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bought with the income 
Of the sage endowment 

FUlStt) e^ivEN IN 1891 BY 

Cornell University Library 
F 127S91 Q7 

< unbracing a 


3 1924 028 834 897 














Entered according to Act of OongresB, in the year 187S, by 

In the Office of the Lihrarian of Oongreas, at Washington. 

To Hon, Archibald C, Niven : 

From 28j8 to 1866, (except during a brief interval,) 
I was an editor of a newspaper of Sullivan county. 
Whenever, from illness or absence, I was unable to dis" 
charge my editorial duties, your able and facile pen was 
wielded for me gratuitously. Therefore, as a slight token 
cf m^y gratitude, I respectfully dedicate to you this volume. 



In 1853, Lotan Smith, president of the Agricultural Society 
of Sullivan County, under the auspices of the ^tate, wrote what 
he termed a History of Sullivan County. It was expected that 
it would be inserted in the Transactions of the State Agricultural 
Society; but the gentlemen who controlled the publication of 
that work rejected Mr. Smith's manuscript, and returned it to 
its author, with a chapter on the Geology and another on the 
<31imate pi the county, which had been prepared by Professor 

Soon after this occurred, Billings Grant Childs, a young 
gentleman of fair literary quahfications, announced that he had 
assumed the task of writing a history of Sullivan. For a time, 
as he had opportunity, he collected material for the proposed 
volume; but after writing a chapter on the town of Liberty, 
which covered ten manuscript pages, became weary of the task. 
He then made an arrangement with Jay Gould, under which 
Mr. Gould and Mr. Childs were to be associated as authors and 
publishers. This, however, led to no result, and the project 
was abandoned by them. 

The author then commenced writing this volume, and perse- 
vered to the end, although a painful physical iniirmity often 
compelled him to put aside his pen for weeks and months at a 
time, and he has seldom been able to complete more than three 
manuscript pages in a day. 

By purchase and otherwise, the memoranda, etc., of Messrs. 
Smith and Childs passed into our hands, and to the extent 
recorded in our foot-notes we have had the advantage of their 
labors. Much more are we indebted to Professor Antisell, whose 
valuable papers we have copied and adopted as the first and 
second chapters of our liistory. 



In addition to this, we have been favored with the oral and 
written statements of nearly one hundred well-known residents 
of the county.* These statements we have compared with each 
other, and with official documents and records, as well as what 
we have found i« files of old newspapers and gleaned from other 
sources of information. The resultj gentle reader, is before you. 
You may detect errors of commission and omission; but we 
have guarded against both, through long years of patient 
research ; and we hope that you will decide that our work is not 
whplly destiti^te of merit. Be jihis as it m^, we presspt it to 
yoi; as a rough, not a perfect ashlar, knowing that the peculifir 
circumstances under which it ^as fashioned rendered excellency 
of e?:BCTjtion impossjilDle. It has lighteped the burthen pi our 
life. May it enhjince the enjoyi^ent of ypurs ! 

* A list of those who hare aided ns in this enterprise was deliyeied to our pub- 
lishero, who /exercised unusual care in gimrdUng against the loss of our M^§. ; bnt 
despite their vigilance, the oiigiiial Prefiice Uixa Introduction, with the'List' of Coii- 
tei)>jiton, were stolen from thpir f^fe by apwe f^^Qn who had access to ^. Tbp pre- 
face and introtfdftWon may be re-Writtkr; but' no accurate copy of the list can be 
supplied. No one deplores this more than we do ; and no one should be ceu^ured tor 
it, except the ste;^ Qffonder, lyho has /stolen that which is entirely useless to iiiin^eff. 
We a*e g^eajly iiiteBled to G. G. A. OiiflJiiVfoj: piswitaaoe in preparing our JJSSVfor 
the press. Mr. ,0^det, although of foreign birth, has a better knowledge of the English 
languftgo than maiiy educated nativcis of bur countiy. " ' " 


Sullivan county is sitnated bet^ween 41° 25' and 42° north 
latitude, and 1° 46' and 2° 32' east longitude from the city of 
Washington. It is bounded north-westerly tby the county 
of Delaware, north-easterly and sonth-easterly by the county 
of Ulster, south-easterly, southerly and easterly by the coimty of 
Orange, and south-westerly by the State of Pennsylvg,nia. 
According to Burr's Atl^s, its area is 9X9 square jniles; and it 
contains 687,000 acres of land.* 

The mean altitude of the couaty above the level of the ocean 
is about 1,500 feet, apd its snrfac^ is char^,cterized by ranges of 
hills of moderate height, vith intervening vajl^y^. Det^hed 
iQOuntainoag elevations are found in towns bounded by Delaware, 
and Ulster counties, and the Shawangunk mountain is parallel 
with the pouth-6a,sterly bpwdwy of the town of Mamakatii^. 

TJie Delaware river forms the dividing Ihie between the county 
and Pennsylvania, while the Shawangunk river is its 80«th- 
eastern limit. TJie Neversinji: rises in the county of Ulster,. 
a;nd after crossing the towns of Neversink, Fallsburgh, Thompson 
and Forestburgh, epters Orange county. The Eondout passes 
tl^rough th^ ]jorth-east pomer of Neve^rsink, and the Mongaup 
or Mingwing hfts its source near the center of the county, and 
running southerly joins the Delaware. The Wilhwemoc, 
B^yerkill, CalHcoon, Ten Mile rivw, an^ many smaller streams 
%re also aflluents of the Delaware. 

QeologioaUy (with some exc^ptions) the county is of the 
C^t^kill period, Devonian age and Paleozoic time. These 
eix^ptipns are noted in the first chapter of this work by Professor 
A^t^ll, an expert in geology. 

* Aooording to the asseeBment-rolls of the aeveral towns, the county^contaitig 
eM,W6 itereg. Some tracts of land whidi we covered by water are not r«tnnied tor 
taxation. |-_, 


- The aborigines of the comity were principally Esopus Indians, 
who -were of the Wolf tribe of the Lenni Lenape or Delaware 
nation, whose history is given in our third chapter. 

Except some small tracts on the west bank of the Shawangnnk 
river, the county is covered by the Minisink and Hardenbergh 

In 1684, Governor Dongan bought of Manganaett, Tsema and 
Eeghgekapowell alias Joghem, (who claimed to be the proprietors 
and principal owners,) with the consent of Pemeranaghin, chief 
sachem of the Esopus and other Inrlians named, a tract of land 
extending on the Hudson from the Paltz to lands of the Indians 
at Murderer's kill, and westward to the foot of the high hills 
called Pitkiskaha and Aiashawosting. For this territ^y ninety 
pounds were paid in duffels, wampum, stroud-water, cloth, 
blankets, cider, strong beer, etc. One year later Dongan bought 
of Maringoman, the sachem at Murderer's creek, the land from 
that stream to Stony Point.* 

On the 12th of September, 1694, under Governor Fletcher, a 
patent was granted to Captain John Evans, which covered the 
west bank of the Hudson from the Paltz to Stony Point, 
{eighteen miles,) and reaching westward thirty miles. A literal 
construction of the grant would have placed his westward line 
within the borders of Thompson, and given him land now within 
the Minisink and Hardenbergh patents. He paid for his patent 
five hundred pounds. 

Captain Evans was captain of the Riclimond man-of-war, and 
was sent to New York with his vessel in 1693, where he was on 
duty for six years, during which he erected on his estate the 
lordship and manor of Fletcherdon, and spent 12,000 pounds in 
improving it, expecting to retire thither " when there should be 
a happy and lasting peace." He was permitted to sow, but not 
to reap. Both Fletcher and Evans were ordered from New 
York, aod the patent was annulled. During Queen Anne's 
reign, his grant was renewed; but while the honest sailor was 
fighting for his sovereign on the ocean, the land-pirates of the 
time induced the Queen to deprive him once more of his manor! 
Those who wrought his ruin, divided his manor amoiig themselves. 

* Mr. Butdonber save, " tliose facts are from a well-authonticatod MS. wriiteD m 

early as 1730,, no\v in o'.irpoeaossion." " 


He continued to sue for justice until he was an old man, when 
reluctant and partial justice was awarded him, by giving him 
another and less valuable tract. 

On the 12th of March, 1703, the Wawayanda patent was 
bought by John Bridges and Company of twelve Indians, viz : 
Rapingonick, Wawastenaw, Moghopuck, Oomelawaw, Nanawitt, 
Ariwimack, Eumbout, Clauss, Ohouckhass, Chingapaw, Oshas- 
quemous and Quilapaw. It is believed that in this purchase 
was included the Minisink patent, which was granted on the 
28th of August, 1704, to Matthew Ling, Ebenezer Wilson, Philip 
French, Dirck Vandenbergh, Stephen Delancy, Philip Rokeby, 
John Corbet, Daniel Honan, Caleb Cooper, Willam Sharpus, 
Robert Milward, Thomas "Wenham, Lancaster Symes, John 
Pierson, Benjamin Ashe, Peter Bayard, John Cholweil, Peter 
Fauconnier, Henry Swift, Hendrick Ten Eyck, Jarvis Marshal, 
Ann Bridges, widow of John Bridges, and George Clark, Secre- 
tary of the Province of New York. Eight of these persons were 
patentees of the Wawayanda and two of the Hardenbergh 
patent. The Minisink grant at first contained 250,000 acres; 
but its owners subsequently grasped and held 50,000 acres east 
of the true boundaries of their patent. 

For many years New Jersey claimed and held so much of the 
Minisink patent as is covered by the Seventh Division, and also 
so much of the Hardenbergh patent as would be cut off by 
running the north-east line of that division to Station -Rock, in 
Cochecton. In 1769, a Commission was appointed to settle the 
boundary, which decided in favor of New York, and established 
the present Une between New York and New Jersey, from the 
Hudson to the Delaware. 

On the "15-22 day of March, and in the 6th year of Her 
Majesty's reign, Anno Dom. 1706-7," Major Johannes Harden- 
bei^h, a merchant of Kingston, bought of Nanisinos, a sachem 
of the Esopus Indians, and "rightful lord owner and proprietor 
of several parts of land in the county of Ulster," the immense 
tract now known as the Hardenbergh patent.* For this he paid 

* In 1749 when the patent wan partitioned among its owners, the Indians claimed 
that NaniBinM did not convey that part which is sitaated between the^ast and west 
b«inohe8 of the Delaware, and reftiseS to permit surveyors to go there. Notwithstand. 
irig this, a map was made of the disputed territory, on which Iheland m question wM 
Sfided into eight j>»roelB, and one of these allotted to each party in mterestj J^ th« 
3dot June, 17fl, .Cannes Hardenbergh bought the real or assumed right of thcM 


sixty pounds current money of New ^ovk — less thftn one-tenth 
of a mill per acrg.^ 

On the 20th of April, 1708, the Har jlenbergh, or fts it is some- 
times called, the Major or Great Patent, was granted to Johannes 
Hardenbergh, Leonard Lewis, Philip Eokeby, Willis^m Notting- 
ham, Benjamin Faneuil, Peter Fauconnier and Bobert Lurting, 
in free g,nd common socage, and subject to no rent or ^e?^yice 
beyond the payment of seven doUaj-s and fifty centi^, annually, 
on Lady day, to the Collector of the custom-house of New York ! 
Two of the patentees were mere lay "figures. Fowtem tveelcs 
be/ore tlie grant was made, I?.obert Lurting ^released one-seven^Ji 
of the patent to Thomas Wenham, an4 on the same day, Philip 
Eokeby conveyed his interest to May Bickley. In addition to 
this, there was a secret imderstandmg that Augustus Graham, 
tlae surveyor-general of the province, should be entitled to one- 
eighth* of the grant, and this understanding was acknowledged 
after his death in 17^9, when the parties in interest declared 
that his heir (James Graham) was entitled to an equal sjiare 
witdi the others.'!' 

Previous to 1749, ^eyepal of tjie proprietors sold their interest, 
and others died. In that year, Robfi|i Ljyiiigp^qft 0Wi*e4 6™" 
sixteenths ; Gulian Yerplanck three-^iy^e^ptjia^ ^oliaip;,^^ Hw- 
denbergh, jr.,t Charles Brodhead »p4 A'^^&bS'Pi JJardeftbejgh 
two-sixteenths, John Wenham two-sixteent^hs, tl^^e l^eirs i^j^d. 
assigns of Lewis two-siyt^pnth^i and the lieirs of Paneujl two- 

Indians for U9I. ajid 198. THe deed is signed by Sappan, John Falling and twenty other 
members of the BsoDus tribe. M 4)ha't tinfi^, no grfu^ leai Itgal uffi^ the ncUfOfi (Uifi 
was ^Uinguished beforf the gr(int was rryide, 

'^Jorittg the I^'ent^ and &dian war, the Dela\«i|>reg clAimed th^t Uiey ^a4 ^^n ^- 
frauded of nearly the entire Hardenbergh patent. 

*N»pisinos, in. the dee^ given by him, described the tract as follows : "All that 
tra«1( of Lini tyijig and being in the edunl^ of iJliter ^.tore^^Jd, runnpt; from certain 
Hills (ihaj; iye on the south east side of the m9adow pr low lapd that hes oji thefleji 
Creek Kivei' or Kill to the north west of Marbletewn bounnte. in4 ate the uqtVk ireet 
pwt flf the hills ^.nd mopntains that range from the blue Jiills north west T6n miles,, 
and Btroaches north easterly on the brows of sd hiUs as thev range to the bovH^d or ttSo 
Condty of Albany, w>d south westerly on the brows of «aicl hill? ^p tUey range opppsito 
the west eorn^)f of JIarbletown bounds, and still further south westerly w»h HfefuH 
bfeadth from the north west boundaries of Rochester, to where ^he said tea mU<^ end, 
Bpflpiijg so far as to run with a due south east line to a certain fall in the rondout 
creek called by the Indians hoonchk, which is the nor^h biannd of the laud called 
N^nftth, belonging to Jacob Rutzen and Jan Jang Bleecker." -^ 

\ Vtitiifsv the lawp of that time, the Burvejror-general could not legally be interested 
itt# Jjiiid grapt. ' 

1 Previous to 1749, Major Johannes Hardenbergh, the patentee, gold hU undivM 
right itt the patent to Brodhead and Johannes HardenWgli, Jr. !j.bra^aiii Harw 
birgta 'tabseqaently bought a part ot this right. Ho member of tde BSrfl^nb 
faHfflir bblds Iftttd Whicb has desceaded to turn by inherituioe |iom'tb« p»teiite«. 


fiitteenths. The patent was then partitioned between the ^ever^l 
proprietors, when Livingston drew Great Lots 8, 12, 23, 27 anj^ 
42; Livingston and Verplanck Lots 4, 6, 7, 10, 13, 14, 15, 21, 23^ 
24, 30, 32, 33, 38, 39 and 40; the Hardenberghs and Brodhead 
Lots 3, 9, 16, 19, 29 and 37; John Wenham Lots 1, 18, 26, 34, 
and So ; the heirs and assigns of Lewis Lots 2, 17, 20. 28 and 
36; and the heirs of Faneuil Lots 5, 11, 25, 81 and 41/ 

In the same year, Livingston and Verplanck partitioned wh3,jt 
they owned jointly, vyhen the former became the sole proprietor 
of Lots 4, 15, 23, 30 and^O, and parts of 7, 14, 21, 33 and 39, 
and his partner of the balance. ^ 

Although 8ome_ attempts were made to found tettlements it\ 
^uUivan county, it cannot be said that it was occupied by whjt^ 
residents previous to 1790, except in Mamakating, Lumberlan4i 
Oochecton and Neversink. An account of these settlements will 
be found in our history of the several towns. Soon after the 
latter year the Livingstons and othpr landholders induced men 
to come into this region, £ind buy or lease unoccupied lands, and 
from that time dates the birth ancl groiyth of ipany of our settle- 

A considerable impetiis was given to immigration by thp con- 
struction of the Newburgh and Cochecton tumpike.* Thig 
work speedily led to the organization of tlie county, whiph W9S 
erected by an act of the. Legislature passed March 27, 180^. 

In selecting a name it was deemed proper tp adopt that ol 
some eminent Kevolutionary patriot whose deeds were in some 
way connected with our territory. Of the General^ y^hq had 
had anything to do on our soil previous to and during the 
struggle for Independeucei, General James Clinton was the one 
who should have been complimeiited ; but his name ha^ been 
already bestowed on another county. So the county was named 
SuUivan, in honor of General John SuUivan,t a part of whoset 

♦ The Newbnrgh and Cochecton Turnpike Company was chartered on the 2pth of 
March, 1801. Robert Bowne, John De Wint, Williani Seymour, Levi Dodse, Jphaime* 
Mfll^r, Hugh Walsh, George Clinton, jun., William W. Saokett and George Gardner- 
were the incorporators. 

± John Sullivan was of Irish descent, and was bom in Berwick, MMne, 9^ the 17tb. 
of February, 17i0. His youth was spent chiefly in farm-labor. At njaturity Be ?tni*^ff 
law and eaiabliehed himself in its practice in Durham, New Hampshire, wher? he appii 
rose to considerable distinction as an advocate and politician. He was chosen a del?- 
aate to the Contiiiental Congress in 1774, and soon alter his return from Philadelphia, 
ho was engaged, with John Langdon and others, ui seizing Fort William and ME»rj, a^ 
ror^mouth. When the following year the Continental army was orgaiuiied, ne wag 


army crossed onr borders when it marched to chastise the hostile 
Indians of western New York. 

In 1816, Otto William Van Tuyl, Jabez Wakeman, Daniel 
Clark, William W. Sackett, Eichard E. Vooris, Jabez Wakeman, 
jun., Samuel F. Jones, John Knapp, George A. Wakeman, 
Alexander Ketchum, George Vaughn and others were made a 
body corporate and politic, under the name of " The Tresident 
and Directors of the Neversitik Navigation Company," for the 
purpose of /opening that river for rafting business, from Lock- 
wood's Mills, in the present town of Fallsburgh, to the Delaware. 
The tolls authorized were enormous, ranging for boards and 
plank fsom one to two dollars per thousand feet, and other 
articles in proportion. If the company had succeeded in making 
the river navigable, its revenue would have been princely; 
nevertheless the stock of the company, excepting a few shares, 
was not taken, and its treasury was empty until 1828, when Van 
Tuyl, its president and manager,* obtained from the State a 
loan of ten thousand dollars, giving as security a mortgage on 
the river! About two thousand of this was expended legiti- 
mately, and the balance ($8,000) was consumed in paying the 
president's debts, buying a stock of goods, and in other ways, 
after which a raft was started from Lockwood's Mills, with 
Squires M. Hoyt and a man from Eockland, named Brown, on 
board. It.ran as far as the "Dive Hole," where it was wrecked. 
Another was started from Mc'Kee's mill, in charge of Ira Mills, 
a Mr. Springer, and a son of Van Tuyl. This passed th.e " Dive 
Hole ;" but soon after collided with a rock, and was broken up. 

appointed one of the eight Brigadiers first commissioned by Congress ; and enrly in 
17i6, he was promoted to Major-general. Early in the spring of that year he super- 
seded Arnold in command of the Continental troops in Canada ; and later in the .season 
he jomed Washington at New York. General Greene commanded the chief forces at 
Brooklyn, designed to repel the invaders then on Staten Island ; but was taken sick, 
.and the leadership of his division was assigned to Sullivan. In the disastrous battle 
that soon followed, he was made prisoner, but was soon afterwards exchanged, and 
took command of Lee's division, in New Jersey, after that officer's capture later in the 
aeasim. In the autumn of 1777, General SuUivau was in the battles of Brandy wine and 
Qermantown ; and in the succeeding winter he was stationed in Bhode Island, prepar- 
atory to an attempted expulsion of the British therefrom. He besieged Newport in 
August 1778, but was unsuccpssful, because the French Admiral d'Estaing would not 
oo-operate with him, according to promise and agreement. General Sullivan's military 
career closed atter his memoi-able campaign against the Indians, in western New York, 
early in the autumn of 1779. He resigned his oommissiim because he felt aggrieved at 
some action of the Board of War, and was afterwards elected to a seat in Congress. 
From 1786 to 1789, he was president or governor of New Hampshire, when, under the 
provision of the new Federal Constitution, ho was appointed District Jndge. That 
office he held until his death, which oocun-ed on the 23dof Januarv, 1795, when he wag 
in the fifty-fifth year of hia a,se.—Lossing'a Eminent Americans. 

* Squires M. Hoyt, who was then Van Tuyl's clerk, was secretary of the company. 


Mills was drowned. Although the enterprise resulted in poverty 
and reproach to Van Tuyl, he never lost confidence in it, and 
continued to make futile attempts to improve the river, until 
the State foreclosed its mortgage. 

It cannot be said that Sullivan enjoyed a large measure of 
prosperity previous to the construction of the Delaware and 
Hudson canal. Three ypars after the completion of the wort, 
John Eldridge laid the foundation of a large tannery on the 
outlet of Lord's pond, and Eufus Palen and his associates that 
of another at Fallsburgh. Austin Strong followed at Wood- 
bourne, Bushnell & Van Horn at Tannersdale, and others at 
various points. These establishments brought* wealth and 
muscle, and caused large additions to our population. 

The New York and Erie raUroad was another source of 
prosperity, especially to the Delaware river towns. 

A reference to the census of Sullivan should not be omitted 
by us: 

Tear. Population. 

1790* 1,763 

* MamaUating only. 

1800 3,222 

1810, 6,108 

1814 6,233 

1820 , 8,900 

1825 10,373 

1830 12,364 

1835 13,755 

1840 15.629 

1845 18.727 

1850 .'...25,088 

1855 29,487 

I860 32,385 

1865... 32,741 

1870 34,649 



Preface 5 

liitroduction 7 

Geology ■ ■ 17 

Climate 50 

Lenni Lenape 60 

Bethel 116 

Callicoon • 148 

Cochecton and Delaware 182 

Fallsburgh 224 

Forestbnrgli 274 

Fremont 291 

Highland 302 

Liberty 326 

Lumberland 367 

Mamakating 378 

Neversink ■. 456 

Eockland ' 490 

Thompson 513 

Tusten 637 

Delaware and Hudson Canal 655 

New York and Erie Eailway ■ 663 

New York and Oswego Midland Railroad 675 

Appendix 691 








The rocks which form the basis of Sullivan county are what 
are termed stratified or sedimentary, having been formed under 
deep water.* These strata form a 'portion of the series known 
as palozoic rocks, formerly termed lower secondary ;i- and they 
embrace what is known to British geologists as the Devonian 
and Upper SUurian System. In the Natural Histoiy of New 
York, Part IV., by W. W. Mather, these rocks are grouped under 
the following heads : 

Catskill Division ; 

Erie Division ; 

Helderberg ) Catskill Shaly Limestone, 

Division ; j AVater Lime Group. 



Ontario Division; I Oneida or Shawangunk Con- 

) glomerate. 

Champlain Division ; Hudson River Group. 

* No igneous or Plutonic rocks are found in the county. 

t " Rocks," said Davy, " are generally divided by geologists into two grand divisions, 
distinguished by the names of primary and secondary. The primary rocks are composed 
of pure crystalhno matter, and contain no fragments of other rocks. The secondary 
rocks or strata consist only partly of crystalline matter, contain fragments of other 
rocks or strata, often abound in the remains of vegetables and marine animals, and 
sometimes contain the remains of land animals. The number of primary rocks which 
are commonlv observed in nature are eight : 1. Oran'de, composed of cjuartz, feldspar 
and mica ; when these are arranged in regular layers in the rocks, it is called giieUts, 
2. Micaceous schist^ composed of quartz and mica. 3. Su^iiUe, which consists ot horn- 
blende and feldspar. 4. Serpentine, composed of feldspar and resplendent hornblende. 
6. Porphyry, which consists of feldspar. 6. Granular marble, or pure carbonate of 
hme. 7. Cfdorite schist, a green or grey substance somewhat analogous to mica and 
feldspar. 8. Qaartiose rock, composed of quartz. The secondary rooks are moro 
numerous than the primary ; but twelve varieties include aU that are usually found in 
these islands : 1. Graywacke, which consists of fragments of quartz or chlorite schist, 
imbedded in a cement principally composed of feldspar. 2. Silicious sandsiotLe, which 
is composed of fine quartz, or sand, united by a silicious cement. 3. Limestone, or 
carbonate of Ume, more compact in its texture than in the granular marble, and often 
abounding in marine exuvia. 4. Aluminoius schist, or shale, consisting of the decom- 
posed materials of different rocks, cemented by a small quantity of feiTuginous or 
sihcious matter, and often containing the impressions of vegetables. 5. Calcareous 
sandstone, which is calcareous sand cemented by calcareous matter. 6. Ironstone, 
formed of nearly the same materials as aluminous schist or shale, but containing a 
much larger quantity of oxide of iron. 7. Basalt or whin-stone, which consists of feld- 
Bpar and hornblende. 8. Bituminous or common coal. 9. Gypsum or sulphate of Ume, 
10. BocksaU. 11. Chalk, wliich usually abounds in the remains of marine animals, and 
contains horizontal layers of flints. 12. Plum-pudding stone, consisting of pebbles 
cemented by ferruginous or Bilicious cement." [Klem. Agri. Chem., p. 192. 





In other volumes of the State Survey, differesnt names hare 
l^een assigned to these befls. i i , i ■ 

By far the larger extent of the county is covereflby the Cats- 
kill division. The remaining rocks of the New York system are 
only exposed in the eastern sections of the towns of .Neversink 
and Forestburgh, Mamakating, and in the southern portion of 
'the county. 

These rocks have, generally speaking, one common dip and 
strike, from which the deviations throughout the county are but 
trifling. The angle of elevation of the strata is so small, that 
there is not presented over the county any mountain mass one 
thousand feet above the level from which it rises. The uniformity 
of the strike, and the similarity in form of the hills produced 
by such shght elevation are at once presented to the eye of thai 
observer looking from the top of Wamut Mountain, Mutton Hill, 
or any other elevated position, where the whole county presents 
the appearance of an ocean, crested with parallel waves of nearly 
■equal height, rolling in one direction. 

The dip of the strata in the county is westerly, and the strike 
Borth-east, (The particular deviations from this general occur- 
rence will be noticed hereafter.) In traveling across the county 
from Ealst to West, the newer strata appear ; and it is by travel- 
ing in the county in this direction, rather than North and South, 
that the most correct information of the position and thickness 
pf the strata can be collected. The courses of the rivers and 
creeks being generally from North to South, afford in many places 
good points of observation. 

The rocks of the Catskill group deserve to be noticed, from 
their occupying so large a surface in extent. These rocks, com- 
monly known as the old red sandstone, are the newest formed 
rocks in this section of the State of New York. They form the 
basis rock in which the coal fields of Pennsylvania lie, and rising 
from under these, they constitute the bed of the Delaware river, 
and spread into SuUivan, Ulster and Greene counties, covering 
up the lower groups of the New York system, which only emerge 
irom under their beds in the East and South of the county. 

Beds of rock of very different color and appearance are classed 
together in this group ; the predominance of sand, generally fer- 
ruginous, forming beds of sandstone, shale and conglomerate. 
The grits are both coarse and fine, and of various shades — ^red, 
green, brown, grey and mottled. The arrangements of these 
beds generally is from above downward : 1, (k>nglomerate and 
coarse grits. 2. Bed shales, slates and grits, 3, Grey and green- 
ish grits and slates. 4. Chocolate-colored grits, with red shales 
and slates. 

The total thickness of these beds of rock, at the point where 
their greatest development has been measured, is about fou^ 


tlionsantl feet ; but nowhere does it reach this meanurement in 
Snllivan county ; for the beds are so broken np, and the same 
series so continually upraised in distances not far apart, that the 
vhole series is not exposed upon the surface. 

The mountain elevations are also so slight, that only a few 
hundred feet of thickness of the strata can be read off the es- 
carpments. Walnut Mountain has the highest summit in the 
county, and stands about sii hundred feet above the plane of 
the base. The strata of which it is composed from above dowu- 
irard are — 

1. Quartz conglomerate; 4. Grey sand-rock; 

2. Grey sandstone ; 5. Bed shale ; 

3. Red sandstone ; 6. Green grit. 

A section of a hill on the "Three Thousand AcreiTract," two 
miles west from the village of Liberty, afforded the following 
^succession : 

1. Quartz conglomerate; 6. Red sand-rock ; 

2. Red and green grit ; 7. Conglomerate ; 

3. do do 8. Grey sand-rock; 

4. Grey grit; 9. Green sand-rock. 

5. Red shale ; 

These two hills appear to be composed of the same beds. 
Tlie bed marked 5, being well defined, constitutes a good point 
of comparison. 

Mutton Hill lies more to the East, and has less of the Catskill 
strata forming its structure, as is evident from the section of its 
East side : 

1. Reddish conglomerate; 3. Grit; 

2. Quartz conglomerate ; 4. Grey grit. 

This hill corresponds to beds marked G, 7 and 8 on the "Tliree 
Thousand Acre Tract." Mutton Hill has not the upper beds 
capping the other. 
vThese illustrations will serve to show how the same lines of 
Tocks are repeated over a few miles. This must arise from 
fracturing of the strata. 

Hie evidences of this are well seen on the Mount Hope and 
Lumberland turnpike road, where the red and grey grits and 
shales overspread in several places, where the faults and bend- 
ings of the strata occur, so as to make the beds show themselves 
lepeatedly! ' 

^he fractures and bendings of the strata are more inclined in 
ihe South of the county than in the West, and more in full on 
the Shawangunk hills. 

One of the Ejiost common characteristics of the grits of this 
^oup are the irregular lines which mark their surface, and which 
&Te so frequent as to form a ready means of classifying the rock 
when observed. These lines of lamination indicate the direction 


of the current of water which deposited them. These must nojb 
be confounded with the lines of stratification. 

