula. As they found it abandoned, they lodged there, and towards
evening the general sent out, in different directions, some cavaliers
to scout. They took some Indians who were on watch, but they
were unable to draw any answers from them concerning the things
which they demanded, nor to make them walk, because they threw
themselves upon the ground and let themselves be dragged. De-
spairing, therefore, of leading them to the camp, thej' killed
them all.

The Spaniards found in the town of Tula many cowhides dressed
with the hair on, and made use of them in the place of bed covers.
They also found there hides undressed and the flesh of beef, with-
out having seen any cattle or discovered whence the barbarians had
brought so many hides.*

The men as well as the women of Tula are very defonned. The}'
have. the head extraordinarily long and pointed, and they shape
theirs in this manner from their earliest infancy to the age of nine
or ten years. They also have very ugly faces, because they dis-
figure them with the points of pebbles, and particularly the lips,
which they blacken after having punctured them. Thus they ren-
der themselves so frightful that one can hardly loOk upon them
without dread. In addition to this, their minds are even worse
formed than their bodies.

The fourth night that our men were at Tula, the Indians in great
numbers approached it before the break of day, and so silently that
the sentinels did not perceive them until they fell upon them. They
immediately attacked the camp in three places, and entered with so

* Of course these were the rugs, hides, and meat of the buffalo.

422 HISTORY OF TLOEIDA.

much fury and speed the quarters of the crossbow-men, that, with-
out giving them time to prepare their crossbows, they compelled
them to retire in disorder to the post of Gusman. This captain
immediately rushed out and charged the barbarians, who fought
with so much the more ardor, as they thought that the resistance
which Gusman made might deprive them of the victory.

The Indians and Spaniards fought courageously at the other
places, and nothing but shouts were heard everywhere. Besides,
the confusion was so great on account of the darkness, that they
hit as often upon those of their own party as upon those of the
other. Our men, in order to recognize and not wound one another,
gave quickly for watchword Santiago, and the Indians Tula.

The. most of these barbarians in place of arrows had sticks from
live to six feet in length, because the Indian who previously had
broken the teeth of Paez had told them what he had done with a
stick; so that many of his comrades, hoping a like good luck,
armed themselves with sticks, and severely beat with them some
Spaniards. Juan Baeca, one of the halberdiers of the general's
guards, was especially abused ; for two Indians having seized him,
one broke his shield with the first blow of his stick, and the other
discharged such a blow upon his back that he stretched him at his
feet, and they would have beaten him to death but for some sol-
diers who hastened to him. There happened many other accidents
of the same sort, at which the soldiers afterwards laughed, because
they were only the blows of sticks.

Tiie cavalry, whom the enemy feared, broke their battalions, but
they did not cease to stubbornly contend ; for although the cava-
liers pierced them with many thrusts of their lances and put them
many times in disorder, they courageously resisted until daylight.
But then they retired into a wood adjacent a stream which passed
near the town. The Spaniards were very glad of this retreat, for
the Indians fought to desperation, and ardently desired the defeat
of their enemies. The combat ended with the rising of the sun.
Then our men re-entered the camp to cure the wounded, which were
in very great numbers ; and nevertheless they lost but four men.

CHAPTER XIII.

THE COMBAT OF AN INDIAN WITH FOUK SPANIARDS.

After the battle some Spaniards went, according to their custom,
to see the dead and wounded ; and in the mean time Gaspard Caro,
who in the melee had lost a horse, mounted that of one of his friends

THE COMBAT OF AN INDIAN WITH FOUR SPANIARDS. 423

to go and hunt his own, which had fled away into the country. Caro
found his horse, and driving him before him, arrived at the battle-
field where he met four foot-soldiers, one of whom, named Salazar,
wished to show his skill in riding, and mounted the horse which
Caro drove. In the meanwhile Juan de Carranca, one of the four
foot-soldiers, called out that he had seen an Indian in the bushes
near them. The cavaliers immediately advanced, the one on one side
and the other on the other, to prevent the barbarian from escaping.
Carranca ran to the place where he had seen him, and was followed
by his companions, of whom one went with haste after him and the
other slowly. The Indian, who saw himself intercepted on all sides,
left the bushes and ran at Carranca with a battle-axe which he had
won in the attack on the arbalisters. This axe was very well sharp-
ened, and had a handle more than half a fathom long. The Indian
took it with both hands and struck so furious a blow upon the shield
of Carranca, that he cut half of it away and wounded his arm to such
a degree that he put him hors de combat. He then rushed upon
another soldier and treated him in the same manner.

Salazai', who was on Caro's horse and wlio had seen his two com-
rades maltreated, attacked with fury the Indian, who, for fear of the
horse, gained an oak that was there. Salazar pursued him, ap-
proached as near to him as he could, and, with liis sword, struck at
him several blows in vain. But as the barbarian saw that he could
not make use of his bow because of the branches, he left the tree,
placed himself to the left of the cavalier, and with his axe discharged
such a blow upon the shoulder of the horse that he cleaved it in
two. In the mean time, Gongalo Silvestre arrived, who followed
at a slow gait in the belief that his companions would easily van-
quish the Indian. When he was near, the barbarian advanced boldly,
directly at him, and discharged at him a blow with all his force ;
but Silvestre avoided it with so much skill that the axe only glanced
upon his shield, and immediately he gave tlie Indian a stroke with
his sword, the blow of which wounded his breast, face, and fore-
head and cut off his left wrist. Then the barbarian, enraged at
having only one hand, threw himself upon his enemy. Silvestre
parried with his shield, and with his sword gave him so powerful a
stroke at the waist that, encountering neither arms nor clothing, it
cut him in two so that he fell dead at his feet.

At the same time Caro arrived, who, sorry to see his horse in the
condition in which he was, led him to the general, and, quite in a
passion, told him that an Indian, with three blows of an axe, had
put hors de combat three Spaniards who prided themselves upon

424 HISTORY OP FLORIDA.

their skill and courage, and that he would have even taken their
lives but for Silvestre who had gallantly slain their enemy.

The general, and those who accompanied him, admired the hardi-
hood of the Indian and the valor of Silvestre. But as Caro was too
much transported with rage against the three Spaniards, Soto, who
knew their merit, told him that their misfortune was the effect of
chance, which, in war, favored sometimes one and sometimes
another ; that he ought not to be so much enraged at the wound of
his horse, for that, was trifling ; that, besides, he wished to see him
whom Silvestre had killed ; and thereupon he went, with many of
his oflflcers, to the place where was the body of the Indian, whose
valor surprised them anew after having heard, from the wounded,
the particulars of the fight.

CHAPTER XIV.

THE DEPARTURE TROM TULA, AND THE WINTERING OP THE TROOPS IN

UTIANGUE.

Whilst the Spaniards sojourned at Tula they made divers excur-
sions through the province and found it very populous. They cap-
tured manj' Indian women and many Indians of everj' age. But
they could neither by force or gentleness lead them away, for when
they wished to compel Ihem to follow they threw themselves upon
the ground and only made known that they should leave them or
kill them. Our men, who were provoked at their brutal obstinacy,
slew the men who were capable of fighting and released the women
and children. However, Juan Serrano, through artifice, brought
away an Indian woman ; but she was so savage that if he cautioned
her of her duty she threw at his head the pot, the fire-brands, or
whatever she met with. She would have them either leave her alone
or kill her, and said that she was not born to obey. Wherefore her
master suffered her to do everything according to lier fancj'. Never-
theless, she ran away, whereat Serrano was very glad.

At the very name of Tula thej' quiet the children that cry, and
the brutal disposition of the inhabitants of this province causes
them to be feared by their neighbors. When the Spaniards left this
province they carried away a young boy of nine or ten j'ears of
age ; and when, in the towns which they afterwards discovered, and
where they were well received, the children made small companies
to fight one against the othei", our men ordered the young Indian of
Tula to choose one or the other of the parties. Those of his troop

THE DEPARTURE FROM TULA. 425

immediately took him for tlieir captain, and at the same time he
arranged them in order of battle, and with loud cries attacked the
opposite part}', which he made fly when he happened to cry Tula 1
The Spaniards who were present then commanded him to go over
to the side of the vanquished and to charge the conquerors. He
obeyed, and as soon as he began to cry Tula! his enemies fled, so
that on whichever side he placed himself, he always gained the
victory.

After the Spaniards had remained twenty days at Tula, on ac-
count of their wounded, they left it, and at the end of two days'
travel they entered the country of Utiangue, with the resolution of
passing there the winter, which was approaching. They marched
four days through this province, and found the lands of it very
good, but poorly populated, and the inhabitants bold ; for upon the
route they continually harassed the Spaniards by attacks and
alarms every half league. At first, they fired at them, from quite a
distance, a quantity of arrows, and then fled. But, as they fought
in the open field, the cavaliers pur.sued them and easily pierced them
with their lances. However, without losing courage, as soon as they
could rally only twenty or twenty-five men, they returned with loud
cries to fall upon our men, who charged them vigorously. They
also sometimes concealed themselves among the tall grass, the
better to surprise the Spaniards. Nevertheless, nothing availed
them ; they were always" beaten. The troops arrived at the capital,
which bears the name of the province, and lodged there, for it was
abandoned. The general dispatched Indians of the country to the
inhabitants of this place, but they would have neither peace nor
alliance with the Spaniards. The people of the province of Utiangue
are bold, proud, daring, and much better made than those of Tula,
for they have neither the disfigured visage nor the monstrous head.

When Soto and his ofHcers saw that there were provisions in the
town of Utiangue, that it was situated in a fertile plain watered on
both sides by a stream, with pastures around it, and inclosed with
palisades, they resolved to take up their winter-quarters there ; for,
besides that it was already the middle of the month of October, of
the year 1541, they did not know whether they should meet else-
where with so much convenience as in this place. Therefore, they
fortified it, and laid in a supply of wood, corn, dried grapes, plums,
and other fruits, which they found in abundance. They also killed,
hunting, many rabbits, stags, and roebucks, with which they re-
galed themselves ; and they would not have been better off in
Spain, nor more comfortable, than in Utiangue. It is true that the
winter was severe there, and that it snowed so much that they

426 HISTORY OF FLORIDA.

remained a month and a half without being able to go out; but the
good fires which they made easily protected them from the cold.

Indeed, when I come to consider all these conveniences and the
excellence of the land of Florida, I cannot approve the conduct of
the Spaniards, who would.not settle there because they found neither
g'old nor silver there. But they did not reflect that they did not
meet with any of these metals because the inhabitants of the coun-
try did not give themselves the trouble to search for them, and did
not make any account of them. In fact, they assert that ships
having perished upon the coast, and the Indians having found
purses full of gold, they cstrried off the purses, with the view that
they might be serviceable to them, and left that which was within
them because they did not know the use of it.

CHAPTER XV.

THE STRATAGEM OP THE CACIQUE OF UTIANGUE, AND THE DISCOVERT
OF THE PROVINCE OF NAGUATEX.

The cacique, who knew that the Spaniards were making their
winter-quarters at TJtiangue, took the resolution to drive them
away; For this purpose, he tried to divert the general with some
men whom he dispatched to him by night, and who assured him
that the cacique would very soon come to the town. But, under
this pretext, they had orders to reconnoitre the troops, in order
that, upon the report whicli they should make of it, they might
deliberate upon the means of attacking them with safety. The
Spaniards, who did not suspect these Indians, showed them the
horses, the arms, and the guard which they kept in the place. In
the meanwhile, Soto, informed of the design of the barbarians, told
their envoys that they must not enter any more, except by day,
into Utiangue. But, as thej' persisted in coming there by night,
they believed that they ought to teach them by force to obey, since,
in regard to them, gentleness appeared useless. Therefore, Bar-
thelemy d'Argote, who had the order of the general, being one
night on guard at the gate of the town, slew one of their envoys
who wished to enter to speak to the officers. This action was
approved by everybody, and particularly by Soto, for he gave great
praise to Argote, who afterwards passed for a brave soljJier ; and
the Indians, who knew that their design was discovered, returned
no more to our people.

During the wintering of the troops at Utiangue, some guarded

THE ENTRY OF THE TROOPS INTO NAGTJATEX. 427

the place, and others, when the snows had melted, set out to capture
Indians, because they needed servants. But because, after seven or
eight days of travelling, they returned with but few prisoners, the
general chose two hundred and fifty men, as many of cavalry as of
infantry, and advanced twenty leagues into the countiy as far as
Naguatex, a fertile and populous province. In this country he
surprised, befpre day, a town where the cacique lived. He took
there a sufficiently large number of men and women, and returned
afterwards to .Utiangue, where the rest of the army awaited him,
and began to fear for him. because it was fourteen days since he
had left. But his return dissipated their fear, and they thought
only of rejoicing and sharing the prisoners.

BOOK THIED.

THE DISCOVERY OF MANY PROVINCES, "WITH THE ADVENTURES OF
THE SPANIARDS IN THESE COUNTRIES, AND THEIR PREPARATIONS
FOR MEXICO.

CHAPTER I.

THE ENTRY OP THE TROOPS INTO NAGUATEX.

After five months' sojourn at Utiangue, the general left it at the
beginning of April of the year 1542, and marched towards the capi-
tal of Naguatex, which bears the name of the province. He made in
seven days twenty-two or twenty-three leagues in order to go to
this town, and passed through very good and very populous lands.
Nothing happened to him on the route except that the barbarians
attacked him at the passes of the woods and streams, but they fled
the moment they opposed them. Our men, therefore, safely arrived
at Naguatex, which they found abandoned, and where they remained
fifteen days, during which time they traversed the whole province
and seized the provisions which they needed with but feeble opposir
tion from the inhabitants.

The Spaniards had been six days in Naguatex when the cacique
sent to Soto to apologize for not having awaited him at the town in
order to receive him with honor. He also sent him word that he
was so ashamed of his conduct that he dared not visit him at present,
but that as soon as he should recover from so much confusion, he
would not fail of his duty ; that nevertheless, he would command
his vassals to strictly.obey his orders, because he recognized him

428 HISTORY OF rLORIDA.

as his sovereign. The general replied that he was obliged to the
cacique for the favor which he did him ; that they might assure
him that he should be very well received, and that he would be
rejoiced to see him. Thereupon the envoys returned, well satisfied
with Soto, and the next day, very early in the morning, there came
others of them who brought with them four of the principal Indians
with more than five hundred servants. They told the general that
they presented to him the most important pei-sons of the province
to serve him, and to be kept as hostages until the arrival of the
cacique. Soto thanked them for this favor, and commanded that
no more Indians should be made prisoners. Nevertheless the cacique
did not come to see him, and they believed that he had sent these
men to the Spaniards only to prevent them from ravaging his lands
and seizing his subjects. In the mean time the principal Indians and
all the others served the troops with ardor, and only aimed im-
plicitly to please them. The general, who knew their zeal, and also
the soldiers who were about to leave, inquired of them concerning
the country of Naguatex, and marched as far as another province
accompanied by many other Indians whom the cacique sent to him
with provisions.

CHAPTER II.

THE PLIGHT OP GT3SMAN.

At the end of two leagues, the Spaniards missed Diego Gusman,
a brave cavalier, but a great gamester, who had come to Florida
well equipped with everything. The general immediately ordered
a halt, and the principal Indians* to be arrested until they should
hear from Gusman. There were then made, among the Spaniards,
inquiries where this cavalier could be, and it was discovered that
the day before that in which they searched for him, the3' had seen
him at the quarters ; that four days before, he had gambled away
at cards his arms and baggage ; that being excited at playing, he
had lost a very charming Indian girl about eighteen years of age,
who had fallen to his lot when they divided the prisoners of the
province of Naguatex ; that he paid all the rest of what he had lost,
but that in regard to this beauty, he had said to him who had won
her, that in four or five days he would send her to him ; that never-
theless he had broken his promise, and that neither he nor the In-
dian woman appeared any more ; so that they suspected that he
had retired among the barbarians because of the shame which he

* There were four, according to what follows.

THE FLIGHT OP GUSMAN. 429

had for having played for his equipage, and lost this young woman
whom he loved ; in fact, they no longer doubted it, when they knew
that the Indian woman was the daughter of the cacique. Therefore,
Soto, who esteemed Gusman, ordered the chief Indians to send for
him in haste ; that otherwise they should believe that they had had
him assassinated ; and that he, in order to punish so blaclc a crime,
should put to death them and all their people. These poor Indians,
for fear of losing their lives, sent promptly where they thought they
might learn some news of Gusman ; and their messenger, who went
and returned in a day, reported that he was with the cacique, and
that he had sworn to them that he would never return to the
Spaniards. Thereupon the general replied that he could not give
faith to that, and that assuredly the leading Indians had killed
him. One of them then gravely replied, and said, in a tone quite
unlike that of a prisoner, that he had too much honor to lie ; that in
order to be more certain of that Which they had reported to him,
they begged him to set at liberty one of their companions who might
go to the Indians. That they would promise him that his cavalier
should return to the camp with their comrade, or that he should
declare his final resolution. That he might take only the trouble to
order him, by letter, to return or reply by a note ; and tliat he might
judge by that whether the cavalier was living. They added, that,
if their companion did not return in the manner in which they as-
sured him, the three others would submit to lose their lives ; but that
they had so high an opinion of the prudence of the general, that
they were convinced that he would not carry his resentment against
the others, but upon them ; and that even he would never consent
that three persons. of rank should die for a soldier who had cowardly
deserted without being compelled by any inhabitant of the province.
Soto and his captains agreed to all that the Indian had proposed,
and ordered him to go to Gasman ; and Gallego, who was loved by
this cavalier, to write to him his sentiments concerning the impru-
dence he had committed, and to induce him to return ; that they
would restore to him all his equipage ; and that, in one word, he
should never want for anything.

The Indian, at the same time, left with the letter of Gallego, and
the order of the general, who requested the cacique to return to
him his soldier, or that he would vow to destroy everything, and
to kill all the Indians who were in his power. When Gusman had
seen what was commanded him, he wrote his name with charcoal to
make known that he was living ; and desired the envoy to assure
the Spaniards that he would never return to them. And immedi-
ately the cacique replied, that as Gusman was free to remain upon

430 HISTORY OF FLOEIDA.

his lands, he, therefore, would not force him to leave them ; that in
consideration of tlie favor which he had done him in having brought
back to him his daughter, he would always treat him very kindly,
and would conduct himself in the same manner towards the Span-
iards, who should settle in his province; that, after all, Soto would
never be praised for putting to death the subjects of a person who
received his people with friendship ; that, nevertheless, he should
speak to him no more on the subject, and that he might do with them
as he pleased. The general, who knew the obstinacy of Gusman,
and that the cacique spoke like a man of honor, determined to con-
tinue on, and to release the principal Indians and the porters when
they all had accompanied him as far as the other province.* How-
ever, it must be agreed that love and gambling blind men greatly,
since they oblige them to abandon themselves to their own enemies.

CHAPTER III.

CONCERNING THE PROVINCE OF GTJAOANE.

Our men marched five days through the country of Naguatex,
and arrived at the province of Guacane, of which the people were
very different from their neighbors. Those of Naguatex were gentle,
civil, and friends of the Spaniards ; and the inhabitants of Guacane,
barbarous, and their sworn enemies. In fact-, instead of making an
alliance with them, they showed, on every occasion, that they hated
them, and many times offered them battle. But our men always
declined it, because they had lost more than half their horses, and
because they did not wish to expose the others to the fury of the
enemy. Therefore, in order not to have any occasion for coming to
an engagement with them, they doubled their march, and traversed,
in eight days, the province of Guacane. They saw, in this province,
wooden crosses upon most of the houses ; because those of this pro-
vince had heard of the great things which Nugnez and his compan-
ions had done in the name of Jesus Christ in the regions of Florida,
where they had been whilst they were in the power of the Indians.
Nevertheless, neither Nugnez nor his companions ever penetrated
as far as Guacane, or into many other countries where their repu-
tation was known. IBut fame had published, from one province to
another, the miracles which they had worked by the power of God

* The Elvas Narrative mentions this as having happened on Moscoso's expe-
dition westward, after the death of Soto,

MARCH OF THE TROOPS TO THE PROVINCE OP ANILCO. 431

in favor of the sick whom they cured with the signs of the cross.
Thus the inhabitants of Guacane, astonished at these marvels, im-
agined tliat b}' putting crosses upon their houses they would guar-
antee themselves from every danger ; and by that we may learn
what facility there is to convert to the faith the people of Florida ;
and that example is more powerful than force and. violence to lead
them to virtue.

CHAPTER IV.

THE MARCH OP THE TROOPS TO THE PROVINCE OP ANIL'OO.

The general left Guacane with the intention of returning to the
Chucagua by a different route from that which he had taken, and to
make a longer tour, in order to discover other provinces. The
object which he had was, to establish himself in Florida before
diseases and battles -should entirely ruin his army. He was, be-
sides, vexed not to have reaped any fruits from the trouble which
he had taken, and was still taking every daj-, to make new dis-
coveries. Therefore, he ardently desired that Florida, which is vast
and fertile, should be inhabited by the Spaniards, and especially by
those who accompanied him. He was of opinion that if he should
die without commencing his settlement, there could not be assembled
in many years as brave troops as his own. He, therefore, repented
of not having settled himself in the country of Achussi, and wished
to repair the fault which he had made. But as he was far from the
sea, and would lose time in seeking a port, he resolved that upon
his arrival at the Chucagua he would build a town upon the banks
of that river ; that he would build two brigantines, the charge of
which he would give to faithful persons, who would descend the
river as far as the sea, in order to go and inform the inhabitants of
Mexico, Cuba, and other countries, that in Florida they had dis-
covered vast regions abounding in everything. He hoped that, by
this means, the Spaniards would flock there from all parts, and
would bring what was necessary for a colony ; which could easily have
been executed if death had not interrrupted such glorious designs.

The general, on leaving Guacane, traversed seven other coun-
tries to arrive at the Chucagua, and to begin in the spring to settle
himself. But, because they progressed by long journeys, the Span-
iards did not inquire the names of the provinces, of which four
abounded in provisions and were very agreeable, because of the
orchards and streams which they met with there. As for the three

432 HISTORY OF FLOKIDA.

Others, tliey were neither fertile nor pleasant, and it was believed,
also, that the Indian guides had led the troops through the worst
and least attractive iilaces. The general was very well received
through all this extent of ciountry, so that our men passed very
successfully through these provinces, which were probably at least
one hundred and twenty leagues across. Finally, they arrived at
the frontier of the country of Anilco, and accomplished thirty
leagues, as far as to the capital, which bears the name of the prov-
ince and of the cacique. It is upon the borders of a river wider
than the Guadalquivir, and has about four hundred good houses,
with a beautiful square in the middle. The dwelling of the cacique
is upon an eminence which commands the town. This lord was, at
the arrival of the troops, in front of this place at the head of a
battalion of fifteen hundred men, the elite of his subjects. The
Spaniards, who observed the deportment of the Indians, made a
halt to await the soldiers, who followed in the rear, and promptly
arranged themselves in order of battle. In the mean while, Anilco
ordered that the women should retire, and tliat each one should
save the most valuable things he had, and at the same time our
armj' advanced to attack, but the barbarians fled without shooting
an arrow. Some entered the town, and the greater part crossed
the river in little boats and upon rafts, and a few by swimming,
for they had no intention to fight, but only to arrest the enemy, to
favor those who carried off tlieir goods. Our men, when they saw
that the Indians fled, charged upon them and captured a few upon
the banks of the river, and took in the town many women and
children who had not been able to escape. The general afterwards
sent to ofler peace and his friendship to Anilco, and to request of
him the honor of his good offices. But he would not replj', and
onlj' made with his hand a sign to the envoy that he might retire.

The Spaniards lodged in the town, where they remained four days.
In the mean time, they furnished themselves with little boats and
rafts, and crossed the river without having been interrupted by the
Indians. Then they marched four days through unpeopled lands,
and entered the country of Guachoia.

CHAPTER V.

CONOEENING GUACHOIA, ITS CACIQUE, AND THE WAR OF THE INDIANS.

After the crossing of this wilderness, the first habitation which
the Spaniards found was the capital of Guachoia. It bears the
name of its province, and is upon the banks of the Chucagua [Mis-

OONOERNING GtJACHOIA.' , 433

sissippi], situated upon two eminences separated by only a level
platform, ■which serves for the public square of the town, consisting
of three hundred houses, half upon one of these hills and half upon
the other.* The house of the cacique is upon the highest of these
two eminences. Our men surprised Guachoia, because those of
Anilco, who were at war with the inhabitants of this town, did not
inform them of the march of the troops. The cacique and his sub-
jects, astonished at the sight of the armj', and seeing that they could
not resist, took to flight and retired to the Chucagua, which they
crossed in Ijoats, with their women, children, and the best of what
they had. The Spaniards took possession of the town, whei-e they
took lodgings, because there was there a quantity of fruit and corn.

As I have already said that the greater part of the provinces
through which they passed were the enemies of one another, I am
going to relate here in what manner the inhabitants of these divers
countries make war.. The Indians of one province do not fight
those of another through an unruly ambition to seize upon their
countrj', nor raise an army to deliver battle. They onl}' lay am-
buscades for one another, and plunder while fishing and hunting ; in
a word, everywhere where they meet with an advantage. They also
sometimes kill and sometimes take prisoners ; but of those who are
taken, some are exchanged for others, and the rest remain slaves,
the tendons of the instep of one of whose feet the}- cut, in order to
prevent them from escaping. And if, by chance, war suddenly
breaks out, they lay waste the lands of their enemies, set fire to the
towns, and retire. Such is the way in which the inhabitants of
Florida fight, province against province, and become valiant and
bold, because they are perpetually at war, and always under arms
or in practice. But because divisions prevail among them, and
ordinarilj- the cacique of one countrj' is embroiled with all his
neighbors, it is certain that the conquest of the whole country will
be on account of it the more easy, and that the discord which they
entertain will some day cause their ruin.

To return to our men. After thej"^ had refreshed themselves
three days in the town of Guachoia, tlie cacique, whom they call
from the name of his country, having learned that Anilco had re-
fused to make peace with the Spaniards, wished to profit by the
opportunity which fortune presented to him of avenging himself of
his enemies. He therefore dispatched to the genpral four of the
principal men of his province, with many porters loaded with fruit

* These eminences, on the west bank of the Mississippi, below the Arkansa,
might now mark the site of Guachoia.
28

434 HISTOBY OP FLORIDA.

and fish. They entreated Soto to pardon their cacique the error
he had made in not having awaited at Guachoia to receive him
with honor ; that now he acknowledged him for his lord ; and that if he
obtained permission to come in person to assure him of it, he would
repair in four days to the quarters. Soto, rejoiced at this news,
charged the envoys to say to their master that he was obliged to
him ; and that, as he particularly esteemed his friendship, he might
give himself the trouble to come and see hira when it pleased him,
and that he would be welcomed. The Indians, satisfied with this
answer, returned with it to the cacique. During three days that he
deferred repairing to the camp, he sent, each day, seven or eight
persons to pay his compliments to the general; that through them
he might artfully discover whether the Spaniards change their dis-
position, and whether it would be prudent for him to visit them.
But when he .knew that they would treat him well, he came about
noon to the quarters, accompanied by his principal subjects, all
decked with plumes, and very gayly dressed, after the fashion of
the country.

CHAPTER VI.

THE VENGEANCE OE GUACHOIA.

When the general learned that Guachoia had arrived in the town,
and that he was coming to visit him, lie left his room to meet him
at the door of the lodge. There he paid his respects to him and all
those who accompanied him ; then he passed with them into a hall,
where he and the cacique, by means of an interpreter, conversed
regarding the neighboring provinces, and all that which might re-
tard or advance the conquest of the countrj'. During which time
the cacique sneezed, and immediately the Indians of his suite, who
were ranged against the walls of this hall, bowed and extended
their arms ; they also showed their respect to the cacique in several
other ways, and all said politely : " May the sun be with you, en-
lighten, defend, and preserve you." The Spaniards were surprised
that they had as much politeness among barbarians as among the
most polished people, and believed that there were certain customs
which were generally observed by all the world.

Then when they had conversed enough, dinner was served, and
the cacique dined with Soto, the Indians standing around them until
the end of the repast. These Indians then went to dine in another
room which they had prepared for them,; and towards evening they
gave an apartment to the cacique, with some men to serve him. The
others retired to the other side of the river, and returned to pay their

THE VENGEANCE OP GUACHOIA. 435

court to their lord, and never failed to do it whilst the Spaniards
sojourned at Guachoia.

During these affairs tlie cacique, who was artful, told the general
that he ought to return to the province of Anilco, abounding in
every convenience. That he offered himself to accompany him there
with the greater part of his subjects. That to facilitate the passage
of the river, which bears the name of this country, he promised to
send for more than eighty boats which would descend [ascend] seven
leagues by the Chucagua to the mouth of the Anilco [Arkausa] which
empties into this river. That then they would ascend by the Anilco
as far as the town of the same name.* That in all there would not
be more than twenty leagues ; and that while the vessels descended
and ascended, the rest of the troops might go by land and that they
all would arrive together at their destination. The general suffered
himself to be persuaded, because he wished to know if the province
of Anilco would be convenient for the design which he had. He
wished, besides, to establish himself peaceably between this country
and that of Guachoia, in the belief that this place would be favor-
able to him to wait for the news from Mexico, whither he had re-
solved to send. But Guachoia had very particular views which were
not known. He intended, by the assistance of the Spaniards, to
avenge Iiimself of the cacique Anilco, who, in all of the engagements,
had gained the advantage of him. So that when he had engaged
the general to return to the province of Anilco, he caused to be
brought all the boats which he had promised; and then Soto ordered
Gusman and his company to embark with four thousand Indians
and many rowers armed with bows and arrows. This captain there-
fore entered into these boats with all these troops, and descended
the river. Immediately the general, with all the other Spaniards,
and Guachoia, with two thousand of his subjects, marched by land
accompanied by a great number of Indian porters, and all arrived
at the same time, in view of the town of Anilco where the cacique
was not at that time. Nevertheless, the inhabitants bravely dis-
puted tlie passage of the river, but when they saw that it was im-
possible for them to resist longer, they took to flight and abandoned
the place. The subjects of Guachoia entered with fury, pillaged
and ransacked the temple where was the sepulchre of the lords of
the province, with the wealth of Anilco. In this temple were the
arms>and the ensigns which the subjects of Anilco had won from
their neighbors; and at the doors were seen, upon lances, the heads
of the most important vassals of Guachoia. But the people of this

* Here it is seen that Garoilasso places the Guachoia ahove the mouth of the
Arkansa ; hut it was below, as is plainly seen in the Elvas Narrative.

436 HISTORY OF FLOEIDA.

cacique took off these beads and. quickly put in tlieir places those of
some of the subjects of Anilco. They recovered the ensigns, over-
turned the coffins, trod upon the dead in revenge of the outrages which
they had formerly received from them, and slew all without sparing
age or sex. But they principally exercised their cruelty upon the
suckling infants and upon the old men; they first tore from the
latter their clothes, and shot them to death with arrows which they
generally aimed at the parts which show the difference of the sex."
As for. the infants they threw them by the legs into the air, and shot
them to death with their arrows before they fell to the ground.

CHAPTER VII.

THE EETURN OF THE GENERAL. TO THE TOWN OP GUACHOIA, AND HIS
PREPARATIONS FOR MEXICO.

Soto, informed of the cruelties which the people of Guachpiadid,
was extremely offended at it, for the design which he had of return-
ing to the'prOvince of Anilco was very contrary to this barbarity.
In order, therefore, to arrest the devastation, he had the retreat im-
mediately sounded,. cursed the cacique for all the misfortune, and
commanded the interpreters to publish that, under penalty of death,
none should make a conflagration or maltreat any more the subjects
of the cacique of Anilco. Nevertheless, because the general feared
that the vassals of Quachoia might secretly execute all that rage
inspired them to, he left the town of Anilco and took his route to
the river, and ordered the Spaniards to make the people of Guachoia
advance in haste, for fear lest they should loiter behind and put to
death their enemies. When he reached the river he embarked with
all the troops for the town of Guachoia. But hardly had he pro-
ceeded a quarter of a league when he perceived the town of Anilco
on fire, for the barbarians, who had not dared to burn it after the
prohibition of the general, had maliciously put burning coals to the
corners of the houses, which were only of straw, so that at the
least gust of wind the fire took there, and in a moment all was in
flames. The general would have returned to prevent the town from
being entirely consumed, but when he saw that the Indians of the
neighborhood ran there, he continued his route and went to
•Guachoia, where he discharged all the care of the troops upon his
captains, in order to apply himself wholly to his designs. He then
commanded to be cut timber fit for vessels; and to be collected
cordage, gum, and iron works, in order to construct the brigantines.
But as he hoped God would do him the favor to preserve him until

THE DEATH OF SOTO. 43t

he had accomplished what he desired, he had already fixed upon the
officers and soldiers in whom he confided the most, for the manage-
ment of the vessels which he should send to Mexico. He had also
resolved that after the departure of the brigantines he would pass
with the boats of the cacique of Guachoia to the other side of the
river, into the countiy of Quigualtanqui. Hfe knew through the
means of his couriers that this country was fertile and populous,
and that the capital, which consisted of some five hundred houses,
was not very far from the camp. He had already sent to the cacique
who held his court in this town which bears the name of the pro-
vince and of its lord. But this cacique had insolently replied to the
envoys who requested peace of him, that very soon he would exter-
minate all the Spaniards ; that they were robbers and vagabonds ;
that he would have them hung to the highest trees to be a prey to
the birds ; and that he had sworn by the sun and by the moon, his
divinities, never to contract an alliance with a nation so detestable.
Soto, who was, wise, had this barbarian sijoken to with amity, so
that he obliged him to change his language knd sentiments. How-
ever, Soto, being informed that all the appearances of the friendship
of this cacique were deceitful, and that he, with the lords of the
neighboring provinces, conspired against the Spaniards, held him-
self upon his guard in the hope of some day chastising this perfidy.
For he still commanded more than six hundred men, cavalry and
infantry. He had resolved to lead them into the town of Quigual-
tanqui, and to live there the remainder of the summer and the next
winter until he had received the assistance which he expected from
Mexico, and which they could easily send by ascending the Chuca-
gua, calpable of bearing all the vessels that might h^ve come.

CHAPTER YIII.

THE DEATH OP SOTO. *

At the time when Soto thought only of the means of settling him-
self and drawing some fruits from his labors, he was attacked the
20th of June, 1542, by a fever which at first appeared a small aftair,
but which increased so very much that he himself judged it mortal.
He therefore began, the third day of his sickness, to resign himself
entirely to the will of God. He made his will, and confessed him-
self with much devotion and sorrow for his sins. Then he took the
precaution to have summoned his officers, and when he had ap-
pointed in their presence Louis de Moscoso d'Alvarado as general.

4 '3 8 HISTOEY OF FLORIDA.

he coiriinandedthem,in the name of the emperor, to obey him whom
he had chosen in order to command them until his majesty should
send them orders to the contrary. Thereupon he took their oaths
according to the forms, and added that Moscoso possessed the quali-
ties of a great captain. Afterwards he commanded them to bring
to him by threes, the soldiers whom he esteemed the most, and the
others by thirties. He commanded them to labor as much as they
could for the conversion of the infidels, and to sustain the honor of
the crown of Spain, and above all to preserve peace among them-
selves. As soon as he finished these words he embrace* them and
bade them adieu with much emotion on his part and tears on theirs.
He passed five days thus conversing with one and another, and on
the seventh, when he rendered up his spirit, he began to invoke the
Virgin and to pray to her to intercede for him with her Son. Soto
died, aged forty-two years, after having expended in the conquest
of Florida, more than a hundred thousand ducats. He was born at
Villa Nueva de Barca-Rotta, and was of a very nable family. He
was a little above the medium height, had a cheerful countenance,
though somewhat swarthy, and was an excellent horseman ; fortu-
nate in his enterprises, if death had not interrupted the course of his
designs ; vigilant, skilful, ambitious ; patient under diflBculties ;
severe to chastise offences against discipline, but ready to palrdon
others ; charitable and liberal towards the soldiers ; brave and
daring, as much so as any captain who had entered the new world.
So many rare qualities caused him to be regretted by all the troops.

CHAPTER IX.

THE FUNERAL OF SOTO.

The Spaniards, who ardently loved Soto, very much regretted
not being able to give him an honorable funeral. They considered
that if they should inter him with pomp, tlie Indians who would
learn the place of his burial, would come to disinter him and would
commit upon his body all the barbarities which hate would inspire.
They bad indeed thus acted toward many soldiers and committed
upon them all sorts of indignities. They had hung some and put
others, quartered, upon the highest trees, and very probably they
apprehended that they would be transported with more cruelty
against the general than against the others, in order to highly
insult the troops in his person. Therefore the Spaniards, in order
to prevent them from knowing the place where he should be in-
terred, resolved to bury him by night. They chose, near Guachoia,

DECISION or TROOPS AFTER DEATH OF THEIR GENERAL. 439

a place in a field where there were many ditches which the inhabit-
ants of this town had made in getting dirt ; and they put in one of
these trenches the body of Soto, over which they again shed many
tears. The next day in order to thoroughly conceal the place of
his sepulchre, and to disguise their sorrow, they spread a report
that the general was better. They mounted their horses as through
joy that he had recovered his health, and, as in public festivals,
they caracoled a long time over the trench, in order to conceal it
from the barbarians, and hide from them, in some manner, the body
of their commander. In order the better to succeed in their design,
they even directed that before the races, they should, after having
filled all the trenches to the same level as that of the general's, east
a quantity of water there upon pretence of preventing the horses
from raising a dust in running. JSTevertheless, notwithstanding all
these precautions and feints, the Indians suspected the death of
Soto and the place where he was, for when they passed over these
trenches, they suddenly stopped and fixed their eyes upon the place
of his burial. Our men began again to fear for the general, and
agreed to take him from the trench and give him, for a grave, the
Chucagua, of which beforehand they wished to know the depth ;
therefore, one evening, Aniasco, Cardenioso, and others, in order to
sound the river, pretended to go a-fishing, and reported that there
were nine fathoms of water in the middle. They immediately re-
solved to put there the body of Soto, but as there were no stones in
the province to sink it to the bottom, they cut a very large oak
which they sawed, and hollowed on one side to the height of a man ;
and the night following, Aniasco and his companions disinterred
the general without noise and put him in the hollow of this oak
over which they nailed a covering. They then carried it on the
river to the place where they had sounded, and it went immediately
to the bottom. Carmona and Coles, who relate tliis circumstance,
add that when the barbarians no longer saw Soto, they inquired for
him, and that in order to deceive them, they answered that God had
sent for him in order to give him orders for important affairs, and
that at his return, which would be in a short time, he would bravely
execute them. (26)

CHAPTER X.

THE DECISION OF THE TROOPS AFTER THE DEATH OF THEIR GENERAL.

After the death of Soto not one of his officers had the courage
to prosecute tlie design which he had of settling in Florida. There-
fore they resolved to abandon the country where the love and

440 HISTORY OP ELOEIDA.

respect which they bore their general had retained them all. But
the most blamable are those who ought to have opposed so
cowardly a resolution, and who, nevertheless, were the first to
support it- In fact, Aniasco, who had fortunately contributed to
the discovery of many provinces, and wiio was bound in honor
to achieve a conquest so illustrious and so useful to all Spain,
offered himself to lead all the troops to Mexico. As he prided
himself upon being an excellent geographer, he flattered himself
that he would easily conduct them into that kingdom, and dreamed
not of the forests and deserts which it would be necessary to cross
before reaching there. For the desire which he had of leaving
Floi'ida rendered all things easy to him. The other Spaniards,
whom he had offered to lead to Mexico, also believed that nothing
would arrest them on their journey ; because the eager desire which
they had to abandon tlieir conquest blinded them ; and because they
hated Florida on account of not having found there either gold or
silver. They were likewise led to quit their enterprise because of
a report which the Indians had circulated, that not far from where
tlie army was, there were other Spaniards who were subjugating the
provinces which were to the west.* Our men, who too easily gave
faith to these reports, said tliat these strangers, of whom tlie barba-
rians spoke, were troops from Mexico, and. that they ouglit to go
and join them to assist them in their design. Thereupon they left
Guachoia, the fourth or fifth of July [1542], and took their course
towards the west ; determined not to go out of their way neither to
the one side nor to tlie other. They imagined that following this line
they would come straight to Mexico; not considering that they were
in different latitudes. They made, by long journeys, more than a
hundred leagues through new provinces; and did not inquire the
names nor the quality of tlie land of these regions. Biit it is certain
that they were not fertile nor populous as the other countries of
Florida which they had before discovered.(27)

CHAPTER XI.

THE SUPERSTITION OF THE INDIANS.

I SHALL here quit for a moment the course of my history in order
to report a thing very remarkable concerning the superstition of the
barbarians. When the Spaniards left Guachoia they were followed
by an Indian from sixteen to seventeen years of age, handsome as

* Coronadcv's expedition.

THE ARRIVAL Of THE SPANIARDS AT AUCHE. 441

are ordinarily tlie inliabitants of this province. The valets of
General Moscoso, whom he had joined, for some time, determined
to hinder him from continuing on, and even prepared to drive him
from their company. But when they saw that they could not get
rid of him, they apprehended that he was a spy and informed their
master of it. He therefore sent this Indian to the presence of Ortis,
who demanded of him, by command of the general, what induced
him to leave his parents to follow strangers. He replied that they
saw a poor j'oung man, who had been abdndoned from his infancy,
and to whom neither father nor mother had left anything ; so that
one of the principal lords of the province, moved with pity, had
received him into his house and had raised him with his children.
But that, when this generous benefactor. had taken sick and died,
they chose him to be buried alive with him ; because they said that
he was loved by him so much that he ought to accompany him to
the other world, in order to serve him there in his wants. That as
for him, he acknowledged that he was truly obliged to this lord, but
not to such a degree as to suffer that they should put him alive with
him in his tomb. That, therefore, in order to escape so cruel a
death, he had followed the troops; preferring to be a slave to dying
so cruelly. Tlie general, and those who were present at this narra-
tion, learned that the custom of rendering the last duties to persons
of rank was observed in Florida as in the other countries which they
had discovered in the new world. In fact, under the reign of the
incas of Peru, they ordinarily interred with the sovereign and the
great lords the wife and the servant whom tbey had loved the most.
All these people believe in the immortality of the soul and an-
other world, where virtuous people are crowned with glory and
rewarded for their good deeds, and the wicked punished for their
crimes. They call the heaven Hamampascha, from a word which
siguiQes the upper world; and hell, Ucupacha, from a word which
means the lower world. As for the devil, they call him Cupai, to
•whom, they said, went the wicked.

CHAPTER XII.

THE ARRIVAL OF THE SPANIARDS AT AXICHE, AND THE DEATH OF
THEIR GUIDE.

I RETURN to where I left off my history. The Spaniards, after a
journey of more than a hundred leagues, arrived at the province
of. Auche. The cacique of this country gave them quarters, and

442 HISTORY OF FLORIDA.

received them apparently with great manifestations of friendship.
They recruited themselves two days in the capital, whicli bears tlie
name of tlie province ; where, when they were informed of the route
that they should take, they learned that at two daj's' journey from
this town, there was a desert of four days' passage. The cacique,
therefore, gave them porters loaded with corn for six days, with a
guide wliom lie commanded to lead the troops by the shortest
route to the inhabited lands. Tliey left Auche with these Indians,
and fortunately arrived at the wilderness; through which they
marched by a highway which gradually diminished until it was
entirely lost. Nevertheless, they did not cease to advance six
days without keeping any i"oad ; for tlie Indian who guided them
made tliem believe that he led them in this manner in order to shorten
the route. But when they saw that they were not getting out of the
woods, and that for three daj's they had eaten nothing but herbs
and roots,. they noticed more closely their guide, and discovered that
he maliciously conducted them sometimes to the north, sometimes
to the west, then to the east, and sometimes to tlie south. The
general immediately commanded this Indian to be called, and to he
asked what had caused him to mislead the Spaniards eight days ;
he who at Auche had promised to put them, in four days, out of the
wilderness. To that, at first, he replied so unreasonably, that Mos-
coso, angrj- to see his troops in so pitiable a condition, had him bound
to a tree, and ordered the greyhounds to be let loose upon him.
When he saw that he was aibout to be devoured, he begged that they
would take off the dogs, and that he would disclose all that he had
kept concealed. They granted his request, and he declared that
he had done nothing but by the command of his cacique, who had
told him, that not having suflScient forces to fight openly the Span-
iards, he had determined to make way with them by artifice ; that
to succeed in this undertaking he had chosen and ordered him to
mislead them iu such a manner tliat they might perish with hunger
in the forest ; that if he succeeded in his object, he had promised
him great rewards ; if not, he might rely upon being unmercifully
put to death ; that he was, therefore, thus forced to obey his
cacique, and to do that which they themselves would have' done in
like circumstances; that, therefore, his crime was excusable; but
that it would be much more worthy of pardon if they would con-
sider the little trouble they had taken to inform themselves of their
route ; that if they had at first spoken to him of it as they had now
done, he would have declared everything to them, and would have
placed them in the right road. Nevertheless, if they would spare his
life, he would in a short time extricate them from the wilderness ; and

WHAT HAPPENED IN THE PROVINCE OF HERDSMEN. 443

that if he failed in it he would submit to any punishment. The gene-
ral and his ofBcers, indignant at this treachery, would not receive
his excuses, and all believed that they should no longer trust him.
So they let loose the dogs, which tore him in pieces and ate him.
But immediately Moscoso and his captains were sorry for it, and
saw themselves more in trouble than they had yet been, because they
did not know where to find another guide, having -then sent back
the Indian porters. to Auche. However, as they knew that they
must perish, or get out of the woods, they took their course towards
the west, and marched three days without any provisions, after hav-
ing been three more with nothing but roots to eat. Afterwards,
from the top of a small mountain, they discovered land, inhabited
but very sterile. The inhabitants had taken to flight, and aban-
doned the wretched cabins, scattered four and four through the
country; for the villages of this country were not like those which,
until then, they had seen in Florida. The troops, on their arrival
in the province, found the fresli meat of beef, with which they ap-
peased their hunger. They called this country the province of
Herdsmen, because of the quantity of cow-hides which they met
with there, without, however, having been able to discover this sort
of cattle living, or where the Indians of the country caught them.

CHAPTER Xlir.

• WHAT HAPPENED IN THE PROVINCE OP HERDSMEN.

While the Spaniards were in a plain of the province of Herds-
men, there came out of a forest, near the camp, an Indian, with tall
plumes upon his head, bow in his hand, and quiver on his shoulder,
who advanced directly towards them. Our men, who saw .him in
this state, allowed him to approach in the belief that he was an
envoy of the cacique to the general. But at some fifty yards from
them he put an arrow to his bow and fired upon a company of sol-
diers who were looking at him However, no one was wounded by
it, some having gotten out of the way, and others lain down upon
the ground, the arrow passed and struck among five or six Indians
who were preparing dinner for their masters. It hit one of them in
the middle of the back, and after having pierced him through, con-
tinued on, wounding in the breast another who was opposite that
man, and stopped in his body. This poor Indian fell dead, as well
as his companion. At the same time the barbarian fled, with all his
might, to the forest. The Spaniards cried To arms! Gallego, who

444 HISTORY OF FLORIDA.

by chance was on horseback, perceived the Indian who fled. He
understood that they said kill. He spurred after him, reached him
near the wood, and gallantly put him to death.

Three days afterwards, when the troops were taking refreshments,
two Indians, superbly dressed in the fashion of the country, came
in the morning within about two hundred steps of the camp, and
there they walked near a walnut tree, one on one side,, and the
other on the other side, for fear of a surprise.

Moscoso, informed of that, forbid them to molest them, because
they were fools and rash fellows who ought to be ridiculed. They
therefore let them walk near the walnut tree until towards evening.
The idea of these Indians was that two Spaniards would take a
notion to come and attack them. In the mean time,'the cavaliers
who had set out in the morning returned to the camp a little before
night; and as they perceived these Indians near their quarters,
they inquired why it was, and learned the order of the general.
They all obeyed except Paez, who, wishing to show his -courage,
said, since these barbarians were fools and rash fellows, it was
necessary that one more foolish than they should punish their
folly ; and thereupon he spurred towards the walnut tree. The
Indian who was walking on the side on which the cavalier was
advancing marched straight at him, whilst his companion retired
under the tree, in order to make known that they desired to fight
man to man. Paez rushed against his enemj', who shot so vigor-
■ ously that, beside his coat of mail which he broke, he pierced his
left arm through and through, so that the reins, of the bridle of his
horse fell from his hands. His companions, who saw this accident,
and who had not yet dismounted, ran at full speed upon these two
barbarians, who fled when they saw so many men charge upon them.
However, they were taken befoi-e they could gain the woods. But
on this occasion the Spaniards disregarded the laws of war ; since
the Indians would not put themselves two against one, it was rea-
sonable that they should have treated them in the same manner.

After these things the troops marched more than thirty leagues
through this province of Herdsmen, and when they had succeeded
in crossing it, they discovered, to the west, high mountains and
dense forests which were solitudes.* But the general and his offi-
cers, whom fatigue and hunger had made wise, resolved not to pro-
ceed until they should have first found a sure route to conduct
them into an inhabited country. Therefore he commanded four
companies of cavalry* of twenty-four men each to go by three passes

* This was in Texas.

THE RETURN OF THE SPANIARDS TO THE CHUCAGUA. 445

towards the west, in order to explore the countrj', and ordered
them to enter it as far as possible, to go at a distance from each
other, and endeavor to learn the character of the land and the
disposition of the inhabitants. For that purpose he gave them the
most capable interpreters that they could find among those who
served the Spaniards. Then they left, and, at the end of fifteen days,
when they returned, they all said that they had entered more than
thirty leagues into the country, and that they had met with lands
very sterile and poorly populated ; that the more tliey advanced
the more wretched they were ; that the inhabitants of these parts '
cultivated nothing, and lived only on, fruits, herbs, and what thej'
caught by hunting and fishing; finally, that they marched by
companies, and wandered from one country to another. Carmona
adds that the Indians asserted that on the other side of their pro-
vince there was a vast extent of level country where fed the cattle
whose skins the troops had seen ; and that there was, in these quar-
ters, a great multitude of cattle.

CHAPTER XIV.

,THE RETURN OP THE SPANIARDS TO THE CHUCAGUA, AND THEIR ,

ADVENTURES.

On the report of the cavaliers who had been on this exploration,
the Spaniards lost all hopes of going to Mexico by the route which
they had taken. Therefore, for fear of getting too far into the
wilderness where they all would have died of hunger, they were of
opinion to return to the Chucagua, in the belief that the shortest
^nd safest route to get out of Florida was to descend this river
and to reach the gulf of Mexico. Therefore they inquired their
route to reach the Chucagua. They knew that the shortest was to
turn to the right of the route which they had taken in coming; but
they would have to traverse many great solitudes ; and that, on the
contrary, if tbey turned to the left, it was longest, but they would
march through fertile and populous lands.* They therefore took the
former route, and turned towards the south, taking care not to involve
themselves in diflflcult places and not to commit any ravages on
their route, for fear of irritating the Indians. Nevertheless these
barbarians harassed them night and day ; for they placed them-
selves in ambush in the woods near the road, and when there were

* According to this, it appears that they had made a circuit northward, and
to turn to the right would be to turn to the south, the direction they went.

446 HISTORY or flokida.

no woods they laid iipou their bellies in the grass, and when the
Spaniards were passing they suddenly rose and fired. so manj' arrows
that they alwaj's wounded some of them. But as soon as they
went at them they took to flight, and immediately there came others
to the charge, who took the troops on all sides, alwaj'^s with the
loss of men and horses; so that, without coming to an engagement,
our men were worse treated in this province of Herdsmen than in
all those through which they had passed, and especially the last
day, because they crossed streams and places which were real cut-
throats, where the ba,rbarians sallied out in fury upon them, and
where they retreated without the possibility of being injured. The
Spaniards lost in this day's journey several of their men, Indian
porters, and horses, and had a great number of soldiers dangerously
wounded. One of the most important of these was Saint George,
of whom I am going to speak. As this cavalier was crossing a
stream where the troops were attacked, an Indian, concealed behind
a bush, discharged at him an arrow so violently that after having
broken his coat of mail, it pierced his right thigh, passed through
thfe saddle-bow, and entered into the body of the horse, which,
quite furious, rushed out of the stream, bounded over the plain, and
tried, by kicking, to disen'gage the arrow, and throw his rider. The
Spaniards who were then engaged near this soldier ran to his
assistance, when they perceived that the arrow had pinned him to
the saddle, and as the troops were camped quite near the stream,
they led him to the quarters. Immediately they adroitly raised
him, and cut the arrow between the saddle and his thigh. They
also unsaddled the horse, and the Spaniards were surprised that a
cane arrow, armed only with a cane point, had penetrated so far.
Afterwards they laid Saint George upon the ground, and left him to
dress his wound himself. Besides the many qualities which he pos-
sessed, he had that of- curing wounds with oil, raw wool, and words
which his companions called charms. He had actually treated
some wounds with so much success, that it seemed that God espe-
cially favored him in the cures which he made. But when the oil
and the raw wool were consumed by the fire at Mauvila, he would
no longer cure any one, and even persisted a long time in not taking
care of his wounds ; for though afterwards he had received a stroke
from an arrow, which entered under the foot and carne out at the
heel, and though by another blow he had been so dangerously struck
in the knee that the point of the arrow had remained there, never-
theless he never undertook to attend to himself but at the last mo-
ment, imagining that for the want of oil and raw wool he could not
cure himself. I return to the wound which he had received in his

THE RETURN OP THE SPANIARDS TO THE CHTJOAGtTA. HI

thigh. As he knew that he Tvas on ill terms with the surgeon, who
had done him much injury in extracting the arrow from his linee,
and as he rememhered that he had told him that another time lie
would sooner die than call him, to which the surgeon had replied
that although he should be certain of pi-eserving his life, he should
not do it until he had first sent for him; I say, as he remembered
that, and as he did not expect any assistance from any one, he
took, instead of oil and wool, hog's fat with the lint of an old In-
dian cloak, and used it very fortunately for his. wounds ; for during
four days that our men recruited themselves near the stream, he
was entirely cured, mounted his horse the fifth, when they continued
their march ; and in order that they might not doubt of his cuie,
he began to spur from one side to the other about the troops, cry-
ing out that he deserved to lose his life, because, for not having
consented to treat the wounded in the belief that he would labor in
vain, there had died more than one hundred and fifty soldiers.

Finally, the Spaniards left the province of Herdsmen, after having
suffered there many misfortunes. They marched twenty days, by
long journeys, through other countries, the names of which they did
not inquire, and went inclining toward the south. But because they
believed they descended more than they ought, to reach Gnachoia,
where they wished to return, they took to the east, taking care to
ascend always a little to the north, and happened to cross a road
through which they had passed in going. However, they did not
recognize it. They were then in the middle of September, and they
had already travelled nearly three months, from the time of their
leaving Guachoia, without having failed a single night or day of
being attacked. The barbarians during the day placed themselves
in ambush and fell upon those who strayed ; and during the night
they came and alarmed the camp.

It happened also that one time, by favor of the darkness, they
dragged themselves upon all fours as far as the camp, where they
fired upon the horses and slew two sentinels. A few daj'^s after-
wards, twelve cavaliers and as many Spanish infantry, who had
need of porters, put themselves in ambush to capture some Indians
of tliose who, at the instant the troops decamped, came to carry off
what was left. Thej"- posted themselves behind large' trees, and
upon the highest a sentinel, with orders to give them notice as soon
as he discovered anything, which he successfully did ; for they took
fourteen Indians, whom they divided among themselves. But after-
wards, when they desired to rejoin the armj', one of the company,
who was not satisfied with having only two Indians, besought his

448 HISTORY OF FLORIDA.

comrades not to return until they should have taken one more of
them for him. His companions, who were not of this sentiment,
told him he must defer that to another time, and they each oflTered
him the Indian they had in the division. Nevertheless, seeing
that they could not prevail upon him, they stopped again. In
the mean while, the sentinel gave notice that he saw an Indian,
and Paez, wliom misfortune ought to have made wise, immediately
spurred directly toward the barbarian, who, seeing himself dis-
covered, fled under a tree. Paez approached and gave a vigorous
thrust at him with his lance, but did not strike him. The Indian,
who held his arrow ready, fired, and wounded in the flank the horse
of this cavalier ; so that, after having staggered about twenty paces,
he fell dead. Bolanios, who followed Paez, at the same time charged
upon the barbarian, and was as unfortunate as- his companion.
Juan de Vega, wlio came next at a slow pace, surprised to see his
comrades dismounted, spurred towards the Indian; his companions,
lance in hand, also, ran at the barbarian, who boldly advanced
straight at Vega to slay his horse and escape at. the same time.
But the cavalier, who was wise, had beforehand taken precautions
that there should not happen to him a misfortune like that of
Paez. He had put upon the breast of his horse a cowhide in three
folds ; and it was thus that most of tlie cavaliers who took care of
their horses made use of it. Some covered the breast of tlieirs in
this manner witli deer- or bearskins. When the Indian was within
arrow-range, he fired upon the horse of Vega and pierced the cow-
skin, so that the arrow entered about three inches into the breast.
Immediately, Vega rushed with fury upon the barbarian and slew
him. Then the party turned back again, cursing him who had
obliged them to remain, and admiring the courage of the Indian,
whose appearance did not correspond with the deed he had done.
As soon as they had arrived, the general marched to the province
of Guachoia, and our men had during their route quite favorable
weather, until the end of October. But then, because of the rains
it became so wretched that most times they camped soaking wet ;
and without provisions to such a degree that they were compelled
to hazard themselves to seek them. In addition, their labors in-
creased in proportion as the winter advanced. The snows and rains
which fell raised the rivers extraordinarily, and caused the streams
to increase to such a degree that they could not cross without rafts.
Moreover, it was necessary to stop seven or eight days to cross
some of them ; for, besides not finding wood proper for rafts, they
always had their enemies on their hands, and suffered extreme
hardships, because the counti'y being nearly inundated, they often

THE TROOPS TAKE POSSESSION OF AMINOIA. 449

saw Ijhemselves forced to camp in the water, covered only with a
wretched buckskin dress, always wet, which served them for shirt
and cape ; for which reason many Spaniards, overcome with cold
and sleep, fell sick ; and there passed not a day that there did not
die two or three of them. They also lost every day horses and
Indian porters. However, without allowing themselves to be de-
jected by misfortunes, our men continued their journey. But they
were fatigued to such a degree that they lacked even strength to
bury those who died upon the road ; so that they were pitiable.
Besides, the most of their horses were sick, the cavaliers dismounted,
the infantry so feeble that they could scarcely stand up. Never-
theless, all being resolved either to die or return to the Chucagua,
the most vigorous mounted the horses that were yet serviceable,
and resisted the enemies who harassed the troops upon their march.
Afterwards, when they were camped, they posted guards and senti-
nels, and the next day they advanced in the same order, which
lasted from the month of September until the last day of November,
of the year 1542, when they arrived upon the banks of the Chu-
cagua. Then, as the Spaniards believed that their misfortunes
were ended, they all gave to each other little presents to testify
their joy. Their journey, counting the route which they made in
returning, was more than three hundred and fifty leagues. When
they were returning they met with a sow which they had lost in
going, and which had brought forth thirteen pigs, all differently
marked in the ears. Hence, we may believe that the Indians had
divided these aninials among themselves, and that they are now
reared in Florida.

CHAPTER XV.

THE TEOOPS TAKE POSSESSION OF AMINOIA.

The Spaniards, on their return from their journey, arrived within
sixteen leagues of the town of Guachoia, and met with two villages,
one near the other, which were called Aminoia from the name of
their province. These villages consisted of two hundred houses,
and were each surrounded with a ditch, the water of which came
from the Chucagua, which made an island of each of these two
villages. Moscoso, who had still, besides seventy horse, about
three hundred footmen, resolved to take possession of it, and to
pass all the rest of the winter there. He therefore put his troops
in order of battle, and attacked so courageously the two towns, one
29

450 HISTORY OP FLORIDA.

after the other, that the Indians, astonished at the valorof our men,
abandoned them without resistance, so that the Spaniards made
themselves masters of them ; and in order not to be separated in
case of alarm, they some time after destroyed one of them, and
carried into the other the provisions and things they required.
Afterwards they fortified this post and were twenty days in putting
it in a state of defence ; because being greatly harassed, they could
not work but with great difficulty.

Whilst the Spaniards were in this town, an old Indian woman,
who had not been able to escape, asked them where they were going ;
and being answered " into winter quarters," she told them that
every fourteen years the river overflowed so much that the inhab-
itants were compelled to take to the tops of their houses, and that
the current year was the fourteenth, in which the town ought to be
inundated. Our men, who knew the design of the old woman,
laughed at her reveries. Carmona, who relates this circumstance,
adds that the Spaniards found in the town of Aminoia, eighteen
thousand measures of corn, with a great quantity of nuts, dried
l^lums, and some other fruit unknown in Spain. Therefore they
restored themselves by degrees, for besides these provisions they
were very conveniently lodged, and even the barbarians did not
come either by day or night to trouble them, which contributed
greatly to restoring them to health. When Moscoso saw that his
men had nearly recovered their strength and tliat the month of
January, of the year 1543, had passed, he ordered wood to be cut to
make the brigan tines, and cordage, sails, and other things necessary
for his design, to be collected. Finally, while the Spaniards re-
mained in Aminoia, there died about sixty of them. Of this number
were Ortis, Touar, and Vasconcello. But during the whole journey
there perished more than one hundred and fifty of them, which was
found so much the more grievous as the death of so many brave
soldiers had happened through the imprudence of the captains who
had enlisted the troops in the journey.

CHAPTER XVI.

THE CONDUCT OF TWO OAOIQUES TO THE SPANIARDS.

As SOON as the report was spread that the Spaniards had returned
from their journey and that they were passing the winter at Aminoia,
Anilco, fearing lest by their assistance the subjects of Guachoia
might come again to invade his lands and commit there their cruelties,

THE CONDUCT OF TWO CACIQUES TO THE SPANIARDS. 451

sent an envoy to Moscoco with orders to offer him peace and his
friendship, and to assure him of his obedience ; that there was no
kind of service which he might not expect from the people of his
country ; and that for proofs of it he had but to order it. He
whom Aniico had charged to say this was his lieutenant-general.
He had, in his suite, beside two hundred Indians in service, twenty
of the most active and important of the province, followed by twenty
others with fruits and venison. This captain acquitted himself very
well of his duty, and neglected nothing to gain the favor of Moscoso,
who received, very obliginglj', him and all the principal persons of
his suite, and requested him to assure Aniico that he thanked him
for the honor of his friendship, and that he would hold it in particu-
lar esteem during the remainder of his life. They immediatel}' com-
municated this reply to the cacique, and in the mean time, the envoy
and those who accompanied him remained with the Spaniards, to
whom they showed their friendship by the fidelity of their services.
The subjects of Aniico had been two days at the quarters when
Guachoia, followed by many of his vassals loaded with fruit and
fish, arrived there to confirm his alliance with the troops. The
general received him very well. But the presence of the captain of
Aniico, his enemy, and the honor which they paid him, gave him a
mortal offence. Nevertheless, he concealed his displeasure, resolved
to show it only upon an opportunity.

During the wintering of the Spaniards at Aminoia, the two ca-
ciques rendered them all sorts of good services, and made them,
every eight days, new presents. In the mean while, Moscoso and
his officers, who thought only of leaving Florida, ordered the
superintendent of the vessels to see how many brigantines were
necessary for the embarking of the troops, and when he replied
seven, he commanded that everything necessary for that number
should be prepared. They first made four sheds under which they
worked for fear of being incommoded by the rains. Some sawed
planks, others planed them; several made nails and iron works;
some, charcoal ; and others, oars and cordage. Thus they all applied
themselves bravely to the things they did the best, and were em-
ployed three months at that.

During this time the captain of Aniico showed his zeal for our
men, who on their part also esteemed him much; who besides having
a noble aspect and being capable of winning affection, possessed rare
qualities. He was correct, faithful, obliging, gracefully anticipating
all wants, and even giving more than they would have dared de-
mand of him ; for without mentioning many cables and other cord-
age proper for the brigantines, he furnished the Spaniards more old

452 HISTORY OF, FLORIDA.

and new cloaks than they could have reasonably expected, because
they found scarcelj"^ any of them in the province. The new cloaks
served to make sails, and the old to calk the vessels. These mantles
are made of a certain herb resembling mallow. This plant has as
small fibres as the flax, so that the Indians make thread of it, and
they give to these cloaks whatever color they please, but generally
a gay and brilliant one.

CHAPTER XVII.

THE LEAGUE OF SOME CACIQUES.

Whilst the Spaniards labored at these brigantines, Quigaltaiiqui
believed that they prepared for their ■. return only to go and relate
in their country, the excellence of the regions which they had dis-
covered, and afterwards to return in greater numbers and conquer it.
That then they would drive away the true lords of the province,
and establish themselves there independently, so that, in this belief
Quigaltanqui resolved to anticipate such a misfortune, and to exter-
minate all the Spaniards who were in Florida. He therefore assem-
bled the chiefs of the country, to whom he expressed himself upon
that subject, and all assured him that his design was glorious, and
that they would die to serve him in so noble an enterprise. He im-
mediately dispatched messengers on both sides of the Chucagua, to
ten of his neighboring caciques, and sent them word to engage them
in his favor, that they must stifle the animosity that existed be-
tween them, and all unite for the destruction of their common enemy ;
that if they neglected the opportunity for it which fortune presented
them, they would deplore the misery with which they would be over-
whelmed.; that the Spaniards were going home only to return to the
country with greater forces, and that after having cruelly seized
upon it, they would hold them all in a wretched slavery. The
caciques received with joy, the envoys of Quigaltanqui. They ap-
proved his design because they found it worthy of a great captain,
and praised his courage, the extent of which was already known to
them. Therefore they agreed that each lord should raise troops in
his province, and prepare boats to attack their enemies by water as
well as by land ; that in the mean time, the better to surprise them
and deprive them of every suspicion, each one in particular should
feign to seek their friendship,and should send to them deputies with
presents. Quigaltanqui, as chief of the conspiracy, sent the first to
Moscoso, and all the others followed his example. Moscoso re-

QUARREL OP GUACHOIA WITH THE LIEUTENANT OP ANILCO. 453

ceived them with all the more pleasure and kindness as the few
troops that remained to him desired only peace. In the mean time,
Anilco, who had refused to enter into the league because of the
fidelity which he had sworn to the Spaniards, believed that he was
bound by his honor to inform them of the conspiracy of the caciques.
Therefore he ordered his lieutenant to disclose the treachery to the
general, and to assure him that nothing should happen of which he
would not inform him. Moscoso took care to thank the cacique for
his good advice and the continuation of his friendship, and after-
ward he had an especial esteem for him and his lieutenant ; never-
theless Anilco would never come to the camp, and always excused
himself on the plea of indisposition, but really it was because he
would not trust himself to the Spaniards.

It is not positively known whether Guachoia, who manifested
friendship for our men, entered into the league, but they suspected
that he was in correspondence with it ; piqued solely by the esteem
which they showed the lieutenant of Anilco. In fact he was offended
because the Spaniards rendered more honor to this captain who
served them promptly, than to him who worked very slowly for them
and also endeavored to discredit him in the opinion of Moscoso.
But they believed that Guachoia, knowing that Anilco had not con-
sented to league himself with the others, acted in this manner in
order that if, by chance, this lieutenant should happen to discover
the conspiracy, they would not give faith to what he should say.

CHAPTER XVIII.

THE QUARREL OP GUACHOIA WITH THE LIEUTENANT OP ANILCO.

When Guachoia knew that he labored in vain to ruin his enemy
in the opinion of the Spaniards, he flew quite into a passion, and
told Moscoso, in the presence of several oflBcers, that for a long time
he had suffered with pain the honor which he and his troops paid to
the lieutenant of A.nilco ; that he had always thought that honor
was due to those who had the most credit and distinction of birth,
that nevertheless, the Spaniards acted quite contrary to that, since
they esteemed only the lieutenant of Anilco, who had neither wealth,
power, nor nobility, and who deserved to be considered only in his
condition of vassal ; that as for him he had subjects who excelled in
every respect him to whom they gave so many marks of esteem ;
that therefore he begged them to reflect upon their conduct, and to
be convinced that the actions of the lieutenant of Anilco were artful

454 HISTORY OF FLOEIDA.

and tended only to deceive them. The lieutenant of Anileo, who
had patiently listened to what was said against him, replied, with-
out appearing enraged, that they wrongfully reproached him with
his birth ; that his ancestors having been caciques, he yielded to no
one in nobility ; that he confessed that his father had not left him
great wealth, but tiiat he had supplied that defect by his courage,
since, in the war which he had made against Guachoia and other
lords, he had gained a support according to his condition; that
therefore he could now place himself among the number of the rich
whom his enemy wished that they should esteem so much, and that a
vassal like himself would always greatly excel a cacique like Gruachoia ;
that after all he was not properly a A'assal, because Anileo, did not
consider him so, but as one of his nearest relatives, and that with
this consideration, he had made him lieutenant-general of the prov-
ince ; that afterwards he had gained many battles, defeated the father
of Guachoia, and occasionally his captains ; that ever sinc@ Guachoia
had succeeded to his father, he had cut in pieces all his forces and
made prisoners him, his two brothers, and the most distinguished
persons of his state ; that then he had been able to despoil him of
his province and to take possession of it without diflQcnlty, there
being no one to resist him, but that very far from undertaking any-
thing, he had taken very particular care of him while he was a priso-
ner ; tliat he was even his security to set at liberty him, his brothers,
and his vassals. Nevertheless, as Guachoia had not kept his word,
he awaited only the departure of the troops in order to recapture
him ; that the boldness which he now had to endeavor to make him
pass for a hypocrite would then cost him dearly, and he would
teach him not to again rashly attack his reputation ; that even not
to defer it longer, it remained only with Guachoia whether they
should terminate their differences now ; that they both had but to
enter a boat to light upon the river; that if Guachoia slew him, he
would satisfy his hate and would be avenged of the injury which
the Spaniards had done him in rendering honor to his enemy ; that
as for him, if he had the advantage in the fight, he would show that
the merit of men did not consist in tlie splendor of riches, nor in
the possession of many vassals, but in virtue and the distinction of
courage. Guachoia replied nothing to all that, and showed his con-
fusion in his countenance. Moscoso and the Spaniards were con-
firmed in the confidence which they had in the lieutenant of Anileo,
and every day rendered him more honor.

CONCERNING AN INDIAN SPY. 455

CHAPTER XIX.

CONCERNING AN INDIAN SPY.

Moscoso, considering that, if the hate of Guachoia and the cap-
tain of Anilco should lead them to make war upon each other, they
would not furnish him anything for his brigantines, told them that,
as they were equally beloved by the Spaniards, they could no longer
see them embroiled ; that, therefore, he entreated them to smother
their resentment, and to live for the future in perfect harmony.
The two Indians replied to Moscoso that they .were ready to do
what he wished, and that, for his sake, they would generously forget
everything. Four days after, the quarrel was settled, and upon the
departure of the lieutenant of Anilco to return home to his province,
the general, who did not trust the word of Guachoia, and who
feared that, in order to avenge himself on his enemj', he miglit lay
some ambuscade in the route, ordered thirty cavaliers to accompany
him until he should be out of danger. The captain at first politely
declined the offer of Moscoso, and informed him that Guachoia was
not much to be feared. Nevertheless, for fear of offending the
general, he took the escort which he offered him. But, afterwards,
he many times came from and returned to his country with only ten
or twelve Indians. In the mean while, Quigaltanqui and the other
caciques of his party dispatched, night and day, persons with
presents to Moscoso, and with orders to their envoys to observe
the conduct of the Spaniards, their guards, their skill in handling their
arms and managing their horses, in order to see in what they were
defective, and to make use of it against them at the proper time and
place. The general, who was informed of that, forbid the deputies
of the hostile caciques to come to the camp at night ; but these
prohibitions were useless. Therefore, Silvestre, who knew the
ordfer of the general and the disobedience of the barbarians, being
one night on guard at the gate of Aminoia, and seeing by the light
of the moon two Indians very spruce, who were crossing the ditch
upon a tree which served for a bridge, let them advance to him ; and
as he was on duty, he struck in the face with his sword the first
who crossed the wicket of the gate without asking his permission.
From the blow, the barbarian fell to the ground ; but he immediately
arose, seized his bow, and took to flight with all his might. Sil-
vestre did not wish to finish him, because he believed that that was
sufficient to make the Indians cautious. The companion of the

456 HISTORY OF FLORIDA.

wounded man, wbo had heard the blow, also took to flight, repassed
the bridge, regained his boat, crossed the river, and gave tlie alarm
everywhere. In the mean while, the wounded man, his face full of
blood, leaped into the river, crossed it by swimming, and called to
his comrades. The barbarians, who were on the other side of the
river, and who heard him, ran to him and took him out. The next
day, at sunrise, four of the principal Indians came, on the part of
the leagued caciques, to complain to the general that his men were
breaking the peace; that they had grossly abused one of the most
distinguished Indians of the country ; and that they begged him
that he would do justice for this insolence, because the person was
mortally wounded. About noon, four others repaired to the camp,
where, after having made their complaints, they said that the
wounded man was dying ; and at sunset there came four more, who
said that their companion was dead, and demanded that they should
put to death the Spaniard who had caused it. The general each
time replied to the envoys that, desiring peace, he had not com-
manded what had been done ; but that the soldier who had wounded
their man had not acted contrary to his dutj' ; so that if, to please
them, he should wish to punish him, his captains would never con-
sent to it, because the Indian ought not to have entered without
speaking to the sentinel, nor the caciques to have sent him, contrary
to the prohibition, at an unreasonable hour ; that, therefore, since
in that it was their fault, it was necessar}"- to forget all that had
passed, and to do business hereafter iil the proper order, so as to
deprive both sides of every pretext for a rupture.

The envoys returned home very much dissatisfied with this answer,
and endeavored, but in vain, to induce the caciques to avenge in-
stantly the insolence of the -Spaniards ; for the caciques agreed to
still dissemble for some time, and to carefully seek the means to
execute their design. Yet among the troops there were captains
who supported the complaints of the Indians ; that it was necessary
to, punish Silvestre; that he had acted indiscreetly; and that his
conduct would give occasion to the caciques to mutiny and to take
arms against the Spaniards. If these remarks, which jealousy in-
spired in some of the ofHcers, had not been stopped by the more
wise, they would, without doubt, have produced mischievous effects.

THE PREPARATIONS OP THE LEAGUED CACIQUES. 457

CHAPTER XX.

THE PREPARATIONS OP THE LEAGUED CACIQUES, AND AN OVERFLOW
OP THE OHUOAGUA.

During these things, the Spaniards worked vigorously at the
brigahtines, and were assisted by the captain-general of Anilco,
without whom they would never have been able to aceomplish their
design. Those who were not employed on the vessels sought pro-
visions for their companions ; and, as they were then in Lent, they
went fishing in the Gliucagua. They made for that purpose hooks,
which, after having baited, they attached to long cords, and threw
them at dusk into the river. In the morning they drew them out,
and ordinarily found on them such large fishes that there were
some of them whose heads alone weighed forty pounds, from fifteen
to sixteen ounces ; so that our men had at Aminoia everything in
abundance. In the mean time, Quigaltanqui and the allied caciques
each raised troops upon his lands, and they ijrepared to put thirty
or forty thousand men in the field, with the idea of slaying all the
Spaniards, or of burning the timber which they had collected for
the caravels. They believed that, in preventing them from leaving
the country, they would make perpetual war upon them, and would
so much the more easily exterminate them, as our men were few,
had but few horses, and had lost a very brave and experienced
captain. The barbarians, animated by these considerations, im-
patientlj' expected the day which they had appointed for the attack,
and which, in fact, was very near, as they learned through the
envoys, who, finding themselves alone with the Indian women who
served the Spanish officers, told them that they might be patient,
and that very soon they would deliver them from the servitude in
wliich the Spanish thieves held them ; that they were going to cut
their throats and put their heads upon lances at the entrances of
the temples, and hang their bodies on the highest trees to be a prey
for birds. No sooner had the Indian women learned that than they
went and disclosed it to their masters. The troops were imme-
diately informed of it ; and they were so much the more easily con-
vinced that the barbarians were ready to attack them as, during the
night, they heard some noise on the other side of the river, and saw
fires here and there in the vicinity. They, therefore, prepared to
bravely defend themselves ; but, by good luck, in the mean time the
Chucagua happened to overflow. It began about the tenth of March,

458 HISTORY OF FLORIDA.

of the year 1543. It gradually filled all its bed, and immediately
after it impetuously spread itself over its border, then through the
country, which was immediately inundated, because there were
neither mountains nor hills. And the day of Palm Sunday, which
was that year the 18th of March, tiiat the Spaniards celebrated the
triumph of Jesus Christ at Jerusalem, the waters violently entered
through the gates of Aminoia, so that, two days after that, they
could not go through the streets except in boats. This overflow
did not appear in all its extent until the twentieth of April.
They then had the pleasure to see that that which but lately was a
vast country, had become, nearlj' all at once, a vast sea; for the
water covered more than twenty leagues of the adjacent lands,
where were seen only a few of the highest trees ; and that made our
men remember the prediction of the old Indian woman at their
entrance into Aminoia.

CHAPTER XXI.

THEY SEND TO ANILOO.

Because of the inundations of the Chucagua, the Indians who in-
habit both sides of this river, place themselves, as much as possible,
upon eminences, and build their houses in this mannei\ They erect,
in the form of a square, enough large posts in the shape of pillars,
upon which they place many beams which take place of floors. Then
they make the house which they surround with galleries, where they
lay up their provisions and furniture. Thus they protect themselves
from the inundations, which probably occur on account of the rains
and snows of the preceding year.