Their obhque lamination is more common in the grey grita^ 
though discernible in many of the strata .of the red grits. The 
boulders* on the roadside show this lamination often more dis- 
tinctly than the rock in place. The rocks of this division, howr 
ever they may be in appearance, belong to but two varieties,; 
that is conglomerate and sandstone. The sandstones are admit- 
ted to have been forme4 by what is termed shore action — by tho 
action of a large body of water on a rocky beach, washing and 
wearing- it down, and sifting the finer matters from tho coarse, 
and conveying the latter down under the water level, and spread- 
ing it along the shore bottom, covering it for several miles. The 
similarity m appearance of the present sea shores and the red 
sandstone rocks, warrants the belief. This shore action existed 
previous to and during the period of the coal deposits in Penn^ 
sylvania, and was produced b^ the joint action of equatorial and 
polar currents of w&ter during this period. • 

A great portion of the present continent was under deep water, 
and what is -now known as the GuH Stream, and the currents of 
ifie-cold water from the poles, flowed directly over the continert.^ 
The directions of the mountain chains in South America — similar 
chains in the East and West, and the elevated land in the North, 
altered the direction of the current of warm water flowing from 
the tropics, and caused it to flow circuitously by the base of the 
Eocky Mountains, part flowing into the Arctic Sea and Hudson's 
Bay ; and the remainder in a sonth-earterly course, through the 
St. Lawrence valley, and along the Blue Bidge around to the 
Mississippi, where it would mingle with the original stream. 
The current of polar ice and water flowed down the St; Lawrence 
and Hudson valleys, and mingling with the other stream, gave it 
this curved direction, and formed an inland bay or sea of gta.t 
dimensions, and consequently a large extent of shore. This 
shore, covered up by future deposits of vegetable remains and 
earthy matters, constitutes the Catskill gioup, or the old red 

Formed by the disintegration of primary and metamorphio 
rocks, which were very micaceous, or hornblende, these sand- 
stones contain a quantity of iron in the state of red or peroxide. 
To this mineral the tinge is due, which is from the h^ghtest shade 
of red until the iron oxide accun^ulates in such quantities as to 
make the stone almost ore of iron. It is a fact generally oocur- 

* A remarkable boulder may ho seen on tho farm of Joseph H. JtfjLaiiehrv in West 

fiome are able to setitiu motion with one finger! ""«^'e. Q° 


ting, but not yet accounted for, that hardly any fossils are fonnd 
imbedded in stratified rocks in which this peroxide of iron ia 
found ; it usually being in the grey grits that fossil remains exist. 
The red rocks of this series are not homogeneous in character, 
some strata being more argillaceous than others. Heilce the 
terms used in this report of red shale and red sandrock ; the 
former "weathering" more rapidly, and splitting up more readily 
■when struck; the sandrock is closer, harder, more granular, 
generally of a deeper red, and not decomposing or fracturing so 

The following analyses of these two rocks serve to illustrate 
the difference in their chemical composition : 

Bed saDdstone, Bed shale. 

Moisture and soluble salts 8 *. . . . 7. , 

Alumina . , , 3. 6.77 

Peroxide of iron 11 3. 

Magnesia 1.94 1.35 

Lime 1.32 1.24 

Quartz and red sand insoluble in acid 74 80.31 

Loss 74 33 

100. 100. 

The proportions of peroxide of iron and alumina vary more 
than the other ingredients in different specimens ; but the alu- 
mina is always in excess in the shale, and the iron in a few 
specimens rose up to 21 per cent of the whole mass. 

The chocolate-colored grits differ very little from the above 
matter, the tints being due to a small portion of vegetable matter 
mixed with the peroxide of iron. ' 

In the grey and green grits the iron is mostly in the condition 
of rust oxide, the quantity of the metallic oxide being small. 

The conglomerates have been formed by action somewhat 
different from the dissolving and sitting actions which produced 
the grits. Conglomerates are gravel bound together by cement 
— (sometimes a paste of red sand-rock — sometimes of grey grit) — 
in which the gravel is embedded. These may be formed by the 
drifting action of currents of water sweeping the pebbles forcibly 
along, and depositing them in a mud or paste, perhaps of the 
same origin." The production of beds of conglomerate generaRy 
impHes shallow bodies of water. 

These alternations of grey and red grits with conglomerates 
occupy, the jvhole surface of Eookland, Bethel, Cochecton, Fre- 
mont, Thompson and Liberty. The quartz portion is the western 
of Neversink andPaUsburgh. 

Seams and layers of fine anthracite are found occasionally 
between the courses of these strata about Cdchecton, at Barry- 


ville, and throngh the town of Liberty * These seams are rarely 
more than half an inch thick, and from their frequent occurrence 
lead to the impression* that by boring a good seam may be 
reached; but such impression is erroneous. The coal beds are 
ab<yve ttie Catskill group. It was the shora into which the drilfr 
timber was floated. The coal-bearing beds are upon these, an* 
in the basin formed by the decay of the sandstone strata. The 
traces of vegetable matter in the Catskill group are too shght 
to warrant a belief that any but the smallest traces may be foun<L 
The elevated region in Kockland, in the East of Delaware and 
the West of Ulster, are the most probable portions of the State 
in which coal maj be found.t But the examination along the 
Wiiliwemoc and Little Beaverkill yielded no evidence of coaL 

A portion of shale forwarded as coal, removed from one of 
these seams, afforded on incineration — 

Volatile matters 16. 

Ash 84. 


There is an opinion prevalent that these thin seams widen a» 
they pass downward, and excavations have been made with the 
hope of reaching a good thick vein; but such an opinion is er- 

These grits occupy all the elevated parts of Sullivan county 
except the Shawangunk mountain, and in the northern region 
produce very picturesque and romantic scenery. Nothing can 
exceed in beauty and wildness the course of the Beaverkill, in 
Bockland, where dense woods, overhanging rocks and beautifully 
clear and placid water are united together. It is the grey sand- 
rock which prevails mostly over this town, as at Little Flats, the 
hill west of Steele's store, Elk Hill, and Hodge Pond. The 
greater part of Neversink is also capped by the grey grits, and 
m some places by quartz conglomerate. 

At Mutton HiU and at Palen's tannery, in Neversink, the red 
sand-rock occupies a portion of the surface, and may be seen in 
the water courses, stratified with the grits and conglomerates. 

The red shale, or argillaceous sandstone, is spread over a large 
surface of Liberty, CaUicoon, Fremont and Thompson, as at the 
hill on which the old Presbyterian church at Liberty stood ; on 
B. Sherwood's farm and on the Demarest and Blue hills ; in Falls- 
burgh at O. H. Bush's; over the Expense Lot, and over the town 

* Also in FallsbuTgh and ForoBtbnrgh. j, s. q, 

t If coal should be fonnd in workable qnaiilitirB in New York, it will nndonbtedlv be 
in the high mountain region in the north part of Sullivan, the east par ' of Dulaware. 
west and northwest parts of Ulster, and the central and south parts of Greene conutieL 
above the upper mass of led rocks from one hundred to five hundred feet. ~ 

[Mather's Uoports, p. 313, 


generally. Tartliep Bonih, this argillaceons shale is replacecl by 
a hard sand-rock, which is derived from the wearing down of mica 
dates, retaining some of the mica still uudecomposed. This 
micaceous sandstone underlays the village of Monticello and the 
high grounds of the surrounding neighborhood. The red rock 
of Mon'iicello is in many places caj^ed by grey grits and con- 
glomerates to the thickness of twenty-five feet, which stand out 
like isolated masses, and not, as they really are, portions of what 
was a continuous bed. Generally speaking, the grey grits and 
conglomerates cover up the red rock and shales. The upper- 
most of the red rocks contain the hardest itnd most micaceoua 
beds. The lower ones are soft and shaly. The red hard rocks 
occupy the county in Monticello, and parallel to it, in a line 
'drawn northeast and southeast. For two and a half m'Jes sonth-^ 
erly, the red rocks are those which occupy the grdktest sur&ce, 
when grey grits emerge from below, becoming the surface rock^ 
to the vicimty of the Delaware river. 

North of Monticello, the red rocks dip under and are covered 
almost completely by grey hard grits and conglomerate, which, 
generally occupy the county between Monticello and White Lake. 
In the southern towns, these red sand-rocks and shales do not 
cover any extensive surface, and the chocolate and grey grits, aS' 
already stated, generally predominate. 

Dynamic forces have produced the high land, as well as the 
fractures and elevations of the strata. There has been another 
operation at work which has caused the exposure of rock quite 
as frequently as the upheaving forces. Tliis is the action of de- 
nudation, or that force exerted by moving water in passing over 
land, and by its mechanical force and friction, weaiing away 
deep channels in the rocky strata over which it roUed. This 
force of moving water has been exerted both by a large body of 
water which at a former period covered the county, and at a* 
later period by water courses occupying the position and flowing; 
in a direction which corresponds to that of the present streams. 
It depends on the nature of the rock over which the water i-uns^ 
what the amount of denudation or abrasion shall be. 

The Catskill mountains are themselves splendid examples of 
denudation, and the phenomena of abrasion maybe witnessed. 
in the courses of neawy all the rivers in the county. The Eea- 
verkill above Big Flats, in Rockland, sliows it remarkably, and 
the Neversink and the Mongaup exhibit it at several points of 
their course. A very remarkable instance is at Bridgeville, be- 
low the bridge, where the banks of the river are eighty feet high. 
On the west side of the liver the strata dip^ and rise on the east, 
showing that they were one until by the wearing action of the 
river stream it obtained its present level. The strata on each 
side correspond as follows: 


1. Greenish sandstone conglomerate with quartz grits; 

2. Soft red shale and harder sand-rocks; 

3. Hard sand-rock ; 

4. Soft red shale ; 

5. Grey sand-rock (grit) underlaid by quartz conglomerate ; 

6. Green grits and date ; 

7. Bed of the river. 

This affords one out of many illustrations of the power which 
moving water, acting through an immensely long period, can 
exert on even the hardest surfaces ; the whole chasm, from the 
present bed of the stream to the top of a height of eighty feet, 
having been worn away by the Neversink river. 

This action has been in operation since the county has been 
upj*aised from the sea-bottom upon which the sand-rooks were 
deposited, and belong to what is termed the modeim period. 
The beds marked 2 and 4 are of Soft shale and slate, and de- 
compose more readily when exposed to the air than the rocks 
above and below, which produce the overhanging cliffs and cav- 
ernous hoUows termed roch-lwuses. Wherever these strata are 
found upheaved, these rock-houses exist, as on the hill near 
Fallsburgh ; at Fairchild's Pond near Monticello ;* near Beaver 

* Alfred B. Street deseribes this locsrlity very a/ccuiately as foUowa : 
" A rude wUd plate. The long and' narrow ridge 
Ends in a rugged precipice of rock ; 
A slope between it and a shallow pond 
Bristling with withered hemlock and with stomps 
O'erapotted. A faint narrow road winds by. 
Here to the Tillage — there, amidst the woocla 
Bordered by laUrel-thickets, to a glade. 
A jutting of the rock has formed a nook 
Along its base. A cedar's giant trunk, 

Dead, barkless, and stained in spots by fire, , 

S^om the high bank above has pitched, and lies 
With base upon the summit of the rock. 
And fractured head upon the bank beneath, 
A slanting ladder : and within acleft 
O'er a huge bulge upon the nigged wall. 
Are birchen bushes, like green hanging plumes 
In a gigantic helmet. At one spot 
Within the nook, the back is hollowed out, 
Shaping a seat. Naught is there to declare 
Whether by freak of Nature or by nia,n 
This shelf was scoop'd. Upon tfie fissured sides, 
And the smooth slate that, laid in scales, compose 
This little terrace, names and letters rude 
Are graven. With the massive roof above 
Spotted by lichen-scales, and looking out 
On the quiet pond, with its deep background woodg, 
Here have I sat in summer afternoons 
Watching the long slim shadows of the trees 
Slow creeping towards me, the rich halo'd sun 
Melting the oiltlines of the forest tops, . 

Where it impended. In the hours of Spring, 
When the damp softened atmosphere proclaim'd 
Tho coming ra>n to beat the frost f^om out 
The torpid earth, so that its lap might smile 
Again with flowera, here also have I sat 
And listened to the voices of the pond, 

GE6tOGY. ' 25 

TBrook, in Lumberland, and in numerous otlier places in the 

In FallsbuTgh, one of the creeks cuts through the red and grey 
siaiidstoues, and the valley in which tiie creek lies is a valley of 
denudation, the strata being exposed on each side, and the dip 
riot exceeding eight degrees. In the valley of the water channel 
on each side of the streanij at some distance up, is a well marked 
layer of stones, showiag the existence of a former water channel 
of greater dimensions than th^ present. Probably the whole 
was the bottom of a wide stream, on the sides of which these 
stream stones were arrested by the slowness of the current. 

Underneath ' the red grits, shales, and conglomerates, exists a 
series of beds of rock generally termed greywacke, and classed 
in the New York Survey as the Erie group or divis^pn. These 
also are sandstone. They are highly indurated and of a green- 
ish grey or dark color. Shales and slates of a similar character 
Accompany the sandstones. The dip of these is W. N. W. These 
rocks occupy the southern part of the county, and are best seen 
in Malnakating valley. They run from the Delaware river 
through Lumberland west of Mongaup into the Mamakating 
valley, of which they form the northwest side, running parallel 
to the Delaware and Hudson canal, and towards Kingston, in 
Ulster county. The upper beds of the Erie division are termed 
the Chemung group, and occur in distinct courses, with an in- 
finite variety of structure, and numerous fossil remains. The 
series, when exposed to the weather, passes into a brownish ohve, 
■which forms the external appearance of all these slates, that even 
then are internally of the deepest green. There is a tendency 
to cdnglomerate in the upper beds. The lower beds of the Erie 
division are called the Hamilton group. In Sullivan county, 
these two subdivisions are not very distinct, and itt.this report 
hiay be classed together. . They both difcer from the Catskill, or 
. old red sandstone division, in containing well marked evidences 
^6i land plants as fossil remains — obscure species which have 
not received sufficient attention. The green and ohve shales 
are loaded with impressions of stropliomena, deWiyris and atrypa. 
The great indestructibility of this group of rocks gives a peculiar 
aspect to the surface. A series of terraces upon the hills about 
Beaver Brook, in Lumberland, and a similar appearance in 
Mamakating indicate the Erie rocks. A fine section of these 
may "be obtained along the Erie raih-oad from Narrowsburgh 

Those sweet prophecies of warmer hours, 
Ringing like myriad tiny silver bells 
Cheerfully on the ear." » * » 

Bie Bock, as this singular precipice is called, was once a favorite resort of the in. 
iMIritants of MonticoUo. It is now the tei-mmus of the MonticeUo and Port Jervig 
Bailroad. ' J- ^- Q-- 


south, and along the Delaware and Hudson canal. In the latter 
place the strata dip N. W. about 15°. In the green shales par- 
tial faults may be observed, and in some places the strata are 
bent, or arched upwards. This arching up of the stratifi is well 
marked at the 101 mile post on the railioad, and still better on 
the Pennsylvania bank of the Delaware liver, opposite ih© 
canal, three^foui'ths of a mile east of Barryville. The cracks^ 
and faults, and the arching of the rocks are produced by subter- 
ranean elevating forces, which have been excited vei-y stiougly 
in the south part of the county, 

^Vhere full exposures of this group are made, there is discov- 
ered a good bed of flag-stones, or thick spHtting slate, averaging 
twenty-eight inches thick, lying upon a soft crumbling shale, and 
covered by a slaty grit, having well marked lamina of deposition 
in them. These flag-stones crop out in several places, and are 
occasionally used in building. They have been quarried some- 
what extensively in Mamakating west of Wuitsborough.* These 
flag-stones are of good quality generally. 

At Griffin's quarry, seven miles south of "Wurtsborou^, and 
three miles from the canal, the same stones are raised. They 
are also exposed in the beds of the Mongaup and the Neversink 

On the Sandburgh creek, a httle west of Eed Eidge, the junc- 
tion of the Erie and CatskiU groups is discoverable; and in the 
lower bed of the former, or the upper bed of the latter, (for they 
are not easily distinguished,) are the remains of a shaft where 
an opening had been made in the expectation of meeting coaL 
The shaft is now filled up, and the lower stones wliich were 
raised maybe found on the side of tJie rpad. The rock is a daik 
shale, full of vegetable matter, and loaded with impressions of 
fossil plants. No coal seam of sufficient thickness was discov- 
ered, and the work was abandoned. There are appearances in 
this locaUty which would encourage expectation ior coal. These 
beds of rock generally dip to the north and west at a much, 
greater angle than the Catskill series, and partake of the (lis- • 
turbance of the southern part of the county, which has upturned 
all the rocks of the Mamakating valley to a nearly vertical 

Along the Sandburgh creek, west of the county line, the Che- 
mung gi-oup may be well studied by the geologist. For all 
practical purposes the Erie division possesses but little interest 
yielding only the bed of slate alluded to. * 

The Helderberg division consists of a series of limestones of 
various chemical composition, with beds of slate and slaty grits. 

» They are aUo found in FftUsburgh, Foieolburgh, Lumberland, Tugten and Hieh. 
'"'^ J. K. Q. 


The limestones generally occupy tlie lowest beds. They consti- 
tute a great natura,l group, and are so well developed in the 
Helderberg mountains as to receive from thence their name. In 
Sullivan county they emerge from imder the of 
the Erie division, and occupy the greater portion in breadth 
of the valley of Mamakating. They dip at a very high angle. 
The upper beds are covered by the diift in the valley. Ihe 
limestones are only slightly elevated above tlio canal, under 
•which they dip W. N. W., at an angle of 55° and G3°. A short 
distance east of Wurtsborough, the Hmestone rises out of the 
canal, and forms the mountain bench. It is here composed of 
two distinct kinds ; the one a shaly, soft, decomposing rock — • 
the other a hard, compact stone of a dark bhiish color. At 
Carpenter's Point, on the Delaware river, the position and char- 
acter of the entire series may be studied more readily than at 
any place in the county of SulHvan, where they are almost com- 
pletely hidden. The portions exposed belong to the water-lime 
group described by Mr. Mather in the Jfew York Survey, Vol. 
IV., p. 349. 

In the valley north of Wurtsborough, they can only be ex- 
amined, as they sink down and are covered by the deposits of 
drift. The stone has been quarried and used as buildmg stone 
and for burning, for which some of the courses only are adapted. 
The strata are but a few feet thick and, from proximity to the 
canal, cannot be advanta^eouslj' worked. 

The chemical composition of the hard blue rock is as follows : 

Carbonate of Hme 93. 

Sand and vegetable matter 2. 

Alumina and peroxide of ii'on 3. 

Magnesia. 73 

Earthy phosphates 13 

Soluble saline matters 1.14 

The proportion of alumina in this rock prevents it from form- 
ing good diy mortar lime ; but by proper treatment in burning and 
mixing, it would make good hydraulic mortar. The comments 
made in the Eeport of Seneca county on the Manlius water-hme- 
stone are applicable here. 

There are no other beds of lime-rock in this county except 
those of the Mamakating valley. Boulders of this rock, however, 
are discovered in nearly every town. 

Onta?uo Division. — ^This contains two varieties of rock veir 
■well defined in SuUivan county. They are immediately beneath 
the lost described rocks, whence they rise up to a considerable 


elevation, forming the base of the north and western dopes of 
the Shawangunk hills. The varieties are 

1. The pyritous stratum ; 

2. The Shawangunk grit or conglomerate. 

1. The first rock iS a comparatively thin layer of quartz rock, 
loaded with ciystals of pyrites, (sulphuret ' of iron). It varies 
very much in its texture, being, east of WurtsborOngh and to- 
ward the county line, a whitish, compact quartz stone (in the 
interior of a mass) with pyrites. South of the village, it becomes 
a red rock, the pyrites having passed into the state of red oxide, 
and the hard nature of the rock is replaced by a softer shale^ 
In other cases it is granular, and resembles a red sandstone. 
Crossing the mountain on the plank road from Wurtsborough 
to Middletown, this bed is met with at the 11 mile post, and is 
about twelve feet thick. It is here a hard, compact quartz rock, 
dipping at an angle of 60° "W. S. W. In the neighborhood of 
the "Montgomery mine," it is a chocolate-colored, soft, slaty 
sandstone; and at the "new mine," two miles south of Wurts- 
borough, it presents the appearance of a greenish grey grit. 
Exposed to the air, it becomes red, and where it is not a sand- 
stone, the gradual oxidation of the pyrites rusts the rock to the 
depth of an infth. 

2. The Shawangunk grit or conglomerate is described by 
Mather as a rock which "varies in texture from a conglomerate 
to a fine-grained grit, and is almost entirely silicious. It is gen- 
erally white or light grey in color ; but there is one bed near the 
upper part of its mass which is red. Most of the layers of the 
rock are very hard. Some are sandy and others slaty. Its col- 
ors are white, grey, greyish, reddish-white and brick-red." This 
covers the whole northern side of the mountain, dipping at 
variable angles toward the north-west and west. In many places, 
the dip is 60°; in others^ 50°, and diminishes to 30°. The 
thickness varies in diiferent parts of the range, being in some 
places apparently four hundred feet, diminishing down to one 
hundred and fifty feet. On the Wurtsborough and Blooming- 
burgh plank road, it approaches three hundred feet in thickness. 

This rock is not used in this county for any economical pur- 
pose, although in other counties it is used in building, and for 
grindstones. While it presents so narrow a breadth, its length 
i& remarkable. Traces of this conglomerate are discernible in 
Vermont, east of Whitehall, and in Western Massachusetts, and 
with the Shawangunk, it passes into New Jersey and Pennsyl- 

As this constitutes one of the most important beds of the 
Shawangunk range, though not by any means a large amouut 


of the total hill elevation, it may be desirable here to allnde to 
the whole chain of hUls as a unity. 

The Shawangunk hills extend from the New Jersey line to 
near Wawarsing, in Ulster county, where they sink down, and 
are lost. In New Jersey, they may be traced into the Blue 
Mountains, and from that State pass iilto Pennsylvania, Mary- 
land and Virginia. The rocks are upraised in what is termed an 
ardidiTud cuds, or in the fojm of an inverted V, (A), the strata,: 
being broken and bent away, from each other. The range in; 
Sullivan countjj attains at its highest point 1007 het above the seat i 
level, which is in the north-east part of Mamakating. The dip i 
of the strata varies from 30° to 57° to W. N. W., and the direc- ■ 
tion of the range is generally N. E. and S. W. There is very 
little disturbance or fracture of the strata in the comty. Far- 
ther east, in Ulster, the breaks are well marked. 

The great body or mass of the mountain is Hudson rive» 
slate, a rock whose color passes from light grey into black, and 
is sometimes soft and shaly, while in other places it is hard and 
fit for quarrying as building stone. It is a well marked strati- 
fied rock, and by the many curves and contortions which it pre- 
sents, it shows what forces it has been subjected to. It constitutes 
the basis or lowest rock of the mountain range, and is not visible 
on the northern side of the hill. On passing over the Wurtsbor- 
ough and Bloomingburgh plank road, toward the summit of the 
hill, near the 10 mile post, it comes into view as a bed of shale, 
very friable, dark colored, fuU of fractures, and about twraity fee^ 
thick. As the road descends, the shale passes into a harder 
rock, and the rest of the mountain downward on its east side is 
made up of alternations of shale and hard rock. i 

This Hudson ri\^er slate is continued from the base of the hilJ 
into Orange county, forming the surface rock of that portion of 
SuUivan south of the hills. In the low land, the elevation of the 
strata is but sUght, and but little facility exists for the water of 
the soil above to escape through the strata. Hence in many 
places the lajid becomes water-logged, and gives rise to the pro- 
duction of rushy herbage, moss and bog. Some of the courses 
afford good furnace stones, and some a good building stone. 
The beds in the county do not afford any roofing slate.* 

The thickness of the Hudson slate group is about eight him- 
dred feet. Upon it, on the westeiai side, rests the Shawangunk 
grit, which lies conformably upon it./ Near the summit of 
the hills, the grit in some places lies nearly horizontal, and 
presents, to the south, perpendicular chffs of white rock, 

* A bed of this slate is found at Pleasant Late, in the town of Thompson.. It is from 
fifteen to thirly feet tfadok, and is overlaid by red shale and grey sana-rock, It is be- 
lieved that it will afford good roofing slate. J. K. Q. , 


from forty to two hundred feet high. This is overlaid by the 
pyritiferous stratum, which is better developed in the northern 
part of the valley. 

The whole range is intersected by metaUiferous veins. The 
neighborhood is full of traditions of Indians obtaining both lead 
Bnd silver in abundance, and at so many points of the range, 
that it is looked upon as a bed of ores of undisputed richness.* 
It ds with that portion of the range within the limits of the 
coilnty that it is' the office of this report to treat; and it is very 
important that clear notions of the quantity and value of ore in 
the county should be rightly held, seeing that efforts are made 
by unusual means to create false notions of the mineral condi- 
tion of the county. 

The New York Geological Survey describes very accurately 
the Shawangunk mine, situated in tliis county, on the mountain 
range. At the time that survey was made (1843), and for a long 
time after, this was the only opening made into the range in 
Sullivan county. Very lately, new adits have been attempted 
both north and south of that point. This mine is now termed 
the "Montgomery Mine," as belonging to the New York & 
Montgomery Mining Company. It lies north-east of Wulrts- 
borough about two miles, and eight hundred feet above the 
canal level. Dr. Mather's description (Vol. IV., p. 360), is 
nearly that of its present condition, and is as follows : 

" The vein, in many places, has the aspect of a bed paraHel 
to the contiguous strata of the grit rock of the mountain ; but 
from a careful examination, it is believed to be a true vein which 
runs between the strata, and then cuts obliquely across them, 
without altering its dip in any great degree. The stratum of the 
vein corresponds nearly to that of the grit 'rock, but its aggre- 
gate dip is greater. The strata were observed to be more or less 
broken and bent, where the vein, after passing between them, 
crossed them obliquely. The grit rock on the mountain near the 
mine is traversed by small veins of quartz, which is more or less 
porous from the decomposition of its contained minerals. The 
vein on which_ihe mine is worked, varies from two to five feet 
in width ; and the larger portion of its mass, as far as has been 
^plored, is a silicious rock similar to that forming the roof and 

* Thore is a tradition that lead ore also exists in the old town of Lumberl^nd. Jacob 
Quick, a Bontleman of undoubtcdrespectability, (now dead), informed the writer that 
Tom Qoi^, about the year 1794, told him that, while setting a trap, he found it neoeg- 
Bary to remove somo earth from a spring, and came upon a fine Tein of ore; and that 
fae had since obtained the greater part ui hi^lead from.this gonroe. as the dieceverer 
cotild expect to reap but little more advantage from it, he promised to show our 
informant the locality, and appointed a day for that purpose; but before the appointed 
time, the old man wag taken gick, and was never afterwards able to go from tha 
house in which he lived. 

The location of this mine oorreipondl almogt exactly with that of the lead mine ginc* 
tligoorered near ISlleuville. [See Mather's {teport, page 358, 

GEOtOOY. 31 

•floor, except thftt it contains fragments and particles of greenish 
and blackish slate. The vein stone is more or less loaded with 
-blende, galena, Copper pyrites, iron pyrites and crystalized 
quartz. The blende and galena constitute prdbaUy forty-nine- 
fiftieths of the metalUferous contents of the vein, and these 
.minerals are in general more or less intimately mixed. 

" The metalliferous part of the vein is from one to th'/ee feet 
thick in some parts ; in othei-s, it narrows to a thin, almost lin- 
ear seam ; in some places, the lead ore, in others, the zirc ore 
predominates. The ore, as an aggregate, may be 'said to he in 
bunches, and the productiveness of different points of the vein 
is very variable. When examining the mine, three masses of 
'.galena, free from other ores and from gangue, were taken out 
of the mine, weighing about 800, 1000, and 1400 pounds, 

" This mine is said to have been originally discof ered by a 
hunter,* and the first opening was made some forty or fifty feet 
-from the present shaft of the mine. It was worked from the 
outcrop of the vein to a depth of about thirty feet, and some 
tons of lead ore were taken from the mine. This opering was 
abandoned in consequence of the thinning of the metallilerous 
part of the vein, and the difficulty of raising the ore through an 
irregula,/ and sloping shaft. A vertical shaft was in process c^ 
excavation at the time of my first visit in 1837, and it had 
reached the vein at that time. Lateral galleries have since 
been driven on the course of the vein. An adit level was driven 

'The pioneers of Mamakating knew that the Indians obtained their lead not lot 
tinm Wurtgborough. The natives alwavs refused to show where it was to be fonnd, 
and generally beuame angry whenever the mine wag alluded to. Even the white men 
who were in part or wholly domesticated with them, could not get I'j) inforUiatdon 
from them in regard to it. At last, a white hunter namediMiller dogged them, at the 
tisk of his life, until he ascertained that they got the ore near a certain, clnmp of 
ibemlock trees, which were the only ones cf the Kind within a considerable distanoea^i 
Be lieard them at work ; but did not dare to go to the locality until a considerabld^J 
time afterwards, when ho was sure the savages were not in the vicinity. Millfer intended' 
to show the mine to a man named Daniel Gonsalus. He told him the lead was on the 

mountain, near tlie hemlocks, pointed them ont from the valley, and promised to go 
with hhn to the mine after he had paid a visit to his friends in Orange county. Ua 

Trent, but died at Montgomerv during big visit there. Gonsalus never attempted to 
profit by what Miller had told him. In 1813, however, he commnnicated what he 
knew of the matter to Daniel Niven, who, in 1817, hired a man named Madge tr< 
assist bira in searching fur the lead, and they succeeded in finding it. Specimens of 
the ore were gent to Doctor Mitchell, and others, chemiatg. Hr. Niven made a confi- 

«dant of Mnscs Stanton, a resident of Wnrisborough, who, as well as Mudge, insisted 
upon sharing the profits which were expected to be made from the discovery, and the 

-three became partners. Not long after, those who had analyzed the ore endeavored 
to purchase the mine of Mr. Niven and his associates. But the discoverers ^onnd a 
dimculty in the way of gelling. The land did not belong to them, and they conld not 
Ascertain who did own it. They could not buy the mine nor gcll it. 8u the matter 
regtcd until 1836 — Mr. Niven and his partners mutually agreeing nst to make any 

'disclosure concerning the matter, unless- with the congent of all three. Their secret, 
however, wag revealed after it had been kept for almost twenty years. Stanton had an 
Awkward habit of dreaming while asleep, and one night, while his eyelids were closed, 
•poke of the mine and its location so distinctly that his son, who was present, had no 
xuHicnlty in finding it. Young Stanton was so fortunate as to ascertiKin who gome of 
the owners wore, and to make five hundred dollars by keeping bis ears open, obile bis 

'father was " dreaming aloud 1 " J. E. Q. . 


peipendicvilar to the ^triljte of the yeih through the infervenirig: 
strata of grit rock, fifty-two feet below the mouth of the shaJt, 
so as to intersect the vein at the distance of aboiit two httpclred 
feet from the main shaft. Galleries have been excavated latterly 
on the course- of 'tlie vein from the extremity of the adit, 
and the southern one of &6se has been connected with the shaft. 
This adit and the contiguous galleries serve as a drainage level 
for the upper portions of the mine. Another adit level has been 
driven into tiie mountain, so as to intersect the vein at a per- 
pendicular depMi of seventy-five feet below the other, and the 
main shaft is continuous from this intersection, sloping up the 
course of the vein, to where this incKned shaft unites with the 
vertical one at the upper tier of the galleries. Lateral galleries 
have been excavated on the course of the vein from the sides of 
the inclined part of the main shaft, and it was in these that the 
miners were employed at the time of my visit. 

" The ore is sUdden down the inclined shaft to the lower adit 
level, whence it is removed to the ore heaps opposite tliis level. 
It is there picked and washed, and then sent to the smelting^ 
house on the bank of the canal, which, by the winding coarse 
of the road, is about a mile or a mile and a quarter." 