During the overflow they embarked for the town of Anilco, which
is twenty leagues from Aminoia, twenty soldiers and some Indian
rowers in four boats tied two and two, for fear lest they might upset
them in passing over the trees which were in the water. They had
orders to request the cacique to send to the general cordage, pitch,
and old mantles for the brigantines ; and were commanded by Sil-
vestre, to whom, as will be seen directly, the cacique had a short
time since been obliged, and it was, therefore, on this account that
they dispatched him. When the subjects of Gruachoia, with the
assistance of the Spaniards, ravaged the town of Anilco, Silvestre
took an Indian of twelve or thirteen years of age, who was the son
of the cacique, led hira with him through the province of Herdsmen,

THEY SEND TO ANILOO. 459

and brought him back into the province of Aminoia. So that the
cacique Anilco learned that his son, whom he sought so long, was
with the troops. He, therefore, immediately sent to demand him ;
and Silvestre, through kindness, restored him to him, in considera-
tion of what he had done for the Spaniards.

Silvestre and his companions safely arrived at the town of Anilco,
and found that the Chucagua had overflowed much farther, and that
it had inundated, on that side, more than twenty-five leagues of land.
Our men being arrived, they gave notice of it to the cacique, who
called his lieutenant-general, and commanded him to show by his
reception the affection which they bore the Spaniards, and to furnish
them what they demanded on account of Silvestre, who had gener-
ouslj* restored to him his son. Afterwards he commanded them to
send for Silvestre only, and he went out of his house to receive him.
There, after having embraced him and thanked him for the obliga-
tions under which he had placed him, he conducted him into his apart-
ment, and was not willing that he should leave it until his compan-
ions should be ready to return home. For Anilco, to whom his son
served as interpreter, inquired of the Spanish captain the adventures
of the troops since their entrance into the country. But when he
had learned the details of it, he made known to Silvestre the afllic-
tion he suffered from the cruelties of Guachoia to his ancestors who
were in the grave ; that very soon tliis coward would not be assisted
by any one, and that then they would see to resenting the indigni-
ties which he had committed. Anilco, by that, showed that the
affection which he manifested for our men was founded only in the
fear that, should they remain longer in the country, they might again
assist Guachoia, and prevent him from avenging the injuries he had
received. For this reason, and with the view of hastening their de-
parture, Anilco commanded to be given them, promptly, everything;
and to furnish them a boat, with several Indians, who should con-
duct them safely to where they should wish to go. When every-
thing was ready, he embraced Silvestre, and requested him to assure
the general of his friendship, and that nothing should happen of
which he would not inform him. Silvestre immediately resumed the
route to Aminoia ; where, as soon as he had arrived, he rendered an
account of his journey to Moscoso.

460 HISTORY OP FLORIDA.

CHAPTER XXII.

CONDUCT OP THE SPANIARDS DURING THE OVERPLOW, AND THE NEWS
OP THE CONTINUATION OP THE LEAGUE.

The overflo-w lasted forty days ; during which time the Spaniards
retired upon certain elevated places, where they worked on their
vessels. But as they lacked charcoal to forge the iron works, they
made some by cutting off the tops of the trees which appeared out
of the water. Francisco and Garcia Ozorio, distinguished cavaliers,
signalized themselves on this occasion, as well by their skill as the
pains they took to forge and to calk ; for they applied themselves,
to it with resolution, and their example alone excited the others to
imitate them.

Whilst the water covered the country, the people of the leagued
caciques did not appear ; for as soon as they saw the overflow they
returned in haste to their homes to save what they had left there.
However, Quigaltanqui, and the other lords, the better to conceal
their evil designs, did not cease to send always to the general ; who,
without showing that he suspected them, took care to keep upon his
guard.

About the end of April the water diminished by degrees, and was
as long in falling as it had been in rising. For on the twentieth of
May they could not yet go through Aminoia except bare-footed, be-,
cause of the water and mud that were in the streets. But at the
end of the month the river retired within its bed ; and the leagued
caciques recommenced the campaign, resolved to execute promptly
their design. In the mean time, the captain of Anilco, who had
notice of it, came to the general and disclosed everything to him.
That on a certain day, which was near, all the caciques in detail
would send persons to him ; that each envoy would speak to him in
such a way and' make him such a present; that some would arrive
in the morning, others about noon, and the last towards the even-
ing ; that this would last four entire days ; that they would finish
by assembling their troops, and that at the same time they would
attack ; that their design was to exterminate all the Spaniards, or
at least to burn their vessels, in order that they might not be able
to leave the country, and that they might put them wretchedly to
death by degrees. He added that, in order to avoid that, he, on the
part of his cacique, offered to them himself and eight thousand
choice men, by the assistance of which they might easily resist their

OONOEENING THE ENVOYS OF THE LEAGUE. 461

enemies ; that even should they desire to retire upon his land, he
would receive them there with pleasure ; that they would be there
perfectly safe ; and, moreover, that they would not dare to come
there to attack them ; that they might take their measures deliber-
ately for to think maturely on the course they ought to pursue.
Moscoso replied to the Indian captain, that he was obliged to his
cacique for the offers which he made him ; but that, for fear that
in the future he might be hated by his neighbors for having openly
assisted him, he declined the assistance which he wished to give him ;
that, besides, as he was upon the point of leaving for Mexico, he
thanked him, with all his heart, for the retreat which he Offered him ;
that for this reason also he did not wish to engage in a baitle,
although he might expect everything from the Indians who would
aid him, and especiallj' from their commander whose valor was
known to him ; that, moreover, neither he nor the other Spaniards
would forget the obligations they owed to the cacique ; and that
even the King of Spain, the first of Christian princes, to whom
they would relate the good services which he had rendered them,
would never forget it, and would recompense him for so many favors
if some day the Spaniards should return to his country. Then the
Indian captain took, leave of Moscoso, who bravely prepared for
everything that might happen.

CHAPTER XXIII.

CONCERNING THE ENVOYS OP THE LEAGUE, AND THE PREPARATIONS OF
THE SPANIARDS TO EMBARK.

At the beginning of June of the year 1543, the envoys of the
hostile caciques came to the quarters at the same time, in the same
order, and with the same presents as the captain of Anilco had in-
dicated. Therefore they were arrested by the order of the general,
who commanded them to be separated and to be interrogated upon
the subject of the conspiracy. They frankly avowed what was tak-
ing place and the measures they were to take in order to accomplish
their design. The general, upon their confession and without waiting
until they all should have arrived, immediately caused to be cut off
the right hand of thirty whom they held. These poor people endured
their pains with so much patience that no sooner had one of them
had his hand cut oflf than another presented his upon the block, which
drew the compassion .of everybody. This punishment broke the
league. The enemy believed that the Spaniards, being informed of

462 HISTORY OP FLORIDA.

the enterprise, would hold themselves upon their guard. Therefore,
each cacique returned to his province, very sorry not to have ex-,
ecuted their design. But as they were all resolved to endeavor to
succeed by some other means, and as they found themselves stronger
by water than by land, tbey agreed to assemble troops and boats in
order to attack the Spaniards when they should descend the river.
In the mean while, Moscoso and his officers, seeing that they were
going to be continually harassed, hastened more and more their
work, finished seven brigantines ; but because they had not nails to
fasten together the deck, they covered them only at the two ends,
and put planks in the middle without fastening them, from where
they had but to raise one of them in order to bail the brigantines.
Then they collected provisions, and requested of Guachoia and
Anilco corn, fruits, and other things of that sort. They killed some
hogs of those which tliey preserved for food, and reserved only a
dozen and a half of them in case they should settle at some place
near the sea. Tliey gave to each of the caciques, their friends, two
of these animals, a male and a female. They salted those which
they had killed for themselves, and made use of their fat, in the
place of oil, to soften tiie rosin with which they calked their vessels.
Besides that, they furnished themselves with small boats to carry
thirty horses that remained. They had them tied two and two, in
order that the horses might have their fore feet in one and their
hind feet in the other. Each brigantine had also, at the stern, one
of these boats which served for a tender. Carmona relates here,
that of fifty horses which remained to the Spaniards, they tied to
stakes about twenty of them that could no longer be of any service ;
that they opened their veins and let them bleed to death ; that to
preserve their flesh they dried it in the sun ; that the day of Saint
John the Baptist, they launched the brigantines, embarked- the
horses and equipage, and furnished their vessels with planks and
skins to protect themselves from arrows ; that then they appointed
the captains who were to command the vessels, and concerned
themselves no further except to embark after having taken leave of
Guachoia and recommended him to live in peace with Anilco.

THE CAPTAINS OF THE CARAVELS. 463

BOOK FOUETH.

CAPTAINS OF THE CARAVELS ; RAFTS OF THE INDIANS ; THEIR
FIGHT UPON THE "WATER ; DEATH OF SEVERAL SPANIARDS ; THEIR
ARRIVAL AT THE SEA ; THEIR ADVENTURES AS FAR AS PANUCO
AND THE RECEPTION WHICH WAS GIVEN THEM IN THE CITY OF
MEXICO.

CHAPTER I.

THE CAPTAINS OP THE CARAVELS, AND THE EMBARKATION OP THE

TROOPS.

Moscoso embarked in the first caravel ; Alvarado and Mosquera
in the second; .Aniasco and Viedma in the third; Gusman and
Gaitan commanded the fourth; Tinoco and Cardeniosa the fifth;
Calderon and Francisco Ozorio the sixth ; and Vega and Garcia the
seventh. Each caravel had seven oars to the bench, and there were in
each, two captains, in order that if one was obliged to land to oppose
the enemy the other might remain in the vessel to give the necessary
orders There embarked under the directions of these famous cap-
tains about three hundred and fifty men of more than a thousand
who had entered Florida, and some thirty Indians, men and women,
of eight hundred whom they had led from the difierent countries,
into tlie province of Herdsmen. As these poor people were far from
their country, and as they had a singular attachment for the Span-
iards, they would never quit them, showing that they would rather
die with them than live away from the place of their birth. The
Spaniards, therefore, took them with them in the belief that, after
having derived very good service from them it would be ungrateful
to abandon them. And they started with all their sails and oars
the evening of the festival of Saint Peter and Saint Paul. But it
was an unfortunate day for them, for, leaving Florida, they lost the
fruits of all their labors. All rowed except the captains who took
care to relieve them hourly, and coasted during a night and a day,
all the province of Guachoia without the enemy having come to
harass them ; so that they imagined that, in consideration of the
cacique of this country who loved them, they had not attacked
them ; or that the barbarians, judging of the success of their enter-
prise by the course of the moon, had observed that then they should

464 HISTORY OF FLOEIDA.

not fight. But the second day their fleet appeared in the morning.
It consisted of more than a thousand boats, tlie largest and the best
that had been seen in Florida. Therefore I shall say something of it
after I have spoken of the boats and rafts which the Indians make
use of to cross rivers.

CHAPTER II.

THE BOATS AND BAFTS OF THE INDIANS.

The people of the New World, who live on islands or in places
near the sea, make their boats large or small according to the con-
venience of the wood they have. They seek the largest trees that
they can find ; they hollow them in the form of a trough, and make
their boats all of one piece ; for they have not yet the faculty to
fasten planks together with nails, nor to make sails. They also do
not know how to forge,, nor to, calk; so that, in places where they
do not find trees fit for boats, as on all the coast of Peru, the
Indians make rafts of a very light wood which is found in the
neighboring provinces. of Quito, and which they bring from there on
the most navigable rivers of the country. These rafts are composed
of five beams, tied to each other, the longest of which is in the
middle ; the others gradually diminish, in order the better to cut
the water. I remember to have passed, in the times of the incas,
upon these kinds of rafts, which were then in use. The Indians
make, also, others of them in this manner : They take a quantity of
reeds, which they very firmly tie together, and which they raise in
front in the form of a prow, the better to cut the watei*. Then they
enlarge it by degrees, and in such a manner that they easily place
in it a man or any other burden ; and when they cross any rapid
river they lay down in the raft the person whom they cross, and
advise him to hold fast to the cords, and, above all things, not to
open his eyes. I was yet very young when one day I passed, in
this manner, an extremely rapid river ; but when the Indian who
managed the raft advised me to close my eyes, such a fright seized
me that, had the heavens fallen or the earth opened, I could not
have been more frightened. However, when I had a little recovered,
and felt that we were very near the middle of the river, I could not
resist the temptation to look. I therefore raised myself ever so
little and looked at the water; but it seemed to me that I was
falling from the clouds, because the rapidity of the water and the
swiftness with which the raft cleaved the river had made my head

THE VESSELS 0! THE PLEET OF THE ALLIED CACIQUES. 465

dizzy to such a degree that I closed my ej'es and acknowledged
that not without reason they had advised passengers not to open
them. A single Indian governed the raft. He placed himself flat
upon his belly at the end of the stern, with a leg on each side, and
rowed with his hands and feet, and let himself go with the current
even to the other side. The inhabitants of Peru, moreover, make
rafts of a different construction from these. They tie together
several gourds in a square from four to five feet long, more or less,
according as they have business for them ; and put in front of this
assemblage a kind of poitrel, whore, as soon as the boatman has
put his head, he leaps into the water and swims with his charge to
the other bank of the river or gulf which he crosses ; also, if it is
necessary, he has men who push behind. But when the rivers are
full of rocks, when they have neither entry nor exit, and are so rapid
tliat they cannot cross them with rafts, the Indians pass from one
side of the river to the other a large cable, which they attach to
rocks or to trees. This cable passes through a great basket, to
which there is a wooden handle. This basket glides along the cable,
and can easily hold three or four persons. It has a cord to each
side, with which they draw.it to either side. But because the cable
is long and swags in the middle, thej' let the basket go gently as far
as that; then, as the cable ascends gradually, they quickly draw it
with all their strength. There are persons at the crossings of rivers
who have orders for that ; and the travellers themselves who get
into the basket often take the cable with their own hands and assist
themselves to cross. I remember, at the age of ten years, to have
crossed a river two or three times in these sorts of baskets ; and
that they carried me along the road upon their shoulders. They
cross in these baskets only persons and small animals ; the large
are too heavy. Besides, the places where these baskets are are not
the passages of the highways ; and, moreover, they do not cross
rivers in this manner except in Peru ; for in Florida, where are
found very large trees, the inhabitants make very fine boats and
easily cross the rivers.

CHAPTER III.

THE VESSELS OF THE FLEET OP THE ALLIED CACIQUES.

I RETURN to the fleet of the enemy. The size of some of these
vessels surprised the Spaniards ; for they saw some of them with
twentj'-flve oars to the bench, which had each about thirty soldiers,
30

466 HISTORY OF FLORIDA.

without counting many rowers, armed with arrows ; so that, in some
of the boats, there might be as many as seventy-five or eighty
warriors ; but in the others there were not so many people, because
they always diminish in size. The least had fourteen oars to the
bench, and all, whether great or small, were of a single piece. Their
oars appeared very suitably made ; they were about a fathom long,
the most of which entered the water, and when one of these vessels
went with all its force, a horse urged at full speed would hardly
have overtaken it. But that which is somewhat remarkable, the
enemy sang divers songs, which, according to the nature of the air,
sad cir gay, made tliem row together in very good order, slowly
or swiftl3', as at the time it was necessary. These songs contained
the heroic actions of their ancestors ; so that, animated by the
remembrance of these things, they bore themselves courageously to
battle, and thought only of winning the victory. And that which
also deserves to be considered, the boats of the fleet were painted
within and without, yellow,blue, white, green, red, orsome other color,
according to the fancy of him to whom the vessel belonged. Even
the oars, and the plumes which the soldiers wore upon their lieads,
their caps, as well as their bows and arrows, were of the color of
the vessel ; so that, the river being very wide, the enemy could
easily extend themselves, and tliere was nothing more beautiful to
see than this fleet, because of the diversity of the colors of the
boats and the order in which the Indians rowed. On the second
day, about noon, they appeared in this state in the rear of the
Spaniards, to show the power and the beauty of their army ; and
with their songs they encouraged themselves to battle. It was
known, by the means of interpreters, that in these songs they called
our men cowards, telling them that they fled in vain ; that, since on
land they had not been the prey of dogs, on water they should
not fail to be devoured by sea monsters ; that, finally, the people of
the country would very soon be delivered from a troop of brigands,
and such things ; and at the end of the song they gave loud yells
tliat made the whole neighborhood re-echo.

CHAPTER IV.

THE BATTLE WITH THE INDIANS UPON THE RIVER.

When the enemy had been some time following us in order to
reconnoitre, they separated their fleet into three divisions. The
troops of Quigaltanqui put themselves at the head, but they could

ADVENTUEES OP THE SPANIARDS. 467

not really learn whether he commanded them himself, although they
often heard him mentioned in the songs of the barbarians. After-
wards, all the vessels of the fleet advanced to the right towards the
bank of the river, and got the lead. Those of the first division im-
mediately attacked our caravels, in crossing to the otiier side of the
river, and covered them with arrows, so that there were several
Spaniards wounded. The first division was no sooner on the left
than it recrossed and came and recovered its place ; nevei'theless,
always advancing beyond the brigantines. The second division,
which crossed after having attacked witli fury, returned to tlie right
and placed itself at the head of the first. The third passed in the
same manner, and having showered a quantity of arrows upon the
soldiers, they rejoined those of their party and came and posted
themselves in front of the second division. In the mean time, as
our caravels did not cease rowing, they arrived at the position of
the barbarians who had first attacked them, and who began to attack
them in the same manner as before. The others also attacked, each
in their order and their accustomed manner, and harassed the Span-
lards all the day. Even during the night they tormented them, but
not with so much persistency, for they made but two attacks, tlie
first a little before sunset, and the other before daybreak. Our
men, on their part, defended themselves verj"^ well on this occasion.
They first placed soldiers in the boats where the horses were, in
order that if the barbarians approached them, they might be able
to repulse them and prevent the horses from being killed. But as
the Indians fired from a distance, and as the Spaniards who were in
these boats found themselves incommoded, they regained the car-
avels and abandoned the horses, which were under a shelter of
wretched hides and some shields. Therefore, during ten days and
ten nights of fighting, all these horses perished, except eight. And
our men were all wounded, notwitiistanding their shields and all the
resistance they could make. They had then for arms to fight at a
distance only crossbows ; for of their muskets they had made nails.
Besides they had not even the ability to make use of them, and
since the battle of Mauvila, they lacked powder.

CHAPTER V.

ADVENTURES OF THE SPANIARDS.

After ten daj's of fighting the enem3'^ fell away from the caravels
a little more than half a league. In the mean while the Spaniards
continued to row, and discovered, at some three hundred paces from

468 HISTORY OF PLOEIDA.

the river, a village of about eighty houses. As then they believed
that they had made two hundred leagues, and because the river
turned to neither side, that therefore tliey were near the sea, they
resolved that it was necessary to land and send to the village for
provisions. The general therefore made a hundred men land under
the conduct of Silvestre ; and ordered them to go and fetch corn
from the village, and to lead there the horses to recruit them in
oi'der to flight in case of necessity. These soldiers immediately
landed, but no sooner did the inhabitants perceive them than they
took to flight, scattered through the country, and, making every-
thing echo with their cries, demanded assistance on all sides. In the
mean time the party arrived at tlie village where they found a quan-
tity of corn, dried fruits, many deer-skins diversely painted, cloaks
of diflferent skins very well prepared, and one piece of marten's skin
about eight ells long by three wide. This piece was double, alike
on both sides, and decorated in places with clusters of seed pearls.
Tliey believed that it was used as a standard by the Indians in their
festivals ; for according to appearances it could not be destined to
any other use. Silvestre, who admired it, took it for himself, and
his com|)anions all loaded themselves, some with corn and fruits,
and others with deer-skins. Then they returned speedily to the
caravels, where the trumpets were calling them, because a part of
the Indians of the fleet, attracted bj- the cries of tlie Inhabitants of
the village, had landed, joined them, and were all advancing with
fury, together, to give battle But whatever haste our men could
make to regain the brigantines, they were obliged to abandon their
horses, for the peril in which they saw themselves prevented them
from embarking them. And without doubt, not a soldier of the
party would have been able to save himself if the Indians had been
advanced only a hundred paces farther. Therefore, all furious to
see our men escape, they turned their rage against the horses.
They pulled off their halters, unsaddled them, made them run
through the field, and fired upon them until they had slain them all.
Thus perished the remnant of three hundred and fifty horses which
had entered Florida. The Spaniards were so much the more grieved
at it as they saw them miserably perish. But considering that they
could not protect them from the fury of the barbarians, and that
Silvestre and his companions had fortunately escaped, they continued
their voyage with all sail.

A STRATAGEM OP THE INDIANS. 469

CHAPTER Yl.

A STRATAGEM OP THE INDIANS, AND THE RASHNESS OF A SPANIARD.

The Indians, despairing of succeeding in their design, because
the Spaniards rowed in good order, had recourse to stratagem.
They, therefore, stopped and pretended to abandon the pursuit of
the caravels. They believed that when our men no longer saw them
in their rear, the vessels would fall away from one another ; and
that then they would fall upon them and put them to flight. The
event happened in part as they had imagined. One of the caravels left
the ranks, and remained some time behind the others. The Indians
immediately advanced with fury, attacked this caravel, and endeav-
ored to capture it. The other vessels which discovered the danger
in which it was, ascended by rowing against the current to succor
it. They found their people hard pressed, defending themselves
with their swords, and that they had not been able to prevent some
barbarians from leaping into the caravel. Many of the enemy were
even ah'eady seizing it; but upon the arrival of help they retired,
after losing thirty of their men, and carried off a boat in which were
five hogs, which were reserved to breed from in case a settlement
was made. The Spaniards thanked God that they had lost but this
boat, which was at the stern of the brigantine ; and afterwards they
took care to go in very good order. In the mean time the Indians
did not cease to follow them, always hoping that there would be some
of them who would abandon their ranks. They were not disap-
pointed in their expectations. Esteban Agnez, who had tlie ap-
pearance and strength of a coarse peasant, and who had fought in
all the battles without having, tlirough good luck for him, been
wounded, wished, as he was rash, to undertake something that might
make him conspicuous ; for until then he had executed nothing of
importance. He, therefore, descended from his caravel into a boat,
which was at the stern, under pretext of going to speak to the gene-
ral, who was proceeding at the head. Agnez was accompanied by
five young Spaniards, whom he had won by the hope of acquiring
glory by some bold deed. The natural son of Don Carlos Henri-
quez was of this number. He was about twenty years of age, very
handsome, and very well formed ; besides, so brave and so virtuous
that one might easily have judged from whom he was sprung.
When this cavalier and his companions were in the boat, they fell

4T0 HISTORY OP FLORIDA.

away from their caravel, and rowed directly at the Indians, attacked
them, calling out "let us fight, they fly." The general, who saw
this rashness, made haste to sound the retreat, and to recall them
■with loud cries. But Agnez became more and more headstrong,
and made signs that they might go on. Moscoso, irritated at this
disobedience, commanded forty Spaniards to take boats and bring
to him this foolhardy fellow. He had determined to hang him as
soon as he should have him; but it had been much better not to
have sent any person after him, and to have left him miserably to
perish. As soon as the general had given these orders, forty Span-
iards leaped into three boats, under the direction of Gusman, who
was followed by Juan de Vega, brother of another of the same name,
who commanded a caravel. These boats immediately rowed with
all their might after that of Agnez. In the mean time, the Indians,
who saw them advancing towards them in the rear of that of Agnez,
retired slowly in order to draw them away from the caravels.
Agnez, who saw the enemy recede, was encouraged, approached,
and cried louder than before, " Let us attack, they flee." The other
boats which heard him, hastened more and more to reach him, and
to hinder him from destroying himself, or to succor him in case of
necessity. When the Indians saw them near them they opened in
the form of a crescent, and retired gradually to induce them to ad-
vance farther. And when they knew that these boats were suffi-
ciently involved, they attacked tliem with fury, taking them in the
flank and upsetting them all in the water ; so that of the fifty-two
Spaniards who were in them, there escaped but Moron, Nieto, Coles,
and Terron ; all the others were either drowned or knocked in the
head with oars. Moron, who was a great swimmer, and very adroit
in managing a vessel, fortunately regained his boat. Nearly at the
same time he drew into it Nieto, who alone bravely defended it
against the barbarians whilst Moron endeavored to direct it. But
these brave soldiers, notwithstanding their valor and their skill,
would have finally succumbed to the efforts of the enemy if the
caravel of Gusman, which had advanced at the head of the others
which came with assistance, had not snatched them from the rage
of the barbarians. This same caravel saved Terron; but he was no
sooner out of peril than he expired in the arras of those who had
drawn him into the vessel. He had in his head, face, neck, and
shoulders more than fifty arrows. Coles, from whom I have taken
a part of this account, says that he escaped after having received
two arrows ; and that the Spaniards who perished on this occasion
were, for the most part, gentlemen, and the most valiant of the

THE RETURN OP THE INDIANS TO THEIR COUNTRY. 471

troops. Moscoso was also very sensibly grieved at it. Neverthe-
less, without desponding, he quickly reassembled his caravels and
continued his voyage in very good order. ft

CHAPTER YII.

THE RETURN OF THE INDIANS TO THEIR COUNTRY, AND THE ARRIVAL
OE THE SPANIARDS AT THE SEA.

The Indians, after this defeat, harassed the Spaniards the rest of
the day and all the following night, and at sunrise, after having
uttered loud cries and made everything echo with the noise of their
instruments to thank the sun for the victorjr they had won, they
abandoned the pursuit of the caravels and retired, full of joy, to
their own country, for they were very far from it, and had followed
our men four hundred leagues without giving them, day or night, a
single moment of repose. During this long journey they always
named Quigaltanqui in their songs, and did not speak of any other,
their design being to make known to our men that it was this prince
who made war upon them. Therefore when the Spaniards had
arrived at Mexico, and Mendo9a, who was viceroy of it, had learned
the evils that Quigaltanqui had done them, he derided them for it,
and praised this cacique with an air that showepl that it was to joke
them.

When our men observed that the Indians were no longer in their
rear, they the more readily believed that they were approaching the
sea as the Chucagua began to be about fifteen leagues wide, so that
they could not discover land on either side. They saw, towards the
borders of this river, only a number of reeds so high that it seemed
that they might have been trees ; and perhaps their vision did not
deceive them. But they would no farther enlighten themselves on
the subject for fear lest, quitting the current, they might strike upon
some sand-bank ; and besides, no one yet knew whether they were
at sea, or really upon the Chucagua. In this uncertainty our men
rowed three days, very successfully ; and the fourth, in the morn-
ing, they plainly descried the sea, and saw to their left a multitude
of trees heaped up one upon the other, which the river, at high
water, bore to the sea. And this mass of wood appeared a great
island. A half a league from there, there was a desert island like
those which great rivers make at their mouth. Therefore the Span-
iards no longer doubted they were upon the sea. But because they
did not know how far thej' might be from Mexico, they resolved,

472 HISTORY OF FLORIDA.

before going farther, to inspect tlieir brigantines. When they saw-
that, they had no need of calking nor of repairing, they killed ten
hogs which they had remaining, and were three days recruiting them-
selves, for they were. overcome by fatigue and loss of sleep on account
of the continual alarms which the barbarians had given them every
night. For this same reason also they did not know exactly the
number of leagues the Spaniards had made in nineteen entire days
and nights of navigation on the Chncagua until their arrival at the
sea. In fact, when Ihej- conversed about it at Mexico, with persons
capable of judging of it, some said that the Christians had made,
in one day and night, twenty leagues ; others, thirty, and several,
forty, and some, more. But finally they agreed upon twenty-five
leagues, both day and night ; for the brigantines had had favorable
winds, and went with sails and oars. Upon this basis they found
that from their embarkment to the sea there were about five hundred
leagues. Coles counts some seven hundred of them, but his opinion
is single.

CHAPTER VIII.

THE NUMBER OP LEAGUES WHICH THE SPANIARDS TRAVELLED IN
FLORIDA, AND A FIGHT "WITH THE INDIANS OF THE COAST.

The Spaniards penetrated into Florida as far as to the fountains
where the Chncagua takes its source.* This river, to ascend from
Aminoia, where was made the first embarkment, as far as these
fountains, is three hundred leagues ; and from this province to the
sea five hundred. So that there extends altogether the distance of
eiglit hundred leagues which our men travelled. (28)

During the three days that the Spaniards recruited themselves,
they saw on the last day about noon, coming from a place full of
reeds, seven boats which advanced towards them. Tliere was, in
the first, a very large and very black Indian of an aspect very
different from those who inhabit the interior of the country. The
barbarians of the coast are black in this manner, because the sun is
there warmer than elsewhere, and because they are continually in the
water, which is salt. For the land being dry and sterile they are
obliged to fish in order to subsist. When the Indian had approached
the caravel near enough, he placed himself on the prow of his vessel,
and in a voice full of haughtiness told the Spaniards, according to

* The Chuoagua is the Mississippi River ; the Spaniards crossed it about one
hundred miles, by the river, below Memphis.

THE VOYAGE OF THE SPANIARDS AND THEIR ADVENTURES. 4Y3

what the interpreter asserted, that they were robbers ; what did
they come to seek upon the coast ; and that they should leave it in
haste, by one of tlie mouths of the Chucagua ; otherwise he would
burn their brigantines and put them all to a miserable death. This
barbarian, without waiting for an answer, returned to whence he had
come. In the mean while, the Spaniards, reflecting upon the threats
of this Indian, and why they sent every little while boats to recon-
noitre them, resolved to attack him, for fear that, by favor of the
night, he might come to attack them and set fire to the caravels, in
which he would more easily have succeeded than by day, because
of the advantage which he had of being better acquainted with the
sea than our men. Therefore a hundred men entered into Ave
boats, under the conduct of Nieto and Silvestre, and went to seek
the barbarians. They found a great number of them posted behind
reeds, with good boats equipped with everything. Nevertheless, with-
out being surprised, they surrounded them, fell upon them, wounded
many, slew ten or twelve, and put the rest to flight. But the most
of the Spaniards were maltreated, especially Nieto and Silvestre.
There was also a soldier who had his thigh pierced through and
through by a dart about one fathom long, which the Indians threw
with so much force that they pierced through a man armed with a
coat of mail. The Spanish soldier died of the stroke which he had
received, because they made too great an incision to draw out the
point of the dart, and he had nearly as much to complain of our
men who dressed his wound as of the barbarians who had wounded
him.

CHAPTER IX.

THE VOYAGE OP THE SPANIARDS AND THEIR ADVENTURES.

Before coming to the details of the voj-age of the Spaniards, it
is necessary to tell the manner in which the Indians right their
boats when they are capsized either in flshing or in battle. When
these barbarians, who are verjf robust and very excellent swimmers,
see one of their vessels upside down, they put ten or twelve, more
or less, about righting it. But because it is full of water, they all
together give it three or four jerks so adroitly, that at the last they
entirely empty it and re-enter it. The Spaniards admired this
promptitude of the Indians in getting the water out of their boats,
and endeavored in vain to imitate them.

When our men who had been to attack the enemy had rejoined
the caravels, they embarked for fear of some misfortune, and went

474 HISTORY OF FLORIDA.

with all speed to the desert island which they had seen in the
vicinity of the mouth of the Chucagua. When they reached it they
landed, walked everywhere, and found nothing remarkable. After-
wards they retired to their caravels, where they passed the night,
and the next day at daybreak they raised anchor. A cable broke,
and the anchor was lost because it had no buoy ; but in the neces-
sity they had for this anchor, their best swimmers leaped into the
water, where, notwithstanding whatever trouble they took, they did
not find it until about three o'clock in the afternoon. Then they
set sail, without daring to go into the open sea, for they knew
neither the place where they were, nor even their course. Con-
vinced, however, that if they kept along the coast towards the west
they would safely arrive at Mexico, they sailed the remainder of the
da3-, the following night, and the next day until about evening, and
found during this journey the water fresh, being astonished that
the Chucagua should go so far into the sea. Then Aniasco took
the latitude; but because he had neither compass nor marine
charts, he made a compass of a ruler and a marine chart of parch-
ment, and they governed themselves by these as well as they could.
The sailors, who knew that Aniasco had no great knowledge of sea
affairs, ridiculed him, and through spite he threw the chart and
coinpass into the sea. The brigantine which followed recovered
them ; they sailed still seven or eight days, until a storm forced
them to gain a little cove. Afterwards, when the weather changed,
our men sailed fifteen days, and supplied themselves with water
five or six times, inasmuch as thej- had but small pitchers to put
• the water in.* On account of that also, and because they had
not the things necessary for the navigation, they dared not cut
across to the islands, nor go far from land. Besides, every three
daj's they had to refresh themselves ; and, as very often they
found neither fountain nor river, they dug two feet into the earth,
at ten or twelve steps from the sea, and found plenty of fresh water.
Finally, at the end of these fifteen days, thej- arrived at five or six
small islands, nearly filled with innumerable sea-birds, which made
their nests on land. They loaded themselves with these birds and
witli their eggs, and returned to the caravels. But these birds were
so fat, and tasted so of the sea, that they could not eat them. The
next day they anchored at a strand, which was very pleasant on
account of the great number of large trees at a distance from one

* The Elvas Narrative relates that a cooper " made for every brigantine two
half liogsheadB, which the mariners call quarterets, because four of them hold'
a pipe of water."

THE ADVENTURE OF TWO CARAVELS. 475

another, which made a very beautiful forest. At the same time
some soldiers landed to go a fishing along the shore, and found
many lumps of pitch which the sea had driven ashore,* and which
weighed, some eight, others ten, and some from thirteen to fourteen
pounds. The Spaniards rejoiced to find this pitch, because their
caravels leaked ; they repaired tliem all. Each day, by main force,
they drew one of them on land, calked it, and replaced it in the
sea in the evening. But in order that the pitch might flow more
freely, they mixed it with hog's grease, preferring to employ it in
this use to eating it, • because their lives depended upon their
vessels.

D wring eight days that the Spaniards recruited themselves on
this shore, they were three times visited by Indians armed with
bows and arrows, and each time they received from them corn. To
requite them for this favor, our men made them a present of deer
skins, and then left this shore without even inquiring the name of
the country, so greatly were they engrossed with the design of
reaching Mexico. They coasted during their voyage, for fear lest
the north wind, which prevails on all this coast, should drive them
into the open sea. However, some stopped sometimes two or three
days to fish, because there remained nothing to subsist upon but
corn, and others landed from their caravels and went to seek pro-
visions. They managed in this waj' thirteen days, and made many
leagues without being able to say positively the number; for they
had not reflected on it, and had thought only of reaching the river
of Palms, wliich they believed they were not very far from. This
thought of itself encouraged them to endure their hardships.

CHAPTER X.

THE ADVENTURE OE TWO CARAVELS.

ThE Spaniards had been thirty days at sea when about evening
tliere arose a north wind, which forced five caravels to approach
nearer to shore. In the mean while, the sk}"^ became overcast, the
wind increased, and there arose a furious storm. The caravel of
Gaitan and tliat of Alvarado and Mosquera, which had kept too far
to sea, were dreadfully battered by the tempest, and like to have
perished, especially the brigantine of Gaitan came nearer being

* Clavigero in his History of Mexico says tliat the gulf throws up bitumen on
the Mexican coast, and that the Indians in parts of Mexico paid a tribute in
bitumen.

476 HISTORY OP FLORIDA.

■wrecked by a flaw which sprung the mast ; so that these two ves-
sels were in a deplorable condition during the whole night, and
also nearlj' the whole of the following day ; for about noon they
came near being submerged ; and then, perceiving the five caravels,
which had gained the mouth of a river, which they ascended, they
endeavored three whole hours to reach thera ; but their efforts were
in vain, the wind was too impetuous, and the danger increased
every moment. Therefore, without persisting further, they went
close to the wind along the coast towards the west, in the hope of
extricating themselves from the danger which threatened them. As
they were nearly all naked, and tlie waves entered the brigantines,
they were in great peril of losing their lives. They, therefore,
labored with energy to save themselves. Some folded the sails,
others bailed and managed the caravels, and all that without eating
or resting, so eminent the fear of death appeared to them. Finally,
after having been twenty-six hours agitated in this way, they dis-
covered, yet a little before night, two coasts : the one white, to their
right ; the other very dark, to their left. Then a young man of the
brigantine of Alvarado said that he had sailed to that black coast,
but tiiat he did not know the name of it ; that it was covered, with
flint, and extended as far as the vicinity of Vera Cruz ; that, if they
turned their vessel towards this coast, they would all inevitably
perish ; that the white coast was of sand, soft and level, and that
before dark they must land there, for if the wind cast them upon
the black coast, they must expect nothing less than death. Alva-
rado, at the same time, commanded them to warn the caravel of
Gaitan not to run upon the black coast. But the waves rose so
high that the brigantines could scarcelj' see one another, and they
had diflSculty to execute this order. However, as at times the
vessels saw one another, the caravel of Alvarado made so many
signs and so many shouts that Gaitan conceived what they wished
to make known, and the soldiers upon both sides agreed to land
upon the white coast. Gaitan opposed this design in his caravel,
but those who accompanied him stoutly opposed him, some even
with abuse, and told him that tiiey would never sufi"er that fifty men
should perish through his obslinacj'. Thereupon, some' laid their
hands upon their swords, and others upon the helm, and bore the
prow of tlie vessel towards the white coast, where, after much labor,
they struck before sunset. As soon as Gaitan knew that the vessel
had touched ground, he leaped from the stern into the water, be-
lieving that on occasions of this kind it was the safest ; but when he
rose to the surface of the water he badl}- hurt his shoulders against
the rudder. His soldiers did not leave the caravel when the first

THEY SEND TO SEEK THE GENEEAL. 47 1

shock of the wave drove it to land. Afterwai'ds, the wave retiring,
left the vessel aground, and at its return it struck it in such a way
that it placed it upon its side. Then the soldiers leaped into the
water, one party lightened the vessel, some took hold of one side,
and others of the other, and they all did their duty so well that, by
the assistance of the waves, they drew it upon the beach. Alvarado
and Mosquera, who had stranded theirs at the distance of two
mnsket-shots further off, also labored with energy to draw their
brigantine ashore, and they fortunately succeeded. The two cara-
vels each immediately sent to seek the other ; but as their men met
half way, they told to each other their adventures, returned and
informed their comrades of them, who, after having thanked God
for having delivered them from peril, dispatched in haste to get
intelligence of Moscoso, concerning whom they were in very great
trouble.

CHAPTER XI.

THEY SEND TO SEEK THE GENEEAL, AND TO EXPLOEE THE COUNTRY.

The Spaniards of the two caravels, being assembled a little before
night, agreed to send to Moscoso to inform him of their adven-
tures, and also to get intelligence of him, and learn the condition
of the five brigantines that accompanied him. But when they
reflected that for twenty-six hours they had not rested, and that in
order to go to the general, thirteen or fourteen leagues must be
travelled that night through a country unknown, and perhaps full
of enemies, they became doubtful about sending any of their com-
rades there. Quadrado Charamilla, full of courage and zeal, seeing
this irresolution offered himself to go there, because he was de-
votedly attached to Moscoso, and promised that he would either be
with him the next day or die; that if any one would accompany
him well and good, if not, he would go alone. Francisco Mugnos,
animated by this example, said that he was ready to follow Quad-
rado, and that he would sooner lose his life than abandon him. The
captains of the caravels, rejoiced to see the courage of these soldiers,
immediately supplied them with provisions ; and these two brave
Spaniards, taking each his sword and shield, left at one o'clock at
night. But as they did not know the road which they ought to
take, they followed, at all hazards, the borders of the sea, in the be-
lief that it was the surest route. In the mean time their compan-
ions returned each to his brigantine, where, after having posted sen-
tinels, and rested all the night, they assembled the next morning.

4 '7 8 HISTORY OF FLORIDA.

and chose for captains of companies Silvestre, Antonio de Porras,
and Alonzo Caluete. They sent them each with twenty men, one
towards the south, the other towards the west, and the third to-
wards the north, with orders to try to discover in what country they
were, and not to go too far, in order that they might be able to
succor them in case of necessity. The captains who took the routes
to the north and the south returned to the caravels after having
inarched about a league and a half; one with the half of a dish
made of tlie white clay of Talavera, the other with an earthen por-
ringer, painted as they paint them at Malassa. Therefore, the^''
were certain that the places of the country which they had discov-
ered, were inhabited by Spaniards, and that the porringer and dish
which they had brought were sure signs of it. The party of Sil-
vestre, which struck towards the west, on its return completely con-
firmed this news, as shall now be seen. Silvestre and his company,
being about half a league distant from the sea, and advanced be-
yond a small eminence, discovered a pond of fresh water more than
a league long. As the^' saw on this pond four boats of Indians who
were fishing, they crept along the water a quarter of a league under
the cover of some trees ; and in the progress, glancing here and
there, they saw, at about three hundred steps, two Indians who were
collecting fruit under a tree which they call guajac [guava]. Im-
mediately they cast themselves upon the ground, some on one side
and others on the other, and dragged themselves so adroitly upon
their bellies that they surrounded the two barbarians without being
discovered. Then they arose and ran at them. But notwithstand-
ing all their speed one of them escaped, who leaped into the water.
The Spaniards, rejoiced to have the other, returned in haste to the
quarters, for fear lest the inhabitants of the country should assem-
ble and make them release the boot}' they had taken. For besides
the Indian prisoner, they brought away two baskets of the fruit of
the guajac, corn, a Mexican turkey-cock, two Spanish hens, and a
little of the juice of the stalk of the maguey. This tree puts forth
stems nearly like cardoons, and which arc very good to eat when
they have been exposed to the sun. The maguey serves the Indians
of New Spain to make hemp, wine, honey, vinegar; they also make
jelly of it by means of a liquor, very sweet, which the leaves throw
out at a certain season of the year, and when they fall from the
tree. Tliey employ the trunk of the maguey to build, but only in
extreme necessity, and when they find no other tree.

To return to our men. When they heard that their prisoner spoke
but tlie word "Brecos," and as the}' did not understand this word,
they asked him by signs and otherwise the name of the country

THE SPANIARDS KNOW THAT THEY ARE IN MEXICO. 479

where they were. The Indian, who understood them by the means
of their gestures, but who could not answer them, repeated in vain
" Brecos," in hope of making them understand that he belonged to a
Spaniard, whose name was Christobal de Brecos. The poor Indian
troubled himself in vain, since omitting the word Christobal he
was intelligible neither to Silvestre nor to his companions ; so that
through vexation, being some time provoked even to abusing him,
they hastened their march in order to rejoin the caravels, where they
deferred to interrogate him quite at their leisure, and where they
safely returned.

CHAPTER XII.

THE SPANIARDS KNOW THAT THEY ARE IN MEXICO.

Silvestre and his men found, at their return, their companions
in ecstacy on account of the things which tlie two other parties liad
brought back from their exploration. But the joy increased at the
sight of the booty of Silvestre's soldiers. There were in the cara-
vels nothing but eaperings and songs. Each was transported witli
joy: especially when the surgeon of the troops, who understood the
Mexican language and even spoke it a little, showing a pair of
scissors to the Indian prisoner and asking him to tell him what they
were; the barbarian replied, " tisfeUis" for "tixeras.'' Our men, who
heard how this Indian tried to speak Spanish, no longer doubted that
the3' had reached Mexico. So that they all began again to rejoice.
Some embraced the prisoner, and others, Silvestre and his comrades.
They hugged and kissed them, raised them in their arms, and made
everything echo with their applause. But after the first transports,
they asked the barbarian, tlirough the surgeon, the name of the
(Country where they were; and what they called the river which the
general, with the five brigantines, had ascended ? He replied that
the country appertained to Panuco, to which it was ten leagues by
land ; that the general had entered the river which bears the name
of this town, situated twelve leagues from its mouth ; and that
twelve from the place where they were, this river entered the sea ;
that, as for himself, he belonged to Christobal de Brecos, living at
Panuco ; that at a little more than a league from the quarters there
was a cacique who knew how to read and write, having been raised
by a clergyman, who taught the Indians the principles of the
Christian doctrine; that if they desired it he would go for this
cacique, who would speedily come and inform them of everything:.

480 HISTORY OF FLORIDA.

The Spaniards, rejoiced at this, increased their attentions to the
Indian ; and, after having made hina some presents, sent him for
the. cacique, with orders to pay their compliments to him, and to
bring baclc paper and ink. The barbarian, pleased with the Span-
iards, hastened so much that he returned to the caravels in less than
four hours. The cacique, informed of what had happened upon the
coast of his province, came himself to see our men, followed by eight
of his subjects loaded with Spanish chickens, corn bread, fruit, and
fish. He took care also to fetch ink and paper; for he prided him-
self principall}' upon knowing how to read and write, and he believed
that a great advantage. As soon as he reached the Spaniards he
presented them the things which his eight vassals liad, and offered
them his hospitality and his services. Our men, to show him their
gratitude, gave him some deer skins. Then they dispatched an
Indian to the general, with letters in which tliey related their
adventures, and requested him to send them his orders. In the
mean time the cacique remained with them to inquire the particulars
of their discovery. He took especial pleasure in learning them.
He was really astonished to see our men emaciated, hideous, and
wearied in a pitiable manner ; which showed that during the voyage
thej" had suffered terribly. Then, when night approached, he very
politely took leave, and returned home. But the next day he
returned; and duiing five more days that they refreshed them-
selves upon his lands, lie repaired each day to the quarters; and
brought, every time, wherewith to sufDciently feast the Spaniards.

CHAPTER XIII.

THE ARRIVAL OF THE SPANIARDS AT PANUCO AND THEIR
DISSENSIONS.

While these things were passing, Quadrado and Mugnos travelled
all night and arrived, late in the morning, at the mouth of the
Panuco, where they learned that the general and the brigantines
were ascending this river. They were so rejoiced at this news that
without resting they continued their journey, and speedily repaired
to the general, who apprehended that the two caravels had" been
wrecked. But the arrival of Quadrado dispelled his fear; and the
next dny the Indian, whom they had dispatched to him, delivered
to him the letters with which he was charged. They gave him
much pleasure, and he replied to what they wrote to him. He sent
ordei's to the two brigantines to meet him at Panuco, where thej'
went in haste to join him, and where they, as well as their com-

THE ARRIVAL OF THE SPANIARDS AT PANUCO. 481

panions, were received with great demonstrations of friendship.
Thejf amounted in all to some three hundred men ; but they were
in a deplorable condition, overcome with fatigue, sun-burnt, emaci-
ated, hideous, and covered only with the skins of cows, lions, or
bears, so that they might have almost as soon been taken for beasts
as for men. When they had arrived, the governor of Panuco in-
. formed the Viceroy Antonio de Mendoga, who held his court in the
city of Mexico, sixty leagues from Panuco. Mendoga- immediately
ordered them to be furnished with provisions, and to be conducted
to Lim when they should be recruited. In the mean time he sent
them, through tlie Mexican Society of Charity, shirts and shoes ; •
and medicines and comfits, in case there should be sick among them.
The Spaniards, praising God for this blessing, remained ten or
twelve days at Panuco. But when the greater part had learned
that the inhabitants subsisted upon only the things which the land
produced; that many were employed only in planting Spanish mul-
berry trees in the expectation of making silk; that the best off raised
. but a few horses to sell to merchants from abroad ; that they were
all poor, badly lodged, and the country wretched, they began to
regret having abandoned Florida ; of which the land was very
fertile, produced very fine trees, and where they had seen a very
great quantity of furs of martens and many other animals. Their
discontent still increased when they remembered the multitude of
pearls which they had seen, and the hope with which they all had
flattered themselves that each one of them would gain a great pro-
vince in Florida. Thereupon they detested their conduct, — that
they were cowards not to have settled in that country, and to have
come to baselj' beg their bread of wretches ; that it would have
been more profitable and more glorious to have died in Florida
than to live like scoundrels in Mexico. The Spaniards who made
these reflections had advised not to abandon Florida, when they
deliberated about leaving it. Therefore, seeing themselves reduced
to poverty by the faults of their captains who had induced the
troops to come to Mexico, they were excited with rage against
them, and against the others who had supported their sentiments.
They pursued them with their swords, wounding some and killing
a few; so that these officers and their companions dared not show
themselves. The inhabitants of the town, grieved at so great a
disorder, endeavored to appease it, but they could not succeed, and
the discord increasing more and more, the governor informed Men-
do§a of it. He immediately ordered tlie Spaniards to be sent to
Mexico by tens and twenties ; and those to march together who
were of the same party ; which was strictly executed.
31

482 HISTORY or flokida.

CHAPTER XIV.

THE ARRIVAL AND RECEPTION OF THE SPANIARDS AT MEXICO.

The report being spread that the Spaniards who came from
Florida were going to Mexico, the inhabitants of the country, from
every quarter, assembled upon their route. When they saw them
in a deplorable condition, they kindly lodged and entertained them,
even to Mexico. This city, which is one of the largest and best in
the world, received them very well, and there was scarcely a gen-
tleman who did not show them marks of kindness. Charamillo
especially showed them much attention. He lodged in his house
twenty of them, one of whom he found to be a relation of his. He
even clothed the whole twenty, and furnished them with linen and
other necessfiry things. The viceroy also gave them proofs of his
kindness, for he would have them, indifferently, soldiers and officers,
eat at his table; based on this, that all having equally shared the
hardships of the expedition, it was but proper that they all should
have a share in the favors which he did them. This prince did not
content himself with feasting them. He took care to lodge them in
one of his houses, and he had clothes distributed to those who had
need of them ; and, as a provost of Mexico had put two of them In
prison because they had fought each other, he had it published,
that henceforth no judge should have cognizance of their differ-
ences. He wished himself to terminate them, because he loved these
poor soldiers. It displeased him that thej' should have recom-
menced their old quarrels. Nevertheless, notwithstanding his con-
duct, the quarrel broke out again, and there were some of them
killed ; for the greater part, enraged to see the value which they
put upon the pearls and furs which they had brought from Florida,
and that they had unfortunately left these things, pursued with
their swords those who had persuaded them to abandon a countrj"^
so rich. These furs, in fact, were very beautiful, and some of the
inhabitants of Mexico, with pleasure, decked themselves with them,
and lined their garments with them, after having taken out the pitch
with which they were soiled in the vessels. Finallj', as the muti-
neers became from day to day more and more Insolent, the viceroy
appeased them by the promise that he would undertake with them
a voj-age to Florida, since they were so much dissatisfied at having
left it. Mendoga had. In reality, a design of going to these coun-
tries, on account of the description they had given him of the excel-

CONCERNING SOME PARTICULARS OP THE JOURNEY. 483

lent qualities of the soil. Therefore, in order to support a part of
the officers and soldiers who had returned from Florida, he offered
to some money, to others employment, whilst he should make his
preparations to conquer it. Some accepted the offers of this prince,
and others rejected tliem, resolved to leave speedily for Peru. One
of the latter going one day through the city of Mexico dressed in
very wretched skins, a citizen had pity on him, and told him that if
he wished to serve him he would give him very good wages, and
put him in one of his houses near Mexico, where he would pass an
easy life. The Spaniard proudly replied to him that he made him
the same offer ; that he possessed many fine estates in Peru ; that
if he would accompany him there, he would give him one of them
to superintend, when assuredly he would live happy. I relate this
little circumstance to show that a part of the Spaniards thought
only of going to Peru.

CHAPTER XV.

CONCERNING SOME PARTICULARS OP THE JOURNEY.

On his return from Florida, Silvestre lodged in Mexico with
Salazar. When he was relating to him the particulars of tlie expe-
dition, the conversation fell upon the misfortune that like to have
happened the first night that they had set sail. Salazar, who knew
by the account of this adventure, that it was Silvestre who had
ordered to fire upon his vessel, esteemed him very much for it ; for
he said that he had acted like a man proficient in war. Salazar
really had so favorable an opinion of Silvestre that he wished to
know what he had done during the journey; and he informed him
with pleasure. The viceroy and his son Francisco de Mendoga also
learned with much satisfaction the fertility of the soil of Florida,
the customs of its inhabitants, their laws against adultery, the gen-
erosity of Muco§o, and the deeds of fortitude and courage of the
Indians. They were astonished to hear of the riches of the temple
of Talomeco and the quantity of pearls that was there. The con-
duct of the ladj- of Cofaciqui and the courtesy of the cacique Coga
delighted them. They were surprised at the account of the battle
of Mauvila, of the fidelity of the lieutenant-general of Anilco, and
of the league of the ten caciques who had so bravely pursued our
men. They heard, with much admiration, the great deeds which
Hernando de Soto had achieved. But his death, at the time when
he expected to accomplish his enterprise, sensibly moved them.

484 HISTORY OF FLORIDA.

And when they learned that he had determined to send to ask
assistance of them, they blamed Moscoso and his captains for not
having continued his designs. They declared that they would have
speedily assisted them, and that they would liave led troops even
to the mouth of the Chiicagua; that also, if they would return to
Florida, they were ready to go there with an army ; but, as will be
seen, those who had returned did not wish to accompany them
there.

CHAPTER XVI.

THE SPANIARDS DISBAND.

After our men had recuperated in Mexico, they acted in this
way : Aniasco, Gaitan, Gallego, Gardenioso, Tinoco, Calderon, and
some others returned to Spain. They preferred leading a poor and
peaceful life in their own country to being wealthy in America,
where they saw themselves hated by many, where they had en-
dured great hardships, and unfortunatelj' lost their fortunes. Pig-
iieroa returned home to, his father ; many entered the monastic order,
after the example of Quadrado Charamillo, who chose the order of
St. Francis, where he died, illustrious by his actions of piety. Some
settled in New Spain with Moscoso, who married in Mexico a lady
of rank and of great wealth, who was his relation. Others returned
to Peru, where they served Spain as brave soldiers in the war
which she waged against Giron and Pizarro, and acquired there
riches and reputation. But tliey could never obtain any district
nor distribution of Indians, which they could easily have had in
Florida.

CHAPTER XYII.

WHAT MALDONADO AND ARIAS DID TO GET INFORMATION CONCERNING

DE SOTO.

To finish the History of Florida there remains only to speak of
Maldonado, who, about the end of February of the year 1540, was
sent to Havana to Bovadilla. Soto, on dispatching him there, or-
dered him to repair the next year to the port of Achussi with Arias;
and to bring with him vessels loaded with pro%'isions, munitions, and
cattle; that he would be there at the time appointed. Maldonado
punctually executed the orders of the general. He joined Arias at

THE CHRISTIANS WHO HAVE DIED IN FLORIDA. 485

Havana, where they together purchased three ships, and loaded
them, as also a caravel and two brigantines, with everything neces-
sary for a colony. Afterwards they set sail, and safely came to
anchor in the port of Achussi ; but because they did not meet the
general there, the one sailed along the coast towards the west, and
the other towards the east, to learn some news of him ; always leav-
ing, where they landed, letters in the hollows of trees, in which they
expressed that they were seeking Soto. They did so until the bad
weather approached, which caused them to return to Havana with-
out having learned anything. Nevertheless they did not despair
on account of that ; they again put to sea in the spring. One sailed
close along the coast of Mexico, and the other went as far as the
lands of Bacallos. But as they could discover nothing, they re-
turned to Havana, whence they departed about the spring of the year
1543, resolved to perish or to learn what had become of the general.
With this design they, after much fatigue, arrived about the middle
of October at Vera Cruz. There they learned the death of Soto,
and that of the greater part of his companions; and immediately
they returned to Havana, where they related to Isabella de Bova-
dilla the misfortune of her husband. She was so sensiblj^ moved
by it that she could not restrain her grief, and died a few days after
this sorrowful news.

CHAPTER XVIII.

THE CHRISTIANS WHO HAVE DIED IN FLORIDA.

Ponce db Leon equipped three large vessels in the year 1513, and
landed with about a hundred men, upon the coast of Florida, where
the Indians made way with them all. Aillon, followed by more than
two hundred, had there the same misfortune as Ponce. Narbaez
perished there with four hundred. Hernando de Soto also died
there, and more than seven hundred of those who accompanied him.
So that, counting from the beginning of the discovery to the arrival
of Moscoso at Mexico, there died in Florida more than fourteen
hundred Christians, without mentioning some clergj'men and many
monks; all men illustrious by their virtue. The names of those
whom I have been able to learn, are Dionysio de Paris, Diego de
Vagnuelos, Francisco de Rocha, Rodrigo de Gallego, Francisco
Delposo, Juan de Torres, Juan Gallego, Louis de Solo, and Cancel
Balbastro.

About sixteen years after the death of Balbastro, three Jesuits

486 HISTORY or floeida.

went to Florida ; and, as at their arrival there was one of them slain,
his companions hastily retired to Havana. Two years from that
time eight other monks of the Society of Jesus undertook the same
voyage, and took with them a cacique. But before saying anything
of their adventures, I think it necessary to relate how this cacique
had come to Spain. Pedro Melendez, from 1563 to 1568, went three
times to the coast of Florida to drive from it the French corsairs,
who hoped to get possession of it. The second time he brought
with him from these countries seven Indians of their own accord,
who were armed with bows and arrows. As soon as they had
arrived in Spain, Melendez sent them on their way to Madrid, with
the view of presenting them to Philippe II. In the mean time, he
who gave me this account, living then in Castile, was informed tliat
some Indians from Florida were on their way to the court, and he
went in haste to meet them. At first, to show him that he had been
in their country, he asked them, through their interpreter, if they
were from Vitachuco, Apalache, or Mauvila ; and that he would like
very much to have the news from these provinces. The barbarians,
knowing that this Spaniard was one of those who had followed
Soto, began to look fiercely at him, and replied that he mocked
them by inquiring of those places which he and his companions had
miserably desolated. They replied nothing more, and only said
among themselves that they would much rather pierce him with
their arrows than inform him of that which he desired. And there-
upon two of these Indians fired into the air, and signified by that,
that tliey would much rather have killed the Spaniard than have
uselessly lost their shots. These Indians were baptized in Spain ;
where, some time after, they all died except this cacique, who, sad
for the death of his companions, asked to return home, promising
to work for the conversion of the inhabitants of the country. The
Jesuits, wlio wished to go to Florida, hearing him speak in this way,
believed that he would serve powerfully to the design which they
had. Therefore, they took him with them, and with much hardship
arrived upon his territory. When he had been some time there,
he left them under pretext of going to a neighboring town, which
he named to them, to dispose the people there to hear the word of
God ; promising them that, at the latest he would return in eight
days. They awaited him fifteen days, then they dispatched two of
their companions to liim, whom he caused to be massacred. And
the following day he himself came at the head of a troop of In-
dians, and fell upon the others. The good fathers, who saw them
come all enraged with arms in their hands, threw themselves upon
their knees, and were all killed.

THE CHRISTIANS WHO HAVE DIED IN FLORIDA. 487

The barbarians immediately began some to dance about, and
others to break a box in which was the crucifix and some ornaments
to say mass, and they insolently scoffed them. The names of the
Jesuits who were killed by these Indians are, Bautista Segura, Louis
de Quiros, Bautista Mendez, Grauiel de Solis, Antonio Cavallos,
Cristoval Redondo, Grauiel Gomes, Pedro de Linares. These
monks, as well as the others of whom I have spoken, lost their lives
in Florida at the very time that they prepared to preach the Gospel
there. Therefore their deaths demand vengeance of God, or rather
mercy, in order that the people of these countries, who are in dark-
ness, may be some day enlightened with the light of the Faith ; and
that their lands, sprinkled with the blood of Christians, may bear
fruit worthy of the sanctity of blood so sacred.(2g)

HERNANDO DE SOTO AND FLORIDA.

VOLUME III.

HERl^ANDO DE SOTO AND FLORIDA.

CHAPTEE I.

EVENTS FROM THE TERMINATION OP THE EXPEDITION OF DE SOTO
TO THE SETTLEMENT OP THE FRENCH IN FLORIDA.

1543-1562.

GuiDO DE LAS Bazares, with a large bark, galley, and shallop,
manned with sixty seamen and soldiers, sailed from the port of San
Juan de Ulua [Yera Cruz], New Spain, on the 3d of September,
1558, to explore the coast of Florida. On the 10th he arrived' at
Panuco, and from thence he departed, and arrived on the coast of
Florida, in 2t° 30' north latitude. Continuing along the coast he
discovered a bay in 28° 30' north latitude, which he named St.
Francisco, and from thence to the Alacranes ; the coast of which
extends from northwest to southeast; but contrary winds having
prevented him from approaching the coast where he desired, he
landed in 29° 30' north latitude, and discovered an island which
was, perhaps, four leagues from the mainland; he passed within this
island and the mainland and other islands, and, after having ex-
plored all the coast, he observed that it was bordered by marshy
grounds, and was not in a favorable situation to begin a colony, as
it was liable to be submerged in many places ; he gave it the name
of Bay of Bas-Fonde. From thence he sailed ten leagues further
to the east, where he discovered a bay which he named Filipina,* it
being the largest and most commodious bay on the coast. The en-
trance is in 30° 80' north latitude ; and on entering the bay he passed
the point of an island seven leagues long, and steered east-southeast
[B. N. E. ?]. On the other side of the bay lies the mainland, which is,
perhaps, half a league wide from point to point. Of all the dis-
coveries made from east to west, there is no bay so accessible and
so commodious as this. The bottom is of mud, and the harbor is

* The bay of Pensaoola.

492 EVENTS FROM DE SOTO TO BIBAULT.

from four to five fathoms deep at low tide. The channel is from
three to four fathoms deep, and at high water nearly one fathom
more. The climate is very bealthj' and similar to that of Spain.
It abounds in all kinds of fish and oysters. The pine forests are
extensive. There are besides live-oak, cypress, ash, palmetto, laurel,
cedar, and other trees, one of which yields a fruit resembling the
chestnut.* All these trees commence to grcJw near the shore, and
extend for many leagues into the interior of the country. Some
rivulets of water fall into the bay, where there is a large opening,
which appears to be the mouth of a great river.

While in this bay he went to examine the water on the north
side, where the trees are not so dense, and where cavaliers might
hold their tournaments and find grass for their horses. In the rear
of this bay, in an easterly direction, are hills of a reddish clay, from
which eartlienware can be manufactured. Here at all times can be
seen a great variety of wild game. On the shores of this bay he
observed a large number of canoes, as well as huts surrounded with
corn, beans, and pumpkins. This country is distant about two
hundred and sixty leagues from San Juan de Lua (Yera'Cruz).

Contrary winds now prevented him from advancing any farther,
although he returned twice to the bay of Filipina, which he after-
wards named Velasco. As the winter was now approaching, the
pilots and sailors were of opinion the weather wonld not be favor-
able for further explorations of the coast. He accordingly left
the coast on the 3d of December, and arrived at San Juan de Lua
on the 14th.

The viceroy of New Spain fitted out an expedition which sailed
from Vera Cruz in 1559, under the command of Don Tristan de
Luna y Avellano, with fifteen hundred soldiers and a large number
of friars [Franciscans], burning with zeal to convert the natives ;
and on the 14lh of August they reached the baj' of Santa Maria
Filipina ; and six days after he arrived a terrific gale wrecked a
part of his fleet. He, however, dispatched four companies with two
friars to penetrate the country as far as the province of Co9a, and
with the remainder of the expedition he established himself at the
port [Filipina]. The expedition reached a town on the river which
they named Santa Cruz Napicnoca, where it was afterwards joined
by Don Tristan de Luna, and from thence they proceeded on their
march to other Indian towns on the banks of a river called Olibaka,
where they procured a supply of provisions, and some daj's after the3-
reached the famous province of Coga. There they remained some

* Chinquepin.

EVENTS FROM DE SOTO TO RIBAULT. 493

■Weeks, but the obstacles they encountered with the natives and the
scarcity' of provisions so discouraged them that they abandoned the
expedition and returned to the bay of Santa Maria Filipiua, and
afterwards to Vera Cruz.

On the 2'7th of May, 1561, Don Angel de Villa Fane, governor
and captain-general of the province of Florida, with two frigates
and a caravel arrived at St. Helena and sailed up the river four or
live leagues: but not discovering a convenient port, or land suitable
for a colony, he returned to sea, and followed the coast in search of
a port; and, having doubled Cape San Roman in 34° north latitude,
he landed on the 2d of June, and ordered a ship to make soundings,
and found the bottom good ; and from thence he went into tlie
interior until he came to a large river which discharged its waters
near the cape, and called it Jordan, and proceeded to sea. On the
8th of June he returned and re-entered the Jordan with two frigates,
but not finding a suitable harbor he again returned to sea, and was
annoyed with the discovery that the frigate San Juan had fouled
her anchor and lost it near Cape San Roman. He continued his
exploration along the coast with two frigates, and sent the treasurer,
Don Alonzo Velasquez, with one of them to the river of Canoes in
34° 30' north latitude, which he ascertained to be one and a lialf
fathoms deep at one and a half leagues from its mouth. He after-
wards rejoined the governor who continued to examine the coast
until the 14th of June, when lie reached Cape Trafalga in 35° north
latitude. At ten o'clock at night a tempest arose, and the caravel
was near being lost as well as botli the frigates. They were sur-
rounded with shoals and a submerged coast, and being far away
from any port, the governor and pilots decided to proceed on their
voyage until they reached the port of Monte Christo, in the island
of Hispaniola, where the governor landed on tiie 9th of July 1561.

Don Gonzalo Perez, secretary of the Council of the Indies, at the
same time he presented the above account of Don Angel's voyage,
to the president, laid before him a memorandum from the king re-
questing the council to give him their definition of the rights of the
king to Florida, and whether tlie French can take possession of that
country and build forts there. The council informed the king that
his title to the county of Florida is clear and indisputable, and
founded on the gift of Pope Alexander VI., and the taking posses-
sion of that country by Governor-general Don Angel de Villafane,
is the same country which the French have recently taken posses-
sion of and built a fort there called Carolin, and the same country

494 EVENTS FROM DE SOTO TO EIBATJLT.

which Guide de las Bazares took formal possession of in 1558, and
which the fleets and ships of the king of Spain have at different
times explored and taken possession of. Juan Ponce de Leon was
the first to discover and take possession, and after him Lucas Yas-
quez de Ayllon, and after him Pamfllo de Narvaez, and after Nar-
vaez, Hernando de Soto, all of whom, and many others, were com-
missioned by your majesty to explore and take possession of Florida,
and therefore the French have no riglit to interfere, as they might
hereafter build forts, interrupt commerce, and capture the ships of
your majestj' coming from the Indies.*

* From tlie " Historical Collections of Louisiana and Florida," by B. F. French.

THE FIRST VOYAGE OF JEAN EIBAULT TO FLORIDA. 495

CHAPTEE II.

THE FIRST VOYAGE OF JEAN RIBAULT TO FLORIDA.

1562.

Whereas, in the year of our Lord 1562, it pleased God to move
your lordship to choose and appoint me to discover and view a cer-
tain long coast of the West Indies, from the head of the land called
Florida unto the head of Bretons, distant from the said head of
Florida nine hundred leagues, or thereabouts, to the end that we
might certify and make you a true report of the climate, fertility,
ports, havens, rivers, and generally all the commodities that we
have seen and found in that land, and also to learn what people were
dwelling there.

When we had fulfilled j-our orders and made preparation, we de-
parted on the 18th of February, 1562, with our two vessels out of
the harbor of Havre de Grace, into the road of Caux, and the next
day hoisted sail.

Thursday, the last of April, 1562, we discovered and approached
a fair coast stretching a great length, covered with an infinite
number of high and large trees, we being seven or eight leagues
from the shore. The country seemed to us a plain without any
appearance of hills ; and arriving within four or five leagues of the
land, we cast anchor in ten fathoms of water, the bottom of the sea
being covered with osiers and fast hold on the south side, as far as
a certain cape situated under latitude of nine and twenty degrees
and a half, which we have named Cape Francois [in honor of France].

We could see neither river nor bay, wherefore we sent our boats,
manned with men of experience, to sound the coast near the shore,
who, returning to us about one o'clock in the afternoon, declared
that they had found, among other things, eight fathoms of water at
the hard bank of the sea, whereupon having weighed anchor, with
a fair wind we sailed along the coast with unspeakable pleasure of
the odorous perfume and beauty of the scene.

And because there appeared unto us no appearance of any port,
about the setting of the sun we cast anchor again. Then perceiving
towards the north a leaping and breaking of the water, as a stream

486 THE FIRST VOYAGE OF JEAN RIBAULT TO FLORIDA.

flowing into the sea, we lioisted sails again to double the same,
while it was yet day, and as we passed beyond it, there appeared a
wide entry of a fair river, which caused us to cast anchor again
near to land, that the next day we might see what it was, and though
the wind blew for a time boisterously to the shoreward, yet the hold
and anchorage was so good, that one cable and one anchor held us
fast without danger or sliding.

The next day in the morning, being the first of May, 1562, we
set out witii two barges and a boat well trimmed, to enter the river,
where we entered a magnificent and great river, with thirty-six
fathoms of water, which increased in depth and width. Having
passed its mouth, we began to see a great many of the natives, who
approached us without fear.

One of the Indians entered the river, approached our boats, and
showed us the best place to land. Seeing this we landed [on the
north side], and rewarded him, and afterwards he ran to his chief
who forthwith sent me his girdle made of red leather, in token of
friendship,* and I began to go toward him, when he came toward
me with all his men, and received me kindly and modestly\

And after we had congratulated him, we fell to our knees a short
distance from them and gave thanks to God, beseeching him to
continue his goodness towards us, and bring to the knowledge of
our Saviour Christ this poor people.

While we were thus praying, they sitting upon the ground, which
was strewed with baj' branches, they beheld and hearkened to us
attentively without speaking or moving, and as I made a sign lifting
up my arm and pointing with one finger to make them look heaven-
ward, he likewise lifted up his arm towards heaven, putting forth
two fingers, whereby it seemed that he wished to tell us that he
worshipped the sun and moon for their gods, as afterwards we un-
derstood it to be so.

In the mean time their number increased, and being assembled
they cut a great many bay boughs, and therewith dressed a place
for us, distant two fathoms from theirs, for it is their manner to
talk and bargain sitting, and their chief or king to be separated from
the common people.

After we had tarried for the most part of the day on the north
side of the river (which we called May because we discovered it
the 1st of May), we made alliance and entered into amity with them.
And they seemed sorry when we took our departui-e. But desiring
to spend the rest of the day on the other side of the river, to be-

* Probably a wampum belt.

THE FIRST VOYAGE OP JEAN EIBATJLT TO ELOEIDA. 497

come acquainted with those Indians we saw, we went there without
difHciilty and landed among them, who received us kindly and gave
us of their fruits. Soon after this came the king with his brethren
and others. After we had entertained and presented them with
like gifts, and clothed the king and his brethren with like robes, as
we had given them on the other side, we entered and explored their
country thereabouts, which is the fairest, fruitfulest, and pleasantest
of all the world, abounding in honey, venison, wild game, forests,
woods of all sorts, and vines with grapes. And the sight of the
fair meadows is a pleasure inexpressible. The night approaching,
it was necessary for us to return on shipboard ; we accordingly took
leave of them.

Very early the next morning we returned to land, accompanied by
the captains, gentlemen, soldiers, and other persons, carrying with us
a pillar or column of hard stone, with the king's arms engraven there-
on, to plant and set the same at the entry of the port on some high
place where it might easily be seen ; and being come thither before
the Indians had assembled, we discovered in the south side of the
river, not far from its mouth, a place very suitable for the purpose
upon a little sandy hill covered with cypress, bays, palms, and other
trees, with sweet-smelling and pleasant shrubs, in the middle whereof
we planted the first boundary or limit of his majesty.

When the Indians perceived our long stay on this side they ran
to see what we had done in that place where we had set our limit.
They viewed it a long time without touching it, or even speaking to
us about it at any time afterwards. Howbeit we could scarcely part
from them without great grief, and they continued to follow us along
the river from all parts, presenting us with harts' skins painted and
unpainted, meat, little cakes, fresh water, etc.; also lead, turquoises,
and great abundance of pearls, which they told us they took out of
oysters along the river-side ; and as fair pearls as are found in any
country of the world ; for we saw on one of their men as we entered
our boats, a pearl hanging to a collar of gold about his neck, as large
as an acorn. He was one of the best-looking of the whole company.
The day being well gone, and desiring to employ the rest of the
day with tlie Indians on the north side, whom we talked with the
day before, we crossed the river to their shore, where we found
them patiently waiting for us, with new paintings upon their faces,
and feathers upon their heads. One of them had hanging about his
neck a round plate of red copper, well polished, with a small one of
silver hung in the middle of it ; and in his ears a small plate of
copper.

32 ,

498 THE FIRST VOYAGE OP JEAN RIBAULT TO FLORIDA.

The night now approaching, we returned to our ships, for we
durst not hazard our ship because of the bar of sand that was at
the month of the river, notwithstanding, at full tide, there were at
least two fathoms and a half of water, and it is but a leap over
a surge to pass this bar, not exceeding two cables in length, and
then afterwards there are six or seven fathoms of water every-
where ; so that it made a very fair haven, and a ship from four to
six hundred tons may enter therein at all tides, yea of a far greater
burden if there were pilots. The situation is in thirty degrees
north latitude, a good climate, healthful, good temperature, delight-
ful, pleasant.

The next day, being the 3d of May, being desirous to find out
harbors to anchor in, we sailed again, and after we had ranged the
coast as near shore as we could, there appeared to us, about seven
leagues on this side (north) of the river May, a great opening or
bay of some river, whither we sent one of our boats, and there
found an entry almost like the river May, and, within the same, of
as great depth and as large ; and dividing itself into great streams
stretching towards the high lands, with many others of less
size, which divide the country into beautiful and great lands, and
small and fair meadows. Having entered about three leagues, we
found a place commodious, strong, and pleasant of situation, and
certain Indians who received us friendly. Nevertheless, as we ap-
proached so near their houses it seemed to offend them. We after-
wards went to their houses, but none of the natives would accom-
pany us.

It is a place of wonderful fertility, and similar and like unto the
land we found upon the river May. Without coming into the sea
this arm dOth divide and make many other Isles of May, as also
many great islands, by which we travelled from one island to another
between land and land ; and it seemed that men might sail without
danger through all the country and never enter the great ocean.
The people there live long, in great health and strength. We de-
parted from them very friendly ; but the night overtaking us, we
were compelled to lie in our ship (boat ?) all that night till it was
day, floating upon this river, which we have called the Seine,
because the entry of it is as broad as from Havre de Grace to Hon-
fleni-.

At break of day we espied out of the south side, one of the most
pleasant meadow grounds that might be seen, into which we went,
finding at the very entry a long, fair, and great lake, and an innu-
merable number of footsteps of great harts and hinds, their steps
being fresh and new, and it seemeth that the people nourish them

THE FIRST VOYAGE OF JEAN RIBATJLT TO FLORIDA. 499

like cattle, in great herds ; for we saw the steps of Indians who fol-
lowed them.*

The channel and depth of the river Seine is on that side of the
meadow which is in the Isle of May,

After returning to our ships we continued to sail along the coast,
as near the shore as we could, to know more and more of the coast.
And, after we had sailed six or seven leagues more, there appeared
unto us another bay, where we cast anchor and stopped all night ;
in the morning we went thither, and finding, by our sounding, at
the entry, many banks, we durst not enter there with our great
ship, having named the river Somme, which is eight, nine, ten,
eleven fathoms deep, dividing itself into many great islands and
small meadow grounds and pastures ; and on the northwest side
there is a great river that cometh from the country of great extent,
and another on the east side which returneth into the sea, so that it
is a country full of havens, rivers, and islands of the greatest fer-
tility, t

From thence we sailed about six leagues, and discovered another
river which, after we had viewed, was named by us Loire ; and sub-
sequently we discovered five others, whereof the lirst was named
Gharente ; the second, (?aron?je ; the third, Oironde ; the fourth.
Belle ; the fifth, Grande ; which being well discovered, with such
things as were in them ; by this time, in less than sixty leagues, we
had found out many singularities along nine rivers.J Nevertheless,
not fully satisfied, we sailed yet further towards the north, following
the course that might bring us to the river Jordan, one of the fair-
est rivers of the north, and holding our wonted course, great fogs
and tempests came upon us, which compelled us to leave the coast
to bear toward the main sea, which was the cause that we lost
sight of our pinnace a whole day and night, until the next day in
the morning, which time the weather being fair, and the sea calm,

* When Virginia was first visited, the Indians raised and kept tame deers
near their dwellings.

t Kibaiilt's Narrative in "Historical Collections of Louisiana and Florida,"
by B. F. French. What follows is from Laudonniere.

t The following, from a note to Kibault's Narrative, will giveprobahly a cor-
rect idea of the rivers that now correspond with those discovered by Ribault,
viz: "May, to the St. John's; Seine, the St. Mary's; Somme, the Santilla ;
Loire, the Altamaha ; Charante, the Newport ; Garonne, the Ogechee ; Gironde,
the Savannah ; Bellevmr, the May in South Carolina ; Grande, the Broad ; Port
Royal, the Port Eoyal. ' ' The Broad river is supposed by some to be the Jordan.
Ribault was of that belief. But see Jacobo Le Moyne's map of Florida, opposite
page 495.

500 THE FIRST VOYAGE Or JEAN KIBAULT TO FLORIDA.

we discovered a river, which, we called Bellevoir. After we had
sailed three or four leagues, we began to espy our pinnaces which
came straight toward us, and at their arrival they reported to the
captain, that while the foul weather and fogs endured, they harbored
themselves in a mighty river, which in bigness and beauty exceeded
the former ; wherewith the captain was exceedingly joyful, for his
chief desire was to find a haven to harbor his ships, and there to
i-efresh ourselves awhile. Thus making thitherward, we arrived
athwart the same river (which, because of the fairness and the big-
ness thereof, we named Port Royal), struck our sails, and cast
anchor in ten fathoms of water ; for the depth is such that when
the tide rises, the largest ships of France may enter there.