From a personal inspection in May, 1852, the following were 
the particulars of this mine. It has an entrance by an adit 
opened upon the side of the mountain, nearly eight hundred feet 
above the canal level. To reach the vein of ore, the strata were 
pierced through sixty yards. The strike of the range is E. N. 
E. by W. S. W., vrith a dip varying from 35= to 56° to the N, W. 
The vein runs parallel to the strike, and nearly parallel with the 
strata. When reached by boring to the above stated depth, it 
was found to vary in thickness from eighteen inches to four feet. 
About one hundred feet above the adit level, the ore crops out 
6n the surface, a few inches in thickness, mixed with considera- 
ble gangue. The gangue stone is quartz, which intersects the 
vein, largely cutting it up and rendering it in some places too' 
poor to work. The rock through which the adit is bored is the 
bhawangunk grit. At the inner extremity of the adit, a gallery 
has been extended at right angles to the adit, or in the fine of 
the strike, thus (following the course of the ore. It was stated 
that but Httle ore had been raised for the last six years, and the^ 
spots where the blastings were made were filled with water. Th6 
richest samples of ore taken at that period were -said to be from 
spots now flooded. At the pit's mouth, there was a heap of sorted 
ore, and at some distance, a larger heap of finely powdered ore. 
The whole quantity did not exceed seventy tons. Within the 
mine, httle was going on, either in draining or blasting. Smelt- 
ing, fuiijaces were then being erected at a great cost, and the 


extent of these seemed greatly incommensurate vnth the quan- 
tity of ore on hand, w even in the vein. 

The ore is zinc blende (sulphuret of zinc) associated with 
galena and copper pyrites, the gangue stone quartz intersecting 
it in threads and crystals. The gangue varies from fifteen to 
fifty per cent, of the sorted ore. 

The gangue is separable from the ore by crushing and sifting. 
When separated, tliie pure ore consists of 

Lead 20.432 

Zinc 15.672 

Iron 5.600 

Copper 300 

42.004 in 100 parts. 

These were associated with sulphur, and may be Isoked on as 
blende, galena and pyrites associated. The copper is present 
in so trifling an amount as not to be regarded practically. An 
examination was made to determine the presence of silver asso- 
ciated with the Ifiiad ore; but the result, while it showed the 
presence of that metal; did not warrant the belief that any could 
be profitably extracted. This vein, then, is one of mixed zinc 
and lead ores ; for of the other metals, (silver and copper) there 
is but a trifling amount, and the iron is a positive impediment 
in the reduction. There is a practical difficulty in separating 
galena and blende so as to preserve both metals. Either the 
zinc or the lead is sacrificed m obtaining the other metal. 

The ordinary ores of zinc are the carbonate, the sulphuret 
and the oxide. The first yields from 25 to 40 per cent. ; the 
second 6fi per cent. ; and the last 75 per cent, of pure metal. 
The first two are the chief European ores; the latter is the one 
worked at Franklin and Sterling, in New Jersey. The ore of 
the Montgomery Mine, considered as a zinc ore, is inferior to 
any of those recounted. It is similarly situated as a lead ore. 
The chief lead ore of this or any coimtry is galena, (sul- 
phuret,) which yields when pure. 86 per cent, of metal, or more 
than four times the quantity which this ore, when free from 
gangue, could yield ; so that this ore may be looked upon as a 

{)oor zinc and a still poorer lead ore. It has to be freed from a 
arge amount of gangue, and to obtain the lead out of it, the 
zinc will have to be burned off; to obtain the zinc, the lead will 
have to be sacrificed. 

Many attempts have been made to adopt processes whereby 
it might be possible to obtain both metals without loss; but 
without success on the large scale. 

The New York and Montgomery Mining Company, in a pam- 
phlet put forward by them, allude to a process of Mr. Seymour, 
(the chemist to the works at the mine) whereby this obstacle 


■was OYercome. It does not appear, however, that it ever was 
put in practice upon large quantities, and acted economically. 
The same pamphlet gives an analysis of the ore as containing 
zinc 30 per cent., lead 20 per cent., copper 5 per cent., and silver 
one-tenth of one per cent. 

"In addition to the above, the cobalt produced from the ore, 
being of the purest kind, will probably equal in value amy of the 
above namea metals." 

. This statement led to a renewed analysis of the ore without 
detecting more than a faint trace of cobalt. in one sample. Some 
samples of the ore contain more galena arid less blende, and 
vice versa; but even talking the above as an average sample of 
ore which is mixed witti from 15 to 50 per cent, of gangue, upon 
the showing of the Company's pamphlet, it is impossible to ob- 
tain either zinc or lead, or tM prepa/raiions of these metals, at prices 
which would remvmerate the outtay. 

For some time back, the sorted and ground ore has been 
smelted, and ihe zinc and lead separated, and by the processes 
of chemical decomposition (in the moist way) oxide of zinc, 
chloride of zinc and other preparations of that metal, chromate 
and other salts of lead, and cobalt, are prepared to the extent of a 
few tons weekly, and sent to the city of New York, where its ar- 
mval has served to keep up the price of the Company's stock, and 
facilitate sales ; but if the manufacture of these substances were 
intended as a remnnera/tive speculation, they would have been 
abandoned before now. No individual nlanufacturer, seeking 
profit, would ever adopt the processes carried on in the factory 
at the mine ; B,nd ia a short time, eyen the present operations 
must abruptly terminate.* 

The existence of good lead mines and zinc ores in this country, 
where these metals may be obtained cheaply, prevents a mixed 
ore, whose preparatiions require a costly mode of separation, 
Irom being brought into competition with them ; and when it- is 
considered that even the New Jersey zinc ore can with difficulty 
compete with the English and Belman zinc in its own market, 
it is opianifest that the poor ore of me Shawangunk cannot vent- 
ure into competition. 

What has been stated of the !Montg©mery ore and manufact- 
ure, is true of mining in SuUivan county generally. The vein of 
ose which extends from Ellenville by Eed Bridge and Wurts- 
borough, passes along parallel to the strike of the hiUs, and may 
be traced on the summit of the range to the western border of 
the county, and owmg to the operations carried on at thfe Mont- 
gomery mine, various openings have been made- by companies 
and individuals to leawi the same vein at other places. The 

* The Bubsequent biBtory of this mine fully verifieB this prediction. J. E. Q. 


"belief that the ■v.eitt would -widen ajt lower levels, (probable,) and 
:that it woiild be a richer ore farther west, (improbable,-) has led 
to a false estiigiate of the value of the ore, and of the locality 
as a pMce for iaisest^ueiit of capital ; and the excitement in the 
Mamaikatiiig valley has been luiduly kept up by interested parties. 
There is not a workable miQe in this county ; nor is there any 
mineral or ore which can be q,bundantly or profitably extracted, 
^he mjvjxganese which is scattered over the whole extent, and 
occurs disseminated through ^yers of the shale and shaly hme- 
atone, is too earthy and impure to compete with that from other 
Sitates. The anthracite which exists in the shale at the Sand- 
burgh, »nd the Jjjialf jnph seam in Liberty, and which farther 
west is cut through by the Delaware, and washed down to where 
it accumulates in bed^, at the bending of the river at Oochecton 
and dsewhere, is just sufficient to delude the unwaty. The 
oxide of iron which accumulates in the sandstone at some places, 
as near Parksville, is sufficient to render the stone convertible 
into a mineral paint ; but does not constitute a workable ore. 
The building ^d fiag-stones, and tiie extensive deposits of 
brick clay which occur in every town, are the only mineral 
wealth of the county. 

Drift. — In every northern latitude on this continent, as far 
south as 40°, there axe found spread over the country, beds of 
clay, sand and gravel, accompanied with large loose stones, 
generally of rounded form. The beds of clay, sand and gravel, 
have been cairied and deposited by currents of water running 
in a direction north and south, generally from the north-west to 
the sonthreast, and the loose stones or boulders may have been 
carried by similar means, or stranded and melted from ice. 
Sullivan county, at some remote period, was the bed of an arm 
of the sea, T«rhich extended from the Lakes to the Atlantic ocean, 
by the Delaware .and Chesapeake channels. Of course, in the 
deepest portions, the current would be strongest, and the most 
ftaxtiay matters transported and deposited; and. hence it is, that 
in the valleys we find the drift best marked. The soil of Mam- 
a,katiQg valley is altogether of drift, and along its whole course, 
the conditions of the current which deposited the material may 
be distinctly traced. Sometimes the sand and gravel are in 
distinct layers ; sometimes mixed, depending upon the amount 
of silting action of the tidal current. The direction also varies 
sUghtly. Thus at Eraser's sand hill, in Monticello, the direc- 
tion is N. N. E. aad S. S. W. The south-west end of the hill is 
fine sand, while on the north-west it is rounded gravel, showing 
the direction of tiie current to be from north to south. 

Bi Lumberland, the sand and gravel hiUs along the Delaware 
have a parallel direction. 


Tlie boulders of Bockland and Neversink are chiefly grey 
sand-rock and conglomerate, the lamina of deposit on the former 
rendering them easily distinguishable. In Liberty, ^ey grit 
botilders are extensively distributed about Parksville, with some 
red sand-rock and a white conglomerate resembling that of 
Shawangunk. In Eockland and Liberty, the siliciouslimestone 
containing manganese (referred to under the head of Economi- 
cal Geology,) is met with very commonly. In Thompson, in the 
northern part, the quartz conglomerate prevails to south of 
ThompsonviUe. It covers the surface at Lord's pond, and on 
the Barrens generally, where grey grits and slate are also inter- 
spersed. About Bridgeville, they are mixed in with the sand 
and gravel hills on the baiik of the river. 

In the Mamakating valley, the farther north and east gener- 
ally, the drift-sand is fine. At Phillips Port, it passes into fine 
sand and gravel, which lie along the base of the hills on either 
side, the direction beiag generafly E. N. E. and W. S. W. The 
whole west side of the valley is filled up with it. The drift is 
spread ever the east side of Shawangunk, and is mixed in with 
the soil derived from the slate. 

The boulders of the Mamakating valley are composed of the 
rocks of the mountain in the neighborhood, mingled with the 
northern drift. 

In this valley, the bones of the mastodon and fossil elephant 
were found in digging the Delaware & Hudson canal, in a peat 
bog, between Bed Bridge and Wurtsborough. 

The whole valley is interesting as showing the effects of drift ; 
its mode of deposit ; and the grooving or scratching on the hill- 
sides, caused by the passage over them of moving ice, containing 
impacted stones. The facts in this connection, communicated 
to SiHirnan's Journal, Vol. XXIII., p. 43., by Wiliiam A. 
Thompson, of ThompsonviUe, are interesting. They are as 
follows : 

# * * » * "I have examined this part of the State with 
considerable care, and have found that in more than fifty differ- 
ent places where I have seen the sohd strata, the grooves and 
furrows appear from an inch to one-fourth of an inch deep, and 
from one-fourth of an inch to three and four inches wide ; and in 
some cases they run due north, and in eveiy direction from 
north to twenty-five degrees south of east. I have found them 
also in the bottoms of cellars, in excavations made in digging 
wells, and where the earth has been removed by making roads, 
and in many instances where I have uncovered the solid rock 
for the purpose of observing the effects of the diluvial action. 
I have paid some attention to this subject while traveling in the 
Eastern States, and I could find none of the furrows; but the 


solid stratum appears to be worn very smooth by attrition, by 
the motion of some bodies smaller and less soM than those 
which have produced the distinct traces in this part of the State 
of New York. 

" It may be proper to remark first, that Sullivan county is 
boimded south and west by the Delaware tiver ; north by Dela- 
ware and Ulster counties, and east by Orange ; that the county 
lies on the easterly part of the Alleghany range of mountains, 
and that the mean altitude of the country is on a level with the 
highlands below Newburgh — about one thousand five hundred 
feet above the tide water ; that this level is continued westerly 
through Sullivan county and the State of Pennsylvania, from 
the Shongham mountam to the Susquehannah river; that a 
space of above fifty miles wide of this level hes, continuously, in 
the Alleghany range, untU you come to mountains if a great 
height, on the west side of the Susquehannah ; that the depth 
of me earth above the solid rock gradually and regularly in- 
creases from Shongham mountain to the Susquehannah ; that 
the, average depth of earth in Sullivan county is not more than 
twenty-five feet, nor more than thirty-five through the State of 
Pennsylvania ; that the range of the KattskDl mountain bounds 
the north part of SuUivan ; that south of this space of fifty miles 
the altitude of the mountains considerably increases ; in this in- 
termediate space it appears that tops of the ridges had been 
dilapidated by mighty force, and that the current had pressed 
easterly, and often times canied large pieces of rock to a con- 
siderable distance, say fj-om fifty to two hundred rods, and if the 
fragments are of very considerable size they always rest on the 
solid strata. In many instances, sections of the strata were 
broken out and raised by the violence of the current and left on 
the tops of the highest hills ; I have seen an instance where a 
rock twenty feet square has been carried half a mile on the level 
surface of the strata that are covered about three feet with 
earth, and there left in that position ; the violence of the current 
having ceased to effect its farther removal from its original 

" The upper strata of the whole section of the country before 
the deluge, appear to have been composed of a common grey 
sandstone covering the surface of the rock from twelve to twenty- 
four inches thick. This seems to have been the last marine 
formation ; it is full of fissures and cracks, being broken into 
small angular pieces by the first violent surges of the deluge, 
and now scattered on the surface of the ground. 

" The next lower strata are pudding stone, filled with quartz 
and feldspar and other primitive minerals; its parts are gener- 
ally water-worn and are from the size of a robin's to that of a 
hen's egg. The next rock underneath is the old red sandstone, 


whicli is nmversally found in the bottoms of the tadley^ ; on thfl; 
tops however of the highest hills the red clay slate ia uniTers- 
aUy found, and for eighty or ninety miles west, gives a reddish 
color to all the soils of the country, and passes southerly through 
New Jersey and Pfennsylvania. 

" The valleys in this section of country uniformly run from) 
north to south, are in many instances from ten to twelve hundred 
feet deep, and are the beds of the large streams. The lesser 
valleys are covered with pieces of red and grey sandstone of a 
convenient size for making fences. The most free and fefisibie 
land is always found on the tops, and on the eastern sides of the 
hiUs, the westesn sides being uniformly steep and broken. 
The whole of the earth or soil appears to have been removed 
from the soil strata at the deluge, and most, if not all the upper 
strata of sandstone, were then broken up. A small portion 
of the pudding-stone was also broken up in large square blocks, 
and occasionally pieces of the old red sandstone were detached 
from the bottom of the valleys. It is probable that previous to 
the deluge there was httle or no soil on this section of the coun- 
try, that the hiUs, valleys and streams were the same previous 
to the deluge that they are at this time, excepting that the hills 
were dilapidated and lowered, and the deep valleys were made 
stiU deeper by the tremendous cataracts and surges, the water 
being carried violently over the high ledges and hiUs and then, 
in crossing the ridges from west to east, falling ten to twelve 
hundred feet into the valleys. While contemplating such a scene,, 
our imagination must fall infinitely short of the reality* The sin- 
gle wave that totally destroyed the port town of Lmia, or the 
surge that overwhelmed the Turkish fleet in Candia, comes nearer 
to Hie terrific scene than any similar events that are recorded. 

" That these large masses of rocks should be broken up and 
thrown upon the tops of h^h hills wiU appear in no way sur- 
prising when we consider what must be the effect of the precip- 
itation of the cataracts into deep valleys and of their subsequent, 
violent reflux over the high hills ; a power more than sufficient 
to raise the, large masses of rock that were left on the high 
grounds in the country. 

" That water has the power to carry rocks and other heavy 
bodies over the tops of mountains, is evinced by the simple fact,, 
that the only place where the millstone is found within two 
hundred miles, is at Kizerackj on the west side of Shongham 
mountain, fifteen or twenty miles from Esopus or Kingston, up 
the Eondout Kill. At this place, all the country or Esopus 
millstones are sold. Now over a great part of the west side of 
Shongham mountain, which is composed of the miUstone-grit,, 
this rock has been carried to the height of ten or twelve hundred 
feet, so as to pass over the top of the mountain, and it hes scat- 

GE0LOGT. 89 

tered through the country for maaiy miles east, between New- 
burgh ajid Shongham mountain, and as there is no other similar 
stone.within two hundred miles, this is eomekisive evidence that 
the violence of the surge carried the rocks over the top of the- 
mountain and left them in the position in which we, now see 
them ; some of the stones weigh from three to four tons. 

"Professor Eaton, in his geological survey of the KattsMIL 
or Alleghany, says that aU the eastern slope of the Alleghany is 
capped or protected by the miUstone-gWt, but what he called 
the nullstone-grit, I call the conglomerate, or pudding-stone; 
both are formed in part of quartz, but in the true millstone-grit, 
the fine parts are formed by abrasion of the quartz only, while 
common sand mixed with globular pieces of quartz, forms what 
he calls the miUstone-grit of the Alleghany range. 

"I have never heert able to find any grooves or Arrows, on 
the west side of the hUls and ridges in the county; nothing 
appears but the traces and breaches where the rocks have been 
torn up by some violent agent. It very rarely happens that any 
. traces can be found on the red argillaceous sandstone ; it is not 
sufficiently sohd to sustain the force of heavy bodies moving in 
contact with it, although in some instances the grooves appear 
for fifteen or twenty feet, and then the. strata are rough or 
broken, but the traces are mostly on the solid pudding-stone, and 
the common grey sandstone which remained solid- amd unbroken 
at the deluge. In those cases where the old red sandstone 
appears, if the slope or side of the hill faces the north, I have 
seen three or four instances in which the furrows run in that 
direction for half a mile, and on meeting a ridge of rOcks in the 
low grounds, the furrows turned due east, and after passing 
the obstruction, again turned north-east or east. Not a mile from 
the same place,, on descending from the same high mround, the 
furrows run east^ tallying with the face of the liill. On the high 
lands. west of the Shongham, and where there could be no 
obstruction for seventy or eighty miles, I examined ten or twelve 
difi'erent places in which the furrows were deep and distinct, 
and found them to run from ten or twelve degi'ees north of east, 
and they contiuued in the same direction for a considerable dis- 
tance down the mountain ; at no great distance to the south, the 
furrows tended twenty-five degi'ees south of east, leading to a low 
opening in the Shongham mountain, through which the currents 
of water naturally ran. I have rarely examined the strata below 
tlie decomposing effects of frost, without discovering distinct 
traces of diluvial action. Near the banks of streams, I hardly 
ever found any such marks, but the soHd strata appeared broken 
and very Httle altered by attrition. In one place where the 
earth was removed and where there was no visible obstacle to 
alter the current of water, the furrows crossed each other, show- 


ing that the current took a new direction, after the first furrows 
were made. About twelve or fourteen miles west oi Newburgh, 
I found the marks on the soKd graywacke to run nearly north 
and south. At Coxsakie, in Greene county, in digging a well 
and coming to the solid strata, the furrows ran northerly and 
southerly about in the direction of the mountain. I found 
that in different places, between thirty and forty miles apart, 
the furrows ran about ten degrees north of east, especially 
where the current had a free course tor any considerable dis- 
tance without any obstacle. Where the sohd strata remained, 
but a part has been removed by some powerful agent. 

" On examination, I have found, that the comers of rock have 
been worn off by abrasion from eighteen to twenty-four inches, 
and that the furrows made on the rocks by the abrasion of hard 
substances, were very distinct, although the edges of rock were 
rounded. This fact is of frequent occurrence. On the high land, 
as well as on the low, the furrows appear near small streams, in 
every possible situation, showing, without a doubt, that the rivers 
and hiUs remain now as they were before the flood. Pieces of 
, the solid strata with the farrows .on them, are often found where 
part of the strata was broken up after the furrows were made, but 
more of the argillite than of any other rock appears in fragments. 
It was supposed that these grooves were made by the Indians, 
before the settlement of the country by the white people. Large 
fi'agments of rocks or boulders are found in every part of the 
country, which fragments, in passing over the surface of the 
strata, have doubtless made these furrows. Most of them have 
the corners worn off. There are but few instances in which other 
stones are found besides the natural strata of the country. In 
some instances, the stones are composed altogether of sea shells ; 
in two instances, I have found palm leaves and ferns incorpo- 
rated in the soft gray slate. The soil is much fuller of the small 
S articles of quartz and feldspar than in Orange county, or in the 
[ew England states. The disintegration produces a fine sand, 
upon which there rises an abundant growth of pine and hemlock. 
For three hundred mfles to the westward, it is evident that the 
soil or earth was raised and increased very much by the deluge, 
and tiie mountains and ri^es were lowered and robbed of their 
loose stones, by the same cause. The opening of about fifty 
miles wide through this part of the Alleghany ridge has probably 
tended in some measure to control and direct the course of the 
current of the water. The mastodon appears not to have been 
a native of this section of the country, but was probably an in- 
habitant of the champaign countries to the west, and the bodies 
may have been borne, on this mighty current, through falls and 
cataracts to the low, basin-like counties of Ulster and Orange, 
where they were finally deposited. Before the deluge, the coun- 


ties of Orange and Ulster were probably formed of low sharp 
ridges of graywacke and limestone, and narrow short valleys run- 
ning in different directions, with little or scarcely any soil or earth 
either in the valleys, or on the low sharp ridges, and of course such 
countries would not be the natural resi&nce of the unwieldy 
mastodon. The carcasses of these animals were probably in some 
cases brought whole, in others they were lacerated and torn 
asunder, or bruised, and the bones broken, before the flesh had 
decayed and dropped from them. This appears from the place 
and the condition m which the bones are found. The first skel- 
eton found in Orange was taken out of a swamp near Crawford's 
on the Newburgh turnpike. This carcass was deposited entire 
and unbroken m a pond or basin of water, and after the flesh 
was decayed from the bones, they were spread over an area of 
about thirfejr feet square ; the outlet of this pond is a'firm rock; 
the pond has been filled up by decayed vegetable substances, 
and now forms a swamp of about ten acres covered with maple 
and black ash. In the north part of this swamp, about two years 
ago, on digging a deep ditch to drain th^ ground, a skeleton of 
the mammoth was found ; this skeleton I immediately examined 
very minutely, and found, that the carcass had been deposited 
whole, but that the jaw-bone, two of the ribs, and a lii^h-bone 
had been broken by some violent force while the carcass was 
whole ; on taking up the bones, this was evident, from every 
circumstance. Two other parts of skeletons were, some years 
since, disinterred, one near Ward's Bridge, and the other at 
Masten's meadow, in Shongham ; in both instances, the carcasses 
had been torn asunder, and the bones had been deposited with 
the flesh on, and in two or three instances, the bones were fract- 
ured. That the bones were deposited with the flesh attached 
to them, appears from the fact that they were found closely at- 
tached to each other, and evidently belonged only, to one part 
of the carcass, and on a diligent search, ho part of the othsr 
bones could be found within a moderate distance of the spot. 
If the animal had died where the bones were found, the whole 
skeleton would have been found at or near the place. Great 
violence would be necessary to break the bones of such large 
animals ; in the ordinary course of things, no force adequate to 
that effect, would be exerted ; I think it therefore fair reasoning, 
to say, that at the deluge, they were brought by the westerly 
currents to the place where they were found ; that the carcasses 
were brought in the first violent surges, and bruised, broken and 
torn asunder by the tremendous cataracts, created when the 
currents crossed the high mountains and ridges, and fell into 
the deep valleys between Shongham mountain, and the level 
countries at the west ; that those carcasses that came whole to 
the place where theyfinally rested, arrived after the waters had 


attained a greater Heiglit, and were probably less Tiolent, and; 
of course the bodies were less liable to be beaten and bruised 
by coming in contact with the rocks. This view of the facts; 
appears to me fairly to account for the condition in which the 
bones of the mammoth are found. 

•■■ "Ihave thus given a desultory sketch of a number of facta 
relating to the currents of water at the deluge, and their effects 
on the face of the country ; if they should not appear to be new, 
they may still be received as evidences of diluvial effect in dif- 
ferent parts of our country." 

There are in various parts of the county, in the troughs* 
formed by the wave-like elevations of ihe strata, drift stones, 
which lie in the direction of a stream, and which forcibly convey 
the suggestion that they were dropped by melted glacier ice. 


Manganese is an abundant metal in the county. It is formedl 
in the sandstone strata, through which it is disseminated spar- 
ingly, and from which it is washed out by water, and by the nat- 
ural d.ecomposition of the rock. It exists mostly in Fallsburgh 
and Liberty., In the former place, there is a collection of 
boulders, which are scattered somewhat plentifully over the 
northern part of the county, t These stones are abundant on 
Mr. Benjamin Kyle's farm, in Fallsburgh, where they have tho 
following composition : 

Eed sand ' 39.20 

Alumina and peroxide of iron 13.00 

Lime 17.00 

Carbonic acid 19.00 

Magnesia 1.80 

Oxide of Manganese 10.00 


* The basin or trough-form in which the strata are deposited, renders it not improba- 
ble that brine might be obtained by deep boring in the valley of the Delaware, betweeni 
Deposit and Narrowsburgh ; in the valleys of both branches of the Delaware, and the- 
lower parts of their main tributaries, and possibly in the valley of the Susquehaima 
about Sidney, in that of the Mongaup, and of the Nevertink above Cuddebackville, 

[Mather's Eeports, p. 87. 

The rocks between the Susquehanna and the Catskill mountain dip sUghtly toward 
the valley of the Delaware, and in Schoharie county, they dip southward, giving « 
basin-shaped form to the stratification. It is a fact that lias been forced upon my 
attention 07 -extended observation, that many of our salt-well districts in the United 
States are in depressions- of the r strata; in other words they are within the undula- 
tione, as troughs or basins in the strata. [Ibid. 

t One of the hills on the farm of Doctor Kyle is mainly formed of manganese rock 

J. E. Q. 


The manganese easily separates from the rocks, and collects 
in low situations as black earthy oxide.- It is too impure to be 
of much commercial value. It is remarkable that, associated 
with the manganjese is a trace of cobcdt. This metal exists with 
the former wherever met in the county, and also in the mixed 
zinc and lead ore of Shawangunk. Th« cobalt ore is too spar- 
ingly scattered to be recovered profitably as an article of 

Ibon is found imited with sulphur as pyrites in the grits of 
Shawangunk, and in western Neversink m the conglomerates. 
In contact with vegetable matter, it passes into red oxide, and 
in this condition is found in Lumberland and Forestburgh, 
where the pyrites have been washed out, and oxidized. 


Clays. — Stiff clays are scattered abundantly over the county. 
Suitable clays for brickmaldjig are found in S^ockland, none of 
which have been used for twenty years past. In Neversink, 
along the streams, are beds of heavy plastic clay. On Thomas 
E: Taylor's land is a very good blue clay. The bed is one foot 
deep and twenty rods long. A similar clay is met with near 
Charles 0. Decker's land, which, from its great whiteness^ is 
used for whitewashing. A large amount of the subsoil of Nev- 
ersink is a stiff clay. The same kind is found in Liberty in 
several places. An ordinaacy brick clay is met with in Montioello, 
and in nearly all the swamps in the vicinity. B. F. Willetts, oil 
the Thompsonville road, manufactures merchantable brick from 
the clay ot his farm. 

' If the clays of Sullivan county were better treated by screen- 
ing, washing and sifting, previous to being burnt, they might be 
applied to other domestic purposes; yet the beds, though 
numerous, are not sufficiently extensive to justify an outlay upon 
the spot for these purposes. There is an application of clay, 
however, which brick manufacturers might with safety adopt ; 
that is, the manufacture of draining tiles. A large extent of 
the country requires to be drained, and there is abundance of 
day suitable for the manufacture of tiles.* 

* The State Surveyor, Mr. MathOT, noticed considerable deposits of peat in the 
county, an article which may ultimately become of some value; he says that there are 

WurtsborougU ! 

other places in the vicinity of MonticeUo. It probably exists in several other localities 
in the county. Many of our ponds if drained, would afford an inexhaustible supply of it. 

Very valuable beds of clay and ochre have been discovered at Oaliland, and on the 
line of the MonticeUo and Port Jervis B. E. 

A valuable deposit of clay also exists on the farm of Charles Bamum in Thompson. 




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From the useful information wkicli may be drawn by iiiispec- 
tion of these figures, the foMowing may be noticed liere: 

The spring and fall of 18Si2 were warmer than tliose seasons 
off 1851, while the summer of 1851 was warmer. Now, as 
the summer months are the growing months of plants, the 
.harvests of 1851 ought to have been more abundant, other cir- 
cumstances being the same. 

If the mean temperatures of these two years, from May to 
November inclusive, (those months during which vegetation can 
exist,) be contrasted, the following figures appear : 

1851. 1852. 

May 57.6 58.2 

June 63 65.4 

July 69.4 66.9 

August 66 65.4 

September 63 61.7 

October 51.33 53.4 

November 34.4 .39.9 ' 

If we deduct from these the months of May and November, 
and include only the five months of vegetable growth, the mean 
temperatures of these five months are, for 1851, 63.8 ; for 1852, 
63.5. As these years differ from each other by a small range, 
the above figures of both years might be united, and the mean 
average temperature of tlie place found thus for a series of years. 
This -is done here below, and the same average struck for two 
years of records of Seneca county afford a useful comparison : 

SiTLLiTAN Co. Mean. Seneca Co. Mean. 
1851 and 1852. 1819 and 1850. 

May 57.9 53.3 

June 64.2 68. 

July 68.1 . . . . ; 72.9 

Augast 65.7 68.5 

September 62.3 60.6 

Mean for the 5 months 63.6 .64.6 

The summers of Seneca county are warmer than those of Sul- 
livan j while May and Septetobet are coolbr. June and July are 
4° and August 3° hotter in the foi^mfer cotmty. The growth and 
ripeniag of cereal plants must be more rapid and certain in the 
more northern county. Tglldhg five months together, the differ- 
ence in ihe mean temperature of the tWo counties is btit one 

It may be safely deduced from the foregoing averages of 
temperature, that those plants only can be cultivated in this 
county which require a mean summer heat under 60°. 

The mean teraperature of the month of April represents very 
closely t|ie mean of the year, thus : 

CiaMATE. 55 

1851. 1852. 

Month of April 49. 

The year 49.57 

Month df April 49.3 

The year 49.1 

The mean annual temperatures of three c®unties surveyed, 
when contrasted appear thus : 
Yearly mean temperature of Cazemovia, Madison 

county — elevatibn Eihove tide 1227 feet 42.73 

do. do. do. of Oaklands, Seneca coimty — ^^elevation 480 

feet— year 1849 .' 47.25 

do. do. do. year 1850 48.85 

do. do. do. Beaver Brook, SuUivan county — year 1851, 49.57 
do. do. do. do. do. do. ' do. 1862, 49.1 

do. do. do. Liberty, Sullivan county — elevation 1300 

feet— year 1851 44.19 

The contrast in the annual temperatures of Beave» Brook and 
Liberty village is remarkable, amounting to 5°. This may be 
pairtly explained by the difference in elevation of both places. 
Liberty village being several hundred feet above Beaver Brook : 
every 350 feet of elevation being equivalent to the diminution 
of one degree of temperature. 

The following communication from Doctor Watkins, from 
the observations made at the Liberty Normal Institute, shows 
the monthly mean temperature and fall of rain in that part of 
the county: 

" The thermometer was the highest on the 18th day of July 
and the 12th of September. On both days, at 2 o'clock p. M., it 
was at 85°. It was the lowest on the morning of the 27th of 
December at 6 o'clock, viz : 8° below zero. The mean temper- 
ature as follows, and the quantity of water that fell each month : 
' 1851. Mean. Water— inches. 

January • 25.4 2.47 

Fdbimary 28.0 7.69 

March 33.6 3.15 

April 41.0 10.91 

May 54.18 3.69 

June 60.0 4.88 

July : .66.0 2.68 

August 64.03 2.22 

September 58.0 3.49 

October 48.0 2.68 

November 31-7 3.64 

December 20.3 3.88 

Mean for the year 44.19 Total 51.38 

Eespectfully yours, John D. Watkins." 

The fall of rain giveii in Doctor Watkins' table is very high- 
much above the average df the mean in this State, or in many 


Soil. — ^AU soils are derived from the decomposition of rooks. 
These rocks may be either at the spot, or at some distance ; so 
that the existence of soil over a rock bottom does not neoessaiilj 
imply that it is derived from the rock on which it is fonnd, and 
in considering the value and fertility of land, the sources of the 
soil must be attended to. 

The soils of Sullivan county may be chiefly classed under two 
heads — 

1. Those of the fed sandstone or Catskill division. 

2. Those of the drift origin. 

Under the first are included all those soils derived from the 
red sandstone series, viz : argillaceous shale, red sandstone-grit, 
grey grits and shales. 

Under the second are comprised those soils which, lying upon 
«ither the Catskill or Erie division, yet do not to any extent 
partake of the materials of the rocks. These soils occupy the 
lowest sections of the county, and are chiefly confined to Mama- 
kating valley. South of the Shawangunk range, the soil appears 
to be made up chiefly of decomposed shale, derived from the 
Hudson river group. It occupies, however, but a small portion 
of the county's surface. 

Among the soils of the Catskill group there are two which 
have a red color : one derived from a thin bed of argillaceous 
shale, which occupies an upper portion of the series — the other 
from a red sand-rock, a gritty stone. These soils differ slightly 
in their physical qualities ; that deriyed from argillaceous shale 
Iseing more tenacious clay, and generally more fertile. The soils 
derived from the sand-rock (gnt) are more extensively distrib- 
nted. They occupy a considerable space in Cochecton, Bethel 
and Thompson, and west of the Mcmgaup river. The argilla- 
ceous lies mainly between the Mongaup and Neversink rivers. 
In their chemical character these two classes of soil differ very 
slightly — ^not in any important degree. They are very sandy to 
the feel. Their various tints are due to variable amounts of 
organic matter present. When freed from this and burnt, the 
residue treated in muriatic acid and dried, and then examined 
under the microscope, it is seen to be chiefly made up of fine 
sandy clay, and a large amount of fime grams of pure white 
quartz. These grains are rounded. When the sand-rock or 
shale is treated in the same way, a gimilar quartz residue is 
seen ; so that there is little doubt of the relations between the 
rock and the soil here. 

The soils of the county, taken as a whole, have a general re- 
semblance in their chemical constitution, as well as their physical 
texture. They are chiefly hght and sandy lands, containing a 


large amount of silica, sometimes existing as fine white quartzose 
sands; sometimes as gritty re^ sand, (silicate of iron); wMle 
sometimes the iron is not peroxidized, and, though present, does 
not give the rusty tint; but the peculiar green irtiich some salts 
of iron possess. The sand in a majority of the soils approaches 
eighty-six per cent. ; the lime is geaierally below one-haJf of one 
per cent. ; the soluble saline matters from one to two per cent., 
with generally a very small amount of phosphoric acid. They 
possess small quantities of every useful mineral, but no large 
quantities of any. And this is exactly what coidd be expected 
from soils of this origin. 

What could grow upon the sandy shores of Long Island or 
Massachusetts, where the tide roUs over every day, and washes 
out every trace of soluble matter? If it were diked and drained, 
what would such a soil be biit a red sand, with j%#t so much 
saline matter as HJae tide-water, held to the soil by cohesion, re- 
taineid? And what is an old red sandstone more than this? An 
ancient sea beach, formed and acted upon as beaches now are, 
it is almost identical in constitution. Such soils contain but 
little nutritious matter for plants, and as the parent rook is 
slow in decomposition, these elements are but slowly augmented, 
even though the soil be left uncultivated; but by the usual 
cropping, where so much is taken off the land and so Uttle re- 
turned, the effect is to remove these matters faster than they 
are supplied ; and the result is that the soil becomes permanently 
impoverished after a few rotations of such farming. 

These remarks on sandstone soils are not made with the ob- 
ject of depreciating th6m. If they have their disadvantages of 
being less rich in mineral elements, they have the advantage 
of being more permeable to air and water, and are more easily 
cultivated. It is yet a question which kind of soil (a sand or 
cla^) a farmer should select. Certainly, within one hundred 
miles of New York, the sandy land would be preferred. Good 
tillage and high manuring wiU make it equal to the best of soils. 
' Almost the whole of Sullivan county is occupied with sand- 
rocks; and hence the. uniformity of the character of the soil. 
Generally speaking, however, the western slopes of the strata 
have their soil formed from the rocks below without any change ; 
while on the eastern slopes the soil is mixed with drift to a more 
or less extent, which, in the majority of instances, improves it. 

The only portion of the county where sand-rocks do not exist 
is in Mamakatiug valley, where the Helderberg hmestones are 
met with ; but they he so deep, being covered with drift, and 
being placed so nearly vertical that an edge of the stratum, and 
not one of its sides, is presented ; and thus the rock cannot wear 
to any extent, or communicate its more valuable element, hme, 
in any remarkable amoimt, to the soil. 


The pristine , character of the stra|;a imdemeath is no unimr 
piortant matter. In the northern and middle part of the county, 
fee dip of the strata is not more than 70°, and as the rock is 
nearly impervious to water, the latter will be very slowly deliv- 
ered from such a horizontal surface. It collects in the course 
of the year in the lower layers of the soil, and there it remains 
nmtil slowly drained oflf at its lower outlet, or until it is evapor- 
ated by the summer sun. The soil is thus undergoing a double 
injury; its lower stratum is chilled, and vegetation prevented 
from traveling down ; and when the water is raised by capiUaiy 
action, it cools the soil, and thus retards the vegetation upon 
the surface. It may thus be seen that a sandy soil, which vrould. 
naturally drain itself, and whose upper portion is dry because it 
has done so, may yet be unable, from the hard rock beneath, to 
drain ikself thoroughly. And this is the condition of much 
of SuUivan county. A large portion of the land, thoi:^h dry 
above, is wet below, and although a sand, it requires to be 
drained, and will, by increased crops, repay the intelligent farmer 
who adopts this practice. 

The elevation of the county limits the period of growth of 
plants, and prevents the successful cultivation of some cereals. 
Thei?efore it is desirable to lengthen the period of growth. 
Drainage will accomplish this by letting in the hot air of spring. 
It will give one fortnight more of summer existence to pla,nts. 
This fortnight wotdd save the com crop in many years, and this 
saving alone would repay the expense. 

No amount of manuring wiU sufficiently warm land which has 
not been drained. It is a waste to add it to wet soils. They 
are antagonistic. 

Subsoihng is only beneficial to dry lands, and should not be 
practiced on wet soils. Moss, rushes and coarse grass betray 
a superabundance of moisture lurking in some of the finest soils 
of the county. 

The drift soils are, as has been stated, confined to Mama- 
kating valley, where- they attain a considerable thickneSfe, 
amounting in some places to thirty feet in depth. They also 
occupy the eastern edge of many of the hiUs and slopes, where 
•they mingle with the sandstone or slate. These soils have not 
the redness of the sand-rocks, nor iAie gritty feeling of the Cats- 
till soils. Thej have less silicious matters, and more clay than 
the latter ; are somewhat richer in the saline matters, and much 
richer in lime. 

The soils of Morrison, Dill and HoUey are examples of drift 
soils. Although a richer soil ^er- se than the Catskill, it contains 
no means of sustenance within itself, and wOl therefore be worn 
out, as the former. 

The drift soils stand intermediate between the Catskill 


and the Hudson river rock soil ia the amount of alumina they 

The soils south, of the Shawangunk range are of a heavier 
texture than those north. They are derived from the Hudson 
slates, whioh decompose readily, and furnish a gopd soil, and 
constantly replenish it. It is less susceptible of exhaustion than 
leither of the former varieties of soil. It is less fine in its texture, 
and more diflScult to work. It partakes somewhat of the char- 
acter of the soil of Orange county. North of the Shawangunk, 
"the soil is homogeneous ; South of it, the clay predominates. 

The green and grey grits which underlay Lumberland afford 
«, deep "soil. It is remarkably fine in its texture ; is readily, cul- 
tivated, and is a primitive soil. It is comparatively abundant 
in miaeral, and rich in organic matters. It is, to a ^eat extent, 
drained naturcdly by the softer character of the shale, ^ndbeiug 
more elevated in its angle toward the horizon, owing to its prox- 
imity to the upheaving force which raised Shawangunk. ' 


This part of the county has as yet been but little reclaimed 
ifrom its primitive condition. It wiU well repay any treatment 
which will make it cultivated land. Its slope to the east ; its 
■position (being several hundred feet below the rest of the county, 
thereby rendering it more warm and sheltered) recommend it 
«iS, having a more equable climate than the more elevated land 
of the central and northern towns. 

Alumina and lime are the two deficiencies of the whole county. 
A substitute may be found for the former in vegetable matter — 
pond or swamp muck, composted barn-yard manure, or by 

J lowing in clover. Much lime is not suitable to sandy soils, 
less should be appHed to them than to clays. Small quantities 
(ten to twenty-five bushels to the acre) will be found efficacious, 
and less exhausting than large ones, which are washed through 
a sandy soil, and burn out the vegetable matter too rapidly. 
Wet soils should be drained before lime -is applied. It is, not 
advisable to add caustic lime to slate soils until it has been 
composted, when it will not leach out so rapidly, and its good 
effects will be as apparent. 

The spent tan which exists so abundantly in the county is an 
excellent material for composting with lime, and is as good as 
pond or swamp muck for that purpose. The cereal plants re- 
quire alkalies and phosphate of hme. The amount of the latter 
in the natural or virgin soil is very slight. It has been very 
generally recommended for cereal plants. 

The formers of Sullivan should cultivate root crops exten- 
sively; select improved breeds of cattle; raise stock; raise and 
consume their own hay; stall feed more; send their milk and 


butter to market, followed by the flesh;* cultivate the best ap- 
ples and pears, and make them a staple export. In this "way„ 
they will learn for what their soil is best ad^apted. In these 
products this county need not be excelled, as the soil of Sullivan 
IS of that kind which furnishes the best dairies and orchards. 

* All of the country containing the Catskill division of rocks is mountainous, but it 
hes in heavy swells of land, rarely precipitous, except where streams have cut deep- 
gorges and ravines, and on the eastern and southern flanks of the mountains, where 
they bound the Hudson and Mamakating valleys. Nearly all the more elevated swell* 
of land are capable of tillage to their summits'. * * * The soil is porous enough 
not to wash, and springs of limpid pure cold water abound. The surface is stony and 
gravelly, but is well adapted to grass, oats, potatoes and barley. Wheat succeeds well 
for a few years after the land is cleared, as long as the roots of trees and bushes re- 
mam to keep the soil Ught ; but after that time, the soil heaves by the frost, and the 
wheat IS winter-kaied. The county is admirably adapted for grazing, both for cattle 
and sheep, and the fine sweet grass and cold springs offer as great facilities for making 
excellent butter as the world affords. A large proportion of the butter sold under the- 
name of Goshen butter, which is celebrated for its superior qualities, is made in the- 
mountain region of Delaware, Sullivan, Ulster and Greene counties. 

[Geology of the First District of New York, p. 313. 



Hudson river slate E. side of Shawanguiik, on plank road. 

Shawangunk conglomerate, " " 

Green grit " " on plank road. 

Fermginous quartz crystals 
in grit " " at county line. 

Bed rock " " on plank road. 

Pyritiferous gpaywacke ..." " at county line. 

Helderbei^ limestone Delaware and Hudson canal, lock 37. 

Bhomboidal calc-spar " " " 

Dark slate and shale Phillips Port, a few rods Vest. 

Anthracite coal, impure, 

shaly " 

Dark slate, with fossil vege- 
tation County line, near Eed Bridge. 

Gray grit South of Xwrd's pond. 

Gray sandstone Neversink river, Bridgeville. 

Ooarse sand-rock " " 

Bed sandstone " " 

Gray sand-rock " E. bank, near Wm, 


Bed sandstone shale " " " 

Bed micaceous sand-rqck. .Monticello. 

Bed shale Great Lot 4, FaUsburgh. 

" B. Sherwood's, Liberty. * 

Gray sand-rock " underneath shale. 

" O. H. Bush's farm, FaUsburgh. 

Manganese rock Kyle's farm, " 

Black oxide manganese ..." " 

Bed sandstone Mutton HiU, upper bed. 

Gray sand-rock " lower bed. 

Green slate flag-stone Hill under Presb'n church, Liberty. 

Steatitic rock " " between the seams. 

Bed sandstone HUl east of Brown Settlement. 

Gray sand-rock, with seam 

of anthracite HiU on 3,0,00 acre tract. 

Gray sand-rock Base of hiUs in Brown Settlement. 

Bed sandstone Big Flats, Eockland. 

Limestone boulder Little Flats, Bockland. 



By this term is geaerally undterstppcl the character of the. 
■weather peeuldar to a country as respect^ heat and cold, humid- 
ity and dryness, variations in tibe l}a,rometer, fertility and the 
alternation of the seasons. The latitude, the annual fall of rain, 
the elevation of the lapfj aboTe the sea, its condition of cultiya- 
tion and proximity to the ocean, with the position of the slope 
of the land, are the chief circumstances of any region which re- 
quire to be noticed in order to foi-m a correct idea of the cHmate 
of that place. 

Generally speaking, in the tpmperate zone, the latitudes of 
this continent have temperatures inferior to those of Europe. 
The isothermal line (50° of Humboldt) in Europe is found pass- 
ing over the north, of Ireland and England, through Belgium 
and Middle Germany to the Crimea ; iib enters Asia north of the 
Caspian sea, and passes over Lake Baikal, and through Mon- 
golia and the Manchoo terasitaiy towards China, and leaves that 
continent south of Yeddo, on the sea of Japan ; it passes over 
the Pacific ocean, and touches the west of this continent near 
the boundary line between Oregon and California ; then it crosses 
the Mandan distdct and Iowa, and. passes over Lakes Michigan 
and Erie ; it then bends in, a southreasterly direction over the 
State of New York, and passes into the Atfentic in the vicinity 
of the city of New York, 

On the east side of this continent, under this line, 

the mean summer temperature is 71.6 

winter " 30.2 

On the western coast, under this line, 

the mean summer temperature is 69.75 

winter " 38.70 

Thus, under the same isothermal line, the climate of the West 
varies from that of the East, the former being more equable 
throughout the year, and the mean winter temperature being 
considerably above the freezing point. Hence it appears that we 



cannot arrive at a true conclusipn concerning the climate of any 
place from the study of its isothermal lines, (lines of equ^l mean 
annual temperature :) it would be necessary to pay .attention to 
the isochimenal and isotheral lines, (hnes of equal' mean winter 
and summer temperatures). 

A single instance wiM illustrate this- position. In order to 
produce potable wine, it is requisite that the mean annual heat 
^ould exceed 49° ; that the winter temperature should be up- 
wards of 33° ; and that the mean summer temperature should 
be upwards of 64°. At Bordeau:^, in the vale of the Garonne, 
the mean annual, winter, summer and autumn temperatures are 
respectively 57°, 43° 71°, and 58°. On the plains near the 
Baltic, where the grape produces a wine which is hajcdly potaMe, 
these numbers are 47° 5', 31°, 63° 7' and 47° 5'. O^ comparing 
the figures given in the accompanying tables, it.will be seen that, 
while this county has the summer temperature necessary for the 
growth of the vine, its winter temperature is below the point fit 
for producing palatable wine. As with the grape, so with every 
cultivated plant. It has its ranges of temperature within which 
it win grow and produce those elements of nutriment for which 
it was raised. And hence arises the value of the study of local 
temperatures to the farmer. It is as needful to him as the choice 
of a good vq,riety of seed, or of a useful manure. 

The farmer will bear in miad how laluch these observations 
may yet be improved. For iastance : the temperatures ^ven in 
the returns of aU institutions are the temperatures of the air in 
the shade, and generally within doors. These, though excellent 
for the purposes for which they were designed,, do not convey 
to the agriculturist aU the information he should desire. He 
requires to know the temperature of the air in the sun, the con- 
dition in which the plajit is placed, and before all, he should 
know the temperature of the soil from two to. six inches deep — 
a knowledge not yet recorded in any series of observa^ons made 
for this State. 

The following table was furnished by Charles S. Woodward, 
from observations made at his house, at Beaver Brook, in 1851 



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From tlie useful information which may be drawn by iiispec- 
tion of these figures, the following may be noticed liere : 

The spring and fall of 18S2 were warmer than tliose seasons 
of 1851, whSe the summer of 1851 was warmer. Now, as 
the summer months are the growing months of plants, the 
.harvests of 1851 ought to have been more abundant, other cir- 
cumstances being the same. 

If the mean temperatures of these two years, from May to 
November inclusive, (those months during which vegetation can 
exist,) be contrasted, the following figures appear : 

1851. 1852. 

May 57.6 .58.2 

June 63 65.4 

July 69.4 66.9 

August 66 65.4 

September 63 61.7 

October 51.33 53.4 

November 34.4 89.9 ' 

If we deduct from these the months of May and November, 
and include only the five months of vegetable growth, the mean 
temperatures of these five months are, for 1851, 63.8 ; for 1852, 
63.5. As these years differ from each other by a small range, 
the above fiigures of both years might be united, and the mean 
average temperature of the place found thus for a series of years. 
This is done here below, and the same average struck for two 
years of records of Seneca county afford a useful comparison : 

Stolivan Co. MteAN. Senega Co. Mean. 
1851 and 1852. 1819 and 1890. 

May 57.9 53.3 

June 64.2 68. 

July 68.1 72.9 

At^st 65.7 68.5 

September 62.3 60.6 

Mean for the 5 months 63.6 64.6 

The summers of Seneca county are warmer than those of Sul- 
livan, while May and September are cooler. June and July are 
4° aild August 3° hotter in! the foi'mer county. The growth and 
ripening of cereal plants miuSt be more rapid and certain in the 
more northern county. Tstkiiig five months together, the differ- 
ence in the mean temperature of the two counties is but one 

It may be safely deduced from the foregoing averages of 
temperature, that those plants only can be cultivated in this 
county which require a mean summer heat under 60°. 

The mean temperature of the month of April represents veiy 
closely the mean of the year, thus : 


1851. 1852. 

Montli of April i^. 

The year 49.57 

Month of April .49.3 

The year..; 49.1 

The mean annual temperattires of three e®unties surveyed, 
when contrasted appear thus : 
Yearly mean temperature of Cazemovia, Madison 

county— elevation above tide 1227 feet 42.73 

do. do. do. of Oaklands, Seneca county — elevation 480 

feet— year 1849 ." 47.25 

do. do. do. year 1850 48.85 

do. do. do. Beaver Brook, Sullivan county — year 1851, 49.57 
do. do. do. do. do. do. " do. 1852, 49.1 

do. do. do. Liberty, Sullivan county — elevation 1800 

feet— year 1851 44.19 

The contrast in the annual temperatures of Beaver Brook and 
Liberly village is remarkable, amounting to 5°. This may be 
partly explained by the difference in elevation of both places. 
Liberty village being several hundred feet above Beaver Brook: 
every 350 feet of elevation being equivalent to the diminution 
of one degree of temperature. 

The foUowiag communication from Doctor Watkins, from 
the observations made at the Liberty Normal Institute, shows 
the monthly mean temperature and fall of rain in that part of 
the county: 

"The thermometer was the highest on the 18th day of July 
and the 12th of September. On both days, at 2 o'clock p. m., it 
was at 85°- It was the loWest on the morning of the 27th of 
December at 6 o'clock, viz : 8° belOw zero. The mean temper- 
ature as follows, and the quantity of water that fell each month : 
' 1851. Mean. Water — finches. 

January • 25:4 2.47 

Febi'uary 28.0 7.69 

March 33.6 3.15 

April 41.0 10.91 

May 54.18 3.69 

Juire eO.O 4.88 

July ...66.0 2.68 

August 64.03 2.22 

September 58.0 3.49 

October 48.0 2.68 

November 31.7 3.64 

December 20.3 3.88 

Mean for the year 44.19 Total 51.38 

EespectfuUy yours, John D. Watkins." 

The faU of rain given in Doctor WatldnB' table is very high- 
much above the average of the mean in this State, or in many 


of its counties. The average fall of rain in Yates county for 
twenty-one years is 27.26 inches; the average for the whole 
United States is 39 inches. It is not possible, without a series 
of observations extending over a quarter of a century, to draw 
any exact conclusions regarding climate. Sullivan .county does 
not yet present data ample enough. 

"When the fall of rain is abundant, the sky 'is generally con- 
stantly clouded, especially in elevated districts ; and although 
the temperature may be the same as that of the clear atmos- 
phere of another place, yet the direct rays of the sim being 
wanting, vegetation does not proceed as vigorously. The chemical 
processes carried on in plants require for their perfection the 
direct sunlight. Accompanying the direct ray is an electrical 
action or excitement which exerts a powerful stimulus on the 
functions of animal and vegetable life, and which is almost 
wholly withheld in cloudy countries. SunUght, electricity and 
vegetable growth go hand in hand. If the &st be withheld, the 
other phenomena are wanting. Generally speaking, the growth 
of the plant in summer is accelerated by direct sunUght. In 
fall, the ripening of the ear is best accompHshed with.a cloudy sky. 

Although the records of creation incontestably show, that the 
surface of the earth in our latitudes is somewhat cooler than it 
once was, yet we are not justified in believing that any material 
change of climate has occurred within the traditionary epoch. 
There may be a warmer summer or cooler winter this year than 
last ; or, for a few years together, more or Ibss rain than usual 
may fall ; but, at the end of a series of years, the registers of 
temperature and barometric pressure, both on this continent and 
in Europe, have shown figures preserving a remarkable degree 
of constancy. Once assured of this, the coUecticm of facts for 
the ascertainment of climate becomes of great importance. 

The mean temperature of the southern part of the county is, 
as we have seen from Mr. Woodward's table, from May to Oc- 
tober, 63.6. From Doctor "Watkins' summary, we find the same 
period at Liberty to have only the temperature of 60.4. If we 
select the. three growing months, June, July and August, the 
mean temperature is 63,3. While those months in Liberty are 
nearly as warm as in Lumberland, the months of May and Sep- 
tember are remarkably cooler. Now, with the mean annual heat 
of Liberty,, the success, of the wheat crop must be precarious. 
This plant, cannot ripen where the mean summer heat is less 
than 60°. .This is the. limit of temperature, and the neighbor- 
hood of Liberty in 1851, came down to tHs limit. In situations 
more elevated .than the village of Liberty, the temperature must 
have been below what would fuUy ripen its ear. This is a matter 
of very great importance to the farmers of SuUivan — namely, to 
ascertain the relations existing between the temperature of the air 


and the requirements of the crops. It does appear from the 
records of the meteorological obserYations taken, that there are 
places in the county where, in summers that are not unusually 
Tvarm, wheat wiU not ripen; and the agriculturist must not ex- 
pect, by outlays on the ground, by improvement of his soil, or 
extensive use of manure, to overstep or conquer that limit of 

Sowth which nature has assigned to every species of plant, 
e win then select the hardier cereals, as barley, which requires 
oiJy a summer heat of 41° or rye, which needs stiU less. 

The lands which have a less altitude than those about Liberty, 
and which slope to the south and the east, appear favorably 
situated for the growth of all the bread plants, the mean tem- 
perature of the summer being sufficient. It is, however, con- 
siderably shorter in season, and the early autumn frosts are apt 
to check the ripening of seeds and fruits, and eveti to destroy 
their vitahty. As this frost is due to the elevation above tide 
level, it cannot be averted ; but its injurious irtjluence may be 
diminished by increasing the length of the growing year. This 
may be accomplished by a better drainage of the land. A free 
■drainage allows the warm air of spring to permeate through 
the land, and to heat it up several degrees higher thasn undrained 
land. The seed sown in it is germinated sooner, and sooner 
comes to maturity, and will almost to a certainty have accom- 
plished all its changes of ripening before the destructive frost 
sets in. A good system of dtainage prolongs the, season erne fort- 
night — that is, planting on drained ground may begin fourteen 
days earlier. 

This necessity for bottom heat is admitted in words by farmers. 
It is only practically carried out by fruit growers and market 
gardeners. It requires a bottom heat or a temperature of the 
soil of 60° to germinate the seeds of com. Those planted when 
the soil is 45° of heat, die. The seeds rot. Now, the temper- 
ature of the air in Lumberland in May, 1851, did not average 
60° until the 10th of the month. The soil is never as warm as 
the air in spring. It is usually 5° below it. The temperature 
of the son suitable for germinating com did not commence until 
the 22d. Li May, 1852, the weather was cool in the middle of 
the month, and it was not until the 22d that an average above '60° 
of heat existed in the air. About the 28th of May, the ground 
had this warmth. Seed planted much earlier than this was more 
likely to be killed than to vegetate ; but seed planted so late 
is Mable to be injured by the frost ; and hence the advantage of 
draining land, by whicfh means the temperature of the soil and 
the air would run together, and the loss of crop by seed rotting 
would not occur. 

That there does exist this discrepancy between the temper- 
atures of the earth and the air is evident from the tables given 


by Mr. Emmons, and published in the Survey of Seneca county. 
This difference is owing to the earth being an imperfect-con- 
duetor of heat, communicating its temperature so slowly that 
M. Aj-ago has occasionally found as much as 14° and even 18° 
difference between the heat of the soil and that of the air two 
or three inches above it. 

The effect of altitude in lowering the mean temperature, has 
already been noticed. In considering the effects of temperature 
on vegetation, it will be necessary to recollect that the tables of 
temperature drawn from the Register of Charles S. Woodward,, 
are temperatures of a comparatively low position in. the county. 
The land in Eockland, Ne-^ersiak, Liberty, Calhcoon, Bethel^ 
Cochecton, Thompson and a part of FaUsburgh being above it 
in sea level. , Allowance will have to be made on this accpuht. 
The same may be said, though not to the same extent, in regard 
to the summary from Hon. John D. Watkiiis' register. There 
is a portion of the county, though not a large one, under culti- 
vation at a higher level than the Liberty Normal Institute. To 
such situations, the arguments adduced, showing bow precarious 
must be a crop of wheat, apply with augmented force. The 
various levels of the county maty be estimated by the following 

No. of feet above tide water. 

Bridge over Shawangimk kill 437 

Bloomingbiii^h 510 

Shawangunk suinfliit 1007 

Delaware and Hudson Canal 619 

Netersink bridge at iBridgeville 1069 

Monticelio 1508 

House of Joseph Young, in Liberty 1630 

Sumndt of Barrens 1581 

Wafaut Mountain 1984 

Other conditions besides latitude and elevation determine the 
capability to grow certain ctops. One important condition is, 
whether the ground is cleared or covered with timber. On 
cleared groimd the sim has full force, and warms it ; the moisture 
is evaporated ; the marsh and the rushy grass disappear ; the 
grounds become lighter colored from the sun bleaching out its 
vegetable matter, and it rains less frequently over these places. 
On forest lands, the sun scarcely reaches the ground, and the 
■Vegetable matter which falls decays slowly. The earth is cold, 
iQoi'st aind dark-colored. It rains more frequently, and the 
evaporation is less. A tpooded country is the source of springs 
and riteiB, and to remove, the timber is to check the regularity 
of the supply. The total fall of the rain will be the same in the 
cleared aim in the trooded country ; but in the former it is at 
lotxg intervflls, and i^en in large quantities, accompanied with 


thunder-storms, and the torrents form new water-courses and do 
great mischief. In the Wooded country rain is more uniformly 
distributed, and with less electrical disturbance. 

The e£fect of extensive tanneries, by removing the forests, will 
be injurious to the supply of water for machinery, and render 
the country hable to drought. The hiU tops, at least, should be 
left permanently clad with timber. In the zeal to clear the 
country of forest timber, and to cultivate land, due discretion 
should be exercised, so that the means used be not an. obstacle 
to success ; and it should always be borne in mind, that districts 
which have no very elevated mountain taps, require always the 
presence of forest timber to a certain extent, to equalize the 
electrical condition of the air, and to afford a permanent and 
equable flow of water over the land. 



According to a tradition of the Lenni Lenape Indians, some 
of their forefathers were fishing at a place where the Ma-hi-can- 
nit-tuck* widens ifito the sea, when they saw a remarkable object 
floating on the water. Other Indians were notified, who came; 
but no one eoidd 4ecide what the strange thing was. Some 
pronounced it a large fish, others an immense animal, and others 
a big wigwam. As it moved steadily toward the land, they 
imagined that it had life in it. Bunners were dispatched to 
inform their chiefs, warriors and wise men. These, being gath- 
ered together, came to the conclusion that it was a remarkably 
large wigwam, in which the Manitou hved, and that he was 
coming to visit them. 

This conclusion of course created a profound sensation among 
the simple children of the forest. The Supreme Being, the 
Creator of all good things, whom they had worshiped, to whom 
their fathers had offered the choicest gifts from the time man 
was made, and who from the beginning had so seldom made him- 
seK visible to his creatures, was about to land upon their shores, 
and be seen by them, and converse with them. 

The sacrifice was prepared, the best food provided for the 
Great Being, and a dance ordered to honor him, and appease 
his anger, if his mood were wrathful. The dance commenced ; 
but hope, and fear and curiosity caused the performers to acquit 
themsmes in a manner not very creditable. Much confusion 
prevailed, when fresh runners arrived, who declared that the 
cause of their disturbance was a large wigwam of various colors, 
and that it was crowded with living creatures. This confirmed 
their beHef that the Supreme Being was coming to them, and 
the impression obtained a foothold that he was bringing with 
him new animals for the subsistence of his children. Other 
messengers arrived, and reported that the living creatures were 

* The Hudson river. This riyer has been known as the Mauritius, the Nassau, the 
North and the Hudson river. Ma-hi-c»n-nit-tuck or Ma-ha-ken-egh-tuc is an Algon- 
quin name for the Hudson. The Algonquins also called, it the Shat-te-muck. The 
name upplied to it hy the Iroquois or Mengwe was, Ca-ho-ha-ta-te-a. The name giver 
to it by Hudson was the Great Biver or Great Bmer of the Mountains. 

[See Eager's History of Orange County, p. 203. 



human beings, with pale faces and strange garments— one par- 
ticularly was clothed m very brilliant materials. The latter they 
decided was the Manitou himself. 

The tradition next describes the landing of the strangers — 
the inclination of some of the Indians tp run away, and conceal 
themselves in the woods— the efforts of the brave" and wise to 
prevent an exhibition of such cowardice, and the reception of 
the visitors. 