Having cast anchor, the captain with his soldiers went on shore.
It was all covered over with mighty high oaks and infinite store of
cedars, and with lentiskes growing underneath them, smelling so
sweetly that the very fragrant odor only made the place to seem
exceedingly pleasant.

The river, at the mouth thereof, from cape to cape, is not- less
than three French leagues broad ; it is divided into two great arms,
whereof one runneth toward the west, and the other toward the
north, and I believe that the arm which stretcheth toward the north
runneth up into the country as far as the river Jordan ; the
other arm runneth into the sea, as it was known by those of our
company which were left behind to dwell in this place. These two
arms are two great leagues broad, and in the midst of them there is
an isle which is pointed towards the opening of the great river.
Seeing the evening approach, and that the captain determined to re-
tui-n unto the ships, we prayed him to suffer us to pass the night in
this place. In our absence the pilots and mariners advised the captain
that it was needful to bring the ships further up within the river,
to avoid the dangers of the winds which might annoy us by reason
of our being so near the mouth of the river, and for this cause the
captain sent for us. Being come to our ships, we sailed three
leagues further up within the river, and there we cast anchor. A
little while after, John Ribault, accompanied by a good number of
soldiers, embarked himself, desirous to sail further up in the arm
which runneth toward the west, and to search the commodities of
the place. Having sailed at least twelve leagues, we perceived a
troop of Indians, wlio, as soon as they espied the pinnaces, fled into
the wood, leaving behind them a young lucerne which they were
turning on a spit, for which cause the place was called Cape Lu-
cerne. Proceeding on our way, we found another arm of the rive;
which ran towards the east, by which the captain determined to

THE FIRST VOYAGE OF JEAN RIBATJLT TO FLORIDA. 501

sail and to leave the great current. A little while after, they began
to espy divers other Indians. At our coming on shore divers of
them came to salute our general ; some of them gave him deer-
skins ; some presented him with pearls, but no great number.
Afterwards they went about to make an arbor to defend us from
the parching heat of the sun. But we would not staj' then ; where-
fore the captain thanked them, and gave them presents. Tliey
•wished him to stay a little longer, showing him by signs that they
desired to advise a great lord which had pearls in great abundance.
Notwithstanding, we returned to our ships, where, after we had
been but one night, the captain in the morning commanded to be
put into the pinnace a pillar of hard stone fashioned lilie a column,
whereon the arms of the king of France were engraven, to plant the
same in the fairest place that we could find. Tliis done, we em-
barked ourselves, and sailed three leagues towards the west, where
we discovered a little river, up, which we sailed so long that in the
end we found that it returned into the great current, and, in its
return, to make a little island, separated from the firm land, where
we went ashore; and there, " on the 30th of May, on the south side,
at the entrance of a great river, which we called Libourne, where
there is a lake of fresh water, very good, and on the same side, a
little lower down towards the entrance of the iiarbor, one of the
fairest fountains that men may drink of, wiiich rushes down to the
liver from a high bank out of a red sandy soil,"* we planted the
pillar npon a hillock open round about to the view ; on which island
we saw two stags of exceeding bigness. Before our dejiarture we
named the little river that environed this isle the River of Libourne.
Afterwards we embarked to search another isle not far distant from
the former, wherein, after we had gone on land, we found nothing
but tall cedars, the fairest that were seen in this country. For this
cause we named it the Isle of Cedars ; so we returned into our pin-
nace to go towards our ships.

A few days afterwards John Ribault determined to return once
again towards the Indians who inhabited the arm of the river that
runneth towards the west, and to take with him a good number of
soldiers ; for his design was to take two Indians of this place to
carry them to France, as the queen had commanded him. With tiiis
intention we again took our former course so far north that at last
we came to the selfsame place whei-e at the first we found the In-
dians ; from thence we took two Indians, by the permission of the
king. As soon as we were come to our ships, every one thought to

* Eibault.

502 THE FIRST VOYAGE OP JEAN RIBAULT TO FLORIDA.

gratify these two Indians, that they might perceive the good desire
and affection we had to remain their friends. Then we offered them
meat to eat, but they refused. A few days after, tliey began to
bear so good will towards me that, as I think, they would rather
have perished with hunger and thirst than have taken their food
at any man's hand but mine. Seeing this, I sought to learn some
Indian words, and began to ask them questions, showing them the
thing whereof I desired to know the name, how they called it.
They were very glad to tell me ; and knowing the desire I had to
learn their language, they encouraged me, afterward, to ask them
anything ; so that putting down in writing the words and phrases
of the Indian speech, I was able to understand the greatest part of
their discourses. Evei-y day they did nothing but speak to me of
the desire they had to use me well, if we would return unto their
houses, and cause me to receive all the pleasui-es they could devise,
as well in hunting, as in seeing their very strange and supertitious
ceremonies at a certain feast which they called Toya — which feast
they observe as strictly as we observe the Sunday. They gave
me to understand they would take me to see the greatest lord of
this country whom they called Chigoula.* I began then to sliow
them all parts of the heaven, to learn in which quarter he dwelt : and
straightway one of them stretched out his hand toward the north,
which makes me think that it was the river Jordan, and now I re-
member that in the reign of the emperor Charles V. certain Span-
iards, inhabitants of St. Domingo, who made a voyage to get cer-
tain slaves, to work in their mines, stole away by subtlety the in-
habitants of this river to the number of forty, thinking to carry
them into their New Spain ; but they lost their labor, for they all
died, save one that was brought to the emperor, whom a little while
after lie caused to be baptized, and gave him his own name, and
called him Charles of Chigoula, because he spoke so much of this
lord of Chigoula, whose subject he was ; also he continually reported
that Chigoula made his abode within a verj' great inclosed city.
Besides this proof, those who were left in the first voyage have cer-
tified to me that the Indians showed them by evident signs that
further on within the land, towards the north, there was a great in-
closure, or city, where Chigoula d welt. After they had stayed awhile
in our ships they began to be sorry, and still demanded of ine when
they should return. I made them understand that the captain's will

* This word resembles some words further west, as Bayagoula and Mongou-
laoha, on the Mississippi River (below Plaquemin), and Pasoagoula, which may
liave been originally Chigoula (Indian) and Pass (English), making Pasohi-
goula : for there are Pass Christian, Pass Manshao, and other passes.

THE PIEST VOYAGE OP JEAN RIBAULT TO FLORIDA. 503

was to send them home again. But seeing he would not give them
license to leave, they resolved with themselves to steal away at
night, and to get a little boat we had, and by the help of the tide to
sail home, which they failed not to do. The captain cared not
greatly for their departure, considering that they had not been used
otherwise than well, and that, therefore, they would not estrange
themselves from the Frenchmen.

Captain Ribault, knowing the singular fairness of this river, de-
sired by all means to encourage some of his men to dwell there,
•well foreseeing that this thing might be of great importance to
France. Therefore, with this intent he caused the anchors to be
weighed, and to set things in order to return unto the opening of the
river, to the end that, if the wind came fair, he might pass out to
accomplish the rest of his intention. When, therefore, we were come
to the m'Outh of the river, he made them cast anchor, whereupon we
stayed all the rest of the day. The next day he commanded that
all the men of his ship should come up on dock. They all came up,
and immediately the captain began to speak unto them.

He had scarcely ended his oration but the greatest part of our
soldiers replied : That a greater pleasure could never betide them.
Therefore, they besought the captain, that before he departed out
of the place, to begin to build them a fort, which they hoped after-
wards to finish, and to leave them munitions necessary for their
defence. Whereupon John Ribault determined, the next day, to
search the most fit and convenient place to be inhabited. Where-
fore he embarked himself very early in the morning, and commanded
to follow him them that were desirous to inhabit there.

Having sailed up the great river, on the north side, in coasting
an isle, which endeth with a sharp point towards the mouth of the
river, having sailed awhile, he discovered a small river which entered
into the island, which he would not fail to search out, which being
done, and finding the same deep enough to harbor therein galleys and
galiots in good number ; proceeding further he found a very open
place joining upon the brink thereof, where he went on land; and
seeing the place fit to build a fortress on, and commodious for them
that were willing to plant there, he resolved immediately to cause
the bigness of the fortification to be measured out. And consider-
ing that there stayed but twenty-six* there, he caused the fort to

* We left there thirty gentlemen, soldiers, and marines ; and having left
Captain Albert de la Pierria, an officer of experience, the first that offered to
establish a settlement ... on the north side of an island, upon a place of
strong situation, upon a river which we named Chenonceau, aud named the fort
Charlesfort. — Ribault.

504 THE riEST VOYAGE OF JEAN EIBATJLT TO FLORIDA.

be made, in length, but sixteen fathoms, aiid thirteen in breadth,
with flanks according to the proportions thereof. The measure be-
ing taken by me and Captain Salles, we sent unto the ships for
men, and to bring shovels, pick-axes, and other instruments neces-
sary to make the fortification. We labored so diligently that in a
short space the fort was made in some sort defensible ; in which,
meantime, John Rihault caused victuals and warlike munitions
to be brought for the defence of the place. After, he had furnished
them with all such things as they had need of, he determined to
take hi-s leave of them ; but before his departure he addressed Cap-
tain Albert, whom he left in this place.

Having ended his exhortation we took our leave of each of them,
and sailed towards our ships, calling the fort Charles Port, and the
river we named Chenonceau.(3o)

The next day [9th of June, 1562], we determined to depart from
this place to discover perfectly the river Jordan. For this purpose
we hoisted our sails about ten o'clock in the morning. After we
were ready to depart Captain Ribault commanded to shoot oflE" our
ordnance tp give a farewell to our Frenchmen, who failed not to do
the same on their part. This being done, we sailed toward the
north, and then we named this river Port Royal, because of the
largeness and excellent, fairness of the same. After we had sailed
about fifteen leagues from thence we espied a river, whereupon we
sent our pinnace thither to discover it. At their return they
brought us word that they found not more than half a fathom of
water in the mouth thereof, which when we understood, we con-
tinued on our way and called it Bas [S/ia?Zow] River. As we still
went on sounding we found not more than .five or six fathoms of
water, although we were six good leagues from the shore. At length
we found not more than three fathoms, which gave us occasion
greatly to rause, and without making any further way, we struck our
sailSi partly because we wanted water, and partly because night
approached. The morning being come. Captain Ribault proposed
to all the company that every man should deliver his opinion what
was best to be done, which thing being well and at large debated, we
resolved to leave the coast, forsaking the north to take our way
toward the east, which is the right way and course to our France,
where we happily arrived the 20th of July, 1562.

WHAT HAPPENED AFTER THE DEPARTURE OP RIBAULT.

Our men after our departure never rested, but night and day did
fortify themselves, being in good hope that after Charles Fort was

THE FIRST VOYAGE OP JEAN RIBATILT TO FLORIDA. 505

finished, they would begin to discover further up the river. It hap-
pened one day, as certain of tiiem were cutting roots in the groves,
that they espied an Indian, who followed them to the fort. Captain
Albert asked him of his dwelling. The Indian replied that it was
further up within the river, and that he was a vassal of king Audusta.
Certain days after, the captain determined to sail towards Audusta,
where being arrived, he was so well received that the king told him
he should have the amity of four other kings, Wayon, Hoya, Touppa,
and Stalame, and prayed him to vouchsafe to visit them. The cap-
tain willingly consented. Therefore they departed the next morn-
ing very early, and first arrived at the house of Touppa, and after-
vrai'ds at the other kings' houses, except that of Stalame. After he
had remained certain days with these strange kings, he determined
to return to the house of Audusta, and having arrived there, he
commanded all his men to go aboard their pinnaces, for he was a
mind to go towards the country of king Stalame, who dwelt toward
the north, the distance of fifteen leagues from Charles Fort. There-
fore as they sailed up the river they entered a great current which
they followed so far till they came at last to the house of Stalame.
He immediately presented Captain Albert his bows and arrows,
which is a sign and confirmation of alliance between them. The
captain seeing the best part of the day past, took his leave and re-
tnrned to Charles Fort, where he arrived the day following.

When the time drew near for celebrating the feast of Toya, Au-
dusta sent ambassadors to our men to request them to be present ;
whereupon they consented most willingly. They embarked there-
fore and sailed towards the king's house, where he sought to enter-
tain them the best he could. When the feast was finished, our men
returned unto Charles Fort, where having remained a while, their
victuals began to wax short, which forced them to have recourse to
their neighbors, who gave them part of all the victuals which they
had, and kept no more than would serve to sow their fields. I'liey
gave them counsel to go to the countries of king Conexis, but before
they came to his territories, they were to repair to Oude, the brother
of Conexis. Our men, perceiving the good relation which the In-
dians made of these two kings, resolved to go thither; wherefore,
they put to sea, and sailed so far that they came into the country
of 0 ude, which they found to be on the river Belle. Being there
arrived, they perceived a company of Indians. As soon as they
were come near them, their guides showed them by signs that Oude
was in this company, wherefore our men went forward to salute
him. He led them to his home, where he sought to treat them
very courteously. His house was hung round with tapestry of

506 THE FIRST "VOYAGE OP JEAN RIBADLT TO FLORIDA.

feathers of divers colors, tUe height of a pike ; moreover, the place
where the king took his rest was covered with white coverlets em-
broidered with devices of very witty and fine workmanship, and
fringed round about with a fringe dyed in the color of, scarlet.
This good Indian commanded his subjects to fill our pinnaces with
corn and beans. Afterwards he caused them to bring him six pieces
of his tapestry, made like little coverlets, and gave them to our
men. This being done, our men took leave of the king, and sailed
towards Charles Fort, which from this place might be some twenty-
five leagues distant. But as soon as our men thought themselves
at their ease, and free from the dangers whereunto they had exposed
themselves night and day in gathering together victuals here and
there; lo ! even as they were asleep, the fire caught in their lodgings
with such fury, being increased by the wind, that the room was con-
sumed in an instant, without them being able to save anything ex-
cept a little of their victuals. The next day by times in the morning,
Andusta and Maccou came thither, accompanied with a very good
company of Indians, who, knowing the misfortune, were very sorry
for it, and every man began to exert himself in such sort, that in
less than twelve hours they had begun and finished a house very
near as great as the former, which being ended, they returned home,
fully contented with a few cutting-hooks and hatchets which they
received from our men.

Within a short time after this mischance, their victuals began to
wax short ; and after our men had taken good deliberation, they
found there was no better way for them, tlian to return to the king
Oude, and Conexis his brother. Wherefore they resolved to send
thither some of their company the next day following, who, with an
Indian canoe, sailed up into the country about ten leagues. After-
wards they found a very fair aud great river of fresh water, which
they failed not to search out. Thej' found therein a great number
of crocodiles which in greatness surpass those of the river Nilus.
Moreover all along the banks thereof, there grew mighty high cy-
presses. After thej' had staid a short while in this place, they fol-
lowed their journey, helping themselves so well with the tides that
without putting themselves in danger of the continual perils of the
sea, they came to the country of Oude, by whom they were most
courteously received. When they had related to him the occasion
of their coming, and the misfortunes they had suffered, he sent mes-
sengers unto his brother Conexis, to request him to send him some
of his corn and beans, which he did, and the next morning they were
come again with victuals, which the king caused to be borne unto
their canoe. Our men would now have taken their leave of him,

THE FIRST VOYAGE OF JEAN RIBAULT TO FLORIDA. 507

finding themselves more than satisfied with his liberality, but for
that day he would not suffer them, and made them the best cheer
he could devise. The next day, very early in the morning, he took
them with him to show them the place where his corn grew, and
said unto them they should not want as long as all that corn did
last. After that he gave them a number of exceeding fair pearls
and two stones of fine crystals, and certain silver ore. Our men
forgot not to give him certain trifles in recompense for these pres-
ents, and inquired of him the place whence the silver ore and the
crystal came. He answered it came ten days' journey from his
habitation up within the country, and that the inhabitants of the
country did dig the same at the foot of certain liigh mountains,
where they found it in verj'- good quantity. Being joyful to learn
this good news, they took leave of the king and returned by the
way they had come.

But misfortune would have it that those who could not be over-
come by fire nor water should be undone by themselves. They
entered into partialities and dissensions, which began about a soldier,
who, as I was told, was very cruelly hanged by his own captain,
and for a small fault ; which captain, also, accustomed to threaten
the rest of his soldiers which staid behind under his command was
the cause why they fell into a mutiny, because that many times he
put his threats into execution, whereupon they put him to death.
And the principal occasion that moved them thereunto was because
he degraded another soldier named Le Chere (whom he had ban-
ished) and because he had not performed his promise; for he had
promised to send him victuals every eighth day, which he did not,
but said, on the contrary, that he would be glad to hear of his death.
He said, moreover, he would chastise others also. The soldiers,
seeing his tyranny increase daily, and fearing to fall into the
dangers of the other, resolved to kill him. Having executed their
purpose they went to seek the soldier that was banished, who was
on a small island, distant from Charles Port about three leagues,
where they found him almost half dead from hunger. When they
came home again, they assembled themselves together and chose
Nicholas Barre to be governor over them.

During this time they began to build a pinnace, with the hope
of returning to France, if no succors came to them. After it was
finished, they thought of nothing else, save how to furnish it with
all things necessary to undertake the voyage. As they were in these
perplexities. King Audusta and Maocou came to them, accompanied
with at least two hundred Indians, to whom they showed in what
need of cordage they stood, who promised them to return witliin two

508 THE FIRST VOYAGE OP JEAN EIBAULT TO FLORIDA.

days and bring as much as should suffice to furnish the pinnace
with tackling.

Our men, being pleased with these good news and promises, be-
stowed upon them certain cutting hooks and shirts. After their
departure, our men sought all means to get rosin in the woods,
wherein they cut the pine trees round about, and out of which they
drew a sufficient quantity to pitch their vessel. Also they gathered
a kind of moss which groweth on the trees of this country, to serve
to calk the same withal. They now wanted nothing but sails,
which they made of their own shirts and of their sheets. Within a
few days after, the Indian king returned to Charles Fort with so
good store of cordage that there was found sufficient for the tackling
of the small pinnace. They, therefore, went forward to finish the
brigantine, and a short time afterward they made it ready, furnished
with all things. In the mean time the wind came so fit for their
purpose, that they put to sea after they had put all things in order.
But before they departed they embarked all their artillery and other
munitions of war. They put themselves to sea wiih so slender
victuals that the end of their enterprise became unfortunate.
For, after they had sailed a third part of the way, they were
surprised by calms, whicli did so much hinder them, that in three
weeks they sailed not over twenty-five leagues. Their victuals
failed them altogether at once, and thej'^ had nothing for their more
assured refuge but their shoes and leather jerkins, which they did
eat. Toucfiing their beverage, some of them drink the sea-water,
others did drink their own urine, and they remained in such
desperate necessity a very long space, during which a part of them
died of hunger. Besides this extreme famine they fell every minute
out of all hope of ever seeing France again. And every day they
fared worse and worse ; for, after they had eaten up their boots and
their leather jerkins, there arose so boisterous a wind, and so con-
trary to tlieir course, that in the turning of a hand, the waves filled
their vessel half full of water, and injured it upon one side.

One of them having a little stronger heart than the others declared
unto them how little way they had to sail, assuring them that if the
wind held they should see land within three days. This man did so
encourage them that, after they had thrown the water out of the pin-
nace, they remained three days without eating or drinking, except it
were the sea- water. When the time of his promise was expired, they
were more troubled than ever, seeing that they could not descry any
land ; wherefore, in this extreme despair, some among them made
this motion : that it was better that one man should die than that
so many men should perish. They therefore agreed that one should

THE PIEST VOYAGE OP JEAN RIBAULT TO FLORIDA, 509

die to sustain the others ; which thing was executed in the person
of Le Chere, of whom we have spoken heretofore, whose flesh was
divided equally among his fellows.

After so long a time and tedious travel, God of his goodness,
using his accustomed favor, changed their sorrows into joy and
showed unto them the sight of land, whereof they were so exceeding
glad that the pleasure caused them to remain a long time as men
without sense, whereby they let the pinnace float this and that way
without holding any right way or course. But a small English
bark boarded the vessel, in which there was a Frenchman who had
been in the first voyage into Florida,* who easily knew them, and
spake unto them, and afterwards gave them meat and drink. Im-
mediately they recovered their natural courage, and declared unto
him, at large, all their navigation. The Englishmen consulted a
long time what were best to be done ; and finally they resolved to
put on land those who were most feeble, and to carry the rest unto
the queen of England [Elizabeth], who proposed at that time to
send into Florida. Thus, in brief, you see what happened unto
them whom Captain John Ribault had left in Florida.

* That is, had returned to France with Ribault.

510 THE VOYAGE OF BENE LADDONNIEEE TO FLORIDA.

CHAPTEE III.

THE VOYAGE OF RENE LAUDONNIERE TO FLORIDA.

1564.

After our arrival at Dieppe from our first voyage, we found that
civil war had begun, which was in part the cause why our men were
not succored as Captain Ribault had promised them. After peace
was made in Trance, my Lord Admiral de Chastillon [Coligny]
showed unto the king that he had heard no news at all of the men
whom Captain John Ribault had left in Florida, and that it were a
pity to suflfer them to perish. The king was content that he should
cause three ships to be furnished, the one of one hundred and
twenty tons, and the other of one hundred, and the third of sixty,
to seek them out and to succor them.

My lord admiral, therefore, being well informed of the faithful ser-
vices which I had done, as well unto his majesty as to his prede-
cessors, kings of France, advised the king how able I was to do him
service in this voyage, which was the cause that he made me [R^nd
Laudonniere] chief captain over these three ships, and charged me
to depart with diligence to perform his commands.

I embarked at New Haven the 22d of April, 1564, arrived on
the coast of Florida Thursday the 22d of June, about three o'clock
in the afternoon, and landed at a little river which is in 30° north
latitude, and thirty leagues north of Cape Fran9ois, and about ten
leagues south of the river of May.

After we had cast anchor athwart the river I determined to go on
shore to discover the same. I embarked about three or four o'clock
in the afternoon. And having arrived at the mouth of the river I
caused tlie channel to be sounded, which was found to be very
shallow, although further within the same the water was reason-
ably deep, which separated itself into two great arms, whereof one
runneth toward the south and the other toward the north. Having
thus searched the river I went on land to speak to the Indians who
waited for us on shore. After they had made much of us, they
showed us their porocoMs.s?/ (king or governor) to whom I presented
cei'tain toys. Though they endeavored to make us tarry with them,

THE VOYAGE OF RENE LATJDONNIERE TO FLORIDA. 511

I would not stay on shore all night, but embarked and returned to
my ships. Before my departure I named this river the riuer of
Dolphins, because at my arrival I saw there a great number of dol-
phins, which were plaj'ing in the mouth thereof.*

The next day, the 23d of this month, because that toward the
south I had not found any commodious place for us to inhabit and
to build a fort, I weighed anchor and sailed towards the river May
where we arrived two days after, and anchored. Afterwards going
on shore with some gentlemen and soldiers, we espied the paracoussy
of the country (the same that we saw in the voj'age of Captain
Ribault), who, having espied us, came to meet us. The paracoussy
praj'ed me to go and see the pillar which we had erected in the voy-
age of Captain Ribault. Having consented, and having come to
the place where it was set up, we found the same crowned with
wreaths of bay, and at the foot thereof many little baskets full of
corn. Then, when they came thither, they kissed the same with
great reverence, and besought us to do the like, which we would not
deny them, that we might draw them to be more in friendship with
us. After we had sojourned a certain space with them, we took our
leave of them, because the night approached, and I then returned to
lodge in our ships.

I failed not the next day to embark again, to return to the parar
coussy of the river May, who waited for us in the same place where
the day^ before we conferred with him. We found him under the
shadow of an arbor, accompanied with eighty Indians. Then I
informed the paracoussy Satourioua that my desire was to discover
further up the river, but that I would come again to him very
speedily.

Departing from thence, I had not sailed three leagues up the
river, still being followed by the Indians who coasted me along the
river ; but I discovered a hill of mean height near which I went on
land. I rested myself in this place for some hours. Now as I
determined to search out the qualities of this hill, 1 went right to
the top thereof, where we found nothing else but cedar, palm, and
bay trees. The trees were environed round about with vines,
bearing gi-apes. Touching the pleasures of this place, the sea may
be seen plain and open from it; and more than six great leagues
off near the river Belle, a man may behold the meadows divided
asunder into isles and islets interlacing one another.

* In Ribault's Voyage the latitude of Cape Fran9ois Is " atout 30°," and here
this " little river" is also 30°. " It had two great arms. It was very shallow at
the entrance, but reasonably deep within." It was the harbor of St. Augustine.

512 THE VOYAGE OF RENE IiATJDONNIEBE TO FLORIDA.

After I had staid there a while, I embarked again to sail toward
the mouth of the river, where we found the paracoussy, who, accord-
ing to his promise, waited for us. We went on shore. Then he
gave me a skin richly painted, and I recompensed him with some
of our merchandise. I took my leave of him to return to our ships,
where, after we had rested all the night following, we hoisted sail
the next da}' very early in the morning, and sailed toward the river
Seine, distant from the river May about four leagues, and there con-
tinuing our course towards the north, we arrived at the mouth of
th e Somme which is not more than six leagues distant from the
Seine, where we cast anchor, and went on shore to discover that
place, as we had done the r^st. There we were courteously received
by the paracoussy of the country. After tliat the paracoussy had
received us, he commanded his wife to present us with a certain
number of silver bullets. For his own part, he presented me with
his bow and arrows, as he had done to Captain Ribault on our first
voyage, which is a sign of perpetual amity and alliance with those
whom they honor with such a present.

Then the paracoussy caused a corselet to be set up, and prayed me
to make proof of our harquebuses and their bows. So soon as he
knew that our harquebuses did easily pierce that which all the force
of their bows could not hurt, he seemed to be sorry, musing with him-
self how this thing could be done. He prayed us very earnestly to
stay with him that night in his house. Nevertheless, we could not
consent, but took our leave to return to our ships, where soon after I
caused all my company to be assembled together to consult together
of the place whereof we should make choice to plant our habitation.
I let them understand that the part which was towards Cape Florida
was altogether a marshy country, and therefore unprofitable for our
inhabitation. On the other side, if we passed further towards the
north to seek out Port Royal, it would be neither profitable nor
convenient, at least if we gave credit to the report of those who
remained there a long time, although the haA'en was one of the
fairest in the West Indies, but that in this case the question was
not so much of the beauty of the place, as of things to sustain
life, and that for our habitation, it was much more needful for us
to settle in places plentiful in provisions, than in goodly havens.
In consideration whereof, that I was of opinion, if it seemed good
unto them, to seat ourselves about the river May, seeing also that
in our first voyage we found only the same among all the rest to
abound in corn. After I had proposed these things, every one gave
his opinion thereof, and finally all resolved, namely, those who had
been with me in the first voyage, that it was expedient to seat them-

THE VOYAGE OF RENE lAUDONNIERE TO FLORIDA. 513

selves rather on the river May, tlian on any other until they might
hear news from Prance.

This point being thus agreed upon, we sailed toward that rivei',
and used such diligence that with the favor of the winds we arrived
there the morrow after, about the bi'ealc of day, which was on Thurs-
day, 29th of June. Having cast anchor I embarked all my stuff,
and the soldiers of my company, to sail right toward- the mouth of
this river, wherein we entered a good way up and found a creek of
a reasonable bigness, which invited us to refresh ourselves a little
while we reposed there. Afterward we went on shore to seek out a
place, plain without trees, which we perceived from the creek, but
because we found it not very commodious for us to inhabit there)
we determined to return unto the place which we had discovered
before when we bad sailed up the river.

This place is joining to a mount, and it seemed to us more fit
and commodious to build a fortress than that where we were last.
Therefore we took our way towards the forest, being guided by the
young paracoussy. Afterwards we found a large plain covered with
high pine trees ; then we discovered a little hill adjoining a great
vale, very green and flat, whereon were the fairest meadows. More-
over it is environed with a great number of brooks of fresh water,
and high woods. After I had taken the view thereof at my ease, I
named it the Vale of Laudonniere. Thus we went forward ; anon
having gone a little forward we met an Indian woman of tall
stature, who also was a hermaphrodite, who came before us with a
great vessel of water, wherewith she greatly refi'eshed us. Being
therefore refreshed by this means, and marching, we came to. ti»e
place where we had chosen to make our habitation, whereupon, at
that instant, near the riveir's brink we strewed a number of boughs
and leaves to take our rest on them the night following.

On the morrow, about daybreak, I commanded a trumpet to be
sounded, that being assembled, we might give thanks to God for
our favorable and happy arrival. Then we sang a psalm of thanks-
giving to God, beseeching him that it would please him of his gl-ace
to continue his accustomed goodness towards us his poor servants,
and aid us in our enterprise that all might turn to His glory.

Afterward having measured out a piece of ground in the form of
a triangle, we all exerted ourselves, some to bring earth, some to
cut fagots, and others to raise and make the rampart, for there
was not a man that had not either a shovel, cutting hook, or hatchet,
as well to clear the ground by cutting down the trees, as for build-
ing of the fort, which we did hasten in such cheerfulness that within
a few days the effect of our diligence was apparent. In the mean
33

514 THE VOYAGE OF RENE lAUDONNIEKE TO FLORIDA.

time the paracoussy Satourioua, our nearest neighbor, and on whose
ground we built our fort, came usually accompanied by his two sons
and a great number of Indians, to offer to do us all courtesy.

After that our fort was brought into form, I began to build a
grange to retire my munitions and things necessary for the defence
of our fort, praying the paracoussy to command his subjects to make
us a covering of palm leaves, in order that I might unfreight my
ships, and put under cover those things that were in them. The
next day morning they dressed so great a number of palm leaves
that the grange was covered in less than two daj's, so that business
was finished, for in the space of these two days the Indians never
ceased, some in fetching palm leaves, others in interlacing them.

Our fort was built in the form of a triangle; the side towards the
west, which was toward the land, was inclosed with a little trench,
and made with turns [towers ?] made in the form of battlements, of
nine feet high ; the other side, which was toward the river, was in-
closed with a palisade of planks of timber after the manner that
gabions are made. On the south side there was a kind of bastion,
in which I caused a house for the munitions to be built ; it was all
built of fagots and sand, save about two or three feet high of turf,
whereof the battlements were made. In the midst I caused a great
court to be made, of eighteen paces long and broad, in the midst
whereof, on the side toward the south, I built a guard-house, and a
house on the other side toward the north, which I caused to be raised
somewhat too high ; for within a short while after the wind beat it
down ; and experience taught me that we may not build with high
stages in this country, because of the winds whereunto it is subject.
One of the sides that inclosed my court, which I made very fair and
large, reached unto the range of my munitions, and on the other side
towards the river was my own lodging, roundabout which were gal-
leries all covered. One principal door of my lodging was iu the
midst of the great place, and the other was toward the river. A
good distance from the fort I built an oven to avoid the danger of
fire, because the houses are of palm leaves. 1 named our fortress
Caroline in honor of king Charles IX. After we had furnished it with
that which was most necessary, I charged De Ottigni, a man worthy
of all honor for his honesty and virtue, to search up within the river
what this Thimogoa might be, whereof Satourioua had spoken to
us so often on our coming on shore. For the execution thereof the
paracoussy gave him two Indians for his guides.

Being embarked, and having sailed about twenty leagues, the
Indians discovered three canoes, and immediately began to cry Thi-
mogoa! Thimogoa 1 and spoke nothing else, but hastened forward

THE VOYAGE OF RENE LATIDONNIERE TO FLORIDA. 515

to fight with them. Nevertheless Ottigni would not let them do it,
for while he deferred to board them, he gave tliem time to turn their
prows towards the shore, and so to escape into the woods. Ottigni
caused the bark to retire wherein were the two Indians, and went
with his men toward the canoes, which were on the river side. Hav-
ing come to them, he put certain trifles into them, and then retired
a good way from them, which caused the Indians, who had fled away,
to return to their boats. Wherefore being thus assured of us, they
called to our men to come near unto them, which they did immedi-
ately, and landed, and spake freely unto them. Ottigni demanded
of them by signs if they had any gold and silver among them ; bnt
they told him that if he would send one of his men with them they
would bring him to a place where they might have some. Ottigni,
seeing them so willing, delivered to them one of his men to under-
take this journey ; this fellow stayed with them until ten o'clock the
next morning. The captain sailed ten great leagues farther up the
river ; he went so far up that he espied the boat wherein his soldier
was, who reported to him that the Indians would have carried him
three great days' journey further, and told him that a king named
Mayara, rich in gold and silver, dwelt in those quarters. Onr men
then returned towards our fort, after they had left the soldier with
the Indians to inform himself more and more of such things as he
might discover.

Fifteen daj's after this voyage to Thimogoa, I dispatched Capt.
Vasseur, and my sergeant also, to return to this country to seek
out the soldier that remained there. Having embarked, they sailed
two whole days, and, before they came to the dwelling of the In-
dians, they found two of them on the river-side, who showed him
by signs that tlie soldier was at that time in the house of king Mol-
loua, who was vassal to another great king, named by them Olata
Ouae Utina, and if the captain would sail thither he would reach
there very quickly ; whereupon he caused his men to row thither,
and arrived at the lodging of MoUoua after he had rowed not more
than half a league.

While the king was entertaining Gaptain Vasseur and his men,
the soldier came in with five or six pounds of silver. The good
cheer being ended, my men embarked again, with the intention of
returning to Port Caroline ; but, after they had sailed a very long
while down the river, and had come within three leagues of us, the
tide was so strong against them that they were compelled to go on
landj.and retire for the night to the dwelling of paracoussa Molona,
who showed himself very glad at their arrival, and so satisfied that
he could not devise how to gratify our men, whom he caused to come

516 THE VOYAGE OE BENE LATJDONNIEBE TO FLORIDA.

into his house to feast there more honorably. They thanked the
paracoussy for the good entertainment which they had received, and
so setting sail they came to the fort..

On the 28th of July our ships departed to return to France;
Within about two months after oar arrival in Florida, Satourioua
sent certain Indians to me to know whether I would stand to my
promise which I had made him at my first arrival in that country;
which was, that I would show myself a friend to his friends, and
enemy to his enemies;, and also to accompany him with a good
number of arquebuses, when he should find a fit occasion to go to'
war. I made him answer that it behooved me at the present time
to make provisions for the defence of my fort; that my barks were
not ready, and that this enterprise would require time ; moreover,
that he might hold iiimself ready to depart' within two months, and
that then I would think of fulfilling my promise to him.

The Indians carried this answer to their paricoussy, who was
little pleased with it; but, because he could not defer the execution
of iiis expedition, he embarked and used such diligence with his
boats, that, the next day, two hours, before sunset, he arrived on
the territories of his enemies, about eight or ten leagues from their
villages. Afterward, causing them all to go on land, he assembled
his council, wherein it was agreed that five of the paracoussi'es
should sail up the river with half of the troops, and by the break
of day approach unto the dwellings of their enemies. For his own
part, that he would take his journey through the woods as secretly
as possible; and that when they came thither, as well they that went
up by water as he who went by land, they should not fail by the
break of day to enter into the village and cut them all in pieces,
except the women and children, which was executed with as great
fury as possible ; and, when they had done, they took the heads of
their enemies, which they had slain, and cut off their hair round
about with a piece of their skulls ; they took also twenty-four
prisoners, wliich they led away, and retired immediately into their
boats which waited for them. Having come thither they began to
sing praises to the sun, to whom they attributed their victory. And
afterwards they put the skins of these heads on the ends of their
javelins, and went altogether towards the territories of Omoloa,
who was in the company. Having come thither they divided their
prisoners equally to each of the paracoussies, and left thirteen of
them to Satourioua, who straightway dispatched an Indian to carry
in advance the news of the victory to them that staid at home.

The next day Satourioua came home, who, before he entered into
his lodgings, caused all the hair-skulls of his enemies to be set up

THE VOYAGE OF RENE 1A.TJD0NNIEEE TO. ELOEIDA. 51 1

befove his door. Straightway hegan lamentations and mourning,
which, as soon as the night began, were turned into pleasures and
dances.

After I was advised of these things, I sent a soldier to Satourioua
praying him to send me two of his prisoners, which he denied me,
saying he was notliing beholding unto me, and that I had broke my
promise ; which, when I understood, I commanded my sergeant to
provide me twenty soldiers, and go with me to the house of Satou-
rioua ; where, after I liad come and entered into the hall without
any manner of salutation, I went and sat down by him, and staid
a long while without speaking a word to him or showing him any
sign of friendship, which thing put him deeply in his dumps ;
'besides certain soldiers remained at the gate, to whom I had given
express orders to suffer bo Indian to go out. Having remained still
about half an hour with this countenance, at length I demanded
where the prisoners were, and commanded them immediately to be
brought unto me ; whereupon the paracoussy, angry at heart, and
astonished wonderfully, remained a long while without making any
answer ; but at last he answered me very stoutly, that, being afraid
to see us come thither in such warlike manner, they had fled into the
woods, and, not knowing which way they were gone, they were not
able by any means to briug them. Then I made as though I did
not understand what he had said, and asked for his prisoners again,,
and for some of his principal allies. ThenSatourioua commanded
his alliore to seek out the prisoners and cause them to be brought
into that place, which he did within an hour after.

I resolved to send back these prisoners to Olata Ouae Utina, whose
subjects they were ; but before I embarked them I gave them little
knives or tablets of glass wherein the image of Charles IX. was
drawn very lively, for which they gave me many thanks. After this
they embarked with Captain Vasseur and with D'Arlac, my ensign,
whom I sent on purpose to remain a certain time with Utina, hoping
that the favor of this great paracoussy would serve my turn greatly
to make any discoveries in time to come. I sent with him, also, one
of my sergeants and six soldiers.

Captain Vasseur, having embarked, about the 10th of September,
to carry back the prisoners to Utina, sailed so far up the river that
they discovered a place called Maquarqua, distant from our fort
about eighty leagues^ where the Indians gave him a good entertain-
ment. From this place they rowed to the dwelling of Utina, who,
after he had feasted them, prayed Arlac and his soldiers to aid him
in battle against Patanou, whereunto Arlac consented ; Utina re-
solved to attack at daybreak. To do this, he made his men, about

518 THE VOTAGE OP BENE LAUDONNIERE TO FLORIDA.

two hundred, travel all the night. They prayed our French arqne-
busiers to go in front, that the noise of their pieces might astonish
their enemies; notwithstanding they could not march so secretly but
that those of the village of Patanou, distant twenty-five leagues from
that of TJtina, became aware of it ; but finding themselves charged
with shot, a thing wherewith they had never been acquainted, also
beholding the captain of the band fall down dead, in the beginning
of the skirmish, with the shot of an arquebuse which struck him in
the forehead, tliey left the place ; and the Indians of TJtina got into
the place, taking men, women, and children prisoners.

Eight or ten days after, I sent Captain Vasseur back with a bark
to fetch home Arlac and his soldiers.

While I thus labored to purchase friends, certain soldiers of
my company were secretly suborned by one Roquette, who put it
into their heads that he was a great magician, and that by art-magic
he had discovered a mine of gold and silver far up within the river
whereby every soldier should receive in ready bullion the value of
ten thousand crowns, besides fifteen hundred thousand which should
be reseryed for the king; wherefore they allied themselves with
Roquette and another of his confederates, whose name was Le
Geure, in whom I had great confidence. About the 20th of Sep-
tember, as I came home from the woods to finish the building of
my fort, I chafed myself into such a grievous sickness that I
thought I would have died, during which sickness I called Le Geure
often unto me as one I trusted above all others. In the mean while,
assembling his accomplices, he spoke unto them to choose another
captain besides me, to the intent to put me to death; but, not being
able by open force to execute his intention, he got in with my
apothecary, praying him to mingle in my medicine, which I was to
receive, some drug that should destroy me ; or at least he would
give me a little arsenic or quicksilver, which he himself would put
into my drink. But the apothecary refused him, as did likewise the
master of the fireworks. He, with certain others, resolved to hide
a keg of gunpowder under my bed, and by a train to set it on fire.

Upon these practices, a gentleman whom I dispatched to France,
being about to take leave of me, informed me that Le Geure had given
him a book fnll of all kinds of lewd invectives and slanders against
me, De Ottigni, and the principal of my company; upon which oc-
casion I assembled all my soldiers, and Capt. Bourdet with his,
which had arrived in the road on the 4th of September, and had
come up the river. In their presence 1 caused the contents of the
book to be read aloud, that they might bear record of the untruths
that were therein written. Le Geure, who had fled into the woods

THE VOYAGE OF RENE LAtlDONNlERE TO FLORIDA. 519

for fear of being taken (-where he lived for a while after with the
savages, with my permission), wrote to me often, and in several of
his letters confessed to me that he had deserved death, condemning
himself so far that he referred all to my mercy and pity.

On the Tth or 8th of November I sent La Roche Ferriere and
another toward King Utina, to discover every day more and more
of the country, where he was the space of six months, during which
time he discovered many small villages, and, among others, one
named Hostaque.

After these things, about the 10th of November, Captain Bourdet
determined to leave me and return to France. Then I requested
him to carry home with him some six or seven soldiers whom I
could not trust, which he did. Tliree days after his departure
thirteen mariners which I had brought out of France, suborned by
certain other mariners which Captain Bourdet had left with me,
put it into the heads of mine that if they had such barks as mine
they might gain A'ery much in tlie Antilles, and make an exceed-
ingly profitable voyage. Thereupon they devised tliat when I
should send them to the village of Sarauahi, distant about a league
and a half from our fort, and situated upon an arm of the river;
whither I sent them daily to seek clay to make brick and mortar
for our houses, they would return no more, but would furnish
themselves with victuals, and then embark all in one vessel, which
they did. And that which was worse, two Flemish carpenters,
whom Captain Bourdet had left me, stole away the other bark,
and before their departure, cut the cables of a bark and of the
ship's boat, that they might go away with the tide, that I might not
pursue them, so that I remained without either bark or boat, which
fell out very unluckily for us, for I was ready to embark myself
with all speed, to discover as far up the river as I could by any
means.

Now these mariners, as I afterwards learned, took, near the Isle
of Cuba, a bark that was a patache of the Spaniards, wherein they
found a certain quantity of gold and silver. And having tliis
booty they la^' awhile at sea, until their victuals began to fail them,
which was the cause that they came into Havana, the principal
town of the Isle of Cuba; whereupon proceeded that mischief
which hereafter I will disclose more at large.* When I saw my

* Laudonniere alludes to the capture of his fort and the hanging of his men
by Pedro de Menendez de Aviles, who, for the piratical acts of these mutineers,
treated all the French colonists in Florida as pirates, though France at that
time was at peace with Spain ; hut besides, they were Lutherans, which in the
faith of Menendez was deserving of outlawry.

S20 THE VOYAGE OF RENE I/AIJDONNIEEE TO FLORIDA.

ibai-ks returned not at their wonted hour, and suspecting that which
fell out, I commanded my carpenters, with all diligence, to make a
little boat with a flat bottom, to search those rivers for some news
of these mariners. The boat finished, I sent men to seek them, but
all in vain. Therefore I determined to cause two great barks to be
built, each of which might be thirty-five or thirty-six feet long in
the keel-. And now when the work was veiy well forward, ambition
and avarice took root in the hearts of four or five soldiers, who
thenceforward began to tamper with the best of my troops, show^
ing them that they had the best occasion in the world offered them
to make themselves all rich, which was to arm the two barks which
were in building, and to furnish them with good men, and then to
sail to Peru and the isles of the Antilles, whereevery soldier might
easily enrich himself.

This word riches sounded so well in the ears of my soldiers that
finally, after they had ofttiraes consulted of their affairs, they grew
to the number of sixty-six. They caused a request to be presented
to me, containing in sum a declaration of the small store of pro-
visions that was left to sustain us until the time that ships might
return from France ; 'for remedy thereof they thought it necessary
to send to New Spain, Peru, and all the adjoining isles, which they
besought me to grant. But I made answer, that when the barks
were finished, we would get victuals of the inhabitants of the coun-
trj', seeing also that we had enough to serve us for four months to
come ; for I feared greatly that under pretence of searching for
victuals, they would undertake something against the subjects of the
king of Spain which in the future might justly be laid to my charge,
considering that at our departure out of France the queen had
charged me very expressly to do no kind of wrong to tlie king of
Spain's subjects, nor anything whereof he might conceive any
jealousy. They made as though they were content with this an-
swer; but eight daj-s after, as I continued working upon our fort
and on my barks, I fell sick. Then ray seditious companions openly
avowed tliat they would seize the fort, and force me also unto their
wicked desire. My lieutenant came and told me that he suspected
some evil practice, and the next morning I was saluted at my gate
by men in complete harness. Tlie five chief authors of the sedition
pressed into my room, sajMng that they would go to New Spain to
seek their adventure. I warned them, but they replied that I must
grant their request; that I sliould deliver them the armor which
I had in my custody. I would not jneld it, but they took all by
force, and carried it out of my house ; they laid hands on me, and
carried me, sick as I was, prisoner into a ship which rode at anchor

THE VOYAGE OP RENE LAUDONNIERE TO FLORIDA. 5.21

ill the midst of the river, wherein I was the space of fifteen days, at-
tended upon by one man only, without permission of any of my
servants to visit me, from every one of whom, as also from the rest
that took my part, they took away their armor ; and they sent me
a<passport to sign, telling me plainly, after I had denied them, that
if I made any difficulty they would all come and cut my throat on
the ship. Thus I was compelled to sign the passport, and to grant
them certain mariners, with Trenchant, an honest and skilful pilot.
When the barks were finished, they armed them with as much as
they needed. They compelled Captain Vasseur to deliver to them
the flag of his ship. They sailed on tlie 8th of December ; but be-
cause the greater part of them by this time repented them of their
enterprise, and that they began to mutiny among themselves, when
■they came forth from the river the two barks separated ; the one
kept along the coast unto Cuba, to double the cape more easily, and
the other went right fortli to pass athwart the Laeaya Isles ; where-
fore they met not until five weeks after their departure. The bark
which went along the coast, whereof Trenchant was pilot, near a
place called Archaha took a brigantine laden with cassava and
some little wine, which was not effected without some loss of their
men ; for in one assault that the inhabitants of Archaha made upon
them two of their men were taken and two were slain. Yet they
took the brigantine, wherein they put all their stufi" that was in
their own bark, because it was of greater burden and a better sailer
than their own. Afterward they sailed right unto Cape Santa
Maria, near to Leauguane, where they went on land to calk and
pitch their ship, which had a great leak. Then they resolved to
sail to Baracou, which is a village in the island of Jamaica, where,
at their arrival, tliey found a caravel of fifty or sixty tons, wliich
they took, without any body in it ; and after they had made good
cheer in the village during five or six days, they embarked in it,
leaving their second ship. Then they returned to Cape Tiburon,
wherfi they met with a pataehe [a tender], which they took after a
long conflict. In this pataehe the governor of Jamaica was taken,
with great store of riclies, as well of gold and silver as of merchan-
dise and wine, and many other things, wherein our seditious com-
panions, not contented, determined to seek more in their caravel.
After they were come to Jamaica they missed another caravel, which
saved itself in the harbor. The governor, seeing himself brought
unto the place which he desired, obtained so much by fair words
that they let him put two little boys, who were taken with him, into a
cockboat, and send them into the village to his wife, to inform her that
she should make provision of victuals to send to him. But instead

522 THE VOYAGE OP RENE LAUDONNIEKE TO FLORIDA.'

of writing to his wife, he told the boys secretly that with all speed
she should send the vessels that were in' the havens near that place
to rescue him ; which she did so cunningly, that on a morning about
daybreak, as our mutineers were at the haven's mouth, which reached
more than two leagues into the land, there came out of the haven
a malgualire, which makes sail both forward and backward, and
then two great ships, which might be of eighty or a Jmndred tons
apiece, well armed and well manned ; at whose coming the mutineers
were surprised, not being able to see them when they came, as well
because of the darkness of the weather, as also of the length of the
haven, considering also they mistrusted nothing. True it is, twenty-
five or twenty-six that were in the brigantine discovered these
ships when they were near them, who, seeing themselves pressed for
leisure to weigh anchor, cut their cable, and the trumpeter, who
was in it, warned the rest ; whereupon the Spaniards, seeing them-
selves descried, discliarged a volley of cannon-shot against the
Frenchmen, whom they followed the distance of three leagues, and
recovered their own ships. The brigantine, which escaped, passed
in sight of Cape des Aigrettes and Cape St. Anthonj', in the island
of Cuba, and thence passed within sight of Havana. But Trenchant,
their pilot, and the trumpeter, and certain other mariners of this
brigantine, who were led away by force in this voyage, desired
nothing more than to return to me ; wherefore these men agreed
that if the wind served them well the}' would cross the channel of
Bahama while the others were asleep, which thej' accomplished with
such success that about the 25th of March, 1565, toward the break
of day, they arrived upon the coast of Florida. Their sail was no
sooner descried upon our coast, than the king of the place called
Patica, dwelling eight leagues distance from our fort, sent an In-
dian to inform me that he had descried a ship upon the coast. The
brigantine, oppressed with famine, came to an anchor at the mouth
of the river May. At fli-st we thought they were ships come from
France, which occasioned us great joy ; but after I had caused her
to be better viewed, I was informed that they were the mutineers
that had returned. Therefore I sent them word by Captain Vas-
seur and my sergeant that they should bring up their brigantine
before the fortress, which they promised to do. Now they were not
more than two leagues distance from the mouth of the rioer, where
they cast anchor, to the fortress. The next day I sent the same
captain and sergeant with thirty soldiers, because I saw they de-
layed much their coming. Then they brought them. I waited for
them at the river's mouth, where I caused my barks to be built,
and commanded the sergeant to bring the four chief authors of the

THE VOYAGE OF RENE LAUDONNIERE TO FLORIDA. 523

mutiny on shore, whom I had immediately put in fetters. My
council, expressly assembled for this purpose, had concluded that
only. these four should die, to serve as an example to the rest. I
commanded that they should be hanged. The soldiers besought
me not to hang them, but rather to let them be shot, and then
afterward, if I thought proper, their bodies might be hanged upon
certain gilibets along the haven's mouth, which I caused presently
to be put in execution. So here was the end of my mutinous sol-
diers. I will now return to the matters from which I digressed, to
declare that which fell out after their departure.

My lieutenant, Ottigni, and the sergeant of my band, came to
seek me in the ship, where I was prisoner, and carried me thence in
a bark as soon as our rebels were departed. After I had come into
the fort, I caused all my company that remained to be assembled ;
and declared unto them the faults, which they who had forsaken us,
had committed. Forthwith I ordered new captains to command the
troops. Tiiey all promised witli one accord to obey me, so that,
after the departure of my mutinous companions, I was as well
obeyed as ever was captain in the place where he commanded.

The next day after my return to the fort, I assembled my men
together again, to declare unto them that our fort was not yet finished,
and that it was needful that all of us should put thereunto our help-
ing hands, to secure ourselves against the Indians ; whereupon
having willingly agreed with me, they raised it all with turf from
the gate unto the river, which is on the west side. Tiiis done, I set
my carpenters to work to make another boat of the same size that
the others were, which was finished in eigliteen days. Afterwards
I made another less tlian the first ; the better to discover up the
riveu. Two Indians came unto me one day to salute me in behalf of
their king, whose name was Marracou, dwelling from our fort about
Home forty leagues towards the south, and told me that there was one
in the house of king Onathaqua, who was called Barbu, or the bearded
man; and in the house of king Mathiaca another man whose name
they knew not, who was not of their nation ; whereupon I conceived
these might be some Christians. Wherefore I sent to all tlie kings,
my neighbors, to pray them, if there were any Christian dwelling in
their countries, that he might be brought unto me, and that I would
make them double recompense. They took so much pains that the
two men whereof we have spoken were brought unto me to the fort.
They were naked, wearing their hair long unto their hams, and were
born Spaniards. After I had questioned them, I had them apparelled,
and their hair cut, which they lapped up in a linen cloth, saying they
would carry it to their country to show the miseries they had endured

524 THE TOTAGE OF RENE LAUDONNIEEE TO J'LOBIDA.

in the Indies. In the Lair of one of them was found a little gaM
hidden to the value of twenty-five crowns, which he gave unto me.

They told me that fifteen years past, three ships, in one of which
they were, were cast away over against a place named Calos, upon
the flats [shoals] which are called The Martyrs, and that the king
of Calos* recovered the greater part of the riches which were in
said ships; that the greatest part of the people were saved, and many
women, among which number there were three or four married
women, remaining there yet, and their children also, -with this king
CaloB.

One of these two declared to me that he had served him a long
time as a messenger, and that ofttimes by his command he liad
visited a king named Onathaqua, distant from Calos four or five
days' journey, who always remained liis faithful friend ; that mid-
way tliere .was an island in a great lake of fresh water, named Sar-
rope, about five leagues in bigness, abounding with many sorts of
fruits, whereof they made a wonderful traffic, yet not so great as of
a kind of root, whereof they made a kind of meal, so good to make
bread of tliat none can be better ; and that for fifteen leagues about
all the country is fed therewith.

The Spaniard that made this relation told me that he had been
with Onathaqua full eight years, even until the time that he was sent
to me. The place of Calos is situated upon a river which is beyond
the Cape of Florida, forty or fifty leagues towards the southwest:;
and the d.welling of Onathaqua is on this side of the cape toward
the north, in a place which we call in the chart Canaveral, which is
in the twenty-eigiith degree.

As soon as our two barks were finished, I sent Capt. Vasseur to
discover along the coast lying toward the north, and commanded
him to sail unto a river, the king whereof was called Audusta,
where those of the year 1562 inhabited. And the better to win him,
I sent in the bark a soldier called Aimon, wiio was one of those who
returned home in the first voyage, hoping that Audusta might re-
member him. But before they were embarked, I commanded them
to make inquiry what was become of another called RouflS, who re-
mained alone in those parts when Nicholas Mason and those of the
first voyage embarked to return to France.

They learned, at their arrival there, tliat a bark passing that way
had carried away the same soldier ; and afterwards I knew for a

* The Bay of Carlos, corrupted by tlie English to Charlotte Harbor. The Calos
or Callos are anthropophagi and very cruel ; they dwell in a bay which bears
alike their name and that of Ponce de Leon. — From a note by B. F. French,
quoting Brinton and Charlevoix.

THE VOYAGE OF BENE LAUDONNIERE TO FLORIDA. 525

©ertainty that they were Spaniards who had carried him to Havana.
King Audusta sent my bark back full of corn, with a certain quan-
tity of beans, two stags-, some skins dressed, and certain pearls of
small value, because they were burnt.

After Capt. Vasseur had returned, I caused the two barks to be
furnished again with soldiers and marines, and sent them to carry
a present to the widow of Hiocaia, whose dwelling was distant from
our fort about twelve leagues northward. She courteously received
eur men, and sent me back my baii full of corn and acorns, with
certain baskets full of the leaves of cassine wherewith they make
their drink..

Now while I thought I was furnished with victuals until the time
that our ships might come out of France, for fear of keeping my
people idle. I sent my two barks to discover along the river and up
toward the head thereof, which went so far up that they were thirty
leiEgues good beyond a place named Mathiaqua, and there they disi-
covered the entrance of a lake, upon the one side whereof no land
could be seen. According to the report, of the Indians, who had
ofttimes climbed on the highest tree in the. country to see land, and
notwithstanding could not, which was the cause that my men went
no further, but returned back, and in coming home went to see the
island of Edelana, situated in the midst of the river, as fair a place
as any that may.be seen through the world, for, in the space of
some three leagues (that it may contain in length and breadth), a
man may see an exceedingly rich country, and marvellously peopled.
At the coming out of the village of Edelano to go unto the river-
side, a man may pass through an alley about three hundred paces
long and fifty paces broad, on both sides whereof great trees are
planted, the boughs whereof are tied together like an. arch, and meet
together so artificially, that a man would think it were an arbor
made on purpose, as fair I say, as any in all Christendom, although
it be all natural.

Our men, departing from this place, rowed to Eneguape, then to
Chilily, fi'om thence to Patica, and lastly they came unto Coya,
where, leaving their boats in a little creek of the river with men to
guard them., they went to visit Utina, who received them very cour-
teously, and when they departed from his house he entreated them
so eaunestlj'^, that six of my men remained with him, of which num-
ber was a gentlemen named Groutald, who, after he had abode there
about cwo months and taken great pains to discover the country
with another whom I had left a great while there for that purpose,
came to me at the fort, and told me that he never saw a fairer coun-
try. Among other things he reported to me that he had seen a

526 THE VOYAGE OP RENE LATJDONNIERE TO FLORIDA.

place named Hostaqua, and that the king thereof knew the passages
to the mountains of Apalatei, where the enemy of Hostaqua abode.
The king sent me a plate of metal that came out of this mountain, out
of the foot whereof there runneth a stream of gold or copper (as the
savages think), out of which they dig up the sand with a hollow and
dry cane until the cane is full. Then they shake it, and find there
are many small grains of copper and silver among this sand, which
gives them to understand that some rich mine' must needs be in the
mountain, and because the mountain was not more tlian five or six
days' journey from our fort, lying toward the northwest, I determined
as soon as our supply should come from France, to remove our
habitation unto some river more toward the north, that 1 might be
nearer thereunto.*

TJtlna sent, certain days afterward, to pray me to lend him a .
dozen or fifteen of my arquebusiers to invade his enemy Potanou.
I doubted lest the small number which he demanded miglit incur
some danger, wherefore I sent Iiim thirty under the charge of Lieu-
tenant Ottigni, who staid not more than two days with Utina while
he prepared victnals for his voyage, which ordinarily and according
to the custom of the country are carried by women and young boys
and by hermaphrodites. Utina, setting forward with three hun-
dred warriors, caused the thirty arquebusiers to be placed in front,
and made them march all day until, the night approaching and hav-
ing got not more than half way, they were forced to lie all night in
the woods near a great lake. As soon as day came, they marched
within three leagues of the village of Potanou. There Utina asked
the lieutenant for four or five of his men to go and discover the
country, who departed, and had not gone far when they perceived,
upon a lake distant about three leagues from the village of Potanou,
three Indians who fished in a canoe. Now the custom is that when
the}' fish in this lake, they have always a company of watchmen
armed with bows and arrows to guard the fishers. Our men, being
informed thereof, durst not pass any further for fear of falling into
some ambush, wherefore they returned to Utina, who suddenly sent
them back with a great company to surprise the fishers before they
could give notice to tlieir king of the coming of his enemies, which
they could not execute so promptly but that two of them escaped.
Utina, fearing lest Potanou, warned by the fishers which were es-
caped, should put himself in arms to oppose him, asked counsel of
his lawa (magician) whether it were best to go any further. Then

* These gold mines were probaWy the same as those of which Soto was in-
formed. Both thi» account and that of Soto indicate this gold region to be in
the north of Georgia, where now are the gold fields of Cteorgia.

THE VOYAGE OF RENE LATJDONNIEEE TO FLORIDA. 52T

this magician made certain signs hideous and fearful to behold, and
used certain words, which being ended, he said unto his king that it
was not best to pass any further, and that Potauou accompanied by
four thousand Indians staid in such a place for him, to bide him
battle.

This relation caused Utina to be unwilling to pass any further,
whereupon my lieutenant said unto him, that he would never think
well of him, nor of his people, if he would not hazard himself; and
that if he would not do it, at least that he would give him a guide
to conduct him and his small company to the place where the enemy
were. Thereupon Utina was ashamed, and determined to go for-
ward, and he failed not to find his enemy in the very place which
the magician had named, where the skirmish began, which lasted
three long hours, wherein without doubt Utina had been defeated,
unless our arquebusiers had borne the brunt of the battle and slain
a great number of the soldiers of Potanou, upon which occasion they
were put to flight, whereupon Utina caused his people to return
home. After he was come home to his house he sent messengers to
eighteen or twenty villages of other kings, his vassals, and summoned
tliem to be present at the feast and dances which he proposed to
celebrate because of Iiis victorj^. In the mean time M. de Ottigni
refreshed himself for two days, and then, leaving Utina twelve of his
men, set out to come unto me, unto our fort, where he told me how
everything had passed.

The Indians are wont to leave their houses and to retire into the
woods the space of three months, to wit: January, February, and
March, during which time by no means can a man see an Indian;
for when they go a hunting they make little cottages in the woods,
whereunto they retire, living upon that which thej' take in hunting.
This was the cause that during this time we could get no victuals
by their means. The month of May approaching and no succor
coming from France, we fell into extreme want of victuals ; con-
strained to eat roots and certain sorrel, with nothing but certain
fish, without which assuredly we had perished with famine. This
famine held us from the beginning of May to the middle of June,
during which time the men became as feeble as might be, and, not
being able to work, did nothing but go one after another unto the
cliff of a hill, situated very near unto the fort, to see if they might
discover any French ship. In fine, frustrated of their hope, they
assembled and came to beseech me to take some measures that they
might return to France. Thereupon it was consulted and resolved
by all the company that the bark Breton should be fitted up. But
because it was not large enough to receive us all, some thought

528 THE VOYAGE OF RENE EAUDONNIEBE TO PLOKIDA.

good to build the brigantine, which our mutineers had brought
back, two decks higher, and that twentj^-flve men should hazard
themselves to pass therein to France ; the rest, being better advised,
said that it would be far better to bnild a fair ship upon the keel of
the galiot which I had caused to be made. Then I inquired of my
shipwrights in what time they could make this ship ready. They
assured the whole company that, being furnished with all things
necessary, they would make it ready by the 8th of August. I im-
mediately disposed of the time to work upon it, and charged my
lieutenant to cause timber necessary for the finishing of both the
vessels to be brought. There remained now but to collect victuals
to sustain us while our work endured. To this end 1 embarked,
making up the thirtieth, in my great bark to make a voyage of forty
or fifty leagues. During our voyage we lived on nothing but a
certain round grain, little and black, and the roots of palmettos,
which we got by the river-sides ; wherein after we had sailed a long
time in vain, I was compelled to return unto the fort where the
soldiers, weary of working, because of the extreme famine, assembled
and declared unto me, it was expedient, for the saving of their lives,
to seize one of the kings of the county, assuring themselves that one
being taken, his subjects would not suffer our men to want victuals.

Therefore, after I had resolved with them to seize Utina, who was
most able to help us to collect victuals, I departed with fifty of my
best soldiers in two barks, and arrived in the dominions of Utina,
distant from our fort about forty or fifty leagues, and going ashore
we drew near his village situated six great leagues from the river,
where we took him prisoner. They, therefore, brought me fish in
their little boats, and their meal of mast ; they, also, made their
drink, which they call cassine, which they sent to Utina and me.

Now, although I held their king prisoner, 3'et I could not get any
great quantity of victuals for the present. In the mean time 1 was
not able, with the same store of victuals which I had, so well to
proportion out the work upon the ships which we built to return to
France, but that in the end we were constrained to endure extreme
famine, which continued among us all the month of May.

We had almost passed through the month of May when two sub-
jects of Utina came to me, who showed me that by this time the corn
was ripe in the greatest part of their quarters. Wherefore I caused
the two barks to be forthwith made ready, wherein I sailed to Patica,
a place distant from his village eight or nine leagues, where I found
nobody. His father-iu-law and his wife came presently towards our
barks, and brought bread, which they gave my soldiers. They held
me there three days, and in the mean while did all they could to

THE VOYAGE OH RENE LAUDONNIERE TO FLORIDA. 529

take me, which I discovered and stood upon my guard. Wherefore
they sent to inform me, that as yet they could not help me to
victuals, and that the corn was not yet ripe. Thus I was constrained
to return and carry back TJtina to the fort, where I had much ado
to save him from the rage of my soldiers.

I went to divers places and continued so doing fifteen days, when
TJtina again besought me to send him to his village, assuring me that
bis subjects would give me victuals. I undertook this voyage with
the two barks furnished as before. At our coming unto the little
river we found his subjects there with some quantity of bread, beans,
and fish to give my soldiers. But, returning to their former prac-
tice, they sought all means to entrap me ; but after they saw the
little means they had to annoy me they returned to entreaties, and
offered that, if I would give them their king with certain of my sol-
diers, they would conduct them unto the village, and that the subjects
seeing him would be more willing to give us victuals ; which, how-
ever, I would not do until they had first given me two men in pledge,
with charge that by the next day they should bring me victuals.

Four daj's were spent in these conferences. My lieutenant then
departed with his troop and came to the small river whereinto we
were accustomed to enter, to approach as near as we could unto the
village of Utina, being six leagues from thence. There he went on
shore, and drew towards the great house that was the king's, where
the chief men of the countrj^ were assembled, who caused very great
store of victuals to be brought ; in doing whereof they spent three
or four days, in which time they gathered men together to attack
us in our retreat And that which much more increased the susi^i-
cion of war was that, as my messengers departed from Utinaj they
heard the voice of one of my men, who during the voyage had always
been among the Indians. This poor fellow cried out amain, because
two Indians would have carried him into the woods to cut his
throat, whereupon he was rescued.

These admonitions being well understood, after mature delibera-
tion, M. de Ottigni resolved to retire the 2Tth of July, wherefore
he set his men in order and delivered to each of them a sack full of
corn, and then marched towards his boats. There is at the com-
ing forth of the village a great alley, about three or four hundred
paces long, which is covered on both sides with great trees; my
lieutenant disposed his men in this alley, and set them in such
order as they desired to march ; for he was well assured that if
there were anj' ambush it would be at the coming out of the trees.
Therefore he caused M. de Arlac, my ensign, to march in advance
with eight arquebusiers, to discover if there were any danger ; be-
34

530 THE VOYAGE OP KENE lAUDONNIERE TO FLORIDA.

sides he commanded one of my sergeants and corporals to march
on the outside of the alley with four arquebusiers, while he con-
ducted the rest of his company through it. Now as he suspected,
so it fell out; for Arlac met with two or three hundred Indians at
the end of the alley, who saluted us with an infinite number of
arrows. Howbeit they were so well sustained in the first assault
which my ensign gave them, that those who fell down dead did
somewhat abate the choler of those who remained alive. This done
my lieutenant hastened to gain ground.

After he had marched about four hundred paces he was charged
afresh by a new troop of savages, who were in number about three
hundred, which assailed him before, while the rest of the former
set upon him behind. This second assault was so valiantlj'- sus-
tained, that I may justly say that M. Ottigni discharged his duty
as well as it was possible for a good captain to do ; for he had
to deal with such kind of men as knew well how to fight. Their
manner in this flglit was, that when two hundred had shot, they
retired and gave place to the rest that were behind. This conflict
lasted from nine o'clock in the morning until night. And if Ottigni
had not bethought himself to cause his men to break the arrows
which they found in the way, and so deprive the Indians of the
means to begin again, without all doubt he would have had very
much more to do; for by this means, deprived of arrows, they
were obliged to retire. My lieutenant having come unto his boats,
reviewed his company and found two men missing, who were
killed. He moreover found twenty-two of them wounded, whom
with much ado he caused to be brought into the boats. All the
corn that he found among his company amounted to but two men's
burden ; for as soon as the conflict began every man was obliged to
leave his sack to use his weapons.

Afterward I thought upon new means to obtain victuals, as well
for our return to France as for the time until our embarking. I
was informed by certain men of our company who usually went out
hunting into the woods, that in the village of Saraurahi, situated
on the other side of the river and two leagues distant from the fort,
and in tlie village of Emola there were fields wherein the corn was
very forward, and in great abundance. Wherefore I caused my
boats to be made ready, and sent my sergeant thither with certain
soldiers, who used such diligence that (soon) we had good store of
corn. I sent also to the river which the Indians call Iracana,
named by Captain Ribault Somiwe, where Captain Vasseur and my
sergeant arrived with two boats, and found a great assembly of the
lords of the country, who were there assembled to make merry; be-

THE VOYAGE OP RENE LAUDONNIERE TO FLORIDA. 531

cause that in this place are the fairest maids and women of the vil-
lages. Whereupon, after they had made our men good cheer, the
boats were forthwith laden with corn.

Now finding ourselves by this means sufficiently furnished with
victuals, we each, in his place, began to work with such diligence as
the desire to see our native country might move us, but because
two of our carpenters were killed by the Indians, the master car-
penter, John de Hais, a very worthy man in his vocation, came and
told me that on account of the want of men he was not able to
finish the ship in the time he promised me, which declaration made
such a mutiny among my soldiers, that he hardly escaped being
killed. How belt, I appeased them as well as I could, and de-
termined to work no more upon the ship, but to content myself with
repairing the brigantine which I had. So we began to beat down
all the houses that were without the fort, and caused coal to be
made of the timber thereof; likewise the soldiers beat down the
palisade which was toward the river-side, nor was I ever able to
keep them from doing it. In the mean while there was none of us
to whom it was not an extreme grief to leave a country where we
had endured such great travails to discover that wliich we were
obliged to forsake through the default of our own countrymen.
As each of us was much tormented in mind with these and such
like reflections, the third of August as I walked upon a little hill I
descried four sails at sea. I immediately sent one of the men that
were with me, to inform those of the fort thereof, who were so glad
at this news that one would have thought them out of their wits, to
see them laugh and leap for joy.

After these ships had anchored, we descried that they sent one of
their boats to land, whereupon I caused one of mine to be armed,
with diligence, to send to meet them, and to ascertain who they
were. In the mean time, fearing lest they were Spaniards, I put
my soldiers in order, awaiting the return of Captain Vasseur and
my lieutenant, who were gone to meet them. They brought me
word that they were Englishmen; and they had in their company
a man whose name was Martinez Antinas, of Dieppe, who at that
time was in their service, and who on behalf of their general,
John Hawkins, came to request me that I would suffer them
to take fresh water, whereof they stood in need, signifying unto
me that they had been more than fifteen days on the coast to
get some. He brought unto me from the general two flagons
of wine and bread made of wheat ; for seven months I had never
tasted wine; nevertheless, it was all divided among the greatest
part of my soldiers. This Antinas had guided the Englishmen

532 THE VOYAGE OP EENE LATTDONNIERE TO FLORIDA.

unto our coast wherewith he was acquainted ; for in the year 1562
he came thither with me, and therefore the general sent him to me.
After I had granted his request, the general the next day caused
one of his small ships to enter the river, and came to see me in a
great ship-boat, accompanied by gentlemen honorably apparalled,
yet unarmed. He sent for great stores of bread and wine to dis-
tribute thereof to every one. On my part I made him the best
cheer I could, and caused certain sheep and poultry to be killed,
which until this time I had carefully preserved, hoping to store the
country withal ; for notwithstanding all the necessities and sickness
that happened unto me, I would not suifer so much as one chicken
to be killed, by which means in a short time I had gathered to-
gether about a hundred pullets. Near three days passed while the
English general remained with me, during which time the Indians
came in to me from all parts, and asked me whether he were my
brother. I told them he was, and signified to them that he had
come to see me, and aid me with so great store of victuals that
thenceforth I should have no need to take anj-thing of them.

The general immediately understood the desire and urgent occa-
sion I had to return to France, whereupon he offered to transport
me and all my company home, whereunto, notwithstanding I would
not agree, being in doubt upon what occasion he made so large an
offer, for I knew not how the case stood between the French and the
English, and although he promised me on his faith to put me on
land in France before he would touch England, yet I stood in doubt,
lest he would attempt something in Florida in the name of his
queen, wherefore I flatly refused his offer; whereupon there arose a
great mutiny among my soldiers, who said that I sought to destroy
them all, and that the brigantine, whereof I spoke before, was not
sufficient to transport them. The bruit and mutiny increased more
and more, for after that the general had returned to his ships, he
told certain gentlemen and soldiers who went to see him, partly to
make good cheer with him, that he greatly doubted that we should
be able to pass safely in those vessels which he had, and that in case
we should undertake the same, we should, no doubt, be in great
jeopardy ; notwithstanding, if I were so contented, he would trans-
port part of my men in his ships, and that he would leave me a
small ship to transport the rest.* The soldiers were no sooner
come home but they made known the offer to their companions, who

* Laudonniere had his brigantine nearly ready, but this was not sufficient to
transport them all, though, with the vessel to be left by the admiral, it might
be sufficient to transport those that did not leave on the English fleet.

THE VOYAGE OF EENE lATJDONNIERE TO FLORIDA. 533

agreed that in case I would not accept the same, they would embark
with him, and forsake me. They therefore came to my chamber
and signified their intention, whereunto I promised to answer within
an hour after. Meanwhile I assembled the principal members of
my company, who, after I had disclosed the business to them, an-
swered with one voice that I ought not to refuse this offer. After
sundrj' debatings I gave my advice that we ought to deliver him the
price of the ship which he was to leave us, and that for my part I
was content to give him the silver which I had gathered in the
country. Whereupon it was determined that I should keep the
silver for fear lest the queen of England (Elizabeth), seeing the
same, should the rather be encouraged to set footing there, as before
she had desired, and that seeing we were resolved to depart, it was
far better to give him our artillery. This point being thus con-
cluded, I went to the English general, accompanied by my lieuten-
ant, Capt. Verdier, Trenchant tlie pilot, and my sergeant, all men
of experience in such affairs, and knowing sufficiently how to make
such a bargain. We therefore took a view of the ship which the
general would sell, who was content to abide by my own men's
judgment, who esteemed it worth seven hundred crowns, whereof
we agreed very friendly. Wherefore I delivered him in earnest of
the sum, two bastards, two minions, one thousand of iron, and one
thousand of powder. This bargain thus made, he considered the
need wherein we were, having for all our sustenance but corn and
water, and being moved with pity, he offered to relieve me with
twenty barrels of meal, six pipes of beans, one hogshead of salt, and
a hundred of wax to make candles. Moreover, forasmuch as he
saw my soldiers go barefoot, he ofiered me, besides fifty pairs of
shoes which I accepted, and agreed on the price with him, and gave
a bill of mine hand for the same, for which until this present I am
indebted to him. He did more than this ; for particularly, he be-
stowed upon myself a great jar of oil, a jar of vinegar, a barrel of
olives, and a great quantity of rice, and a barrel of white biscuit ;
besides he gave divers presents to the principal officers of my com-
pany according to their qualities, so that I may say we received as
many courtesies of the general as it was possible to receive of any
man living, wherein doubtless he hath won the reputation of a good
and charitable man, deserving to be esteemed as much of us all as
if he had saved all our lives. Immediately after his departure, I
spared no pains to hasten my men to make biscuits of the flour
which he had left me, and to hoop my casks to take in water need-
ful for our voyage. The 15th of August, 1565, the biscuit, the
greatest part of the water, and all the soldiers' stuff were brought

534 THE VOYAGE OP EENE LATJDONNIERE TO FLORIDA.

aboard, so that from tliat day forward we did nothing but stay for
a good wind to drive us unto France.

On the 28th of August the tide and wind served well to start, at
■which time Captain Vasseur, who commanded one of the ships, and
Captain Verdier, who was chief of the other, now ready to go
forth, began to descry certain sails at sea, whereof they informed
me with diligence ; whereupon I commanded a boat to be armed,
to go forth in good order, to descry and learn what they were. I
sent also to the sentinels whom I caused to be kept on a small knoll,
to cause certain men to climb up to the top of the highest trees, the
better to discover them. They descried the great boat of the ships,
which as yet they could not perfectly discern, which, as far as they
could judge, seemed to chase my boat, which by this time had
passed the bar of the river, so that we could not possibly judge
whether they were enemies who would have carried her away with
them ; for it was too great a view to judge the truth thereof.
My boat come unto its ship about two o'clock in the afternoon, and
sent me no news all that day. The next morning about, eight or
nine o'clock I saw seven boats, among which my own was one, full
of soldiers, enter the river, every man having his arquebuse in his
hand, and a morion on his head, who moved in order of ba<;tle
along the cliffs where my sentinels were, to whom they would make
no kind of answer notwithstanding all the demands that were made
them, insomuch that one of mj' soldiers was constrained to shoot at
them, without, however, doing them any hurt by reason of the dis-
tance. Tlie report thereof being made to me, I placed each of my
men in his quarter, with full deliberation to defend ourselves if they
had been enemies, likewise I caused two small field-pieces which I
had left me to be trimmed in such sort that, if approaching the
fort, they had not cried out that it was Captain Ribault, I had not
failed to discharge the same upon them.

Afterward I understood that the cause why they entered in this
manner proceeded from the false reports that had been made to my
lord admiral by those who had returned to France in the first ships;
for they had put it into his head that I had played the lord and
the king, and that I would hardly suffer that any other should enter
tiiere to govern.

Being therefore informed that it was Captain Ribault, I went
forth to meet him. I caused him to be welcomed with the artillery
and musketry, wherennto he answered with his. Afterward, having
come ashore, I took him to my lodging, rejoicing not a little, be-
cause in his company I knew a good number of my friends, whom
I entertained in the best manner that I was able. Howbeit I mar-

THE VOYAGE OP RENE LAUDOJJNIEEE TO FLORIDA. 535

veiled not a little when they began to utter unto rae : " My captain,
we praise Grod that we have found you alive, and chiefly because
we know that the reports which have been made of you are false."
These speeches moved me so that I would needs know more ;
wherefore having accosted Captain Ribault, and both of us going
aside out of the fort, he signified to me the charge which he had,
pra3dng me not to return to France, but stay with him, myself
and my company. "Whereupon I replied I could not nor ought to
accept his offer ; that I could not receive a greater comfort than
the news which he brought rae to return to France. I prayed him
very heartily to deliver me the letters which my lord admiral* had
written to me, which he performed. The contents of these letters
were these : —

" Captain Laudonniere, because some of those who have returned
from Florida speak indifferently of the country, the king desireth
your presence, to the end that according to your trial he may re-
solve to bestow great cost thereon or wholly to leave it ; and there-
fore I send Captain John Ribault to be governor there, to whom
you shall deliver whatsoever you have in charge, and inform him of
all things you have discovered."