A large circle of chiefs and wise men was formed, toward which 
the man ornamented with gold lace, etc., approached, with two 
others. Friendly salutations followed from each side. The 
Indians were amazed at the brilliant ornaments and white skin 
of the supposed Manitou, and were sorely puzzled when they 
found that he did not understand the words of his children, and 
that his language was not intelligible to them. 

While they were gazing at him with respectful ^avity, a 
servant brought a large hack-hack, (gourd) from which was poured 
into a smaller vessel a liquid which the Great Being drank, and 
then some of it was offered to one of the chiefs. He looked at 
it, and it was not offensive to the eye ; he smeUed it, and his 
untutored nostrils were not pleased with its pungent odor. It 
was then passed to the next chief, who followed the example of 
the first, and gave it to another. The cup was thus transferred 
to each one in the circle, and was about to be returned to the 
supposed Manitou, when a great and brave warrior conceived 
that the act would be disrespectful to the Deity, and he forth- 
with harangued his fellows on the improprietv of tiieir conduct. 
To follow the example of the Manitou would be meritorious; 
but to return what he had given them might offend him, and 
lead him to punish them. The speaker woidd drink the contents 
of the cup himseK, and though he perished, he would save his 
nation from destruction. Having thus announced his laudable 
determination, he bade the assembled braves farewell, and taking 
the cup, drank what it contained. Soon he began to exhibit the 
usual signs of intoxication, and after conducting himself in a 
manner not becoming a grave and dignified brave about to die, 
he fell to the ground. His friends imagined he was dead, while 
he was only " dead drunk." When he had recovered from his 
intoxication, he informed the other chiefs and braves that the 
liqidd had given him the most pleasant sensations he had ever 
experienced. All became anxious to feel these sensations. More 
of the beverage was solicited and granted, and general intoxica- 
tion followed.* 

The man whom the Indians looked upon as a god, was Henir 
Hudson, who left Amsterdam on the 4th of April, 1609, with 

* Eager's History of Orange Comity. Eager borrows this story from Heckewelder. 


twenty men, in the Halfmoon, to search for a new ocean passage 
to India* Being prevented by ice from prosecuti^ his voyage 
according to his original intention, he turned aside and crossed 
tiie Atlantic. On the 18th of July, he arrived on the coast near 
Portland, Maine, and on the 3d of September, landed within 
Sandy Hook. On the 6th, an exploring party was attacked 
between Bergen Neck and Staten Island, by twenty-six natives, 
who were in canoes, and John Cohnan, one of Hudson's men, 
was killed, and two others wounded. On the 11th, Hudson 
passed the Narrows, and found the natives, as he proceeded, 
more friendly. They brought to him Indian com, beans, tobacco 
and oysters. They had copper pipes and oinaments, and rude 
earthen pots. 

From the 12th to the 22d of September, he was engaged in 
ascending and exploring the river which bears his name. He 
proceeded in the HaUmoon as far as the site of the city of 
Hudson, finding the Indians more and more fisiendiy. His 
journal says they were " a very loving people," some of their 
men very old, and that "the whites were well used." From 
Hudson city, a boat was sent several leagues farther, and prob- 
ably reached the locality where Albany now stands. 

While descending the river, the Indians on the west side were 
troublesome. They attempted to steal from him, and being 
detected and not used very gently, they became exasperated, 
and shot arrows at his crew, when the vessel passed near the 
shore. They were punished severely for doing so, for Hudson's 
men shot ten or twelve of them. 

This was the first visit of the white man to the Lenni Lenape 
of the Hudson, which restdted iu a permanent intercourse of the 
two races.t The natives with whom he came in contact were 
an Indian race known as Algonquins, a people extending at 
that time from the Atlantic Ocean nearly to the Pacific, and 
embracing over forty tribes, of whom the Lenape claimed to 
be the parent stock. 

We shall notice this confederacy of Indians more fully here- 
after, as they were the aboriginal inhabitants of the county 
whose history we are writing, and as such are entitled to a 
chapter devoted to their origin, rise, progress and decay. 

The origin of the aborigmal race of America has been the 
subject of much speculation. No record of ancient times — no 
tradition points with positive significance to a people from whom 

* He discovered Hudson's Bay in 1610, where he remained ioe-bound, until the spring 
of 1611. While returning to Europe, hia crew mutinied, and placed him and his sen, 
with seven sick companions, in an open boat, and set them adrift. They were never 
heaxd of afterwa/rds. 

t John Verrazani, an eminent Florentine navigator, anchored in the Bays of Delaware, 
and New Torkin I52i, and gave the name of New France to the country. His royal 
master, Francis I. of France, did not profit by his discovery. 


they have descended. Soiae suppose that the ancient Phoeni- 
cians visited America and planted oolonies here. Others imag- 
ine that the Hindoos are a kindred race of the red men of 
America, and endeavor to prove that their fancies are worthy 
of serious consideration. A third theory is, that California is 
the Ophir of Solomon's day. A fourth, that the lost tribes of 
Israel crossed the ocean, and peopled our wilds. A fifth, that 
the ancestors of the Indians came from Asia. Among the 
thousand theories which have been advanced, the latter is the 
most plausible and may be summed up in a few words: "The 
people of north-eastern Asia and the north-west coast of Ajnerica 
have a near resemblance in person, customs and languages ; and 
those of the Aleutian Islands present many of the characteristics 
of both."* Ledyard said of the people of Eastern Siberia, 
"Universally and circumstantially, they resemble tKe aborigines 
•of America." 

That the red men of America have a common origin, and that 
they came here at a very isarly period of the world's history; 
there is but little doubt. From the cold North-west, they grad- 
ually spread over North and South America. This theory is 
rendered almost a certainty by the fact that the natives of the 
two continents who exist m that region, habitually visit each 
other by crossing on the ice in wiater, and in their boats in 
summer. Their boats are now precisely what they were at the 
time the white man first visited them. 

A kind and genial climate; and a soil rich and inexhaustible, 
produced their usual effects upon the condition of the first in- 
habitants of Mexico, Central Ajneiica, Peru, etc. An abundance 
of food led to a rapid increase in population, and to great wealth. 
The pride of the rich required "pomps and vanities''; their 
palates constantly craved new sensations, and the ingenuity and 

fenius of those who had more brains than provender, were taxed 
>r the gratification of those who could pay well for nqvelties. 
The arts advanced gradually imtil cities were built but Uttle 
inferior to the most celebrated in the world. The architecture, 
sculpture, etc., of these ancient cities still are ranked among the 
wonderful fruits of th^ skill and ingenuity of man. 

These ruins and rehcs point to a powerful and wealthy people, 
with a government and institutions of long standing.! 

The riches of the aristocracy must have been enormous and 
almost without a parallel in other communities ; for the expense 
of ^ectiag and embellishing their palaces, and the formation 
and completion of the surroundings of such magnificent edifices, 
taking into consideration the mechanical and otiaer forces known 

* Xossing's History of the United States. 

t Brownell's Indian Eaoes of North and South America. 


to them, must have been a thousand-fold greater than anyttiing 
recorded of the white man. 

These ancient evidences of aboriginal civilization extend from 
south latitude 33° 16' northerly over a territory three thousand 
miles in extent. In their character and number they are un- 
rivaled by the remains of any other people. In their silent, 
grandeur they attest the power, the luxury, the skill and the 
civilization of a race which has risen from an abnormal condition-, 
to an exalted degree of development in much that is magnificent, 
grotesque and utilitarian^ but who, in purity of taste and in-, 
morality, remained savages ; for they were cannibals, and sacri- 
ficed human life upon their :idolatrous altars. 

As we recede from the territory of the Aztecs northwardly, 
the evidences of ancient civilization gradually disappear, -the. 
most remote being earthen mounds and fortifications ia the 
vicinity of the Great Lakes of North America. Beyond these., 
are found rude specimens of -pottery and stone implements used 
in the chase, in war, agiiculture, etc. 

The red men of the North had no cities, and it can hardly be- 
said of them that they had a permanent abiding place. At cer- 
tain seasons of the year, small bands would reside in localities, 
suitable for raising maize, beans, etc. — generally on the banks 
of some stream or river, where the soil was rich and mellow, and, 
for the cultivation of which their rude and simple agricultural 
implements were sufficient. At other times, their wigwams would- 
be on the mountains where the elk, deer and beax abounded. 
And again, they would be found where salmon and other fish, 
could be taken most readily. v 

The country they occupied and their wars prevented them< 
from becoming numerous. Theirs was a constant struggle to 
obtain a sufficiency of food, and to guard their own lives and 
destroy those of their enemies. With them, the civilization of 
the Aztecs and the Incas was not a necessity — was impossible.. 
An equal number of white men, dispersed over the same terri- 
tory, divided into small clans, constantly engaged in warfare^ 
and with the same means of subsistence, would become ignorant- 
and degraded, and the arts and sciences, literature, etc., would 
be forgotten by them. 

The Indians who inhabited Sullivan county, when the whites first 
visited the country, were Lenni Lenape, who were also known as 
Wapanacliki, OpentuxM, Opervagi,Ahenaqui8 and Apenakies. At a sub- 
sequent period, they were called Dela wares by the whites, because 
they occupied teiTitory from which that river derives its waters. 

The Lenni Lenape were divided into three tribes — the Unami,. 
or Turtle ; the Uiudachtgo, or Turkey ; and the Minsi, or Wolf.* 

♦ Sometimes called Munocys, MinisinkB, etc. 


The Unamis and Urudabhtgos occupied the coast from the 
Hudson river to the Potomac, while the Mind, or Wolf tribe, 
extended from Minisink, on the Delaware, where they held their 
cotmcil seat, to the Hudson on the east, to the Susquehanna on 
the south-west, to the head-waters of the Delaware and Susque- 
hanna rivers, and to the CatskiU mountains on the noxth, and 
on the south to that range of hiUs now known, in New Jersey, 
by the name of Musconetcong, and by that of Lehigh and Cogh- 
newago, in Pennsylvania.* They therefore occupied all of 
Sullivan county. 

These tribes were subdivided into numerous clans, who re- 
ceived their names from the streams or lakes which they 
frequented, or from some circumstance more or less remarkable. 

The Lenape claimed to be the parent stock, or "original 
people," or "grandfathers" of at least forty other tribes, who 
spoke their language or its dialects, among whom may be named 
the Knisteneaux, who inhabit the region extending from Labra- 
dor to the Rocky Mountains; the Athapascas, who occupy a 
belt of country from Churchill's Eiver and Hudson's Bay to 
within a hundred miles of the Pacific coast ; the Ottawas, Chip- 

?ewas, Sacs and Poxes, Menomonees, Miamies, Piankeshaws, 
'ottowatomies, Kickapoos, Illinois, Shawnees, Powhatans, 
Corees, Nanticokes, Mohegans, the New England Indians, the 
Abenakes, Suequesahannocks, Mannohoaks and the Monocans. 
Some of these tribes were numerous and powerful, and were 
subdivided into many clans or cantons.t 

The Delawares amd kindred tribes are classified as Algomquins. 
At this late day, it is impossible to name the several clans of 
the Minsi tribe of the Lenni Lenape nation, or to designate with 
certainty the precise territory occupied by each. Our ancestors 
were more apt at discovering desirable tracts of land, eligible 
trading posts, and other things promotive of temporal welfare, 
than at recording facts which would interest those who now? feel 
an interest in what relates to the red man. There is but httle 
doubt, however, that the Manassings occupied that portion ,of 
SuUivan county which lies in the vicinity of Peenpack ; that the 
Esopus Indians (whose native name, it is supposed, was Wamp- 
ing) owned that part which adjoins Ulster, and that the Cashieg- 
tonks were located in the remaining territory of the county. 
The land of the Manassings extended into New Jersey, Penn- 
sylvania and the adjoirdng towns qf Orange county ; the Wamp- 
ings lived on the west bank of the Hudson, or Mahicanittuck, 
from Catskill to Newburgh; while the Gashiegtonks lived oil 
both banks of the Delaware, or Lenapewihittuck, from the 

* Oordon'B HiBtoiy of New Jersejr. 

t LosBing'B HiBtory of the United Sttiei. 


%o HiSTosnr e^- sueeivan coumty. 

the tei*ritory of tlte Manas&iMgs to sanate poiiit which we eataiot 

These elans were scxmetiines known by o&er names, and were 
still farther snbddTided. A few faffiflies whose wigwams aatd 
cultivated ^oumds were in the ticlinaty of a sfareato or a mamAsm., 
often bore the name of that stream or mouatfdn. . Aecordiiigly 
we hear of the Navisings, the WiEiwemoesi the Laekawaek- 
E^s^, WauwausiHgs, Mamekotings. Papagonks, etc. 

Tke territory of the Wampiogs or Esapus Imdiaais was called 
by them Atkarkarton. 

These tribes and clans find a^ paralied in omr States, 
■ctmnties and towns ; but were bound togeihear by iiiaties of goiod 
will and sympathy only. There was mo laiw ca: usage which 
rendered it obligatory few on« to assifit the other in any enter- 
prise. Thus we find that a poi4iofi of the WappingS 6f Dutchess 
eounty and the Manassiugs paxiicipafted with the ;^6pu« Indians 
in the massacre of the Dutch at ^Kingston, in 1663 ; but in the 
irar which foMowed, the Esopus teibe was the one which re- 
ceived all the blows of the Dutchmen. The others abandoned 
the field as soon as the first effort was made, and shirked a^U 
responsibility. A confederation of clans and tribes was a mere 
rope of sand. While they were inclined to act m concert, they 
were united for a common purpose ; but the moment a. tribe, or 
even an individual member of it, was dissatisfied and .wished to 
&ee itself or hiutseM from any real or IsMieied eiiegajg^ment, full 
liberty of action was conceded. 

The Indians, practically, had no government, civil or military. 
They had a civil ma^trate known to thein as a sachem, it is 
true; but he had no more authority to enforce a, decree or de- 
eamon, or to cause it to be enforced, than the most contemptible 
toember of Ms iribe. He could advise and persuade only. He 
was a sage — a wise man — ^but had no more power than a " stump 
orator" of our own times. Occasionally the office of sachem 
was held by females, who by hereditary means, or by a reputa- 
tion for superior wisdom, acquired an influence over a tribe. 
Such instances, however, were rare, as squaws were generally 
considered inferior to the males. Accorohig to Thompson's 
History of Long Island, a squaw sachem was styled "stmk squa," 
which meant, probably ttiat she was a "tip-top" woman. 

The military leaders or chiefs had no more real authority. 
If they were braive aajd cuimingj and proved themselves com- 
jsetent to lead in attacks upon the e»emy, they were obeyed and 
. — — -^ — _- .*-*^ — _^___ 

* Thi» wa» ^p«*«'l*^ ^hs CM» wben ttw constra wa» Arak d^covered. In Marohy 
170S-7, Naniai)U>!!, an Esopus aachem, sold land wmch -vras bounded on one aide b^ tlie 
IJelaware river; but there is reason lb Cellisve Hist the DolawitreB who subsequently 
acknowledged Teedynscung as their king, denied ttie right of Nanisinos to sell this 
land. They declared that the people of JEsgmis and Minisiak had del^auded them, 
and that the country almost to tae Hudscm -mi theii^ 

Tian ixma uffiUHs-i 67 

laiiowedi by iSae -warrkars dt fee is^: Thear aiufliority wa% 
feimidad on publlie onpisxon., a>ad vlieB that was against them^ 
they were impeient ; Wt wMle it was lai^ty in t&eir favor, ijhedr 
poweuwas" despotie. TSteinditol© system was democratie, wi&r 
emi smy o£ &os« elements o£ permanency cravd strength wMcIi 
mark msai lorm of goivecntnant among more aiivilissed races. 

1?hB J had no wid^eiii kmgniaigie^ tmtess vre masf eali their picture 
miMngs a written lanagiiege. The mmse cmMi?sedi tribes and na- 
tions had ao^HBd wondezfcdi shUlin veeording iiii«i|»!»tant n^itters 
in this -wm ; but the zealous OhrisMaoms 'vrho appropriated the 
^Iden idols of ihs Aztecs and Incas, de#ro^ea tile symbolic 
records of lihe templesi, wkieh Aviere ihe depositaries of th« 
serolls whereon was tra,oed( muc^ of the red miam's history. 

Among the Indiians of the North, this method q^ preserving 
historical facts was but little refsoiied to. Traditions, however, 
vuere carefully related by the oM to the- yotmg, and thus was 
brought down from genieraftion to genei^on, a dim and some- 
wrhat uncectain historf of past e^vents. 

The Lenape of Sullivan, as well as o&er red men, had their 
stories of olden times, which tiie gray^hawed elders related to 
^eir juniors, when the central fiire of the lodge glowed bright 
and cheerily daring the Icmg evenings. of winter. One of these 
traditions we will copy &om Gbrdon's History of New Jersey. 

"The Delawares reme, that many centuries ago, their ances- 
tors dwelt fax in iihe western wilds; bmt emigratmg eastwardly, 
they arrived, after many years peregrination, on the Namoesi 
Sipu (Mississippi,) or river of fish, where they encountered 
the Mengive (Iroquois,) who had also come from a distant country, 
aaid had first approached the river, somewhat nearer its source. 
The spies of the Lenape reported, that, the eotmtey on the east 
of the river was imhamtea by a powerful nation, dwelling in 
laarge towns^ erected upon thear prme%)al rivers. 

" This people were tall and robust; some of them were said to 
be even of gigantic mould. They bore Sie name of AUiyeici, 
from which has been derived that of the AUeghany river and 
mountains. Their towns were defended by regular fortifications, 
vestiges of TOhich are yet apparent, in greater or less preserva- 
tion. The Lenape, requesting permission to establish themselves 
in the vicinity, were refused; but obtained leave to pass this 
river, in order to seek a habitation farther to the eastward. 
But, whilst crossing the stream, the AUigewi, alarmed at their 
number, assailed and destroyed many who had reached the eastern 
shore, and threatened a like fate to tiie remainder, should they at- 
tempt the passage. Fired by this treachery, the Lenape eagerly 
accepted a proposition from the Mengwe, who had hitherto been 
spectators of their enterprise, to unite with them for the conquest 
of iJie country. A war of great duration was thus commenced, 


which was prosecuted with great loss on both sides, and 
eventuated in the expulsion of tiie Alligewi, who fled from their 
ancient seats, by way of the Mississippi river, never to return. 
The devastated country was apportioned among the conquerors; 
the Mengwe choosing their residence in the neighborhood of 
the great hikes, and we Lenape in the lands of the South. 

"After some years, during which the conquerors Hved together 
in much harmony, the hunters of the Lenape crossed the Alle- 
ghany mountains, and discovered the great rivers, Susquehanna^ 
and Delaware. Exploring the Skeyickby coimtry, (New Jersey,) 
they reached the Hudson, to wmch they gave the name of 
Mahicardttvck. Upon their return to their nation, they described 
the coimtry they had visited, as abounding in game, fruits, fish 
and fowl, and destitute of inhabitants. Concluding this to be 
the home destined for them by the Great Spirit, the tribe estab- 
lished themselves upon the four great rivers, the Hudson, 
Delaware, Susquehanna and Potomac, making the Delaware, to 
which they gave the name of Lenapewihittuck, (the river of the 
Lenape) the centre of their possessions.* 

" They say, however, that all of their nation who crossed the 
Mississippi did not reach this country ; and that a part remained 
west of the Namoesi Sipu. They were finally divided into three 
great bodies ; the larger, one-half of the whole, settled on the 
Atlantic; the other half was separated into two parts; the 
stronger continued beyond the Mississippi, the other remained 
on its eastern bank. 

" The Mengwe hovered for some time on the borders of the 
lakes, with their canoes, in readiness to fly should the AUigewi' 
return. Having grown bolder, and their numbers increasing, 
they stretched themselves along the St. Lawrence, and became, 
on the north, near neighbors to the Lenape tribes. 

" The Mengwe and the Lenape, in the progress of time, be- 
came enemies. The latter represent the former as treacherous 
and cruel, pursuing pertinaciously an insidious and destructive 
policy toward then: more generous neighbors. Dreading the 
power of the Lenape, the Mengwe resolved, by involving them 
in war with distant tribes, to reduce, their strength. They com- 
mitted murders upon the members of one tribe, and induced the 
injured party to believe that tiiey were perpetrated by the Del- 

* Delaware ba^ and riTer were called by the Indians, Mariaqueton, Makeis- 
kitton, Makeigkkiskon, and Lenapewihittuck ; by the Dutch, Zuydt or South river, 
Charles river, and Nassau river ; and by the Swedes, New Swedeland stream.^ffordon's 
Gazetteer. Th^_ English gave it the name of Delaware in honor of Lord De La Warr. 

W. L. Stone gives another Indian name for the Delaware — Makn-isk-kiskan Fide 

Bistory of Wyoming. 


awares. Expeditions against the latter followed as a matter of 
course, and their hunters were surprised and slaughtered. 

"Each nation or tribe had a particular mark ilpon its war- 
clubs, which, placed beside' a murdered person, denoted the 
aggressor. The Mengwe perpetrated a murder in the Cherokee 
country, and left with the dead body a war-club bearing the 
insignia of the Lenape. The Cherokees, ia revenge, fell suddenly 
upon the latter, and commenced a long and bloody war. The, 
treachery of the Mengwe was at length discovered^ and the 
Delawares turned upon them with the determination to extirpate 
them. They were the more strongly induced to take this reso- 
lution, as the cannibal propensities of the Mengwe had reduced 
them, in the estimation of the Delawares, bdow the rank of 
human beings.* 

"Hitherto each tribe of the Mengwe had acte^ under the 
direction of its particular chiefs ; and, although the nation could 
not control the conduct of its members, it was made responsible 
for their outrages. Pressed by the Lenape, they resolved to 
form a confederation which might enable them better to con- 
centrate their forces in war, and to regulate their affairs in peace. 
Thannewago, an aged Mohawk, was the projector of this alliance. 
Under his auspices, five nations, the Mohawks, Oneidas, Onon- 
dagas, Cayugas, and Senecas, formed a species of republic, 
governed- by the united councils of their aged and experienced 
sachems and chiefs. To these, a sixth nation, the Tuscaroras, 
was added, in 1712. This last originally dwelt in the western 
part of North Carolina ; but having formed a deep and general 
conspiracy to exterminate the whites, were driven from their 
country, and adopted by the Iroquois confederacy.f The bene- 
ficial effects of this system earfy displayed themselves. The 
Lenape were checked, and the Mengwe, whose warlike disposi- 
tion soon familiarized them with fire-arms, procured from the 
Dutch, were enabled, at the same time, to contend with them, 
to resist the French, who attempted the settlement of Canada, 
and to extend their conquests over a large portion of the country 
between the Atlantic and the Mississippi. But, being pressed 
hard by their new, they became desirous of reconciliation with 
with their old enemies ; and for this purpose, if the tradition of 
the Delawares be credited, they effectedTone of the most extra- 
ordinary strokes of policy which history has recorded. 

"The mediators between the Indian nations at war are the 
wdmen. The men, however weary of the contest, hold it cow- 

* The Iroquois or Mengire sometimes ate the bodies of their prisoners. 

IBeckeuielcUir, IJ. N. Y. Mst. OdL, S5. 
The same charge has been made against the Algonqnins, and that the; drank their 
enemies' blood.— See History of Fontiac's War. 
t Smith's New York. 


ardfy aaad iJssgiraleeM toamHta^&Mc&itiiitsm. Tl^f deesa it mco«- 
sistent ia « ■warcieii, to sfteaJc «if peaee wiHn iblo^j «;eapaBe ki 
bis Juaiads. Me iSomsk msSwMa. » delkei^lii^d courage, and' a^ear 
at all timae as detonlin'ed and mlilbi^ tlo fi^^ as at tlie oom- 
menoenelit lof hostilities. Witii snoh (^^positioas, IndiaB -vnaoK 
AiKonld be imteiiJiHiHiabte, if tbe-'wo^en did not interfe^re, and per- 
suade the ksembataiits to hmj the hatebet, and make <peaee with 
each other. Their NEiraTers seldom fadted of the desired effect. 

" The fuuetioB of i^e peace-mtaker was honorable and dignified^ 
and its assumption br a ooutageoias and powerful Ba&)n ooidM. 
not be inglxmoiiis. Thh staition l^e Mengwe urged mpon the 
Lenape. 'They had reflected,' ^>ej said, 'upon the state o^ the 
Indian race, and were canTinbed that no means remained to 
preserve it, unless some magnanimous nation would assume the 
character of the woiiD&s. It cduid not be ^ven to a weak and 
contemptible tribe; such would not be hstened to; but the 
Leliape and their allies, woiiild at once possess influence and 
command respedt.' 

" The facts ^ob which these aarguments were founded, were 
known to the Delawares, and in a moment of bliaid confidence 
in the sincerity of the Ipoquois, they acceded to the proposition, 
and assumed the petticosSt. The oeremosay of the metamor- 
phosis was peiferiM^ed with -gineat rejoicings at Albany, in the 
presence of the Dutch, whom the Lenape charge \^'itn having 
conspired wift, the Mei^gwe for their deduction. 

" Having thws disariaed the Delawares, the Iroquois assumed 
over them the rights rf protection and commamd. But, stiU 
dreading their streng^ they arMuliy involved them again in 
war with the Cherokeesi promised to fight their battles, led them 
into an amJbuah of their foes, and deserted them. The Delawares, 
at length, compr^ended the treachery of their arch enemy, and 
resolved to resume their arms, and being stiU superior in num- 
bers, to crush theiaa. But it' was too late. The Europeans were 
now makiiig theia? way into the country in every direction, and 
gave ample «mpik>ym<eiDit to the astonished Lenape. 

' ' The Mengwe deny tiiese machinations. They aver that they 
conquered the Delawares by force of arms, and made them a 
subject people.* And, altitough they are imable to detail the 
circumstances of this conquest, it is more rational to suppose it 
true, than that a brave, numerous and warlike nation should 
have voluntarily suiiered theoinselves to be disarmed amd enslaved 
by a shallow arti&oe,; a; th^t, .discovering the fraud practiced 
upon them, they should unresistingly have submitted to its con- 
sequences. This conquest.was not an empty accpisition to the 
Mengwe. They claimed dominion over all the lands occupied 

* IiOBning Bayg that the Lenni Lenape were conquered by the Iroqudii in 1650. 

TBS immi UM^BK. 71 

\^ tibe Delawares, aosd, in many inistanoes, tlieir diaims were 
(iisMneliy acknowledged. Plarties of the Fiv« Niations occasionally 
oeetlpied the Lenape conntry, aad waadeued over it, at all times, 
at tteir pleasiaire.* ' 

"Whate^pier credit maj be due to the traditions of the Lenape 
relative to th«ir migratioH foom tiie West, there is strong evi- 
dence in SBpport of thdtr preiteasions to be considorfea the 
soiKrce whence a great portion orf the Indians of North Aim&rie^ 
was derived."t l 

Competent judges have promouneed the language of the Del- 
awares or Lenni Lenape the m.(^ perfect of any Indian tongue4 
Rev. N. W. Jones, in an intei'estmg paper contributed to the 
"Ccdlections of the Ulster Histoiical Society," says their 
" language is distinguished by great beauty, strength and flexi- 
bility. It has the power of compjjessing a wJhole sentence into 
a iMgle word. This is done by taddng the most important 
syllable of eaeh word, and aome'iames only single letters, and 
forming, according to the laws of euphony^ a new word, express- 
ing a variety of ideas, each of which is known by its repre- 
sentative letter or syllable. 

"The language of &e Mmsi differed somewhat from the 
southern D^awares; but not enough to he classed as a sepa- 
rate dialect. It was a little breaoJBi^ n»re gnttu^ral, and not 
quite so pleasant to the ear. They have left behind them as 
mementoes of their existence, names that th^y gave to moun- 
tains, streams and localities; but these are, in many instances, 
so corrupted that it is difficult to trace them back to their 
Indian ofiigm." 

No people, ancient or raodeim, bestowed more beautiful names 
on water courses and vaMeys than &« Lenape. Such locaEties 
afforded them the greatest pleasui'e, and therefore they gave 
them appeMations which delight the ear, though it may be long 
accustomed to perfect euphony, and the most exact rules of 
rhythm. What words are noted for a sweeter cadence than 
MahoBaaag, Wyomiag-, Osin^ng, W^sflusing, Moyamensihg, 
Mamekotifig, Shamokmg, Mingwimg^ etc.? Such names deHgnt 
the ear as does the rich, sweet harmony of the hermit thrush. 
Their names of m«H«a^w.on the other hand axe rugged, mass- 
ive and angular, viz: Shawangnnk, Mokunk, Cashie^tondk, 
Wacchung, Seumiaiemunk, ete. 

Those who profess to be learned in huA matters, assert that 
these and other Indiaai names have sigiiifications or meanings 

» It is fluppostd that the Indians who attacked Hudion, when he visited the Nor'th 
Kiver, were fcoquois. 
t This tradition is borrowed hy Gordon from Heokewelder. 
* Thompson's History of Long Island. 


which are descriptive of the several objects to which they belong. 
This assertion is undoubtedly true ; but the signifiiHitions have, 
in a great majority of cases, been lost by the whites, or have 
never been known by them. Some persons, to appear erudite, 
have invemted translations of these naines. Thus it has been 
said that "Shawcm" is the Mohegan word for "white salt," and 
"gimh" for "rocks" or "piles of rocks." These definitions have 
been adopted by the aulSiors of the "Historical Collections of 
New York," and also by the learned gentlemen who made a 
geological survey of the State, notwithstanding "Shawan" is 
the word of the Algonquins for "southern," and "gunh" or "unk," 
in the Lenape tongue means "elevation," "top," "up," "ex- 
alted," etc. Shawangunk shotdd be translated Southern mount- 
ain.* [See CoUections of the Ulster Historical Society.] It 
may be also said that "ing" or "ink"\ generafly terminates the 
names of valleys and streams. " Uck" however, is a suffix, many 
times, of the names of rivers which empty into the ocean, as the 
Algonquin name of the Hudson — Shattemuch or Mohicanitticck ; 
— of the Delaware — Lenapewihittvck: of other rivers — Saugor 
tuck, Naugatiick, etc. 

No doubt, many curious but unprofitable questions in regard 
to the signification of Lenape names, would meet with satisfac- 
tory answers, if referred to some intelligent member of the 
Delaware tribe. 

At an early day .after the visit of Hudson to the river which 
bears his name, the Dutch established trading posts for the 
purpose of buying from the Indians their valuable furs and pel- 
tries. One of these posts was at the Manhattans, now New 
York; another at Fort Orange, now Albany; and the third in 
importance at Sopes or Esopus, now Kingston. It is claimed 
that they commenced tradii^ at the latter place as early as 16M. 
Considering the net-work of Lidian paths which led to mat point, 
their operations there at so early a day, prove that they were 
influenced by their proverbial sagacity and good sense. 

Between the years 1617 and 1620, it is said, they began to 
settle at Esopus, as well as at some other places ia New Jersey 
and New York.^ 

In 1626, Peter Minuit, the first Dutch governor, arrived, after 
which the work of colonization went on vigorously. The land 
occupied by the Hollanders was almost invariably purchased at 
a pnce and under circumstances which are considered moral by 
traders, although it must be confessed that the advantages were 

* Shawnee meang Southern people. [Hist. Coll. of Ohio. 

t The lettera g and k are interchangeable in the Lenape tongue. 

[Bev. N. W. Jooea. 
t Gordon's New Jersey. 


all on one side. The Dutch did not resolve that the earth was 
ihe Lord's; that he had conferred it on his people; and that 
they "vere his people; and then proceed to take the land from 
its heathen owners, peaceably or forcibly, as was practicable or 
necessary. They adopted a more judicious and humane mode. 
They bought the land of the savages, and paid, generally in 
trinkets and baubles, the least price for which they could get it. 
Both methods of acquiring territory amounted to the same thing 
in the end. The savage lost his possessions and became poor 
and impotent, while the strange race acquired wealth and 

In 1631, the Dutch "West India Company commenced a settle- 
ment on the Delaware at Lewis Creek, under David Pieterson 
■de Vries, a director of the Company, having two years previously 
purchased the territory of the Lenape Indians — moire than half 
a century anterior to Penn's famous purchase from the same 
race of people. After building a trading-house and a fort, De 
Vries returned to Holland, leaviug his infant colony in charge of 
Giles Osset. As an evidence that the region had been formally 
taken possession of by his countrymen, Osset caused the arms 
of the States-General to be painted on a plate of tia, which he 
posted on a column raised format purpose.. The natives re- 
garded the bright metal, with its mystic characters, as an object 
greatly to be coveted, and one of them stole it. This act of the 
Ignorant Lenape Osset considered an insult to his nation, and 
demanded redress so pertinaciously and energetically, that the 
Indians cut the head from their offending brother, and deUveied 
it to Osset, who, shocked at what they had done, reprimanded 
them severely. Instead of hard words, they had no doubt ex- 
pected a substantial peace offering in the shape of .wampum or 
trinkets. They consequently departed in a dissatisfied mood, 
and soon after, when the colonists were at work in their fields, 
murdered them one by one, greeting each as they came to him 
in a friendly maimer. Osset, who had given the offense, was 
among the first who were massacred. 

"When De "Vries returned in 1632, he found but the ashes of 
the dwellings, and the unburied remains of his friends. As he 
was not in a situation to punish the murderers, he made a new 
treaty with them. The treacherous Lenape, notwithstanding 
this treaty, conspired to destroy him and those who accompa- 
nied him; but, beiag warned by a squaw of their designs, he 
did not fall into the snare laid for him. He then made another 
treaty; but in a short time left for Holland, with the colonists 
who came with him on his last voyage. ^ 

This, it should be remembered, is the white man s version. 
Perhaps, if the Lenape could have kept the record, they would 
have told of some things which have oeen omitted by the pale 


lace. We are moxe iaicH»ed tp bfelievp that the wWe tpiit^ Jiw? 
not been banded damn t& \s» aos0&mir^ ithese and other tnanble^ 
with the Indians, 1j)e^i.wse, m >ca#e8 where we know thai atj^isii 
and impartial justtcgi ip«|j:ked the ioi^rcourfie of the B)irqpea;^8 
wiiii ihe sons of the ioia&i^ iSpd lain intelligent view was taJaem d 
their idiosyncrasies, the whites posfliessfid their unbounded eo»- 
fidence and fnendship. 

Thus, ihe Bwedes, wiho ipkmted a colony in the Lenape country, 
on the Belaware, in ISS^ and wh|) never wronged the natiye^, 
but treated them with Ghristii^n (^la^ty and love, never had any 
difficulty with them.* The utmost harmony previailed a^ long 
as &e enlightened amd just emigrants from ^edcilapd m^u- 
tained their ground. Gordon isa^«, the Swedes "refrained from 
every speqies of injuiry to the natives, cuifeLvated their favor W a 
just and liberal oommeroe, supplyisg tbsem with artieles suitable 
to their wants, and enxpLpyed ^ friendly means to win thein to 
the Christian faith, ^^iie iieguitt of these measures was s^h;aiS 
they should have produced. The savage was disa«Diied by 
rei^ect and gratitude." 

It does not appear, however, that these worthy men madp 
much progress in eonvearting HSke Delawares to Ohristiawty. 
Gmhame relates, that "the Indians sometimes attended the 
religious assembhes of the Bwedas ; but with so little edification, 
that they expressed their amazement that one man ^ould detain 
his tiibe with such lengthened harai^gues, without offeru^ to 
entertain them with brandy," Amd Aerelius tells us that " the 
ire oi iiie Indians on one occasion, was particularly directed 
again>st the ptastor, who, speaking alone during divine s^ni%3#» 
was supposed to exhort his audiextee to hostility against them." 
A OT)eedy explanation quieted their suiapicions.t 

The Quakers claim that the pacific policy of the goverrua»ent 
of Pennsylvania for many years met with eqiaal favor froin the 
simple and savage Lenape. And the settlers of Minisink — a 
mere handful of men,^ surrounded by the Delawares, and wholiy 
in their power, gave the Indians no cause for complaint, and 
enjoyed their mendishi^, vaoM. landshaicks and unprincipled 
traders stripped the natives of their possessions. 

Penn's celebrated purdiase of the Lenape, in 1682, however, 
was no "new thing under the sun." The* people of Jfew York 
and New Jereey were as careful to extiiigwish the Indian titles 
to lands as the Proprietors of PennsylTamia, and they exercised 

* It ii supposed by some, that the Swedes explored the Delaware, as fax asiCochecton, 
and were the first white men who yisite4 this, county> The ppi'dial tweudamp maio- 
tfuved t>f th^m, with the Indians renders, the 8\q>pddtion ^ui^.plansihte. 

t All authors agree, that the Swedes complained mqre 0j( the moBauitoes than tbe 
savaees, and thft they were driven from oi^b of their forts by tihese bloodthirsty and 
remorsnMs insects. [See ucndon's Histoxy .of Neir 7«rs9y,.p. 14. 


^is care long before Penn owned an acre of land in America. 
In Ie^S, laws were in force in both New York and New Jersey, 
under -v^ich no man could acquire real estate as long as the 
imtiVe title was not extinguished by purchase or treaty. ' Tis, 
trae, didionest men evaded the intention of; the laws of tifose 
cokmiefB ; and so they did under the QuaJser government of P«nn- 
syivajua. Penn himseH did not p«y the Lenaj)e a tithe of a 
tilhe of what their lands were aletuaJly wortii. fi has been said 
by the admirers of th® Quak«rs, that they Kved at peace with 
the Lenape from 1682 to 175S, in consequence of their superior 
hooaesty. The Lenape ivere atpeetce tvUh all the tvorld during that 
time, and when waa- broke out in 1755, their complaints agaiast 
the Proprietors of Pettusylvania were exceedingfy bitter. The 
Quakers had a true Puritanical appreciation of their own right- 
eous dealings with the Indians, and magnified th^ own merits 
accordingly. Such is history stripped of its ornaments, and in 
plaisL drab ! ^ 

From the fiafstj the Dutch supplied the Iroquois confeder- 
aties with arms, which led to the supremacy of the latter ov^r 
the Lenape and other tribes. It was a master-stroke of policy, 
and was adopted to the fullest extent at a later period by the 
Enghsh. By securing the good-will and rendering the power 
of ttie Six Nations invincible, the natives of the interior became 
a bulwark against the French, and a scourge to the Lenape of 
the frontier. From this cause alone, the Lenape were reduced 
by the haughty and pampered Iroquois to the condition of 
squaws, and were compelled to wear the metaphorical petticoat. 
They could not withstand the muskets of the Mengwe on the 
on« side, while they were assailed by the whites on the other. 

They were a brave, proud and haughty race when assailed 
by foes ; but as affectionate and loving as children in the absence 
of wrong or the suspicion of itv For ages they had gloried in 
their exploits while waging war with the Iroquois; consequently 
when the Dutch at Fort Orange (Albany) furnished the Mo- 
hawks with fire-arms, and refused to treat the Minsis at Fort 
Amsterdam (New York) in the same manner, the latter con- 
sidered it an insult to their nation, and a sufficient cause of 
war. , Hence, when Thomas Chambers and others removed from 
Eensselaerswyek to Bsopus in 1652, they were driven off by the 
Wampings, or, as the Dutcl^ called them, Waranawankongs. 
These settlers returned, however, in 1667, and at first were 
unmolested.* Soon, however, under the influence of rum, the 
natives became quarrelsome, and killed one of ' the settlers, 
burned the buildings of anotiier, and forced others to plough 
1 — '■ 

* Euttenber's Histoir of Newburgh. In 1656, W6 find oft T»n der DoBk's Map oT 
New Netberland, th« district lying between Waxderet^ meek and Esopus marked m 
^ne territory of the Waranawankongd. 


their (the Indians') cultivated lands. In consequence of these 
irregularities, Governor Stuyvesant visited Esopus -with a num- 
ber ol soldiers, and summoned the chiefs before him, A treaty 
of peace was patched up, and a grant of land acquired by 
the Dutch from the original ovmers. But the peace was of 
short duration ; for the Governor's presence was again necessary 
in the succeeding year, (1658,) when he demanded aJl the Esopus 
lands which had been explored by the Dutch. These lands 
were much prized by the natives oi Esopus, as they were well 
adapted to their mode of cultivation ; hence it is not surprising 
that the chiefs refused to part with them, and retired from the 
conference. The sturdy Governor, however, took possession of 
the lands, and built a fort to hold them. This maddened the red 
men, and their rage was rendered furious soon after by a wanton 
and causeltess outrage. A number of Indians had completed a 
job of husking com for Thomas Chambers, when they asked 
for and obtained a quantity of brandy. A carouse followed, 
during which some Dutchmen murdered one of the drunken 
Indians, and wounded two others. This cowardly act was fol- 
lowed by the war-whoop, and the investment of the settlement 
by over four hundred dusky warriors, who destroyed the houses, 
bams and crops of the whites, and took eight or ten prisoners, 
who were burned at the stake. The Governor was once more 
sent for, and came with an armed force. At his approach, the 
red men fled to the woods, where they were not followed in 
consequence of heavy rains. However, through Mohegan and 
Wappiog chiefs, a truce was effected. 

In the spring of 1660, hostilities were renewed vigorously. An 
Indian castle at Wiltmeet wasplundered and destroyed, and sev- 
eral savages made prisoners. The Indians then sued for peace and 
proposed to exchange prisoners. Biefusing to listen to their 
overtures, Stuyvesant, to terrify them still more, sent several 
captive chiefs, who were in his hands, to Curasoa, as slaves^ 
Hostilitifes continued. The Dutch forces swept the adjacent 
country, and penetrating the district of the Papagonks, took 
their castle, and slew Preumanaker, the oldest and best of their 
chiefs, who was too old to flee with his people. "What do you 
here, dogs?" he asked defiantly, as he aimed an arrow at the 
soldiers, with hands trembling from age. He was seized and 
disarmed, and being too infirm to follow the party on foot, was 
subsequently killed with his own tomahawk. 

The clans jiow held a eouncil, and Sewaokenamo, the Esopus 
chief, asked the wishes of the assemblage. "We will fight no 
more," replied the warriors. "We vrish to plant in peiace, and 
live in quiet," said the squaws. "We wiU kill no more hogs 
and fowls," answered the young men. The wish for peace being 
general, the Esopus chief visited the Hackinsacks, who were 


friends of the Dutch, and through them once more, sued for 
peace. Stuyvesant again met the chiefs at Esopus, again made 
an extravagant demand for land, and this time his demand was 
acceded to. During, the negotiations, the Indians asked that 
their enslaved chiefs should be restored; but, as they had be- 
come the chattels of Dutchmen in a far-off colony, Stuyvesant 
replied that they must be considered dead. Although deeply 
grieved at this answer, the chiefs agi-eed to the treaty, and de- 

Three years of peace followed. The Indians carried out the 
terms of the treaty until the Dutch began to trespass on their 
lands at Hurley, where they built a village which they called 
Kiew Dorp or village, on lands outside the grant made in 1660. 
Threats of vengeance were again muttered, which were quickly 
followed hj what is known as the second Esopus war, the his- 
to^ of which we will now give. 

To be more certain of success, the Esopus clans endeavored 
to get the Wappings- of Dutchess, and the Manassing clans 
to join them, and succeeded partially. While plotting to 
destroy the Dutch of Esopus, they covered their designs with 
the mask of friendship, and only two days preceding the attack 
on Wiltwick and the Niew Dorp, lulled the suspicions of the 
whites with propositions for a new treaty. 

On the 7th of June, 1663, 9 "Wappings, 30 Manassings and 
about 160 of the Esopus Indians, entered the two villages, in 
the forenoon, from different points, bringing with them small 
quantities of maize and beans, which they carried to eveiy 
quarter of the villages, under pretense of selling them. In this 
manner they hoped that they could seize a favorable moment, 
and exterminate the unsuspecting settlers. 

After they had been in Kingston about fifteen minutes, some 
people on horseback rode into the village furiously, exclaiming, 
" The Indians have destroyed the New v iUage !" (Hurley). Oh 
hearing this, the savages immediately fired their guns, and then 
commenced hewing down the villagers with axes and tomahawks. 
They also continued to fire upon them from various quarters. ^ 

The village was set on fire on the windward side, and soon a 
disastrous conflagiation was in prospect, when the wind provi- 
dentially changed, and the progress of the "flames was arrested. 
Houses were plundered, and women and children taken prisoners 
and humed beyond the village gates. 

There were not at the time seventy-five able-bodied men living 
in Kingston, and a large portion of them were at work on their 
farms beyond the hmits of the village. Those who were there, 
though a majority of them had neither guns nor side-arms, were 

* We have quoted largely from Biittenbea''B HistOTy of Newborgh. 


soon rallied by Captain Thomas Chambers, (who was suffering 
from a wound,) and the savages, although numbering at least 
f8iH.r to one, were darivem awaj. 

In the evening, when aU. had come in from .their farms, and 
th« refugees from Hurley had arrived, it was found that only 
aaafey-nine efficient men could be mustered. 

In this affair the savages killed, in Kingston, 12 men, 4 women, 
aaid 2 children ; at Hurley, 3 men— total, 21.* At Kingston, they 
took 5 women and 5 children prisoners ; and at Hurley, 1 man, 
8i wo»en and 26 children — total, 45. In Kingston, 8 men were 
wounded, one of whom died from his wounds, and 12 houses 
were burnt. The "New Village" was entirely destroyed, except 
oae uncovered bam. - 

The blow was a terrible one to the settlers, and was deeply 
felt, and amply avenged. Well migfit Hermanns Blom, the 
first Dutch dergyman of Esopus, exclaim: "O! my bowels! 
my bowels! I "am pained at my heart! for the dead lay as 
smJeaves behind the mower." 

On the 16th of the same month, an unimportant skirmish took 
place on the road fiiom Kingston to Kondout, in which one white 
man was killed and six wounded. After this, the Indians at no 
time made a stand; but were hunted like wild beasts by soldiesrs 
sent from Manhattan (New York). These soldiers were under 
the command of Captain Martin Kre^r, and were accompanied 
by some Long Island Indians. (The force employed, including 
the Esopus Tolm^teers, numbered about 275. Scouting parties 
were sent out in every direction in which it was supposed hostile 
Indians could be formd. The savages were kUled, taken captLve, 
or puTsmed from mountain to mountain. Their crops and food 
were destroyed, and their wigwams burned. Some of these ex- 
t^^editions extended into the hmits of Sullivan, as we shall see in 
a future page. . 

Among the prisoners captured by the Indians at Hurley, was 
Catharine Blanehan, the wife of Lewis Du Bois. She and three 
other females were taken to the wigwams of their captors, on 
the Shawangunk or Assinink creek, a stream which forms a part 
of the eastern boundary of the town of Mamakatin.g. From an 
Indian prisoner, Mr. Du Bois learned that by followuig "ihe 
first Big Water, to where another Big Water emptied into it; 
then the second to where a third Big Water was met ; and then 
the last to a certain landmark, he would find the captives." 
These Big Waters were the Eondout, the Walldll and the 
Shawangunk or Assinink. 

Mr. Du Bois speedily induced several of his friends to join 

• Dominie Blomlbys 2i were killed. To make this number, he counted two m^hoi-n 
infants and one man "who died subsequentlv. 


him in an attempt to rescue his wife and her companions. They 
foUowed the direction of the savage, and found that he had 
giTen a correct description of tlfe route. They pressed onward 
eagerly and anxiously, Du Bois in advance d flbe others. He 
very nearly fell a victim to his impetuosity. As they were 
■ascendmg the- Shawangnnk, he diseoverea an Indian secreted 
behmd a tree in the act of iring upon him. Th« arrow, luckily, 
missed its mark, when Du Bois instasntly sprang upon the savage, 
and slew him with his sword. Sbon after they came in sight of 
the objects of their search. 

The cond'uot of the savages had led the oaptiTes to believe 
TO-sri; they were to be put to death— baimt at the stake — a fate 
which venr few, if any women, have met at the hands of the red 
man. While the Indians were piling ftigots, these truly Ohris- 
ttan ladies, it is said, in view of the terrible death which they 
beKeved awaited them, sang the 137th Psahn in the Eeformed 
I^utch Church Collection,* which we copy here as probably the 
Ssfsi Ohristian song heard on the banks of the Shawangunk :t 

®y Babel's stream ttie captives sate, 
And wept for Zion's hapless fate : 
Useless their harps on willows hung, 
While foes required a sacred song. 

With taunting voice and scornful eye, 
"Smg us a song of heaven," they cry : 
"While fbes deride our God, and King, 
How can we titne our harps or sing? 

"If Eion's woes our hearts forget. 
Or cease to mourn for Israel's fate. 
Let useful skill our hands forsake ; 
Our hearts with hopeless sorrow break. 

" Tliou, ruin'd Salem, to our eyes 
Each day, in sad remembrance rise ! 
Should we e'er cease to feel thy wrongs^ 
Lost be oui' joys, and mute our tongues ! 

" Eemember, Lord, proud' Edom's sons, 
Who cried, exnltikg at our groans, 
While Salem trembled at her base, 
'Ease them : her deep foundations rase.' " 

* Mpfo;^ Exench Paalms. We have substituted a translation of the original. 

t TStiB fears of these excellent Christian ladies were baseless. The aborigines never 
Ijuriied female prisoners at the stake, or made them the victims of lust, except under 
the cover of maniage. * 


Wliile thus they sang, the mourners view'd 
Their foes by Cyrus' arm subdued, 
And saw his glory rise, who spread 
Their streets, and fields, with hosts of dead. 

Pleas'd, they foresaw the blest decree, 
That set their tribes from bondage free ; 
Eenew'd the temple, and restor'd 
The sacred worship of the Lord. 

Tradition says the savages were charmed with the music, and 
delayed Hie execution of the singers while they listened. But- 
dehverance was at hand. A panic seized the red men. They 
' discovered the whites, and fled for the mountains. The captives, 
at first, not knowing the cause of alarm, ran after them. But 
soon they heard behind them the shouting of weU-tnown voices, 
and turning, they flew to the arms of their husbands. 

After spending the night at the camping-ground of the In- 
dians, where they rendered themselves comortable by a good 
fire made with the fagots gathered by the Indians, me party 
returned to their homes.* 

During this expedition, Mr. Du Bois discovered the great 
richness of the vaUey of the Walkill; and three jears afterwards 
he and eleven others bought of the native proprietors 144 square 
miles of the fat lands of that region, for which they obtained a 

On the 26th of July, 162 Dutchmen, 41 Long Island Indians,, 
and 7 negroes left Kingston to attack the savages at their fort, 
about 30 miles distant, "mostly" in a south-west direction. 
They had as guide a woman who had been a prisoner of the 
Savages, and took with them two pieces of cannon, and two 
wagons. Each man was provided with two pounds of hard 
bread and cme-half of a soft loaf, two pounds of pork and one- 
half of a Dutch cheese. Their progress was slow, as they were 
obliged to bridge the streams, and haul their cannon and 
wagons up and down the mountains with ropes. On the second 
day, they found it necessary to leave the cannon, when within 
" a short mile" of the fort. They intended to surprise the enemy 
in the latter ; but found it abandoned, and succeeded in taking; 
but one red-skin — a squaw. 

The next forenoon, guided by the squaw, they sent 140 mem 
to hunt the Indians on the mountains ; but finding it impossible 
to overtakie or surprise any, they retamed, and for two da,js and 
a half the whole party employed themselves in destroying the 

* Aocoaint of the Setaement of New Paltz, gathered from TraditionB and Documents^ 
by Edmund El tinge. [Ulster Hist. Col., p. 40. 


growiiig crops and the old maize, o£ the Indiana. The latter 
was stored in pits* Over 200 acres of . com, and more than 100 
pits of com and beajis were rendered worthless by the invaders. 
The savagestwitnessed these operations from the neighboring 
hills and moimtains^ but made no resistance. 

On the 31st, the fort and all the houses of the Indians were 
bumed, after which the party returned to Kingston. It is sup- 
posed that thiafort was on, me head-waters of the Kerhoukson, 

After this expedition, the savages proceeded to build a new 
fort, thirty-aix miles so»th>'South-we8t frqm Kingston, and prob- 
ably on the Shawangunk or wlssinink, in the town of Mama- 
kating.* To this fort Captain Kregier resolved to foUow them, 
and on the 3d of Septenober he, marched for it with fiftj-five 
men and an Indian guide of the Wapping tribe. After marching > 
two dagrs, he came to their first maize field, where he discovered 
two oquaws; and. a, Dutchwoman gathering com. He says in 
his journal: 

"As the creek 1«^ between us and the cornfield, though we 
would fain have the woman, it was impossible to ford the stream 
without being seen and then discovered. We therefore adopted 
the resolution to avoid the cornfield and the road, and turned 
into the woods so. as not to be seen. About 2 o'clock in tlie 
aiternoon we came within sight of their fort, which we discovered 
on a lofty plain. Divided our forces in two — Lieutenant Cowen- 
hoven and I led the right win^ and Lieutenant Stilwil and En- 
sign Nilssen the left wing. Proceeded in this disposition along, 
the hill so as not to be seen, and in order to come right under 
the fort ; but as it was somewhat level on the left side of the 
fort, and ike soldiers were seen by a squaw who was piling wood 
there, and who sent forth a terrible scream, which was heard by 
the Indiaaas who were standing and working near the fort,, we 
instantly fell upon them. The Indians mshed through the fort 
towards their houses, which stood about a stone's throw from 
the fort, in order to secure thda- arms, and thus hastily picked 
up a few guns and bows and arrows ; but we were so hot at their 
heels that they were forced to leave many of them behind. We 
kept up a sharp fire on them, and pursued them so closely that 
they leaped' into the creek which ran in front of the lower part 
of their maize land. On reaching the opposite side of the kill, 
iJhey courageously returned our fiFe^ which we sent back, so that 
we were obliged to send a party across to dislodge them. 

"In this attack the Indians lost-tiieir chief, named Papequan- 
aeken, fourteen othw warri©rs, four women and three children, 
whom we saw lying boith on this and the other side of the creek ; 

* There are grounds fbr the roppoiitioii that the new fort was in the town of 


but probably many more were wounded when rushing from the 
fort to the houses, when we did give them a brave charge. On 
our side, three were killed' and six wounded, and we have recov- 
ered tweaty-three Christian prisoners out of their hands. We 
have also taken thirteen of them prisoners, both men and women, 
besides an old man who accompanied us about half an hour, but 
would not go farther. We took Mm aside and gave him his last 
meal. A captive Indian child died on the way, so that eleven 
of them still remain our prisoners." 

The enemy being defeated, a council of war was held by the 
officers, and the question submitted whether they should destroy 
the maize of the savages. As they had six wounded men and 
but five horses, it was necessary to carry one of the wounded on 
a litter with great trouble. More might be injured while cutting 
and spoiling the com, whose removal would cause much incon- 
venience, and therefore it was resolved that the maize should 
not be cut at that time. 

The houses were found to contain a large quantity of bear, 
elk and deer iskins, notassin, blankets and other things highly 
prized by the Indians, iucluding kettles, twenty-five guns, twraity 
pounds of powder, considerable wampum, etc. "A sloop could 
have been filled with them ;" but as no such vessel ever had 
* ascended the Shawangunk, the Dutchmen took with them what 
tiiey could conveniently carry, and destroyed the remainder. 

Captain Kregier says, "the fort was a perfect square, with 
one row of palisades set all rounds being about fifteen feet above, 
and three feet under ground. They had already completed two 
angles of stout palisades, all of them almost as thick as a man's 
body, having two rows of port-holes, one above the other ; and 
they were busy at the third angle. These angles were con- 
structed so soHd and strong as not to be excelled by Christians." 

Until the previous night, the prisoners had been concealed 
every evening in the woods — each time in a different place — 
where they were kept until morning. But on the day before the 
attack, a Mohawk had visited the savages, and advised them to 
let the captives remain in the fort at night, as the Dutch could 
not come so far without being discovered. The advice was fol- 
lowed; but the result proved that it was not good for the 

Nothing remarkable occurred during tiie homeward journey, 
except the murder of the old Indian, and the death of the pa- 
poose. The body of the latter was thrown into a creek. 

The route to this fort is described as " somewhat stony and 
hiUy ; but the road (an Indian one) for the ^eater part good." 

On the 2d of October, Captain Kregier visited this fort again, 
with 108 whites and 46 ]!4arseping Indians. He found five large 
pits near the fort into which the Esopus Indians had east their 


dead. The wolves had dug up and devoured some of the car- 
casses. Near the creek were four other pits full of dead Indians, 
and further on were the lihburied remains of three men, a 
squaw and a child, which had been almost entirely devoured by 
■crows and wolves. 

A party of Dutchmen and Indians were immediately sent 
twelve miles in a south-westerly direction, where it was supposed 
some Indians wouM be found. This party must have penetrated 
Mamatating valley, at a point south of Wurtsborough, and very 
near the territory of the Manassings. Nothing was found there 
«xcept some wigwams which had been a long time deserted. 

The fort of the Indians and their com and wigwams were all 
destroyed. About two days were spent in ttie work of demoli- 
tion. The party then returned without having seen an enemy.* 
The Indians who were located here must have beeli numerous. 

This virtually terminated the war. The savages known as 
Esopus Indians were completely cowedi Their principal war- 
riors were slain — iheir wigwams burned — and every ounce of 
food which the Dutchmen could lay their hands upon, was de- 
stroyed. Starvation and an inclement winter were before them, 
and the ruthless and merciless Dutch soldiers everywhere at 
their heels. 

A truce followed in December. The savages, destitute of 
food and shelter, except what was given them by the Manas- 
sings and other friendly clans, must have suffered much during 
the ensuing winter. Probably more perished from destitution 
before peace was secured than by the snaphance carbines of 
the Dutchmen. 

..^n-'MSy' If 64:, they sued for peace, and made a treaty of 
.friendship.t It was never broken by the Esopus clans, which 
in time became extinct by vices which- they learned from the 
whites, and by absorption into other Lenape tribes. 

On the 3d of the fbUowing September, New Amsterdam passed 
from its Dutch rulers to the hands of the BngHsh, and became 
the royal colony of New York, with NicoUs, its conqueror, as 
Governor. Governor NicoUs, soon after he came into power, 
made a treaty with the "original people" of Ulster and Sullivan, 
a copy of which may be found in the Historical Collections of 
the former county. 

* Documentar; History of New York. 
i IJossing's United States. 



Between Colonel Bidiard, Mcollsv, Governor of J^Te-v? York, and* 
the E&ogns B^dians,, 166S. 

[Erom tlie onginalmthe Ulster County Clerk's Office.] 

"An Agreement made iekoeen Bichourd NicdHs, Esq., Governor 
under Ma Boycdl Mgjinesse, the Mukeo/ York&, and the SisiT 
chems, midPeapls-ogmd the $iopes Indyians. 

"That no Act of HostUlitj sbaU at any tune bee committed 
on either pajrt^, or H any damage shall happen to bee done by 
eitiier paj^,, ta the Come,, Cattle, Horses, Hoggs, Houses, or 
a>ny other Qoods wJiatsoeyer,,o£1ihe other party, niU satisfactioa 
shall be given upon demand for the same> 

" That if any Christian, shall mlfully kill an Indyan, or any 
Indyan a Christjan, hee shall bee put to death. Aad the said 
Sachems do promise on their parts,. to bring any such Indyan 
to ye Officer ux charge at. the Sopus, to r^eive his punishment 

"That a convenient House shall bee built where the said In- 
dyans may atany tiii^e Lodge without, the Ports of said Towne, 
in which House ye Indyans are tp leave their Aimes, and may 
come without molestason, to SeE or Buy what they please from' 
the Christians. 

" That in Case any Christian should kiH an Indyan, or any 
Indyan a Christian, the Pease shall, not bee broaken, or any Be-> 
venge taken, before Satisfaction is demanded by the one party» 
and refused by the other, aUowiog, a competent time for the 
apprehending of the Offenderj in which Case ye Indyans are to 

gve Hostage, till ye Offender is brought to Punishm't, the said 
ostage (will, be well Treated, and suffer) no other Punishment,, 
but Imprisonmenit. 

" That the said Sachems and their Subjects now present, djQ 
for and in the names of themselves and their heires forever, 

g'rve. Grant, Alienate, and confirme all their Right and Interest, 
laime or demand, to a certaine Parijell of Land, lying and being 
to the West and South West, of a certaine Creeke or Eiver 
called by the name of Kahanksen, and so up to the head thereof, 
where the old Fort was. And so with a direct Line from thence, 
through the woods, and Crosse the Meadowes", to the Great Hill, 
lying and being to the West, or South West, which Great Hill is 

to "bee the true "Weirt, M'SoiMiwefit Bounds bf the Bftid 'Lmi&B, 
and the said Creeke caHed Kaharikaen, the North, or North 
East Bounds of the -said Lands herein mentioned to bee given, 
granted and confirmed, unto the said Eichard Nicolls, Governor 
Tinder his Eoyall Highnesse the Duke of Y6rkB, or his Assignes, 
bjy the said Sachems and Iheir ^ubjedis 'forever, to hold and 
Enjoy the same as his freeliand amd Possession, against any 
clayme hereafter tb be made by Ishe said Sachems, or thdr Sub- 
jects, or any their heires and'Suceessors. In token Of the ia;f ore- 
said Agreem't, the said Sachems do deliver two Small Sticks; 
and in confirmation thereof, do deliver two more small Sticks, to 
the said Eichard Nicolls, And in the name of the Indyans 'their 
Subjects, and of the Subjects do deliver two other round Small 
Sticks, in token of their assent to the Said Agreement, And the 
said Eichard Nicolls does deliver (as a present) to their Sachems, 
three laced Eedd Coates. 

" The said Saohemg doth Engage to come once every yeare, 
and bring 'some of their young People, to Acknowledge every 
part of this Agreement in the Sopes, to the end that it may be 
kept in perpetual memory. 