And in a postscript of the letter was this : " Think not that whereas
I send for you it is for any evil opinion or mistrust that I have of
you; but that it is for your- good and for your credit; and assure
yourself that during my life you shall find me your good master."

Now, after I had a long discourse with Captain Ribault, Captain
La Grrange accosted me, and told me of an infinite number of false
reports which had been made of me to my great hindrance.

The next day the Indians came in from all parts to know what
people these were ; to whom I signified that this was he who in the
year 1562 arrived in this country and erected the pillar which stood
at the entry of the river. Some of them knew him ; for in truth he
was easy to be known by reason of the great beard which he wore.
He received many presents of those who were of the villages near
adjoining, among whom there were some whom he had not yet for-
gotten. I advised them that he was sent thither by the king of
France to remain in my place, and that I was sent for.

About the time of these conferences, comings, and goings, of the
kings of the countr3-, being weakened by my former travel, and
fallen into melancholy upon the false reports that had been made of
me, I fell into a great continual fever, which held me eight or nine

* Gaspard de Coliguy, of Cliastillon, Admiral of Prance, assassinated on the
day of St. Bartholomew, August 24, 1572.

536 THE VOYAGE OF BENE LAXIDONNIERE TO FLORIDA.

days, during which time Capt. Ribault caused his victuals to be
brought on shore, and stowed the most part thereof in the house
which mj' lieutenant had bnilt about two hundred paces without the
fort ; which he did that they might be the better defended from the
weather, and likewise that the flour might be nearer the bake-house,
which I had built in that place the better to avoid the danger of fire.
After Capt. Ribault had brought up three of his small ships into
the river, which was the 4th of September (1565), six great Span-
ish ships arrived in the road, where four of our great ships re-
mained, which cast anchor, assuring our men of good amity. They
asked how the chief captains of the enterprise did, and called them
all by their names and surnames. It could not be otherwise than'
that these men, before they left Spain, must have been informed of
the expedition, and of those who were to execute the same. About
the break of day they began to move toward our men ; but our men,
who trusted, them never a bit, had hoisted their sails by night, cut
their cables, left their anchors, and set sail. The Spaniards seeing
themselves discovered sent them certain volleys of their great ord-
nance, niade sail after them, and chased them all day long, but our
men got away from them toward the sea. And the Spaniards, see-
ing they could not reach them, because the French ships were better
sailers than theirs, and also because they would not leave the coast,
turned back and went on shore in the river Seloy, which we call the
river of Dolphins,* eight or ten leagues distant from the place where
we were. Our men, therefore, finding themselves better of sail than
they were, followed them to see what they did, which, after they had
done, the^' returned to the river May, where Capt. Ribault, having
descried them, embarked himself in a great boat to learn what news
they had. Being at the entrance of tlie river he met with the boat
of Capt. Consel's ship, wherein was a good number of men, who
related to him all the Spaniard's doings ; and how the great ship,
the Trinity, had kept the sea, and that she had not returned with
them. They told him, moreover, that they had seen three Spanish
ships enter into the river of Dolphins, and the other three remained
in the road ; further, that they had put their soldiers, victuals, and
munitions on land.

After he learned this news, he returned to the fortress, and came
to my room, where 1 was sick, and there in the presence of Captains
La Grange, St. Marie, Ottigni, Visty, Yonouille, and other gentle-
men, he propounded to me that it was necessary for the king's ser-
vice to embark himself with all his force, and with the three ships
that were in the road to seek the Spanish fleet ; whereupon he asked

* The harbor of St. Augustine.

THE VOYAGE OF EENE LAUDONNIERE TO I'LORIDA. 537

our advice. I first replied, and among other things informing him
of the perilous flaws of wind that rise on this coast ; and that if it
chanced that he were driven from the shore, it would be very hard
for him to recover it again, and that in the mean while they who
should stay in the fort would be in fear and danger. The Captains
St. Marie and La Grange declared unto him further, that they
thought it not good to put any such enterprise into execution ; that
it was far better to keep the land, and do their best endeavors to
fortify themselves ;* and that, after the Trinity (which was the
principal ship) returned,, there would be much more likelihood to
undertake this voyage. Notwithstanding, Capt. Ribault resolved
to undertake it, and much more so when he understood from King
Emola, one of our neighbors who arrived during this discussion,
that the Spaniards in great numbers had gone on shore and taken
possession of the houses of Seloy, in the most of which they had
placed their negroes, which they had brought to labor, and also
lodged themselves, and had cast divers trenches about them. Thus
doubting not that the Spaniards would encamp there to molest us,
and in the end to drive us out of the country, he caused a procla-
mation to be made, that all the soldiers that were under his charge
should immediately, with their weapons, embark, and that his two
ensigns should go, which was put in execution.

He came into my chamber and prayed me to lend him my lieuten-
ant, ensign, and sergeant, and to let all the good soldiers that I had
go with him, which I denied him ; because, myself being sick, there
was no man to stay in the fort. Thereupon he answered that I need
not doubt at all, that he would return the next morrow ; that in the
mean while M. De Lys should remain behind to see to all things.
Then I showed to him that he was chief in this country, and that I,
for my part, had no further authority ; that, therefore, he should
take good counsel what he did, lest some inconvenience might ensue.
Then he told me he could do no less than continue the enterprise ;
and that in the letter which he had received from my lord admiral
there was a postscript, which he showed me, written in these words : —

"Captain John Ribault, as I was inclosing this letter, I received
a certain advice that Don Pedro Melendez departeth from Spain
to go to the coast of New France. See ydu that you suffer him not

* It must t)e remembered tliat the fort had been dismantled, and a part of it
demolished when Laudonniere prepared to leave, and purchased a vessel of
Admiral Hawkins for that purpose. Laudonniere is particular in giving the
names of the members of the council, and his opinion on the subject of the
enterprise. So it was no after-thought, based on known results, but the judg-
ment of a brave, discreet, and able officer.

538 THE VOYAGE OP RENE LADDONNIERE TO FLOEIDA.

to encroach upon you, no more than he would that you should
encroach upon him."

You see, said he, the charge that I have; and I leave it unto
yourself to judge if I could do any less in this case, considering the
certain information that we have that they are already on land
and will invade us.

This silenced me. Thus, therefore, confirmed, or rather obstinate
in his enterprise, and having regard rather unto liis particular
opinion than unto the counsel which I had given him, and the
inconveniences of the time whereof I had forewarned liim, he
embarked tlie 8th of September [1565], and took my ensign and
thirty-eight of my men away with him. I refer to those who know
what wars mean, if, when an ensign marcheth, any soldier that hath
any courage in him will stay behind to forsake his ensign. Thus
no men of any command remained behind with me, for each one
followed him as cliief, in whose name straight after his arrival all
cries and proclamations were made. Captain La Grange, who liked
not this enterprise, was with me unto the 10th of the month, and
would not have gone abroad if it had not been for the instant
requests of Captain Ribault, who staid two days in the road await-
ing until La Grange had come to him, when they sailed together,
and from that time forward I never saw them any more.

The very day that he departed, which was the 10th of September,
there arose so gi'eat a tempest, accompanied with such storms, that
the Indians themselves assured me it was the worst weather that
ever was seen on that coast ; wherefore, two or three days after,
fearing lest our ships might be in some distress, I sent for De Lys,
to assemble the rest of our people, to declare unto them what need
we had to fortify ourselves, which was done accordingly ; and then
I gave them to understand the necessities and inconveniences where-
into we were like to fall, as well by the absence of our ships, as by
the nearness of the Spaniards, from whom we could look for nothing
less than an open and sufficient proclaimed war, seeing that they
had landed and fortified themselves so near to us ; and if any mis-
fortune had befallen our men who were at sea, we ought to make a
full account with ourselves, that we were to endure many miseries,
being in so small number, and so many ways afflicted as we were.

We began therefore to fortify ourselves, and to repair that which
was broken down, principally toward the river-side, where I caused
sixty feet of trees to be planted, to repair the palisade with planks,
which I caused to be taken off the ship which I had built. Never-
theless, notwithstanding all our diligence and labor, we were never
able fully to repair it, because of the storms, which did so greatly

THE VOYAGE OF RENE LAUDONNIERE TO FLORIDA. 539

annoy us that we eould not finish our inclosure. Perceiving our-
selves in such extremity I took muster of tlie men which Captain
Ribault had left me, to see if there were any that wanted weapons;
I found nine or ten of them, whereof not more than two or three had
ever drawn sword out of scabbard, as I think. Of the nine, there
were four young striplings who served Captain Ribault and kept
his dogs, the fifth was a cook ; among those that were without the
fort, and which were of the aforesaid company of Captain Ribault,
there were a carpenter of threescore years old, one beer brewer, one
old crossbow-maker, two shoemakers, and four or five men that had
their wives, a player on the virginals, four servants, and about
eighty-five or eighty-six in all, including lackeys, women, and
children.

Those that were left me of my own company were about sixteen
or seventeen that could bear arms, and all of them poor and lean ;
the rest were sick and maimed in the conflict which my lieutenant
had with Utina. This view being thus taken we set our sentinels,
whereof we made two watches,, that the soldiers might have one
night free. Then we bethought ourselves of those who might be
most sufficient, among whom we chose two, St. Cler and De la
Vigne, to whom we delivered candles and lanterns, to go round
about the fort to view the watch, because of the foul and foggy
weather. I delivered them also a sand-glass, that the sentinels
might not be troubled more one than another. In the mean while I
ceased not, for all the foul weather nor my sickness, to oversee the
guard-house. The night between the 19th and 20th of September,
La Vigne kept watch with his company, wherein he used all energy,
although it rained without ceasing. When, therefore, the day had
come, and he saw that it still rained worse than it did before, he
pitied the sentinels so moiled and wet, and thinking that the Span-
iards would not come in such a sti-ange time, he let them depart,
and, to say the truth, he went himself unto his lodging. lu the
mean while, one who had something to do without the fort, and my
trumpeter, who went up unto the rampart, perceived a troop of Span-
iards that came down from a little knoll, whereupon immediately
they began to crj"^ alarm, which as sgon as ever I understood, forth-
with I issued out, with my target and sword in hand, and got into
the middle of the court, where I began to cry unto my soldiers.
Some of them, who were of the forward sort, went toward the breach
which was on the south side, and where the munitions of the artillery
lay, where they were repulsed and slain. By the selfsame place two
ensigns entered, which were immediately planted on the walls. Two
other ensigns also entered on the other side towards the west where

540 THE VOYAGE OE BENE LAUDONNIERE TO FLORIDA.

there was another breach, and those who lodged in this quarter and
who showed themselves were likewise defeated. As I went to succor
those who were defending the breach on the southwest side, I en-
countered, by chance, a great company of Spaniards who had already
repulsed our men, and had now entered, who drove me back into
the court of the fort. Being there, I espied with them one Francis
Jean, who was one of the mariners who stole away my barks, and
had guided and conducted the Spaniards thither. As soon as he
saw me, he said : " That is the Captain." This troop was led by a
captain whose name, as I think, was Don Pedro Melendes. Tliese
made some pushes at me with their pikes, which lighted on my
target. But, perceiving that I could not withstand so great a com-
pany, and that the court was already won and their ensigns planted
on the ramparts, and that I had not a man about me, except one
whose name was Bartholomew, I entered into the yard of my lodg-
ing, into which they followed me, and had it not been for a tent
that was set up, I had been taken ; but the Spaniards who followed
me were occupied in cutting off the cords of the tent ; and in the
mean while I saved myself by the breach which was on the west side,
near to my lieutenant's lodging and the gateway, into the woods,
where I found some of my men who had escaped, of which number
there were three or four who were badly hurt. Then I spake unto
them thus: "Sirs, we must needs take the pains to get over the
marshes into the ships, which are at the mouth of the river."

Some would needs go to a little village wliich was in the woods,
the others followed me through the cane into the water, where not
being able to go further on account of my sickness, I sent two of
my men that were with rae, who could swim well, unto the ships, to
inform them of that which had happened, and to send them word
to come and help me. They were not able tliat day to get to the
ships, therefore I was constrained to stand in the water up to my
shoulders all that night along with one of my men who would never
forsake me. The next morning being scarcely able to draw my
breath any more, I betook rae to my prayers with the soldier that
was with me, whose name was John du Chemin, for I felt myself
so feeble that I was afraid I should die suddenly ; and in truth if
he had not embraced me in both his arms, and so held me up, it
had not been possible to save me.

After we had made an end of our prayers, I heard a voice which
in my judgment was that of one of those whom I had sent, who
were over against the ships and called for the ship's boat, which
was 80 in need ; and because those on the ships had been informed
of the taking of the fort, by one John de Hais, master carpenter,

THE VOYAGE OP BENE LAUDONNIERE TO PLOEIDA. 541

■who fled to them in a shallop, they had set sail to run along the
coast to see if they might save any. They went straight to the
place where the two men were whom I had sent and who called
them. As soon as they had received them and understood where
. I was, they came and found me in a pitiful condition. Five or six
of them took me and carried me into the shallop ; some of the
mariners tooli their clothes from their backs to lend them to me,
and would have carried me immediately to their ships to give me a
little aqua vitm. Howbeit I would not go thither until I had first
gone along the reeds to seek out the poor souls that were scattered
abroad, where we gathered up eighteen or twenty of them. The
last tliat I took in was the nephew of the treasurer, Le Beau.
After we all had come to the ships, I comforted them as well as I
could and sent back the boat again with speed to see if they could
yet find any more.

Upon her return the mariners told me how that Captain James
Ribault,* who was in his ship about two musket-shots from the fort,
had parlied with the Spaniards, and that Francis Jean came unto
his ship where he staid a long time, whereat they greatly marvelled,
considering that he (Jean) was the cause of this enterprise, how
lie should let him escape. After I had come into the ship called
the Greyhound, Captains Ribault and Valust came to see me, and
there we concluded to Veturn to France.

Now, forasmuch as I found tlie ship unfurnished of captain, pilot,
master, and master's mate, I gave advice to choose out one of the
most able men among all the mariners (for captain), and that by
their own votes. I took also five men out of another small ship
which we had sunk because it needed ballast, and could not be
saved. Thus I increased the furniture of the ship wherein I myself
was embarked, and made one who had been master's mate in the
said small ship master of mine. And because I lacked a pilot I
prayed James Eibault that he would give me one of the four men
that he had in his ship, which I should name to him, to serve me
for a pilot. He promised to do so, but did not. I was constrained
to leave behind me the ship which I liad bought of the English
captain, because I needed men to bring her away; for Captain
James Ribault had taken away her furniture ; I took away her ord-
nance only, which was all dismounted, whereof I gave nine pieces
to James Ribault to take to France ; the other five I put into my
ship.

The 25th of September (1565), we set sail to return to France,

* Captain Jean Kibault was the oommander-iu-cliief. James may have been
his brother.

542 THE VOYAGE OF BENE LATJDONNIERE TO FLORIDA.

and Captain James Ribault and I kept company-all that day and
the next until three or four o'clock in the afternoon, but because his
ship was better at bowline than mine, he kept to the wind, and left
us the same day. The 28th of October, in the morning at day-
break, we descried the Island of Plores, one of the Azores. About
the 10th or 11th of November, after we had sailed a long time, and
supposing we were not very far from land, I caused my men to
sound, when they found about seventy-five fathoms of water. We
then continued on our way; but, as we had borne too much
to the northeast, we entered into St. George's Channel. We
sailed all the night supposing we were in the narrow sea between
England and France, and by the next day to reach Dieppe, but,
about two or three o'clock after midnight, as I walked upon
deck, I descried land round about me, whereat we were aston-
ished. I immediately caused them to strike sail and to sound ;
we found we had not under us more than eight fathoms of water,
whereupon I commanded them to stay till daybreak, which having
come, and seeing my mariners told me that they knew not this
land, I commanded them to approach it. Being near thereunto I
cast anchor and sent the boat ashore to learn in what country we
were. Word was brought that we were in Wales. I went immedi-
ately on land. In the mean while I caused the ship to be brought
into the bay of Swansea, where I found a merchant of St. Malo,
who lent me money wherewith I made some apparel for myself, and
part for my company that was with me. I bought two wren
(oxen ?) and salted them, and a tun of beer, which I delivered unto
him who liad charge of the ship, praying him to carry it to France,
which he promised to do. For my own part I proposed, with my
men to pass by land, and after I had taken leave of my mariners I
departed from Swansea, and came that night with my company to
a place called Morgan, where the lord of the place, understanding
who I was, detained me with him for the space of six or seven days,
and at my departure moved with pity to see me go on foot, espe-
cially being so weak as I was, he gave me a little hackney.

Thus 1 passed on my journey, first to Bristol and then to Lon-
don ; from thence I passed to Calais, afterwards to Paris.

For my own part, I will not accuse nor excuse any; it suflSceth
me to have followed the trutli of the history whereof many who
were there present are able to bear witness. I will plainly say one
thing : that the long delay that Captain John Ribault used in his
embarking, and the fifteen days that he spent in roving along the
coast of Florida before he came- to our fort, were the cause of the
loss we sustained ; for he discovered the coast on the 14th of Au-

THE VOYAGE OP RENE LATJDONNIERE TO FLORIDA. 543

gust, and spent the time in going from river to river, which had
been suflflcient for him to liave discharged his ships in, and for me
to have embarked to return to France. I note well, that all that
he did was upon a good intent; yet, in my opinion, he should have
had more regard unto his charge than to the devices of his own
brain, which sometimes he printed in his head so deeplj' tliat it was
very hard to put them out, which also turned to his utter undoing ;
for he was no sooner departed from us but a tempest took him,
which in fine wrecked him upon the coast, where all his ships were
cast away, and he, with much ado, escaped drowning to fall into
their hands, who cruelly massacred him and all his company.

544 THE "VOYAGE OF PEDRO MENENDEZ DE AVILES.

CHAPTEE IV.

THE VOYAGE OF PEDRO MENENDEZ DE AVILES.

1565.

On "Wednesday, Jnly 5th, 1565, we reached the Canary Islands,
which are two hundred and fifty leagues from Cadiz, where we
stopped three days to lay in wood and water. The following Sun-
daj', July the 8th, our fleet, consisting of eight ships, left the Canary
Islands, and proceeded to the island of Dominica. Unfortunately
the very evening we set sail our first galley and a patache* became
separated from us. For two days we coasted up and down, hoping
to rejoin them, but without success ; and our admiral then gave
orders for us to sail directly to Dominica, where we were to await
them in case they had not arrived before us. During this voyage a
shallop sprung a leak ; the captain and a soldier had recourse to
their swords to oblige the pilot to return to port, being fearful lest
they should all be drowned. Tlie pilot declared himself unable to do
this, on account of the rough weather ; so they decided to make
for the cape on the southwest, in order to i-each the land as soon
as possible. Thus it happened that we were obliged to leave
them. The five vessels which remained of our fleet continued their
voyage the rest of the way. Tip to Friday, the 20th, we had very
fine weather ; but b^- ten o'clock that day a violent wind arose,
which by two in the afternoon had become the most frightful hur-
ricane one can imagine. Our suspense during Saturday was no less
than that of the preceding night ; light itself was a consolation, but
when night found us again in the same dangerous situation, we
thought we must surely perish. Sunday morning came, and your
lordshipf can fancy how we rejoiced to see daj-light once more,
although the storm continued unabated all day and until noon of
the following Monday.

When the tempest' arose, our five vessels were sailing in com-
pany ; but during the night the hurricane was so violent that they

* A tender or dispatch Iboat.

t In the account from which this was taken, it does not appear to whom it
Was addressed.

THE VOYAGE OF PEDRO MENENDEZ DE AVILES. 545

were driven in different directions, and we lost sight of one another
for three days. Finally one morning we saw a ship approaching,
which we recognized as one of our fleet.

We were all so tired, and our minds so confused, by what we had
suffered, that the pilots lost all calculations of reckoning as to what
was our proper course ; but they directed the men to steer west-
southwest, and we came in sight of the island of Desirade.

On Sunday, August 5th, just as we were approaching tlie island,
we were assailed by a heavy swell and a westerly gale, which drove
us back to the island of Dominica, where we entered the harbor
about nine o'clock in the evening. On Tuesda}' morning the ad-
miral fitted out the boat in which the sailors were to go in search
of wood and water, and told me if I wished I might accompany
them. I liad about a hundred Peru jars filled up with fresh water,
and a large quantity of wood gathered, and about four o'clock we
returned to the ship. Just then so fresh a breeze sprung up that
at daylight on Wednesday we found ourselves at the island of
Montserrat, thirty-five leagues from there. Further on are a great
many other islands, which bear the names of different saints, Guada-
loupe, and the Virgin Islands. This group appears to be about two
hundred leagues in circumference, but the ground is very stony and
uninhabitable. It is said that from the Canary' Islands to Dominica
there are about eight hundred leagues sailing.

On Thursday, August 9th, about noon, we came in sight of Porto
^Eico, but at nightfall the pilot, being fearful lest we should run
aground on. the sand-banks which surround the island and its harbor,
ordered all the sails to be brailed up. Next morning, however, the
breeze having stiffened a little, we again set sail, and entered the
port on Friday about three in the afternoon. On entering the port
we discovered our first galley anchored there, with the San Pelayo
which had become separated from us in the storm.

On Wednesday, the 15th, about ten o'clock, more than thirty men
deserted, and concealed themselves around the harbor. Among
them were three of the seven priests who accompanied the expedi-
tion. It was impossible to find them dead or alive, which distressed
the general very much.

In the port of St. Johns, of Porto Eico, the general purchased
twenty-four horses, and a ship to transport fifty men whom the king
had commanded to be taken from this island. The very day we set
sail, this ship sprung a leak, and the danger of foundering was so
imminent that, in order to save the men, it became necessary to
lighten her by throwing overboard a large quantity of merchandise.
Seeing that this produced but little effect, it became necessary also
35

646 THE VOYAGE OF PEDRO MENENDEZ DE AVILES.

to throw over the horses. Twenty-three were either lost in this way
or died during the voyage, so that but one arrived in Florida. The
same day the general sent a large ship to St. Domingo with orders
to take on board the four hundred men who had been assembled
there and have them join us in all haste.

Before our fleet left Spain, three caravels had been sent out by
his majesty's directions, as dispatcii boats, each at a different time,
to transmit to St. Domingo, and to Havana, his majesty's orders in
regard to what should be done on our arrival at these places. The
second of these caravels took with her a great many sealed dis-
patches concerning arrangements to be made, and a great many
valuable objects. When she arrived off Mona Island, which forms
already a part St. Domingo, she was attacked and compelled to sur-
render to a French vessel, one of those which were in our neighbor-
hood.* The enemy boarded her, possessed themselves of all her
papers, read the plans for the conquest of Florida, took off all other
things they saw fit to take, and then told the ship's company to go
as fast as they could to St. Domingo to notify their countrymen, but
that they hoped to be there as soon as the caravel, and with this
they left them.

On Friday, August ITth, about four in the afternoon, we arrived
in sight of St. Domingo. Our general instantly ordered the admiral's
ship to proceed northward and pass through a very dangerous chan-
nel, wliich no navigator had as yet explored.f

Your lordship will remember that when the fleet was in prepara-
tion, in Spain, I went to see the captain-general at the harbor of
St. Mary, and, as I told you, he showed me a letter from his royal
highness Philip II., signed with his name. In this letter his
majesty told him that on May 20th some ships had left France, car-
rying seven hundred men and two hundred women. As I have
stated, we learned at St. Johns, of Porto Rico, that our dispatch
boat had been captured. This fact joined to the reflection that our
fleet was much inj ured bj' the storm, and that of the ten vessels
which left Cadiz, only four remained, besides the one bought at the
last port to transport the horses and troops, — all this made it evi-
dent to our captain-general, that the French would likely be waiting
for him near the harbors a little further on ; that is, off Monte Christi,

* Captured by the vessel that the mutineers took from Laudonniere. It is
prohable they made no use of the dispatches, and that they never communicated
them to Laudonniere when they returned to Fort Caroline.

t The pilot Aliminos, with Ponce de Leon, was the first that ever passed
through this Bahama Channel.

THE VOYAGE OP PEDEO MENENDEZ DE AVILES. 54'7

Havana, and the Cape of. Las Canas,* which lie on the same side,
and precisely in our route to Florida. This was all the more to be
expected, since the French had come in possession of our plan to
unite our forces at Havana. Not wishing to encounter the French,
the general decided to take a northerly course and pursue a new
route through the Bahama Channel, leaving the enemy to the wind-
ward.

On Sunday the 20th of August, we saw two islands, called the
Bahama Islands. The shoals that lie between them are so exten-
sive that the billows are felt far out at sea. The ship purchased at
Porto Rico got aground that day in two and a half fathoms of
water, but she soon got off. Our galley, one of the best ships
afloat, found herself all day in the same position, when suddenly her
keel struck three times violently against the bottom. The sailors
gave themselves up for lost, and the water commenced to pour into
her hold. But as we had a mission to fulfil for Jesus Christ and
his blessed mother, two heavy waves which struck her abaft set her
afloat again, and soon after we found her in deep water, and at mid-
night we entered the Bahama Channel.

On Monday, August 21, [1565] while we were near the entrance of
the Bahama Channel, God showed us a. miracle from heaven. About
nine o'clock in the evening a cometf appeared, which showed itself
directly above us, a little eastward, giving so much liglit that it
might have been taken for the sun. It went toward the west, that
is, towards Florida, and its brightness lasted long enough to repeat
two credos. According to the sailors, this was a good omen.

On Tuesday the 28th we had a calm more dead than anything we
had yet experienced while at sea. One thing happened which I re-
gard as miraculous. While we were becalmed none of the pilots knew
where we were ; some pretending we were as much as a hundred
leagues from Florida. However, thanks to God, and the prayers of
the Blessed Virgin, we soon had the pleasure of seeing land. We
steered in that direction, anchored near a point of land, and found
ourselves actually in Florida, and not very far distant from the
enemy. That very evening our general assembled the pilots on the
galley to discuss what was to be done.

Next day, the 29th (August), at daylight the fleet weighed an-

* Ribault at this time was examining tlie harbors on the coast of South Caro-
lina and Georgia, while Laudonuiere was preparing to leave Fort Caroline for
France.

t It was a meteor, and a better token, for this good priest, for being special ;
a comet would have been a good or a bad omen (just as people might take it), in
too many places.

548 THE VOYAGE OF PEDRO MENENDEZ DE AVILES.

chor, and coastsd along in search of the enemy, or a harbor favor-
able for embarking. On Monday, August 30th, we wpre assailed
by bad weather, and obliged to anchor. For four days contrary
winds continued to blow, or else it was so calm we could not move;
during all of which time we remained at anchor about a league and
a ha,lf from shore. The captain-general, seeing that neither the pilot
nor the two Frenchmen we had taken prisoners, and who belonged
to the French colon}',* could give us any information in regard to the
port, and the coast being so flat that we could recognize only a few
objects, decided to send ashore fifty arquebusiers with some captains.
They built fires in order to excite the curiositj- of the natives, and
attract them, but none came to see us. Our people than decided to
penetrate the interior, and after having gone four leagues they
arrived at a village of Indians, who kindly received them. The
Frenchmen whom we had with us told us they had been in com-
munication with them for a long time. As soon as the general
had learned the news, he resolved to disembark on Saturday morn-
ipg, September 1st, and go among these Indians to get some infor-
mation as to where the French were. One of the Frenchmen of
whom I have spoken understood their language. They told us we
had left the French about five leagues behind us — precisely at the
same spot to which God had conducted us when we arrived in sight
of land ; but could not then find them because we had not sent any
one ashore.

On Tuesday, the 4th, the fleet left the place of which I have been
8peaking,and took a northerly course, keeping all the time close to the
coast. On Wednesdaj'^, the 5th, two hours before sunset, we saw four
French ships at the mouth of a river. When we were two leagues
from them, the first galley (Spanish) joined the rest of the fleet, which
was composed of four other vessels. The general concerted a plan
with the captains and pilots, and ordered the flagship, the San
Pelayo, and a shallop to attack the French flagship, the Trinity,
while the first galley and another shallop would attack the French
galley, both of which vessels were very large and powerful. All
the ships of our fleet put themselves in good position. They fol-
lowed the galley, but our general did not fire nor seek to make any
attack on the enemy. He went straight to the French galley and
cast anchor about eight paces from her. The other vessels went to
the windward, and very near the enemy. During the manoeuvres,

* Where the two Frenchmen, who belonged to the colony, were captured,
this account does not state, but .they were some of the deserters from Fort Caro-
line, who had stolen the boats.

THE VOYAGE OP PEDRO MENENDEZ DE AVILES. 549

■which lasted until about two hours after sunset, not a word was said
on either side. Never in my life have I known such stillness. Our
general inquired of the French galley, whicli was the vessel nearest
to him, "Whence does this fleet come?" They answered, "From
France." " What are yoit doing here ?" asked the general. " This is
the territory of King Philip II. I order you to leave directly ; for
I neither know who you are nor what you want here." The French
commander then replied, " I am bringing soldiers and supplies to
the fort of the King of France.". He then asked the name of the
general of our fleet, and was told " Pedro Menendez de Aviles,
Captain-General of the King of Spain, who have come to hang all
Lutherans I find here." Our general then asked him the name of his
commander, and he replied, " Lord Gasto." While this was going
on, a longboat was sent from the galley to the flagship. The person
charged with this errand managed to do it so secretly that we could
not hear what was said ; but we understood the reply of the French
to be, " I am the admiral ;"* which made us think he wished to sur-
render, as they were in such small force. Scarcely had the French
made this reply, when they slipped their cables, spread their sails,
and passed through our midst.f Our admiral, seeing this, followed
the French commander, and called upon him to lower his sails in the
name of King Philip ; to which he received an impertinent answer.
Immediately our general oi-dered to be discharged a small culverin,
the ball from which struck the vessel aniidship, and I thought she
was going to founder. We gave chase, and some time after he again
called on them to lower their sails. " I would sooner die first than
surrender," replied the French commander.J The order was given
to fire a second shot, which carried oflF five or six men ; but as these
miserable devils are very good sailors, they manoeuvred so well that
we could not take one of them ; and notwithstanding all the guns
we fired at them we did not sink one of their ships. We only got
possession of one of their large boats, which was of great service
to us afterwards. During the whole night our flagship and the
galley chased the French flagship and galley.

Wednesday morning, September 5th, at sunrise, so great a storm
arose that we feared we should be shipwrecked, and as our vessels

* This account does not conform with that of Laudonniere, nor appear con-
sistent with the conduct and preparation of the Spanish general.

f This took place at dawn : the French had prepared during the night to do
this.

i Both Laudonniere and Ribault, who had just succeeded him, were, at this '
time, in Fort Caroline, so it was some brave French oflcer who made this reply,
if it was made at all.

550 THE VOYAGE OP PEDRO MENENDEZ DE AVILES.

were small we did not dare to remain on the open sea, so we regained
the shore ; that is three of our vessels anchored about a league and
a half from it. We had double moorings, but the wind was so strong
that one of them broke loose. As our galley was a large vessel,
and busy following up the enemy, she could not come to our assist-
ance ; so we felt ourselves in danger of being attacked. The same
evening about sunset, we perceived a sail afar off, which we sup-
posed was one of our galleys ; but as the ship approached we dis-
covered it was the French flagship which we had flred at the night
before. At first we thought she was going to attack us, but she an-
chored between us and the shore, about a league from us. That
night the pilots of our other ships came on board to consult with the
admiral as to what was to be done. The next morning, fully per-
suaded that the storm had made a wreck of our galley, or at least
that she had been driven a hundred leagues out to sea, we decided
that so soon as daylight came we would weigh anchor and withdraw
in good order to a river which was below the French colony, and
there disembark and construct a fort, which we would defend until
assistance came to us.

On Thursday, just as day appeared, we sailed toward the vessel
at anchor, and passed very close to her, when we saw another vessel
appear in the open sea. We perceived it was the French galley
of which we had been in pursuit. Finding ourselves between
these two vessels, we decided to direct ourselves toward the galley,
for the sake of deceiving them, and preventing them from at-
tacking us. This bold manner having succeeded, we sought the
river Seloy (river of Dolphins) and port, where we had the good
fortune to find our galley and another vessel. Two companies of
infantry novv disembarked; they were well received by the Indians,
who gave them a large house belonging to a chief, and situated near
the shore of the river. Immediately, Captain Patino and Captain
San Vincente, both men of talent and energy, ordered an entrench-
ment to be built around this house, with a slope of earth and fascines,
these being the only means of defence possible in that country where
stones are nowhere to be found.

Up to to-day we have disembarked twenty-four pieces of bronze
guns, of diflferent calibres, of which the least weighed fifteen hun-
dred weight. Our fort is at a distance of about fifteen leagues from
that of the enemy. When the general disembarked he was quite
surprised at what had been done.

On Saturday, the 8th, the general landed with many bannei's
spread, to the sound of trumpets and salutes of artillery. The same
day the general took formal possession of the country, and all the

THE VOYAGE OP PEDRO MENENDEZ DE AVILES. 551

captains took the oath of allegience to him as their general and
governor of the country. When this ceremony was ended he offered
to do everything in his power for them, especially to Captain Patino
for his talents and assiduity in constructing a fort in which to
defend ourselves until the arrival of help from St. Domingo and
Havana.

The day after our general came unto the fort, he was very much
annoyed that his galley and another vessel were anchored about a
league out at sea, and were not able to enter the harbor on account
of the sand-banks. He felt uneasy and feared the French would
capture or ill-treat them. As soon as this idea took possession of
him, he left to go on board another galley. He gave the order for
three of the boats of the ships, which were anciiored in the river, to
go and get the food and troops from on board tlie galley.

The next day our ship went to sea, loaded with provisions and
one hundred men besides, and when about half a league from the
bar it became so calm that it could not advance at all, so they cast
anchor and passed tlie night in that place. The next morning, as
the tide rose, they weighed anchor, and as daylight advanced they
found themselves astern of two French vessels that had been watch-
ing them. The enemj' prepared immediately to attack us; they were
already quite close upon us, when the wind freshened, blowing
directly towards the channel, so that our galley could take refuge.
The French soon followed us, but as the water is very shallow on
the bar, their large ships could not pass over, and our provisions
and people got safely into port.

On the same evening, after we had landed our troops and provi-
sions, the two vessels sailed away at midnight, without being seen
by the enemy. One went to Spain and the other to Havana. The
next day a great hurricane came up, and was so severe that I think
almost all the French vessels must have been lost, for they were
assailed on the most dangerous part of tlie coast. Our general, who
was very bold in all military matters, and a great enemy of the
French, immediately assembled his captains and planned an expedi-
tion to attack the French settlement and fort on the river. Accord-
ingly, on Monday, September the ITth, he set out with five hundred
men, well provided with firearms and pikes, each soldier carrying
with him a sack of bread and a supply of wine for tlie journey.
They also took with them, to serve as guides, two Indian chiefs,
who were the implacable enemies of the French.

Since the departure of the troops we have suffered the worst
weather and the most horrible tempests that I ever saw. Yesterday
evening, Wednesday 19th, we sent from the fort twenty men laden

552 THE VOYAGE OF PEDRO MENENDEZ DE AVILES.

with provisions-^bread, wine, and cheese — but the rain has fallen
in such abundance that I am not sure they have been able to join
the general and his army. I hope God, however, will do all he can
for us, which will enable us to propagate his religion and destroy
the heretics.

In a letter received from the general to-day, the 19th, he wrote:
that the very shallowest of the streams that they forded reached up
to the knees, and that he has passed through very dense forrests, and
to-morrow, the 20th, he hoped to attack the enemy's fort at day-
break.

On Saturday morning, the 22d, the admiral, at our request, sent
some soldiers to fish, that we priests might have something to eat,
it being a fast day. Just as they arrived at the place for Ashing
and were going to throw cut their nets, they perceived a man
advancing toward them. He unfurled a white 'flag, which is a sign
of peace, when our men surrounded and captured him. He proved
to be a Frenchman, one of our enemies, so they brought him to our
admiral * Tlie man, thinking we were going to hang him, shed
tears and appeared to be in great distress. I asked him if he were
a Catholic, and he told me he was, and recited some praj'ers; so I
consoled him and told him not to fear anything, but to answer with
frankness all questions put to him, which he promised to do. He
said there were about seven hundred men in the fort, of which one-
third were Lutherans, and two priests who preached the Lutheran
doctrines ; and in camp eiglit or ten Spaniards, three of whom
were found among the Indians, quite naked and painted like the
natives, who had been wrecked on the coast, and as no vessel had
come into the country for a long time, the}' had remained with the
Indians, some of whom had joined the French whose fleet had
arrived twenty days l)efore.

On Monday, September 24th, about nine o'clock in the morning,
the admiral came into port with his frigate. An hour after he ar-
rived we saw a man approaching with loud cries: "Victory! vic-
tory ! the French fort is ours." As the enterprise we are engaged
in is for the cause of Jesus Christ and His blessed mother, the
Holy Spirit has enlightened the understanding of our chief, so that
everything has turned to our advantage and resulted in a great
victory. As previously stated, the general set out on Monday, the
ITth of September. They marched until Tuesday evening, when
they arrived within a quarter of a league of the enemy's fort, where

* Menendez was the general and chief in command ; then there was also an
admiral. Menendez had gone to attack Fort Caroline, and the admiral re-
mained probably with the fleet at Seloy.

THE VOYAGE OF PEDRO MENENDEZ DE AVILES. 553

they remained all night, up to their waists in water. When day-
light came, Captains Lopez, Patino, and Martin Oehoa had already
been to examine the fort, but when they went to attack the fort a
greater part of tlie soldiers were so confused they scarcely knew
what they were, about.*

On Thursday morning the general went to inspect the fort.

It appears the enemy did not perceive their approach until the
very moment of the attack, as it was very early in the morning and
had rained in torrents. The greater part of the soldiei-s were still
in bed. Some ai'ose in their shirts, and others, quite naked, begged
for quarter; but in spite o/iftai, more than one hundred and forty
were killed. A great Lutheran cosmographer and magician was
found among the dead.f The rest, numbering about three hundred,
scaled the walls, and took refuge either in the forest or on their
ships floating on the river, laden with treasures; so that in an
hour's time the fort was in our possession, without our having lost
a single man or even had one wounded. There were six vessels on
the river at the time. They took one brig and an unfinished
galley, and another vessel, which had just been discharged of a
load of ricli merchandise and sunk. These vessels were placed at
the entrance to the bar, to blockade the harbor, as they expected
we would come by sea. Another laden with wine and merchan-
dise was near the port. She refused to surrender and spread her
sails, when they fired on her from the foit and sunk her in a place
where neither the vessel nor tlie cargo will be lost. The taking of
this fort gained us many valuable objects, viz.: two hundred pikes,
a hundred and twenty helmets, a quantity of arquebuses and
shields, a quantity of clothing, linen, fine cloths, two hundred tons
of flour, a good many barrels of biscuit, two hundred bushels of
wheat, three horses, four asses and two she-asses, hogs, tallow,
books, furnace, flour-mill, and many other things of little value.
But the greatest advantage is certainly the triuviph which our Lord
has granted us which will be the means of the holy Gospel being-
introduced into this country, a thing necessary to prevent the loss
of many souls.

On Monday, the 24th of September, 1565, at vesper hour, our
general arrived with fifty foot soldiers. He was very tired as well
as those who accompanied him. Our general's zeal for Christianity

* This confusion may have been occasioned by fog, obscurity, or ignorance of
the way, throiigh woods and marshes, but it is left to conjecture.

t This was La Roguette, who by his art had produced defection among Land-
onniere's soldiers.

554 THE VOYAGE OF PEDEO MENENDEZ DE AVILES.

is SO great that all his troubles are but repose for his mind. I am
sure that no merely human strength could have supported all that
be has suffered, but the ardent desire which he has to serve our
Lord in destroying the Lutheran heretics, the enemies of our holy
Catholic religion, causes him to be less sensible to the ills he en-
dured.

On the 28th, after the arrival of the adelantado at Seloy, some
Indians came to him to inform him that towards the south there
was a French vessel wrecked, and that there were a great many
Christians four leagues distant, who could not pass the river or
arm of the sea. Immediately our general directed the admiral to
arm a boat, take fifty men, and go down the river to the sea to find
out what was the matter. About two o'clock the general sent for
me, and told me in a very decided tone that he wished to set out,
and that he commanded me and the captains who remained at the
fort to accompany him. He said there should be in all twelve men
to go in the boat, and two of them Indians who would sei"ve as
guides. We set off immediately and descended the river to the sea
in search of the enemy ; and to get there we had to march more
than two leagues through plains covered with brush, often up to
our knees in water, our brave general always leading the march.
When we reached the sea we went about three leagues along the
coast in search of our comrades. It was about ten o'clock at night
when we met them. Not far off we saw the camp fires of our ene-
mies, and our genei-al ordered two of our soldiers to go and recon-
noitre them, concealing themselves in the bushes, and to observe
well the ground where they were encamped, so as to know what
could be done. About two o'clock the men returned, saying the
enemy was on the other side of the river, and that we could not get
at them. Immediately the general ordered two soldiers and four
sailors to return to where we had left the boats and bring them
down the river so that we might pass over to where the enemy was ;
then he marched his troops forward to the river, and we arrived be-
fore dayliglit. We concealed ourselves in a hollow between the
sand hills with the Indians who were with us, and after hiding his
soldiers among the bushes and trees and when it became light [lie
surveyed the country from the top of a tree and saw many people on
the opposite side of the river, with banners flying ; and thinking how
he should prevent them from crossing over he drew so near them
that he could count them] go down to the river to get siiell-fish for
food, and soon after we saw a flag hoisted. Our general, who was
observing all that, said to us : " I intend to change these clothes
for those of a sailor, and take a Frenchman with me (one of those

THE VOYAGE OP PEDRO MENENDEZ DE AVIIES. 555

whom we had brought with us from Spain) and we will go and talk
with these Frenchmen. Perhaps they are without supplies and
would be glad to surrender without fighting." He had scarcely
finished speaking before he put his plan into execution. As soon
as he had called to them one of them swam towards and spoke to
him ; told him of their having been shipwrecked (in a hurricane)
and the distress they were in, that they had not eaten bread for
eight or ten days.* The general asked him how many men were on
the opposite side. He replied, " About two hundred followers of
Captain Ribault, viceroy and captain-general of Florida for the
king of France [Charles IX.]."

He again asked him, "Are they Roman Catholics or Lutherans ?"
He replied : " They are all Lutherans," of which the general had been
previously informed b3' the women and children whom he had re-
cently captured at Fort Caroline, together with six cases of Lutheran
books which were afterwards burned. The general then asked him if
he wished to return to his people. He answered, " Yes." " Tou may
then go back and report to Capt. Ribault that I am captain-general
for Philip II., king of Spain, and came to find out what your people
are doing here." The Frenchman went back the same daj' with the
inessage to Captain Ribault,f who sent him back asking an intei-view
for himself and four officers, and requesting that a boat might be sent
for them, which the general granted, and guaranteed on his honor that
they should not be molested going or coming, and at the same time
ordered a boat to be sent for them. On the boat returning they
were cordially received by the general and his men, who afterwards
were ordered to retire at some distance to the rear and scatter them-
selves among the bushes so as not to be seen by the French. One of
the Frenchmen said that he was a captain, and that four galleons had
been lost in the recent storm, together with several smaller vessels
belonging to the king of France ; and some of the people who had
escaped wished to be assisted with boats to take them to a fort
twenty leagues distant. The general then asked him, "Are they
Catholics or Lutherans ?" He replied, " We are all Lutherans." He
then said, " Gentlemen, your fort has been taken, and all the people

* Grajales, except tlie three lines in brackets, whioli is from Solis de las
Meras.

t In this aooonnt of Solis de las Meras, he mentions two parties : the first of
208 men, all of whom surrendered ; the second of 350, of whom only 150 would
surrender, of which latter number Captain Ribault is mentioned as one. The
chaplain, Grajales, mentions only the first surrender, in which were the ten or
twelve Catholics that he saved, but he does not give the number that sur-
rendered.

556 THE VOYAGE OP PEDRO MENENDEZ DE AVILES.

in it put to death except the women and children under fifteen years
of age ; and if you wish to be certain of it, there are some soldiers
here who can tell you all. about the capture. 1 have two French
soldiers Roman Catholics wlip were captured at the fort, and will
send for them if you will take a seat here, and you can question
tliem " They replied, " We are satisfied with your statement," and
begged as a favor that he would give tliem some ships to take them
back to France. The general said that he had no ships to spare,
but he would do so willingly if he hart some to spare if they were
Catholics ; tliat he had recently sent one to Fort St. Matteo (Fort
Caroline) to bring the artillery, one to St. Domingo with the women
and children he had captured, and one with dispatches to Spain.
The Frenchman then begged the general to let his people remain
with him until he could furnish them with ships and provisions to
take them back to France, as there was then no war between the
two nations, and the kings of France and Spain were friends and
brothers. Tlie general replied that this was true, but that as they
were Lutherans he looked upon them as enemies, and would wage
war against them "with fire and sword, whether on sea or land, for
the king, as I have come here to establish the Holy Roman Catholic
faith in Florida. But if you will surrender yourselves and arms
and trust to my mei'cy, you may do so, and I will act towards you
as God may prompt me : otlierwise do as j'ou please, for I will not
make any terms or treaties with you." One of the Frenchmen then
said he would go back and consult with his people wliat was best to
be done, and that within two hours he would return with an answer.
The general then said, ''You can do as you please, and I will remain
here until you return." In two hours he returned and said there
were many noblemen among them who would give him fifty thou-
sand ducats if he would spare their lives. He replied, " I am a poor
man, but I would not be guilty of such weakness, nor do I wish to
be thought avaricious, and when I wish to be liberal and merciful, it
must be without reward, nor will I offer any other terms." There-
upon the Frenchman returned to his people, and in less than an hour
after, he came back and said to the general, that all the Frenclimen
would trust to his mercy and surrender on his terms, and brought
back in his boat all their flags, arquebuses, pistols, swords, bucklers,
helmets, and breastplates.*

* There was but a page left of the chaplain's aooount, where I terminated it,
and as tlio remainder of it gives a somewhat different aooount of this surrender,
I liere insert it. " Immediatelj the general sent him back to his ooantrymen,
to say they must surrender, and give up their arms, or he would put them all

THE VOYAGE OF PEDRO MENENDEZ DE AVILES. 551

The general then ordered twenty soldiers into the boats to bring
over the ri,ver ten at a time, and not to treat them ill ; he then witli-
drew from the banks of the river, to some bushes behind the sand-
hills, where he could not be seen frojn the boat that was to bring
them over, and when the}- landed he said to the French captain and
the other Frenchmen with him: ''Gentlemen, I have but few men,
and they are not well known to me, and as you are many and ai-e
at liberty, it will be easy for you to revenge yourselves upon me for
the people I have put to death when we took your fort ; it is, there-
fore, necessary that you should march with your hands tied behind
your backs, four leagues, where I have my camp ;" to which they
consented, and as they crossed over the Spaniards tied their hands
behind their backs, and marched them off in squads of ten until they
amounted to two hundred and eight Frenchmen; when the general
asked if there were any Roman Catholics among them. Eight of
them said they were Roman Catholics, and he had them put into a
boat and sent to St. Augustine, but the remainder, who were
Lutherans, he ordered, after giving them something to eat, to be
marched to St. Augustine to be put to death.

A few days after the general returned to St. Augustine, the same
Indians came to inform him that more Christians had arrived on
the same side of the river where they found the others. He then
began to surmise that they must be Captain Ribault's party whom
they called the French king's viceroy of Florida; and Menendez set
out with one hundred and fifty soldiers well equipped, and halted at
the same place as before. He scattered his soldiers along the liver
bank and behind the sand-hills and bushes ; and as day dawned he
saw a crowd of men with a lighter for the purpose of carrying over

to death. A French gentleman, who was a sergeant, brought back the reply
that they would surrender on condition their lives should be spared. After
having parleyed a long time, our brave captain-general answered that he would
make no promises ; that they must surrender unconditionally, and lay down
their arms ; because if he spared their lives, he wanted them to be grateful for
it, and if he put them to death that there should be no cause for complaint.
Seeing that there was nothing else left for them to do, the sergeant returned to
the camp, and soon after he brought all their arms and flags, and gave them up
to the general, and surrendered unconditionally. Finding they were all Lu-
therans, he ordered them all to be put to death, but as I was a priest, and had
bowels of mercy,(!) I begged him to grant methefavor of sparing those whom we
might find to be Christians. He granted it, and I made investigations, and
found ten or twelve of the men Roman Catholics, whom we brought back. All
the others we executed because they were Lutherans and enemies of our Holy
Catholic faith. All this took place on Saturday (St. Michael's Day), Sept. 29th,
1565." Thus ends the chaplain's story.

558 THE VOYAGE OP PEDRO MENENDEZ DE AVILES.

the men to the other side of the river. But on seeing the Spaniards
they sounded their drums and trumpets and unfurled, the royal
standard together with two campaign flags, and upon playing their
fifes and drums showed bat.tle to the Spaniards. The general
ordered his men to sit down and take their breakfasts, whilst he
■walked up and down the shore with his admiral and two other
captains, taking no notice of the French. Afterwards the French
hoisted a white flag, to which the general replied, and sounded his
bugle, which he always carried with him, and taking a white hand-
kerchief he waved it in sign of peace. A Frenchman then entered
a canoe and called out to the Spaniards to cross over, but he was
answered that he must come where the general was. He replied
that it was difficult to cross over the river, as the current was
strong. A French sailor then swam across the river and spoke to
the general, who ordered him back to inform Captain Ribault that
if he wished anything he must write to him. The sailor returned
and shortly after brought back with him an oflBcer with a message
from Captain Ribault, viceroy of the king of France, that his fleet
had been wrecked in a storm at sea, and that he had with him about
three hundred and fifty men who were marching to the French fort,
about twenty leagues distant, with a request to furnish him with
two boats to cross the river. The general sent him back a message
that he had captured the French fort on the river May and put all
the garrison to death. The officer, making no demonstration of
sorrow at what he said, asked the privilege of sending back one of
the gentlemen with him to Captain Ribault, so as to treat for a
surrender, with a guarantee of safe return. The French gentlemen
departed immediately with this message, and returned within an
hour with the message of Captain Ribault to the general accepting
his guarantee of safety. He then crossed over with eight gentlemen,
whom the general received cordially, for they were all distinguished
persons, and he offered them refreshments with wine and preserves.
Captain Ribault said that he was grateful for so kind a reception,
but their hearts were so sorrowful, on account of hearing of the
death of their companions, that they could not partake of their
hospitality, except to take some wine and preserves. He then said
to the general he might some day find himself in the same situation
that he was in, and hoped that he would treat with him in a friendly
and magnanimous spirit, and furnish him with ships and provisions
to return to France; and urged upon the general the reasonableness
of his request. He replied that he would not change his mind.
Captain Ribault then passed to the other side of the river to consult
with his people, among whom were many noblemen. After several

THE VOYAGE OF PEDRO MENENDEZ DE AVILES. 559

hours had elapsed, he returned and said to the general, that his
people were of different opinions about the terms of surrender, but
that one-half would surrender, on the terms of his being merciful,
and pay a ransom of a hundred thousand ducats ; and the other
half would pay still more. The general replied: that, as much as
it grieved him that such a large ransom was offered, which he stood
in need of to effect a settlement in Florida and establish the Holy
Catholic religion there, which had been intrusted to him by the
king of Spain, still he must refuse their offer. Captain Ribault
then, as night was advancing, returned once more to consult with
his people, and in the morning he returned among the Spaniards,
and delivered to the general two royal standards of the king of
France, and the banners of the companies, also a sword, dagger,
pistol, gilt helmet, and a seal, which the admiral Coligny, of France,
had given him to seal dispatches and writs which might be passed.
At the same time he said, that out of three hundred and flfly persons
only one hundred and fifty were willing to surrender on the terms
of being mercifully treated, and the remainder departed that night
in another direction. Thereupon the general ordered Captain Diego
Flores de Valdez, admiral of the fleet, to bring them over in boats,
ten at a time, and distributed them among the bushes behind the
sand-hills, with their hands tied behind their backs, and afterward
marched them four leagues by land at night, taking with them
Captain Ribault and his officers, with their hands tied behind their
backs. Before they set out for St. Augustine the general asked
Captain Ribault if they were Lutherans or Roman Catholics, and
he replied tliey were Lutherans, and commenced to sing a psalm :
" Domine memente mei," and after they finished it, he remarked
that "they were made of earth and to earth they must return, and
that twenty years, more or less, were of no consequence." Then the
general ordered all of them to be put to death, except the flfers,
drummers, trumpeters, and four others, who were Catholics, making
in all sixteen persons; and the same night the general returned to
St. Augustine, where some taunted him with being cruel, and others
that he had done right, as they would have died of starvation, by
reason of the scarcity of provisions at the fort, or the French, being
more numerous, would have put the Spaniardsdo death for their
cruelty.*

* Solis de las Meras, brother-in-law of Menendez. Pope Pius V. addressed
a complimentary letter to Pedro Menendez de Avlles, on this occasion, in which
the Holy Father says : "We greatly rejoice that our much beloved dear son in
Christ, Philip II., the most Catholic king, had appointed and honored you by
the government of Florida, making you adelantado of the country ; for we had

560 THE VOYAGE OF PEDRO MENENDEZ DE AVILES.

Meneiidez changed the name of Fort Caroline to San Mateo, and
the name of the river May to San Mateo. Subsequently he under-
took a voyage to the north, along the coast of Georgia and South
Carolina, and is supposed to have sailed as far north as Chesapeake
Bay. At St. Helena he built a fort, and afterwards set out on an
expedition to South Florida, and visited the Indian tribes of the
southern provinces.

In 1567 he seut two missionaries, Rogel and Villareal, to the
Caloosas, and in the following year ten other missionaries arrived.
The majority worked to little profit in the southern provinces, but
Sedeno settled in the island of Guale, sometimes called St. Mary's,
now Amelia. At this period the Spanish settlements consisted of
three colonies : St. Augustine, built south of where it now stands
on St. Nicholas Creek ; San Mateo, on the St. John's River ; and
San Felipe, in the province of Crista or St. Helena, now South
Carolina.

In addition to these there were two missionary' stations at Carlos
and Tocobago, on the western coast ; one at its southern extremity,
Tegesta ; one in the province of Ais or St. Lucia ; and a fifth
founded by Pardo one hundred and fifty leagues inland at Aixacan,
at the foot of the mountains [Georgia].*

In 1592 twelve Franciscans were sent to Florida, and in less
than two years twenty missionary houses were established. In ad-
dition, in 1612 thirty-two Franciscans were sent out under Gero-
nimo de Ore by Philip II.

received suoli aooounts of your person, and the excellence of your virtues, your
wortli, and dignity were so satisfactorily spoken of, that we believed, without
doubt, that you would not only fulfil faithfully, and with care and diligence, the
orders and instructions which had been delivered to you by so Catholic a king,
but we also fully trusted that you would, with discretion, do all that was
requisite, and see carried forward the extension of our Holy Catholic faith, and
the gaining of souls to God. . . . Well understand, most noble man, that I
declare to you that a great opportunity is offered to you in the carrying out of
these matters, which shall redound, on the one hand, to the service of God, and
on the other, to the increase of the dignity of your king, esteemed of men as
well as loved and rewarded by God. Wherefore we give you our paternal and
Apostolic benediction." This letter is dated August 1, 1569.

On the 22d of Augest, 1572, was the massacre of St. Bartholomew, in which
70,000 Protestants perished ; so that the massacre of the Huguenots or Lutherans
in Florida on the 29th of September, 1565, was but a prelude to that "scheme,
the most bloody and the most destructive to the repose of mankind that had
ever been suggested by superstition to the human heart."

* From a note to Grajales's Memoir in "Historical Collections of Louisiana
and Florida," by D. F. French.

THE VOYAGE OF PEDRO MENENDEZ DE AVILES. 561

The colony of Pensaeola or Santa Maria de Galve on the west,
and St. Augustine, San Mateo, Santa Cruce, and San Marco were
described as scrupulous in their observance of the rites of the
Catholic religion. The Franciscans built school-houses and gave
instruction to the children of the natives ; but at the close of the
seventeenth century the Indian tribes and the English of the north
drove out the colonies, brolce up and demolished the work of two
centuries, which accounts for the remains of edifices now to be seen
along the old Spanish highways from St. Augustine to Pensaeola.

36

562 EXPEDITION OF DOMINIQUE DE QOUKGUE TO FLORIDA.

CHAPTBE V.

THE EXPEDITION OF DOMINIQUE DE GOURGUE TO FLORIDA.

1567.

The news of this cruel massacre* having reached -France, the
French were exceedingly exasperated at such base treachery and
such horrible cruelty, and especially when they learned that these
traitors and murderers, instead of being censured and punished in
Spain, were there praised and honored with the greatest estates
and dignities. All the French expected that such an insult to the
king and to the whole French nation would be very soon avenged
by the public authority ; but this expectation having been disap-
pointed for the space of thi'ee years, they hoped that there might
be found some private person who would undertake this enterprise,
so necessary for the honor and reputation of France. There were
not wanting those who would have greatly desired to have the
praise of achieving such an exploit ; but there were so many and
such great difficulties, that the severity of these disappointed each
one of the pleasure of this glory ; the deed could not be done witli-
out a great expense, both for the construction and equipment of the
ships and for the arms, provisions, and payment of the soldiers and
sailors that would be necessary for it ; few could, and still less
would, make so great an expense ; moreover, the result of it, for
many considerations, was very uncertain, hazardous, and perilous;
and what is worse, they saw that this enterprise, though even con-
ducted and executed wisely and successfully, could not be exempt
of some calumny. So it was very difficult to find one who would
risk this calumny with the loss of his property and with innu-
merable other inconveniences and dangers. Powever, Captain
Gourgue, a Gascon gentleman, incited by the zeal which he always
had for the service of his king, in which he had been continually
employed from his youth, as well in France as in Scotland, Pied-
mont, and Italy, according as affairs presented themselves, whether
on sea or on land, disregarding all these difficultiies, which he
plainly foresaw, undertook to execute this just vengeance, or die in
the attempt.

* The massacre of the French in Florida by Menendez.

EXPEDITION OF DOMINIQUE DE GOURGUE TO FLORIDA. 563

Captain Gonrgue then, at the beginning of the year 1567, seeing
that his services were not required on this side, the kingdom being
at peace within and without, and there not being even any appear-
ance of the civil wars which were renewed nine months later, re-
solved to go to Florida, and try if he could avenge the insult done
to the king and to all France. And, although he began to make
his preparations at the beginning of the year, nevertheless he was
not ready to leave until the month of August. It was an execution
which required not only courage and experience, but, as we have
said, also great expense, for which the income of a plain gentleman
was not suflBcient, and least of all of him who all his life had studied
more to acquire honor and fame than to amass the riches of fortune.
Wherefore, finding himself short of this expense, he sold his prop-
erty and borrowed of his friends enough to build, arm, and equip
two small vessels in the shape of a roberge, and a tender in the
fashion of a Levant frigate, which, on lack of wind, might be navi-
gated with oars, and would be suitable to enter the mouths of great
rivers, as also to purchase the supply of' provisions for one year,
and other things necessary for the soldiers and sailors whom he
intended to take with him. And having done all these things and
well provided for everything, he embarked at Bordeaux August 2d,
1567,^ with the permission of M. de Montluc, lieutenant for the king
in Guyenne [however his passport makes no mention of going to
Florida, but of going to the coast of Benin in Africa, to make war
upon the negroes], and descended the river to Royan, twentj' leagues
from Bordeaux, where he made his armament both of soldiers and of
sailors. There were a hundred arquebusiers, all having arquebuses,
and morionson their heads,of whom.many were gentlemen, and eighty
mariners, who.at need knew how to perform the duty of soldiers; he
also had arms fit for them, as crossbows, pikes, and all sorts of spears.
Afler the armament was made. Captain Gourgue appointed the
rendezvous customary in such expeditions. But as soon as he was
ready to leave, there arose such a contrary wind that he was com-
pell-ed to remain eight days at Royan. This wind having abated a
little, he put to sea, but very soon afterwards he was driven back
to Rochelle, and could not even enter the road of Rochelle on ac-
count of the violence of the weather ; he was compelled to retire to
the mouth of the Charente, and to remain there eight days, which
he greatly regretted on account of the cousuraption of provisions,
and because he feared tliat his men might take this delay for a bad
omen, and lose thexjheerfulness which they had at the beginning.

The 22d of August -£1567] the wind having ceased, and the
heavens giving signs of milder weather for the future, he put to sea

564 EXPEDITION OP DOMINIQUE DE GOTJEGUE TO FLORIDA.

and sailed ; the weather was scarcely more propitious for him, and
with great diflSculty he arrived at Cape Finis Terre, where suddenly
he was assailed by a west wind, which blew for eight days, during
which time he was in great danger of shipwreck, and in the greatest
trouble on account of his people who begged him immediately to
return. The ship in which was his lieutenant went astray, and for
fifteen days they knew not whether it was lost or not. Finally it
reached . the place of rendezvous, which was at the river of Lor, in
Barbary, where Capt. Gourgue was waiting for him, who made his
men rest and refresh themselves here ; they were so worked and so
tired out that they could do nothing more ; he consoled and com-
forted them in every way that he could conceive, and when he had
well restored and encouraged them, he weighed anchor, and coasting
a part of Africa, he observed the country in passing that he might
be better able to do service for his king if an opportunity should
present itself. And as he sojourned some time at Cape Blanco to
accustom his men to the climate, and by that means preserve their
health, three negro kings (instigated by the Portuguese, who had a
fort ten leagues from there, and who dared not come themselves)
came to attack him. These negroes were twice so well received that
they would not return a third time, and abandoned the port to Capt.
Gourgue, who, however, very soon afterward left there, and still
coasting Africa came and landed at Cape Yerd ; thence taking the
route to the Indies he sailed on the high sea, and having crossed the
North Sea, the first place where he landed was at the island called
Dominica, inhabited by savages only, where he remained eight days
on account of the fresh water that is found there.

After which time, pursuing his wanderings, he came to another
island called St. Germain de Porto Rico, which the Spaniards hold.
Leaving there they came to Mona, an island inhabited only by
savages, very fertile and fruitful, where, among other fruits, they
found the finest and best oranges, citrons, and melons, that they
ever ate. The inhabitants are very pl-ain, good people ; their king
came to see the ships of Capt. Gourgue, and passed two nights there;
then he took him on shore to see his gardens, and his houses made
in the form of a cavern, and his fountain, which he called paradise,
in the very deep hollow of a rock, where they descended by steps,
and he said that the water of this spring cured fevers. On leaving
tills island the king gave to Capt. Gourgue a great quantity of fruit
in exchange for some linen to make shirts, which Capt. Gourgue
had given him, and of which he had no further use.

On leaving there, he went to coast the main land towai-ds Cape
Belle to discover the country, but the contrary winds drove him

EXPEDITION OF DOMINIQUE DE GOURGUE TO FLORIDA. 565

back, and cast them upon the island of Hispaniola, otherwise called
St. Domingo, which is at pi-esent inhabited only by Spapiards, after
they have put to death all the Indian natives whom they found there,
who were more than a million. That is bow they have converted
the Indians to the Christian faith, of which they boast so much. In
this island, whicli is also held by the Spaniards, Capt. Gourgue was
not permitted to take even water ; but he took it by force. He
found bimself there in very great danger, the sea being agitated by
a terrible storm, and the land being to him a still greater enemy ;
for the Spaniards are enraged as soon as they see a Frenchman in
the Indies, although a hundred Spains could not furnish sufficient
men to hold the hundredth part of a land so extensive and spacious ;
nevertheless the Spaniards conceive that this new world was created
solely for them, and that it becomes no man living to tread, or even
to breathe there except themselves alone ; however, Capt. Grourgue
was forced to remain there until the storm had abated, being con-
fident that he could more easily defend himself against the Span-
iards than the winds and tempests.

The sea having become calm, Capt. Gourgue left there and went
to land at Cape St. Nicolas, where he calked his ship, which had
sprung a leak in the storm, by which there happened the loss of all
the bread within, because it was wet, and the rest that was in this
ship, with the ship itself, like to have been lost. But it arrived in
season at Cape St. Nicolas, where it .was so well repaired that no
defect ever afterward happened to it. This loss of bread was to
Capt. Gourgue and. bis company an inestimable injury, for it was
necessary to retrench the provisions one-half, and he who before ate
two biscuits per day now took but one. The isles by which they
were obliged to pass afterwards were held by the Spaniards; as
the island of Cuba, which they found the first after having left St.
Nicolas, in which the Spaniards would never give provisions for
the linens of Kouen, nor for anything else, -which Capt. Gourgue
had brought for this purpose in case his provisions should fail him.
They would not even permit him to take in water, but he took it in
spite of them. About this island there arose the most violent and
impetuous wind that they had j'et experienced, but it lasted only
six hours. But had it lasted longer all would have been over with
him, for it would have cast them upon the coast, where their ships
would have perished together with themselves.

The cape St. Anthonj', at the end of the island of Cuba, where
they landed very soon after the tempest had passed, is about two
hundred leagues from Florida. Here Capt. Gourgue, having assem-
bled all his men, declared to them what till then he had kept to him-

566 EXPEDITION or DOMINIQUE DE GOURGTTE TO PLOKIDA.

self, how he had undertaken this voyage to go to Florida to avenge
upon tlie Spaniards the insult which they had given to the king and
to all France; he excused himself that he had not communicated
his enterprise to them sooner; he disclosed to them the means by
which he hoped to succeed in his designs ; he exhorted and b.egged
them to follow them with as good courage as he had hoped of them
■when he chose them from among many as the most fit for such an
execution. He put before them the treachery and cruelty of those
who had massacred the French, and the disgrace that such a wicked
and base deed should have remained so long unpunished. He sug-
gested to them the honor and happiness that would redound to them
from so brilliant a deed ; in briefj he animated them so well that,
although at the commencement they might have found the thing
almost impossible, on account of the few men that he had, and this
coast being the most dangerous of all the Indies ; nevertheless they
promised not to abandon him, and to die with him ; the soldiers be-
came so ardent that they could not even wait for the full moon to
cross the Bahama Channel, which is very dangerous ; and the pilots
and sailors, who were cool at the commencement, were very soon
inspired with this ardor of th^ soldiery. The moon then being full,
■ they entered the Bahama Channel, and very soon after discovered
Florida.*

When the Spaniards who were in the forts [at the mouth of the
river St. John] saw the ships of Captain Gourgue, they saluted
them with the discharge of two cannons, thinking they were Span-
iards. Captain Gourgue, to keep them in their error, returned the
sfilute, and pretending to go elsewhere passed beyond them until
night came, and he had lost sight of Florida. When night had
come he changed his course, and came and landed at fifteen leagues
from the fort, where the Spaniards could discover nothing, in front
of a river which the savages call Tacatacourou, which is also the
name of the king of the country ; the French had given it the name
of Seine, because it resembled our Seine.

As soon as day came, Captain Gourgue beheld the beach covered
with savages, armed with their bows and arrows to hinder him
from landing, thinking j;hat he was a Spaniard. Captain Gourgue,
who had easily anticipated this, had also bethought himself to act
in such a way that he should be assisted by them, and therefore he
made every sign of friendship, and sent to them his trumpeter,

* The achievement of Gourgue could not be duly appreciated without a
knowledge of the obstacles he had to overcome to accomplish it, while the
whole discloses the chivalric and heroic character of the man. "

EXPEDITION OF DOMINIQUE DE GOURGUE TO ELORIDA. 56t

who was well known to them, and knew how to speak their lan-
guage well, having conversed with them when the French were
there when they built the fort there. As soon as thej' recognized
the trumpeter they began to dance, which is tlie ordinary sign of
joy among tliem, and asked him wherefore he had delayed so long
to return to them. He replied that he had not had time to return
sooner; "but I have now arrived in safety," he said, " and there
are the French, who have come here to renew their friendship with
yOu, and have brought you the things from France that you most
need, and which you like the best." They then began to dance
more than before, and their greatest king, named Satorioua, sent
with the trumpeter one of his people to Captain Goiirgue to
present him a l)uck and to inquire further into the cause of his
coming. Captain Gourgue replied to the messenger that he thanked
King Satorioua, and assured him that what the trumpeter had told
him was true, that he had come there hut to associate with him and
the other kings, and to give them some beautiful things that were
made in France, of which moreover thej' had need. He would say
nothing more of his expedition, until he had seen whether there
were any Spaniards among them, and ascertained the disposition of
the savages and learn how all would turn out. The savages, after
having heard this ceply, took to dancing more than before, and
soon after sent to Captain Gourgne to say to him that they were
going away to inform all the kings of it, the relations and allies of
Satorioua; that they would be with them the next day at that place
to associate witli the French, in which they would not fail ; so
they went away for that day. Now, during all this coming and go-
ilig. Captain Gourgue sent his pilot to sound the entrance of the
river, and learned that it was easy, wherefore he entered the river
to treat more conveniently with the Indians.

Tlie next day he saw at the same place the great King Satorioua,
the kings Tacatacourou, Halimacani, Atore, Harpaha, Helmaeape,
Helicopile, Monloua, and others; all relations and allies of Satorioua.
When they had arrived they sent to request Captain Gourgue to
land, which he did, accompanied by his soldiers bearing their arque-
buses. When the kings saw the French coming armed, they were
somewhat frightened, and sent to Captain Gourgue to inquire why
he came to them armed, seeing that they wished to associate with
him. He replied that he saw them with their arms, and that he
brought his. Immediately tliey commanded their subjects to lay
aside their bows and arrows, to make them into large bundles and
take them home; and Captain Gourgue made his men lay aside
their arquebuses and retain, their swords, and thus he went to

568 EXPEDITION OP DOMINIQUE DE GOUEGIJE TO FLORIDA.

visit Satorioua, wliocame to meet hira and made him sit at his right
hand, upon a wooden seat covered with moss, which he had made
for him like to his own. When tliey both were seated, two of the
most ancient among them came, and pulled up the brambles and
every herb that was before them ; and after having well cleaned the
place, they all sat upon the ground round about. And when Cap-
tain Gfourgue wished to speak, the king Satorioua (who is not fash-
ioned to the civility on this side), preceded him, saying to him that,
since the Spaniards had taken the fort built by the French, Florida
had never had one, happy day ; and that the Spaniards had made
war upon them continually, had chased them from their houses, cut
their corn, violated their women, ravished their daughters, slain
their children ; and yet he and the other kings had suffered these
evils because of the friendship they had contracted for the French,
by whom the land had iirst been inhabited ; however, they had
never ceased to love the French for the good treatment they had
received from them when they commanded here. That after the
massacre which the Spaniards had made of the French, they had
found a boy that' had fled away into woods, which he hiad ever
since nourished as his own child; that the Spaniards had done
everything possible to slay him, but that he had always kept him
to restore hira some day to the French when they should return to
Florida, " and since you are here (he said to Captain Gourgue), take
him. I give him to you."

Captain Gourgue, rejoiced to find the Indians so well disposed to
execute his design, and also that Satorioua himself was the first to
enter into the affair of the Spaniards, thanked him very kindly for
the great affection he had for the French, and particularly for hav-
ing preserved the young man, begged him always to persevere in
this kind regard, suggesting to him the greatness and goodness of
the king of- France. As to the Spaniards, that the time was ap-
proaching when they would be punished for the injuries they had
committed, as well against the Indians as against the French, and.
if the kings and their subjects had been maltreated through hate
of the French, that they also would be avenged by the French
themselves. " How I" said Satorioua, starting with joy, " would you
really make war upon the Spaniards ?" " And wliat do you think
of it?" said Captain Gourgue, concealing his feelings and his enter-
prise, in order to elicit Satorioua's in regard to himself. "It
is time now to avenge the injuries they have done to our nation;
but I had proposed for the presen;t only to renew our friendship
with you, and to see what is passing on this side, in order to return
immediately afterwards against them with such forces as I should

EXPED^'tION op DOMINIQUE DE GOURGUE TO FLORIDA. 569

find necessary ; however, when I learn the great evils they have
done j'ou and do you every day, I have compassion on you, and the
inclination moves me to attack them without waiting longer, in
order to deliver you from their oppression rather now than here-
after." "Oh!" said Satorioua, "the great blessing you would do
us ! how happy we should be 1" All the others cried out the same.
" I think," said Captain Gourgue, "you would willingly be of the
party, and would not wish that the Trench should have all the
honor of delivering you from the tyranny of the Spaniards." " Yes,"
said Satorioua, " we and all our subjects will go with you, and will
die together with you if it is necessary." The other kings also
made a similar reply.

Captain Gourgue, who had found what he was seeking, praised
and thanked them greatlj^, and to Strike while the iron was hot* he
said: "But consider, if we would make war upon them, it should be
done immediately. In what time could you have your people assem-
bled ready to march ?" " In three days," said Satorioua, " we and our
people can come here to leave with you." "In the mean time," said
Captain Gourgue, "you will give orders that all shall be kept secret,
so that'the Spaniards may not get wind of it." " Do not concern your-
self about that," said the king, " we owe them a greater grudge than
you." Captain Gourgue, seeing that the foundation of his enterprise
was sufficiently well and fortunately laid, thought that he ought
not longer to withhold from these kind people that which he wished
to give them ; and began to divide among them what he had brought
expressly for this purpose, as knives, daggers, hatchets, scissors,
pins, needles, purses, mirrors, little bells, and beads, and other like
things. And, after he had distributed them to all, according as he
judged of the rank and merit of each one, he said to Satorioua and.
the other kings, " Tell me if there is anything else that you wish, do
not withhold it." They, although more than content with wliat
they already had, however, seeing the good intentions of Captain
Gourgue, replied that they would each like to have one of his shirts,
which they requested, not to dress themselves with, except some-
times through great oddity, but to have them interred with them at
their death, as they do all the fine things they have been able to col-
lect during their lives. Captain Gourgue immediately gave one to
each of the kings, and added also, all that he happened to have
which he thought might be agreeable to them. King Satorioua, who
had two strings of grains of gold about his neck, gave one of them
to Captain Gourgue. The other kings gave him deer-skius dressed
in the manner of the country.

* So this phrase was in use in France in 1568.

bio EXPEDITION OF DOMINIQUE DE GOUEGUE TO FLORIDA.

While the savages amused themselves with these presents, Captain
Gourgue, who tho'uglit of nothing else than accomplishing his enter-
prise, and was not willing to lose a minute of time, interrogated the
young Frenchman that Satorioua had given him, and learned from
him that the Spaniards might be about four hundred in number and
that they had built two small forts at the entrance of the river May
besides the great fort which the French had built on the same river
a league above. This young man was a native of Havre-de-Grace,
sixteen years of age, and named Pierre Debre, who, by his intelli-
gence, and his familiarity with the two languages, was very useful
to Captain Gourgue on this voyage, on the return from which he
was restored to his parents.

Captain Gourgue, deliberating about sending to reconnoitre the
forts, said to Satorioua; " In three days, as you tell me, you wiii have
returned here with your subjects. In the same time can also return
those whom I shall semi to reconnoitre the enemy, but to guide
them some one of your faithful and reliable men is needed." Sato-
rioua immediately gave him his nephew named Olotoraca, a strong,
valiant, and lo3'al man, under the guidance of whom a gentleman
named Estampes, with two others, left to reconnoitre the forts. After
that. Captain Gourgue asked hostages of Satorioua for those whom
he was about to send away, which were delivered to him as soon
as demanded. " I will let you have my only son," said Satorioua,
" and of my wives the one I love the most, in order that you may
kno* that we are neither liars nor traitors, as are those Spaniards,
who always deceive us, and never do what they promise us." Cap-
tain Gourgue was very glad that his affairs progressed so well, and
to send away, the savages sO that they might return the sooner, he
said to them,- "These miscreants have done much evil to you, but we
will call them- to an account this time, and in order that we may be
the better able to capture them, I beg you not to delay more than
three days, as you have told me, and carefully to keep the affair
secret;" which Satorioua and all the others promised to do, and upon
that they went away to their homes, dancing and leaping with joy,
and Captain Gourgue retired to his ships with bis hostages. The
son of the king was entirely naked, as all the other men are. The
wife of the king was dressed with moss, and about eighteen years of
age. They were three days on the vessels of Captain Gourgue,
awaiting until thg men should return from reconnoitring the forts;
and, in three days from' that time, nearlj' at the same hour, there
were on the one side M. Estampes, who made his report of what he
had seen, and on the other the kings with a great number of their
subjects -well armed with bows and arrows, all ready to march.

EXPEDITION OF DOMINIQUE DE GOURGDE TO FLORIDA. 571

Before leaving there the savages made a beverage called by them
c'asHive, which they are accustomed to take at all times, and wlien
they go to fight in places where there is danger. This beverage,
made of a certain plant, and drailk quite hot, keeps them from being
hungry and thirsty for twenty-four hours. They presented it first
to Captain Gourgue, who pretended to drink it and swallowed none
of it ; then Satorioua partook of it, and after him all the others, each
one according to his rank. That done with many ceremonies, they
all, raising their hands, swore they would do their duty and fight
bravely, and would never abandon Captain Gfourgne. .