"That all past Injuryes are buryed »nd forgotten on both 

"That the young Sachem Called Wingeesinoe, hath laberty 
for three yeares, to Plant upon a Small neck of Land over against 
a Small Creeke Choughkawokanoe, unless the said young Sachem 
bee warned off by order to remove, and give place to such Chris- 
tians, as shall have Order from the said Eichard NicoUs, or his 
Assignes, to plant there, at which time, the said young Sachem 
is to receive a blankett, by way of Courtosie, and to remove to 
the other side of the Creeke without delay, or Clayming any 
futtire interest thereupon. 

"In consideration of the |n-i»iSseB, the said Eichard Nicolls 
doth farther give, and pay to the said Sachems, and their Sub- 
jects, forty Blanketts, Twenty Pounds of Powder, Twenty Knives, 
Six Kettles, Twelve Barrs of Lead, which Paym't we acknowledge 
to have rec'd in fuU satisfaccon few the Premisses, And do binde 
our selves, our heires and Successors for ever, to pforme every 
part of this Agreement, without any fraud or reservason of minde. 
And further, That we will maintaine and Justifie the said Eichard 
Nicolls, or his Assi^is, in ^e frill 'peaoable Possession of the 
said Tract of Land, Ee>ftHy6S *ad Privileges for ever, against 
any nation of Indyans whatsoever, pretending right to the same ; 
In testimony whereof, wee have sett our markes, to two several 


writings, the one to remaine in the hands of the Sopes Sachems^ 
the otiier upon Eecord at New Yorke, this 7th day of October, 


"Witnesses: Sachims: 

Jeeemias Van Eenslaee, The maxk of Onaokatin N 

Ppilip Pibtebson Schuyleb, The mark of Waposhequiqua X 

EoBEBT Nedham, The' mark of Sewakonama i>i 

8. Sausbuby, The mark of Shewatin X 
Edw. Sackvixe. 

"Indian "Witnesses of the 
Esopus Young men : 

f Pepunckhais M 
EoBm Cinnaman M a Pekoct Sachem, 

Ebmawawameu M 
Bywackus M 

The mark of - 

" Sep. 25, 1669 There appeared the second and iliird Sachems 
above names' and owned their marks : 

Witness : Mechdcoah, his mark M ." 

For several years, the sachems and young men of the tribe 
appeared occasionally at Esopus to renew and confirm the treaty. 

In 1706-7, Nanisinos, the principal sachem of the Esopus In- 
dians sold the territory covered by the Hardenbergh Patent, as 
win more fully appear in another chapter. 

At the breaking out of "the French and Indian war," the 
Lenni Lenape were a degraded people. Thej had lost the manly 
and enterprising spirit of the brave and energetic men who 
had led their ancestors from the far West, through blood and 
fire. In the figurativfe language of the Indians, their legs were 
sliortened. They were women. The tomahawk was taken from 
them. A hoe was placed in their hands. They were pounders 
of samp, and not warriors. Plumes of the war eagle were not 
for them. They were slaves. 

For many years, their conquerors had grown more and more 
exacting. At first they were permitted by the Mengwe to hold 
or sell their lands.* But now the Six Nations claimed the ab- 
solute ownership of aU the territory they occupied, and sold it 
to the whites at their pleasure. If the Lenape complained of 
the conduct of the colonists in regard to land affairs, they were 
rudely ordered by the Mengwe not to meddle in such matters, 

* All the lands of Orange, Sulliyiui and Ulster coxmtieg were purchased of the Lenape 
and not of the Iroquois. 


as they, no longer had a right in the soil. 'Tis true, the whites 
generally paid them for lands as weU as the dominant Indian 
race ; but the Mengwe always received the largest price. The 
latter, too, were generally employed to assist the white man in 
battle. They were his especial favorites, and their claims to 
superiority over the Lenape acknowle^ed in council and in 

As early as 1724, a portion of the Lenape, with a few of their 
'kindred of the Shawanee tribe, removed from their ancient seats 
on the Delaware and Susquehamia to Ohio.* There they con- 
tinued their intercourse with English traders; and there', too, 
they met the French, and became more intimately associated 
with certaia Algonquin tribes which had become. proteges and 
allies of the polished and cunning Gauls. The French, with 
those seductive appKances for which they are famout, endeavored 
to win the new-comers to their interests. They welcomed them 
in the most cordial and kind manner — ^professed an ardent de- 
sire to promote their welfare and happiness, and proceeded to 
plant in their minds the seeds of distrust and discontent. 

The Frenchmen told them that the EngHsh and the Mengwe 
were the authors of all their misfortunes ; that the one boimd 
them in chains, while the other robbed them ; that they should 
be freed from the domination of those who claimed them as 
slaves, and from the frauds of the British traders ; that they 
were strong and brave, and worthy to follow the war-path ; and 
that if they would fight under the French banner, they would 
regain their ancient renown and freedom. 

The Lenape could boast of nothing except the exploits of 
thefr ancestors, in times so remote that tradition pointed to 
them with a very misty and uncertain finger; but the memory 
of a glorious past wa;s cherished by them ; and a people with 
a history of which they are proud, are not hopelessly debased. 
Their forefathers had conquered and destroyed magnificent 
cities, and expelled from thefr strongholds a mighty race. ' And 
why should not the great deeds of the olden time be re-enacted 
by the descendants of heroes? 

The simple-hearted Lenape hstened to the words of the de- 
signing Gauls and repeated what they had heard to the Algon- 
quins of the Susquehanna and the Delaware, where mey 
magnified the prowess, kindness and genero^ty of their new 
frjpends, and thus won some to, and prepossessed others in ifavor 
of the French. A new era was dawning in the histpry of the 
Lenape — an era of carnage and blood. Niuety years of peace 
with the pale faces were to be followed by a ferocious war, which 
lasted, with here and there a short intermission, for forty years. 

+ Doc. Hist, of New York. 

^88 'HifflfdBT -^br stjuwan coxjnty. 

Soon controVeriSies begaii "in regard to tides to lanSs and 
frauds in the exchange of olfher property. In these controver- 
*sies, Teedyuscrang;* the principal sachem of the Lenape, took 
"part -with a •pertinacity which terminated only with his tragical 
aeath in 1763. He was a sagacious ruler, and a deroted friend 
of his people, "whose cause iie advocated tinder 'the most dis- 
couragmg circumstances. 

About 1740, the Lenape's complaints xsoncemtng the sales of 
■their lands began to attract attention. They asserted that the 
English did not sometimes pay them all they had agreed to ; 
that tirey generally took possession of twice as much as they 
bought ; and that where they compKed with the letter of their 
agreements, they overreached the natives in a very reprehensible 
manner. One of their modes of obtaining a larger tract of land 
than the Lenape intended to convey is noticed in Lossir^'s 
Field Book of the Eevolution. They conveyed a territort to 
the "Proprietors of Pennsylvania," the boxmdaries of which 
■were to extend a. certain custance on the Delaware or Great 
FishkUl river, and as far back, in a north-west direction, as a 
man could travel in a day and a half. The Indians no doubt 
intended that the depth of the tract should be about fifty miles 
— ^the distance a man would usually walk in the time specified; 
but the purchasers employed the best pedestrians in the colonies, 
who did not stop by the way even to eat while running the hne! 
The expiration of the "day and a half "found them eighty-six 
miles in the interior! The Indians were very indignant at the 
manner in which the "Proprietors" had overreached them, and 
boldly charged them with deception and dishonesty.f 

The "Proprietors" claimed that they had become the owners 
of the lands within the Forks of the Delaware. They alleged 
that the Lenape bad sold that region soon after the great pur- 
chase of WiUiam Penn, and that the Indians were folly paid for 
it. ' To this the latter demirrred, and Teedyuscimg could never 
be induced to admit that the sale was valid, or that his people 
had received a stiptdated consideration for the land. In 1742, 
the "Proprietors" succeeded in havii^ the case laid before the 
Six Nations, who, after hearing the parties, decided that the dis- 
puted territory could not be sold by the Lenape, as they were a 
conquered people, who had lost their right in the soil, which, if 
it did not belong to the strai^t-ooated Quakers, was the prop- 
erty of the Mengwe. The Lenape, being women, were severely 
censured for meddling in land Mtairs, and were ordered to do so 
no more. They were directed to remove from the Forks of the 

* Sassoon-vras king of the Lenape tribes in 1718. Ta-de-me (Query: Tammany?) wag 
tlie immediate predecessor of ileedyusoung, 

t Tom Quick and the Fioneers. 


Delaware, and go to 'Wyomiiig and Juniata, amd hunt west of 
the Blue Hills. 

"Ihej removed accordingly; but renewed their complaints, 
and pressed their claims to the lands in question for more than 
twenty years, as we shall see in subsequent pages. 

Soon the white settlers began to crowd the Algonquins of the 
Susquehanna ; and when the former, in 1754, began to survey 
lands which th«y claimed to own in that valley, some of the 
Indians removed to Ohio, and joined their brethren who had 
become attached to the French, while others, imder a chief 
named Shecaleny, destroyed several houses at Shamokin, and 
compelled the surveyor to leave. 

The great purchase made by Pennsylvania of the Onondaga 
coimcil in 1T55, and the erection of a fort on the Susquehanna, 
caused stUl more uneasiness among the Lenape. Ef en a portion 
of the Mengwe were dissatisfied, particularly those who lived in 
ttie vicinity of the French posts on the Ohio. 

From constant nursing, the sores of the Lenape became greatly 
enlarged. They commenced by alleging that they had been 
twronged in regard to the Forks of the Delaware ; but they finally 
iCame to the conclusion that th^ continued to be the true owners 
of the country almost to the Hudson river, in New York and 
New Jersey, and also of Bethlehem and the lands west of it. 
They also declared that the whites had spoiled their hiinting- 
grounds ; that they destroyed the deer with iron traps ; and that 
Hhe traders of Minisiak always made the Indians drunk when 
they took their peltries there, and cheated them while they were 
intoxicated. They even re-opened wounds which had been 
closed for a quarter of a century. Among other grievances, 
they cited the death of Weequehelah, a Lenape sachem, who 
-WAS executed in, 1728, for actual murder, and who had had a 
legal trial. He was an Indian of great note, and resided on the 
Delaware river, where he had an extensive farm, with cattle, 
iorses and negroes, and raised large cSrops of wheat. His house 
was well provided with English furniture, and his taste was much 
above that of his race. He frequently dined with governors and 
other great men, and behaved well ; but getting mto a contro- 
versy with a white man (Captain John Leonard) about the title 
to a swamp, he assassinated Leonard, while the latter was walk- 
ing in his garden.* Although Weequehelah had conformed 
generally to the customs of civilized life, he was still a savage. 

Another grievance of which the Lenape complained was, that 
the colonists never employed them in war. Tbe Mengwe was 
always found by the side of the pale face in the hour of danger, 
and shared his perils and his triumphs ; but the Lenape was 

* Smith's New Jersey. 


left to pine at home with women and children. The Mengwe's 
dogs were more honored by the English than the most Draye 
and noble members of an ancient people — ^the progenitors of 
many nations. This was most galling to the pride and. self- 
respect of the Lenape, especially when it was presented to them. 
in an odious light by deceitful Frenchmen and their agents. 

It is not surprising, therefore, that some of the eastern Delia- 
wares and their confederates, the Shawanees, when hostilities 
commenced between France and England, seemed anxious to- 
take the field against the French; and that they threatened,, 
that, if not thus employed, they would unite with the enemy> 
If their desire to eulist under the English flag had been gratified 
at this time, a direful calamity would have been aVerted.. But 
the application of the Lenape and their menaces were alike dis- 
regarded. 'Tis true, the government and people of Pennsylvania 
had endeavored to secure the good will of the Delawares by 
loading two of their chiefs, Shingas and Captain Jacobs, with 
favors ; but the intrigues of the French — their newly-awakened 
love of war — their thirst for blood and plxmder, and a long Ust 
of real or supposed grievances which were unredressed, overruled 
aU other considerations. Shingas and Jacobs openly espoused 
the cause of the French, and were among those who carried the 
tomahawk and fire into the frontier settlements. Their conduct 
greatly exasperated the Pennsylvanians, who, with the approba- 
tion of the Governor, offered seven himdxed dollars for their 

After the defeat of General Braddock, on the banks of the 
Monongahela, in July, 1755, the Shawanees and the Lenape 
unburied the bloody hatchet, and hurled it against the frontier 
settlements of the colonists. That defeat, so discreditable to 
the military prowess and skill of the soldiers' of Great Britain, 
entirely destroyed the influence of the English with those tribes. 

The first blow was felt on the western lines of Virginia and 
Maryland. The enemies of the Quaker government of Pennsyl- 
vania alleged that that colony at first would do nothing to pro- 
tect their neighbors of Virginia and Maryland, and that the 
disciples of Fox adhered firmly to their principles of peace until 
their own hearth-stones- were stained with blood, when they 
caused the war to be prosecuted with energy. However this 
may be, Pennsylvania soon felt the dire effects of savage feroc- 
ity. Cumberland county became a prey to the infuriated 
Lenape and Shawanees ; their barbarities were rapidly extended 
to the Susquehamaa, and from thence to Bprks and Northampton 
counties, and across the Delaware into New Jersey. Their 
scalping parties even visited the settlements east of the Shawan- 


gmik mountains, and the stations of the peaceful Moravians,, 
who had always treated them with the greatest kindness, were 
not spared. 

The condition of the border was indeed deplorable. A letter 
from the Union Iron Works, New Jersey, dated December 20, 
1755, says; "The barbarous and bloody scene, which is now 
open in the upper part of Northampton county, is the most 
lamentable that nas ever appeared. There may be seen horror 
and desolation ; populous settlements deserted — villages laid in 
ashes — men, women and children cruelly mangled and massa- 
cred — some found in the woods, very nauseous, for want of 
interment — and some hacked, and covered ail over with 
wounds." In this letter was a hst of seventy-eight persona 
kilted ; and more than forty settlements burned. 

A letter from Easton, of the 25th of the same rftonth, states 
that " the country, all above this town, for fifty miles, is mostly 
evacuated and ruined. The people have, chiefly, fled iato the 
Jerseys. Many of them have threshed out their com, and 
carried it off, with their cattle and best household goods, but a 
vast deal is left to the enemy. Many offered half their personal 
effects, to save the rest ; but could not obtain assistance enough 
in time to remove them. ■. The enemy made but few prisoners j 
murdering almost all that fell into their hands, of aU ages, and 
both sexes. All business is at an end ; and the fewremaining, starv- 
inginhabitants, in this town, are quite dejected and disphited."* 

The whites by a long period of peace with their savage neigh- 
bors, had become unfitted for a war with them, and seemed at 
first stupefied by the horrors which surrounded them, and 
incapable of defense. Small parties of Indians lurked in the 
vicinity of undefended homesteads, and poimced from the forest 
at favorable moments upon their victims, murdering them, and 
frequently consuming their bodies in their burning houses. After 
their fearful work was consummated, they would as suddenly 
disappear in the wilderness, carrying with them their booty and 
their prisoners, and leaving but few traces by which they could 
be tracked to their coverts, even when the whites were daring 
enough to pursue them. 

At this time there were settlements on the Neversink river for 
ten miles from its mouth. These, in common with all others 
equally exposed, had their full share of peril and sorrow. Through 
wise forethought, the women and children were removed to 
Bochester, and other places which were deemed more secure 
&an the region in the vicinity of the Neversink and the Delaware. 
Several block-houses were built for the protection of those inhab- 
itants who remained. 

* Gordon's History of New Jersey. 


Oil one occasion, three men, -Who were gathering grain, were 
surprised by the enemy and Ml^d. 

At another time, the savages attempted to take one of 13ie 
block-houses, supposing it was occupied by women only ; Ijut 
several soldiers were unexpectedly in it. A despefrate ifight 
ensued. A number of the soldiers were killed; the survivors, 
however, compelled the Indians to retire. 

A little son of Mr. W«stfall was taken prisoner by the Leu«pe, 
and remained with his captors unlal after the Eevoiutionaiy war, 
when, hearing that his fa&er was dead, and that he was heir to 
part of the estate, he returned — di^osed of his property, and 
returned to savage life, notiTithstan^toig the efforts of Lis mother 
and others to induce him to remain with them. 

The upper block-house on the Neversink was attacked — taken 
and burnt, with the neighboring buildings, and the occupants — 
principally soldiers — ^killed, with a single exception.* 

Among those slain by <Jie Lenape ok this time, was Thomas 
Quick, senior, of Upper Smi*hfield, or Milford, in the county of 
No*tfiampton (now Pike). His demise was attended by circum- 
stances so aggravated, that his son Thomas Quick, junior, 
devoted his \^ole life to revemj^g his death. A detailed acount 
of the doings of this famous "Indian* Slayer" will be ^ven in 
other chapters. 

One of the pibneers who settled west of the X>elaware, was a 
man named Amos Carter, who, a short time before the war, 
removed from Cornwall, in Connecticut, and located with his 
family on a brandh of the Lackawaxen, near the site of the well- 
known Carter House of the present time. Here he made a log- 
cabin, and tilled a few acres of land, which he had cleared. 
Carter's family consisted of himself, his wife and three children, 
liike a majority oi the people of Connecticut, he was industrious 
and thrifty. As soon as his land would warrant the purchase 
of cattle, and he had accumulated enough to pay for them, he 
lesolved to keep a yoke of oxen and two or three cows, and went 
to Minisink to buy them. While he was absent from home for 
this purpose, Mrs. Carter had occasion to go to their garden, 
where she was suddenly confronted by a number of savages, 
painted according to their manner when engaged in war. She 
became pallid as they approached, and did not attempt to escape. 
She knew that escape was hopeless, and hoped that, if she sub- 
mitted quietly, they would spare her Mfe. V ain hope ! She was 
immediately tomahawked, and laid lifeless at iheir feet. Her 
scalp was torn from her head, and her dead body left on the 
spot where she was murdered. They then plundered the house, 

• Eager's Histosy of Orange County. 


aad, set fiireto it; after which they left the ne%hborhood,,ta]djttg 
■with them the children. 

When Carter returned, instead of the joy of his fanuly at the 
acquisition he had made, he witnessed a scene which caused his 
heart to bleed,, and filled his soul with heroic courage and an 
unconquerable desire for retribution. His wife, whohad baen 
an uncomplaining sharer of what he had endured in the wilder- 
ness, was a mutilated corpse before him ; his home, which had 
been made pleasant by their joint labors,, was in ashes ; and his 
children — ^the children of his murdered wife — ^were in the power 
of her merciless destroyers. 

As soon as possible,, Carter rallied a few of his nearest neigh- 
bors, with whom he pursued the Indians. The latter, being, 
encumbered with booty, traveled dowly ; while the whites, -wdm 
nothing but their rifles, and a small supply of prdvisiona, fol- 
lowed with rapidity. After a fatiguing march, during which 
Carter continually urged forward his friends, the savages were 
overtaken and attacked. In the fight which ensued, he exhibited, 
the most obstinate and determiniea bravery. 

The whites soon found that the enemy was too numerous for 
them, and were compelled to retreait. Carter, however, uefused 
to fall back, and when last seen by his friends, he was standing, 
with his back against a tree,, defending himself against some 
half a dozen Indians, who seemed determined to take him alive, 
sflod reserve him for torture,; butit is probable that they killed him 
there. He was never heard of afterwards. 

The children were subsequently recovered, and pladed imder 
the guardianship of their fnends in Cornwall.* 

Citizens of New Jersey were the first to arouse from the 
stupefaction of despair. Colonel John Anderson, of Sussex 
county, at the head of four hundred men, scoured the country,, 
marched to the defense of Easton, and pursued the enemy, with- 
out, however, overtaking them. The New Jersey battaUion was 
recalled from the North by the Governor — ^troops, were raised by 
hiTn in all parts of the province, and ten thousand pounds were 
voted him for the public defense. 

During the ensuing winter, the enemy continued to hang on 
the frontiers. A chain of forts and block-houses was erected 
along the base of the Kittanning moxmtains from the east-branch, 
of the Delaware (the Neversink) to the Maryland line, whichi 
were garrisoned by fifteen hundred volimteers and drafted miHtia, 
under Washington. During this period, Doctor Benjamin 
Franklin made his first and only military campaign. He re- 
ceived the appointment of Colonel, and, after a short experience, 

* Tom Quick and the Fioneers. 


became satisfied that he wagj. unfitted for military operations, 
and retired fro^ the camp for ever.* 

In the Sjmng of 1756, the Six Nations interposed, at the re- 
quest of Sir vVUBam Johnson, and for a time promised a cessation 
of hostilities on the part of those tribes wnich were subject to 
them. But a treaty of peace, or a promise to refrain from hos- 
tilities, seems to have been binding only on those Lenape and 
Shawanees who made it. The great bodies of those tribes re- 
miained dissatisfied or hostile, and sought every safe opportunity 
to continue to commit outrages. 

This interposition of the Mengwe probably led Sir William 
Johnson to abandon a projedt he had in contemplation of attack- 
ing the Lenape and their allies at the Great Swamp, forty miles 
W! S. W. from Cochecton, with an overwhelming force, drawn 
from New York, New Jersey and Pennsylvania, and of building 
a! fort at Cochecton. Some four or five hundred Indians rendez- 
voused in this swamp, and it was believed that many scalping 
parties had proceeded from it. 

In July, 1756, Sir WiUiam Johnson succeeded in having a 
conference with the chief of the Shawanees, and^eedyuseung, 
the king of the Lenape. Deputies from the Mengwe were 
present, alid also a great number of Hudson Eiver Indians, who 
were Lenape, and had remained attached to the Colonies during 
ttie war. The latter, by close association with the whites, had 
become worthless vagabonds — of no importance, except as 
nuisances, in peace or war. 

At this conference the Shawanee chief boldly denied that his 
tribe, except those living on the Ohio, had engaged in hostilities 
agaiast the Colonies, and promised that he would use his influ- 
ence to win the western Shawanees from the French. 

Teedyuscung acknowledged that some of his people had joined 
th« French and western Lenape in ther late hostilities ; but that 
the message sent by Sir William to them by Mengwe messengers, 
and what had since occurred, had opened their eyes, and caused 
them to lay down the hatchet. He expressed sorrow for what 
had passed, and asked pardon with apparent sincerity. He de- 
clared that he would become an ally of the English ; that he 
wotdd return aU English prisoners held by his people ; and that 
his tribe would join the English and Mengwe against the French 
at any time and anywhere. As an evidence of sincerity, he and 
the Shawanee chief both accepted the war belt, and danced to 
the war song with extraordinary fervor. 

Sir Williaim Johnson concluded the coiiference by taking the 
petticoat or name of woman from the Lenape, and in the name 
of the British king and the Colonial authorities, promised to use 

• * Gordon's History of New Jersey. 


and to 

lis influence with the Mengwe to follow his example, 

•deputies of the latter pledged themselves to second him, 

press upon their constituents the necessity of making the Lenape 
ifreemen; but nothing further was done in the matter.* 

How much of deception was practiced on either side at this 
•conference, we wiQ not pretend to say; but this we know: 
Notwithstanding Teedyuscung's promises and apparent humiUa- 
iion, the borders were not freed from the assaults of the Indians, 
•and Teedyuscung's influence with the Lenape and other Algon- 
quin tribes contiaued to increase until he became the agent and 
advocate of a great number of them. It is probable that he 
'wished to screen the Indians who lived near the white settle- 
ments from punishment. If this was his object, he succeeded, 
for a time at least. 

It was estimated that, by September of this year, dhe thousand 
men, women and children had been slain by the Indians, or 
•carried into captivity. Property to an immense amount had 
been destroyed, and the peaceful pursuits of civilized life were 
suspended in the frontier towns and settlements. 

Notwithstanding the treaty with Teedyuscung, a terrible 
chastisement was in store for the Lenape who lived on the Al- 
leghany river. On the 8th of the following September, Colonel 
John Armstrong, of Pennsylvania, with a sufficient force, attacked 
the. savages in their den, at Kittanning. Their principal chiefs 
were killed, their families slaughtered, their town reduced to 
ashes, their crops destroyed, and their spirit humbled. 

This was a species of warfare to which the Lenape had not 
been subjected since the attack of the Dutch in 1663. It was 
nearly as effectual at this time as it was then. Such of them as 
survived the carnage at Kittanning, and were of that vicinity, 
fled into the territory occupied by the French, and thus had the 
French forts and garrisons between them and the English, while 
others began to see the beauties of peace. But the country was 
still exposed to the inroads of the French and western Indians, 
in which it is now known that some of the Lenape of Pennsyl- 
vania participated. Scalping parties penetrated to within thirty 
miles of Philadelphia, and continued to spread terror through 
•the border settlements until the French power in Canada was 
(destroyed. The pioneers west and east of the Shawangunk 
were not exempt from these ■visits. 

Two brothers named Coleman occupied a log-house, a short 
'distance south-east of the present village of Burhngham; with 
their -wives and seven children. On a Sunday afternoon, one of 
the brothers went into the woods to search for a span of horses 
which had strayed there. While he was busy looking for the 

• Documentary History of New York.. 


r animals, he was sui^rised by a party of six or eig^t lii- 
diajiSf who lay in ambush, and who shot and scalped him. They, 
then prooeeaed to the house, where the other brother was. 
unwell and in bed. They carefuUy surrounded it, and found 
that they could shoot the sick masa, through a ore^ce between 
the logs* The first intimation the family had of the presence 
of the unseen foe, was the startling report of fire-arms in their 
midst, and the belching fiame of gunpowder from the walls of 
their humble dwelling. The sick man was instantly killed, and 
the next moment the painted demons burst into the house — 
dragged the quivering corpse from the bed to the door, and tore 
away the scalp with savage exultation, while the terror-stricken 
women and children gaaed on the scene, paralyzed with horror,, 
and expecting instant death. They were spared, however, and. 
made captives. 

One of the women had recently been confined, and had a 
child about two weeks old. Being yet weak and unable to walk, 
she was placed astride of an old horse, and her feet were tied 
under his belly with a rope. They then gave her the child,, 
which she carried in her arms. 

After setting fire to the buildings, the savages hurried away 
in a north-westerly direction over the Shawangunk mountain. 
The babe soon became restless and cried, when the Indians in- 
formed the poor mother that she must keep it quiet, or they 
would kill it. Of course, she exerted hersefi to the utmost, to 
soothe it ; but in the end it would not cease its plaintive wail- 
ings ; when one of the demons, no doubt fearing that the noise it 
made might reveal their whereabouts, tore it from the arms of its. 
mother, seized it by the heels, knocked its brains out against a 
tree, before her eyes, and threw its body as far from the path aa 
his strength permitted. How httle do the mothers of Sullivan 
at the present day know of the perils and suffering of the women 
who first came to this region with their loved ones ! Who can 
estimate the grief of this woman, when she saw her little one 
thus murdered, and its body left to be torn to pieces and 
devoured by wild beasts? 

The party reached Mamakating VaUey a little after dusk, 
where they waited a short time for the moon to appear. They 
then resumed their journey, and traveled during the remainder 
of the night, and the gi'eater part of the next day. 

The journey through the night was gloomy and fearful. The 
little children, after the brutal murder of the babe, dared make 
no complaints.. With pallid and ghost-like features, and sore 
and weary feet, they pursued the uncertain path before them,, 
sometimes falling over obstructions in the way, when an invol- 
untary and half-suppressed cry would escape their Ups ; some- 
times startled almost to frenzy by the howl of a woM or th© 


shriek of a panther; and all the time fearful that their savage 
captors would fall upon them and kiU them. 

When morning at last came> they suffered less from terror; 
but being exhausted and foot-sore from their journey through 
the night, and being compelled to go forward at an acoelerated 
pace, their sufferings continued to mcrease through the day. 

The report that the brothers Coleman had been killed by the 
savages, and their wives and children carried away, soon spread 
through the neighboring settlements, and before Monday morning 
a considerable number of brave and generous-hearted men were 
assembled at the scene of the tragedy. All were armed with 
rifles and hunting-knives, and all could use their weapons effect- 
ually when necessary ; for in those days, a man who was not a 
sure shot, and who could not engage in a rough-and-tumble %ht 
with wild beasts, was not considered worthy of very nluch respect. 
As soon as day-light appeared, they commenced searching for 
the trail of the marauders, and soon struck it. No time was lost 
in making preparations for pursuit or in discussing the results 
which might follow. It was enough for them to know that two 
of their friends had been murdered by a savage foe, and that 
several helpless women and children were in the power of the 
savages. To rescue the captives and punish the Indians was a 
spontaneous impulse of their hearts, and they at once set off in 

The pursuers had but little difficulty in tracking the retreat- 
ing foe, the impressions made by the feet of the horse being 
quite distinct in the pathway. Their horror and indignation 
may be imagined when they discovered the brutal manner in 
which the babe had been destroyed ; and they pressed forward 
with greater speed, and with vengeance written on every brow. 
It is probable that, if they could then have met the savages, 
their hearts would have been steeled against mercy. 

So rapidly did they travel that, towards night, they were close 
upon the Indians. Through means with which we are not ac- 
quainted, this fact became known to the latter, while the whites 
were ignorant of it. They were then probably on the " Barrens" 
of one of the Delaware river towns. The indians were not in 
good condition for a fight, and probably knew that the others 
outnumbered them. Finding that they were in a place \ifhere^ 
for some distance, the horse's hoofs would make no impression 
on the soil, they turned suddenly from the path, and secreted 
themselves in a thicket, with their prisoners. 

The half-dead captives suspected at once that succor was 
near. Their suspicions were confirmed when it was made known 
to them they would suffer instant death, if they made the least 
noisa Soon they heard the voices of their friends, as the latter 
hastened onward in the trail over which the captives and their 


captors had just passed. Nearer and nearer came the would-be 
deliverers. The very tones of this or that neighbor could be 
distinguished. But the poor children and their mothers did not 
diare look in the direction from which the friendly sounds came. 
iEvery savage held in his hand a weapon with which to dash out 
their brains if an alarm was made, and every eye of the red men 
gieamed with deadly determina/tion. 

The pursuers were directly opposite the covert in which the 
prisoners were concealed. Miey passed on — on — on. Oh ! that 
they would discover that the path had been abandoned by the 
In&ans ! Eager ears listened for a word that would inmcate 
that the white men had discovered that those they were seeking 
had not gone that way. But no. The voices died away — away 
— ^untQ they were lost to the mhiag ears of the distressed moth- 
ers and their children. Hope died within them. 

The whites followed the path until they discovered that the 
Indians had left it. They then searched for new traces of the 
■fugitives ; but finding none, they returned home by another route. 

After the whites had passed, Mrs. Ooteman, for the first time, 
•was taken from the horse, on which she had been tied for twen- 
ty-four hours. The party remained in their place of concealment 
imtil the next mommg, when they resumed their journey, after 
placing the bereaved mother once more in her former position. 