Before this was finished the greater part of the day had passed,
nevertheless they did not fail to leave the same day ; and the
savages said that they would travel all night, asking Captain
Gourgue to have them put on the other side of the river Tacata-
courou, with his vessels: for the place where the Spaniards were
was on that side of the river.*

Captain Gourgue, seeing them thus resolved, appointed a place,
according to what he could judge from the report they had made him,
for all to meet together: which was at the mouth of a river named
by them Halimacani, and by the French, who had inhabited the
country, Somme; then Jie had them all put on the other side of the
river, except Olotoraca, the nephew of the king, whom he retained
with him for a guide, and who never afterwards abandoned him.
And, because his bow had never been brought back to him after it
was carried to tlie village with the others, he ask^d for arms, when
he was given a pike, which he well knew how to make use of against
the Spaniards. When the savages had crossed the river, Captain
Gourgue began to exhort his men, representing to them the good
disposition of the savages, and the ardor with which they marched
against the Spaniards, assuring himself that they would do so much
the better, as their training and education and their government and
religion were better than those of these poor savages; and when he
wished to proceed they began to cry out: "Let us go! let us go!"
as those who would have wished tobe there already, and who were
all determined to die there. Then Captain Gourgue, with all his
soldiers and sixty sailors, departed by sea in two boats, which he
had besides the three ships, the keeping of which, with the rest of
the ships, he left with Frangois Lague Bourdelois, the owner and
master of hisship, a man as fully experienced in marine affairs as
anj' of this time, recommending him to have them well calked, and to
have the whole ready for them to return in as soon as God should

* But fifteen leagues away on the river May : nine leagues from Tacatacourou
or Seine to Halimacani or Somme ; four from Somme to Sarabay, and two fi-om
Sarabay to the river May.

572 EXPEDITION OF DOMINIQUE DE GOURGUE TO FLORIDA.

give them success ; " and, if God wills (said he) that I should die in
so righteous a pursuit, I leave you all that I have here, and beseech
you to conduct and take back my soldiers to France, as I confide in
you," and, saying that, he delivered to him the keys of his trunks
and all that he had there. This affected very much the hearts of
all, and especially of the sailors who remained to guard the vessels,
wlio could not restrain their tears ; and this departure was full of
tenderness to hear so many adieus on both sides, and so many
charges and recommendations, on the part of those who were going
away, to their parents and friends, and to their wives and relations,
in case they should not return. On leaving their country they did
not think of going to Florida, as has been said, and yet in the midst
of all that, you would have admired the joy of these men ; who,
although they expected to go to an almost certain death, neverthe-
less had no fear, except that they might nOt arrive there in sufficient
time for the honor which they hoped to have as the only reward for
so glorious a deed. •

When they i-eached the mouth of the river Halimacani, where
the savages awaited them, which was about the break of day, the
wind from the northeast began to blow so strong, that they came
near being lost ; and that caused such a delay that the savages
could not cross the river that day; however, about eight o'clock
in the morning, Captain Gourgue crossed it, with great difficulty,
and, leaving one of his boats to assist them in crossing, took his
route by land to go and await them at the river Sarabay, which was
four leagues from there. But the route was found so bad, there
was so much water, and so many marshes to cross, as well as forests
to traverse, that they were from eight o'clock in the morning to five
o'clock in the afternoon in making these four leagues: Captain
Gourgue having always his main armor upon his back, and they
found nothing to eat all day, except some roots of the wild palm
tree, by which means they were so tired and hungry that they could
do nothing more.

When they arrived at the river Sarabay they found there waiting
for them three Indian chiefs, who each led a hundred men. Now
from this river Sarabay to the place where the first two forts were
might be about two leagues. Captain Gourgue, who saw that the
success of his plan depended upon diligence and celerity, although
he had nothing to eat the whole day, for the sailors had not yet
brought the boat in which they had put the provisions on leaving
the river Tacatacourou, nevertheless he left with ten of his arque-
busiers and his guide to go and reconnoitre the first fort, in order to
attack it the next, morning ; the route was found as bad and as

EXPEDITION or DOMINIQUE DE GOURGUE TO TLORIDA. 513

difficult as the other, the night was cloudy and dark ; a little river
that was adjoining the fort, swollen, because the tide began to rise,
could not be crossed, so that Captain Gourgue was obliged to return
to the river Sarabay to his people, tired with travelling, and more
sad for not having accomplished anything. One of the kings, named
Hilicopile, seeing them return all pensive, asked the interpreter:
'•"What is the matter with your king ?" The interpreter replied that
he was grieved that he had not been able to reconnoitre the fort.
Hilicopile said to him : " I will lead him along the sea where he will
find neither mud nor marsh, but the route is longer." Captain
Gourgue, learning this, resolved that he would go there immediately
by this way, accompanied by Hilicopile; he left with all his men,
and sent the two other chiefs through the woods to be in the morn-
ing at the crossing of the little river adjoining the first fort, which
he had not been able to cross ; he hastened his men, and marched with
great speed, in order to be there at the break of day, before they
should be discovered. And thus, as the day began to break, he
arrived at this river, which was enlarged and high, because the tide
had risen ; nevertheless he had the ford sounded by some of his
sailors, who found that it could not be forded ; at which he was very
much grieved, for the time had already arrived to surprise the
Spaniards, who were still sleeping; however, he determined to
retire into the woods close adjoining the river, and there await until
the tide should fall, and then all go immediately to attack them.
Scarcely were they yet in the woods when it began to rain so hard
that they were thoroughly wet, and the soldiers had great difficulty
to keep their fire. Day having broke, Captain Gourgue examined
the fort at his leisure from where he was, and having looked well at
both sides he understood the whole; he noticed that there was only
the commencement of a ditch ; however he was confirmed in the
resolution he had made on entering the woods, to assault it as soon
as he could cross the river. In the mean time he saw the Spaniards
who were working in the foi't, which made him doubt somewhat
whether his arrival had been discovered, but the event showed that
they suspected nothing; for, after the taking of the fort, they saw
that it was a well on which they were working.

About ten o'clock, the tide being low, he went to cross the river
a little higher up, where he saw a little woods between the river and
the fort, which served to screen him from being seen, as well while
crossing the river as while putting his men in order, and because
the water reached higher than the waist, he commanded the soldiers
to fasten their powder-flasks to their morions, to take their arque-
buse and match in one hand, and their sword in the other.

574 EXPEDITION OP DOMINIQUE DE GOURGCE TO FLORIDA.

In crossing ttie river there was so great a quantity of oysters that
the shoes of the soldiers were cut, and the most of thera wounded
in the feet ; for tiie oysters were the largest, and their shells the
sharpest, considering those we ordinarily see on this side. How-
ever, they were no sooner on the other side of the river tiian they
resumed their arms, and of themselves prepared for battle. Cap-
tain Gourgue gave twenty soldiers to his lieutenant, and ten sailors
bearing fire-pots and lance's a feu, to set fire to the gate, and be-
hind the little wood where they could not be seen he ranged his
men in order of battle ; and, seeing them well disposed and confident,
he conceived there was no need of great exhortation, as the position
in which he was required ratlier a quick execution than a long ha-
rangue ; however he made a short one. " My friends," said he, " I
clearly see tliat your courage increases with the occasion, inasmuch
as I have chosen you for such ; your resolute countenances j^redict
to me that you will avenge to-day the insult to our country and our
king;" and showing them the fort, which tliey could barely distin-
guish through the trees, " There," said he, " are tlie robbers who have
stolen this land from our king; there are the murderers who have
massacred our Frenchmen. Forward ! forward ! let us avenge our
king; let us avenge France; let us prove ourselves Frenchmen ;"
and immediately he commanded his lieutenant to attack the gate
with his troop, and he with his went against an embankment in the
shape of a platform, very low, which was at the side of the fort
where there was but a small commencement of a ditch. The Span-
iards had but just dined when our men, rushing forward at a rapid
pace, were discovered at two hundred paces from the fort by the
cannonier, who had just mounted upon this terrace, who imme-
diately began to cry out in Spanish, "Arm I arm ! here are the French,
here are the French," and at tlie same time discharged at them a
large culverin that was upon the terrace, and fired it twice ; but as
he was about, to load it for the third time, Olotoraca, swifter than
any other, and who was not taught to keep .his rank, rushed for-
ward, mounted the terrace, which was not high, and pierced him
through with his pike. The Spaniards, having drmed themselves
at the cry of the cannonier, rushed out of the fort, either to flght
or to retire to tlieir companions, according to what they should
discover when they should be on the outside. Captain Gourgue, at
their going out, had arrived in the nick of time at the foot of the
platform, and his lieutenant near the gate, and as he mounted the
pUtform, his lieutenant cried out that the Spaniards fled ; and then
Captain Gourgue returning quickly to the gate, inclosed them be-
tween himself and his lieutenant, so that of sixtj' that they were,
not one, escaped, they were either captured or put to death; they

EXPEDITION OF DOMINIQUE DE GOUEQUE TO FLORIDA. 515

took alive as many as they could, by command of Captain Gourgue,
for to treat them as they had treated the French.

The first fort was no sooner captured than they went to attack
the second, which was on the other side of the river May, opposite
the first, to assist each other, as it did not cease to fire its cannon
at us while we were taking the first, and greatly incommoded our
men, who directed against them three pieces of cannon which they
had found in the first fort and the culverin which they had found
on the platform, which was conspicuously marked with the coat of
arms of the late King Henry, by which they knew that it had been
captured from the Frencii at the time of the massacre, which still more
enraged our Frenchmen ; and with these four pieces they did not
cease to fire against them, whilst Captain Gourgue, with eighty
arquebusiers, was quickly passing the river in his boat, which they
had just brought there in the nick of time ; with which they went
and landed between the fort and a wood which was close to it ;
suspecting, what happened, that the Spaniards would flee into the
woods, that they might be able afterwards to retire to the large fort
which was a league from there.

Scarcely was Captain Gourgue on the other side of the river,
wlien the savages, not being able to wait till they should bring
back to them the boat to cross, leaped into the water, and, swim-
ming with onetirm and holding their bow with the other, covered the
river from one bank to the other. The Spaniards, who were sixty
in number, seeing so great and so determined a multitude, and,
through the astonishment with which they were seized, not distin-
guishing between the French and the savages, thinking to escape
in the woods,, went and precipitated themselves among the
French, who fired so severely upon them that the greater part of
them were extended upon the ground ; the rest, seeking to flee,
found themselves intercepted by the savages. Thus, not being able
either to fight or to flee, they laid down their arms and implored their
life, which was taken while they begged it.

With great diflicultj' Capt. Gourgue could have but fifteen of them
preserved alive, in order to do unto them as they had done unto the
French. After this slaughter, Capt. Gourgue entered the second
fort, fro tiT which he caused immediately to be transported all that
he found there, and repassing the river with his prisoners, returned
to the first fort to fortify himself there, not knowing what courage
the others might have, nor iii what time he might succeed against
the great fort which was a league from, there upon the same river,
on the side where was the second fort. Among the prisoners tlwit
he had, there was an old sergeant from whom he learned the height

576 EXPEDITION OF DOMINIQUE DE GODRQUE TO PLOEIDA.

of the ramparts of the great fort, and thQ place where it would be
easiest for him to take it.

These two forts were captured on the eve of Sunday after Easter,
1568. Capt. Gourgue rested Sunday and Monday ; and in the mean
time caused to be made eight ladders, of the height that had been
indicated to him, and a sketch of the whole fort, with which this
old soldier was well acquainted. Besides he had so well provided
for the occasion that all the country was up in arms against the
Spaniards, so that those of the great foi-t had no means to go out
to discover anything; however, they disguised a Spaniard as an
Indian, and sent him away, Monday, to discover what people they
were, and how many. Capt. Gourgue being about the said fort
with Olotoraca, who always accompanied him, this Spaniard was
recognized by Olotoraca, and at the same time seized ; he sought
to carry out his design by saying he was one of the soldiers who
guarded the first fort, and not being able to retire to the great
one on account of the multitude of savages, had thus disguised
himself for fear of being slain by them, and preferred to come and
surrender to the mercy of the French, to putting himself in danger
of being killed by the savages ; but whert the sergeant, whom they
had sent for immediately, maintained that he was of the guard
of the great fort, and a spy, he confessed that he was sent by the
commander of the great fort to learn who these new-comers were,
and what number of men they had. Capt. Gourgue asked him what
they thought of him at the great fort ; he replied that they had in-
formed the governor that he had two thousand French, at which
thegovernor and his people were so astonished that they knew not
what to do.

Capt. Gourgue was very glad of this news, and determined to go
and attack them the next day while in this affright ; and in fact this
same day he made all his preparations, appointing those whom he
was to leave to guard the mouth of the river and the fort ; the charge
of which he gave to Capt. Mesmes, his ensign, with fifteen arque-
busiers. On the night following he sent the savages to go in am-
bush in the wood ; part on this side of the river and part on the
other. And the next morning he left with his men, taking with him
the sergeant and the spy tied together, to show him ocularly what
they had told him, and showed him in drawing. On the way Olo-
toraca, nephew of king Satorioua, an exceedinglj' courageous and
heroic man, who had slain the cannonier at the first fort, said to
Capt. Gourgue, from whom he never separated, that he had served
him well, and had done all that he had ])i'oinised him ; that he
well knew that he would die in the taking of the great fort, but

EXPEDITION OP DOMINIQUE DE GOURGUE TO FLORIDA. 517

that for his life he would not fail to be there ; " and I beg you," said
he, " to give to my wife that which you would give to me if I sur-
vived, in order that she may inter it with me, and that I may be
better welcomed for it when I shall arrive in the land of spirits."
Capt. Gourgue told him that he would rather recompense and honor
him living than dead, and that he hoped to take him back alive and
victorious.

In the mean time they discovered the fort, and as soon as the
Spaniards saw them they commenced firing upon them with two
double culverins that were upon a bastion which commanded all
along the river. Capt. Gourgue quickly gained a ridge covered with
wood; at the foot of which was the fort, avd which extended from
where he had been seen even to very far beyond the fort. And by
means of the trees, which covered it, he approached as near the fort
as he wished, without the possibility of being seen or hurt. He
stopped at a place from which he could look at his leisure into the
fort; he had no intention of assaulting it that day, but to scale it
the next morning on the same side of the ridge where the ditch was
not defended, where a part of his men would mount while the others
were fighting those who should defend the ramparts. But it hap-
pened that the Spaniards made a sortie of sixty arquebusiers to
reconnoitre his forces, he saw them even as they were coming out,
and going stooping along the ditch, and immediately commanded
his lieutenant, with twenty arquebusiers, to go the other side, and
place himself between them and the fort ; and when he saw his
' lieutenant in the place where he could prevent them from re-entering,
he went straight at them, and commanded his men not to fire until
they should be very near them, and then immediately after having
fired, to draw their swords. When the Spaniards were out of the
ditch ready to ascend the ridge, Capt. Gourgue, with his arque-
busiers, was at the foot ; he fell upon them so close that not a shot
was lost ; many of them were brought to the ground ; then drawing
their swords they engaged those who remained standing, and when
they fled to retire to the fort, there was the lieutenant, who charged
them from the other side, so that there was not one among them that
found means of re-entering the fort, and all were there slain. Those
from within the fort, seeing that in an instant they had lost their
best and bravest men, and believing that those who had made this
defeat were but a small part of a much greater number, despaired
of being able to resist ; and, besides, not being able to hope' for any
compromise with those whom they had injured so outrageously,
they abandoned the fort, and went out to escape into the woods,
which was on the other side of the fort, where Capt. Gourgue had
37

578 EXPEDITION OP DOMINIQUE DE GOTJRGTJB TO FLORIDA.

caused to be placed a great number of savages, who immediately
discharged their arrows upon them, and among others there was one
shot that pierced through the shield of a Spanish captain, and the
arrow entered deep into his body through the left nipple, and
struck him down dead upon the ground. Capt. Gourgue, who had
seen them go out, and had hastened after them, arrested between the
wood and the fort those who were fleeing from the arrows of the
savages, and there they were all slain and cut in pieces, except those
whom with great difficulty he was able to reserve in order to put to
death as robbers.

In this great fort were found five double culverins, four medium and
other small pieces made of iron and of brass, with eighteen large casks
of powder. They found also many arms, as arquebuses, corselets,
shields, pikes, and others. The next day Captain Gourgue having
loaded two vessels with the artillery, a savage cooking a fish set
fire to a train of powder which the Spaniards had made, and which
no one had.yet perceived. The powder took fire, completely blew
up the magazine, and burnt entirely the houses which were of pine
wood. The men were not burnt, because they were all outside here
and there, but all that was within was burnt and lost, so that Cap-
tain Gourgue brought away nothing but the artillery which he had
already put on board.

The Spaniards who had been taken alive in this last fort were led
to the place where they had hung the French. After that Captain
Gourgue had represented to them the injury they had done the king
massacring his subjects and robbing his majesty of the land which
he had conquered, and the fort which he had built there, and that
they should have reflected that so cowardly a treachery, and so de-
testable a cruelty, exercised against so powerful a king and so gen-
erous a people, would not remain unpunished; that he, who was
one of the least gentlemen that the king had in his kingdom, had
undertaken to avenge it at his own cost and expense. Though the
most Christian king and the most Catholic king had been enemies at
mortal war, still such extreme treachery and cruelty could not be
excused ; but when, on the contrary, their majesties were friends
and so closely allied, there could not be found a name sufficiently
abominable for their crime, and less still a punishment that could
correspond with that crime. But yet, as you cannot endure the
punishment you have merited, it is proper that you should endure
that which an enemy can fairly give you, in order that by your ex-
ample others may learn to keep the peace and alliance which you
have so cruelly and wickedly violated. That said, they were hung
to the same trees where they had hung the French, and in place of

EXPEDITION 01' DOMINIQUE DE GOUKGUE TO FLORIDA. 5T9

the writing which Pedro Menendez had caused to be put there con-
sisting of these words in the Spanish language : "7 do this not to
Frenchman, but to Lutherans," Captain Gourgue caused to be
graven on a pine board with a hot iron, "7 do this not to Spaniards
nor to sailoi's,* but to traitors, robbers, and murderers."

Captain Gourgue, having thus finished this execution for which he
had undertaken the voyage, deliberated about returning, and not
having sufficient men to leave some in Florida to hold the forts, he
determined to ruin them, lest the Spaniards, who had other lands
quite close to these, should happen to take possession of them, and
also that they might not be an occasion to draw them there, or that
the savages themselves might not fortify themselves there, and that
by this means the access and entry might be less difficult to the
Tiing, when it should please his majesty to send some of his subjects
there to people it, to whom it would be more easy to build anew
than to take the fortresses which they might find already built, well
secured and well provided against them ; but in order that the
savages might not be oflfended at the forts being destroyed, but,
on the contrary, be so well pleased with it that they miglit them-
selves destroy them, he assembled the kings, and having shown
to them how from the commencement he had kept his promises, and
had avenged them on those who had so cruelly tyrannized over them,
he then fell upon the subject of destroying the forts, employing all
that he could make use of to convince them that all he wished to
do was for their benefit, and in hate of the many cruelties and
crimes that the Spaniards had committed there, at which they lent
so willing an ear, that Captain Gourgue had no sooner finished speak-
ing than they ran directly to the fort, shouting and calling their
subjects after, them, where they made such dispatch, that in less
than a day they left not one stone upon another.

After that, they left to return to the two first forts, which were
razed with the same ardor as the first, and they hung there thirty
Spanish prisoners that they had left there, one of whom confessed
having hung five Frenchmen with his own hands, and greatly
blamed himself, saying in his language that God was right and just,
who had finally brought him to the punishment with which he
threatens the cruel and inhuman.

So there remaining nothing more to do, and Captain Gourgue
wishing to return to his vessels which he had left at the mouth of
the river Tacatacourou, otherwise called the Seine, at fifteen leagues
from there, he sent by sea, with the artillery, his lieutenant Captain

* "N'7 oomme a Marannes."

580 EXPEDITION OF DOMINIQUE DE GOUKQUE TO FLORIDA.

Casenauve, and he, with eighty arquebusiers and forty sailors bearing
pikes, went back by land, marching his men always in order of bat-
tle at all hazards, on account of the savages whom he would never
trust too mucli. Wherever they paused they found the road thronged
with the kind people of the country, who came from all parts to meet
him as their liberator, bearing cooked fish and other provisions for
the soldiers, and among others an old woman, who said that now she
■was willing to die since she had seen once more the French in
Florida.

When Captain Gourgue had arrived at the river Tacatacourou,
where were his vessels, he found that tlie chief pilot had recalked
his ships, taken in water, and made ready every thing ; so that there
was nothing to do but embark. Therefore, here he took leave of
the kings, and advised them to continue in the devotion which
they had always had for the king of France, who would defend
them against the Spaniards and against all others ; and that, until
his majesty sent there a sufficient number of men for their protec-
tion and defence, they should hold themselves well upon their guard,
and take care not to be surprised. These good people were the
most grieved in the world, when they saw that Captain Gourgue
would leave them, and began to weep, and even Olotoraca, who had
fought better than they had anticipated. But when he told them
that he would return in twelve moons from that time (for it is thus
that they count) and would bring them many mirrors, hatchets, and
knives, which are the things they like the best, they were immedi-
ately relieved, and said that they would go away to make their
women dance, which, with them, is the greatest sign of rejoicing.

After Captain Gourgue had taken leave of the kings, he assem-
bled his people to render thanks to God for the victory which he
had given them, and to beseech Him to be their guide and con-
ductor on their return to France. When they were assembled he
said to them: "My friends, let us return thanks to God for the
good success which He has given to our enterprise ; it is He who
preserved us from the dangers of the storm at Cape Finis Terre,
at the island of Hispaniola, at the island of Cuba, and at the
river Halimacani ; it was He who inclined the hearts of the savages
to associate with us ; it was He who blinded the understanding of
the Spaniards so that they were never able to discover our forces,
nor to know how to employ their own. They were four to one, in
strong places, well entrenched, and well provided with artillery,
munitions, arms, and provisions. We had nothing but a just cause,
and yet we have conquered them in an instant. Therefore, it is
not to our forces, but to God only that we owe the victory. Let

EXPEDITION OP DOMINIQUE DE GODRGUE TO FLORIDA. 581

US therefore, my friends, thank him, and acknowledge all our lives
the great blessing that He has done us, and beseech Hitn to con-
tinue always his favor unto us, guiding us on our return, and pre-
serving us from all dangers. Let us beseech Him also that it may
please Him to so dispose the hearts of men that the many dangers
in which we have been placed, and the many labors we have endured
may find grace and favor before our king and before all France, as
we have designed nothing else than the service of our king and the
honor of our country."

After having thanked and prayed to God; on Monday, the third
day of May (1568), the rendezvous that they are accustomed to
make upon the sea was given, the anchors weighed, and sails set,
and they had the winds so favorable, that in seventeen days thfey
made a hundred leagues of sea, and afterwards continuing their
voyage arrived at Rochelle Monday the 6th of June. Thus they
took to return only thirty-four days: however, so long a voyage was
not without some accidents ; for the patache with eight men in it
was lost; as also at the taking of the forts, and at the defeat of the
Spaniards in Florida, had perished some gifted gentlemen of good
families, most daring and valiant, as Lautome de Limosin, Biere,
Carrau, and Gaschie, Gascons ; Pons de Xaintonge, and some sol-
diers, all of whom died valiantly, after having performed many
brilliant exploits and deeds of prowess, such as might be expected
from noble and generous souls dedicated to the service of their
prince, and the honor of their country.

On the i-eturn, besides the patache being lost, the roberg6, in
which was a captain named Deux, lost its way off an island called
La Yermude, and did not come until a month after Captain
Gourgue had arrived. Those who were in this ship liked to have
perished ; in the first place from a tempest, and afterwards of fam-
ine. For even when Captain Gourgue left, all they had to eat for
twenty days was at the rate of one biscuit a day for every four
men. But God decreed it that Captain Gourgue, at five hundred
leagues from France, should meet a ship of a Biseayan, his friend,
who gave him ten quintals of biscuit, which was an inestimable
benefit and pleasure to them, and this so much the more so, as it
took them nearly as long to make these five hundred leagues as it
had taken tliem to make nearly all the rest.

After Captain Gourgue had remained some days at Rochelle,
where he received all honor, courtesy, and good treatment from the
citizens, he sailed for Bordeaux, where he took the post to go to
M. de Montluc to render to him an account of his voyage. He
learned afterwards that the Spaniards, informed, by some one of

582 EXPEDITION OF DOMINIQUE DE GOURGUE TO FLORIDA.

those who had seen him arrive at Rochelle, of what had been done
in Florida, had sent eighteen pataches with a roberge of two
hundred tons to intercept him, and had arrived at the road of
Rochelle the same day that he had left, and, learning that he had
left, had followed him as far as Blaye. Had he been informed of it
in time, he would not, for anything in the world, have refused to
entertain them, and according to their demand, would he have made
them such a reply that they would have had great cause to be con-
tented with it.*

The Catholic king, being afterwards informed that Gourgue could
not easily be taken, offered a great sum of money to him that should
bring him his head; praying, moreover, King Charles to do justice
on him, as the author of so bloody an act contrary to their alliance
and good league of friendship. Insomuch as (Gourgue) coming to
Paris, to present himself unto the king, to signify unto him the
success of his voyage, and the means which he had to subdue this
whole country unto his obedience (wherein he offered to employ his
life and all his goods), he found his entertainment and answer so
contrary to his expectation, that, in fine, he was constrained to hide
himself a long space in the court of Eoanne, about" the year IStO;
and, without the assistance of President Marigny, in whose house
he remained certain days, and of the receiver of Vacquieulx, who
always was his faithful friend, he had been in great danger; which
grieved not a little Dominique de Gourgue, considering the services
which he had done, as well unto him as to his predecessors, kings
of France.

Dominique de Gourgue was born at Mount Marsan in Guyenne,
and for twenty-five or thirty years served in the armies of France.
Being a captain in charge of a place near Seine, with thirty soldiers
he sustained the brunt of a part of the Spanish army; by which,
being taken in the assault and having all his men cut to pieces, he
was put into a galley ; but, as the galley was going toward Sicily,
being taken b3' the Turks, he was led away to Rhodes, and thence
to Constantinople, and shortly afterward recovered by Romeguas
commander of the army of Malta. By this means, returning home,

* " La Reprinse de la Floride par le Cappitaine Gourgue," in the " Historical
Collections of Louisiana and Florida," by B. F. French, member of the historical
societies of Louisiana, Georgia, Pennsylvania, New Jersey, New York, and
Massachusetts ; to which account of Gourgue is the following note: "There
are two MS. narratives entitled 'La Reprinse de la Floride,' preserved in the
BibliothSque Imperial, Paris. With trifling variations, the above narrative is
identical with the De Gourgue MS. in the possession of Vicomte De Gourgne's
family."

EXPEDITION OF DOMINIQUE DE QOURaUE TO FLORIDA. 583

he made a voyage to the coast of Africa, whence he took his course
to the coast of Brazil, and to the south sea. At length, being
desirous to repair the honor of Prance, he went to Florida. So
that, having become by his continual warlike actions, both by land
and by sea, a no less skilful mariner than a valiant captain, he
made himself feared by the Spaniards, and acceptable unto the
queen of England for his excellent virtues. He died in the year
1582.*

* "Dominique de Gourgue. Queen Elizabeth invited him to command an
English fleet against the Spaniards, hut he died at Tours on his way to England."
— Encyclopaedia, Philada., 1798.

' ' He was tendered hy Don Antonio a command of his fleet to defend his right
to the crown of Portugal against Philip the Second, which he promptly accepted ;
hut, on his way to join the Portuguese prince, he died at Tours, of a sudden
illness." — Introduction to "La Reprinse de la Floride par le Cappitaiue
Gourgue."

584 THE COUNTRY AND ANCIENT INDIAN TRIBES OP FLORIDA.

CHAPTBE VI.

THE COUNTRY AND ANCIENT INDIAN TRIBES OF FLORIDA.

BY HERNANDO D'ESCALANTE FONTANEDO.

Hernando D'Escalante Fontanedo was born at Carthagena, in South
America, in 1538. When thirteen years of age, on his way to Spain to be
educated there, he was shipwrecked on the coast of Florida ; captured by the
Indians, and detained a prisoner there for seventeen years. He spoke four of
the Indian languaores, and, after his return to Spain, accompanied, as an inter-
preter, the expedition of Don Pedro Mcnendez to Florida in 1565. The fol-
lowing from his Memoirs — among the " Historical Collections of Louisiana and
Florida," by B. F. French — is a proper sequel to what has already been said
of Florida, and especially of the peninsula.

Florida and the Lucayan Islands are situated on one side of the
Bahama Channel, which passes between Havana and Florida. But
nearer the mainland, and extending from east to west, lie other
islands, called the Martyrs, on account of the great number of men
who have been put to death there ; and on the rocks of the coast wliere
a great many have been shipwrecked. There are two Indian villages
on these islands, one of which is called Guaragnnve, or the Village
of Tears, and the other, smaller, Cuchiyaga. These islands extend
from west to east, and the mainland of Florida lies at no great
distance to the eastward. Westward of these islands lies a great
channel through which no pilot dares to pass with a large vessel,
because toward the west exist a number of treeless islands. For-
merly they probably were covered with earth, which the tides have
carried off, leaving only barren shores of sand about seven miles in
circumference. They are called the Tortugas, because of the great
number of tortoises that collect there to rest during the night.
Going northward, between Havana and Florida and toward the
islands, the Tortugas are the first met. The Martyr Islands are
forty leagues from Havana, twenty from the Tortugas, and twenty
leagues more to Florida.* In going from Havana to the opposite

* That is, to arrive at the Indian province of Carlos, of which the name
signifies "cruel village." It is thus named because the inhabitants are bar-
barous, and very adroit in the handling of arms. They are masters of a part of

THE COUNTRY AND ANCIENT INDIAN TRIBES OP FLORIDA. 585

shore, the.chain of the Martyr Islands commences near the coast of
Florida. Here one finds himself about sixty leagues from the islands
of the other extremity of the group. There are several channels, of
which the principal one is very wide and of variable depths. The
greatest width, as nearly as I can remember, from the report of the
Indians, is toward the Bahama Islands.

The group of the Martyr Islands, lying toward the northward
from Havana, terminate near a village called Tegesta, built on the
borders of a river which takes its rise in the interior. It runs
through fifteen leagues of country, and flows from a fresh-water
lake, which the Indians visit and pretend it forms a part of Lake
Mayaimi. This lake is situated in the midst of the countiy, and is
surronnded by a great number of villages of from thirty to forty
inhabitants each, who live on bread made from roots, during most
of the j'ear. They, however, cannot procure it when the waters of
the lake rise very high. They live in a country covered with
swamps, and cut up by high bluffs. They pay tribute to Carlos.

I think, from what I was told by some Indians from the islands
of Feaga, at the beginning of the Bahamas, that the auditor Lucas
Vasquez d'Ayllon, of St. Domingo, accompanied by six of his
planters, came in vessels to visit this country and the river Helena,
situated seven leagues to the northward, on the banks of which is
a village named Crista, but which, by mistake, they called Chicora.
They saw another village named Quate, but called by them Gual-
dape ; these are all they visited, as they did not explore the inte-
rior. The truth is, there is neither gold nor silver within sixty
leagues of this place, although I am informed there are both gold
and copper mines in the interior toward the north. On the banks
oT a river and of some of the lakes are the Indian villages of Oto-
pali, Olgatano, and many others. The people are not of the Chichi-
meque race, nor are they of the same race as the inhabitants of the
river Jordan. Their principal king is called, in the language of the
Carlos Indians, Zertepe, and is superior to all the other chiefs.

Juan Ponce de Leon, believing the reports of the Indians of Cuba
and San Domingo to be true, made an expedition into Florida to
discover the river Jordan. This he did, either because he wished
to acquire renown, or, perhaps, because he hoped to become young
again by bathing in its waters. Many years ago a number of
Cuban Indians went in search of this river, and entered the province
of Carlos ; but Sequene, the father of Carlos, took them prisoners,

the country extending as far as the village of Guasaca, near the Lake Mayaimi,
thus named on account of its great size.

586 THE OOUNTET AND ANCIENT INDIAN TEIBES OF FLORIDA,

and settled them in a village, where their descendants are still
living. The news that these people had left their own country to
bathe in the river Jordan spread among all the kings and chiefs of
Florida, and, as they were an ignorant people, they all set out in
search of this, river, which was supposed to possess the powers of
rejuvenating old men and women. So eager were they in their
search, that they did not pass a river, a brook, a lake, or even a
swamp, without bathing in it ; and even to this day they have not
ceased to look for it, but always without success. The natives of
Cuba, braving the dangers of the sea, became the victims of their
faith, and thus it happened that they came to Carlos, where they
built a village. Thej' came in such great numbers that, although
many have died, there are still many living there, both old and
young. While I was a prisoner in those parts I bathed in a great
many rivers, but I never found the right one.

Between Abolachi and Olagale is a river which the Indians call
Guasaca-Esqui, which means Reed River. It is on the sea-coast,
and at the mouth of this river the pearls are found in oysters and
other shells ; from thence they are carried into all the provinces and
villages of Florida; especially to Tocobajo, which is the nearest
place, and where the greatest cacique or king of this country resides.
This village is situated on the right coming from Havana. The
name of the chief is Toco-Baja-Chile.

Let us now leave Tocobajo, Abolachi, Olagale, and Mogoso,
which are distinct kingdoms, and speak of the villages and market-
towns of King Carlos, who was afterwards put to death by Cap-
tain Reynoso for some hostile demonstration. The most import-
ant of these villages are Tampa, Tomo, Tuchi, Togo, No, Sinapa,
Sinacsta, Metamapo, Sacaspada, Calaobe, Estame, Tagua, Gruaya,
Guevu, Muspa, Casitoa, Talesta, Coyovea, Futun, Tegnemapo, Co-
machica, Luiseyove, besides two other villages whose names I do
not recollect, as it is now ten years since I was there. In the inte-
rior, on Lake Mayaimi, there are Cutespa, Tavagueme, Tonsobe,
Enempa, and others whose names I have forgotten. In the Lucayan
Islands there are two Indian villages, subjects of King Carlos, one
of which is called Guaragunve, and the other Cuchiaga. Carlos
was sovereign of fifty villages, as his father had been up to his
death. The power is now in the hands of his son Sebastian, who
bears this name, because Don Pedro Menendez de Aviles conferred
it upon him when he took him to Havana to be educated. Not-
withstanding the good treatment the Indians received from Menen-
dez, they revolted a second time, which was more serious than the
first. Most of our strategy was known to them. No one knows

THE COUNTRY AND ANCIENT INDIAN TRIBES OP FLORIDA. 587

that country as well as I do ; for I was a prisoner there from the
age of thirteen to thirty, and I speak four of the languages of its
people. There is only the language of the Ais and Feaga which I am
not acquainted with, because I have never lived among them.

The Abolachi* are a powerful nation, rich in pearls, but they
have no gold, except what is brought from the mines of Onagatano,
situated in the Snow mountains of Onagatano, the furthest of the
Abolachi possessions, and still further from the nations of Olaca-
tano, Olagale, Mogoso, and Canogacole. The last are said to be a
numerous and warlike people. They are artists, and can paint
everything they see. Canogacole means " wicked people." They
only speak their native language, are an honorable and faithful
people, and not like the Biscayan, who wanted to sell Menendez to
the Indians, and had not a mulatto and I prevented him by exposing
his treachery, we all should have been put to death ; and Menendez,
instead of dying at Santander, would have perished in Florida.

I have elsewhere said that this chief was sovereign of the river of
Reeds, where the pearls and the mines Of lapis lazuli are found ; but
further on the village of Olagale is subject to him, where also gold
is found.

A Biscayan named Don Pedro was a prisoner in this country,
and had he shown a courage proportionate to the favors which he
had received from his majesty, the Indians of Ais, Guacata, and
Feaga, would long ago have submitted. He spoke perfectly the
language of Ais and all those I have mentioned above ; and also
that which is spoken at Mayaca and Mayajuaca, on the other side
towards the north.

The country of the kings of Ais and of Feaga is very poor. It
contains neither gold nor silver mines ; it is only the sea which en-
riches it, since many vessels laden with precious metals are ship-
wrecked there, such as the Farfan and the Howker. On board of
the latter was Anton Granado, and Captain Juan Christobal, whom
the natives made slaves ; and killed Don Martin de Guzman, Captain
Hernando de Andino, and Juan Orvis. On board of this ship were
the two sons of Alonzo de Mesa, and their uncle. They were all
rich, and I the poorest among them,-}- yet I had twenty-five pesos of
fine gold. My father, who was a commander, and my mother had
both served his majesty in Peru, and subsequently in Carthagena,

* Apalaehe.

t From ttis it appears that Ais and Feaga are somewliere about the extremity
of the peninsula of Florida. There was an Ais west of the Red Kiver in Texas,
which Moscoso passed through when he sought to reach Mexico hy land.

588 THE COtJNTEY AND ANCIENT INDIAN TEIBES OP FLORIDA.

where they established a colony. I, as well as one of my brothers,
was born there. They were sending us to Spain to be' educated,
when we were shipwrecked on the Florida coast ;* as well as the
fleet from New Spain commanded by the son of Don Pedro Me-
nendez.

I afterwards talked with a Spaniard whom the Indians had kept
in a starving condition. He told me that he came from Nicaragua
in one of the Mexican vessels bound for Spain, which was com-
manded by an Asturian, a son of Don Pedro Menendez. That he
was only a sailor on one of the shipwrecked vessels of the fleet, and
ignorant of the fate of the rest until after he had talked with the
Indians who went armed to the coast of Ais and returned with very
considerable riches in the form of ingots of gold, sacks of Spanish
coins, and quantities of merchandise. As this man had been a pris-
oner there only a short time, and knew nothing of the Indian lan-
guages, and as Juan Rodriguez knew them well, we served as inter-
preters for him and others.

Of the wealth which the Indians found in bars of gold and Mexi-
can jewelry, belonging to the shipwrecked passengers, amounting to
more than a million, the chief retained the best part for himself, and
divided the remainder among the Indians of Ais, Feaga, Guacata,
Mayajuaca, and Mayaca. Most of the vessels which had been ship-
wrecked were from Cuba and Honduras, and goirig in search of
the river Jordan, which explains how the Indians of Ais, Feaga,
and the Guaragunve Islands became so enriched by sea, and not by
land. '

Prom Tocobajo to St. Helena tliere are about six hundred leagues
of coast. This country produces neither gold nor silver, nor are
any metals found, except those which accident brings to Florida
from over the sea. We know that the Indians that live there raise
flocks and herds of animals, and cultivate the land. I cannot say
positively that sugar can be made there ; I know they planted cane,
and that it grew, but I did not remain long enough to see the result.
The inhabitants of all the provinces which I have named, from To-
cobajo to St. Helena, are much given to fishing. They are very
adroit at drawing the bow and also very treacherous, and I am con-
vinced they can never become Christians. They should all be taken,
placed \on ships, and scattered through the various islands, and even
on the Spanish main, where they miglit be sold. By such clever

* The route to sail from Cartliagena to Cadiz, in Spain, was at that time by
the western and by the eastern extremity of the Island of Cuba, and by the
Azores Islands.

THE COUNTRY AND ANCIENT INDIAN TRIBES OP FLORIDA. 589

means tliey might become civilized, and Spaniards established here.
Tliese latter could then form settlements, raise cattle, and give
assistance to numbers of vessels which are lost on the coast of the
province of Satoriva, at or near St. Augustine, San Matheo, where
the French Lutherans established a fort for the purpose of plunder-
ing all vessels that arrive from the mainland, whether from Mexico,
Peru, or any other country. They have already done this thing,
and taken refuge on the San Matheo River [St. Johns], where dwell
in villages the perfidious chiefs Satoriva and Alimacany.

On the banks of the San Matheo, sixty_ leagues further inland,
reside other independent chiefs : Cardecha, Encappe, Utina, Sara-
nay, and Moloa, who govern other villages reaching as far as Maya-
juaca in the Ais country, near the district planted with reeds, which
our guides said was the place where Don Pedro de Menendez made
terms of peace with them. In ascending the river San Matheo, one
can go as far as Tocobaga on the west side of Florida, but I do not
advise any one to go as far as this river. After having passed the
bar of the river (St. Johns), one miglit go as far as Agacay, Which
is fifty or sixty leagues from the coast, or even as far as Utina
where he could disembark and proceed from village to village until
arrived at Canogacola, the inliabitants of which are subjects of Toco-
Baja. Thence he could go on to the very furthest known point
situated on another great river, whither De Soto went and where he
died.

The conquest of this country would be advantageous to his
majesty for the security of his fleets going to Peru, New Spain, and
ports of the West India Islands. These fleets must necessarily
pass through the Bahama Channel and close to this coast.

APPENDIX.

APPENDIX.

Note (i), page 22.
THE SPANISH GOVERNMENT IN AMERICA.

The fundamental maxim of Spanish jurisprudence in America is, that all
conquered domains belonged to the Crown, and not to the State, nor to the
nation. The buU of Alexander VI., which is, as it were, the great charter
upon which Spain founded her rights, gave to Isabella and Ferdinand all the
countries which had been or should be discovered. These princes and their
successors have constantly regarded themselves as the absolute proprietors of
all the lands conquered, by their subjects, in the new world. Every posses-
sion is but a concession on their part, and returns to them. The chiefs of the
different expeditions, the governors of the different colonies, the officers of
justice, and the ministers of religion were all appointed by the sovereign, and
removable at his will. The people had no privilege independent of the crown,
and which could serve as a barrier to despotism. It is true that when the towns
were built, and formed into corporations, the people of them had the right to elect
their magistrates, and to be governed by the laws of the community. In states,
even the most despotic, this feeble spark of liberty is not entirely extinguished ;
but in the towns of America the legislation is purely municipal, and limited to
objects of police and interior commerce. In all that regards the general ad-
ministration and the public interest, the will of the sovereign is law. There is
no political power derived from the people ; all authority is concentrated in
the crown and the officers appointed by the king.

When the conquests of Spain in America were terminated, the kings of
Spain, forming a plan of administration for their new dominions, divided them
into two imipense governments, the viceroyalty of New Spain and that of
Peru : the first extending over all the provinces of North America belonging
to Spain ; the second over all its possessions in South America. This dispo-
sition, which from the commencement had great inconveniences, induced still
more important ones, when the population and industry of the distant provinces
of each viceroyalty had progressed. The people of these provinces, too far
from the residence of the viceroys, complained of not being able to commu-
nicate with them at so great a distance. On the other hand, the authority of
the viceroys must necessarily have been feeble and uncertain in its operation
over countries so remote from their observation. They believed they had
found a remedy for this evil in establishing in this century (18th), at Santa Ffe de
Bogota, capital of the new kingdom of Grenada, a third viceroyalty, whose
38

594 APPENDIX.

jurisdiction extends over all the kingdom of Tierra Firme and the province of
Quito. Each of these viceroys, within the limits of his government, not only
represented the person of the sovereign, but even enjoyed the prerogatives of
the crown in all their extent. As the king they exercised supreme authority
in the civil, military, and criminal cases. They could preside at all the tribu-
nals ; they alone had the right to appoint to many important employments, and
the privilege to fill during the interim those which are at the nomination of the
sovereign until the arrival of the successor appointed by the king. The exte-
rior pomp, which accompanied them, was proportioned to their dignity and the
extent of their power. Their court was formed upon the model of that of
Madrid. Foot and horse guards, a numerous household, and the greatest mag-
nificence gave them the air rather of sovereigns than of governors exercising
a delegated authority.

But as the viceroy could not exercise in person the functions of supreme
magistrate in all parts of a jurisdiction so extensive, he is aided in his admin-
istration by officers and tribunals like those of Spain. The conduct of affairs
in the provinces is confided to magistrates of different orders and difierent de-
nominations, some of which are appointed by the king, and others by the vice-
roy ; but all receive orders from the viceroy, and are subject to his jurisdiction.

The administration of justice appertained to tribunals, known under the name
of audiencias, formed upon the model of the Spanish chancery. The number
of judges is in proportion to the extent and importance of their jurisdictions.
The place of judge in a court of audiencia is as honorable as lucrative, and
generally filled by persons of merit and talents who make the tribunal re-
spected. They have cognizance of civil and criminal causes ; but the two
kinds of cases are divided between the judges. The Spanish viceroys have
often attempted to preside over the tribunals of justice ; and their distance
from the metropolis giving them boldness, they have sometimes aspired to a
power that their master dared not take to himself. To arrest an undertaking
whose success would have banished safety and justice from the Spanish colo-
nies, in submitting the life and property of the citizens to the will of a siagle
man, the kings of Spain have made a great number of laws which forbid, in
the most express terms, the viceroys from meddling in the business pertaining
to audiencias, or giving their opinion or vote upon any point contested before
these tribunals. Private cases which depended on some general question of
civil law, and even the rules enacted by the viceroy, must be submitted to the
revision of the audiencia, which may be regarded, in this respect, as an- inter-
mediate power placed between the viceroy and the people. But as all oppo-
sition, even legal, to the authority of a magistrate who represents the sover-
eign, and who holds his power of him, is little in accord with the spirit of
Spanish policy, the reserves under which this power is granted to the audi-
encia are remarkable. They could make remonstrances to the viceroy, but
in case where there is direct opposition between their opinion and the will of
the viceroy, the latter must be put in execution, and there remained to the
audiencia only the right to lay the matter before the king and the Council of
the Indies. This single privilege of remonstrance, and of giving counsel to a
man to whom all the rest of the nation owed implicit obedience, gave a great
dignity to the audiencias, as did also another right which they enjoyed. At

THE SPANISH GOVERNMENT IN AMERICA. 595

the death of the viceroy, when no provision had been made by the king for a
successor, the sovereign power passed to the audieneia resident in the capital of
the viceroyalty, and the oldest magistrate, assisted by his colleagues, exercised
all the functions of the viceroy, so long as the vacancy lasted. In matters sub-
mitted to the cognizance of audiencias as, courts of ordinary jurisdiction, their
sentence is definite in all disputes concerning property of a value less than
six thousand pesos. But when the object of the suit exceeded this sum, their
decision was subject to a revision, and carried by appeal to the Council of the
Indies. (Richer's Histoire Moderne, vol. 18, p. 275.)

It must, indeed, be agreed that possessions, situated from two to five
thousand leagues from the fountain of authority, five times the extent of the
mother country, and containing a larger population, could not, for upwards of
three centuries, have been maintained in constant and peaceable subjection,
without giving full employment to the genius and reflection of the legislator.
I ascribe all the merit to the Council of the Indies, that supreme tribunal,
where all violations of the laws, and all abuses of authority in Spanish America,
are judged, and from which all the regulations, all the decrees relating to the
government of the colonies, proceed. Europe does not furnish an example of
another tribunal whose decisions have been, during three centuriep, so luminous
and wise as those which have resulted, and still continue to result from the
deliberations of this. ("Ti-avels in South America," from 1801 to 1804, by
F. Depons, who resided twenty-two years in South America.)

To this council, one of the most important of the monarchy, for its dignity
and power, is granted the supreme administration of all the Spanish domains
in America. It was established by Ferdinand, in 1511, and received a more
perfect form under Charles V. in 1524. Its jurisdiction embraces ecclesiastical,
civil, military, and commercial affairs. It is thence emanate all the laws
relative to the government and policy of the colonies, which must be approved
by two-thirds of the members before being published in the name of the king.
It confers all the offices whose nomination is reserved to the crown. Every
person employed in America, from the viceroy to the least officer, is subject to
its authority. It examines the conduct, recompenses the services, and punishes
the misdemeanors. They lay before it all the propositions, and all the public
and secret memoirs sent from America, as well as all the plans of administra-
tion, police, and commerce proposed for the colonies. From the first establish-
ment of this council the constant object of the Catholic kings has been to main-
tain its authority, and to give to it, from time to time, new prerogatives that
might render it formidable to all their subjects in the new world. To the wise
regulations and vigilance of this honorable tribunal, may be attributed, in a
great measure, what remains of public virtue and order in a country where so
many circumstances conspire to disorder and corruption.

As the king is supposed to preside at the Council of the Indies, this tribunal
is always held at the place where the court has its residence. There was
another tribunal required to regulate the affairs of commerce, which demanded
the immediate inspection of superiors. They established it, the year 1501, at
Seville, whose port was the only one that had intercourse with the new world.
It was called Casa de la Contratacion. It is at the same time an office of com-
merce and a court of justice. In the first of these qualities it takes cognizance

596 APPENDIX.

of all that relates to the commerce of Spain with America ; and determines the
merchandise that must be imported into the colonies, and has the inspection of
that which Spain receives in return. It decides the departure of the fleets,
the freight, and the size of the vessels, their equipment, and their destination.
As a court of judicature it judges all affairs, civil, commercial, and criminal,
which take place in consequence of the commercial interests between Spain
and America. In either kind they cannot appeal from its decisions, except to
the Council of the Indies.

Such is a sketch of the system of government adopted by Spain for its colo-
nies in America. (Richer.)

Note (a), page 97.
INDIAN BOWS.

The following extracts, taken from an article by General Jas. S. Brisbin,
U. S. A., entitled " Indian Bows and Arrows," published in a periodical, will
give an idea of the Indian bow, and of the force with which it sends an arrow.

"The Sioux and Grows make the best bows of all the Indians of the AVest.
The Sioux bow is about four feet long, one and a half inches wide, and an inch
thick at the middle. It tapers from the centre or grasp towards each end, and
is but half an inch wide and half an inch thick at the ends. When unstrung a
good bow is perfectly straight, and, if properly seasoned and made, will always
retain its elasticity and straightness.

' ' AH bows differ in length and strength, being gauged for the arms of those
who are to use them. A white man would, until he learned the sleight of it,
find himself unable to bend even the weakest war-bow. A white man can
send an arrow as far and as deep as an Indian. I once had an officer, named
Belden, who had lived twelve years with the Indians, and he could shoot an
arrow into a buffalo while running, so that the point would come out on the
opposite side. He would also plunge an arrow into a beast so that it dis-
appeared. The power of an Indian bow can be better understood when it is
known that the most powerful revolver will not send a ball through a buffalo.
Belden said he had seen a bow throw an arrow five hundred yards, and I,
myself, have seen one discharged entirely through a board an inch thick.

"The Sioux and Cheyenne bows are made strong on the back by a layer of
sinew glued to the wood. This sinew, as well as the bow-string, is taken from
the back of the buffalo. It starts at the hump, and runs along the spinal
column to the tail, and is about six feet in length. The surface of the bow is
made flat, and then roughened with a file or stone, the sinew being dipped in
hot glue and laid on the wood. The sinew is then lapped at the ends and on
the middle or grasp of the bow. The string is attached while fresh, twisted,
and left to dry on the bow. The whole outside of the wood and sinew is next
covered with a thick solution of glue, and the bow is done.

"The Crow Indians make bows out of eUc-horn. To do so, they take a large
horn or prong, and saw slices off each side of it ; these slices are then filed or
rubbed down until the flat sides fit nicely together, when they are glued and
wrapped at the ends. Four slices make a bow, it being jointed in the middle.
To make it secure, another slice is laid' on the bow at the grasp, where it is

INDIAN BOWS. 597

glued fast. The whole is then filed down until it is smooth and perfectly pro-
portioned, when the white bone is ornamented, carved, and painted. Nothing
can exceed the beauty of these bows, and it takes an Indian about three months
to make one. They are very rare- and expensive, and Indians do not sell
them. Mr. Belden had a very fine elk-horn bow, which he had paid an Indian
thirty-two dollars to make. The elk-horn bow. is so stiff that it is almost im-
possible to bend it ; but after some practice it can be bent with apparent ease,
and made to send an arrow four hundred yards.

' ' In travelling, the Indians caiTy the bow in a sheath attached to the arrow-
quiver, and the whole is slung to the back by a belt of elk or buckskin, which
crosses the breast diagonally, and is fastened to the ends of the quiver. The
quiver and bow-sheath are generally made of the skin of an ox or some wild
animal, and is tanned with the hair on. The quiver is ornamented with tas-
sels, fringe, or buckskin, and the belt across the breast is painted or worked
with beads. Each Indian has his sign or name on his belt, bow, or sheath."

In connection with this account of modern Indian bows, it may not be out of
place to say something of the most ancient Greek bows. It appears, from the.
account of Ulysses's bow, in the twenty-first book of Homer's Odyssey, that
the best and most elegant bows were made of horn, and that the test of skill
and strength was to send an arrow through a number of rings placed at inter-
vals in a straight and horizontal line.

Penelope goes to the armory to get the bow.

There from the column, where aloft it hung,
Reached, in its splendid case, the bow unsti;ung.

She then proceeds, attended by her train, to the banquet hall.

Behind, her train the polished coffer brings,
Which held the alternate brass and silver rings.

She then tells the suitors : —

Who first Ulysses's wondrous how shall bend,
And through twelve ringlets the fleet arrow send,
Him will I follow and forsake my home.

Telemachus then arranges the rings.

A trench he opened ; in a line he placed
The level axes, and the points made fast.

Then Telemachus, having failed to bend the bow, Leiodes, the priest, tries.

With tender hands the stubborn horn be strains,
The stubborn horn resisted all his pains.

Finally Ulysses takes the bow and essays it, and then shoots.

One hand aloft displayed
The bending horns, and one the string essayed,
Prom his essaying hand the string let fly,
Twanged short and sharp like the shrill swallow's cry.

Now sitting ns he wa^, tbe cord he drew,
Through every ringlet levelling his view,

598 APPENDIX.

Then notched the shaft, released, and gave it wing ;

The whizzing arrow vanished from the string,

Sung on direct, and threaded every ring.

The solid gate its fury scarcely bounds ;

Pierced throngh and through the solid gate resounds.

In Book IV. of the Hiad, Pallas counsels the warlike Pandarus, for strength
renovrned, to shoot Menelaus.

He heard, and madly at the motion pleased.

His polished bow with hasty rashness seized.

'Twas formed of horn, and smoothed with artful toil,

A mountain goat resigned the shining spoil,

Who, pierced long since, beneath his arrow bled ;

The stately quarry on the cliffs lay dead.

And sixteen palms his brow's large honors spread ;

The workmen joined and shaped the bended horns,

And beaten gold each taper point adorns.

The bow which the king of the Macrobian Ethiopians sent to Cambyses was
so strong that, of all the Persians, only Smerdis, the brother of Cambyses,
could bend it, and then only the breadth of two fingers. The message of the
Ethiopian to the Persian was : The king of Ethiopia sends this counsel to the
king of Persia — When his subjects shall be able to bend this bow with the
same ease that I do, then, with a superiority of numbers, he may venture to
attack the Macrobian Ethiopians.* When he had finished, he unbent the
bow, and placed it in the hands of the Ichthofagi, emissaries of Cambyses.
(Herodotus, Thalia, xxi.)

Note (3), page 113.
INDIAN LANGUAGE OF SIGNS.

Captain Howard Hansbury, U. S. A., in the report of his expedition to
Salt Lake, gives the following in regard to an interview he had with a band of
Sioux Indians on the main fork of the Laramie River.

"There was one circumstance, however, that attracted my attention in this
interview with these untutored sons of the forest, more than any other, and
that was the perfection and precision to which they appear to have reduced a
system of purely arbitrary and conventional signs, by which, all over this vast
region, intercourse, though of a limited character, may be held between tribes
who are perfect strangers to each other's tongue. Major Bridger, who was per-
sonally known to many of our visitors, and to all of them by the repute of his
numerous exploits, was seated among us. Although intimately acquainted with
the languages of the Crows, Blackfeet, and most of the tribes west and north-
west of the Rocky Mountain chain, he was unable to speak to either the Sioux

* "The Macrobian [long-lived] Ethiopians, who inhabit that part of Libya which
lies to the Southern Ocean." (Herodotus.) ,

Ethiopian is a name that anciently was given to dark-colored people. The Arabs
were called Ethiopians. Zipporn, daughter of the Midian priest Jethro, and wife of
Moses, wos an Ethiopian.

THE DESERTS OP SONORA. 599

or Cheyennes in their own language or that of any tribe which they could un-
derstand. Notwithstanding this, he held the whole circle for more than an
hour, perfectly enchained, and evidently most deeply interested in a conversa-
tion and narrative, the whole of which was carried on without the utterance of
a single word. The simultaneous exclamations of surprise or interest, and the
occasional bursts of hearty laughter, showed that the whole party perfectly un-
derstood not only the theme, but the minuti89 of the pantomime exhibited be-
fore them. I looked on with close attention, but the signs to me were for the
most part altogether unintelligible. Upon after inquiry, 1 found that this lan-
guage of signs is universally understood by all the tribes."

Note (4), page 123.
THE DESERTS OF SONORA.

"The country around Guyamas for a semicircle of one hundred miles is a
blasted, barren desert, entirely destitute of wood, water, or grass, producing
only cacti, and a stunted growth of mesquit. The water at Guyamas is all
procured from wells, and has a brackish, unpleasant taste, and generally causes
temporary diseases with those unaccustomed to its use. From Guyamas we
passed over this hard, barren country to Hermosillo, the principal town of So-
nera, and one of the most beautiful cities in the northern part of Mexico, if not
on the whole continent of America. The distance is a fraction over one hun-
dred miles, through a plain bounded by wild, desolate, and rugged mountains,
destitute of wood, grass, or running water.

The city of Hermosillo is situated on the Sonora River, in the valley of Hor-
casitas, about sixty miles from the Gulf of California. This valley is about four
miles wide at this place, and continues a southwestern course to the Gulf. The
soil is very productive.

I learned at this time, June, 1854, that Colonel Gray, the surveyor of the
Texas Railroad Company, had come down as low as Altar in Sonora. I imme-
diately made up a company of Mexicans and Americans for the purpose of ex-
ploring the Gulf of California above the line of 31° north latitude, where it was
then proposed our purchase should strike the Gulf of California. I started from
Hermosillo with a company of fifteen men and twenty-two animals, well armed
and provisioned for the journey. On arriving at Altar, latitude 30° 45', we
learned that Gray had been there and made observations. . . . Colonel
Gray had gone to Sonoita, about a hundred and fifty miles above Altar, to
which place we continued, where we learned he had made an exploration of
the coast and gone on to California.

We followed Gray's, trail down to the coast, a distance of about fifty miles
over the Pinaceta Mountains, and then through about fifteen or twenty miles of
sand-hills to the beach. There is neither fresh water, wood, grass, nor vegeta-
tion of any kind here, nothing but a desert of sand-hills as far as the eye can
reach up and down the Gulf. The desert extends at least two hundred and
fifty miles along the coast, by about twenty-five or thirty miles wide. There
is no vestige of a port. The channel of the Gulf is on the Lower California
side. We travelled along this miserable shore, over these interminable sand-

600 APPENDIX.

hills (having no grass for our animals and nothing but the brackish salty water
obtained by digging wells in the sand along the sea-shore), for a week, when we
reached the mouth of the Colorado River. The mouth of the river is worse
than the shore of the Gulf, if such a thing could be possible, as the land is sub-
ject to overflow for many miles around, and is all cut up with sloughs and back-
water. This character of country prevails until within four or five miles of the
junction of the Gila and Colorado rivers, frequently overflowed, and conse-
quently sandy and barren. ' ' (Charles I>. Posten' s narrative in J . Koss Browne' s
" Tour through Arizona and Sonora."j

Note (5), page 180.

OLANCHO ANTiaUO.

Old Olancho was on or near the river Olancho, a lower confluent of the Kio
Guayape, which is the same as the Patook, that empties into the Caribbean
Sea, about midway between Cape Honduras and Cape Gracias a Dios. Wm.
V. Wells, who visited Honduras in 1854, and is the author of " Explorations
and Adventures in Honduras, ' ' gives an interesting account of Honduras, from
which I extract the following in regard to Olancho Antique : —

" We arrived at dark at the estate of La Herradura or Horseshoe. Among
the legends of Olancho is that from which this hacienda received its name. Don
Ignacio related that in the days of his ancestors, gold must have been plentier
than iron, and in proof of its abundance, that a golden horseshoe was found on
the estate.

Early on the following morning our little cavalcade swept rapidly away
from the hacienda. At a distance of ten or twelve miles out of our path stood
a range of mountains, the loftiest peak of which, known as the Boqueron or
Great Mouth, had, according to tradition, opened, and destroyed the ancient
city [Olancho Antiquo]. A huge rent resembling the place of a land-slide was
visible, and where an opening in the dense forest permitted, could be seen im-
mense rocks tumbled about in dire confusion as by some great convulsion of
nature.

The great wealth of Olancho in olden time had centred at the ancient town,
which was once a sort of local emporium of fashion and luxury. Juarros names
Diego de Alvarado as the founder of San Jorje de Olancho in 1630.

Comparing all statements, traditionary and others, T was doubtful whether
Olancho Viego (old) had been overwhelmed by a volcano or a land-slide. But
though there are no evidences of volcanic eruptions on the Atlantic side of
Honduras, I was inclined to the former, having from the hills near Jutecalpa
observed the mountain ridge immediately overlooking its site, and on clear days ,
distinctly seen the chasm, possibly an ancient crater, whence had issued the
eruption.

Within a mile of the ruins we came to a jungle, broken with deep pits, fallen
trees, and climbing parasites, passing laboriously through which we at length
reached the object of our search. The town could never have been a large
one, probably not containing more than three or four thousand inhabitants. A
more desolate spot could not well be imagined. I could discern only occasion-

TIEREA-PIRME AND PANAMA. • 601

ally traces of adobe houses, once clustering in neighborly fraternity ; but the
■winds had scattered far and wide the very dust to which they crumbled. A
few square stones, resembling hearth-stones, suggested yet sadder thoughts. A
scanty vegetation had overgrown the desolate waste.

We fastened the animals to a tree, and penetrated into what appeared to have
been the plaza, aiid a heap of crumbled adobe denoted the site of the church.
We proceeded cautiously towards the foot of the mountain. The scene in-
creased in strangeness as we advanced. Here and there grew still the jocoral,
proffering in vain the domestic gourd, or drinking-cup, and the tall guacal de-
pending its giant calabash, or washing tub, where the voice of the lavadera
had long been hushed in silence. One lofty ceiba upon which entwined
the white and red bell-flowers of the creeping /tananes stood like a queen,
proud and sorrowful on the field where her race had fallen. The few other
trees, stunted and ugly, seemed to stare desolately at each other ; and upon
one protruding leafless branch sat an old monkey, a wandering native of the
jungle.

There were no evidences of scoria or volcanic substances, or if any existed,
they had become covered with the loam formed by accumulation of leaves and
the annual washings from above. The steep mountain side before us, up which
there appeared no path among the matted thicket, forbade our attempting an
ascent to the summit ; but from below there seemed to have been either a sud-
den and awful land-slide (a conjecture favored by -the surface of bare rock
down the chasm) or an ancient crater existed at the top. The ashes mentioned
in the commonly received narration consisted probably of the dust raised by
the crushing to pieces of dried mud houses — adobes.

How Olancho Antiquo was destroyed is a matter of conjecture ; but that a
thriving and well-located town once existed there, is beyond dispute, it is
generally believed much gold lies buried beneath the ruins, but no one is valor-
ous enough to seek it. Oblivion has thrown her mantle over the place, and
only exaggerated monkish legends remain to tell of its former existence.

The sun was in the west when we remounted, and left the forbidding precincts
of Olancho Viego. The nearest hacienda was that of Penuare, to reach which
we were obliged to cross the Rio de Olancho, and to traverse some ten miles
of dark woods with an uncertain path. The river of Olancho, which winds
rather romantically around the base of El Boqueron. takes its rise towards
Manto, and empties into the Guayape half way between Catacamas and Jute-
calpa."

Note (6), page 182.
TIEREA-FIRME AND THE TOWN OF PANAMA.

"I preserve the Spanish designation in order that the reader may not eon-
found this country with the continent in general, which they often call Terre-
fernie," firm land or continent.

The kingdom of Tierra-Firme commences on the north at the river of Da-
rien, continues by Norabre de Dios, Bocas del Toro, Bahia de I'Amirante. It
is bounded on the west by the river de los Dorandos and the North Sea. To-
wards the South Sea it extends from Punta Garda in the province of Costa Rica,

602 APPENDIX.

and continues by Punta de Mariatos and Morto de Puescas as far as the Gulf
of Darien from whence it stretches along the southern coast, and by Puerto de
Pinas and Morro Quemado as far as the Bay of St. Boneventure. Its length,
from east to west, is one hundred and eighty leagues, although in following the
north coast it is more than two hundred and thirty on the north side. Its
width, from north to south, is that of the Isthmus of Panama, which embraces
the province of Panama and a part of that of Darien. The isthmus is gene-
rally twenty leagues in width ; there are places where it is but fourteen ; but
it widens towards Choco and towards Sitaron, as well as on the side of the
western part of the province of Veragua, where it is probably twenty leagues
in width from one sea to the other. This kingdom contains two provinces,
Panama and Darien. Some geographers ^ve to it that of Veragua ; but it
belongs now [] 775] to the Audiencia of Guatimala.

Panama. — The towns, burghs, villages, and dwellings of the province of
Panama are situated on the plains which are along the sea-shore. The rest of
its territory is cut up with mountains which the inclemency of the air and
sterility render uninhabitable.

The towns are Panama, which is the capital of the province and the metro-
polis of the kingdom, Porto Bello, San lago de Nata de los Cavalleros, and
Los Santos.

Panama is situated on the isthmus of the same name, near a beach bathed
by the waves of the South Sea. It is in 8° 57' north latitude. The name
which they have given it is taken from the language of the ancient inhabitants,
and means place abounding in fish, because there was there much fish, and
the Indians had built there a multitude of fishermen's huts. The Spaniards
settled a colony therein 1518. In 1520 it obtained the name of town, and in
a short time became very flourishing, but in 1670 it was pillaged and burned by
English pirates. The Spaniards rebuilt it in the place which it now occupies ;
it is distant a league and a half from its ancient site. Quite near its walls on
the north side is a hill which they call Ancon. It rises more than a hundred
toises [600 feet] above the plain.

The port of Panama is formed in the road itself, and is " covered with" a
number of islands, the principal of which are Havo, Puerco and Flamencos ;
the anchorage is at the middle one, whence it takes its name. It is three
leagues from the town, and the vessels have nothing to fear there.

It is in this town that the flotilla of Peru lands its treasure ; it serves also as
the entrepot for the merchandise which ascends the river Chagres. At nearly
all times of the year strangers arrive at Panama. Some come from Spain to
pass to the ports of the South Sea ; others return from the same ports to return
to Europe. Besides these advantages there is another at Panama, which is the
pearl fishery. It is carried on chiefly at the islands in its gulf, principally at
those of Roi and Tubago. Nearly all the inhabitants employ negroes in this
valuable fishery. The method is the same as that which they follow in the
Gulf of Persia and at Cape Comorin. The pearls of the Gulf of Panama are
generally of a very fine water, and a very considerable size. The greatest
quantity passes to Lima and the rest of Peru ; they send a few to Europe.

They formerly got gold from the mines of Tierra Firme, which much

THE DESERT OF MOTUPE. 603

increased the wealth of Panama, but they have nearly entirely abandoned
them.

Porto-Bello owes it origin to its good port. This town is situated upon the
slope of a mountain which environs the port ; it is in the form of a crescent.
The name of the port makes known all its advantages. The entry is wide,
and very well defended by a fort situated on the north point. They reckon
about six hundred toises from one point to the other. (Richer's " Histoire
Moderne.")

Nombre de Dios was the principal port on the north side of the isthmus of
Panama before the business was removed from it to Porto-Bello, which is in
the same degree of longitude as Panama.

Note (7), page 188.
THE DESERT OF MOTUPE.

In 1740, Don Antonio UUoa and Don George Juan went from Guayaquil to
Motupe by the route which Pizarro had travelled. The following is UUoa's
account of his journey : —

Sechura is the last burgh of the jurisdiction of Piura, on this side. . . .
On leaving the town there are but two roads, that of the desert and another
called Rodeo. It is necessary to choose between these two routes. If we
take that of the desert, besides the horses it is necessary to take mules at
Sechura to carry the water with which, at half way on the route, they water
the beasts of burden. They fill with water outres or great gourds ; for four
beasts of burden, there is one mule loaded with water, and another for the
two mules that carry the provender. When they travel in a wheeled vehicle
they load it with water in outres made expressly for it. Whether they travel
in litters, chaise, or on horseback, it is necessary that each traveller make his
own provision of water to drink, without which he incurs the risk of perishing
of thirst ; for in all this route there is seen but sand and whirlwinds which the
wind forms of sand ; some scattered lumps of rock salt are seen here and
there, but neither tree, grass, nor any green thing.

The 24th (of November, 1740), we left Sechura, and entering the desert
we travelled without stopping, except to rest and water our mules, and the day
following about five o'clock in the afternoon, we arrived at the burgh of
Morrope, having made twenty-eight to thirty leagues, which is the distance
from this burgh to that of Sechura ; and if the people 'of the country make it
more they must not be believed. The land is so uniform, so level, and of so
vast an extent that it is easy to lose the way, besides the sand is so continually
moved by the wind that the most expert travellers lose the trace, and are in a
moment out of the road. The skill of the guides consists in retracing their
way and discovering the road on these painful occasions. For this purpose
they make use of two means ; the first is to observe if they have the wind
against them when they go towards Lima, and on their back when they return
from it ; with this rule they are sure not to go astray, for the south winds con-
stantly prevail in this country. The second method of discovering the way,

604 APPENDIX.

practised by the Indians, is to take in tlieir hands, in different places, handfuls
of sand and smell it ; they distinguish by the odor whether the mules have
passed that way, perhaps because the ordure of these animals leaves some scent
upon the sand. Those who have not a sufficient knowledge of this country,
and who stop to rest or to sleep, expose themselves to a great danger, for they
run the risk on waking of not knowing what route to take, or become be-
wildered ; now when one is once at a loss in the desert, he inevitably perishes
of wretchedness or fatigue, as has happened to many persons.

Note (8), page 192.
VIRACOCHA AND HUANA CAPAC. *

Yahuar Huacac (7th inca), successor and eldest son of the Inea Roca,
received this name, which signifies weep blood, on an occasion of a most strange
phenomenon : he actually shed tears of blood in his infancy. This prodigy gave
occasion for predictions so gloomy, that, being raised in the fear of some disas-
ter, he resolved to renounce military operations and restrict himself to the care
of the government. Nevertheless the necessity of contentizig his people made
him raise an army ; but he confided the command of it to his brother, who sub-
dued all the country of CoUasuyo, between Arequipa and Tacama. His reign
was marked by singular adventures.

The eldest of his sons having, by his pride and haughty manners, caused
divers mortifications to him, the inca, to humble him, sent him to tend the
flocks of the sun in pastures a short distance from the court. According to
the tradition of the Indians he saw, in a dream, a bearded man in a foreign
habit, who told him that he also was the son of the Sun, and brother of Manco
Capac;* that his name was Viracocha Inca; and that he came to inform him
tliat the greatest part of the provinces of Chincasuya had revolted. He com-
manded him to inform his father of it, and he particularly advised the son to
fear nothing, whatever misfortune might happen, for he would assist him on
all occasions. The prince informed his father, who ridiculed the apparition.
Nevertheless, very soon the report spread, that the people of Chincasuya had
revolted, that they were leagued with several other nations, and that they were
advancing on Cuzoo to the number of forty thousand. The inca, frightened,
abandoned the town, and all the inhabitants prepared to follow him. The
young prince, to whom the name of Viracocha attached because of his dream,
and who had continued to guard the flocks, went to his father, blamed those
who had counselled him to flee, assembled the bravest, put himself at their head,
entered Cuzco, and prepared to make a vigorous resistance. His example re-
animated all the courageous : in a few days he found himself at the head of an
army of thirty thousand men, and marched to meet the rebels. The battle was
obstinate and bloody; but Viracocha remained conqueror; he pardoned the
vanquished, and his clemency caused him to be admired by them. He labored
to pacify the empire, and afterwai-ds repaired to Muyna where his father had
retired, had a conference with him, and, discontented with his projects, he

'*' Founder of the Peruvian empire.

VIRACOCHA AND HUANA CAPAC. 605

returned to Cuzco, where he assumed the royal authority. He built a magnifi-
cent palace in the place which his father had chosen for his retreat. Thp
dethroned monarch there tranquilly ended his life.

Viracocha began his reign by the construction of a superb temple in a place
called Cachoc, sixteen leagues to the south of Cuzco. He dedicated this temple
to the protector, whose name he had taken, and to whom he owed all his pros-
perity. He caused to be represented there the fac-simile of all the history of
his dream ; but his subjects were convinced that the temple was for himself,
and adored him as a divinity. (Richer.)

"In the interior of this edifice was a species of chapel, paved with black
stones, in which was a niche, the interior of which contained an immense
pedestal, on whieh reposed the deity, as he appeared to the inca. According
to the description given by Garcilasso : ' he was a man of good stature, with a
large beard, more than an inch (foot?) in length, garments long and wide, like
a tunic or cassock, reaching to the feet. He held the image of an unknown
animal, having lion's claws, and tied by the neck with a chain, one eud of
which was in the hand of the statue. All this was made of stone ; and because
the workmen not having seen the original, nor a copy of it, knew not how to
sculpture it (as they told the inca) , he placed himself in the dress and position
in which he said he had seen it. . . . The statue was similar to the images
of our blessed apostles, and more particularly resembled that of St. Bartholo-
mew." ("Peruvian Antiquities," p. 164, by Eivero and Tschudi. Translated
by the late Dr. Francis L. Hawks, LL.D.)

The inca sustained the opinion which they had formed of him by brilliant
deeds, which greatly extended the limits of his empire. In order to attach the
curacas to himself, he granted them the honors of the Llaulu,* that is, a kind
of diadem, but without the fringe ; and the right to wear earrings, with the hair
cut short, in the manner of the incas. To his great qualities, Viracocha joined
the talent of prophesying. According to Peruvian tradition, he predicted that
in the course of time there would arrive in Peru an unknown nation who would
invade the empire, and change the religion of the country. He did all that he
could that this prediction might not be known, except to the incas, and decreed
that they should always make a mystery of it to the people, for fear lest their
respect for the sovereigns might be diminished ; but it was spread abroad not-
withstanding all these precautions which they had taken to keep it concealed,
and it served not a little to the success of the Spanish armies. He had for his
legitimate wife Mama Rauta, his sister. She was whiter than the Indian
women ordinarily are ; it is what her name signifies.

Huana Capac (12th inca) succeeded to the throne after his father, Tupac
Yupanqui. His name signifies rich in virtues. The Peruvian accounts boast
of a golden chain, the size of the wrist, which he made at the beginning of his
reign, to celebrate the day on which they were to give a name to and cut the
hair of his eldest son. Garcilasso asserts that it was three hundred and fifty
paces in length, and was used in the solemn f§tes at the dance of the incas.
Huana subdued many nations, among which there were some barbarians that

* A head-band, with fringe of scarlet color attached, was worn only by the incas,
and was with the Feruvians what the crown is to the monarchs. of Europe.

606 APPENDIX.

his father charged him to punish. He decimated them, and all those upon
jirhom the lot fell were piit to death ; he pardoned not one of them. In the
course of his conquest he found some nations so barbarous that he renounced
the design of conquering them, and in his contempt for them he said to his
officers : ' ' Let us go home ; men of this species do not deserve to have us for
their masters."* Huana Capac had several wives and many children. He
was in his palace, at Tumipampa, when they announced to him that they had
seen on the coast a vessel of a singular construction, conducted by men of an
entirely foreign appearance. He was so much the more disturbed at this, as
many prodigies seemed to announce extraordinary events, and all the people
were convinced that the ancient prediction was about to be accomplished.
Feeling his end approaching, he declared that the predictions of which the
people had but vague ideas, portended that after twelve reigns of incas there
would arrive an unknown nation which would conquer the empire. He added
that the twelfth reign being accomplished in his person, he doubted not that
these strangers might be the nation announced by Viracocha, and that in order
to obey the Sun, his father, he commanded that they should receive them with
as much submission as respect.

Huascar, or Inticusi Hualpa, was the son of Huana Capac. They gave him
at first the latter name, which signifies the Sun of Joy; but he took the for-
mer, in memory of the famous golden chain which his father had had made on
his account. His father gave, in violation of the law, the kingdom of Quito to
his second son, Atahualpa,f whom he had by a concubine, who was a princess of
Quito, and whom he much loved. Huascar took arms to subdue this kingdom
to his dominion, or at least to force his brother to hold it as his vassal ; but he was
vanquished, and made prisoner in a bloody battle. Atahualpa wished to profit
of his good fortune to mount the throne of Peru ; but the laws of the empire
bestowed the crown only on legitimate princes of the royal blood. He under-
took to remove the obstacles to his birth by putting to death all the princes of
royal blood. He assembled a great number of them, under divers pretexts,
and had them all massacred, without distinction of age or sex. He pursued
the others in all parts of the empire, and this persecution still continued when
the Spaniards arrived. (Eicher.)

Note (9), page 196.
PRESCOTT'S OPINION OP GARCILASSO.

When Pizarro, with his followers, butchered the unresisting Peruvians at
Caxamalca, a Spaniard named Estete snatched the borla, a head-dress pecu-
liar to the incas, from the head of Atahualpa. In the "Conquest of Peru,"
by Wm. Prescott, in vol. i. page 422, is the following note : —

"Miguel Estete, who long retained the silken diadem as a trophy of the ex-
ploit, according to Garcilasso de la Vega (Com. Real, part ii. lib. 1, chap.

* The debasement of some of the Indians on the waters of the Magdalena was almost
beyond belief, so disgusting nnd horrible was iheir depravity.

t Montisinos deduces this name from atahu, virtue, strength; and allapa, good,
gentle.

PRESCOTT'S opinion op GARCIIiASSO. 60t

27), an indifferent authority for anything in, this part of his history. This
popular writer, whose work, from his superior knowledge of the institutions of
the country, has obtained greater credit, even in what relates to the conquest,
than the reports of the conquerors themselves, has indulged in the romantic vein
to an unpardonable extent, in his account of the capture of Atahualpa. Accord-
ing to him, the Peruvian monarch treated the invaders from the first with su-
preme deference, as descendants of Viracocha, predicted by his oracles as to
come and rule over the land. But if this flattering homage had been paid by the
inca, it never would have escaped the notice of the conquerors. Garcilasso
had read the Commentaries of Cortes, as he somewhere tells us ; and it is
probable that that general's account, well founded it appears, of a similar super-
stition among the Aztecs, suggested to the historian the idea of a corresponding
sentiment in the Peruvians, which, while it flattered the vanity of the Span-
iards, in some degree vindicated his own countrymen from the charge of cow-
ardice incurred by their too ready submission ; for, however they might be
called on to resist men, it would have been madness to resist the decrees of
heaven. Yet Garcilasso's romantic version has something in it so pleasing,
that it has ever found favor with the majority of readers. The English stu-
dent might have met with a sufficient corrective in the criticism of the saga-
cious and skeptical Robertson."

Europeans, in their first intercourse with the natives of Cuba, Hispaniola,
Puerto Rico, Honduras, Mexico, and Peru, were considered by them as beings
descended from heaven. Cortes marched to the city of Mexico without armed
opposition from the Mexicans. He seized Montezuma in his palace, and car-
ried him a prisoner to his quarters without armed opposition. The Mexicans
afterwards armed and expelled the Spaniards from the city of Mexico ; and so
did the Peruvians rise against the Spaniards and exterminate many of them,
and put Pizarro in such apprehension that he appealed to Cortes for assistance ;
the principal cities were besieged. "It was early in February, 1536, when
the siege of Cuzco commenced, a siege memorable as calling out the most heroic
displays of Indian and European valor, and bringing the two races in dead-
lier conflict with each other than had yet occurred in the conquest 6f Peru."
(Conquest of Peru, vol. ii. page 51.) In the wars between the Spaniards and
the Indians of America, on one side were iron armor, sharp steel swords, pikes,
arbalists, arquebuses, and artillery, war-horses the terror of the Indian, savage
dogs, the hardiest, bravest of Europeans well disciplined for war, and more-
over superstitious fanatics, believing themselves the special instruments of
heaven to conquer and convert the heathen ; on the other side, bows, arrows,
spears, slings, and clubs, a naked and undisciplined multitude : such were the
.combatants in these Mexican and Peruvian wars. Had Greeks or Romans,
under similar circumstances, been opposed to the followers of Cortes and Pi-
zarro, they might have conceived them the deities of Olympus armed with the
thunderbolts of Jove, and have fled at the discharge of artillery and fire-arms
with as much terror and precipitation as the wretched Indians ; and had the
Indians met the Romans in battle, they would, in all probability, have been
handed down in history as have been the Scythians or Parthians of antiquity.

But what Arthur Helps says in his " Spanish Conquest in America" is ap-
propriate here. ' ' In the wars between the Spaniards and the Indians, the

608 APPENDIX.

horse did not play a subordinate part ; the horse made the essential difiterence
between the armies, and if in the great square of Madrid there had been raised
some huge emblem in stone to commemorate the Spanish conquest in the New
World, an equine, not an equestrian figure, would appropriately hare crowned
the work. The arms and armor might have remained the same on both sides.
The ineffectual clubs and darts and lances might still have been arrayed against
the sharp Biscayan sword and deadly arquebuse ; the cotton doublet of Cuzco
against the steel corselet of Milan ; but without the horse, the victory would
ultimately have been on the side of overpowering numbers. ("Spanish Con-
quest in America," vol. iii. p. 501.)

The reception which Atahualpa gave De Soto was not inconsistent with the
wealth, splendor, and' luxury of the Peruvian incas. The apartment that Ata-
hualpa "undertook to fill with vessels of gold and silver, as high as one could
reach," was twenty-two feet in length, and sixteen feet in breadth ; and yet
Huascar offered to fill this same room, not only to that height, but even to the
ceiling, which was a third more. Atahualpa was the monarch of a vast empire
rich in mines of gold, and he lived in all the state of a Peruvian inca.

The Peruvians were superior to the Mexicans in several respects ; in policy
and religion, agriculture and commerce ; they were theiA equals in arts and
manufactures. The magnificence of Montezuma is recorded by Diaz ; the
grandeur and glory of the Peruvian incas are in their highways, aqueducts, monu-
ments, and temples. There is nothing in all this inconsistent with Garcilasso's
account of the Peruvians and their incas.

In regard to Viracocha, the story briefly is this. The eldest son of Tahuar-
Huacac saw in a dream a bearded man, in a foreign garb, who said to him that
he was also the son of the Sun, and the brother of Manco Capac ;* that his
name was yiracocha-Inca. [See note 8.] This son of Yahuar-Huacac succeeded
his father, and took the name of Viracocha. To his great qualities, Viracocha
joined the talent of prophesying. According to (he tradition of the Peruvians,
he predicted that in the course of time, there would arrive in Peru an unknown
nation, which would invade the empire, and change the religion of the country.
There is nothing so remarkable in all this but that something similar to it, in
some respects, may be found in the mythology of almost any nation ; then why
should Garcilasso be discredited in regard to the existence of this/a6Ze, and
this " tradition of the Peruvians" ?

' ' This popular writer, whose work, from his superior knowledge of the in-
stitutions of this country, has obtained greater credit, even in what relates to
the conquest, than the reports of the conquerors themselves." These lines of
Prescott certainly convey an idea of the superior abilities of Garcilasso, for it
was in a great measure by these abilities he was enabled to acquire that " supe-»
rior knowledge" and "greater credit." If he could thus acquire this superior
knowledge in regard to the institutions of the country, could not the same abili-
ties acquire a like knowledge of the events of the conquest, especially when his
father was a participator in the wars of Peru, a distinguished civil officer of
Cuzco, a man of superior moral and intellectual worth, a member of one of the
most illustrious families of Spain ; and his house the resort of the most distin-

* The founder of the Peruvian Empire.

ENORMOUS CANES. 609

guished of Pizarro's spldiers, with whom the young Garcilasso associated, and
by whom he heard recounted the events of the conquest. Were not all these
advantages of which his abilities could profit in acquiring a superior knowledge
of the conquest, as they had profited of the advantages he possessed through
his mother and his uncle to acquire a ' ' superior knowledge of the institutions
of the country ' ' ?

But though in the preceding note is the following : ' ' Garcilasso, an indiffer-
ent authority for anything in this part of his history ;" and also this ; "But if
this flattering homage had been paid by the inca, it never would have escaped
the notice of the conquerors ;" yet on page 481 of vol. i. of the " Conquest of
Peru," is the following note by the same author: "The specification of the
charges against the inca is given by Garcilasso de la Vega. One would have
wished to find them specified by some actor in the tragedy, hut Garcilasso had
access to the best sources of information, and when there was no motive to
falsehood, as in the present case, his word may, probably, he taken."

Now see, page 221, the opinion of Clement Markham, who probably was
better versed in the history of Peru than any American or any other European.

The brutality of the conquerors of Peru was a disgrace to humanity ; their
cruelty has scarcely a parallel among modern civilized nations. Their chiefs
were as base and ignorant as they were brutal. Could a sense of truth, justice,
or decency prevail among such a class of men ? Of all the followers of Alma-
gro and Pizarro at Caxamalca, there appear to have been only twelve that had
a sense of honor and humanity, a respect for the opinion of posterity, and a
regard for the fame and glory of their nation.

According to Francisco de Xeres, the secretary of Francisco Pizarro : " The
few men of honor and respectability then at Cassamarca protested against the
murder [of Atahualpa]. They were besides Hernando de Soto : Francisco de
Chaves and Diego de Chaves, brothers, natives of Truxillo, Francisco de
Fuentes, Pedro de Ayala, Diego de Mora, Francisco Moscoso, Hernando de
Haro, Pedro de Mendoza, Juan de Herrada, Alonzo de AvUa, and Bias de
Atienza."

Note (io), page 209.
ENORMOUS CANES.

Don Antonio de Ulloa, in his " Voyage Historique de I'Amferique Meridio-
nale," thus describes the canes which he met with on his journey from Guaya-
quil to the town of Quito, in the year 1 736.

" Among the many plants which these mountains produce there are three
which by their singularity appear to me deserving that I should give some
description of them. They are the Cannes (canes), the Vijahua, and the
Bejuques, materials of which they build their houses in the jurisdiction of
Guayaquil, and which also serve for many other uses.

"The canes are remarkable as much for their excessive length and size, as
for the water which they inclose in their tubes. Their length is ordinarily
from six to eight toises (thirty-nine to fifty-two feet), and although their size
varies, the thickest have but six inches, pied de Roi, of diameter, which makes
very nearly a quarter of a Castilian ell. The firm and massive part of each
39

610 APPENDIX.

tube is six lines in thickness ; if we pay attention to their thickness, it is easy
to comprehend that being opened they form a plank a foot and a half wide,
and we will not be astonished at the use that is made of them, whether in
building houses, or in many other things. From the time they put forth they
let them grow to the last stage, and then they cut them, or let them dry erect.
The most of the tubes are filled with water, with this difference, that during
the full moon they are either entirely full, or almost so, and that in proportion
as the moon decreases their water diminishes, until in the conjunction they are
entirely empty of it, or retain so little of it that it can scarcely be recognized
that they had had any of it. I have cut them at all times, and my experience
has every time assured me of this fact. I have also observed that when the
water diminishes it is turbid, and that on the contrary, when the moon is full,
or about that time, it is as clear as crystal. The Indians add other peculi-
arities ; they say that all the tubes are not filled with water at the same time,
but that between two that become filled there is one which remains empty.
What is certain is that when they open a tube that is empty there are found
two others in succession that are full. It is what is Ordinarily observed of all
these canes. They attribute to this water a virtue to preserve from all
apostemes which might be caused by a fall. Therefore all travellers who de-
scend the mountains scarcely ever fail to drink it, for to prevent the conse-
quences of the blows and bruises which they can hardly avoid on this route.
After they have cut these canes they let them dry of themselves, or cure, as
they say ; being dry they are extremely strong, and they make use of them
for joists and rafters ; they also make tables of the planks, and masts for the
Balzas ; they make of them the store-rooms of the vessel double, when they
load them with cacao, to prevent the great heat of this fruit from consuming
the wood. They make of them poles or arms of litters, and divers other like
works."

Note (ii), page 240.
LUCAS VASQUEZ DE AYLLON.

" In the year 1520, Lucas Vasquez de Ayllon, a licentiate, being in want of
hands to work in the mines, entered into a resolution, with some associates, to
try if he could steal off a number of savages from the neighboring islands, to
be employed in this business. For this purpose they equipped two ships, and
sailed out of the harbor of Plata, situated on the north side of Hispaniola,
and steered a northwestern course, until they came to the most distant of the
Lucayos Islands,* and thence to what was then a part of Florida, in 32° N.
latitude, now called St. Helena. At the sight of these ships making towards
the shore with expanded sails, the amazed natives ran in crowds to view them,

* Luoayos is sometimes written Lucoas. It is from the Spanish word Cayo, a rock,
thoal, or islet in the sea. Key is but a corruption of Cayo, as Key West, the Florida
Keys. The Lucayos of Luooaa are the Bahama Islands and shoals. The Spaniards,
after depopulating Hispaniola of its aborigines, resorted to the Lucayos to kidnap
their inhabitants tio make slaves of them to work in the gold mines. They depop-
ulated the whole coast of Cumana for the same purpose.

THE INDIANS OP VIRGINIA. 611

conceiving that they must be some monstrous fishes driven upon the coast ;
but as soon as they saw men with beards and covered with clothing land out of
these floating mansions, they fled in a panic. The Spaniards, having stopped
two of them, carried them off into their ships, where, after having entertained
them with meat and drink, they sent them back again, clothed in the Spanish
habit. The king of the country, admiring the dress, sent fifty of his people
to the ships, with a present of various fruits and provisions ; and, not contented
with doing this, he made a party of his subjects attend the Spaniards in the
many excursions into the neighboring provinces, with which, at their request,
he gratified their inclinations ; where they were presented with gold, plates of
silver, pearls, etc., and received in the most hospitable manner. The Span-
iards, having made their own observations, as they passed, upon the customs
and manners of the inhabitants, the soil and climate, invited a large number of
the natives (after they had watered their ships and were prepared for departure)
to an entertainment on board their vessels, where, having plied their guests
well with liquor, they took that wicked opportunity to weigh anchor and sail
away with these unhappy, deluded people towards Hispaniola. Many of the
poor wretches pined to death with vexation and from an obstinate refusal of
food ; the greater part of what remained perished in one of the vessels that
foundered at sea, and some of them, in vain appealing to the violated rights of
hospitality, were hurried into a cruel and hopeless slavery. Vasquez, instead
of the punishment due to so inhuman and horrible a proceeding, expected and
obtained of the king the reward appointed for such as discover new lands, to-
gether with the usual immunities they were entitled to."

" In the year 1524 he sent more ships to Florida, and was so elated with the
accounts he had from themj of the fertility of the soil, and the great plenty of
gold, silver, and pearls to be found there, that he hastened thither himself the
next year with three ships ; but having lost one of them when near the cape
of St. Helen, and two hundred of his people whom he had landed there being
entirely destroyed by the natives, more through their own negligence and
supine security than the bravery of the inhabitants ; disappointed of his wishes,
and broken-hearted, he returned back again to Hispaniola."* ("An Account
of the First Discovery and Natural History of Florida," by William Roberts,
1763 ; taken from Robinson's Early Voyages to America.)

Note (12), page 243.

NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS— FROM THE EARLIEST AND MOST
AUTHENTIC ACCOUNTS OF VIRGINIA.

The earliest accounts of the Indians inhabiting the country where the Eng-
lish first made their settlements in Virginia, state that ' ' they were in general
dressed in the skins of deer or other wild animals, which hung before the mid-

* " Of the fifteen men who survived the expedition of Vasquez de Ayllon to Florida,
and joined our army [Cortes], not a single man is now [1568] remaining." (Bernal
Diaz del Castillo's History ot the Conquest of Mexico, vol. ii. p. 395; translated by
Jno. Ingram Loekhart, F.R.A.S.l

612 APPENDIX.

die ; but all the rest of the body was naked." Besides bows and arrows they
wielded bludgeons, each about three feet long ; and for defence bore shields
made of the bark of trees, and a kind of wicker armor which they make use
of in time of war. They of Secota, one of their provinces, had among them,
besides their king, a degree of nobility who were more elegant in their dresses,
particularly their hair, which they formed in various shapes, and adorned with
the finest feathers they could procure. From their ears hung either large
pearls, the feet of birds, or such other ornaments as the wearers fancied ; and
they painted both their faces and their bodies. Round their necks and upon
their arms they wore chains and bracelets of pearls ; to which, after their ac-
quaintance with the English, they preferred bits of brass. And their skins
were so neatly fitted around their middle that the tail of the creature always
hung behind. Such was the dress in which they appeared on solemn occa-
sions ; but when they went to war they painted themselves in a horrible man-
ner in order to intimidate their enemies.

Their women were naturally well shaped ; their skin coverings were more
elegant than those of the men, and concealed the whole of their bodies. They
cut the forepart of their hair short, and wore a kind of a chaplet around their
temples ; but they took care to disfigure their faces, legs, and arms with punc-
tures and paintings. The better sort wore pearl bracelets, and others of bone
exquisitely polished. They took great delight in walking by the sides of
rivers, and in hunting and fishing. Their priests were generally men ad-
vanced in age ; they sufiered the fore-hair of their heads to grow, and kept all
the rest closely cut ; and each wore a cloak that reached from the neck almost
to the knees of the very finest skins their country afforded. In some pro-
vinces the ladies wore long strings of triple or quadruple rows of pearls wound
round their necks, in which they slung their left arm. Their old men were
more comfortably clothed than their youth, for they wore cloaks of skins which
reached from their shoulders almost to their feet, leaving the right arm naked
and at liberty. But the most extraordinary circumstance attending the ancient
Virginians was their having characters. These characters are various, and far
from being inelegant ; but were impressed upon the bare backs of the natives
as so many signatures to denote the province, tribe, or prince, to which they
belonged. The stamp of four arrows denoted sovereignty ; the figure of one
betokened consanguinity to the prince.

Though the native Virginians knew not the use of iron, yet they had a won-
derful art of felling the bodies of large trees and of excavating them by the
force of fire, which they managed with the most surprising skill by means of
small fans, rendering it fierce or gentle according to the emei^ency of their
design. They polished the excavation with shells, which they sharpened and
made use of for that purpose till a perfect canoe was made. The chief use to
which they put these canoes when fabricated was to go a fishing. The fish
were dressed upon wooden gridirons. Sometimes they boiled their fish in clav
pots, which were made by their women with so much dexterity as to equal the
art of any European potter; the round part being as exact as if it had been
turned upon a wheel. . . . They were very moderate in their repasts ; and
to this temperance Hariot ascribes the longevity they enjoyed when the English

THE INDIANS OP VIRGINIA. 613

first discovered their country. Their ordinary food was maize : which they ate
from a mat, sitting on the ground, the men on one side, the women on the other.

Upon solemn occasions, such as finishing a war, or escaping from great
danger, they express their thanksgiving by seating themselves around a large
fire and beginning a rude concert of vocal and instrumental music, performed
with a hollowed, dried gourd, which they filled with small pebbles, and rattled
with great vehemence. Besides these temporary rejoicings, they have their
anniversary jubilees celebrated by virgins, the particulars of which are so ex-
traordinary that we should not have ventured to transcribe them did they not
rest upon the most unquestionable authority. They marked out a circle in the
midst of a plain ; round which, at a certain distance, they drove posts, each
about a man's height, resembling Boman termini, ending in the head of a
woman carved with a vail hanging from her brow down the sides of her face.
The time for this anniversary celebration being arrived, the inhabitants of all
the neighboring country assembled, each having his rank and quality, and the
name of his country, tribe, and village marked upon his back. The young
ladies, who were the only actors in this exhibition, next ranged themselves at
proper distances round the circle in the most fantastic dresses, and began a
dance with the most extravagant gestures. To qualify the absurdity of these
gambols, three virgins of the most exquisite form and beauty, selected from the
rest, were placed in the middle of the circle, in the very attitudes in which the
ancients represent the three graces, gently embracing one another, and in that
form beating time with their feet to the rude music which was composed of the
excavated shells and pebbles we have already mentioned.

In all these particulars there was a gi-eat resemblance between the manners
of the Virginians and the Floridians. The like was observed in the construc-
tion of their villages. The spot on which they were built was sometimes a
circle, the circumference of which consists of strong palisades, but not so strong
as those of the Floridians. Of the few buildings this circle contained, one was
always a temple covered with fine mats on the top, and admitting of no light
but by the door ; opposite to that stood the dwelling of the head man of the
village. All their houses were built of slender poles driven into the ground,
and covered with mats so as to admit, according to the season of the year, just,
as much air and light as the inhabitants chose to enjoy. Near their village
they always took care to dig a pond which supplied it with water. But some
of their towns, that of Secota in particular, were not inclosed within these
palisades. In them the houses were laid out so as to form a main street ; and
they had, behind them, gardens, fields, and paddocks, in which they raised
tobacco, Indian corn, and other vegetables ; besides feeding deer and game of
all kinds. Of these improvements they were so careful that they had watch-
houses for their fields, where a man was placed to deter the birds from devour-
ing the corn. In the same township they had the places of devotion as well as
feasting. The idol they worshipped, called Kiwasa, was carved out of wood,
about four feet high, and seemed to be copied from the Floridian idols. The
head was of a flesh-color, the breast white, and all the rest of the body black.
It was placed at Secota in the sepulchre of the deceased princes, but we do not
find that the natives were originally impressed with any great degree of devo-
tion towards it ; for it remained in the tomb as an object of terror rather than

614 APPENDIX.

of worship. In other repositories, two, and sometimes four or more, of these
idols were placed for the same purpose, but all of them in the darkest part of
the building, to give them the more tremendous appearance. As to the temple
or sepulchre, it was no other than a scaffolding raised upon poles some ten feet
from the ground ; covered with mattings upon which they laid the bodies after
they had been carefully embowelled, and the skin and flesh scraped from the
bones. The flesh, with the bowels, they wrapped up in mats, and placed at
the feet of the skeletons : but they had an art of covering the skeletons with
skins so artfully stuffed that it retained the appearance of the complete body.
Below the scaffolding the priests had their habitations upon the skins of wild
beasts, and they were employed in mumbling prayers and in guarding the
sepulchre. The above are all the particulars which we have thought fit to
insert, from the oldest and most authentic accounts of this mother colony."
(An abridged note of the "Universal History," vol. xxxv. Harlot apud de
Bry.)

Note (13), page 244.

THE ELVAS ACCOUNT OF DE SOTO FROM THE BEaiNNING OF HIS EN-
TERPRISE TO HIS ARRIVAL AND ENCAMPMENT IN FLORIDA.

" Captain Soto was the son of a squire of Xeres of Badajos. He went into
the Spanish Indies when Pedro Arias de Avila was governor of the West In-
dies. And there he was without anything else of his own save his sword and
target ; and for his good qualities and valor Pedro Arias made him captain of
a troop of horsemen, and by his command he went with Fernando Pizarro to
the conquest of Peru,* where (as many persons of credit reported which were
there present), as well at the taking of Atabalipa, Lord of Peru, as at the
assault of the city of Cuzco, and in all other places where they found resist-
ance, wheresoever he was present he excelled all other captains and principal
persons. For which cause, besides his part of the treasure of Atabalipa, he
had a good share ; whereby, in time, he gathered a hundred and eighty thou-
sand ducats, together with that which fell to his share, which he brought to
Spain ; whereof the emperor borrowed a certain part, which he paid again
with sixty thousand reals of plate, in the rent of the silks of Grenada, and all
the rest was delivered him in the contratacion-house of Seville. He took ser-
vants, to wit, a steward, a gentleman usher, pages, a gentleman of the horse,
a chamberlain, lackeys, and all other officers that the house of a noble may
require. From Seville he went to the court, and in the court there accompa-
nied him Juan Danusco of Seville, Luis Moscoso de Alvarado, Nunc de
Touar, and Juan Rodriguez Lobillo. Except Juan Danusco, all the rest came
with him from Peru, and each brought fourteen or fifteen thousand ducats ; all
of them went well and costly apparalled. And, although Soto of his own
nature was not liberal, yet, because that was the first time that he was to show
himself at the court, he spent frankly. He married with Donna Isabella de

* Fernando Pizarro was seoond in rank to Francisco Pizarro, Se Soto was third.
Fernando commanded the oavalry, and Soto belonged to that body, but did not accom-
pany Fernnndo Pizarro to Peru. He went from Nicaragua to Peru, and joined the
Fizarroa at the island of Puna.

THE ELVAS ACCOUNT OP DE SOTO. 615

Bobadilla, daughter of Pedro Arias de Avila, Earl of Punno in Rostro. The
emperor made him the governor of the isle of Cuba, and adelantado of Florida,
with a title of marquis of certain part of the land that he should conquer.

Whea Soto had obtained the government, there came a gentleman from the
Indies to the court, named Cabecja de Vaca, who had been with the governor
Pamfilo de Narvaez, who had died in Florida, who reported that Narvaez was
cast away at sea with all the company that went with him ; and how he, with
four (three) more, escaped and arrived in New Spain. Also he brought an
account in writing of that which he had seen in Florida, which said, in some
places : In such a place I have seen this, and the rest which I here saw I leave
to confer of between his majesty and myself. Generally he reported the misery
of the country, and the troubles which he passed ; and he told some of his kins-
folk, who were desirous to go into the Indies, and urged him very much to tell
them whether he had seen any rich country in Florida, that he might not tell
them, because he and another, whose name was Orantes-^who remained in
New Spain,* with purpose to return to Florida, for which intent he came to
Spain to beg the goverhment thereof of the emperor — had sworn not to discover
some of these things which they had seen, because no man should prevent them
in begging the same. And he informed them that it was the richest country of
the world. Soto was very desirous to have him with him, and made him a
favorable offer ; and after they had agreed, because Soto gave him not a suta of
money which he demanded to buy a ship, they broke off" again. Baltasar de
Gallegos and Christopher de Spindola, the kinsmen of CabeQa de Vaca, told
him, that for that which he had imparted to them they were resolved to pass
witli Soto into Florida, and therefore they prayed him to advise them what
they had best to do. CabeQa told them the cause why he went not with Soto
was because he hoped to beg another government, and he was loath to go under
the command of another ; and that he came to beg the conquest of Florida, but
seeing that Soto had gotten it already, for his oath's sake he might tell them
nothing of that which they would know ; but he counselled them to sell their
goods and go with him, and that in so doing they should do well. As soon as
he had opportunity to speak with the emperor, he related to him whatso-
ever he had passed through, and seen, and learned. Of this relation, made
orally to the emperor, the Marquis of Astorga had notice, and forthwith deter-
mined to send with Soto his brother, Don Antonio Osorio: and with him two
kinsmen of his prepared themselves, to wit, Francisco Osorio and Garcia Oso-
rio. Don Antonio dispossessed himself of sixty thousand reals of rent which
he held by the church ; and Francisco Osorio, of a town of vassals which he
had in the country of Campos. And they made their rendezvous, with the
adelantado, at Seville. The like did Nunez de Touar, and Luis de Moscoso,
and Juan Rodriguez Lobillo. Luis de Moscoso carried with him two brethren ;
there went also Don Carlos, who had married the governor's niece, and took
her with him. From Badajos there went Pedro Calderon, and three kinsmen
of the adelanladOjf to wit, Arias Tinoco, Alfonso Romo, and Diego Tinoco.

* He sailed for Old Spain or for Cuba at the same time that Alvafo left Vera Cruz,
f The titles of De Soto, in the accounts of his expedition to Florida, were general,
adelantado, and governor.

616 APPENDIX.

And as Luis de Moscoso passed through Elvas, Andrew de Vasconcelos spake
with him, and requested him to speak to Soto concerning him, and delivered
to him certain warrants which he had received from the Marquis of Villa Real,
wherein he gave him the captainship of Ceuta in Barbary, that he might show
them to him. And the adelantado saw them, and was informed who he was,
and wrote to him that he would favor him in all things and by all means, and
would give him a charge of men in Florida. And from Elvas went Andrew
Vasconcelos, Fernan Pegado, Antonio Martinez Segurado, Men Roiz Pereira,
Juan Cordero, Stephen Pegado, Benedict Fernandez, and Alvaro Fernandez.
And out of Salamanca, Jaen, Valencia, Albuquerque, and other parts of Spain
many people of noble birth assembled at Seville ; insomuch that in San Lucar
many men of good account, who had sold their goods, remained behind for want
of shipping ; whereas, for other known and rich countries they are wont to
need men ; and this fell out by occasion of that which CabeQa de Vaca told the
emperor, and informed such persons besides as he had conference with touch-
ing the state of that country. Soto made him great offers, but he went for gov-
ernor to the river of Plate. His kinsmen, Christopher de Spindola and Balta-
sar de Gallegos, went with Soto. Gallegos sold houses, vineyards, rent-corn, and
ninety ranks of olive-trees in the Xarafe of Seville.* He had the office of
alcalde mayor, and took his wife with him. And there went also many other
persons of account with the adelantado, and had the following offices by great
friendship, because they were offices desired by many, to wit, Antonio de
Biedma was factor, f Juan Danusco was auditor, and Juan Gaytan, nephew of
the cardinal of Ciguenza, had the office of treasurer.

The Portuguese departed from Elvas the 15th of January (1538), and came
to Seville the 1 9th of the same month, and went to the lodging of the governor,
and entered into a court over which were certain galleries where he was, who
came down and received them at the stairs whereby they went up to the gal-
leries. When he had ascended he commanded chairs to be given them to sit
on. And Andrew de Vasconcelos told him who he and the other Portuguese
were, and how they all had come to accompany him, and serve him in his
voyage. Soto thanked him, and manifested great pleasure for his coming and
offer. And the table being already laid, he invited them to dinner. And
being at dinner he commanded his steward to seek a lodging for them near
unto his own, where they might be lodged. The adelantado departed from

^ Alvaro Nunez Gabega de Vnoa must have been a man of education and high
position in society to bave held the office he had in the expedition of Narvaez, and to
have obtained the government he did after his return to Spain. Doubtless he dis-
covered and appreciated the immense mineral wealth, in gold and silver, of the coun-
tries through which he passed in his wanderings during seven or eight years through
New Mexico, Arizona, and Northern Mexico. The list of distinguished persons who
enlisted in the enterprise of De Soto is evidence of the high estimation in which he was
held, and of his qualification for the distinguished positionin which he was placed. The
trials through which he passed, and the command and control which he held over such
a body of men during three years of privation and suffering, sufficiently prove that he
was endowed witlikextrnordinary abilities. And his achievement, though fruitless,
entitles him to rank with the most distinguished commanders of his time.

t He is mistaken in the name ; it was not Antonio, but Luis Fernandez de Biedma.

THE ELVAS ACCOUNT OF DE SOTO. 617

Seville for San Lucar with all the people who were to go with him, and
commanded a muster to be made, at which the Portuguese appeared armed in
very bright armor, and the Castilians very gallant with silk upon silk, with
many pinkings and cuts. The adelantado, because these braveries in such an
action did not please him, commanded that they should muster another day,
and every one should come forth with his armor ; at the which the Portu-
guese came as at the first, armed with very good armor. The governor placed
them in order near unto the standard which the ensign bearer carried. The
Castilians for the most part did wear very bad armor, and rusty shirts of mail,
and all of them had head-pieces and steel caps, and very bad lances. Some
of them sought to come among the Portuguese. So those passed and were
counted and enrolled whom Soto liked and accepted, and they accompanied
him to Florida ; they were in all six hundred men. He had already bought
seven ships, and had all necessary provisions aboard them. He appointed
captains, and delivered to each his ship, and gave him a list of the men he
should carry with him.

In the year of our Lord 1538, in the month of April, the adelantado de-
livered his ships to the captains which were to go in them, and took for him-
self a new ship, and good of sail, and gave another to Vasconcelos, in which
the Portuguese went. He went over the bar of San Lucar on Sunday morn-
ing, being St. Lazarus's day, in the month and year aforesaid, with great joy,
commanding the trumpets to be sounded, and many shots of the ordnance to
be discharged. He sailed four days with a prosperous wind, and suddenly it
calmed, the calms continued eight days with swelling seas, in such-wise that
we made no way. The fifteenth day after his departure from San Lucar he
came to Gomera, one of the Canaries, in the morning of Easter day. The earl
of that island was apparelled all in white, cloak, jerkin, hose, shoes, and cap,
so that he seemed a lord of the gypsies. He received the governor with much
joy; he was well lodged, and all the rest had their lodgings gratis, and got
great store of victuals for their money, as bread, wine, and flesh ; and they
took what was needful for their ships ; and the Sunday following, eight days
after their arrival, they departed from the isle of Gomera. The earl gave to
Donna Isabella, the adelantado's wife, a bastard daughter that he had, to be
her waiting maid.* They arrived at the Antilles at the port of the city of
St. lago, in the island of Cuba, on Whitsunday. As soon as they came thither
a gentleman of the city sent to the seaside a very fair roan horse, and well
furnished for the governor, and a mule for Donna Isabella, and all the horse-
men and footmen that were in the town came to receive him at the seaside.
The governor was well lodged, visited, and served of all the inhabitants of the
city, and all his company had their lodgings freely ; those who desired to go
into the country were divided by four and four, and six and six, in the farms
or granges, according to the ability of the owners of the farms, and were fur-
nished by them with all things necessary.

The city of St. lago has eighty houses, which are great and well contrived.

^ Though a bastard and a waiting maid, she was not then regarded as she would be,
now. Times have changed, and we have changed with them. Touar, after seducing
her, married her to please Soto, who was so greatly offended at him that he deprived
him of the office of captain-general, and gave it to Forcallo de Figaeroa.

618 APPENDIX.

The most part have their walls made of boards, and are covered with thatch ;
it has some houses built of lime and stones, and covered with tiles. The isle
of Cuba is three hundred leagues long from east to west, and is in some places
thirty, and in others forty leagues from north to south. It has six towns of
Christians, to wit, St. lago, Baracoa, Bayamo, Puerto de Principes, St.
Espirito, and Havana. Every one has between thirty and forty households,
except St. lago and Havana, which have about sixty or eighty houses. They
have churches in each of them, and a chaplain who confesses them, and says
mass. In St. lago is a monastery of Franciscan friars ; it has but few friars,
and is well provided with alms, because the country is rich. The church of St.
lago has a respectable revenue, and there are a curate and prebends, and many
priests, as the church of that city which is the chief of all the islands. There
is in this country much gold, but there are few slaves to get it.

The governor sent from St. lago his nephew, Don Carlos, with ships in
company of Donna Isabella to tarry for him at Havana, which is a haven in
the west part towards the head of the island, one hundred and eighty leagues
from the city of St. lago. The governor, and those who stayed with him,
bought horses and proceeded on their journey. The firat town that they came
to was Bayamo ; they were lodged four and four and six and six as they went
in company, and where they lodged they took nothing for their food, for noth-
ing cost them aught save the corn for their horses, because the governor went
to visit them from town to town, and seized them in the tribute and service of
the Indians. Bayamo is twenty-five leagues from the city of St. lago. Near
unto the town passes a great river which is called Tanto ; it is greater than the
Guadiana, and in it are very great crocodiles which sometimes hurt the Indians
or the cattle which cross the river. In all the country is neither wolf, fox,-
bear, lion, nor tiger. There are wild dogs which go from the houses into the
woods and feed upon swine. There are certain snakes as big as a man's thigh
or bigger ; they are very slow, they do no kind of hurt.*

From Bayamo to Puerto de los Principes are fifty leagues. In all the island
from town to town, the way is made by stubbing up the underwood ; and if it be
left but one year undone, the wood grows so much thatthe way cannot be seen,
and the paths of the oxen are so many that none can travel without an Indian
of the country for a guide, for all the rest is very high thick woods.

From Puerto de los Principes, the governor went by sea in a boat to the
house of Vasquez Porcallo (for it was near the sea), to learn there some news of
Donna Isabella, who at that instant, as>was afterwards known, was in great dis-
tress, insomuch that the ships lost one another, and two of them were driven
on the coast of Florida, and all of them endured great want of water and vict>-
uals. When the storm was over, they met together without knowing where
they were ; in the end they descried Cape St. Anton, an uninhabited country
of the island of Cuba ; there they watered, and at the end of forty days, which
were passed since their departure from the city of St. lago, they arrived at

* A similar thing is mentioned by Ulloa in spsnlcing of Pern, but there the snake is
represented of an enormous size, though of tlie same character as that of Cuba. By
gome it ia considered as fabulous.

THE ELVAS ACCOUNT OP DE SOTO. 619

Havana.* The governor was presently informed thereof, and went to Donna
Isabella. And those who went by land, which were one hundred and fifty
horsemen, being divided into two parts because they would cot oppress the
inhabitants, ti-avelled by St. Espirito, which is sixty leagues from Puerto delos
Principes. The food which they carried with them was ca(;abe [cassava] bread,
which is of such a quality that if it be wet, it breaks presently, whereby it hap-
pened to some to eat flesh without bread for many days. They carried dogs
with them, and a man of the country to hunt for them, and by the way, or
where they were to lodge that ifiiglt,T;hey killed as many hogs as they needed.
In this journey they were well provided Tvith beef and pork,f and they were
greatly troubled with mosquitos, especially in a lake which i^ called the lake
of Pia, which they had much ado to cross from noon till nightj^gJThe water
might be some half league over, and to be swam about a crossbow-shot [four
hundred yards], the rest came to the waist, and they waded up to their knees
in the mire, and in the bottom were cockle-shells which cut their feet^ very sore.
In such sort that there was neither boot nor shoe-sole that was whole at half
way. Their clothes and saddles were crossed in palm baskets. Crossing
this lake, stripped of their clothes, there came many mosquitos, upon whose
biting there arose a wheal that smarted very much, they struck them with their
hands, and with the blow which they gave they killed so many that the blood
did run down the arms and bodies of the men. That night they rested very
little on account of them, and other nights also in like places and times. They
came to St. Espirito,. which is a town of thirty houses. There passes by it a
little river ; it is very pleasant and fruitful, having great store of oranges and
citrons, and fruits of the country. One half of the company were lodged here,
' and the rest passed on twenty-five leagues to another town called Trinidad, of
fifteen or twenty houses. Here is a hospital for the poor, and there is no other
in all the island, and they say this town was the greatest in all the island, and
that before the Christians came into this land, as a ship passed along the coast,
there came in it a very sick man who desired the captain to set him on shore,
and the captain did so, and the ship went her way. The sick man remained
in that country, which until that time had not been frequented by Christians ;
wljereupbn the Indians found him, carried him home, and took care of him
until he was well, and the chief of that town married him unto a daughter of
his, and had war with all the inhabitants around about, and by the energy and
valor of the Christian he subdued and brought under his command all the peo-
ple of that island. A great while after, the Governor Diego Velasquez went
to conquer it, and from thence discovered New Spain. And this Christian who
was with the Indians, did pacify them, and brought them to the obedience and
subjection to the governor. From this town, Trinidad to Havana, are eighty
leagues without any habitation, which they travelled. They came to Havana
in the end of March, where they found the governor, and the rest of the people
which came with him from Spain. The governor sent from Havana Juan Da-
nusoo, with a caravel and two brigantines with fifty men, to discover the haven

* From the time consumed in tlie voyage, and the vessels, after being driven on the
const of Florida, arriving at Cape St. Anthony, the western extremity of Cuba, it is
probable they were driven to the const of Texas, which then was but a part of Florida.

t The bogs and cattle ran wild in the woods, so the horsemen fared well.

620 APPENDIX.

of Florida, and from thence he brought two Indians which he took upon the
coast, wherewith (as well because they might be necessary for guides and for
interpreters, as because they said by signs that there was much gold in Florida)
the governor and all the company received much satisfaction, and longed for
the hour of their departure, thinking in himself that this was the richest country
that unto that day had been discovered.

The governor left Donna Isabella in Havana, and with her remained the wife
of Don Carlos, and the wives of Baltasar de Gallegos and Nuno de Touar.
And he left for his lieutenant, for the government of the island, a gentleman
of Havana, named Juan de Roias.

On Sunday, the 18th of May, in the year 1539, the adelantado. departed
from Havana with his fleet, which consisted of nine vessels, five great ships,
two caravels, and two brigantines. They sailed seven days with a prosperous
wind. The 25th of May, the day of Pasca de Spirito Santo, they saw the
land of Florida, and because of the shoals they came to an anchor a league
from the shore.* On Friday, the 30th of May, they landed in Florida, two
leagues from a town of an Indian chief named Ucita. They landed the two
hundred and thirteen horses which they brought with them, to unburden the
ships that they might draw less water. He landed all his men, and only
the seamen remained in the vessels, which in eight days, going up with the tide
every day a little, brought them up to the town. As soon as the people came
on shoi'e he pitched his camp on the seaside, close by the bay which went up
unto the town. And presently the captain-general, Porcallo, with seven horse-
men, foraged the country half a league round about, and found six Indians, who
resisted him with thfeir bows. The horsemen killed two of them and the others
escaped, because the country is full of woods and bogs where the horses stuck
fast and fell with their riders, because they were weak with travelling upon
the sea. The night following, the governor with a hundred men in the brig-
antines lighted upon a town which he found without people, because, as soon
as the Chi'istians had sight of land, they were descried, and they saw along
the coast many smokes, which the Indians had made, to give notice the one to
the other. The next day Luis de Moseoso, master of the camp, set the men
in order, the horsemen in three squadrons, the vanguard, the battalion, and the
rearguard ; and so they marched that day and the following, cpmpassing the
great inlets that made out from the bay. 7'hey came to the town of Ucita,
where the governor arrived on Trinity Sunday, being the first of June. The
town was of seven or eight houses. The chief's house stood near the shore,
upon a very high mound, made by hand for strength. At another end of the
town stood the church, and on the top of it stood a fowl made of wood, with
gilded eyes. Here were found some pearls of small value, spoiled by the fire,
which the Indians pierce and string like beads, and wear around their necks
and wrists, and esteem very much. The houses were made of timber, and
covered with palm leaves. The governor lodged in the chief's house, and with
him Porcallo and Moseoso ; and in others that were in the midst of the town,
lodged the chief alcalde, Gallegos ; and in the same house was set in a place by
itself all the provisions that came in the ships ; the other houses and the church
were broken down, and every three or four soldiers made a cabin wherein they

* At Tampa Bay, which he named Spirito Santo.

THE INDIANS OF FLORIDA AND THEIE HOUSES. 621

lodged. The country round about was very fenny, and encumbered with great
and high trees. The governor commanded to be felled the woods a crossbow
shot round about the town, that the horses might run, and the Christians have
advantage of the Indians, if they should happen to fall upon them by night."

It appears, from the above, that Soto first landed two leagues from an Indian
village, on the 30th of May ; that, after landing his soldiers and horses, he,
with the' brigantines, sailed up the bay and discovered the town of Ucita, the
1st of June ; that then Moscoso marched his forces from the place where they
had landed to the town of Ucita were De Soto was. Moscosco marched two
days, and the large vessels were eight days in going up with the tide. There
were five large ships in De Soto's fleet; they would necessarily have had to
keep in deep water, and follow the channel.

Note (14), page 284.
THE INHABITANTS OP FLORIDA, THEIR TOWNS AND HOUSES.

The Muscogulges came from the west, and took possession of Florida after
having exterminated the Yamases, its first inhabitants, who fought like heroes
to save their country from the invasion of the Muscogulges ; but fortune be-
trayed them. . Very soon afterwards the Seminoles, arriving from the east,
made an alliance with the Muscogulges, who, being the strongest, forced the
Seminoles to send deputies to their great village. Thus the Seminoles were
governed in part by the mico or king of the Muscogulges. The two nations
imited were called by Europeans the Creek nation, and divided by them into
the upper, the Muscogulges^ and the lower Creeks, the Seminoles. The am-
bition of the Muscogulges was not satisfied ; they waged war against the Chero-
quois (Cherokees) and the Chicassais (Chicasas), and compelled them to enter
into the common alliance ; a confederation as celebrated in the south of North
America as that of the Iroquois in the north.

The villages of the Muscogulges are built in a peculiar manner, each family
has nearly always four houses alike, which form a hollow square, about half an
acre ; they enter this square by the four angles. The cabins, constructed of
boards, are plastered within and without with a red mortar which resembles
brick-dust ; pieces of cypress bark, deposited as the scales of a turtle, serve
for the roof of these buildings.

In the centre of the principal village, in the highest place, is a public square
surrounded with four long galleries. One of these galleries is the council hall,
where councils are held every day to expedite business. This hall. is divided
into two chambers by a longitudinal partition ; the rear apartment is thus de-
prived of light ; they can enter only through a very low opening formed in the
base of the partition. In this sanctuary are deposited the treasures of religion
and policy — the crown of stag's horns, the medicine cup, ih& chichikoues, thecal-
uraet of peace, and the national standard, made of an eagle's tail. None but the
mico [king], the chief warrior, and the high-priest can enter this dreadful place.

The exterior chamber is divided into three parts by three [two ?] small
transverse partitions about four feet high. In these three balconies are raised

622 APPENDIX.

three ranges of benches resting against the walls of the sanctuary. It is upon
these benches, covered with mats, that sit the sachems and warriors.

The three other galleries which, with the council gallery, form the inclosure
of the public square, are likewise divided each into three parts ; but they have
not the longitudinal partition. These galleries are called the banqueting gal-
leries ; here are always found a noisy crowd engaged in divers sports.

The walls, the partitions, and the wooden columns of these galleries are covered
with hieroglyphic ornaments, which contain the sacerdotal and political secrets
of the nation. These paintings represent men in divers attitudes, birds and
quadrupeds with the heads of men, and men with the heads of animals. The
design of these monuments is traced with boldness, and in the natural propor-
tions ; the colors are vivid, but applied without art. The order of the archi-
tecture of the columns varies in the villages according to the tribe which in-
habits the village ; among the Otasses the columns are spiral, because the
Muscogulges of Otasse are of the tribe of the serpent.*

There are among this nation a town of peace and a town of blood. The town
of peace is the capital itself of the Creek confederation, and is named Apa-
lachuela. In this town they never shed blood, and when it concerns a general
peace, the deputies of Creeks are assembled here.

The town of blood is called Coweta ; it is situated twelve miles from Apa-
lachuola ; it is there that they deliberate on war.

There are noticed in the Creek confederation the savages who inhabit the
beautiful town of Uche, consisting of two thousand inhabitants, who can arm
five hundred warriors. These savages speak the savenna or savantica lan-
guage, radically different from the Muscogulge language. The allies of the
Uche town are generally of a different opinion, in the council, from the other
allies, who look upon them with jealousy ; but they are sufficiently wise on both
sides to not come to a rupture. The Seminoles, less numerous than the Mus-
cogulges, have not more than nine villages, all situated on Flint River.f

The town of Cuscowilla, which is the capital of the Alachua tribe, J contains
about thirty habitations, each of which consists of two houses nearly of the same
size, about thirty feet in length, twelve feet wide, and about the same in height.
The door is placed midway on one side, or in front. This house is divided equally
across into two apartments, one of which is the cook-room and common hall, and
the other the lodging-room. The other house is nearly of the same dimensions,
standing about twenty yards from the dwelling-house, its end fronting the door.
This building is two stories high, and constructed in a different manner. It is
divided transversely, as the other, but the end next the dwelling-house is open
on three sides, supported by posts or pillars. It has an open loft or platform,
the ascent to which is by a portable stair or ladder ; this is a pleasant, cool,
airy situation, and here the master or chief of the family retires to repose in
the hot season, and receives his guests or visitors. The other half of this
building is closed on all sides by notched logs ; the lowest or ground part is a

* The similarity of the India,n hieroglyphics tothose of the Egyptians is worthy of
notice, ns is also that of their tribal deities to the local deities of Kgypt.
t Voyage en Amdrique, par Chateaubriand, in 1791.
i Of the Seminoles or Lower Creeks, Muscogulges.

THE INDIANS OF FLORIDA AND THEIE HOUSES. 623

potato house, and the upper story over it a granary for corn and other pro-
visions. Their houses are constructed of a kind of frame. In the first place
strong comer pillars are fixed in the ground, with others, somewhat less, rang-
ing on a line between ; these are strengthened by cross-pieces of timber, and
the whole, with the roof, is covered close with the bark of the cypress tree.
The dwelling stands near the middle of a square yard, encompassed by a low
bank, formed with the earth taken out of the yard, which is always carefully
swept. Their towns are clean, the inhabitants being particular in laying their
filth at a proper distance from their dwellings. (Bartram.)

ToaUi was a town between the Oakmulge and the Ocone rivers. The Elvas
Narrative thus speaks of the houses there, and of those before the Spaniards
reached Toalli : " On Wednesday, 21st of March (1540), he came to a town
called Toalli ; and from thence forward there was a difference in the houses.
For those which were behind us were thatched with straw, and those of Toalli
were covered with cane, in the manner of tiles. These houses are very
cleanly. Some of them had walls daubed with clay, which showed like a
mud wall. In all the cold country the Indians have every one a house for the
winter daubed with clay within and without, and the door is very little ; they
shut it by night and make a fire within ; so that they are in it as warm as in a
stove, and so it continueth all night that they need no clothes ; and besides
these they have others for summer, and their kitchens near them ; and they
have cribs wherein they keep their corn ; which is a house set up in the
air upon four stakes, boarded about like a chamber, and the floor of it is of
cane hurdles. The difference which lords' or principal men's houses have
from the rest, besides being greater, is that they have great galleries in their
fronts, and under them seats made of canes in manner of benches ; and
they have many lofts, wherein they lay up that which the Indians give them
for tribute, which is corn, deer-skins, and mantles of the counti-y, which are
like blankets ; they make them of the inner rind of the bark of trees, and
some of a kind of grass like unto nettles, which being beaten is like unto flax."

Graves oi' the Yamasees. — It was quite dark before I came up to a bluff,
which I had in view, a long time, over a very extensive point of meadows.
I landed however at last. This was a high perpendicular bluff, fronting more
than one hundred yards on the river [St. John], the earth black, loose, and
fertile ; it is composed of river-shells, sand, etc. At the back of it from the
river were open pine forests and savannas. When 1 landed it was quite dark,
and in collecting wood for my fire, strolling in the dark about the groves
I found the surface of the ground very uneven, by means of little mounds and
ridges. In the morning I found I had taken up my lodging on the borders of
an ancient burying ground, containing sepulchres or tumuli of the Yamasees,
who were here slain by the Creeks in the last decisive battle, the Creeks having
driven them into this point between the doubling of the river, where few of
them escaped the fury of the conquerors. These graves occupied the whole
grove, consisting of two or three acres of ground ; there were near thirty of
these cemeteries of the dead, nearly of an equal size and form, being oblong,
twenty feet in length, and ten or twelve feet in width, and three or four feet
high, now overgrown with orange trees, live oaks, laurel magnolias, red bays,
and other trees and shrubs, composing dsirk and solemn shades. (Bartram.)

624 APPENDIX.

Note {15), page 351.
BUFFALOES.

Penicaut, in his Annals of Louisiana, in speaking of the expedition of St.
Denis, in 1713, to explore the country between the Red Kiver and the Eio
Grande, says : " We ascended the Mississippi to Pass-Manchac, where we
killed fifteen buffaloes. The next day we landed again and killed eight more
buffaloes, and as many deer." On his return from exploring Lake Pontchar-
train he stopped at the Bay of St. Louis. He says : ' ' We hunted during
several days upon the coast of this bay, and filled our boats with the meat of
the deer and buffaloes and other wild game which we had killed." He says of
his visit to the Pascagoulas, on the river of that name and twenty leagues
from its mouth : " They gave us something to eat and drink, — among other
things bear, deer, and buffalo meat. . . . We slept at the house of the
grand chief, upon beds of canes, covered with buffalo-skins." There were
immense herds of buffaloes in the neighborhood of Matagorda Bay, when
La Salle built a fort there in 1686. They also ranged through the lowlands
of the Mississippi River, through its cane-brakes and its forests. What is
remarkable is that the Spaniards of De Soto's expedition, in 1539 to 1543,
should have travelled from the Savannah River of Georgia to the Red River of
Louisiana without having met with any of these animals living, though they
had, on several occasions, seen their hides, horns, and even their flesh. Be-
yond the Red River they saw them alive.

Note (16), page 361.
THE DISPOSAL OF THE INDIAN DEAD.

The Spaniards were struck with the magnificence of Comagre's palace, which
greatly exceeded anything they had beheld in America. It was a hundred
and fifty paces in length, eighty in breadth, raised on wooden pillars, and in-
closed by a stone wall, with rails at the top so beautifully carved that the
Spaniards were astonished at the workmanship. It contained many apart-
ments, several of which indicated a rude genius for architecture and the fine
arts ; but what was particularly pleasing to the soldiers was the great abund-
ance of dried venison and pork, which they found in the storehouse, together
with a variety of red and white liquors, made from corn, roots, and the palm.
There was a great hall, in a retired and secret part of the building, wherein
Comagre preserved the bodies of his ancestors and relatives. These had been
dried by fire, so as to free them from corruption, and afterwards wrapped in
mantles of cotton, richly wrought and interwoven with pearls and jewels of
gold, and certain stones held in high estimation by the Indians. They were
then hung about the walls, with cotton cords, and regarded with great rever-
ence. (" Universal History," vol. xxxiv., Helps, etc.)

"Near this valley* there was a village the chief of which was the most

* The valley of Lile near the head-watera of the Maglalene, and near the town of
Call.

THE DISPOSAL OP THE INDIAN DEAD. 625

powerful and respected of all the chiefs of the neighborhood. In the centre of
his village there was a great and lofty round wooden housej with a door in the
centre. The light was admitted by four windows on the upper part, and the
roof was of straw. As one entered through the door, there was a long board,
stretching from one end of the house to the other, on which many human
bodies were placed in rows, being those of men who had been defeated and
taken in war. They were all cut open, and this is done with stone knives,
after which they eat' the flesh, stuff the skins with ashes, and place them on
the board in such sort as to appear like living men. In the hands of some they
place lances, and in those of others darts and clubs." (Ciezar de Leon.)

The Choctaws pay their last duties and respect to the deceased as follows: —

" As soon as a person is dead, they erect a scaffold, eighteen or twenty feet
high, in a grove adjacent to the town, where they lay the corpse lightly covered
with a mantle ; here it is suffei'ed to remain, visited and protected by the
friends and relations, until the flesh becomes putrid, so as easily to part from
the bones ; then undertakers, who make it their business, carefully strip the
flesh from the bones, wash and cleanse them, and when dry and purified by
the air, having provided a curiously wrought chest or coffin fabricated of bones
and splints, they place all the bones therein ; it is then deposited in the bone-
house, a building erected for that purpose in every town. And when this
house is full, a general solemn funeral takes place ; the nearest kindred or
friends of the deceased on a day appointed repair to the bone-house, take up
the respective coffins, and following one another in order of seniority, the
nearest relations and connections attending their respective corpse, and the
multitude following after them, all as one family, with united voice of alternate
allelujah and lamentation, slowly proceed to the place of general interment,
where they place the coffins in order, forming a pyramid ; and lastly, cover all
over with earth, which rises a conical hill or mount. Then they return to town
in order of solemn procession, concluding the day with a festival, which is
called the feast of the dead." (Bartram.)

How the Indians of the provinces of Tatabe and Guaca, near Antioquia, on '
the western branch of the river Magdalena, buried their dead : —

"When one of the chiefs dies the people mourn for many days, cut off the
hair of his wives, kill those who were most beloved, and raise a tomb the size
of a small hill, with an opening towards the rising sun. Within this great
tomb they make a large vault, and here they put the body, wrapped in cloths,
and the gold and arms the dead man had used when alive. They then take
the most beautiful of his wives, and some servant lads, make them drunk with
wine made of maize, and bury them alive in the vault, in order that the chief
may go down to hell with companions."

"In ancient times there was a large population in these valleys, as we judge
from the edifices and burial places, of which there are many well worth
seeing, being so large as to appear like small hills." (Ciezar de Leon.)

The Province and Indians of Quinbaya on the upper waters of the river
Magdalena : —

"In ancient times these Indians were not natives of Quinbaya, but they in-
vaded the country many times, killing the inhabitants, who could not have been
few judging from the remains of their works ; for all the dense canebreaks seem
40

G26 APPENDIX.

once to have been peopled and tilled, as well as the mountainous parts where
there are trees as big round as two bullocks. From these facts I conjecture
that a very long period of time has elapsed since the Indians first peopled the
Indies." (Ciezar de Leon.)

Note (17), page 365.
INDIAN TEMPLES AND FUNERALS.

Iberville ascended the Mississippi River, in 1699, as high as the Oumas,
about twenty leagues above New Orleans. "When he arrived at the village
of the Quinipissas, the same as Bayagoulas, he went ashore ; and the chief of
the savages there conducted him to a temple of a most curious construction.
The roof was adorned with the figures of many animals, and among others of
a red cock. The entrance was by a kind of portico, which was eight feet
broad and eleven long, supported by two large pillars fastened to a beam run-
ning across the roof of the portico. Both sides of the portico were adorned
with the figures of bears, wolves, and several birds ; and at the head of them
all was a chouchouacha, a creature whose head is like that of a sucking pig ;
its fur is gray and white ; its tail resembles that of a rat ; its feet those of a
monkey, and the female has under its belly a bag where it preserves, occasion-
ally, and feeds its young. The door of this temple was but three feet high and
two broad ; and the savage chief ordered it to be opened, and introduced Iber-
ville. The inside was formed like other cabins, in the manner of a cupola,
about thirty feet in diameter. In the middle of it stood two fagots of dried
wood, which were placed on end, and were burning, and filled the temple with
smoke. A scafibld was raised from the floor, heaped with a great many bundles
of the skins of kids, bears, and bullocks, which had been sacrificed to the
chouchouacha, whose figure w^s represented on several parts of the temple in
black and red, and was the deity of Bayagoula." (Modern Universal His-
tory, vol. xxxvi. pp. 57, 58.)

The 11th of March, 1700, Iberville and Bienville arrived at the Natchez, a
nation of twelve hundred men ; they found there M. de Saint Cosme, a mis-
sionary, arrived a short time before from Canada. The grand chief or sun of
the nation came to meet the French, borne upon a sedan, accompanied by more
than six hundred men. They discovered in this chief much more politeness
than in those of the other nations of the continent. He had a despotic autho-
rity over his men. When there died any of the suns, or woman chiefs, many
of the nation devoted themselves to death, and were strangled to go and serve
him in the other world. There were then in this village seventeen of these
suns ; these are chiefs springing from the women who are of the race of the
suns, who are the only heirs, the male children of the suns in this nation can-
not attain to be but war chiefs. According to their account, they had num-
bered formerly nineteen hundred suns in their nation, and more than two hun-
dred thousand persons. They preserve'd in a temple a perpetual fire maintained
by a kind of sexton, and there are presented to this fire the first of their fruits
and of their chase.

Although all the people of Louisiana have nearly the same usages and cus-

INDIAN TEMPLES AND FUNERALS. 62T

toms, yet as any nation is more or less populous, it has proportionately more
or fewer ceremonies. Thus, when the French first arrived in the colony, seve-
ral nations kept up the eternal fire, and observed other religious ceremonies,
■which they have now [1720] disused since their numbers have greatly been
diminished. Many of them still continue to have temples, but the common
people never enter these, nor strangers, unless peculiarly favored by the nation.
As I was an intimate friend of the sovereign of the Natchez, he showed me
their temple, which was about thirty feet square, and stands upon an artificial
mound about eight feet high by the side of a small river [St. Catharine]. The
mound slopes insensibly from the main front, which is northwards, but on the
other sides it is somewhat steeper. The four corners of the temple consist of
four posts, about a foot and a half in diameter, and ten feet high, each made
of the heart of the cypress tree, which is incorruptible. The side posts are of
the same wood, but only about a foot square ; and the walls are of mud, about
nine inches thick, so that in the inside there is a hollow between every post ; the
inner space is divided from east to west into two apartments, one of which is
twice as large as the other.* In the largest apartment the eternal fire is kept,
and there is likewise a table or altar in it, about four feet high, six long, and
two broad. Upon this table lie the bones of the late Great Sun in a coffin of
canes very neatly made. In the inner apartment, which is very dark, as it re-
ceives no light but from the door of communication, I could meet with no-
thing but two boards, on which were placed some things like small toys, which
I had no light to peruse. The roof is in the form of a pavilion, and very neat
both within and without, and on the top of it are placed three wooden birds,
twice as large as a goose, with their heads turned towards , the east. The corner
and side posts, as has been mentioned, rise above the earth ten feet high, and
it is said they are as much sunk under ground ; it, therefore, cannot but appear
surprising how the natives could transport such large beams, fashion them, and
raise them upright, when we know of no machines they had for that purpose.f
Besides the eight guardians of the temple, two of whom are always on watch,
and the chief of those guardians, there also belongs to the service of the tem-
ple a master of the ceremonies, who is also master of the mysteries ; since,
according to them, he converses very familiarly with the Spirit. Above all
these persons is the Great Sun, who is at the same time chief priest and sove-
reign of the nation. The temples of some of the nations of Louisiana are very
mean, and one would often be apt to mistake them for the huts of private per-
sons ; but to those who are acquainted with their manners, they are easily dis-
tinguishable, as they have always before the door two posts formed like the
ancient termini, that is, having the upper part cut in the shape of a man's
head. The door of the temple, which is pretty weighty, is placed between the
wall and those two posts, so that children may not be able to remove it, to go
and play in the temple. The private huts have also posts before their doors,
but these are never formed like termini. (Du Pratz.)

* That is one is twenty by thirty feet, and the other ten by thirty feet.

t The heart of the cypress tree, a foot and a half in diameter, indicates a very large
tree. To cut down such a tree, and cut off the upper end, would require great labor,
and then to dress eighty feet of it, would be equivalent to the labor on the four corner
posts of the temple ; but nearly all this may have been done with fire.

628 APPENDIX.

The above description of the temple is by Du Pratz. The following is
Penicaut's description of "the temple in the village of the Great Sun," which
appears to be the same temple described bj- Du Pratz. Penicaut was there in
1704 with IberviUe; Du Pratz in 1722. " The temple in the village of the
Great Sun is about thirty feet high, and forty-eight in circumference, with the
walls eight feet [inches] thick, and covered with matting of canes, in which they
keep up a perpetual fire. The wood used is of oak or hickory, stripped of its
bark, and eight feet in length. Guards are appointed alternately to watch the
temple, and keep up the sacred fire ; and if by accident the fire should go out,
they break the heads of the guards with the wooden clubs they keep in the
temple. At each new moon an ofiering of bread and flour is made, which is
for the use of those who guard it. Every morning and evening the Great Sun
and his wife enter it, to worship their idols of wood and stone." These two
accounts can correct each other — they are translations.

Charlevoix, who visited the Natchez in December, 1721, thus speaks of the
temple: "There was not a soul in the village; everybody had gone to a
neighboring village, where there was a festival, and all the doors were opened,
but there was nothing to fear from robbers, for there remained only the four
walls. These cabins have no issue for the smoke, nevertheless aU those where
I entered were quite white. The temple is at the side of that of the great
chief, faces the east, and is at the extremity of the square. It is composed of
the same material (torchi) as the cabins,* but its shape is difierent; it is an
oblong, about forty feet by twenty wide, with a roof quite plain of the form of
ours. There were at the two extremities, as it were, two wooden weather-
cocks, which very rudely represented two eagles.

The door is in the middle of the length of the building, which has no other
opening ; on the two sides there are stone benches. The inside conforms per-
fectly with the rustic outside. Three pieces of wood with their ends joined,
and placed in the form of a triangle, or rather equally separated from one
another, occupied nearly all the centre of the temple, and burned slowly. A
savage whom they call the guardian of the temple, is obliged to dress them,
and prevent them from becoming extinguished. If it is cold, he can have his
tire apart, but he is not permitted to warm at that which burns in honor of the
Sun. This guardian was at the festival, at least I did not see him, and his
fagots emitted a smoke that blinded us. Of ornaments I saw not any, abso-
lutely nothing which ought to have made known to me that I was in a temple.
I saw only three or four boxes ranged without order, where there were some
dried bones, and on the ground some wooden heads a little less badly executed
than the two eagles of the roof. Finally, if I had not found fire there, I
would have believed that this temple had been abandoned a long time, or that
it had been pillaged."

The house of the Great Chief is of great extent, and can hold as many as
four thousand persons. f The houses of the suns are built upon mounds, and
are distinguished from each other by their size. The mound upon which the
house of the Great Chief or Sun is built is larger than the rest, and the sides
of it steeper. (Penicaut.) ,

* Mad or mortiir mixed with straw. In this cnse probably with moss.
t Ibia mast be a mistake ; probably four hundred was the number.

INDIAN TEMPLES AND FUNERALS. 629

His hut, which is about thirty feet square and twenty feet high, and like the
temple, is built upon a mound of earth about eight feet high, and sixty feet
over on the surface. (Du Pratz.)

None of the nations of Louisiana were acquainted with the custom of burn-
ing their dead, nor with that of the Egyptians, who studied to preserve them
to perpetuity. The different American nations have a most religious attention
to their dead, and each has some peculiar custom in respect to them ; but
all of them either inter them, or place them in tombs, and carefully carry vic-
tuals to them for some time. These tombs are either within their temples or
close adjoining to them, or in their neighborhood. They are raised about three
feet above the earth, and rest upon four pillars, which are forked stakes fixed
fast in the ground. The tomb, or rather bier, is about eight feet long, and
' a foot and a half broad ; and after the body is placed upon it, a kind of basket
work of twigs is woven round it- and covered with mud, an opening being left
at the head for placing the victuals that are presented to the dead person.
When the body is all rotted but the bones, these are taken out of the tomb,
and placed in a box of canes, which is deposited in the temple.

Among the Natchez the death of any of their suns is a most fatal event ;
for it is sure to be attended with the destruction of a great number of people
of both sexes. (Du Pratz.)

It happened during our [Penicaut's] visit [1704], that the great female Sun
died, and we were witnesses of her funeral obsequies. She was the Great Sun
in her own right, and, being dead, her husband, who was not of the noble
family, was strangled by her eldest son, so that he might bear her company to
the great Village whither she had gone. On the outside of the cabin where
she died they placed all her effects on a sort of bier or triumphal car, upon
which was placed her body as well as that of her husband. Afterwards they
brought and placed twelve small children on- it whom they had strangled.
These children were brought by their fathers and mothers, by the order of the
eldest son of the great female Sun, who had the right as her successor, and
as Great Chief, to put to death as many persons as he pleased to honor the
funeral of his mother. Fourteen other scaffolds were afterwards erected and
decorated with branches of trees, and painting upon pieces of linen. On each
scaffold they placed one of those they had strangled to accompany the deceased
to the other world, and these were surrounded by their relatives dressed in
fine white robes. They then formed a procession and marched to the great
square in front of the great temple, and commenced to dance. At the end of
four days they began the ceremony of the march of death, the fathers and
mothers of the strangled children holding them up in their arms. The eldest of
these unfortunate children did not appear to be over three years of age. The
fourteen other victims destined to be strangled were also marched in front of
the Great Temple.

The chiefs and relatives of those who were strangled, with their hair cut off
began their frightful bowlings, while those who were destined to die kept on
dancing and marching around the cabin of the deceased, two by two, until it
was set on fire. The fathers, who carried their strangled children in their
arms, mai'(»hed four paces apart from each other, and, at the distance of about
ten paces, threw them upon the ground before the Great Temple, and com-

630 APPENDIX.

menced dancing around them. When they deposited the body of the great
female Sun in the temple, the fourteen victims, who stood within the door of
the temple, were undressed, and, while seated on the ground, a cord, with a,
noose, was passed around the neck of each, and a deerskin thrown over their
heads. The relatives of the deceased then stood to the right and left of each
victim, taking hold of the ends of the cord around their necks, and, at a given
signal, they pulled it until their victim was dead. The bones of the victims
who had been strangled were afterwards deprived of their ttesh, and, when
dried, were put into baskets, and placed in the temple, considering it an honor
and special privilege to have been sacrificed and placed there with the great
female Sun. (Penicaut.)

Early in the spring of 1725 the Stung Serpent, who was the brother of the
Great Sun, and my (Du Pratz) intimate friend, was seized with a mortal dis-
temper, which filled the whole nation of the Natchez with the greatest conster-
nation and terror ; for the two brothers had mutually engaged to follow each
other to the land of spirits, and if the Great Sun should kill himself for the sake
of his brother very many people would likewise be put to death. When the
Stung Serpent was despaired of, the chief of the guardians of the temple came
to me in the greatest confusion, and acquainted me with the mutual engage-
ments of the two brothers, begged me to interest myself in preserving the Great
Sun. He made the same request to the commander of the fort. Accordingly
we were no sooner informed of the death of the Stung Serpent than the com-
mander, some of the principal Frenchmen, and I, went in a body to the hut of
the Great Sun. We found him in despair, but after some time he seemed to
be influenced by the arguments I used to dissuade him from putting liimself to
death. The death of the Stung Serpent was published by the firing of two
muskets, which were answered by the other villages, and immediately cries and
lamentations were heard on all sides. The Great Sun, in the mean time, re-
mained-inconsolable, and sat bent forward, with his eyes towards the ground.
In the evening, while we were still in his hut, he made a sign to his favorite
wife, who, in consequence of that, threw a pailful of water on the fire and ex-
tinguished it. This was a signal for extinguishing all the fires of the nation,
and filled every one with terrible alarms, as it denoted that the Great Sun was still
resolved to put himself to death. I gently chided him for altering his former
resolution, but he assured me that he had not, and desired us to go and sleep
securely. We accordingly left him. ... »

Before we went to our lodgings we entered the hut of the deceased, and
found him on his bed of state dressed in his finest clothes, his face painted with
vermilion, shod with magnificently embroidered moccasins, with his feather
crown on his head. To his bed were fastened his arms, which consisted of a
double-barrel gun, a pistol, a bow, a quiver full of arrows, and a tomahawk.
Kound his bed were placed all the calumets of peace he had received during
his life, and on a pole, planted in the ground near it, hung a chain of forty-six
rings of cane, painted red, to express the number of enemies he had slain. All
his domestics were around him, and they presented victuals to him at the usual
hours as if he were alive. The company in his hut were composed of his
favorite wife, of a second wife — whom he kept in another village, %nd visited
when his favorite was with child — of his chancellor, his physician, his chief

INDIAN TEMPLES AND FUNERALS. 631

domestic, his pipe-bearer, and some old -women, who were all to be strangled at
his interment. To these victims a noble woman voluntarily joined herself,
resolving, from her friendship to the Stiing Serpent, to go and live with him in
the land of spirits. . . . After we had satisfied our curiosity in the hut of
the deceased, we retired to our hut, where we spent the night. But at day-
break we were suddenly awaked, and told that it was with difficulty the Great
Sun was kept from killing himself. We hastened to his hut, and upon enter-
ing it I remarked dismay and terror painted upon the countena!nces of all
who were present. The Great Sun held his gun by the but end, and seemed
enraged that the other suns had seized upon it to prevent him from executing
his purpose. I addressed myself to him, and, after opening the pan of the lock,
to let the priming fall out, I chided him gently for his not acting according to
his former resolution. He pretended at first not to see me, but after some time
he let go his hold on the musket, and shook hands with me, without speaking
a word. . . . The Great Sun at length consented to order his fire to be
again lighted, which was the signal for lighting the other fires of the nation,
and dispelled all their apprehensions.

Soon after the natives begun the dance of death, and prepared for the fune-
ral of the Stung Serpent. Orders were given to put none to death on that
occasion but those who were in the hut of the deceased. A child, however,
had already been strangled by its father and mother, which ransomed their
lives upon the death of the Great Sun, and raised them from the rank of stink-
ards to that of nobles. Those who were appointed to die were conducted twice
a day and plaped in two rows before the temple, where they acted over the
scenes of their death, each accompanied by eight of their own relations, who
were to be their executioners, and by that office exempted themselves from
dying upon the death of any of the suns, and likewise raised themselves to the
dignity of men of rank.

Meanwhile thirty warriors brought in a prisoner who had formerly been mar-
ried to a female sun, but upon her death, instead of submitting to die with her
had fled to New Orleans. . . . Finding himself thus unexpectedly trapped,
he began to cry bitterly, but three very old women, who were his relations,
offering to die in his stead, he was not only again exempted from death, but
raised to the dignity of a man of rank.

On the day of the interment, the wife of the deceased made a very moving
speech to the French who were present, recommending her children — to whom
she also addressed herself — to their friendship, and advising a perpetual union
between the two nations. Soon after the master of ceremonies appeared, in a
red-feathered crown, which half encircled his head, having a red staff' in his
hand, in the form of a cross, at the end of which hung a garland of black
feathers. All the upper part of his body was painted red, excepting his arms,
and from his girdle to his knees hung a fringe of feathers, the rows of which
were alternately white and red. When he came before the hut of the deceased,
he saluted him with a great " ho-o ! " and then began the cry of death in which
he was followed by all the people. Immediately after, the Stung Serpent was
brought out on his bed of state, and was placed on a litter, which six of the
guardians of the temple bore on their shoulders. The procession then began,
the master of ceremonies walking first, and after him the oldest warrior, hold-

632 APPENDIX.

ing in one hand the pole with the rings of canes, and in the other .the pipe of war,
a mark of the dignity of the deceased. Next followed the corpse, after which
came those who were to die at the interment, each of them accompanied by
eight of his nearest relatives, who were to perform the office of executioner ;
one carried a tomahawk, and threatened every instant to strike the victim ;
another carried the mat on which the sentence was to be executed ; a third the
cord which was to serve for the execution ; a fourth bore the deer-skin which
was to be placed on the head and shoulders of the condemned ; the fifth carried
a wooden bowl containing the pills of tobacco which the patients swallowed be-
fore dying ; the sixth an earthen bottle of water to facilitate the passage of the
pills. The office of the last two was to render the strangulation as speedy as
possible, by drawing the cord to the right and left of the patient. The whole
procession went three times round the hut of the deceased, and then those who
carried the corpse proceeded in a circular kind of a march, every turn intersect-
ing the former, until they came to the temple. At every turn, the dead child
was thrown by its parents before the bearers of the corpse, that they might
walk over it, and when the corpse was placed in the temple, the victims were
immediately strangled. The Stung Serpent and his two wives were buried in
the same grave within the temple ; the other victims were interred in different
parts, and after the ceremony, they burnt, according to custom, the hut of the
deceased. (Du Pratz.)

The Great Sun said to Du Pratz : " Our nation was formerly very numerous
and very powerful ; it extended more than twelve days' journey from east to
west, and more than fifteen from north to south. We reckoned five hundred
suns, and you may judge by that what was the number of the nobles, of the
people of rank, and the common people;" and I may add of the great number
of mounds that must have been made during the existence of this power and
prosperity. The Natchez was not the only great Indian confederation' of which
the histories of North America make mention. Besides those of the west,
there were the great confederations of the northeast and those of the south-
east. Du Pratz says in regard to the Natchez : " That formerly they extended
from the river Manchac or Iberville, which is about fifty leagues from the sea,
to the river Wabash, which is distant from the sea about five hundred and sixty
leagues."

Tonti, who accompanied La Salle down the Illinois to the mouth of the
Mississippi, in 1681, thus describes an Indian house at a Tensas village, on one
of the lakes in Louisiana, about forty-five miles above Natchez : —

"When we arrived opposite to the village of the Taencas, M. de la Salle
desired me to go to it, and inform the chief of his arrival. I went with our
guides, and we had to carry a bark canoe for ten arpens, and to launch it on a
small lake, on which their village was placed. I was surprised to find their
cabins made of mud, and covered with cane mats. The cabin of the chief was
forty feet square ; the wall ten feet high, a foot thick ; and the roof, which was
of a dome shape, about fifteen feet high. I was not less surprised when, on
entering, I saw the chief seated on a camp bed, with three of his wives at his
side, surrounded by more than sixty old men clothed in large white cloaks,
which are made, by women, out of the bark of the mulbeiTy tree, and are

INDIAN TEMPLES AND FUNERALS. 633

tolerably well worked. The women were clothed in the same manner. No
one drinks out of the chief's cup, or eats out of his plate, and no one passes
before him ; when he walks they clean the path before him. When he dies
they sacrifice his youngest wife, his house-steward, and a hundred men, to
accompany him into the other world. They have a form of worship, and adore
the sun. There is a temple opposite the house of the chief, and similar to it,
except that three eagles are placed on this temple, which look towards the
rising sun. The temple is surrounded with strong mud walls, in which are
fixed spikes, on which they place the heads of their enemies, whom they
sacrifice to the sun. At the door of the temple is a block of wood, on which
is a great shell plaited round with the hair of their enemies, in a plait as thick
as an arm, and about twenty fathoms long. The inside of the temple is naked ;
there is an altar in the middle, and, at the foot of the altar, three logs of wood
are placed on end, and a fire is kept up, day and night, by two old priests, who
are the directors of their worship. The old men showed me a small cabinet,
within the wall, made of mats of cane. Desiring to see what was inside, the
old men prevented me, giving me to understand that their god was there. But
I have since learned that is the place- where they keep their treasure, such as
fine pearls, which they fish up in the neighborhood, and European merchandise.
At the last quarter of the moon all the cabins make an offering of a dish of the
best food they have, which is placed at the door of the temple. The old men
take care to carry it away and to make a good feast of it with their families.

"When I was in the chief's cabin, I saw that one of his wives wore a pearl
necklace. I presented her with ten yards of blue glass beads in exchange for
it ; I carried it to M. de la Salle, giving him an account of all I had seen, and
told him the chief intended to visit him the next day, which he did. He came
the next day, with wooden canoes, to the sound of the tambour and the music
of the women. M. de la SaUe received him with much politeness, and gave
him some presents ; they gave us in return plenty of provisions, and some of
their robes. The chiefs returned well satisfied.

"We stayed during the day, which was the 22d of March. An observation
gave the 31° of latitude. We left on the 22d, and slept on an island ten
leagues off. The next day we saw a canoe, and M. de la Salle ordered me to
chase it, which I did, and as I was just on the point of taking it, more than a
hundred men appeared on the banks of the river to defend their people. M.
de la Salle shouted out to me to come back, which I did. We went on and
encamped opposite them. Afterwards, M. de la Salle expressing a wish to
meet them peaceably, I offered to carry to them the calumet, and embarking
went to them. At first they joined their hand as a sign that they wished to be
friends ; I, who had but one hand, told our men to do the same thing.

"I made the chief men among them cross over to M. de la Salle, who
accompanied them to their village, three leagues inland, and passed the night
there with some of his men. The next day he returned with the chief of the
village where he had slept, who was a brother of the great chief of the Natchez ;
he conducted us to his brother's village, situated on the hiU-side near the river,
at six leagues' distance. We were well received there. This nation counts
more than three hundred warriors. Here the men cultivate the ground, hunt

634 APPENDIX.

and fish as well as the Taencas, and their manners are the same. We departed
thence on Good Friday, and, after a voyage of twenty leagues, encamped at
the mouth of a large river, which runs from the west" [Red River]. ("Memoir
of the Sieur de Tonti," Historical Collections of Louisiana and Florida, by
B. F. French.)

Penicaut, who, in April, 1700, visited this Tensas village, says: "On the
1 2th of April we left the Natchez, and coasted along to the right, where the
river is bordered with high gravel banks for a distance of twelve leagues ; at
the extremity of these bluifs is a place we called Petit Gulf, on account of a
whirlpool formed by the river, for the distance of a quarter of a league. Eight
leagues higher up we came to Grand Gulf which we passed. A short distance
above, on the left-hand side, we landed to visit a village situated four leagues
in the interior. These Indians are called the Tensas. We were well received ;
but I never saw a more sad, frightful, and revolting spectacle, than that which
happened the second day (April 16th) after our arrival in this village. A
sudden storm burst upon us. The lightning struck the temple, burnt all their
idols, and reduced the whole to ashes ; quickly the Indians assembled around,
making horrible cries, tearing out their hair, elevating their hands to heaven,
their tawny visages turned towards the burning temple, invoking their Great
Spirit, with the howling of devils possessed, to come down and extinguish the
flames. They took up mud with which they besmeared their bodies and faces.
The fathers and mothers then brought their children, and, after having strangled
them, threw them into the flames. M. D'Iberville was horrified at seeing such a
cruel spectacle, and gave orders to stop it, by forcibly taking from them the little
innocents ; but, with all our efforts, seventeen perished in this manner ; and,
had we not restrained them, the number would have been over two hundred."

Note (i8), joajie 370.
ANCIENT ARTIFICIAL MOUNDS, Etc.

"I have the following details, relative to the pyramids, artificial mounds, and
arenas that are seen in Georgia and in the two Floridas, from B., elected
member to congress at the birth of the new government, and afterwards four
years senator of the United States. At the risk of repeating some of the re-
flections which have already appeared in this work, I shall change nothing of
the account of this respectable personage. His observations are so much the
more valuable as he inhabited Georgia during thirty years, and has himself
seen some of these ancient monuments.*

. . . "We know by the traditions of the Cherokees, that, at the epoch
of the arrival of their ancestors, who came from the mountains of Mexico, these
great works existed very nearly such as we see them now, and that the most
ancient among the conquered Savannucas were ignorant when and by whom
they were erected. This invasion took place about the end of the fifteenth

* The person here alluded to probably was Abraham Baldwin, representative from
Georgia, May 5th, 1785, and temporary President of the Senate, December 7th, 1801,
to January 14th, 1802, and also April 17th, 1802, to May 3d, 1802.

ANCIENT ARTIFICIAL MOUNDS, ETC. 635

century. If we suppose that among a nation of hunters three hundred years
suffice to efface the last souvenirs of tradition, then the existence of these
monuments ascends to the twelfth century.

" Like to the pyramids of Egypt, these traces of the existence, the industry,
and the civilization of these ancient peoples, are but mute and unserviceable
witnesses whose relations with the condition and affairs of this part of the world
are enveloped, are lost, in the vague shadows of the past. Nevertheless,
although these entrenched camps, these works, are but as imperceptible points,
as hillocks, compared with the grandeur of their rivals of centuries erected on
the borders of the Nile, they present to the eyes of the observer what North
America conceals of the most ancient, most extraordinary, and most worthy
to be attentively examined.

"But since finally we cannot form conjectures more probable, we must
therefore believe that these industrious and peaceable nations have been exter-
minated by some barbarous hordes of the interior of the continent, which, in
the course of centuries, have been destroyed by tribes not less ferocious ; these
by the Cherokees driven from the mountains of Mexico ; these last, finally, by
the men arrived from Europe. Such has been the lot of nearly aU nations.
All have undergone nearly the same vicissitudes, all have had to struggle, or
have been the sport and the victims of the caprices of that formidable power,
unknown, which we call destiny, fatality, or chance.

" Twenty-five miles to the west of Wrightsburg, not far from the borders of
Little River (in Georgia), are seen, in the middle of a fertile plain, many artificial
mounds, the bases of which are from seven to eight hundred feet in circumfer-
ence, and from thirty to forty in height ; a pyramid whose dimensions are
much more considerable ; four terraces of a square form, having an elevation
of ten or twelve feet ; and finally, an arena hollowed out, with four ranges of
banquets, which, as well as I could judge of them, might contain three thousand
spectators ; and further still, the evident marks of the furrows of ancient culti-
vation, on which have grown enormous oaks ; I measured some of them which
were four feet seven inches in diameter. The pyramid alone, whose hight
might be fifty-five feet, must have required the labor of some thousands of men
during several years ; thanks to its form, to the thick bushes as well as to the
roots of the trees which covered it, it exists still almost entire.

" Further towards the west, on the borders of a great natural meadow, are
seen works entirely like to these last, but whose dimensions are smaller, or
which have been wasted by consuming time.

' ' At some distance from the borders of the Oakmulge, the union of which
with the Oconee forms the Alatamaha, are also seen the evident traces of the
sojourn and of the long and persevering industry of an ancient people, such as
some remains of terraces, of an arena, of mounds and pyramidal elevations,
neai- which are found fragments of broken pottery of a kind much more perfect
than those which the natives now make use of. (See Note 21.)

' ' The most remarkable works, and the most worthy to excite curiosity, are
found in the neighborhood of Fort Dartmouth, on the borders of the Keowee
(eastern branch of the Savannah), one hundred miles above the town of
Augusta. The first object which strikes the eyes of the traveller is a circular

636 APPENDIX.

pyramid, the base of which is about a thousand feet in circumference, the height
seventy feet, as well as I could judge of it without the aid of instruments, and
the summit crowned with cedars. It is ascended by a spiral path, on which,
at different heights and facing the four cardinal points, are found four niches.
From the top of this pyramid are seen many other elevations less important.
Some are square, others in the form of parallelograms ; some are two hundred
feet long, and from five to twelve feet high. But what appears still more as-
tonishing is a causeway of more than three miles in length, which the waters
of the river never overflow, although they wash the foot of the pyramid in the
frequent inundations.

"Six miles further we enter into another valley as beautiful and as cool,
known by the name of CuUsatS, in the middle of which are seen great long
terraces, and two pyramids from thirty to thirty-five feet high. This valley is
not exposed to the inundations of the Keowee.

" Further still in the mountains, not far from the situation of the ancient town
of Stico6, is seen another pyramid, the circumference of which is eight hundred
feet, and the height forty-eight, with a very considerable terrace. The same
objects are found at Cowee, capital of the most beautiful and fertile valley of
the Tennessee, besides many conical tombs. An old Cherokee chief told me
that at the epoch of the invasion of his ancestors, these tombs and these artifi-
cial mounds existed in very nearly the same condition.

"At a few miles from Fort Prince George of Keowee, are also seen many
conical elevations which are believed to be tombs, and four artificial mounds
covered with trees and bushes. At Watoga, a very important Cherokee town,
there is a pyramid, the height of which the inhabitants have reduced to twenty
feet, upon which they have erected their rotunda, or council house. The old
Oweekamwee repeated to me what I had heard said at Cowee relative to the
tradition of the ancient Savannucas.

" Not far from the village of Keowee, they have lately discovered some other
ancient works, the only ones which bear the impression of the hammer. They
are composed of four stones, six feet long and three broad. Two of these stones
are placed lengthwise upon their edges in a parallel direction ; a third covers
them, and the fourth closes one of the extremities." (St. John de Crevecour.)

St. John continues his account of American antiquities, but what I have
given is sufficient for my purpose, nearly all of which are in the region of Co-
faciqui, inhabited by the Uches or ancient Savannucas " who possessed the
Carolina side of the Savannah River for more than a hundred and fifty miles,
commencing sixty miles from its mouth. Their language was known as the
Savanuca tongue from the town of that name. It was peculiar to themselves,
and radically different from the Creek tongue." (Brinton's "Notes on the
Floridian Peninsula.")

John Filson, in his History of Kentucky, says : ' ' Near Lexington are to be
seen curious sepulchres full of human skeletons, which are thus fabricated.
First, on the ground are laid large broad stones : on these are placed the bodies,
separated from each other by broad stones, covered with others, which serve
as a basis for the next arrangement of bodies. In this order they are built
without mortar, growing still narrower to the height of a man. This method

ETC. 637

of burying appears to be totally different from that now practised by the In-
dians." Though Filson does not mention that they were thus formed in a
mound, yet it is evident they were.

The following is from a Cincinnati paper " Price Current," but in giving it
I do not imply that my views are the same ; it is for the reader's consideration :
"In answer to the report of Judge West, of Kansas, relative to his discovery
of relics of antiquity of the 'extinct mound builders,' who inhabited a king-
dom extending from the Kocky Mountains to the Appalachian Chain, and
from the Atlantic Ocean and the Gulf of Mexico to the Great Lakes. . . It
was a great nation, and from incontrovertible geological proofs we have no hesi-
tancy in indorsing Professor West's opinion that this nation of people existed
more than two hundred thousand years ago. They were contemporary with
the rhinoceros, cave-bear, mastodon, etc., and were semi-civilized, worshipped
the sun, and cultivated the alluvial lands of this vast territory. We have
opened many of their burial mounds and the basements of some of their tem-
ples, all of which have an escarpment on the eastern side, where sacrifices were
offered to their gods, like the Persians of Asia. In all these cemeteries we
found the mica mirror, also the margenella shell, for ornament, only found on
the north coast of the Gulf of Mexico.

"Two miles below Cartersville in Bartow County, Georgia, on the Chatta-
hoochee River, are the remains of a magnificent temple eighty-seven feet high,
with an escarpment on the east of nearly twenty feet high and twenty wide,
where a granite idol was plowed up by the Indians fifty-two years ago, and
sold to an Englishman, who sold it to the Salisbury collection in England,
and in 1871 the goddess was plowed up at the same place, and is now in pos-
session of Captain Lyon who loaned it to the Smithsonian Institute at Wash-
ington to take casts and electrotypes from. I have the promise of developing
by tunnels through the great temple and through the circular cemetery near
by, seventy-eight feet high. This is surrounded by a ditch, thirty feet deep,
from river to river, in a bend of fifty acres, on which are four watch-towers
[mounds], twenty feet high, on the east side, and two on the west. This is the
only place where gold beads have been found.

Georgia, Ohio, Illinois, and West Virginia contain the most magnificent
remains of this once great nation, but Indiana, Kentucky, Tennessee, Ala-
bama, Mississippi, and Louisiana are filled with their works. We wiU say to
you that the anatomy of these people is as essentially different from the Cau-
casian as the ass is from the horse, proving the Bible to be true when coiTectly
translated, as it positively confirms the record of the inspired writer in the
first chapter of Genesis, which in the Hebrew copy gives us the history of the
pre- Adamites, but expugned by the council of King James, because he be-
lieved in the absurd doctrine of the unity of the human race. The extinction
of this race of pre- Adamites we know not, but we can satisfy any sane man that
they lived here at least two hundred thousand years ago, and that the white
race only gives evidence of not more than ten thousand years. Bishop Usher's
chronology is false.

According to Garcilasso, Cortes, Diaz, and Biedma, some of the earliest
. writers on America, and confirmed by later writers of the beginning of the

638 APPENDIX.

eighteenth century, the Indian chiefs had their dwellings on artificial mounds ;
and also their temples were built on artificial mounds. According to Garci-
lasso the top of the mound was connected with the surface of the ground by a
kind of wooden stairway fifteen or twenty feet wide, the steps of which were
seven or eight feet broad. The altars in the great work of antiquity that once
existed on the site of Marietta, in Ohio, had earthen ramps to ascend'to their
summits. They were of the same construction as the altars of Peru. The
similarity of the ancient religious structures of America would seem to indicate
that there once existed on this continent a great hierarchy, probably as power-
ful and as extensive as that of the Druids of the old world.

Note (19), page 372.
PEAELS.

Pearls are found in many bivalves, especially in the Maleagrina Margaritifera,
or true pearl oyster, and among fresh- water bivalves in the Unio Margaritifera.
Some of the unios, both of Europe and America, produce very fine pearls.

Britain, during its occupation by the Romans, became famous for its pearls,
which were found in the fresh- water mussel of its rivers.

Very fine pearls, known on the continent as Bohemian pearls, are found in
the rivers Moldau and Wottawa. There is also a fresh-water fishery in Bava-
ria, where the river Iltz yields, at times, very fine specimens.

In 1858 some pearls were discovered at Paterson, on the Passaic River, in
the State of New Jersey. The largest, which was found at the commencement
of the search, was more than an inch in diameter.

The first Spaniards who landed on Tierra Firme found savages decked with
necklaces and bracelets of pearls ; and among the civilized people of Mexico
and Peru pearls of a beautiful form were generally sought after.

The Indians of Virginia wore pearl pendants in their ears ; and round their
necks and upon their arms chains and bracelets of pearls.

Note (20), page 372.
THE INDIAN CUSTOM OP PRESENTING WOMEN TO THEIR GUESTS.

The Sempoallans, in order to make a more intimate connection with Cortes
and his party, presented him with eight women — all daughters of caciques.
All these young women were finely dressed after the fashion of their country ;
they wore beautiful shifts, had golden chains about their necks, golden rings in
their ears, and had other Indian females to wait upon them. When the fat
cacique presented these to Cortes, he said: " Tecle (sir), these seven women
are intended for your chief officers, and this, my niece, who herself holds do-
minion over a country and people, I have destined for you."

When Columbus arrived on the Mosquito Coast the Indians presented him
with two girls. Indian chiefs presented one of their wives to their guests.
But were this wife to cohabit with another man without her husband's consent, it

AN ACCOUNT OF THE MUSCOGULGE INDIANS. 639

was considered a great offence, and subjected her to severe penalties. Some
Indian tribes did not regard the familiarity of the two sexes, provided the woman
had no children ; but when once married changeful amours ceased, and fidelity
took their place.

When Ojeda had entered the Gulf of Maracaibo, the Indians sent, in their
canoes, sixteen young girls to the ships, distributing four on board of each,
either as a peace-offering or as a token of amity and confidence.

It thus appears that this custom was prevalent to a great extent among the
American Indians.

Note (21), page 375.
AN ACCOUNT OP THE MUSCOaULGE INDIANS.*

Indian Hospitality. — " On our arrival at the trading house our chief was
visited by the head-men of the town,t when instantly the White King's arrival
in town was announced ; a messenger had. before been sent in to prepare a
feast, the king and his retinue having killed several bears. A fire was now
kindled in the area of the public square ; the royal standard was displayed,
and the drum beat to give notice to the town of the royal feast. The ribs and
choice pieces of the three great fat bears already well barbecued or broiled,
were brought to the banqueting house in the square, with hot bread, and
honeyed water for drink. When the feast was over in the square (where only
the chiefs and warriors were admitted, with the white people) the chief-priest,
attended by slaves, came with baskets and carried off the remainder of the
victuals, and which was distributed among the families of the town. The
king then withdrew, repairing to the council house in the square, whither the
chiefs and warriors, old and young, and such of the whites as choose, repaired
also ; the king, war-chief, and several ancient chiefs and warriors, were seated
on the royal cabins (benches) ; the rest of the head men and warriors, old
and young, sat on the cabins on the right hand of the king's ; the cabins or
seats on the left, and on the same. elevation, are always assigned for the white
people, Indians of other towns, and such of their own people as choose to
attend.

Our chief, with the rest of the white people in town, took their seats accord-
ing to order ; tobacco and pipes were brought ; the calumet was lighted and
smoked, circulating according to the usual forms and ceremony ; and afterwards
black drink concluded the feast. The king conversed, drank cassine, and as-
sociated familiarly with his people and with us.

After the public entertainment was over the young people began their music

* Taken from the Travels of William Eartram in Florida, Georgia, Tennessee,
and Alabama, in the years 1773 to 1778. As De Soto travelled through all these
States, except Tennessee, he probably travelled among the same Indians, or Indians
as advanced towards civilization as thej were. So from this account the reader maj
form a correct idea of the manners and customs of the Indians ; their dwellings, pub-
lic squares, and council houses, and just as they probably were at the time of De Soto.

f Talahasochte in Florida.

640 APPENDIX.

and dancing in the square, whither the young of both sexes repaired, as well
as the old and middle aged ; this frolic continued all night. . . .

Early in the morning our chief invited me with him on a visit to the town,
to take a final leave of the White King. We were graciously received and
treated with the utmost civility and hospitality; there was a noble entertain-
ment and repast provided against our arrival, consisting of bears' ribs, venison,
varieties of fish, roasted turkeys (which they call the white man's dishj, hot
corn cakes, and a very agreeable cooling sort of jelly, which they call conte ;
this is made from the root of the China briar. . . .

Soon after entering the forests we were met in the path by a small company
of Indians, smiling and beckoning to us long before, we joined them. This
was a family of Talahasochte who had been out on a hunt, and were returning
home loaded with barbecued meat, hides, and honey. Their company con-
sisted of the man, his wife and children, well mounted on fine horses, with a
number of pack-horses. The man presently offered us a fawn's-skin of honey,
which we gladly accepted, and at parting 1 presented him with some fish-
hooks, sewing needles, etc. . . . We parted and before night rejoined
our companions at the Long Pond.

On our return to camp in the evening, we were saluted by a party of young
Indian warriors, who had pitched their camp on a green eminence near the
lake, and at a small distance from our camp, under a little grove of oaks and
palms. This company consisted of seven young Seminoles, under the conduct
of a young prince or chief of Talahasochte, a town southward in the isthmus.
They were all dressed and painted with singular elegance, and richly orna-
mented with silver plates and chains,' etc., and, after the Seminole mode, with
waving plumes of feathers on their crests. On our coming up to them, they
arose and shook hands ; we alighted and sat awhile with them at their cheerful
fire. . . .

Soon after joining our companions at camp, our neighbors, the prince and
his associates paid us a visit. We treated them with the best fare we had,
having till this time preserved some of our spirituous liquors. They left us
with perfect cordiality and cheerfulness, wishing us a good repose, and retired
to their own camp. Having a band of music with them, consisting of a drum,
flutes, and rattle-gourd, they entertained us during the night with their music,
vocal and instrumental.

After riding about four miles, mostly through fields and plantations, the soil
incredibly fertile, arrived at the town of Echoe,* consisting of many good
houses well inhabited. I passed through and continued three miles farther to
Nucasse, and three miles more brought me to Whatoga. Riding through this
large town, the road carried me winding about through their little plantations
of corn, beans, etc., up to the council house, which was a very large dome or
rotunda, situated on the top of an ancient artificial mount, and here my road
terminated. All before me and on every side, appeared little plantations of
corn, beans, etc., divided from each other by narrow strips or borders of grass,
which marked the bounds of each one's property, their habitation standing in
the midst. Finding no common highway to lead me through the town, I was

* On the head-iraters of the Tennessee, in what was formerly the Cherokee country.

SETTLEMENTS AND MIGRATIONS OP THE MUSOOGULGES. 641

at a stand how to proceed farther, when observing an Indian man at the door
of his habitation, three or four hundred yards distance from me, beckoning
me to come to him, I ventured to ride through their lots, being careful to do
no injury to the young plants, the rising hopes of their labor and industry ;
crossing a little grassy vale, watered by a silver stream which gently undulated
through it ; and then ascended a green hill to the house, where I was cheer-
fully welcomed at the door, and led in by the chief, giving the care of my
horses to two handsome youths, his sons. During my continuance here, about
half an hour, I experienced the most perfect and agreeable hospitality con-
ferred on me by these happy people ; I mean happy in their dispositions, in
their apprehensions of rectitude with regard to our social and moral conduct.
O divine simplicity and truth, friendship without fallacy or guile, hospitality
disinterested, native, undefiled, unmodified by artificial refinements !

My venerable host gracefully and with an air of respect led me into an airy,
cool apartment, where, being seated on cabin ' ' benches or sofas, "his women
brought in a refreshing repast consisting of boiled venison, hot corn cakes, etc.,
with a pleasant cooling liquor made of hominy well boiled, mixed afterwards
with milk ; this is served up, either before or after eating, in a large bowl, with
a very large spoon or ladle to sup it with.

After partaking of this simple but healthy and liberal collation, and the
dishes cleared ofi^, tobacco and pipes were brought, and the chief filling one of
them, whose stem, about four feet long, was sheathed in a beautiful speckled
snake-skin and adorned with feathers and strings of wampum, lights it and
smokes a few whiffs, puffing the smoke first towards the sun, then to the four
cardinal points, and lastly over my breast,' hands it towards me, which I cheer-
fully received from him and smoked.

After ordering my horse to the door, we went forth together, he on foot
and I leading my horse by the bridle, thus walking together near two miles,
we shook hands and parted, he returning home, and I continuing m^ journey
for Cowe.

We were received and entertained friendly by the Indians (of Cowe) ; the
chief of the village conducted us to a grand, airy pavilion in the centre of the
village. It was four square ; a range of pillars or posts on each side supported
a canopy composed of palmetto leaves woven or thatched together, which
shaded a level platform in the centre, that was ascended to from each side'by
two steps or flights, each about twelve inches high, and seven or eight feet in
breadth, all covered with carpets or mats, curiously woven of split canes, dyed
of various colors. Here being seated or reclining ourselves after smokino-
tobacco, baskets of choicest fruits were brought and set before us."* (Bartram.)

Settlements and Migrations.! — About seventy or eighty miles above
the confluence of the Oakmulge and Ocone, the trading path from Augusta
to the Creek nation crosses these fine rivers, which are there forty miles apart.
On the east banks of the Oakmulge this trading road runs nearly two miles
through ancient Indian fields, which are called the Oakmulge fields ; they are

* This was also in the Cherokee country, on the head-waters of the Tennessee,
t Taken from William Baitram's Journal. '

41

642 APPENDIX.

the rich lowlands of the river. On the heights of these low grounds are yet
visible monuments, or traces of an ancient town, such as artificial mounts or
terraces, squares, and banks encircling considerable areas. Their old fields
and planting land extended up and down the river fifteen or twenty miles from
this site.

If we are to give credit to the account the Creeks give of themselves, this
place is remarkable for being the first town or settlement where they sat down
(as they term it), or established themselves after their emigration from the
west beyond the Mississippi, their original native country. On this long jour-
ney they sufiiered great and innumerable difficulties, encountering and van-
quishing numerous and valiant tribes of Indians, who opposed and retarded
their march. Having crossed the river, still pushing eastward, they were
obliged to make a stand and fortify themselves in this place as their only re-
maining hope, being to the last degree persecuted and weakened by their sur-
rounding foes. Having formed for themselves this retreat, and driven off" the
inhabitants, by degrees they recovered their spirits, and again faced their
enemies, when they came ofi" victorious in a memorable and decisive battle.
They afterwards gradually subdued their surrounding enemies, and strength-
ened themselves by taking into confederacy the vanquished tribes.

And they say also that about this period the English were establishing the
colony of Carolina,* and the Creeks, understanding that they were a powerful
warlike people, sent deputies to Charleston, their capital, offering them their
friendship and alliance, which was accepted, and in consequence thereof a
treaty took place between them, which has remained inviolable to this day
[1774]. They never ceased war against the numerous and potent bands of
Indians who then surrounded and cramped the English plantations, as the
Savannas, Ogeeches, Wapoos, Santees, Yamasees, Utinas, Icosans, Paticos,
and others until they extirpated them. The Yamasees and their adherents
sheltered themselves under the power and protection of the Spaniards of East
Florida; they pursued them to the very gates of St. Augustine, and the
Spaniards refusing to deliver them up, these faithful and intrepid allies had
the courage to declare war against them, and incessantly persecuted them
until they entirely broke up and ruined their settlements, driving them before
them till at length they were obliged to retire within the walls of St. Augustine
and a few other fortified posts on the sea-coast.

Our encampment was fixed on the site of the old Ocone town, which, about
sixty years ago, t was evacuated by the Indians, who, finding their situation
•disagreeable from its vicinity to the white people, left it, moving upward into

* 1670. Thiswas told to Bartram by a very old Indian ohief; but it is worthy of notice
that even at the time of De Soto there were Indian tribes living, two of which now
exist, and one but lately extinct ; the Ohaotas, Chicosas, and the Alabamas. Then
there are a number of Indian names of the time of Soto still existing in the original
Creek country, aaTasoaluoa, Apalaohe,Cosa, Tallise, Ocali, etc., and which are probably
Muscogulge names ; but some of the Cherokees or Creeks of the Indian Territory will
be able to decide this. I would be obliged to any of them who would inform me on
this subject.

t The last date, preceding, he gives in his "Journal" is April 22, 1776, therefore
about 171f>, or 176 years after Soto passed through that country.

SETTLEMENTS AND MIGRATIONS OF THE MUSCOGULGES. 643

the nation or Upper Creeks, and there built a town ; but that situation not suit-
ing their roving disposition, they grew sickly and tired of it, and resolved to
seek a habitation more agreeable to their minds. They all arose, directing
their emigration southeastward towards the sea-coast ; and, in the course of
their journey, observing the delightful appearance of the extensive plains of
Alachua, and the fertile hills environing it, they sat down and built a town on
the banks of a spacious and beautiful lake, at a small distance from the plains,
naming this new town Cuseowilla ; this situation pleased them, yet troubles
and afflictions found them out. This territory, belonging to the peninsula of
Florida, was then claimed by the Tomocas, Utinas, Caloosas, Yamasees, and
other remnant tribes of the ancient Floridians, and the more northern refugees,
driven away by the Carolinians, now in alliance and under the protection of the
Spaniards, who assisting them, attacked the new settlement, and for many
years were very troublesome ; but the Alachuas or Ocones, being strengthened
by other emigrants, and fugitive bands from the Upper Creeks, with whom they
were confederated, and who gradually established other towns in this low coun-
try, stretching a line of settlements across the isthmus, extending from the Al-
tamaha to the bay of Apalache ; these uniting were at length able to face their
enemies, and even attack them in their own settlements ; and in the end, with
the assistance of the Upper Creeks, vanquished their enemies and destroyed
them, and then fell upon the Spanish settlements, which also they entirely
broke up. . . .

The Uche town is situated in a vast plain, in the gradual ascent as we rise
from a narrow strip of low ground immediately bordering on the river ' ' Chata
Uche ;" it is the largest, most compact, and best situated Indian town I ever
saw ; the habitations are large and neatly built ; the walls of the houses are
constructed of a wooden frame, then lathed and plastered inside and out with a
reddish, well-tempered clay or mortar, which gives them the appearance of
red brick walls ; and these houses are neatly covered or roofed with cypress
bark, or shingles of that tree. The town appeared to be populous and thriving,
full of youth and young children ; I suppose the number of inhabitants, men,
women, and children, might amount to one thousand or fifteen hundred ; as it
is said they are able to muster five hundred warriors. Their own national lan-
guage is altogether or radically different from the Creek or Muscogulge tongue,
and is called the Savanna or Savannuca tongue. I was told by the traders it was
the same with, or a dialect of, the Shawanese. They are in confederacy with
the Creeks, but do not mix with them ; and, on account of their numbers and
strength, are of importance enough to excite and draw upon them the jealousy
of the whole Muscogulge confederacy, and are usually at variance, yet are wise
enough to unite against a common enemy, to support the interest and glory of
the general Creek confederacy.

After a little refreshment at this beautiful town, we repacked and set off
again for the Apalachucla town, where we arrived after riding over a level
plain, consisting of ancient Indian plantations,- a beautiful landscape diversified
witt groves and lawns.

This is esteemed the mother town or capital of the Creek or Muscogulge con-
federacy, sacred to peace ; no captives are put to death, or human blood spilt
here. And when a general peace is proposed, deputies from all the towns in

644 APPENDIX.

the confederacy assemble at this capital, in order to deliberate upon a subject
of so high importance for the prosperity of the commonwealth.

And on the contrary, the great Cowetta town, about twelve miles higher up
this river, is called the bloody town, where the micos, chiefs, and warriors
assemble when a general war is proposed ; and here captives and state male-
factors are put to death.

The time of my continuance here; which was about a week, was employed
in excursions around this settlement. One day the chief trader of Apalachucla
obliged me with his company on a walk of about a mile and a half down the
river, to view the ruins and a site of the ancient Apalachucla'; it had been situ-
ated on a peninsula formed by a doubling of the river, and indeed appears to
have been a very famous capital by the. artificial mounds or terraces ; and a very
populous settlement, from its extent and expansive old fields, stretching beyond
the scope of the sight, along the low grounds of the river. We viewed the
mound or terrace on which formerly stood their town-house or rotunda, and
a public square ; and a little behind these, on a level height or natural steep
above the low grounds, is a vast artificial terrace or four-square mound, now
seven or eight feet higher than the common surface of the ground ; in front of
one square or side of this mound adjoins a very extensive oblong square yard
or artificial level plain, sunk a little below the common surface, and surrounded
with a bank or narrow terrace, formed with the earth thrown out of this yard
at the time of its formation ; the Creeks, or present inhabitants, have a tra^
dition that this was the work of the ancients many ages prior to their arrival
and possessing this country.

This old town was evacuated about twenty years ago [about 175G] by the
general consent of the inhabitants, on account of its unhealthy situation, owing
to the frequent inundations of the river over the low grounds ; and, moreover,
they grew timorous and dejected, apprehending themselves to be haunted and
possessed with vengeful spirits on account of human blood that had been un-
deservedly spilt in this old town ; having been repeatedly warned by appari-
tions and dreams to leave it.

At the time of their leaving this old town, like the ruin and dispersion of
the ancient Babel, the inhabitants separated from each other, forming separate
bands under the conduct or auspices of the chief of each family or tribe. The
greatest number, however, chose to sit down and build the present new Apala-
chucla town, upon a high bank of the river, above the inundations. The other
bands pursued different routes as their inclination led them, settling villages
lower down the river ; some continued their migrations towards the sea-coast,
seeking their kindred and countrymen amongst the Lower Creeks in East Florida,
where they settled themselves. My intelligent friend, the trader of Apala-
chucla, having from a. long residence among these Indians acquired an exten-
sive knowledge of their customs and affairs, I inquired of him what were his
sentiments with respect to their wandering, unsettled disposition, their so fre-
quently breaking up their old towns, and settling new ones, etc. His answers
and opinions were : the necessity they were under of having fresh or new strong
land for their plantations, and new, convenient, and extensive range or hunt-
ing grounds, which unavoidably forces them into contentions and wars with
their confederates and neighboring tribes ; to avoid which they had rather

SETTLEMENTS AND MIGRATIONS OP THE MUSCOGULGES. 645

move and seek a plentiful and peaceable retreat, even at a distance, than con-
tend with friends and relatives, or embroil themselves in destructive wars with
their neighbors, when either can be avoided with so little inconvenience.
With regard to the Muscogulges, the first object in order to obtain these con-
veniences was the destruction of the Yamasees, who held possession of Florida,
and were in close alliance with the Spaniards, their declared and most invete-
rate enemy, which they at length fully accomplished ; and by this conquest
they gained a vast and invaluable territory, comprehending a delightful region,
and most plentiful country for their favorite game, bear and deer. But not
yet satisfied, having alreadj' so far conquered the powerful Cherokees as in a
manner to force them to alliance, and compelled the warlike Chicasaws to sue
for peace and alliance with them, they then grew arrogant and insatiable, and
turned their covetous looks towards the potent and intrepid Chactaws, the only
enemy they had to fear, meaning to break them up and possess themselves of
that extensive, fruitful, and delightful country, and make it a part of their vast
empire. But the Chactaws, a powerful, hardy, subtle, and intrepid race, esti-
mated at twenty thousand warriors, are likely to afford sufiicient exercise for
the proud and restless spirits of the Muscogulges, at least for some years to
come ; and they appear to be so equally matched with the Chactaws, that it
seems doubtful which of these powerful nations will rise victorious.

July 13, 1776, we left the Apalachucla town, and three days' journey brought
us to Talisse, a town on the Talapoosa Eiver, the northeast great branch of the
Alabama or M obile River ; having passed over a vast, level, plain country of
expansive savannas and groves, cane swamps, and open pine forests, watered
by innumerable rivulets and brooks tributary to the Apalachucla and Mobile.

We now altered our course, turning to the left hand, southerly, and descend-
ing near the river banks, continually in sight of Indian plantations and com-
mons adjacent to their towns ; passed by Otasse, an ancient, faijious Musco-
gulge town. The next settlement we came to was Coolome. . . . Here
are very extensive, old fields, the abandoned plantations and commons of the
old town, on the east side of the river ; but the settlement is removed, and the
new town now stands on the opposite shore, in a charming, fruitful plain, under
an elevated ridge of hills. . . . The plain is narrow where the town is
built ; their houses are neat, commodious buildings, a wooden frame with plas-
tered walls, and roofed with cypress bark or shingles ; every habitation consists
of four oblong square houses, of one story, of the same form and dimensions,
and so situated as to form an exact square, encompassing an area or court- yard
of about a quarter of an acre of ground, leaving an entrance into it at each
corner. Here is a beautiful new square in the centre of the new town. . . .
The Talapoosa River is here three hundred yards over, and about fifteen or
twenty feet deep ; the water is very clear, agreeable to the taste, esteemed
salubrious, and runs with a steady, active current.*

* From TnliESe to Coolome, Bartram had tr.avelled over the same route thai De
Soto, two hundred and thirty-six years before, had followed. The order of the towns
in ascending the Tallapoooa River ia : Mucclnsse and SavannuCa, opposite eaoh other ;
Tuco.abatche, Coolome, Otasse or Atasse, and Talisse. It is thus they are found in
Bartram's Travels ; a.nd they are written as he wrote them.

646 APPENDIX.

Creek Buildings, Mystical Fire, Public Squares, etc. — "At last
having repacked and set off again, in the evening we arrived at the banks of
the great Tallapoosa River, and came to camp under shelter of some Indian
cabins, in expansive fields, close to the river bank, opposite the town of
Savannuca.* Next morning, very early, though very cold, and the surface of
the earth as hoary as if covered with a fall of snow, the trader standing on the
opposite shore entirely naked, except a breech-clout, f and encircled by a
company of red men in the like habit, hailed us, and presently, with canoes,
brought us all over and conducted us to the town of Mucclasse, a mile or two
distant.

"The trader obliged me with his company on a visit to the Alabama (an
Indian town at the confluence of the two fine rivers, the Tallapoosa and Coosa,
which here resign their names to the great Alabama), where are to be seen
traces of the ancient French fortress, Thoulouse ; here are yet lying half buried
in the earth, a few pieces of ordnance, four and six pounders. Staying all
night at Alabama, where we had a grand entertainment at the public square,
with music and dancing, we returned next day to Mucclasse; where, being
informed of a company of traders about setting off from Tuccabatche for
Augusta, I made a visit to that town to know the truth of it, but on my arrival
there they were gone ; but, being informed of another caravan which was to
start from the Ottasse town in two or three weeks' time, I returned to Muc-
classe in order to prepare for my departure.

' ' Now, having all things prepared for my departure, early in the morning,
I set off; passed through continued plantations and Indian towns on my way
up the Tallapoosa River, being everywhere treated by the inhabitants with
marks of friendship, even as though I had been their countryman and relation.
Called by the way at the beautiful town of Coolome, where I tarried some
time. Leaving Coolome, I recrossed the river at Tuccabatche, an ancient and
large town ; thence continued up the river, and at evening arrived at Attasse
(Ottasse), where I continued near a week, waiting the preparations of the
traders with whom I was to join in company to Augusta.

"The next day after my arrival, I was introduced to the ancient chiefs, at
the public square ; and in the evening, in company with the traders, who are
numerous in this town, repaired to the great rotunda, where were assembled
the greatest number of ancient venerable chiefs and warriors that I had ever
beheld : we spent the evening and greater part of the night together, in drink-
ing cassine and smoking tobacco.

"The great council house or rotunda is appropriated to much the same pur-
poses as the public square, but more private, and seems particularly dedicated
to political affairs ; women and youth are never admitted ; and I suppose it is
death for a female to presume to enter the door, or approach within its pale.
It is a vast conical building or circular dome, capable of accommodating many
hundred people ; constructed and furnished within, exactly in the same manner
as those of the Cherokees [see page 650], but much larger than any I had

* Bnrtram 19 now returning. His route is reversed ; he oscends nlong the Tnllapoosn.
t A piece of oloth arranged like a baby's clout, but supported by a belt above the
hips.

INDIAN TOWNS ALONG THE TALLAPOOSA. 647

seen of ttem : there are people appointed to take care of it, to have it daily-
swept clean, and to provide canes for fuel, or to give light.

"As their vigils and manner of conducting their vespers and mystical fire in
this rotunda are extremely singular and altogether different from the customs
and usages of any other people, I shall proceed to describe them. In the first
place, the governor or officer who has the management of this business, with
his servants attending, orders the black drink to be brewed, which is a decoc-
tion or infusion of the leaves and tender shoots of the cassine : this is done
under an open shed or pavilion, at twenty or thirty yards' distance, directly
opposite the door of the council house. Next he orders bundles of dry canes
to be brought in : these are previously split and broken in pieces to about the
length of two feet, and then placed obliquely crossways upon one another on
the floor, forming a spiral circle round about the great centre pillar, rising to a
foot or eighteen inches in height from the ground ; and this circle spreading as
it proceeds round and round,, often repeated from right to left, every revolution
increases its diameter, and at length extends to the distance of ten or twelve
feet from the centre, more or less, according to the length of time the assembly
is to continue. By the time these preparations are accomplished, it is night,
and the assembly have taken their seats in order. The exterior extremity or
outer end of the spiral circle takes fire and immediately rises into a bright
flame (but how this is effected I did not plainly apprehend ; I saw no person
set fire to it ; there might have been fire left on the earth ; however, I neither
saw nor smelt fire or smoke until the blaze instantly ascended upwards), which
gradually and slowly creeps round the centre pillar, with the course of the sun,
feeding on the dry canes, and affords a cheerful, gentle, and sufficient light
until the circle is consumed, when the council breaks up. Soon after this
illumination takes place, the ancient chiefs and warriors are seated on their
cabins or sofas on the side of the house opposite the door, in three classes or
ranks,' rising a little, one above and behind the other; and the white people
and red people of confederate towns in the like order on the left hand ; a
transverse range of pillars, supporting a thin clay wall, about breast high,
separating them ; the king' s cabin or seat is in front ; the next to the back of
it the head warriors ; and the third or last accommodates the young warriors,
etc. The great war chief's seat or place is on the same cabin with and im-
mediately to the left hand of the king, and next to the white people ; and to the
right hand of the mico or king the mo.st venerable head-men and warriors are
seated. The assembly being now seated in order, and the house illuminated,
two middle-aged men, who perform the offices of slaves or servants pro tem-
pore, come in together at the door, each having very large conch-shells full of
black drink, and advance with slow, uniform, and steady steps, their eyes or
countenances lifted up, singing very low but sweetly ; they come within six or
eight paces of the king's and white people's cabins, where they stop together,
and each rests his shell on a tripod or little table, but presently takes it up
again, and, bowing very low, advances obsequiously, crossing or intersectino-
each other about halfway : he who rested his shell before the white people
now stands before the king, and the other who stopped before the king stands
before the white people ; when each presents his shell, one to the king, and the
other to the chief of the white people, and as soon as he raises it to his mouth,

648 APPENDIX.

the slave utters or sin<;s two notes ; each of which continues as long as he has
breath ; and aa long as these notes continue, so long must the person drink or
at least keep the shell to his mouth. These two long notes are very solemn,
and at once strike the imagination with a religious awe or homage to the
Supreme, sounding somewhat like a^hoo-ojah and a-lu-ydh. . After this man-
ner the whole assembly are treated, as long as the drink and light continue to
hold out ; and as soon as the drinking begins, tobacco and pipes are brought.
The skin of a wild-cat or young tiger stufi'ed with tobacco is brought, and laid
at the king's feet, with the great or royal pipe beautifully adorned; the skin
is usually of the animals of the king's family or tribe, as the wild-cat, otter,
bear, rattlesnake, etc. A skin of tobacco is likewise brought and cast at the
feet of the white chief of the town, and from him it passes from one to another
to fill their pipes from, though each person has besides his own peculiar skin of
tobacco. The king or chief smokes first in the great pipe a few whifiFs, blowing
it off ceremoniously, first towards the sun, or as it is generally supposed to the
Great Spirit, for it is puffed upwards, next towards the four cardinal points,
then towards the white people in the house ; then the great pipe is taken from
the hand of the mico by a slave, and presented to the chief white man, and
then to the great war chief, whence it circulates through the rank of head men
and warriors, then returns to the king. After this each one fills his pipe from
his own or his neighbor's skin.

The great or public square generally stands alone, in the centre of the high-
est part of the town. It consists of four square or cubical buildings, or houses
of one story, uniform, and of the same dimensions, so situated as to form an
exact tetragon, encompassing an 'area of half an acre of ground, more or less,
according to the strength or largeness of the town, or will of the inhabitants :
there is a passage or avenue at each corner of equal width : each building is
constructed of a wooden frame, fixed strongly in the earth, the walls filled in,
and neatly plastered with clay mortar ; close on three sides, that is the back
and two ends, except within about two feet of the wall-plate or eaves, which is
left open for the purpose of a window and to admit a free passage of the air ;
the front or side next to the area is quite open, like a piazza. One of these
buildings is properly the council house, where the mico, chiefs, and wai-riors,
with the citizens who have business, or choose to repair thither, assemble every
day in council, to hear, decide, and rectify all grievances, complaints, and
contentions, arising between the citizens ; give audience to ambassadors and
strangers ; hear news and talks from confederate towns, allies, or distant na-
tions ; consult about particular affairs of the town, as erecting habitations for
new citizens, or establishing young families, concerning agriculture, etc. This
building is somewhat different from the other three : . it is closely shut up on
three sides, that is, the back and two ends, and besides, a partition wall longi-
tudinally from end to end divides it into two apai-tments, the back part totally
dark, only three small arched apertures or holes opening into it from the front
apartment or piazza, and little larger than just to admit a man to crawl in upon
his hands and knees. This secluded place appears to me to be designed as a
sanctuary* dedicated to religion, or rather to priestcraft, for here are deposited

* " Sanotorium or snored temple ; and it is said to be dettth for any person but the
mico, wnr chief, and high priest to enter in, and none are admitted but by permission
of the priests, who guard it day and night."

INDIAN TOWNS ALONG THE TALLAPOOSA. 649

all the sacred things, as the physio pot, rattles, ohaplets of deer's hoofs, and
other apparatus of conjuration ; and likewise the calumet or great pipe of
peace, the imperial standard, or eagle's tail, -which is made of the fea-
thers of the white eagle's tail,* curiously formed and displayed, like an open
fan on a sceptre or staff, as white and clean as pos'sible when displayed for
peace, but when for war, the feathers are painted or tinged with vermilion.
The piazza or front of this building is equally divided into three apartments,
by two transverse walls or partitions, about breast high, each having three
orders or ranges of seats, or cabins, stepping one above and behind the other,
which accommodate the senate and audience, in the like order as observed in
the rotunda. The other three buildings which compose . the square, are alike
furnished with three ranges of cabins or sofas, and serve for a banqueting house,
to shelter and accommodate the audience and spectators at all times, particu-
larly at feasts or public entertainments, where all classes of citizens resort day
and night in the summer or moderate season ; the children and females, how-
ever, are seldom or never seen in the public square.

The pillars and walls of the houses of the square are decorated with various
paintings and sculptures ; which I suppose to be hieroglyphic, and as a historic
legendary of political and sacerdotal affairs : but they are extremely pictur-
esque and caricature, as men in a variety of attitudes, some ludicrous enough,
others having the head of some kind of animal, aS those of a duck, turkey,
bear, fox, wolf, buck, etc., and again those kinds of creatures are represented
having the human head. These designs are not ill executed ; the outlines bold,
free, and well proportioned. The pillars supporting the front or piazza of the
council house of the square are ingeniously formed in the likeness of vast
speckled serpents, ascending upwards, the Ottasses being of the snake family or
tribe. At this time the town was fasting, taking medicine, and I think I may
say, praying, to avert a grievous calamity of sickness, which had lately afflicted
them, and laid in the grave abundance of their citizens. They fast seven or
eight days, during which time they eat or drink nothing but a meagre gruel,
made of a little corn flour and water, taking at the same time, by way of medi-
cine or physic, a strong decoction of the roots of the iris versicolor, which is a
powerful cathartic : they hold this root in high estimation ; every town culti-
vates a little plantation of it, having a large artificial pond, just -without the
town, planted and almost overgrown with it, where they usually dig clay for
pottery, and mortar and plaster for their buildings, and I observed where they
had been lately digging up this root.

In the midst of a large oblong square adjoining this town (which was sur-
rounded with a low bank or terrace), is standing a high pillar, round like a pin
or needle ; it is about forty feet in height, and between two and three feet in
diameter at the earth, gradually tapering upwards to a point ; it is one piece of
pine wood, and arises from the centre of a low, circular, artificial hill, but it
leans a little to one side. I inquired of the Indians and traders what it was
designed for, who answered they knew not : the Indians said their ancestors
found it in the same situation, when they first arrived and possessed the coun-
try, adding that the red men or Indians, then the possessors, -whom they van-

* Vultur sacra.

650 APPENDIX.

quished, were as ignorant as themselves concerning it, saying that their ances-
tors likewise found it standing so. This monument, simple as it is, may be
worthy of the observations of a traveller, since it naturally excites at least the
following queries : for what purpose was it designed ? its great antiquity and
incorruptibility— what method or machines they employed to bring it to the
spot, and how they raised it erect? There is no tree or species of the pine,
whose wood, i. e., so large a portion of the trunk, is supposed to be incorruptible
exposed in the open air to all weathers, but the long-leaved pine (I'inus palus-
tris), and there is none growing within twelve or fifteen miles of this place."

The Houses and Council House of the Oherokees. — The town of
Cowe consists of about a hundred dwellings, near the banks of the Tanase,*
and on both sides of the river.

The Cherokees construct their habitations on a different plan from the
Creeks ; that is, but one oblong, four-square building of one story high ; the
materials consisting of logs or trunks of trees, stripped of their bark, notched at
the ends, fixed one upon another, and afterwards plastered well both inside and
out, with clay well tempered with dry grass, the whole covered or roofed with
the bark of the chestnut tree or long broad shingles. This building is, however,
partitioned transversely, forming three apartments, which communicate with
each other by inside doors ; each house or habitation has, besides, a little
conical house covered with dirt, which is called the winter or hot-house ; this
stands a few yards' distance from the mansion house, opposite the front door.

The council or town-house is a large rotunda, capable of accommodating
several hundred people ; it stands on the top of an ancient artificial mount of
earth, of about twenty feet perpendicular, and the rotunda on the top of it
being above thirty feet more, gives the whole fabric an elevation of about sixty
feet from the common surface of the ground. But it may be proper to observe
that this mount on which the rotunda stands is of a much more ancient date
than the building, and perhaps was raised for another purpose. The Chero-
kees themselves are as ignorant as we are by what people or for what purpose
these artificial hills were raised ; they have various stories concerning them, the
best of which amount to no more than mere conjectures, and leave us entirely
in the dark ; but they have a tradition, common with the other nations of
Indians, that they found them in much the same condition as they now appear,
when their forefathers arrived from the we.st and possessed themselves of the
country, after vanquishing the nations of red men who then inhabited it, who
themselves found these mounts when they took possession of the country, the
former possessors delivering the same story concerning them. Perhaps they
were designed and appropriated by the people who constructed them to some
religious purpose, as gi-eat altars and temples similar to the high places and
sacred groves anciently among the Canaanites and other nations of Palestine
and Judea.f

'■> It ia singular how map-makers have mngnified the ancient Indian names : how
much simpler is Tanase than Tennessee, Chata Uche than Chattahoooltee, Apalachucla
than Apalaohicola; Tuscaloosa for the name of a river is far preferable to Black
■Warrior, which it means, and Kuka to Croolted, which it means.

t Mankind have been erecting mounds from the time of the Scythiin kings, who
were buried on the Borysthenes or Dneiper, and the Trojan heroes interred on the

THE MUSCOGULGE STANDARD. 651

The rotunda is constructed after the following manner : They first fix in the
ground a circular range of posts or trunks of trees, about six feet high, at equal
distances, which are notched at top to receive into them, from one to another,
a range of beams or wall-plates ; within this is another circular order of very
large and strong pillars, above twelve feet high, notched in like manner at top,
to receive another range of wall-plates, and within this is yet another or third
range of stronger and higher pillars, but fewer in number, and standing at a
greater distance from each other ; and lastly, in the centre stands a very strong
pillar, which forms the pinnacle of the building, and to which the rafters centre
at top ; these rafters are strengthened and bound together by cross-beams and
laths, which sustain the roof or covering, which is a layer of bark neatly placed,
and tight enough to exclude . the rain, and sometimes they cast a thin super-
ficies of earth over all. There is but one large door, which serves at the same
time to admit light, and the smoke to escape when a fire is kindled ; but as
there is but a small fire kept, snfliicient to give light at night, and that fed with
dry, small, sound wood divested of its bark, there is but little smoke. All
around the inside of the building, between the second range of pillars and the
wall is a range of cabins or sofas, consisting of two or three steps, one above
and behind the other, in theatrical order, where the assembly sit or lean down ;
these sofas are covered with mats or carpets very curiously made of thin splints
of ash or oak, woven or plaited together ; near the great pillar in the centre
the fire is kindled for light, near which the musicians seat themselves, and
round about this the performers exhibit their dances and other shows at public
festivals, which happen almost every night throughout the year.* (Bartram.)

Note (22), page 377.
THE PAINTED VULTURE AND MUSCOGULGE STANDARD.

"There are two species of vultures in these regions [Florida], I think not
mentioned in history. The first we shall describe is a beautiful bird, near the
size of a turkey buzzard, but his wings are much shorter, and consequently he
falls greatly below that admirable bird in sail. I shall call this bird the painted
vulture. The bill is long and straight almost to the point, where it is hooked
or bent suddenly down and sharp ; the head and neck bare of feathers nearly
down to the stomach, where the feathers begin to cover the skin and soon be-

shores of the Hellespont, to the mound of Waterloo nnd the mnusnleaiu of Kosciusko.
A mouud to Wushington would be the cheapest and most enduring monument that
could be erected to his, memory.

* William Bartram, botanist, at the request of Dr. John Fothergill, of London, an
eminent Quaker physician and public benefactor, searched the Floridas and western
parts of Carolina and Georgia for the discovery of rare and useful productions of na-
ture, chiefly in the vegetable kingdom. He left Philadelphia on this journey April,
177.3, and returned from it to his father's house, on the banks of the river Schuylkill,
within four miles [then] of Philadelphia, January, 1778. The father of the preceding
was John B.nrtram, a Quak r of Huguenot descent, and the first botanist of America.
He also visited Florida about the year 1768. Mount Hope, " a very high shelly bluff
upon the little lake" of St. John's River, was then so named by him.

652 APPENDIX.

come long and of a soft texture, farming a ruff or tippet, in which the bird, by
contracting his neck, can hide that as well as his head ; the bare skin on the
neck appears loose and wrinkled, and is of a deep, bright yellow color, inter-
mixed with coral-red ; the hinder part of the neck is nearly covered with short,
stiff hair, and the skin of this part of the neck is of a dun-purple color, gradu-
ally becoming red as it approaches the yellow of the sides and forepart. The
crown of the head is red ; there are lobed lappets of a reddish-orange color,
which he has on the base of the upper mandible. But what is singular, a large
portion of the stomach hangs down on the breast of the.bird, in the likeness
of a sack or half wallet, and seems to be a duplicature of the craw, which is
naked and of a reddish flesh-color ; this is partly concealed by the feathers of
the breast, unless when it is loaded with food [which is commonly, I believe,
roasted reptiles], and then it appears prominent. The plumage of the. bird is
generally white or cream-color, except the quill-feathers of the wings, and two
or three rows of the coverts,, which are of a beautiful dark brown ; the tail,
which is large and white, is tipped with this dark brown or black ; the legs and
feet of a clear white ; the eye is encircled with a gold-colored iris ; the pupil
black.

These birds seldom appear but when the deserts are set on fire [which hap-
pens almost every day throughout the year, in some part or other, by the
Indians, for the purpose of rousing the game, as also bj' the lightning], when
they are seen at a distance soaring on the wing, gathering from everj' quarter,
and gradually approaching the burnt plains, where they alight upon the ground
yet smoking with hot embers. They gather up the roasted serpents, frogs, and
lizards, filling their sacks with them ; at this time a person may shoot them at
pleasure, they not being willing to quit the feast, and indeed seem to brave all
danger.

The Creeks or Muscogulges construct their royal standard of the tail-feathers
of this bird, which is called by a name signifying the eagle's tail ; this they
carry with them when they go to battle, but then it is painted with a zone of
red within the brown tips ; and in peaceable negotiations, it is displayed new,
clean, and white. This standard is held most sacred by them on all occasions,
and is constructed and ornamented with great ingenuity." (Bartram.)

Note (23), page 379.
INDIAN FORTS.

Though throughout the region of the United States there are found ancient
fortifications or entrenched camps, yet none of this kind appear to have been
in use when this country was first explored. The forts then used appear to
have been all of the same character.

De Solis, Garcilasso, Diaz, and Cartier describe Indian forts, which, from
the earliest described to the latest, appear to be nearly all of the same fashioi;i.
When Cortes entered the river Grijalva, about the latter part of March, 1519,
he attacked the town of Tabasco. "It was fortified with a kind of wall, of
which they make use in nearly all the Indies. This, wall was composed of the
trunks of trees buried in the ground in the fashion of palisades, and joined in

ALABAMA INDIANS. 653

such a manner that they had openings to shoot their arrows. The inclosure
■was of a round figure, without redans, or any other defence, and the extremi-
ties of the two lines, which formed the circle, were contrived in such a way
that one of the lines extended over the other. They left,, for the entrance, a
narrow way with many windings, where they erected two or three sentry-boxes
or wooden turrets, whicli served to lodge their sentinels. This fortification
was sufficient against the efforts of the arms of the New World, where by a
happy ignorance, they did not yet know that which is called the art of war, nor
those machines and ramparts of which malice or necessity had taught the use
toman." (Pe Solis' " Conquest of Mexico.")

When the Spaniards entered the town of Tabasco, they discovered that the
Indians had intersected the streets with other palisades in the same manner.
In these places they resisted for some moments, but without much effect, be-
cause they were embarrassed by their great number, and those who retreated,
in flying from one entrenchment to another, put in disorder the others who
wished to fight. There was a public square in the centre of the town on which
were three temples [teocalis]. These Indians carried off their wounded and
dead from the field of battle, the same as the Indians of this section of North
America.

Diaz thus describes an Indian fort which was in Guatemala, and in the route
of the Spaniards on their expedition to Honduras : " This town had every ap-
pearance of having been recently built. It was surrounded by a double en-
trenchment, formed of the trunks of large trees, encircled by other huge poles
stuck in perpendicularly. The approaches were secured by a deep fosse, and
they were protected by a double inclosure of a circular form, one of which
was supplied with a regular battlement, small towers, and loop-holes ; the
other was very high, and strongly built of large stones, and was likewise pro-
vided with a battlement. As the other side was covered by the morass, this
place might, in every sense of the word, be called a fortress."

The circular form characterizes the most of the ancient structures found in
the valleys of the Ohio and Mississippi. There were in Peru forts similar to
those here first described, and they were built of stone. The Chicasaws in their
wars with the French used the kind of fort first mentioned.

Note (24), page 401.
ALABAMA INDIANS.

"Having recommendation's to the inhabitants of Baton Rouge, now (1777)
called New Richmond, more than forty miles higher up the river, one of these
gentlemen, being present at Manchac, gave me a friendly and polite invitation
to accompany him on his return home. A pleasant morning, we set off" after
breakfast, well accommodated in a handsome, convenient boat, rowed by three
blacks. Two miles above Manchac we put into shore at Alabama ; this Indian
village is delightfully situated on several swelling green hills, gradually ascend-
ing from the verge of the river ; the people are a remnant of the ancient Ala-
bama nation, who inhabited the east arm of the great Mobile river, which bears
their name to this day, now (1777) possessed by the Creeks or Muscogulges,
who conquered the former. My friend having purchased some baskets and
earthenware, the manufactures of the people, we left the village." (Bartram.)

654 APPENDIX.

The Alabama nation must have been very powerful when Soto encountered
them between Chicaca and the Mississippi Kiver, in the now northwestern part
of the State of Mississippi. The Indian manufacture of earthenware here
mentioned is not the latest. Earthenware was almost universally manufactured
by the Indians. It is found almost everywhere throughout America, and the
process of manufacture was the same in North America and South America.

Note (25), page 419.
THE OMISSION IN GAECILASSO'8 "CONQUEST OF FLORIDA."

The accounts of Biedma and the Elvas Narrative agree throughout in the gen-
eral incidents, and in the route of Ue Soto's expedition to Florida. Biedma's
account is very brief; it is all contained in a dozen octavo pages ; the Elvas
Narrative in a hundred and eight pages ; Garcillasso's in about two hundred
or two hundred and fifty of the same pages. Biedma is very concise ; the
Elvas Narrative enters into the particulars; Garcilasso into minutije, and is
erratic.

Garcilasso's account of the principal events and of the main route has, up to
Quiguate, been very nearly the same as the other accounts, but here, from Qui-
guate to TuUa, there is a gap or omission in Richelet's version of the " Con-
quest of Florida," which will now be filled from the accounts of Biedma and
the Elvas Narrative, first showing that Quiguate was on the west side of the
Mississippi River, about two hundred and thirty miles below Memphis, by the
course of the Mississippi River three hundred and forty-one years ago, when
De Soto crossed it.

Biedma says, ' ' We remained* at ( Pacaha) twenty-six or seven days, anxious
to learn if we could take the northern route, and cross to the South Sea. We
then marched northeast. We travelled eight days, through swamps, after which
we met a troop of Indians who lived under movable tents. AVe next came to
the province of Caluca. Seeing there was no way to reach the South Sea, we
returned towards the north [south], and afterwards^ in a southwest direction
to a province called Quiguate, where we found the largest village we had yet
seen in all our travels. It was situated on one of the branches of a great river."

The Elvaa Narrative has it thus: "The governor rested forty days in Pa-
caha. From thence he sent thirty horsemen and fifty footmen to the province
of Caluca, to see if he might travel to Chisca, where the Indians said there was
work of gold and copper. They travelled seven days' journey through a desert
and returned. The governor, seeing that toward that part of the country was
poor in maize, demanded of the Indians which way it was most inhabited, and
they said they had notice of a great province, which was called Quiguate, and
that it was toward the south. The cacique of Casqui commanded the bridge
to be repaired, and the governor returned through his country and lodged in a
field near his town. He gave us a guide and men for carriers. The governor

* This wfts for the return of the expedition to Caluoi. He then, after mentioning
the objeot of the delay, goes on to tell of the march to Caluoi and the return,
t After returning to Pacaha.

GARCILLASSO'S CONQUEST OP FLORIDA. 655

lodged at a town of his, and the next day at another near a river [St. Francis],
whither he caused canoes to be brought for him to pass over. The governor
took his journey towards Quiguate. The 4th of August he came to the town.
The town was the greatest that was seen in Florida. There came an Indian
very well accompanied, saying he was the cacique ; as he went one day abroad
with the governor he leaped into the river, which was a crossbow-shot from the
town, and as soon as he was on the other side, many Indians that were there-
about, making a great cry, began to shout. The governor presently passed
over to them with horsemen and footmen, but they dare not tarry for him.*
Going forward on his way he came to a town, and a little further to a lake
where the horses could not pass. The governor came to the camp. The gov-
ernor came again to Quiguate. As for Quiguate, Casqui, and Pacaha they
were plain countries, flat grounds, and full of good meadows on the rivers,
where the Indians sowed large fields of maize. From Tascalnca to Rio Grande
[Mississippi], or the Great River, is about three hundred leagues ; it is a very
low country, and hath many lakes. From Pacaha to Quiguate may be a hun-
dred leagues.f The governor asked which way the country was most inhabited.
They said that toward the south down the river were great towns and caciques
which commanded great countries and much people. And that toward the
northwest there was a province, near to certain mountains, called Coligoa. The
governor and all the rest thought good to go first to Coligoa. From Quiguate
to Coligoa may be forty leagues. This town of Coligoa stood at the foot of a hill
OB the bank of a mean river of the bigness of Oayas, the river that passeth by Es-
tramadura. The governor left the cacique of Quiguate in his town, and an In-
dian, which was his guide, led him through great woods without any way seven
days' journey through a desert, where at every lodging they lodged in lakes and
pools of very shoal water : there was such store offish that they killed them with
cudgels ; and the Indians, which they carried in chains, with the mud troubled
the waters, and the fish came to the top of the waters, and they took as much as
they listed. We then crossed vast plains and high mountains, when suddenly
we came to Coligoa. The Indians of Coligoa had not known of the Christians,
a^d, when they came so near the town that the Indians saw them, they fled
up a river which passes near the town, and some leaped into it ; but the Chris-
tians went on both sides of the river and took them. We inquired here for other
villages, and they directed us to go south and southwest, and we should find them.
We travelled five days and came to the province of Palisema. He found much
people, but, by reason of the roughness of the country, he took none save a few
women and children. The town was little, scattering, and had very little

* It is evident, from the context, that this was not the main branch of the Missis-
sippi. It may have been a shoot that formed an island in the Mississippi, or it may
have been a river or bayou from the lake, that emptied into the Mississippi at Quignnte.
Garcilasso says Soto marched from Capaba, four days down the river, to the province of
Quiguate, and then continued his journey five days, descending along the river, and
the fifth arrived at the capital of Quiguate, which wns separated into three quarters.

f "It is a very low country, .and hath many lakes," is more applicable to the Missis-
sippi Kiver country than to the country from Tasoaluca to the Rio Grande (from Mont-
gomery to Memphis) to which it refers. There may have been something misplaced
in the printing, writing, or translation.

656 APPENDIX.

maize. For which cause the governor speedily departed thence. He came to
another town called Tatalicoya [Tatel Coya]. Here we found a large river [Ar-
kansa] emptying into the Kio Grande [Mississippi]. "We were told that if we
were to ascend this river [Arkansa] we should find a large province, called
Cayas. From Tatalicoya are four days' journey to Cayas. We repaired thither
and found it a mountainous country, and composed of populous villages. This
town was called Tanico [Cayas appears to be Spanish] ; he pitched his tent in
the best part of it near unto a river. The governor rested a month in the prov-
ince of Cayas ; in which time the horses fattened, and they drank of very hot
water and somewhat brackish. On both sides of the river the country was full
of sown fields, and there was store of maize. The Indians durst not come over
where we were ; and when some of. them showed themselves, the soldiers that
saw them called to them ; then the Indians crossed the river and came with
them where the governor was. He asked the [cacique] which way the country
was best inhabited. He answered that the best country thereabout was a prov-
ince toward the south a day and a half journey, which was called TuUa. We
then set out for the province of Tulla, to go into winter quarters. But before
reaching it we had to cross very high mountains. Immediately the governor
departed for Tulla [to see the country], and as soon as he arrived, there [the
Indians severely used him]. The governor determined to return to Cayas before
the Indians had time to gather head ; and presently that evening, going part of
the night to leave Tulla, he lodged by the way, and next day came to Cayas ;
and within three days after he departed towards Tulla with all his company. He
carried the cacique along with him ; and of all his men there was not one' found
who understood the speech of Tulla. He stayed three days by the way ; and
the day he came thither, he found the town abandoned. At three days' end
there came an Indian laden with ox [bufialoes] hide. He came weeping with
sobs, and cast himself down at the governor's feet. After three days the
cacique came, and eighty Indians with him ; and himself and his men came
weeping into the camp after the manner of that country.*

The governor informed himself all the country round about, and understood
that towards the west was a scattering dwelling, and that towards the south-
east were great towns, especially in a province called Autiamque, ten days'
journey from Tulla ; which might be about eighty leagues, and that it was a
plentiful country in maize. Thus he took his journey to Autiamque : he trav-
elled five days over rough mountains, f and came to the town of Guipana,
situated at the foot of very high mountains. J Where no Indians could be taken
for the roughness of the country, and the town being between hills, there was
an ambush laid wherewith they took two Indians, which told them that Auti-
amque was six days' journey from thence, and that there was another pro-
vince, towards the south, eight days' journey off, called Guahata. But, be-
cause Autiamque was nearer, the governor made his journey that way [east].
In three days he came to a town called Anoixi. Within two days after he

* See Note 27, (a).

t He had travelled from Cayas on the Arkansas River south, over high mountains j
he now travels southeast from Tulhi, reorossing these mountains to reach the Arkansas
River, which he reaches ot Ayas, or rather a town in the province of Ayas.

X Extracts from Biedma and the Elvas Narrative.

GARCILASSO'S "CONQUEST OF FLORIDA." • 657

came to another town called Catamaya, and lodged in the fields of the town.
The next day they went to the town and took as much maize as they needed.
That day they lodged in a wood, and the next day they came to Autiamque.
Hard by this town passed a river [Arkansas] that came out of the province of
Cayas, and, above and below, it was very well peopled. They stayed in Auti-
amque three months [wintered there].

Upon Monday, the 6th of March, 1542, the governor departed from Auti-
amque to seek Nilco, which the Indians said was near the great river. The
governor spent ten days in travelling from Autiamque to a province called
Ayays, and came to a town that stood near the river [Arkansas] that passeth by
Cayas and Autiamque. There he commanded a barge to be made wherewith
he crossed the river.* When he had crossed the river, he went three days'
journey through a wilderness and a country so low and so full of lakes and evil
ways that he travelled a whole day in water — sometimes knee deep, sometimes
to the stirrup, and sometimes they swam. They came to a town called Tutel-
pinco. There passed by it a lake that entered into the river, which carried a
great stream and force of water. The governor went a whole day along the
lake seeking a passage, but could find none. They made rafts wherewith they
crossed the lake ; they travelled three days, and came to a town in the pro-
vince of Nilco, called Tianto. The governor sent a captain, with horsemen
and footmen, before to Nilco ; they passed through three or four great towns.
In the town where the cacique resided, which was two leagues from the place
where the governor remained, they found many Indians who, as soon as they
saw the Christians come near them, set the cacique's house on fire and fled
over a lake that passed near the town, through which the horses could not pass.
The next day, being Wednesday the 29th of March, the governor came to
Nilco ; he lodged with all his men in the cacique's town, which stood in a plain
field, which was inhabited for the space of a quarter of a league, and within a
league and a half were other very great towns. This was the best inhabited
country that was seen in Florida, and had most store of maize except Coga
and Apalaohe.

This river which passed by Nilco was that which passed by Cayas and Auti-
amque, and fell into the Eio Grande, which passed by Pacaha and Aquixo, and
near unto the province of Guachoya, the lord of which came up the river to
make war with him of Nilco. Within a few daj's the governor determined to
go to puachoya. As he crossed the river Nilco, there came in canoes the
Indians of Guachoya up the stream, and when they saw him they returned
down the river. The governor (having crossed) sent a captain with fifty men
in six canoes down the river, and went himself by land with the rest. He came
to Guachoya upon Sunday the 17th of April; he lodged in the town of the
cacique, which was inclosed about, and seated a crossbow-shot from the river.

* He now crossed from the west side to the east side of the Arkansiis River. It is not
mentioned where he crossed it from east to west, bat it probably was at or near Tatel-
coya, where be first came to it. Soto made barges to cross wide and deep streams ; to
cross some streams he fastened beams together for the men to cross on, and the horses
swam over j at others he made floating bridges ; and probably large trees were felled
across the narrow, deep streams, in order for the men Co cross.

42

658 . APPENDIX.

That day came an Indian to the governor from the cacique of Guachoya. The
next day they saw many canoes come up the river, and on the other side of the
Great Kiver they consulted whether they should come or not, and at length
concluded to come, and crossed the river. In them came the cacique of Gua-
choya. The governor asked him whether he had any notice of the sea. He
answered no ; nor of any towns down the river on that side, save that at two
leagues from thence was a town of a subject of his ; and on the other side of
the river, three days' journey from thence down the river, was the province of
Quigalta." A month after this, on the 21st of May, 1 542, Soto died of a fever.
Schoolcraft, in his " Adventures in the Ozark Mountains," has some inter-
esting allusions to Soto, which make plain several facts in regard to him. He
says : " Some of the names of the Indian tribes encountered by him [Soto]
furnish conclusive evidence that the principal tribes of the country, although
they have changed their particular locations since 1542, still [1818] occupy
the region. Thus the Kapahas, who then lived on the Mississippi above the
St. Francis, are identical with the Quappas ; the Cayas with the Kanzas, and
the Qaipana with the Pawnees."

" It would be interesting as a point of antiquarian interest, to know where
the old Indian paths were located. The roads in all parts of the country were
based on these. They led to the most practicable fords of rivers ; they
avoided swamps and boggy grounds, and evinced a thorough geographical
knowledge of the conformation of the country.

To travel where De Soto had travelled, and where he had performed some
of his heroic feats, had something pleasing, at least in the association. Doubt-
less, had the first occupants of Upper Louisiana been as mindful of historical
reminiscences as they were set on repeating his search for gold and silver
mines, they might have been rewarded by finding some of the straggling bones
of his broken-down Andalusian cavalry. The fragments of broken arms and
trappings were yet, perhaps, concealed by the accumulated rank vegetable soil
of Arkansas and southern Missouri, whence the plow may at no distant day
reveal them."

"The elevated lands between Black Kiver and the St. Francis had evi-
dently been the line of march of De Soto when (1541) he set forward from
' Quiguate,' on the St. Francis, towai'ds the ' northwest,' in search of Ooligoa.
Any other course between west and southwest would have involved his armies
in the lagoons and the deep and wide channel of Black River, which forms a
barrier for about one hundred and fifty miles towards the south."

" The first Indian village which De Soto reached, after crossing the Missis-
sippi— probably at the ancient Indian crossing at the lower Chickasaw bluffs
[Memphis] — and pushing on through the low grounds, was on reaching the
elevations of the St. Francis, immediately west of his point of landing. The
place was called Casquin or Casqui ; a name which will be recognized as bear-
ing a resemblance to one of the Illinois tribes which have long been known
under the name of Kaskaskias."

These quotations intei'pret some of the Indian names mentioned in the
accounts of De Soto's expedition, which but few would otherwise be able to
understand in their present orthography. They showed that De Soto gener-
ally followed the Indian trails, though sometimes he was misled by his guides.

GARCILASSO'S '* CONQUEST OP FLORIDA." 659

They give an idea of the location of the lagoons through which, after leaving
Quiguate, he had to travel for several successive days. But Quiguate was on
the Mississippi. " From Pacaha to Quiguate may be a hundred leagues"
(about 230 miles). De Soto crossed the Mississippi some fifteen miles or more
below the mouth of the St. Francis, which mouth is now eighty miles below
Memphis. Le Harpe mentions that a coat of mail was found (1699), among
the Bayagoulas, which the Indians said had once belonged to De Soto. But
it is more probable that it was the armor of some one of those who were de-
feated and drowned in descending the Mississippi ; or even of the unfortunate
Guzman, who is said to have been taken alive in that affair. The Bayagoulas,
with whom the armor was found, lived thirteen leagues below Baton Kouge.

The artificial mounds scattered over tlie alluvial lands of the lower Missis-
sippi show how populous at one time these lands have been. But besides
these mounds there are other evidences, occasionally found, of large settle-
ments, villages, or towns, such as stone implements and pottery. These,
owing to the inundations of the Mississippi, have no doubj, in most localities^
been buried beneath the soil, or, by the action of the current, been buried in
the beds of the river. The late Colonel George Hancock, an honored citizen
of Kentucky, distinguished by his excellent intellectual qualities and exemplary
virtues, had an interesting cabinet of antiquities, in which were specimens of
ancient pottery, which he found seventeen feet beneath the surface of the
alluvial soil of the Mississippi, where the extent of the remains of broken
pottery indicated a large town. Having heard Colonel Hancock speak of this
buried ancient town, and believing that it might probably be the site of
Quiguate, I wrote to Colonel J. Stoddard Johnston, of Frankford, Kentucky,
with whom I thought Colonel Hancock had left his cabinet, to obtain informa-
tion in regard to the locality of this buried city, and received a reply from
which I make the following extract : —

"The place at which Colonel Hancock found the relics of which you speak,
was at the mouth of Barney's Bayou, about forty miles below Helena, Arkan-
sas, on the west bank of the Mississippi. There are similar remains found in
all that region. I do not regard that the finding of this pottery, at a point
where the river caved, seventeen feet from the surface, is any proof that there
was once a city which had been sunk. The place might have been, at a recent
period geologically speaking, a creek bottom, and suddenly covered up by
deposit from the river. The making of a cut-oflf, or some such local cause, •
will sometimes in one overflow lead to a deposit of such depth. Seventeen
miles above the point at which Colonel Hancock found these articles, is what
is known as Old-town landing, and near by is Old-town lake, where I lived
from 1855 to 1859. There are evidences of a large town there for many
miles, with remains found there, everywhere, similar to those found by Colonel
Hancock. The location of the mounds, which are numerous, is upon ground
of a normal level, and no indication of earthquakes. The New Madrid dis-
turbance, the only one of which we have any account or undoubted evidence,
did not extend so low by near two hundred miles.

You are in error in supposing I have Col. Hancock's cabinet. He left it
by will to Gen. Wm. Preston."

660 APPENDIX.

Note (26), page 439,
THE DEATH AND BURIAL OF DE SOTO.

Biedma merely says : Soto " fell sick and died." But the Elvas Narrative
is more.partiuular. It says : " The 21st of May, 1542, departed out of this
life the valorous, virtuous, and valiant Captain Don Fernando de Soto, Gov-
ernor of Cuba, and Adelantado of Florida. Luis de Moscoco determined to
conceal his death from the Indians, because Fernando de Soto had made them
believe that the Christians were immortal. The adelantado made them be-
lieve that he knew some things that passed in secret among themselves, with-
out their knowledge how or in what manner he came by it ; and that the figure
which appeared in a glass which he showed them, did tell him whatsoever they
practised and went about ; and therefore neither in word nor deed durst they
attempt anything that might be prejudicial unto him.

As soon as he was dead, Luis de Moscoco commanded to put him secretly
in the house, where he remained three days ; and removing him from thence,
commanded him to be buried in the night at one of the gates.of the town,
within the wall. The Indians, passing by the place where he was buried, see-
ing the earth moved, looked and spoke one to another. Luis de Moscoco learn-
ing this, commanded him to be taken up by night, and to cast a great deal of
sand into the mantles wherein he was wound up, wherein he was carried in a
canoe, and thrown into the midst of the river."

No mention is here made of the "oak log hollowed out," neither is there
mention that the body of De Soto was taken from a coffin when it was disin-
terred ; yet it is probable that it was at first buried in a coffin, and it is not
probable that the Spaniards would have put the body of De Soto merely
wrapped in mantles into the Mississippi River to be devoured by the fishes.
What is probable is this; that both Garcilasso's and the Elvas account are
correct as far as they go ; and that the mantles in which the body was wrapped
were filled with sand (as there were no rocks in that place); that the body was
then placed in the hollowed oak, the cavity filled with sand, a plank closely
nailed over the cavity, and the whole committed to the depths of the Mis-
sissippi River. Thus the Mississippi is the appropriate monument of its
discoverer.

Note (27), paje 440.

THE ROUTE OF MOSCOSO. FROM THE ELVAS NARRATIVE, WITH
EXPLANATORY NOTES.

On Monday the 5th of June (1542), Moscoso departed from Guachoya.
He passed through a province called Catalte ; and, having passed a wilderness
of six days' journey, the 20th he came to Chaguate. The cacique went with
him to the town where he resided, which was a day's journey from thence.
They passed through a small town where there was a lake where the Indians
made salt ; and the Christians made some one day while they rested there, of
a brackish water which sprang near the town in ponds, like springs. The
governor stayed six days in Chaguate. There they told him that three days'

MOSCOSO'S ROUTE. 661

journey from thence was a province called Aguacay. He came to this
town on Wednesday the 4th. of July. Here they had knowledge of the South
Sea.* Here (at Aguacay) was a great store of salt made of sand which they
gathered in a vein of ground like pebbles, and was made as the salt in
Cayas. The same day that he departed from Aguacay, the camp was pitched
hard by a lake of salt water ; and that evening they made salt there. The
fourth day after his departure from Aguacay he came to the first habitation of
a province called Amaye, a day and a half journey from Naguatex. Having
passed the peopled country of Amaye, on Saturday the 20th of July they
pitched their camp at noon in the corner of a grove between Amaye and
Naguatex. That night be lodged there ; and the next day he came to the
habitation of Naguatex. He inquired where the cacique's chief town was.
They told him that it was on the other side of a river that passed thereby ; he
travelled thitherward and came unto it. And because he knew not where it
could be waded, he determined to rest some days in the town where he was.
So he pitched his camp a quarter of a league from the river. The weather
was very hot. Within ten days after, he sent two captains, with fifteen horse-
men apiece, "upward and down the river ; and they crossed it, and found on
the other side of it great habitation and great store of victuals. The governor
sent an Indian from Naguatex, where he lay, to command the cacique to
come and serve him. The cacique came with many of his men ; they came
all in a rank one before another on both sides, leaving in the middle a lane
where he came. They came where the governor was, all of them weeping
after the manner of Tulla, which was not far from thence towards the east, (a)
Within four days the governor departed thence, and coming to the river he
could not cross it, because it was grown very big, which seemed to him very
wonderful, being at the time it was, and since it had not rained for a month.
The governor returned unto the place -frhere he had lodged before, and learning
within eight days that the river was fordable he departed. He crossed
over the river and found the town without people ; he lodged in the field.
Presently he departed from Naguatex, and within three days' journey came
to Nissoone. He came to another miserable town called Lacane ; an Indian
here said that the country of Nondacao had great habitation, and great store
of corn. The cacique of Nondacao came with his men weeping like those of
Naguatex and Tulla ; for this is their custom in token of obedience. The
governor departed from Nondacao towards Soacatino, and in five days' journey
came to a province called Aays. He came to Soacatino, which was a very poor
country. Here the Indians said that a little way to the south they heard there
were Christians. The governor travelled twenty days through a country
where he suffered great scarcity and trouble. At last coming to a province
called Guasco, they found corn wherewith they loaded their horses and the
Indians that they had. From thence they went to another town called Naquis-
coca. The Indians here said they had no notice of any other Christians. The
governor commanded them to be tortured. They then said that the Christians
first came to Nacacahoz, and from thence returned again to the west from

* They probably henrd of the Gulf of Mexico, and mistook it for the South Sea
(Pacific Ocean).

662 APPENDIX.

whence they came. The governor then came in two days to Nacacahoz.(6)
Here a woman said she had seen Christians, and had been taken by them and
had run away. The governor sent a captain with fifteen horsemen to the place
where she said that she had seen them. After they had gone three or four
leagues, the woman, who guided them, said that all that she had told them
was untrae. And so they held all the rest that the Indians had said of seeing
Christians in Florida.* And because the country that way was poor of corn,
and towards the west there was no notice of any habitation, they returned to
Guasco. The Indians there told them that ten days' journey from thence
towards the west was a river called Daj'cao (probably the Trinity) , whither
they went sometimes to hunt deer ; and that they had seen people on the
other side, but knew not what habitation was there. There at Guasco the
Christians took such corn as they could carry, and going ten days through a
wilderness came to that river which the Indians had told them of. Ten horse-
men passed over the same, and went in a way that led from the river, and lighted
upon a company of Indians that dwelt in very little cabins ; who escaped,
leaving that which they had ; all which was nothing but misery and poverty.
The horsemen took two Indians and returned with them to the river, where
the governor stayed for them. There was none in the camp that could under-
stand their language. The governor assembled the captains and principal per-
sons to determine with their advice what to do. And the most part said that
they thought it best to return back to the Rio Grande (Mississippi) of Guachoia.
And they held that the country beyond the river Daycao (probably the Trinity),
where they were, was that which Cabega de Vaca mentioned in his relation :
that he passed ; of the Indians which lived like the Alarhes, having no settled
place, and fed upon tunas and roots of the field, and wild beasts that they
killed. The governor presently (the beginning of October) returned the
same way that he came. From Daycao, where now they, were, to the
Rio Grande, was one hundred and fifty leagues.f And by the way as they
returned back they had much ado to find corn ; for where they had passed the
country was destroyed. The towns which in Naguatex they had burned were
repaired again, and the houses full of corn. In that place are vessels made of
clay which difier very little from those of Estremoz or Montemor.(c) He
departed from Chaguate and crossed the river by Aays; going down by it
he found a town called Chilano, which as yet they had not seen. They
came to Nilco, and found so little corn that it could not suffice till they made
their ships. The Indians of Nilco told them that two days' journey from
thence, near unto the Rio Grande, were two towns whereof the Christians had
no notice, and that the province was called Minoya, and was a fruitful soil. The
governor sent a captain thither, who came to Minoya and found two great
towns seated in a plain and open soil, half a league distant, one in sight of the

* The Spnninrds travelled south from Gunsoo to Nncnonhoz. These Christians pro-
bably were the Spaniards of the two vessels of Narvaez's expedition, that were forced
ashore on Galveston Island ; and it is not improbable that some of the inhabitants of
Soaoatino, and of Naoaoaboz mny have seen, or have heard of them. The Spaniards
had great difficulty in interpreting what the Indians said, and doubtless often mis-
understood them.

f Legun, fire thousand varas, two and one-third English miles.

MOSCOSO'S ROUTE. 663

other, and great store of corn. Presently he sent word to the governor what
he had found, who thereupon departed from Nilco in the beginning of Decem-
ber. And when they arrived at MInoya, the Christians lodged in one of the
towns, which was fenced about and distant a quarter of a league from the Rio
Grande.

(a) THE BISKATRONGE OR VyEEPERS.

Hennepin, relating the account that Father Anastasius wrote of La Salle's
voyage, says: "After some days' march through a pretty sort of country,
wherein, however, they were forced to cross many great brooks on cajeux
(rafts), they entered a country far more agreeable and pleasant, where they
found a numerous nation who entertained them with every demonstration of
kindness. These savages presented them with hides of wild bulls, well dressed
and soft. This nation is called Biskatronge ; but the Europeans call them the
Nation of Weepers, and give the same name to their river, which is very fine.
The reason of it is, that at their (the French) arrival these people fell a crying
most bitterly for a quarter of an hour. This is their custom whenever there
come among them any strangers from afar off, because their arrival reminds
them of their deceased relations whom they imagine to be upon a great journey,
and whose return they expect every hour."

Joutel, in his " Journal of the Last Voyage performed by Monsieur de La
Salle," gives the following account of his reception among the Cenis, probably
at ITaguatex, who appear to be the same people or nation referred to by Hen-
nepin. Joutel says : ' 'When it was day we held on our way to the village, and
the elders came out to meet us in their formalities ; all their faces were daubed
with black or red paint. There were twelve elders, who walked in the middle ;
and the youth and warriors in ranks on the side of these old men. Being come
up to us in that manner, he that conducted us made a sign for us to halt, which,
when we had done, all the old men lifted up their right hands above their heads
crying out in a most ridiculous manner ; but it behooved us to have a care of
laughing. That done they came and embraced us, using all sorts of endear-
ments."

The Cenis were an Indian nation ; besides there was a village or town called
Cenis of the same nation, which, on some maps, is placed on a western branch
of the Trinity, and on others on or near the Red River, west of the Cadoda-
quois, who were near and above the great bend of the Red River, near the
southwest boundary of the State of Arkansas. The inhabitants of TuUa,
Naguatex, and Nondacoa may have belonged to the Cenis nation, or been re-
lated to it, or may have had the same religious ideas.

(6) AN ACCOUNT OF SOME OP THE INDIAN TRIBES ON THE ROUTE OP
DE SOTO'S EXPEDITION.

Joutel, who wrote a Journal of the Last Voyage of La Salle, set out with
him from the Bay of Metagorda to go to Montreal, and, after La Sale was
murdered, he, with several others, continued on, and reached Montreal. In
his journal this journey is included. He says in regard to the Cenis, a nation
of Indians who inhabited the country on the head- waters of the Trinity River,
and on the Red River : " The word nation is not to be understood among these

664 APPENDIX.

Indians to denote a people possessing a whole province or vast extent of land ;
these nations are no other than a parcel of villages dispersed for the space of
twenty or thirty leagues at the most, which compose a distinct people or nation ;•
and they differ from one another rather in language than in manners, wherein
they arc all much alike, or at least they vary but little."

There were, among the Cenis, two Frenchmen, who had deserted La Salle
when he first visited that place. Of them Joutel says: "They confirmed
what I had been told before ; that the natives had talked to them of the great
river '\_Arkan$as] that was forty leagues off towards the northeast, and that
there were people like us that dwelt on its banks.

From the Cenis, Hiens, one of the murderers of La Salle, departed, with the
natives, four of our comrades, and the two half-savage Frenchmen, to attack the
Cannohatinao Indians.

From the Cenis Joutel went to the Nahordikhe that were allies to the Cenis.
Thence he went to the '■'Assonys, who were not farther off' than about three
leagues," where rains compelled him to remain until the 13th of June. On
' ' the 1 6th we came to a great river (probably the Ked Kiver) which we
crossed," and on the 23d they came to a village on the river they had crossed.
During their stay in this place they " were informed that the villages belong-
ing to our host, being four in number all allied together, were called Assony,
Nathasos, Nachitos, and Cadodaquio."

From these names it is evident that Joutel was now travelling through the
lands visited by the Spaniards of De Soto's expedition. In regard to some of
these Indians here mentioned by Joutel, and also mentioned in the accounts of
De Soto's expedition, Schoolcraft, in his " American Indians," p. 244, says :
" Adaes or Adaize, a tribe of Indians who formerly lived forty miles southwest
from Natchitoches ; they were located on a lake [Caddo], which communicates
with the branch of Red Kiver passing Bayou Pierre. This tribe appears to
have lived at that spot from an early period. Their language is stated to be of
difficult acquisition, and different from all others in their vicinity. They were
intimate with the Caddoes, and spoke their language. At the last dates [1812]
they were reduced to twenty men, with a disproportionate number of women.
The synonyms for this now extinct tribe are Adayes, Adees, Adaes, Adaize.

Besides there is the following from a note to Penicaut's "Annals of Lou-
isiana," in Historical Collections of Louisiana by B. F. French: The Cado-
hadacho, in the early settlement of Louisiana, were united to several brave
and warlike tribes, among whom were the Natchitoches and Assonis, who lived
on the south bank of Red River, in a pleasant and fertile country several hun-
dred miles above the present town of Natchitoches. They exercised a great
influence over the surrounding tribes — the Yattasees, Nabadachies, Innies,
ICeyehies, Adaies, Nacogdoches, and Nandakoes — all of whom speak the
Caddo language, and look up to them as their fathers.

" On the 28th of April, 1699, M. de Bienville set out [from the Mississippi]
for the Ouachita village situated on the river of that name which empties into
Red River several leagues from its mouth. He was informed by this nation
tjiat six leagues to the northeast there was a Courois village, oonsistinw of
about a hundred men. On the 80th he crossed Red River, and continued his
journey on foot. On the same day, he met with six Natchitoches Indians who

MOSCOSO'S ROUTE. 665

were taking salt to the Courois. On the 7th of May he arrived at the Oua-
chita village, where he procured some provisions and a guide to cpnduct him to
the Yatasse nation. On the 18th, he passed two small nations called the Na-
dassa and Nacasse, and on the 20th he arrived at the Yatasse nation which
consisted of about two hundred men. Here he obtained some information re-
specting the distance to the Nadaco and Cadadoquiou villages. As the time
given him by M. d'Iberville had now expired, he embarked on the 23d in four
pirogues, and descended Red River. On the 26th he visited one of the vil-
lages of the Adayes. On the 28th he stopped at the village of the Dulchanois
about three leagues from Natchitoches. A few days after, he entered the Mis-
sissippi, and arrived at the Bayagoula nation, where he learned they had en-
tirely destroyed their neighbors, the Mongoulaches.

The Duke de Lignares, viceroy of Mexico, engaged St. Denis, who arrived
in the city of Mexico, 25th of June, 1715, to accompany nine missionaries who
were going to establish themselves among the Adays, Naeodoches, Youays,
Assinays, Natchitoches, and Nadaeos in the province of Lastekas. On the
25th of October, St. Denis left Mexico on this expedition. On the 4th of
June, 1716, he returned to the Assinays, and on the 25th of August, he ar-
rived at Mobile." (Bernard de la Harpe.)

Bernard de la Harpe arrived in Louisiana, August, 1718, and set out for Red
River with fifty men. He returned to New Orleans the following October,
and on the 10th of December, he set out again for Red River, with a detach-
ment of troops to establish a fort among the Cadodaquious. When he arrived
at Natchitoches [where a fort is built], he found Blondel in command, and
Father Manwel at the mission of the Adayes about nine leagues distant.

At Natchitoches he was informed that Don Martin de Alarconne, command-
ant of the province of Lastekas, had arrived from the Rio [Bravo] del Norte,
where he had established several missions and a post at Espirito Santo Bay in
the vicinity of the rivers Gaudaloupe and St. Mark. He then went to the
country of the Assinays to establish a post among the Cadodaquious. On the
6th of February, 1719, La Harpe proceeded to the Assinays to prevent the
Spaniards from making an establishment there. After a circuitous and very
difficult navigation, he arrived at the Nassonites on the 21st of April, 1719,
having travelled one Jiundred and fifty leagues in a northwest direction from
Natchitoches. The Indians of this country, viz., the Nassonites, Natsoos,
Natchitoches, Yatasses, and Cadodaquious, having been informed of his arrival,
prepared a great feast for him and his officers, consisting of buffalo meat and
smoked fish. After the feast La Harpe informed the chiefs that the great
French king heard of the wars of the Chicachas [Chicacas] with them, and had
sent him with warriors to live among them, and protect them from their ene-
mies.

Upon which a venerable old Cadodaquiou chief rose and replied : " It was
true that most of their nation had been killed or made slaves ; that they were
now but few in number ; they knew the Nadouches and other wandering
nations had been at peace with them since the arrival of La Salle, which was
many years ago."

After he had sat down, La Harpe asked them the way to the nearest of the
Spanish settlements. They told him he would find them at a distance of fifty

666 APPENDIX.

leagues off among the nations of the Nadaco and Amediches, but that he could
not go there on account of the low water.* ITiat at sixty leagues on the right
of Red River ascending, there were many nations at war with the Panis
[Pawnees] where the Spaniards had established themselves, and that at ninety
leagues to the north of their villages there were powerful nations on the Rio
Grande of whom they knew but little.

On the 27th of April La Harpe went to visit some land ten leagues from
the Nassonites on the borders of a river where the Natsoos formerly lived.
He found the situation beautiful, the land rich, the prairies fertile, and he
would have built a fort there, but for the desertion of the Indians who agreed
to furnish him with provisions.

The Cadodaquious lived at this time ten leagues above the Nassonites ; and
the Natsoos and Natchitoches three leagues above them, on the right of the
river (Red). These tribes are scattered over the plains, and not living in
villages, which has been the cause of their destruction. Ten years before they
numbered about four hundred persons, which composed some families of the
Yatassee nation who had come to live among them. The Yatassees formerly
lived about fifty-six leagues above the Natchitoches on Red River, but this
nation has been almost destroyed by the Chicachas, excepting those who sought
refuge among the Natchitoches and Nassonites.

The land of this country is generally flat, with some hills and extensive
prairies. La Harpe fixed his establishment upon the land of the Nassonites in
latitude 33'-' 55', distant eighteen leagues in a straight line from Natchitoches. f

(c) INDIAN POTTERT.

The Indian, before being acquainted with the European, dependent on his own
ingenuity to supply his wants, showed much skill in the manufacture of articles
which he ceased to fabricate after European industry introduced the necessaries
he required. Earthenware was to the Indian an article of great utility, and
of almost universal use, as the fragments of pottery found in every portion of
America testify. But it is not an evidence of any great degree of civilization,
for these relics of Indian skill and industry were found among the least, and
also among the most enlightened of the Indian tribes, from the banks of the
Mississippi to those of the Amazon. The following extracts will give some
interesting information in regard to the manufacture of pottery by the Indians.
The first extract is from Humboldt's ("Voyage au Nouveau Continent")
travels in South America. He thus speaks of the potteries of Maniquarez,
four hours' travel from Cumana. " The potteries of Maniquarez, celebrated
from time immemorial, form a branch of industry that is exclusively in the

* The route then muat have been by water, by some river, probably Bed River.

f La, Harpe. Miijor .\mos Stoddard, in his "Historical Sketches of Louisiana,"
says : this fort was " called St. Louis de Charlorette on the right bank of that river"
(the Red). And in a note is this: "The author has had access to the manuscript
journal of this gentleman (La Harpe), which has been transmitted to this time" (1804).
Stoddard writes the name "Bernard de la Harp.'' Major Stoddard, in the month of
March, 1804, took possession of " upper" Louisiana, under the treaty of cession. The
records and other public documents were open to his inspection, and it was probably
among these he found the manuscript journal of La Harpe.

MOSOOSO'S ROUTE. 667

hands of .Indian women. The fabrication is still made according to the method
employed before the conquest. It shows, at the same time, the infancy of the
art, and that unchangeable custom which characterizes aU the indigenous peoples
of America. Three centuries have not sufficed to introduce the potter's lathe
upon a coast which is but thirty or forty days' sail from Spain. The quames
whence they take the clay are half a league to the east of Maniquarez. This
clay is due to the decomposition of a micaceous schist colored red by the oxide
of iron. The Indians prefer the parts most charged with mica. They form,
with much skill, vases that are two or three feet in diameter, the curve of
which is very regular. As they do not know the use of kilns, they place the
brush of Desmanthus, Cassia, and arborescent Capparis, around the pots, and
bake them in the open air. Farther to the east of the quarry which furnishes
the clay, is the ravine of the Mina. They assert that a short time after the
conquest, Venetian gold hunters there extracted gold from the micaceous schist.
It appears that this metal is not united in the veins of quartz, but that it is
disseminated through the rock, as it is sometimes in granite and gneiss."

In this connection it is proper to remark that in the satue vicinity of
Cumana, were salines.

The next extract is taken from the "Navigator, or Ohio and Mississippi
River Guide," published in 1810. It is as follows: "Up the Saline River,
twelve miles from the Ohio, are extensive saltworks.* At and in the vicinity
of these works, are to be found fragments of ancient pottery of uncommon
large size, large enough, it is stated, to fill the bulge of a hogshead, and thick
in proportion. On Goose Creek, f and in many other parts, in the neighborhood
of salt springs particularly, similar fragments of ware are found, which would .
induce abelief that its makers used it to boil their salt in. This is by no
means improbable ; some pots of a similar composition, but of a smaller kind,
for cooking, are still [1812] found in use among many of the tribes of Ameri-
can Indians, both northern and southern. The Chocktaws and Chickasaws
about Natchez are frequently seen with pots of this composition, carrying them
about with them from camp to camp, in which they boil their hominy, or other
victuals. I procured a small pot of this kind from the Chocktaw Indians at
Natchez, and when I returned to Pennsylvania, in' the summer of 1812, I
deposited it in Peale's Museum, in Philadelphia. . . . When in Kentucky,
in the year 1810, I got a very ancient pot of this ware, that had been found
buried in the sand of a saltpetre cave at the head of Licking River. It was
of the same character, in composition, shape, and purpose for which it had
been made, viz., for the fire, as that got from the Chocktaws at Natchez. It
being very old and tender, the composition was easily seen by crumbling pieces
of it between the fingers. Pounded shells, clay, and sand, appeared to be the
component parts of- this ware ; it did not seem as if it had been turned on a
lathe, though nearly as regular as if it had. The manner of burning it, I was
told by a white woman in habits of intimacy with the Chocktaws, is as follows :
The pot, when formed and sun-dried, is put in the centre of a ring of fire, at
such a distance as at first to gently warm it throughout, and, as it gets able to

* Probably the salt works near Sh.^wneetown in the state of Illinois,
t Probably that which empties into South Fork of the Kentucky KiTer.

668 APPENDIX.

bear more heat, the fire is moved in gradually to the centre, and increased,
and, when the pot is thought sufficiently hot, it is then covered over with
embers, coals, and fire, and so continued baking until it is fit for use, the
length of time it takes to burn being known only by experience, and is
governed by the size and thickness of the vessel. It may be asked where
shells are got by the Indians for this manufacture. It is answered that vast
banks of oyster-shells are found in Georgia, many miles in length, and also a
bank in the Mississippi Territory, about one hundred and fifty miles from
Natches, and which is crossed on the road from that place to Nashville. The
length and breadth of this bank have not perhaps been ascertained, but it is
evidently very extensive. Our rivers all afibrd the mussel-shell.

I have heard the ware on Goose Creek spoken of through several channels.
A gentleman of Chillicothe assured me there had been one large kettle found
entire on that creek, and which was dug up from under the roots of a large tree
that had fallen by the wind, and that it was not -uncommon to find them in
numbers, when digging for salt at that place."

As I have seen nowhere else an account of Indian brick, I will give the
following from the " Geological Survey of Mississippi" : "The alluvial plain of
the Mississippi River, in the state of Mississippi, appears to have been the
home of a tribe of Indians who, at an early period, inhabited this country, it
is especially there that their remarkable mounds surrounded with brick walls
are found. . . . The bricks of the walls that surround the mounds are of
a singular and fine vermilion color, and have the appearance as if they had
been burned upon cane, being fluted in that manner ; they seem to contain a
great deal of lime." It is to be regretted that the particular locations of these
mounds were not mentioned.

TONTI'S KODTE TO THE NAOtTADICHES.

After the expedition of De Soto, the Mississippi was not again visited by
Europeans till the year 1673, when Joliet and Marquette descended it from the
mouth of the Wisconsin to near that of the Arkansas. In 1682 La Salle and
Tonti descended the Mississippi from the mouth of the Illinois to the Gulf of
Mexico. In 1685 La Salle formed a settlement on the Bay of Metagorda, and
thence made excursions into the interior. When La Salle was murdered in
1687, at a place three days' journey west of Naouadiches, Cavelier, his brother,
conducted seven of his followers to the fort that Tonti had built in 1686 on
the Arkansas River. In October, 1689, Tonti set out from Fort St. Louis on
the Illinois River "to bring back M. de La Salle's men, who were on the sea-
coast;" and in April, 1690, arrived at Naouadiches whence he returned. In 1714
St. Denis penetrated beyond the Mississippi to the missionary establishment of
St. John the Baptist, two leagues west of the Rio Bravo del Norte. All these
expeditions were into the region visited by De Soto or his followers, and are
the earliest notice of the Indian tribes inhabiting it, and it is especially from
the two last, that of Tonti and that of St. Denis, that is derived the best
account of the location of these tribes beyond the Mississippi. These two ex-
peditions, therefore, will here be briefly given.

The Memoir of the Sieur de Tonti has the following: "On the 7th of April
[1688], Coutoure brought to me [at Fort St. Louis] two Arkansas who danced

MOSCOSO'S EOTJTE. 669

the calumet. They informed me of the death of M. de La Salle, with all the
circumstances which they had heard from M. Cavelier, who had fortunately
discovered the house I had built at Arkansas, where the said Coutoure stayed
with three Frenchmen.

M. Cavelier told me that the Cadadoquis had proposed to accompany him if
he would go and fight against the Spaniards. He had objected on account of
their being only fourteen Frenchmen. I would not undertake anything with-
out the consent of the Governor of Canada. I sent the said Coutoure to the
French remaining in Naouadiche to get all the information he could. He set
off', and at a hundred leagues from the fort was wrecked, and, having lost every-
thing, returned.

In the interval M. de Denonville informed me that war was declared against
Spain. Upon this I came to the resohition of going to Naouadiche to execute
what M. Cavelier had ventured to undertake, and to bring back M. de La Salle's
men who were on the sea-coast, not knowing of the misfortunes that had be-
fallen them. I set off' on the 3d of October [1689], and joined my cousin
who was gone on before, and who was to accompany me, but as M. de la Foret
did not come to take command in my absence, I sent my cousin back to com-
mand the fort.

I bought a larger boat than my own. We embarked five Frenchmen, one
Chaganon, and two slaves. We arrived on the 17th at an Illinois village at
tte mouth of thejr river. We reached the village of the Cappas on the 16th
of January, where we were received with demonstrations of joy, and for four
days there was nothing but dancing, feasting, and masquerading after their
manner. They danced the calumet for me, which confirmed the last alliance.
On the 20th of January [1690], we came to Tongenga, and on the 22d arrived
at the Torremans. Leaving my crew I set oS the next day for Assotone, where
my commercial house is. These savages had not yet seen me, as they live on
a branch of the river coming from the west [the Arkansas River] . They did
their best, giving me two women of the Cadadoquis nation, to whom I was
going. I returned [down the Arkansas] to Torremans on the 2Gth, and bought
there two boats.* We went away on the 27th. On the 29th, finding one of
our men asleep when on duty as sentinel, I reprimanded him, and he left me.
I sent two of my people to Coroua to spare myself the fatigue of dragging on
with our crew six leagues inland. The Frenchman with whom I had quarrelled
made with them the third. We slept opposite the rivers of the Taencas, which
run from Arkansas. They came there on the 2d [Feb. 1690], this being the
place of meeting.

On the 4th February the rest of the party arrived. On the 5th, being op-
posite Taencas, the men whom I had sent to Coroua not having brought any

* These villages were in the following order in descending the Mississippi : The
first ia Knppa or Gappaj the second, eight leagues btlow, is Torengen or Torgenga or
Tonningua j then two leagues below is Toriman or Torreman. All these three were on
the MissiEsippi River; but Assotone, or Osotonoy, or Atsotochove was six leagues up
the Arkansas Eiver, on the east bank. Toriman appears to have been at or very near
the mouth of the Arkansas. I have given the different ways of writing these names,
and it is but one of many examples of a similar kind, as for instance, Naoudiche,
which is written several different ways.

670 APPENDIX.

news of the two Frenchmen whom I was anxious about, I sent them to Natchez.
They found that this nation had killed the two men. They arrived on the 8th
of February. We set off on the 12th with twelve Taeneas, and after a voyage
of twelve leagues to the northwest we left our boats and made twenty leagues'
portage, and on the 17th February, 1690, came to Natchitoches. They made us
stay at the place, which is in the midst of the three villages called Natchitoches,
Ouasita, and Capiche. The chiefs of the three nations assembled, and before
they began to speak the thirty Taeneas who were with me got up and leaving
their arms went to the temple, to show how sincerely they wished to make a
solid peace. After having taken their god to witness, they asked for friendship.
I made them some presents in the name of Taeneas. They remained some
days in the village to traffic with salt, which these nations got from a lake in the
neighborhood.* After their departure they gave me guides to the Yataches ;
and after ascending the river, always towards the northwest, about thirty
leagues, we found fifteen cabins of Natchez who received us pretty well. We
arrived on the 16th of March at Yataches about forty leagues from thence.
The three villages of Yataches, Nadas, and Choye are together. As they
knew of our arrival, they came three leagues to meet us with refreshments, and
on joining us we went together to their villages. The chief made many feasts
for us. I gave presents to them, and asked for guides to the Cadadoquis.
They granted me five men, and we got to Cadadoquis on the 28th. At the
place where we were encamped we discovered the trail of men and horses.
The next day some horsemen came to reconnoitre us, and after speaking to the
chief's widow, whom I brought back with me, carried back the news. The
next day a woman, who governed this nation, came to visit me with the prin-
cipal persons of the village. She wept over me, demanding vengeance for the
death of her husband and of the husband of the woman I was bringing back,
both of whom had been killed by the Osages. To take advantage of everything,
I promised- that their death should be avenged. We went together to their
temple, and after the priests had invoked their god for a quarter of an hour,
they conducted me to the cabin of their chief. Before entering they washed
my face with water, which is a ceremony among them. During the time I was
there I learned from them that eighty leagues off were the seven Prenchmeii
whom M. Cavelier had left. I hoped to finish my troubles by rejoining them,
but the Frenchmen who accompanied me, tired of the journey, would go no
further. All that I could do was to engage one of them, with a savage, to

* Iberville, in April, 1699, going to the Ounohita villag?, on the OaaohitaBiver, met
six Natchitoches Indians who were taking salt to the Couroie. And Du Pratz sajs :
" Up the Black River about thirty leagues we find on the left (ascending) a brook of
salt water which comes from the west. In going up this brook about two leagues, we
meet with a lake of saltwater, which maybe two leagues in length by one in breadth ;
and a league higher up to the north we meet another salt lake almost as long and as
broad as the former. The Indians came a great way off to this place to hunt in win-
ter and make salt. Before the French trucked copper with them, they made upon
the spot pots of earth for this operation j and they returned home loaded with salt
and dry provisions." Some of the large earthen vessels in which the Indians made
salt have been found at some of the salines in Kentucky and Illinois. They ar
represented as large as the bead of a hogshead.

MOSCOSO'S EOTITE. 611

accompany me to the village of Naouadiche where I hoped to find the seven
Frenchmen.

The Cadadoquis are united with two other villages, called Natchitoches and
Nasoui, situated on Red River. All the tribes of this nation speak the same
language. Their cabins are covered with straw, and they are not united in
villages, but their huts are distant one from the other. Their fields are beau-
tiful. They wage cruel wars with each other — hence their villages are but
thinly populated. I never found that they did any work except making very
fine bows, of which they make a trafiic with distant nations. The Cadadoquis
possess about thirty horses. The men and women are tattooed in the face and
all over the body. They call this river the Red River because, in fact, it de-
posits a sand which makes the water as red as blood.

I left this place on the 6th of April, directing our route southward, with a
Frenchman, a Chaganon, a little slave of mine, and five of their savages, whom
they gave me as guides to Naouadiche. On our road we found some Naoua-
diche savages hunting, who assured me that the Frenchmen were staying with
them. On the 23d, we slept half a league from the village, and the chiefs came
to visit us at night. I asked them about the Frenchmen. They told me they
had accompanied their chiefs to fight against the Spaniards seven days' journey
ofi"; that the Spaniards had surrounded them with their cavalry ; and that the
chiefs having spoken in their favor, the Spaniards had given them horses and
arms. Some of the others told me that the Quanouatins had killed three of
them ; and that four others had gone in search of iron arrow-heads : I did not
doubt but they had murdered them. I told them that they had kUled the
Frenchmen. Directly all the women began to cry, and thus I saw what I had
said was true. I would not, therefore, accept the calumet. I told the chief I
wanted four horses for my return, and having given him seven hatchets and a
string of large glass beads, I received the next day four Spanish horses. As
this nation is sometimes at peace, and sometimes at war with the neighboring
Spaniards, they take advantage of a war to carry off their horses. There is
not a cabin which has not four or five. We harnessed ours as well as we
could, and departed on the 29th, greatly vexed that we could not continue our
route as far as M. de La Salle's camp. We were unable to obtain guides from
this nation to take us there, though not more than eighty leagues off. It was
at the distance of three days' journey from hence that M. de La Salle was
murdered.

We reached Cadadoquis on the 10th of May. We stayed there to rest our
horses, and went away on the 1 7th, with a guide who was to take us to the vil-
lage of Coronas. After four days' journey, he left us. When our guide was
gone, I directed our course to the southeast, and, after about forty leagues'
march, crossing seven rivers, we found the river Coronas. We made a raft to
explore the other side of the river, but found there no dry land. We resolved
to abandon our horses, as it was impossible to take them on, because of the ,
great inundation. In the evening, as we were preparing to depart, we saw
some savages. We called to them in vain — they ran away, and we were un-
able to come up with them. Two of their dogs came to us, which, with two of
our own, we embarked the next day on our raft, and left our horses. We
crossed fifty leagues of flooded country. The water, where it was least deep,

b7a APPENDIX.

reached half-way up the legs ; and in all this tract we found only one little
island of dry land, -where we killed a bear and dried its flesh. It would be
difficult to give an idea of the trouble we had to get out of this miserable coun-
try, where it rained night and day. We were obliged to sleep on the trunks of
two great trees placed together, and to make our fire on the trees, to eat our
dogs, and to carry our baggage across large tracts covered with cane ; in short,
I never suiFered so much in all my life as in this journey to the Mississippi,
which we reached on the 11th of July. Finding that we were only thirty
leagues from Corouas, we resolved to go there, although we had never set foot
in that village. We arrived there on the evening of the 14th. We had not
eaten for three days. The savages received me very well. During three days
they did not cease feasting us. I left them on the 20th, and reached the. Ark-
ansas on the Slst, where I caught a fever, which obliged me to stay there till
the 11th of August, when I left. The fever lasted until we got to the Illinois,
in September, 1690. (His. Col. La., by B. F. French.)

ST. DENIS'S KOUTE TO MEXICO.

On the 23d of August [1713], St. Denis set out with thirty Canadians, to
make a reconnoissance of the Spanish mission in the province of Lastikas, near
Red Elver. On the 15th of November, he arrived at the Assinays, west of
Natchitoches, and not finding any Spaniards there, returned to the Natchez,
where he re-enforced himself with five Canadians. He then reascended Red
River to Natchitoches, and marched to the Assinays, where he took twenty
Indians and some horses, to conduct him to the missionary establishment of St.
John the Baptist, two leagues west of the Rio Bravo [now Rio Grande].
Capt. Raimond, the commandant of this post, informed the Duke of Lignares,
Viceroy of Mexico, of the arrival of St. Denis, and of his approaching mar-
riage with his niece. The Viceroy sent orders for St. Denis to repair immedi-
ately to the city of Mexico, where he arrived on the 25th of June, 1715. He
engaged St. Denis to accompany nine missionaries, who were going to estab-
lish themselves among the Adays, Nachodoches, Youays, Assinays, Natchi-
toches, and Nadacos, in the province of Lastikas. On the 26th of October, he
left the city of Mexico on this expedition, and visited St. Louis de Potosi, St.
Louis de la Paz, Charcas, Saltillo, Boca de Leon, and St. John the Baptist, on
the Rio del Norte [now Grande], where he was married. On the 4th of June,

1716, he returned to the Assinays, and on the 25th of August, he arrived at
Mobile.

In October St. Denis, Graveline, La Freniere, Beaulieu, Freres, Derbanne
[all Canadians], formed a commercial copartnership. They purchased from
the stores of Crozat sixty thousand livres of merchandise to sell to the Span-
iards in the kingdom of New, Leon ; and on the 10th of October, 1716, they
set out from Mobile to go to Mexico. They arrived at Natchitoches on the
25th of November, where they purchased some horses, and on the 25th of De-
cember they reached one of the villages of the Adayes [where they found a
Spanish mission-house]. From the 29th of December to the 4th of January,

1717, they travelled eighteen leagues through a country abounding in game.
On the 6th they crossed the river Adayes, and slept in the village of the

MOSCOSO'S ROUTE. 6t3

Ayiches, where they found a Spanish mission-house established, consisting of
two priests, three soldiers, and a woman. The country was interspersed with
beautiful prairies, and watered by several streams. From the 12th to the 13th
they travelled nineteen leagues, and slept at the mission-station of Nacho-
doches, where " they found four priests, two soldiers, and a Spanish woman.
From the 18th to the 21st, they travelled nine leagues, to the Assinays or
Cenis, where they found two priests, one soldier, and a Spanish woman.

At Le Presidio,* which was seventeen leagues further on, they met a cap-
tain, ensign, and twenty-five soldiers. On the 22d they crossed two rivers,
and at a distance of ten leagues further they passed the last mission-station of
the Assinays or Cenis, which consisted of two priests and several soldiers, who
furnished them with a relay of horses. From the 23d to the 24th they trav-
elled eighteen leagues to Trinity Eiver, where they rested. From the 26th to
the 28th they advanced twenty-four leagues, to the river des Irrupines [probably
Brazos], where they saw a great herd of wild buffaloes. On the next day they
crossed the river, which has two branches, and slept at night in a village of
the same name. From the 2d to the 8th of April they travelled thirty-six
leagues, and crossed a desert to the Colorado Eiver. Here they were attacked
by sixty Indians on horseback, who were covered with buffalo skins and armed
with bows and lances. The conflict was soon ended ; but in their retreat the
Indians threw themselves upon ■ their rear guard, and carried off twenty-three
mules, one of which was loaded with all their wearing apparel.

On the 1 1th they made nine leagues, and forded the river St. Marks. On
the next day they crossed two branches of the river Guadaloupe. From the
13th to the 14th they travelled thirteen leagues, and forded the rivers St.
Anthony and Madeline.-|- From the 15th to the 19th they travelled twenty-
seven leagues, to the river Nueces. From the 20th to the 21st they travelled
to the river Del Norte [Grande], and two leagues to the west of which they
arrived at the Presidio, where they found a captain, lieutenant, and thirty
Spanish soldiers. In this place were established the missions of St. Bernard
and St. John the Baptist. Their houses were built around a square whifch
formed their fortress.. These missionary-stations are situated about two hun-
dred and fourteen leagues from Natchitoches, in latitude 29° 10'. Here
Graveline and Derbonne learned that the merchandise brought by St. Denis
had been seized by Raimond, commandant of the post, and that he had gone
to the city of Mexico to have them restored to him.

This news compelled them to intrust the goods they had brought with them
to the Franciscan fathers, who sold them by degrees to the merchants of Boca
de Leon. On the 1st of September they heard of the imprisonment of St.
Denis, which obliged them soon after to set out for Mobile, where they ar-
rived on the 25th of October, 1717. They visited, on their route, a Spanish

» Presidio is the Spanish name for fort or garrison. That here mentioned was
Cenis probably. The Presidio St. John the Baptist was in latitude 28°. The Pre-
sidio del Passo del Norte and Presidio del Norte are or were also on or near the Rio Bravo
del Norte or Bio Grande del Norte.

t Now Medina, probably contraction or corruption of Madeline.
43

6Y4 APPENDIX.

mission on the Aadayes, St. Michel- Archange de Lingares, which was founded
on the 29th of January, 1717, by the Reverend Father Augustin, Patron de
Guzman, of the order of Franciscans.

Note (28), page 472.
MISSISSIPPI RIVER.

When, on the 13th of May, in the year 1673, Joliet and Marquette passed
from the Wisconsin into the great river that they were in search of, they
called it by the name which the Indians of that section called it, viz., Mescha^
cebe, or, as Hennepin has it, Meschasipi. When they passed the mouth of
the Pekitancni, now the Missouri, they observed the great rapidity of that
river and the turbidness of its waters, and that the character of the river they
had descended to that point, was entirely different from the river below it ;
but they had no knowledge of the great extent of the Pekitanoni ; had they
had this knowledge, the Pekitanoni, in all probability, would have been so
known from the Rocky Mountains to the Gulf of Mexico ; but they continued
the name of Meschasipi to the river as they descended it, and thus a tributary
of the great river gave its name to a portion of that great river which should
have been called by a single name from its mouth to its source.

The name of Meschasipi was afterwards written Missisipi, and finally Mis-
sissippi. There is probably no river that has had so many names as this great
river. The Indians, according to their different localities and different lan-
guages, had different names for it. Soto first knew it by the name Chucagua.
The French several times changed its name, calling it St. Louis, Cobert, etc.

The Mississippi, as now known, might, according to its characteristics, be
called upper, middle, and lower. The first, all that portion above the mouth
of the Missouri ; the second, all between the mouth of the Missouri and that
of the Ohio ; and the third, all below the mouth of the Ohio, or rather from
the terminus of the limestone cliffs on the Mississippi, twenty-eight miles
above the mouth of the Ohio, where, two hundred and eighty-five feet above
the level of the sea, begins the great fluvial deposit that extends five hundred
miles, to the Gulf of Mexico, and has an area of forty thousand square miles.

Through this immense plain the lower Mississippi winds its way, in a south-
erly direction, twelve hundred and six miles to the Gulf of Mexico, flowing
first from the Ohio to Memphis, along its eastern margin, near the bluffs that
bound it on that side, and at some half dozen points present themselves on
the borders of the river ; then, from Memphis to the mouth of the St.
Francis River, it crosses this plain, and then flows along its western margin
from the St. Francis to Lake Providence. From Lake Providence it again
crosses the plain, reaching the eastern side at Vicksburg, and then continuing
aiong the eastern side and very near the bluffs that present themselves on the
banks of the river at five or six points, it reaches the hills of Fort Adams,
twelve miles above the mouth of the Red River, by some considered the head
of the delta : but the river Mississippi still continues along the eastern margin
of its plain to Baton Rouge, the highlands appeai-ing at three or four points.
At Baton Rouge the highlands diverge eastward (in regard to side) from the
river, and terminate on Bayou Manchac, about fifteen miles, by land, below,

MISSISSIPPI RIVER. 6T5

where the delta stretches eastward to Lake Pontchartrain ; aiK^tJi^ Mississippi?
flows southeastwardly two hundred and twenty-sis miles to the Gulf.

From what has been said it will be perceived that the Mississippi crogses its
plain twice, and in each instance diagonally ; firstly, from Memphis to the
mouth of the St. Francis, a distance of eighty miles, while the width of the
plain at Memphis, and at Helena, about eight miles, by land, below the St.
Francis, is thirty-five miles ; secondly, from Lake Providence to Vicksburg, a
distance of seventy-six mile?, while the width of the plain at Vicksburg is
thirty-five miles ; and at Natchez, seventy miles, by the river, below, it is
thirty miles. The plain of the Mississippi, from Manchac or from Red River
to the Ohio is thus divided into three sections ; the first extending from the
Ohio to Memphis, the second from Memphis to Vicksburg, and the third from
Vicksburg to the Red River, or to Manchac. The middle section is one hundred
and eighty-four miles long and sixty-eight miles wide, on the east side of the
Mississippi ; if to this be added the greatest width on the west side, the great-
est width of this section of the plain would be about one hundred miles.

The computed length of the Mississippi from the mouth of the Ohio to the
Gulf of Mexico, is one thousand one hundred and seventy-eight miles. The
width varies from two thousand one hundred and seventy, and two thousand
four hundred and twenty-five, to five thousand six hundred and thirteen and
five thousand nine hundred feet. The average width, from Cape Giradeau to
eleven miles below New Orleans, is three thousand two hundred and thirty-six
feet. The depth at the high water of 1850 was, below the Ohio, from
seventy-one to one hundred and thirty-five feet. From Vicksburg to New
Orleans the average depth in mid-channel, at high water, may be fairly as-
sumed to be one hundred and fifteen feet, though there, are many points where
the depth exceeds one hundred and eighty feet, and others where the extreme
does not exceed seventy feet. Under the bluffs at Grand Gulf, the lead
reached two hundred feet. The average descent, at high water, is three and
one-fourth inches per mile. The average surface velocity in the centre of the
river, at high water, is about seven feet per second, or nearly five miles per
hour.

Along the Mississippi and near it are found lakes in the shape of a horse-
shoe, having the ordinary width of the Mississippi River. These lakes were
once deep bends of the river, and have been formed by the river washing
through the narrow neck which connected the peninsula with the mainland.
About a dozen of these lakes have been formed within the last forty years.
They vary in length from ten to thirty miles. Besides this action of the
river, the sand-bar points opposite the bends increase and encroach upon the
bed of the river, until forced out of its original channel, the river forms for
itself a new one in the opposite bend. AVhere, about twenty-five years ago, a
depth of two hundred feet was found in the Mississippi, the river no longer
fiows, and for about three miles extending aiove that point the Mississippi has
gradually left its old bed, and now flows parallel to it.

These operations of the Mississippi have been in action from the time when
it created the immense plain through which it flows, and it is probable that,
in the lapse of ages, it has occupied every portion of its plain, and even ex-
tended its area by its encroachments on the blufi" barriers that bound it on

6t6 APPENDIX.

either side. But notwithstanding all these changes, the length of the lower
Mississippi for one hundred and eighty years has varied but very little.

During the three hundred and forty years that have elapsed -since Soto,
in 1541, crossed the Mississippi, about the latitude of Helena, such great
changes have taken place in that river, that, in all probability, scarcely a ves-
tige now remains of the channel through which it then flowed. It therefore is
not on the borders of the present channel of the Mississippi that must besought
the theatre of the exploits of De Soto. It is not there that must be expected
traces of his route, if any such remain, but on the borders of the old lakes and
of the old beds of the Mississippi, now probably hid in the dense forests of its
fertile plain.

Note (29), page 487.
THE EOUTE OF DE SOTO IN FLORIDA.

A large artificial mound near the eastern shore of the eastern branch of Tampa
Bay* marks the starting-point in Florida whence De Soto set out to explore the
country. It was here that he encamped, after landing his horses and soldiers on
the shores of the bay near its entrance, and sending his saUors and vessels up
the bay to anchor near the great mound.

De Soto took with him, on his expedition, a number of hogs. Hernando
Cortes did the like on his expedition to Honduras, and Gonzales Pizarro also
took swine with him on his expedition to the Napo. These animals travel
from twelve to fifteen miles a day, and this was the rate at which De Soto
travelled through populated countries, for the Elvas Narrative says they trav-
elled five or six leagues a day through populous countries, and as fast as they
could through countries not populated. A Spanish league is five thousand varas,
or two and one-third English miles, which would make five or six leagues twelve,
or fourteen English miles. When they travelled as fast as they could they
made eight leagues a day, as when they passed through a wilderness on their
way from Patofa to Cofachique, and eight leagues would be about eighteen
miles. But the character of the country made a great difference in their rate
of travel ; and what has been said in regard to their speed must be understood
of their travel in general, and under favorable circumstances ; through marshes,
canebreaks, and thickets, it must have been less, especially where there was no
path. But it is probable that De Soto followed the Indian trails through the
country, except where he was misled by his guides.

The troops first marched to Hurripacuxi, who lived about twelve leagues
from the coast. They marched at the distance of ten or twelve leagues from the
coast to Apalache, which was a hundred and ten leagues from Tampa Bay.
The sea was nine leagues from Apalache, says Biedma — the Elvas Narrative
says ten — that would be twenty-three miles ; and that six leagues on the way
was a town named Ochete (Ante). "Apalache has a great number of habita-
tions, many villages of fifty and sixty houses each ; there are many ponds, and
they fish there all the year. To the north the land is fertile, and there are neither
woods nor marshes. To the south [that is, towards the sea] there is nothing

* It is thus I find it on .the map in the " Conquest of Florida," by Theodore Irvin.

DE SOTO'S ROUTE. BTT

but forests and marshes." Such is the description given of Apalache, taken
from the different accounts of De Soto's expedition. Garcilasso makes it thirty
leagues from the sea ; but the other two almost agree, one giving nine and the
other ten leagues to the sea from Apalache. Apalache, probably, was some-
where in the neighborhood of Tallahassee.

Be Soto, after spending at Apalache the winter that began in 1539, departed
the 3d of March, 1540, to go to Yupaha,* the country in which was Cofa-
cique, a town on the east side of the Savannah River, not far from where Au-
gusta now is. He marched northward five days and came to a large and rapid
river, which he crossed in boats. Elvas says almost the same. Here was a
town called Capachiqui (in this they agree). This river, probably, was the
Ocmulgee. He then came to a small river; here was Achese, a town. He
then came to Ocute, where he travelled up a river very well inhabited. He
travelled and passed two rivers, which were waded ; each was two crossbow-
shots over (eight or ten hundred yards) ; the water came to the stirrups, and
had so great a current that it was needful for the horsemen to stand one before
another that the footmen might pass over above them, leaning unto them. He
came to another river of great current and largeness, which was passed with
more trouble, because the horses did swim, at the coming out, about a lance's
length. Having passed this river he came to a grove of pine trees. They had
now travelled sixty-three or seventy-two leagues from Patofa, according to
Elvas. Here they were at a loss, but Danusco discovered a town downf the
river at a distance of twelve or thirteen leagues. They went thither, and
thence, in two days' journey, came to Cofacique, which was on the east side of
a river they had to cross in boats, and in which river some of their horses' were
drowned in crossing. Biedma says from Chisi [Achese] they went to a province
called Attapaha. ' ' Here they found a river which flowed towards the south, like
those we had already passed (crossed), and emptied into the sea, where Vasquez
■ de Ay Hon had landed' ' (conjecture) . He says from Cofa they travelled in an east-
erly direction. He gives nearly the same distance from the hamlet, that Danusco
discovered, to Cofacique. Biedma mentions four large rivers that they crossed
between Apalache, and the riv'er on which was Cafitacique or Cofacique. The
first river appears to have been larger than the two rivers they crossed by
wading, which were wide and shallow ; the n^xt the horses had to swim a spear's
length. But when they reach the river on which was Cofacique, so deep and
violent was the river that four of their horses were drowned, according to Gar-
cilasso. The Savannah River is five hundred yi;rds wide at Augusta.

Cofacique was two days' journey from the sea, according to Elvas Narrative.
But Biedma says : " The Indians told us that the sea was only about thirty
leagues distant." From Cofacique to Chiaha was twelve days' journey,
that is from Augusta to Rome. Soto, on leaving Apalache, travelled five
days to the first river ; he travelled nine days from Patofa and two days from
the village that Danusco discovered to reach Cofacique ; all this, without count-

* The Elvas Narrative makes Tupaha the country of Cofacique, but he does not
mention Yupaha after Soto leaves Apalache. Biedma mentions Attapaha — which
sounds very much like Altam.iha — where there was a river which emptied into the sea.
Garcilasso puts the first town of the province of Altapaha three days' journey from Apa-
lache, and Achalaque next after Altapaha ; this name is still more like Altamaha.

t Garcilasso says up the river, and probably is right.

678 APPENDIX.

ing distances that have not been given, amounts to sixteen days' travel. The
distance from Patofa to Cofacique was equal to the distance from Cofacique to
Chiaha, according to this, but he was fifteen days travelling from Cofacique to
Chiaha. They left Cofacique the 3d of May, 1540, to go to Chiaha, which was
twelve days' journey thence ; they marched in a northerly direction eight or ten
days through a mountainous country and reached Xualla; from Xualla to Gua^
ehoule they crossed very rough, high hills. Guachoule was situated among
many streams which passed on both sides of the town, and came from the
mountains which are around it. The dwelling of the chief was upon a mound,
with a terrace around it, where six men could walk abreast.

I believe that this mound will be recognized in the following by M. F. Ste-
phenson : ' ' Two miles below Cartersville, in Bartow County, Greorgia, on the
Chattahoochee River, are the remains of a magnificent temple, eighty-seven feet
high, with an escarpment on the east of near twenty feet high and twenty feet
wide, where a granite idol was plowed up by the Indians fifty-two years ago,
and sold to an Englishman, who sold it to the Salisbury collection in England ;
and in 1871 the goddess was plowed up at the same place, and is now in the
possession of Capt. Lyon, who loaned it to the Smithsonian Institute, at Wash-
ington, to take casts and electrotypes from." This temple is surrounded by a
ditch thirty feet deep from river to river, in a bend of fifty acres, on which are
four watch-towers (mounds).

De Soto departed from Guachoule, and in two days came to Canasaqua, and
thence journeyed five days through a desert to Chiaha. The Elvas Narrative
says : ' ' The town was on an island between two arms of a river, and was
seated nigh one of them. The river divideith itself into these two branches,
two crossbow-shots above the town, and meeteth again a league below the same.
The plain between the two branches is sometimes a crossbow-shot, sometimes
two crossbow-shots over. The branches are very broad, and both of them
may be waded over."*

Garcilasso places Guachoule and Chiaha on the same river, and says : " For
to go there (to Chiaha) he descended along many streams which pass by Gua-
choula, unite at some distance from there, and make a river so powerful, that
in the province of Iciaha (Chiaha), distant thirty leagues from the other, it is
larger than the Guadalquivir at Seville."

Biedma calls Chiaha, Chisca. The description he gives of Chisca suits
Ghiaha, as described by the Elvas Narrative, which places Chisca in the gold
region of Georgia. There were two Christians sent from Chiaha to Chisca,
according to Elvas.

From Chiaha De Soto travelled down the river to Coste, and in seven days
arrived there, "where the villages were likewise built on the islands of the
river" (Biedma). Garcilasso says: "The troops marched along the island
(river?), and at five leagues from Iciaha, where unites the river of this coun-
try with that where they were entering, they came to the capital of Acoste."
The junction of the two rivers here mentioned is that of the two which form
the CoQa Eiver.

* An Indian bow will send an arrow four hundred yards. De Soto was at Chiaha
in the month of June, a season when the river, probably, was very low.

DE SOTO'S ROUTE. 6T9

• Coste was in the province of CoQa, which was the richest country in Florida.
After travelling some days, probably along down the CoQa Kiver, Soto di-
verged to the southeast and came to Ttaua where he was detained six days on
account of a river there that was very high at that time. This river was, in all
probability, the Tallapoosa. He there crossed the river and proceeded through
a populous country, and came, on the 1 8th of September, to Talisse, a great
town situated near unto a main river (Tallapoosa).

From Talisse De Soto proceeded until he came to the Alabama River, prob-
ably not far from the mouth of the Tallapoosa. He crossed the Alabama River
and went to Mauvila. The Elvas Narrative says that after crossing he trav-
elled three days, and the third day he passed all day through a peopled country,
and came to Mauvila, Monday, 18th October, 1540, and that " Here the gov-
ernor understood that Francisco Maldonado waited for him at the Port of
Ochuse (or Achusse) ; and that it was six days (seventy- two miles) journey
thence." Biedma says: "We came to a large river which empties into the
bay called Chuse (Ochuse, or Achusse). The Indians informed us that
Narvaez's vessels had touched there for water, and left a Christian named
Teodoro, who was still living among the Indians. They showed us a poniard
which had belonged to him." Gareilasso places Mauvila two leagues^-about
five miles — from the river at the place where they crossed ; and what Elvas
says above of the three days' travel, Gareilasso makes that the distance from
Talisse to the capital of Tascaluca. ' ' This town was very strong, because it
was in the midst of a peninsula formed by the river that passes by Talisse, which
is much larger and more rapid at Tascaluca than at that town." It was the
Alabama, not the Tallapoosa. Gareilasso says they learned from prisoners that
the sea at Achusse was thirty leagues (seventy miles) from Mauvila. Biedma
says the Indians told them that Mauvila was more than forty leagues from the
sea.

De Soto left Mauvila Sunday, the 18th of November, 1540, and marched
northward, and came to a town called Cabusto, near a great river, which he
crossed in a barge. He then travelled five days through a desert, and came to
another river, which he also crossed in a barge. In both these instances the
barge was built by the Spaniards. Having crossed this river, the next day,
the 17th of December, became to Chicaca. This country was very well peo-
pled. Biedma says that from Mauvila they marched north ten or twelve days.
"The Indians defended the rivers we crossed." Gareilasso mentions but one
river which "was great, deep, and had high banks." He describes Chicaca
thus: "This town has two hundred houses, situated upon a hill, which ex-
tends north and south, and is watered by many small streams." There are but
two rivers that answer the description here given ; they are the Tuscaloosa,
now changed to Black Warrior, and the Tombigbee, and these probably are
the two rivers they crossed in boats. De Soto passed at Chicaca the winter
that began in 1540.

The 25th of April, 1541, De Soto departed from Chicaca^ and marched
northwest until he reached the province of Alibamo, which was probably on
the waters of the Tallahatche. From Alibamo to Quizquiz or Chisca, on the
Mississippi River, "he travelled seven days through a desert of many marshes

•680 APPENDIX.

and thick woods;" that is, through the swamps of the Mississippi River
bottom.

Near Chisca De Soto crossed the Mississippi River, there called the Chu-
cagua. After crossing, he ascended the river a league and a half, and came
to a great town of Aquixo, the name of the province. He there learned that
three days' journey from thence was a great cacique named Casquin. He
came to a small river [St. Francis], where a bridge was made,* on which
they crossed. That day, till sunset, they travelled in water which came to
the knees, and in some places to the waist. They arrived at Casquin, and
found the country higher, drier, and more champaign than any part bordering
near the river, that until then they had seen.f Gareilasso says this river was
as large as the Guadalquivir at Cordova. According to him they travelled
three days up this river.

From Casquin De Soto went to Pacaha, on the Mississippi River, two days'
journey from Casqui. Facaha, or Capaha as Gareilasso calls it, was the highest
point on the Mississippi that De Soto reached. From Pacaha De Soto sent a
detachment northwest, which travelled eight days through swamps, and came
to a place called Calusi. When this detachment returned, De Soto returned
to Casqui, and thence went southwest to Quiguate, the largest village in all
Florida. It was situated on one of the branches of a great river. From Pacaha
to Quiguate may be a hundred leagues. Gareilasso says he [Soto] refreshed
himself five days at Casqui, and then marched four down along the river through
fertile and populous places, and arrived at the province of Quiguate ; he then
continued his journey five days, descending along the river through places
abounding in provisions, and the fifth arrived at the capital, called Quiguate.
From this and from what the Elvas Narrative says of De Soto's travel when
he left Quiguate, it is quite evident that it was on the Mississippi River.

From Quiguate Soto went to Coligoa ; this place was forty leagues north-
west of Quiguate, and situated among the mountains or hills of Arkansa, on a
small river.

From Coligoa Soto went southwest over mountains five daj-s, and came
to Tatel Coya on the Arkansa River. From thence he went four days up the
river to the province of Cayas, where he stopped at a town called Tanico, near
a river. In the province of Cayas the Spaniards made salt, and in it was a
lake of hot brackish water. Soto had crossed the Arkansa either at Tatel
Coya, or in going from there to Cayas.

From Tanico Soto went to TuUa, a day and a halfs journey south from
there ; but to reach it he had to cross high mountains.

From Tulla he went southeast "ten days" or " eighty leagues" to Auti-
amque. He first went five days over rough mountains to Quipana, at the foot
of high mountains. From thence he turned east, and, crossing these moun-
tains, descended into a plain where was Autiamque, on the banks of the
Arkansa. Here he went into winter quarters, and spent the winter that began
in 1541.

On Monday, the 6th of March, 1542, Soto departed from Autiamque to seek

* These bridges were floating beams with their ends fastened together, so as to ex-
tend from one bank to the other,
t Slnoe then earthquakes hare produced great changes in that region.

INDIAN NAMES. 681

Nilco, which the Indians said was near the great river. He spent ten days in
travelling from Autiamque to a province called Ayays, and came to a town
that stood near the river that passes by Cayas and Autiamque [Arkansa River].
There he crossed the river, and then descending along it he came to Nilco the
29th of March. So he wag nineteen days travelling from Autiamque to Nilco,
for there were four days that it snowed so that he could not travel ; but his
route was through swampy inundated country much of the way, so he could
not travel far in a day ; besides he was delayed a whole day at a lake in trying
to cross it.

Nilco was on the Arkansa River near and above its mouth. He left it the
■ 17th of April, and went to GuachOya, which was on the west side of the Missis-
sippi, and just below the mouth of the Arkansa. Guachoya was above Minoia
or Aminoia, and Minoia was nine leagues from Nilco, which was nine leagues
from the high land. Fernando de Soto died at Guachoya the 21st of May,
1542.

A LIST or ALL THE INDIAN NAMES MENTIONED IN THE ELVAS NARRA-
TIVE OF THE EXPEDITION OF DE SOTO IN FLORIDA.

This narrative gives nearly every name mentioned by the other accounts, and
many more names in addition. The names are generally written differently in
the different accounts of the same place, but they are easily recognized by the
sound and orthography, and by the location ; for instance, Hurripacuxi and
Paracossi are intended for the same place and person ; the former has a prefix,
the other has not. Paracuxi is intended for Paracossi. Etocale in Biedma is
Gale in the Elvas Narrative; and Biedma' s Chaviti is Chaguate in the Elvas
Narrative. The names are in the order the Spaniards came to them on their
journey. Where they are otherwise, it will be noticed.

The names from Ucita to Apalaehe, both inclusive, are from Tampa Bay
to Tallahasse ; those from Apalaehe to Cutifachique are from Tallahasse to
Augusta, in Georgia. Those from Cutifachique to Chiaha are from Augusta
to Rome, in Georgia. Tho.<!e from Chiaha to Piache are on or near the Cooca
or Tallapoosa rivers, and are from Rome to near Montgomery, Alabama.
Those from Piache to Quizquiz are from Montgomery to a point near Deltsi or
Friar's Point on the Mississippi River. Casqui was on the St. Francis River,
Pacaha on the Mississippi and above the St. Francis. Quiguate was on the
Mississippi, and about a hundred Spanish leagues below Pacaha. Coligoa was
forty Spanish leagues northwest from Quigaute. From Cayas to Ayays, both
included, are on the west side of the Arkansas River, between it and probably
the Washita. From Guachoya on the Mississippi, just below the Arkansas,
to Naguatex, the places are between the Arkansas and Red Rivers. All the
remaining places as far as Daycao are between the Red River and the Trinity.

The Indian names : —

Ucita Cale Caliquen

MocoQo Ytara Napatuca

Paracossi Potano Hapaluya

Acela Utinama Uzachil

Tocaste Cholupaha Axille

682

APPENDIX.

Vitachuco

Tascaluca

Tietiquaquo, chief

Uzela

on the Tallapoosa

fAVAYS

Anaica Apalache

PiACHE on the Alabama

■j-Tutelpinco

Ochete and Ochus

Mavilla

fTianto

Capachique

Pafallaya

fNilco

Toalli

Taliepatava

*GUACHOYA

Achese

Cabusto

*Huasene

Yupaha

Chica<;a

*Quigalta

Altamaca

Alimamu [Alibamo]

Catalte

Ocute

Nicalasa, chief

Chaguate

Cofaqui

Saquechuma, chief

Aguacay

Patofa

*Qniz-Quiz

Pato

Aymay

*Aquixo

Amaye

CUTIPACHIQUK

Casqui on the St. Francis Naguatex on Red River

Chalaque

*Pacaha

Hacanac, chief

Xualla

CaluQ^

Nissoone

Guaxula

Macanoche, woman

Lacane

on the Ohatahoochee

Mochila, "

Nondacao

Canasaqua

*Quigaute

Aays

JChiaha

Coligoa

ChUano

Chisca

Palisema

Socatino

t-Coste

fTatalicoya

Guasco

jTali

■fCAYAS

Naquiscoca

jCoQa

fTanico

Nacacahoz

Tallimucliase

Tulla

Datcao, the Trinity Riv.

Ytaua

Quipana

*Minoya

UUibahali

Gruahate

*Taguanate

Toasi

Anoixi

Tamaliseu "| names

Tallise on the Tallapoosa Catamaya

Tapatu >■ of the

Casiste "

fAutiamque

MicoandRiJ Mississippi.

Ochete was Aute, and was between "Apalache" and the sea. Ochus is
Achusse, the Bay of Pensacola. Chisca was north of Chiaha several days'
journey. It was in the gold region of Georgia. Biedma calls Chiaha, Chisca.
Caluga. was northwest several days' journey from Pacaha. Coligoa was forty
Spanish leagues northwest of Quiguate. Dacayo was the furthest place west
that the Spaniards under Moscoso reached ; it was one hundred and fifty Spanish
leagues from Guachoya on the Mississippi, near and below the mouth of the
Arkansas. Chilano is put where it is to show its situation on the Aays ; it was
not seen on their route out, but on their return ; on which Chilano and Minoya
are the only new places mentioned. As all the others had been previously
mentioned, it was not necessary to repeat them, or rather those of them through
which they passed on their return.

* On or near the Mississippi River.
t On or near the Arkansas River.
:[ On or near the Oo$a River.

INDIAN NAMES.

Indian names mentioned by Garcilasso in his " Conquest of Florii

Hirriga or Hirrihigua Cofaqui

Chisca

*MucoQO Patofa

Chucagua

Urribaracuxi Cofaciqui

*Casquin

Acuera Talomeco

*Capaha

Ocaly Chalaques

Quiguate

*0chile Chovala

Colima

*Vitachnco Guachoula

Tula

Ossachile Iciaha

Utianque

*Apalache Acoste

Naguatex

Capasi *CoQa

Guacane

Aute *Talisse

Anilco

Achussi *Tascaluca

Guaolioia

*Altapaha Mauvila

Auche

Achalaque *Chica(;a

Aminoia

Cofa ' *Alibamo

Quigualtanqui,

683

The upper world, Hamampacha.
The lower world, Ucupacha.
The devil, Cnpai.

Indian names, nearly all of the Peninsula of Florida, from the accounts of
Eibault, Laudonniere, Gourgue, and Fontanedo : —

Appalatcy

Mayara

Serranay

Chigoula

MoUua

Allimacany

Chenonceau

Olata Quae Utina

Maquarqua

Audusta

Cadecha

Hostaqua

Wayon

Chilili

Marracou

Hoya

fGuaragunve

Mathiaca

Touppa.

Cuohiyaga

Calos

Stalame

Eclauou

Sarrope

Toya

Enacappe

Hiocaia

He Toya

Oalany

Hiatiqui (interpreter)

lawas

Anacharaqua

Edelano

Couexis

Omitiaqua

Eneguape

Oude

Acquera

Patica

Maccoa

Moquoso

Mayaimi

Antipola Bonassou

Potanou

Guasaca

Paracoussy

Hyou (exclamation)

Coya

Satourioua or Satiroua

Malice

Astina

Athore

Omoloa

Enecaque

Thimogoa

Onathaqua

Esquine

* Names found on maps made at different dates. The Casquins were the Knskaskiaa ;
the Capnhas were the Quappaa or Cappas ; the Cayas were the Kanzas ; and the Quip-
anas were the Pawnees. These appear on the maps in their modern names, which,
in all probability, are but corruptions of the originals.

t The village of Tears on one of the Florida Keys.

684

APPENDIX.

•

Casti

Chichimeque

Teguemapo

Nia Cubacani

Zertepe

Cutespa

Saraurahi

Sequene

Enerapa

Iracana

Tuchi

Onagatano

Apalou

Sinacsta

Canogacole

Tacadocorou

Calaobe

Mayajuaca

Homoloa

Guaya

Gardgumve, islands

Malica

Casitoa

Toco Baja-Chile

Seloy

Putun

Mogozo

Sieroa Pira (copper)

Luiseyove

, Tampa

Olotoraca or Olotacara

Tonsobe

Tomo

Salinacani

Feaga

Sinapa

Saracary

Mayaca

Sacaspada

Catacouru

leaga, name of an island

Yagua

Cassine

Abolachi

Maspa

Helicopile

Olagale

Coyovea ^

Tacatacourou

Guasaca-Es-Qui

Comachica

Sarabay

Tocobajo

Tavagueme

Tegesta

Sogo No

Ais

Crista or Chicora

Metamapo

Olacatano

Quate or Gualdape

Estame

Guacata

Otopali

Guevu

Se-le-te-ga.

Olgatano

Talesta

The following dates show the progress that De Soto made in his expedition : —

1539. May 18th. Left Havana.

May 25th. Saw the land of Florida.

May 30th. Friday, landed in Florida.

Aug. 1st. Sets out on his expedition about this time.

Aug. 2d. Leaves Oale.

Oct. 27th. Arrives at Aniaea Apalache. Wintered.

1540. March 3d. Leaves Aniaea Apalache.
April 12th. Leaves Ocute.

April 26th. Arrives at Ayraay, two days' journey, twenty-four miles
from Cofacique.
Departs from Cofacique.
At Coste.
Leaves Coste.
At CoQa.
At Tallise.
At Mavilla.
Leaves Mavilla.
At Chicaca. Wintered.

1541. April 25th. Leaves Chicaca.
At Pacaha. Rested forty days.
At Quigaute.
At Autiamque. Wintered.

May

3d.

July

2d.

July

9th.

July

26th.

Sept.

18th.

Oct.

18th.

Nov.

18th.

Dec.

17th.

April

25th.

June 19th.

Aug.

4th.

Dec.

1st.

Missing Page

PIEST PROTESTANT SETTLEMENT- IN AMEEIOA. 685

1542. Mar. 6th. Leaves Autiamque.
Mar. 29th. At Nilco.

April 17th. At Guachoya.
May 2l3t. De Soto dies.

De Soto just before his death appointed Luis de Moscoso de Alvarado
GoTemor. Moscoso conducted the Spaniards one hundred and fifty leagues
westward to the Trinity River, which he reached about the 1st October, 1542,
and then returned to Minoya, where they spent the winter 1542-3. In March,

1543, was a great flood. They finished seven brigantines in June, 1543, and
July 2d, 1543, sailed from Minoya. The 18th July, 1543, they went to sea ;
Sept. 10th, 1543, they came into the river Panuco. The Spaniards wintered
at Apalache, Chicaca, Autiamque, and Minoya.

25th May, 1 539, was Pasca de Spirito Santo ; hence Tampa Bay was formerly
called Spirito Santo Bay.

Note (30), page 504.

THE FIRST ATTEMPT OF PROTESTANTS TO FORM A RELIGIOUS
SETTLEMENT IN AMERICA.

In 1555, Nicolas Durand de Villegagnon, Knight of Malta, and Vice-Ad-
miral of Bretagne, given to the opinions of the new Sectarians, conceived the
project of forming, in America, a colony of Protestants. He was a man of
rare merit. To a superior mind, he joined all the knowledge that could be
acquired by study and reflection. He had, besides, given proof of courage on
more than one occasion. He presented his design to the court under the single
idea of forming a French settlement in the New World. He obtained from
Henry II. two or three vessels well equipped, which he filled with Calvinists,
left Havre de Grace in the month of May, and arrived on the coast of Brazil
in the month of November following. He did not exercise his usual prudence
in choosing a port. He landed upon a great rock, from which the tide very
soon drove him ; having advanced farther, he entered a river nearly under the
tropic of Capricorn, and took possession of a little island, in which he built a
fort, which he named Fort Coligny. Scarcely was the work begun, when he
sent his vessels back to France with letters, in which he gave an account to the
court of his situation ; and he sent with them others to some friends that he
had at Geneva. There were at that time in Brazil, several Normans who had
been shipwrecked upon the coast, and who, mingling with the natives, had
learned their language. Villegagnon attracted them to his fort, and made use
of them to trade with the Brazilians.

The Genevese, having received his letters, seized with eagerness the oppor-
tunity that presented itself of establishing themselves in a country where they
hoped to have the free exercise of their religion. Admiral de Coligny, to
whom Villegagnon had not failed to write, became deeply interested in this
afiair. He knew the zeal of an old gentleman, named Philippe de Corguille-
ray, but better known under the name of Dupont, who had retired to Geneva
to live peaceably in the exercise of his religion. The admiral solicited him

686 APPENDIX.

to consent to put himself at the head of those who should go to Brazil. The
old man, still more stimulated by the exhortations of Calvin, whose reputation
and authority had reached the highest degree among those who were opposed
to the Soman Church, made no difficulty to sacrifice his repose to the services
of his partisans.

With a chief of this importance, it was necessary to find men of willingness,
who would be disposed to abandon forever their country, ministers of religion,
artisans, and all the things necessary to lay the foundations of a new republic.
They found two ministers of known merit, and who, it was believed, would do
honor to the choice they had made of them. A multitude of persons of dif-
ferent conditions and ages went to present themselves to Dupont, in order to
leave with him ; but the old man, who was sincere, told them that in the
projected enterprise there would be one hundred and fifty leagues to travel by
land, and more than two thousand by sea ; and that on arriving at the ehd of
it, they would be obliged to do without bread ; to content themselves with
fruits and roots ; to do without wine, because the country produced none of it ;
in a word, that they would be obliged to live in a manner entirely different
from that of Europe. This picture made some of them change their minds ;
there were found but fourteen of them who persisted in the resolution of cross-
ing the sea, and going to expose themselves to the dangers and suffering that
awaited them in Brazil.

Dupont failed not to make them pass by Chatillon Sur Loing, where the
admiral had an estate worthy of his rank, in one of the most beautiful castles
of France ; the admiral encouraged them all by his exhortations and promises.
They afterwards repaired to Paris, where they found quite a considerable
number of Protestants, who determined to increase their company ; they after-
wards passed to Rouen, and made some recruits there. Hoping to discover
mines in the country where they were going, they had the precaution to take
with them some men who had a knowledge of that business. They repaired to
Honfleur, where they were to embark ; but the inhabitants, having learned that
they had celebrated the Lord's Supper during the night, contrary to the king's
ordinances, which did not permit Protestants to assemble except during the
day, massacred a great part of them. Those who were in a condition to work
the mines had the misfortune to perish, which caused much disappointment to
the chiefs of the enterprise, when they arrived in Brazil.

The commotion of the inhabitants of Honfleur caused them to hasten their
departure ; they embarked upon four vessels, which the king had caused to be
equipped. They took with them five young women, and a woman to govern
them, and six youths, who were to learn the language of the country, to familiar-
ize themselves with the savages. The equipage might amount to three hundred
persons. Lery, from whom we borrow the greater part of what we have to
say, was of the number.

After having experienced terrible tempests, the three vessels arrived the 16th
February, 1557, in view of America, near the country of the Margajas, who
were allies of the Portuguese. They fired some cannon, and sent the boat ashore.
A troop of savages advanced to the border of the shore ; they showed to them
from a distance knives, mirrors, combs, in the hopes of obtaining provisions
from them. The savages comprehended what they asked, and were eager to

FIRST PROTESTANT SETTLEMENT IN AMERICA. 681

bring refresliments. Six of them entered the boat, with a woman, and per-
mitted themselves to be conducted to the vessels.

The next day, fearing to push too far their confidence in these barbarians
whom they knew not, they weighed anchor, in order to follow the land.
Scarcely had they made nine or ten leagues, when they found themselves be-
fore a Portuguese fort, named St. Esprit. The Portuguese of the garrison,
recognizing a Portuguese caravel, which the French Protestants had picked up
on their route, fired some cannon-shot at them, to which they replied with much
vigor. They continued to advance towards a place named Tapemiry, the in-
habitants of which did not give any signs of hate to the French, they coasted
the habitations of many savages, they met many isles, and arrived upon the
lands of the Topinamboux, allies of Villegagnon. These savages, recognizing
the flag of France, showed their joy by a thousand demonstrations of friend-
ship.- The French did not hesitate to anchor. Besides the refreshments which
they received from the savages, they had a good fishing. They sailed again,
and in a little while entered the river of Eio Janeiro : it was the 7th of March,
1557.

Villegagnon and his men, who had retired to a small island of the river, has-
tened to reply to the cannon of the vessels, and comprehended that succors had
arrived. The eagerness to meet was equal on both sides/ the squadron having
advanced to the borders of the island was there received with hearty acclama-
tions. The pleasure which they reciprocally enjoyed in seeing one another,
caused the one to forget a year of solitude and ennui, and the other, the dan-
gers which they had experienced in their voyage, and, to felicitate each other
for their common happiness, they returned thanks to Heaven for it.

The new-comers went afterwards to visit Villegagnon, who awaited them in
a room. After reciprocal embraces, their chief said to him that they had come
to this country to establish in it a reformed church according to the word of God.
He replied that all his efforts would be to second their intentions ; then raising
his hands to heaven, he added : " Lord, I thank thee for having sent what I
so long desired." Then turning to his new companions, he continued in these
terms : ' ' My children, for I would serve you as a father, this place should be
a safe asylum for the persecuted Protestants of Europe." Afterwards he gave
orders for all his people to assemble in a place designated, with those who had
just arrived, to perform divine service and to hear a sermon which was de-
livered by one of the clergymen who had accompanied Dupont. They had
quite a frugal repast ; everybody went to labor on the fort which was being
built. This work was continued during a month, and was never interrupted
except to pray and to eat.

Villegagnon, a zealous partisan of the doctrine of Calvin, desired to establish
in the colony a discipline conformable to the laws of his reform, but he found
obstacles to it ; disputes arose, and became so warm, that they agreed to send
to France, in order to consult Calvin. While waiting his reply, Villegagnon
made very severe laws among his companions, and had them executed by his
example and his firmness. He married the five young women whom they had
brought with them, to the five young men, and forbid, under penalty of death,
all the Christians of the colony from cohabiting with any Indian woman or

688 APPENDIX.

girl. He, however, permitted them to marry those who were iflstmcted or
baptized.

This conduct of Villegagnon seemed to announce that he was going to be an
apostle of Calvin, but they saw him suddenly change his religious opinions.
The day of Pentecost having been appointed to celebrate the Lord's Supper,
he said that St. Cyprien and St. Clement had written that water must be put
in the wine, and required them, to conform to this practice ; he undertook to
convince the assembly that consecrated bread was not less useful to the body
than to the soul. He claimed afterwards that salt and oil should be mingled
with the water of baptism, and that an ecclesiastical minister could not marry
a second time. One of the clergymen, wishing to make a display of his knowl-
edge, undertook on his side to deliver a public discourse, which increased
the trouble and division. The disorder went so far, that Villegagnon, with-
out awaiting the reply of Calvin, renounced suddenly the opinion which he
had of him, declared that he regarded him as a heretic devoid of the faith.
From this moment he ceased to show friendship for the Protestants. He
limited the duration of a sermon to half an hour, although he rarely assisted at
it. They finally believed that he had been dissembling to that time. They
claimed that the cause of this so sudden change on the part of Villegagnon was
a letter which he had received from the cardinal of Lorraine by a vessel which
had arrived at Cape Frio. This prelate severely reproached him for having
abandoned the Eoman religion, and fear induced this officer to hold a difierent
conduct. Lery, who was a zealous Calvinist, asserts that Villegagnon became
so vexed, that he swore every instant by the body of St. James ; that he would
jiunish all those who dared to reply to him with firmness ; that no one dared to
approach him. Finally he rendered himself so intolerable, that several of the
French formed the project of casting him into the sea. This conspiracy was dis-
covered, and the conspirators he put in irons. Having learned that one named Le
Roche was one of the chiefs, he had him laid on his back upon the ground, and
caused so many blows with a stick to be given him upon his belly, that this
unfortunate man lost his breath by it. His cruelty not being satisfied he had
him turned upon his belly, and ordered that they should give him as many
blows upon his back. H e forced him afterwards to go to work.

Those who composed the colony conceived so violent a hate against Ville-
gagnon, that they would have put him to death, but for the fear of displeasing
the Admiral de Coligny. They contented themselves with not inviting him
any more to their meetings, and with celebrating the Lord's Supper without
him. This conduct in regard to him so enraged him, that he declared that
he would no longer suffer the Protestants in his fort, and he forced them to
leave it.

These unfortunate beings, after having passed eight months in a fort which
they had helped to build, were obliged to retire to the sea-shore to await the
an-ival of some vessel. They would have been exposed to all the horrors of
famine if the savages, more humane than Villegagnon, had not brought them
provisions. They passed two entire months in this condition, without having
other resource than the kindness of these Indians. It was during this time
that Lery made the observations which he has given in his voyage.

These French fugitives named the place where they had retired, la Brique-

FIRST PROTESTANT SETTLEMENT IN AMERICA. ' 689

terie. They built cabins there, and formed the design of establishing them-
selves there, if they should receive sufficient assistance from Europe, and if
they could withdraw themselves from the authority of Villegagnon, who was
invested with the orders of the king. This officer, seeing that a part of those
who appeared to remain attached to him abandoned him to join the Protes-
tants, fearing a total desertion, forced them to leave, and wrote to the captain
of a vessel that was in these parts that he could take them on board. He even
sent them a discharge signed with his own hand. Lery asserts that he had the
cruelty to remit to the captain a casket in which was an action against all the
Protestants, and that he ordered the first judge to whom he should deliver it
in France, to arrest them all, in order that they all might be burnt as heretics.
They all embarked, and their vessel sailed the 4th of January, 1558. Their
number might amount to forty-five men, both sailors and passengers. They
arrived at the port of Blavet, the 26th of May, after having experienced all
the misfortunes to which they were exposed upon the sea. From thence they
repaired to Hennebon, a little town of Bretagne, which was distant but two
leagues from it. There they were menaced with another danger, of which
they had no suspicion. The casket in which Villegagnon inclosed his action
against them, was delivered to the judges of this town : but Dupontknew some
of them, as much attached to the church of Geneva as he. They informed
him of what was going on, and, far from regarding these odious accusations,
they suppressed them, and rendered acts of kindness to those whose destruc-
tion they could have occasioned.

A short time after the departure of the Protestants, the Portuguese attacked
Fort Coligny, drove Villegagnon from it, and took possession of it. Villegag-
non returned to France, where he was one of the most cruel persecutors of the
Calvinists. As a reward he obtained a commandery of Malta named Beauvais,
in Gatinois, near St. Jean de Nemours, where he died in the month of Decem-
ber, 1575. (Richer.)

THE END.

44