From Sunday afternoon imtil Tuesday forenoon, they were 
without a morsel of food. The Indialis had brought nothing to 
eat with them, and were afraid to firie their guns ; fearing that, 
'by doing so, they would lead the whites to discover them. But 
on Tuesday forenoon, they shot a deer, and after that did not 
suffer from hunger. During theit journey, they came twice to 
large streams of water, (the Neversink and the Delaware.) In 
Crossing these, the savages drove the horse, with Mrs. Coleman 
on his back, ift advance of the others, to measure the depth. 
They then followed on foot. The fear of being submerged in 
the watet, by the falling of the horse, or by coming to some 
Hiiexpected channel. Would have been greater, if the be- 
reaved mother had not afready wifeiessed so many shocking 
spectacles, that her senses had become in a measure deadened 
to what was pasedng. Weak ftom her recent illness, having had 
"sorrows on sorrows multiplied," and being exhausted by the 
rbtigh and toilsoide jaittnef, she submitted passively to what- 
enmr was in store fdr her. 

After Tuesday motning they^ ti*'a'teled slowly, and continued 
tb prtjceed leisrirdly towards tneir ytigwaaas vaML Wednesday or 
Thursday evening, when theij^ jourtiey tertfiinated. The clan to 
■*hich thev belottged w«*e located from forty to fifty miles be- 
jbnd the Delaware liter. Mrs. Coleman was here taken from 
^ hoi^ for the laert timd. 


Their joitmeys over mountains, thorough valleys and across 
rapid rivers was at an end; but not their sufferings. After the" 
customary rejoicings at the safe return of the warriors and their 
success, a large fire was made, and the children were stripped 
naked, and then compelled to run around the fire, the savages 
following them with whms, which they appMed to their naked 
todies without mercy. When the children screamed with pain 
and affright, their tormentors would exhibit the greatest pleasure, 
and yell and laugh until the woods rang with hideous mirth. In 
this cruel amusement, the embryo braves of the clan partici- 

While this was going on, it seemed as if the sick woman's 
heart would break. Her cup of sorrow could contain no more. 
Powerless to do the screammg children any good, and unable 
longer to witness their sufferings, seeretly she stol§ away into 
the woods to die. Half frenzied, she fled as fast a» her feeble 
limbs would carry her, resolved to find some distant and quiet 
jdace where the cruel Indians would not find her, and where she 
could breal^e away her lite, and witness no more horrors. 

As she tottered away through the woods, she discovered a 
light in the distance, and by an impulse for which she could not 
account, she resolved to go to it, still not caring whether she 
liyed or died. Here she found an old Squaw, who occupied a 
wigwam alone. This squaw had lived amongst white people 
and could speak the Enghsh language. She was partial civ- 
ilized, and was known to the Indians as Peter Nell.* To her 
Mrs. Coleman related her pitiable story. Peter Nell's woman's 
lieart was touched. She received her white sister kindly, and 
making a bed of leaves and bear skins, told her to rest in peace, 
axtd that the Indians should not harm her. 

While Mrs. Coleman was reposing on this primitive but com- 
fortable couch, the squaw made her some vemson-soup after the 
juanner of the white people. This proved to be very refresMng 
to the sick and exhausted captive. The latter remained with 
ihe good Indian woman for a considerable time, and until her 
liealth was completely restored, when the squaw assisted her in 
returning to her friends in Orange county. 

What became of the other captives is not known. It was 
reported many years afterwards that two or three of them 
escaped ; but of this there is no certaiilty. * 

The greater part of the foregoing narrative was derived from 
Mrs. Coleman, who related the particulars to an uncle of our 
informant.t This uncle was one of the party who went in pur- 
jstiit of the savages. 

• PetronBUa;— a name probaMygfreir her in baptism by the Moravians; 
_t The Tenerable Bev. Samuel Pelton, of Thompflon. His son, Luther Pel ton, oom< 
mitted the facts to paper at our request. 


After the aifair at Eittanning, Teedynsoung was present and 
was the chosen and loved advocate of his own, and many other 
Algonquin tribes, at several conferences with the whites. The 
Lenape regarded him as their champion in all cases where 
sagacity and abihty were necessary. 

He seems to have been successful with the people of New 
Jersey. He laid his grievances before commissioners of that 
colony in 1756. The Assembly of New Jersey, in consequence, 
passed stringent laws to guard the Indians against abuses, and 
appropriated sixteen hundred pounds to the purchase of Indian 
claims; "one-half to be expended for a settlement, for such 
Indians as resided south of the Earitan, where they might dwell, 
and the remainder to be applied to the purchase of any latent 
claims of non-residents." In February, 1758, the Indians exe- 
cuted a formal release of their claims in New Jersey, except 
those of the Minisinks and Pomptons, in the northern parts of 
the province, which included some part of the territory of Sulli- 
van county covered by the "Jersey claim." 

During this year some famihes Hving on the Walpack were 
massacred by the savages. 

After these inroads, and towards the close of the summer. 
Governor Bernard, through Teedyuscung, summoned the Minsi 
and Pompton clans, who had joined the enemy, to meet him at 
Burlington. The leading men of these tribes attended the 
council. An Iroquois chief was also present.* This chief as- 
sumed a very arrogant bearing toward the Lenape. Benjamin, 
who was the spokesman of the Minsi, held a belt in his hand, 
but delivered what he had to say whilst sitting, not being per- 
mitted to stand imtil the Mengwe had been heard. The latter 
denied that the Lenape had the right to make a treaty, as they 
were subjects of the Six Nations, and at his request, the confer- 
ence was adjourned to a geat council of Indian tribes which 
subsequently took place at Easton.t The Minsi, Wappings, etc., 
however, held a special conference with Governor Bernard soon 
after, at which, for one thousand dollars, they sold all their title 
to lands in New Jersey. After this, New Jersey had no more 
trouble with these tribes. 

Teedyuscung's efforts to obtain redress for the alleged wrongs 
inflicted on his people in regard to the forks of the Delaware, 
and other lands on both sides of that river, were renewed in 
1757. In July of that year, he attended a conference at Easton, 
where he labored to have all differences referred to the King of 
Great Britain; with copies of all the deeds and writings by 
which the whites held those lands. This conference was held 

• Gordons History of New Jersey, 
t Smith's Xew Jersey. 


on the part of the whites, by Mr. George Croghan, who was 
deputed by Sir William Johnson for that purpose, and by Deputy 
Governor Denny, of Pennsylvania, and several commissioners 
appointed by the Assembly of that province. 

At the opening of the conference, Teedyuscung understood 
that Mr. Croghan had full power to act, and declared himself 
well pleased with his appointment, and willing to submit his 
complaints to the arbitrament of Mr. C. ; but when he requested 
that the deeds of the Proprietors should be produced, read and 
examined, that it might be seen what Indians had sold the lands, 
and the extent of the purchases, he was told ihat Sir William 
Johnson was the person before whom such matters should be 
laid. Teedyuscung indignantiy refused to go before Johnson, 
and a stormy scene ensued. 

Sir William Johnson resided with the haughty Mengwfe, who 
had so grievously insulted his people in 1742, and compelled 
them to abandon a region to which the Lenape were attached 
by all the ties which can bind the. savage heart. Sir William 
was the friend and ally of the proud and treacherous confederacy 
which had done such fatal mjuiy to his people, and he had 
labored many years to enrich and strengthen the Mengwe. In 
the eyes of the Lenape king, he would not be an impartial um- 
pire. At the seat of the baronet, too, Teedyuscung would be 
surrounded by enemies who would not hesitate to assassinate 
him, if he succeeded in securing the right of his tribe to the 
land in dispute. His refusal, under such circumstances, was 
alike creditable to his sagacity and patriotism. 

The deeds, however, were produced, when Teedyuscung alleged 
that, in some cases, they were given by persons who had no right 
to sell ; in others, that greater quantities of land had been taken 
possessioir of than were granted ; and in another, that the Pro- 
prietors had forged a deed, and made an alteration of the courses 
agreed on. His allegations were of a very grave character, and, 
if true, the Proprietors were vile criminals. He was sincere in 
making them, no doubt ; and they were guiltless of any moral 
offense greater than that of making bargains with the Indians, 
by which the latter parted with more property than they intended 
to sell. The white man's parchment covered what the Lenape 
supposed they had never alienated. Hence the bold and indig- 
nant charge of the dusky monarch. 

Notwithstanding Teedyuscung refused to go before Sir Wil- 
2iam Johnson, he proposed that copies of the deeds should be 
send to him for transmission to the Ei^lish monarch ; but caused 
his own clerk to iEorward copies to the Speaker of the Pennsyl- 
vania Assembly, with a request to forward them to His Britannic 
Majesty. Teedyuscung no doubt hoped to checkmate Sir 
William in this manner, if he proved unfaithful. Johnson 


professed to be indigmuBit at the cosa.dw!t of the red diplomatisi;, 
and the Quakers who had won his coBfidenee, and thought ii 
advisable to "pcess his mediation" no further. However, he 
transmitted copies of the oonferenoe, which the smooth and sleek 
Quakers neglected to do. 

After the surrender of Fort Wilham Henay to the French, ia 
August, 1757, the frontier inhabitants of Orange and Ulster 
became much alarmed. The ememy had a large armj and a. 
formidable train of artilleiy. Eucoura^ed bj their recent suc- 
cess, it was supposed that the French would penetrate farther 
into the county, and l^us cause the Indians to be more active 
and bold in their attaoks on the pioneers. These fears were 
not groimdbss. The savages penetrated these counties, and 
killed some of the people who hved there. On application from 
the inhabitants, a like of blook^houses was built along the frontier 
of Orange and Ulster, and troops were posted there by order of 
the Earl of Loudon. 

In October of this year, a few Lenape who lived on the Del- 
aware river were engaged in an affair in which several whites 
lost their hves. About thirty hostile Cayugas and Senecas set. 
out on an expedition against tib.e people of Ulster, and were met. 
by the Oquaga Indians, who held a council with them on the^ 
5th of the month, and persuaded all except nine Cayugas to turn 
back. These latter proceeded to the Delaware river, where 
they induced all the braves whom ihey could influence to join 
them. On the I2th they made their appearance at the house 
of Peter Jan, who lived in the south-western part of the settled 
portion of Eochester, a town witudj at that time included con- 
siderable of the teiritoiy of SuHivan. Two privates of Colonel 
A. Hasbrouck's regiment, who were posted in the neighborhood 
as scouts, were kiUed, as well as one of Jan's daugh4ers. Jan 
and his two sons, who were at work in a field, escaped. Another 
private soldier was in the house, where there happened to be 
several loadedguns. With these he dettermined to defend himself 
to the last, as well as Jan's wife and two remaining daughters. 
The brave fellow fought so well that ^e savages retired from 
the immediate vicinity, when he escoi^d the nj/Other and children 
to the house of Captain Bnodhead^ wjip Uved a mile distant^ 
The enemy then netuisedt and bumed Jloi'S hoiuse. 

The next night. Colonel Hashronak'ift forces jnWK^ed in pursuit 
of the mJEirauaers; bat iaHed io diboo^rer; thepob 

There is not cm. recoiid an acoeisvt.of a sncceewifQl search for 
hostile Indians in the wild3 oi Siti^am, eaxe^ whm they desired 
to befomd. The laJb»yrintbuie obMO^rof onu? rhododendron; 
thickets was ao very favovablei to co««eelnieB!t.. that the enemy 
conld not be tracked, and the whitoa could not piarsae them, 
except when they traveled in well-defineji paths. 


In the fall of 1758, a conference was held with the Mengwe 
and Lenape tribes, at which Teedynscung again repeated the 
wnnplaints of the Algonquin Indians for whom he was the agent, 
±Jut little was done, however, except to restore to the Mengwe 
a large tract of land which they sold to Pennsylvania in 1754, 
at Albany, and for which they had. been paid. This purchase 
had caused much discontent among the Six Nations, who were 
propitiated by the English on all occasions. Equal liberality 
was never displayed toward the Lenape. 

In the summer of 1750, the case of the Lenape was laid before 
the Kmg's Privy Council for Plantation Affairs, when the whole 
matter was referred back to Sir "William Johnson, who was; 
directed to summon all the parties, and, after a hearing, to 
transmit his _proceedings, with his opinion of what should be 
done, to the Cfommissioners for Trade and Plantatiofts, to be laid 
before the King. But Teedyuscung could not be induced to go 
before that gentleman, as he believed that Sir William woidd 
decide against him. He continued to confide in the Governor 
and people of Pennsylvania, and they could not or would not 
affcn-d him relief. 

We have not noticed all the treaties of peace made between 
the English and the Lenape and other Indians, during the 
French war, for obvious reasons. 

The conquest of Canada by the English, and its cession to 
the British crown by France, did not give our frontier settle- 
ments entire immunity from savage owtrage, as will appear from 
the death of Teedyuscung, and the events which followed oix 
the Delaware river, and in other localities. 

In the spring of 1763, Pontiae, an eloquent and sagacioua 
Ottawa sachem and chief, drew several of the Algonquin tribes 
and some of the Mengwe, into a conspiracy to turn back the 
tide of emi^atic«ii. A portioa of the western Lenape became 
Ms allies ; but it does not appear that Teedyuscung was involved 
in the outbreak, although it, ib more tiian probable th9>t his 
sympaiMes were ste<}ngly enlisted oztthe side of Pontiae. His 
influence, too, and his dissatisfaction in regard to the sale of 
the lands of his tribe^ made him a dangerous neighbor to the 
colonists. His death yfrsi^ a desirable event, and it soon took 
place under very singular circumstances ; but in a manner which 
shows that it was either q^idental, or that it was procured 
by the Mengwe, the oM eaeudes and oppressors of hie 

Tradition says that the Mengwe had become jealous of his 
power and pftpH^fl^y^ 9f^ jctssolv^tp destroy him. In the fall 
of 1763, a party of warriors of that copi^^etaej came to his 


dwelling on a pretended visit of friendship.* During their yisit 
his cabin was burned, at night, and his dead body was found in 
the ashes. The news of the tragedy brought laj^e numbers of 
his subjects to the scene of disaster, when the Mengwe artfully 
led them to beUeve that the whites of the vicinity were the au- 
thors of the disaster. They were in a mood to give credit to 
the words of their visitors, and at once flew to arms to avenge the 
death of their beloved sachem. Before another sunset thirty 
whites were slain by the infuriated Lenape, and about two hun- 
dred and fifty others were fugitives in the wilderness, most of 
whom returned to their former homes in Connecticut. During 
the evening after the massacre, their houses were burned. • 

Here we should pause to do honor to Teedyuscung, the greatest 
ruler of the native Indians of SuUivan. Before he was chosen 
king, he had resided within the territory of the Minsi tribe — was 
an Indian of the Delaware, and acknowledged as his sachem 
Ta-de-me, of whom so little is known; but whom the author 
believes to be identical with Tamanend or Tammany.f 

Ta-de-me was treacherously murdered by hostile Indians from 
the North-west. A general council of the Delaware clans was 
then held, which chose Teedyuscung chief sachem, and he was 
inducted into ofiice according to the ancient ceremonies of the 
Lenape.l He was then residing at Gnadenhutten, where the 
Moravians had estabHshed a settlement of Christian natives; 
but immediately removed to Wyoming, which had become the 
principal seat ol his people. He was nominally a Christian ; his 
squaw was a devout and pious disciple of Zinzendorf. According 
tb Loskiel, he was baptized in 1750, when he received the name 
of Gideon. He had previously been known to the English as 
Honest John. The same writer says his baptism was delayed 
some time, because of his wavering disposition. But having 
been once present when the sacrament was administered, he 
said to one of the brethren: "I am distressed that ,the time is 
not yet come that I shall be baptized and cleansed in the blood 
of Christ." Being asked how he felt during the baptism, he 
answered: "I cannot describe it; but I wept and trembled." 

• Lossing's Field Book of the Bevolution. , 

t There is much confasion in the orthograph; of Indisn names of the last centory, 
Dutch, EngliBh, Swedish and other writers spell Lenape words in so many ways that 
soraetimes it is almost impossible to decide which is right, and even to rcooghize the 
same word as given to us by each of them. Tammany ruled between 1720 and 1750, 
and was a devoted friend of the English colonists. After the election of Teedyuscung, 
tlie Indians who had been ruled by Tammany loved their white neighbors, and many 
of them had embraced the Christian religion. ?^ho period in which Ta-de-me and 
Tammany reigned is the same ; their characters are not dissimilar, so far as we know 
anything of them, and there is no greater difference between the names Tammany and 
Ta-de-me than there is between many other Indian names handed down to us by igno- 
rant clerks and careless authors. 

We give this note more to incite inquiry than Ibr any other purpose. 

J Stone's History of Wyoming. 


He then spoke to the missionaries in a tbw unreserved manner, 
saying that he had been a very bad man all his life; that he had 
:no power to resist evil; and that he had never before been so 
desirons to be delivered from sin, and to be made a partaker of 
our Lord's grace, and added: "O that I were baptized, and 
■cleansed in his blood!" He evinced this fervor ever afterward; 
Tjut caused his pious teachers much anxiefy because he never 
could feel assured that he was an accepted follower of Christ. 
His lack of hope was always manifest. He had a higher con- 
ception of Christianity than white rulers. He believed that it 
was the gospel of simpUoity, mercy, purity and peace. As a 
statesman he was compelled to resort to craft, barbarity, subtlety 
and bloodshed. After his career as a diplomatist and warrior, 
he was heard to say: "As to externals, I possess every thing in 
plenty; but riches are of no use to me, for I hate a troubled 
conscience. I still remember weU what it is to feel peace in the 
heart ; but I have now lost aU." In this despondent state of 
mind he died. It is said that to his other moral dehnquencies 
he added an occasional intemperate indulgence in fire-water. 

He has been described as a "lusty, raw-boned man, haughty, 
and very desirous of respect and command."* He could be as 
witty as he was proud. A low fellow named McNabb met him 
at Stroudsburg, and accosted him with, "WeU, cousin, how .do 
you do?" "Cousin, cousm!" repeated the haughty chief, "how 
do you make that out?" "Oh! we are aU cousins from Adam." 
^'Ah! then, I am glad it is no nearer!" was the cutting reply.f 

As an orator, he was bold, strong, wonderfully explicit, and 
always chaste. He shot directly at his mark, and always hit it. 
He uttered no nonsense about chains and belts. There was no 
circumlocution in his utterances ; but there was plenty of Machi- 
aveUsm when the safety and welfare of his people needed it. 
He could form treaties of peace, and "dance with extraordinary 
fervor"! to render them binding, when he found it necessary 
to save his frontier subjects from chastisement. At the same 
time he would permit the Delawares of the Ohio to pass through 
his towns to destroy the pale faces ; but claimed that he and 
the exposed clans were not responsible for the outrages of the 

What we know of him comes principally from his enemies. 
We must judge him by what he aeconiplished rather than by 
the representations of those who suffered through his acts, or 
were jealous of hisj)ower and fame. He found his peqple (M- 
vided, impotent and enslaved — derided and despised by their 

* Major Parsons, secretary of the oonferenoe of 1766. 
t Stone's Wyoming. 
i Sir WilUam Jolmson. 


masters, the pai^ered Mengwe, iauid debauched and robbed by 
the colonists. Irom lack of uniW, they enjoyed no more con- 
sideration than a thousand little riTulets meandering through as 
many channels. A deer could drink from one of tliem, and 
consume it. He made them all run in one channel, and thus 
gave them force and volume. TSienceforth they were free and 
fonuidable, and an outrage on one of his people was felt and 
resented by the entire nation. He infused into them patriotic ; 
inspired them with a common purpose ; compressed the yielding 
sand into the adamantine rock. 

At the time of his death, he wa^ the acknowledged ruler of no 
less than ten considerable Lenape tribes, and had forced the 
arrogant Iroquois to acknowledge them through him as their 
peers.* In tune, had he not been assassinated by his enemies, 
he would have been acknowledged the greatest aboriginal states- 
man of the continent. 

After his death, and the scenes which followed in his own 
neighborhood, his friends resolved to attack Cochecto^, and 
without delay proceeded to the Delaware river by the way of 
the Lackawaxen, hoping, no doubt, to hem in the inhabitants 
of that settlement. The savages, however, forgot one avenue of 

Gochecton was then reached by two routes. One of these^ 
was through the vaUey of the Delaware from Minisink — the other 
was an Indian path through Neversink, Bockland, etc., to the 
mouth of the CaUicoon. The latter was not often followed by 
the whites, who found the way by IjCnisink the most convenient. 
If the savages had sent a party across the county from the 
mouth of the Lackawaxen, to intercept those who attempted to 
escape by the northern route, the settlers of Gochecton would 
have been exterminated. But they did not. 

Gochecton at that time contained about thirty log-rhoutses and 
a block-house. A writer nameid Ghapmau says it aj^o contained 
a grist-mill and a saw-mill. 

Several families had settled at ihe mouth of the Ten Mile 
river. These the Indians surprised and slaughtered. Not a 
person escaped. The houses, bams, efc., were burned, and 
everything valuable destroyed, except the bare fields. All the 
whites who lived between the La^awaxen and Gushetunk or 
Galkins' creek shared the same fate. 

Besides women and children, there were but three men in the 
yicamiiy of the block-house — ^Moaes Thomais 1st, a Mr. Witters 

* A conncjl WSfi held at Eaaton in 1768, with the Six Nations, Delawares and other 
Xa^ans, at wfilbir'reedTiigcahg aasumeSa eontpicuoUB potltioD as a conductor of the 
discusBioni. The Iroquois were disposed i»'» time tp b(3 offe^^ed-^eviving again 
their old claims of guperiority. Bnt the Delaware chief Was not in a humor to ^eld 
the distinction he had already acquired, and snitained himself throughout with 
ekiqence and dSenitx. TW. L. Qtone. 


and a Mr. Willis. The block-housie was on the Pennsylvania 
snore, on the lands of Thomas, and was well supplied with guns 
and ammunition. 

WiUis had a log-house and clearing at Narrowsburgh, and 
had removed his ifamily to the blook-house for safety. On the 
mowiiiig of the attack, he sent his two sons to winnow some 
buckwheat at his clearing. They soon returned, and reported 
tiiat a large party of IncEans were coming up the river. The 
boys were not always truthful, and were somewhat lazy. Con- 
sequently their report was doubted, and the three men started 
down the river to reconnoiter, the father of the lads first telling 
them that they would be punished if tiiey had concocted the 
stoiy to get nd of work. In the meantime, the women and 
children took refuge in the block-house, or got ready to flee 
there at a moment's warning. * 

The three men had proceeded about half a mile, when they 
discovered the savages in a turnip-field, on a knoU, where they 
were eating turnips. When the Indians were first seen bv 
Thomas and his friends, the parties were within gunshot of each 
other. The Lenape fired instantly. Thomas fell lifeless, and 
Willis was so badly wounded that he was soon overtaken by the 
yelling fiends, and slain. Witters escaped, and with the women 
and children was soon in the block-house. 

1 Witters was faithful, brave and versatile. He could have fled 
to the moimtains and escaped with but little farther risk to 
himself; but he chose to remain with the widows and children 
of his murdered neighbors, and defend them, and, if necessary,, 
die with them. He at once sent a lad to the neighborhood nortlt 
of him, to advise the inhabitants of approaching danger, and 
procure assistance. The name of this lad was Moses Thomas 2d^ 
Subsequently he was kUled by a tory at the battle in High- 
land. Those to whom he was sent at once fled to the woods,, 
and proceeded by the northern route to Esopus. 

Witters also sent two boys — ^Elias Thomas and Jacob Denny 
— ^to Minisink, for aid. Neither of these lads was 11 years old.. 

The Indians approached the block-house cautiousiiy. They- 
evidently feared that it contained a considerable force. Before 
tiey came near it. Witters had succeeded in inspiring the women' 
with courage to such a degree, that each one was watching for 
an opportunity to shoot the savages. No time was lost in use- 
less lamentation for the dead, who lay mutilated, mangled and 
bleeding, almost within sight of the wooden fortification. The 
lives of their helpless litfle ones, imder God, depended upon 
them, and, women as they were, they were equal to the 

As iibe savages approached imder cover of the river hank, 
Witters, by changing the .sound of bis voice, made them believe 


there were several officers in the block-house, engaged in ar- 
ranging the defense, giving orders to their men, etc., and he was 
such a capital mimic that, with all their acuteness of ear, they 
did not discover the truth. 

The Indians were completely deceived by Mm, and remained 
behind their natural breastwork, the river bank, during the day, 
where they kept up a war of words with the besieged. 

As night approached, Witters began to fear that the assailants 
would set fire to some hay which was stacked beside the block- 
house, and thus bum his stronghold. His fear was not baseless. 
The savages were waiting for that purpose, and made the attempt 
as soon as they supposed it was dark enough. Witters saw the 
Indian who was detailed for that purpose, as the latter cautiously 
crawled toward the hay, when the savage was shot and kiUed. 
This intimidated the others to such a degree, that, as soon as 
they could recover the dead body, and bury it, they hastily set 
fire to the undefended buildings of the neighborhood, and then 
retreated toward the Susquehanna by the way of the Cushetunk. 

Those whites who fled by the northern route toward Esopus 
had a "sorry time." They became bewildered in the forest, 
and wandered they knew not whither. Soon hunger was added 
to their sufferings. Though well supplied with guns, they did 
not shoot any animal or bird for food, as the report might lead 
to their discovery and massacre by the Indians. Silently and 
stealthily they wandered through the woods, feeding upon their 
dogs, reptiles, etc., and sleeping upon the cold ground without 
covering. Finally they found a trail which led to a settlement, 
where they were kindly received. 

EUas Thomas and Jacob Denny reached Minisink ia safety, 
and a sufficient number of men at once went to Cochecton m 
canoes, where they were joyfully received. The dead bodies of 
Thomas and WUlis were buried, and preparatiras made to re- 
move the living to Minisink. Soon all was ready for departure, 
when an unexpected difficulty arose. It was found that there 
was room in the canoes for aJl the party except one, and that 
one must be left behind! Amongst those rescued was an idiot 
girl and her mother, and it was soon decided that the girl should 
be abandoned. A heart-rending scene ensued. The poor mother 
wished to remain with her unfortunate child, but was compelled 
to get into a canoe by force, where she covered her head with 
her aproni and moaned bitterly as she was borne away, while 
her idiot child uttered inarticulate cries on the shore. The 
girl's bones were subsequently found near the block-house and 


A few years since, her remains, and those of Moses Thomas 1st, 
were uncovered by the action of the river. They were gathered 
by Moses Thomas 3d, and once more committed to the earth.* 

These and other outrages of the Indians were followed by 
acts of equal, if not greater atrocity on the part of the whites, 
some of T^hich should damn their perpetrators with everlasting 
infamy. We will give the particulars of but one of these dis- 
graceful tragedies. 

A few quiet, inoflfensive Indians hved at Canestoga, in Penn- 
sylvania, where they and their ancestors had dwelt for more 
than a century. Their forefathers were among those who had 
welcomed William Penn, and they had never made war on the 
whites. But some white miscreants, who were known as "Pax- 
ton boys," held them responsible for the bad deeds of other red 
men, and resolved to destroy them. 

In the nionth of November following the attack on Cochecton, 
the white savages of Paxton fell upon the Indians of Canestoga, 
and murdered fourteen men, women and children. The others 
(fifteen or twenty in number) fled to Lancaster, where they were 
locked up, for safety, in the jail. Hither the "boys" pursued 
them, took possession of the prison, and butchered every soul 
of themit The following is taken from a letter of a person 
who visited the jail after the massacre : 

«* * * J j-a^jj jjj^ tj^Q prison-yard, and there, O what a 
horrid sight presented itself to my view ! Near the back-door 
of the prison lay an old Indian and his squaw, particularly well 
known and esteemed by the people of the town, on account of 
his placid and friendly conduct. His name was WUl Sock. 
Across him and his squaw lay two children of about the age of 
three years, whose heads were spHt with the tomahawk, and 
their scalps all taken off. Towards the middle of the jail-yard, 
along the west side of the waU, lay an Indian, whom I particu- 
larly noticed to have been shot in the breast; his legs were 
chopped with the tomahawk, his hands cut off, and finally a 
rifle-ball discharged in his mouth : so that his head was blown 
to atoms, and the brains were splashed against, and yet hanging 
to the wall, for three or four feet around. * * * * In this 
manner lay the whole of them, men, women and children, spread 
about the prison-yard: shot — scalped — ha>cked — and cut to 

We might devote many more paragraphs to the ancient race 
that once owned our hiUs'and valleys. We could give a detailed 
acooout of the employment of a Mengwe army, in 1764, by Sir 
William Johnson, to crush the Lenape and the Shawanees — of 


* Tom Qnick and the Fioneen. 
t BromieU'B Indian Bacea. 


the efforis of that gentleman to niake peace with them in 1765 — 
but our chapter on the Indians of SuJlivan akeady exceeds its 
proper proportions, and we must hasten to a conclusion of the 

In 1768, the Mengwe confederacy couTeyed to the whites all 
of the ancient territory of the Lenape, and some that belonged 
to themselves, receiving for it ten tnousand four hundred and 
sixty pounds, seven shillings and three pence, and a "valuable 
present of the several artides in use among Indians." 

In 1774, but about 300 fighting men of the Lenape family 
were in the province of New York below Albany. They were 
remnants of the Long Island tribes, the Wappings of Dutchess, 
the Bsopus, Papagonks, etc., of Ulster, and a few others. Most 
of them professed Christianity, and conformed to the customs 
of the whites. The great body of the Lenape had removed 
toward the setting sim.* 

In this year an old Lenape chief named Bald Eagle was 
causelessly murdered, scalped and set adrift in his canoe — a 
fair specimen of deeds which had occurred between the whites 
and the Delawares from the outbreak in 1755, notwithstandiag 
a great number of treaties of peace. In October, 1774, the 
battle at Point Pleasant took place, in which one thousand M- 
gonquins and western Mengwe, under Logan and Cornstalk, 
fought with desperate bravery, but were defeated. A peace soon 
followed, which was regarded as binding by both races for a 
short time. 

At the breaking-out of the Eevolutionary war, the Minsi tribe 
of the Lenape nation, under the celebrated chief. Captain Pipe, 
enlisted on the side of the British king, while the IJnamis and 
the Unalaichtgoes, led by Koguethagechton, or Captain White 
Eyes, were inchned to peace and neutrality. The sympathies 
of some of the latter were in favor of the Cololues. This led to 
a division of the Lenape, which, to a certain extent, remains to 
the present day. Two hundred of the Minsi are now separated 
from the Delajwares, and are known as Munsees. White Eyes 
died in the winter of 1779-80, of smaU-pox — an unfortunate event 
for the revolutionists, as it enabled Captain Pipe to influence a 
great number of Lenape, who then joined his standard. 

The hostile Lenape took a prominent part in aU the great 
battles of the Revolution in which the Algonquin tribes were 
engaged; and were second to none in those traits which the red 
men regard as heroic. 

The Algonquin tribes at this period became more closely 
aUied, generally, than at any time since the country had been 
visited by Europeans. They made war— not by sending out 

• Documentary History of New York. 


more soaljimg p'attifes — ^but by com'biiiing a thbUSand or more 
■warriors in a body — and, in this manner performed deeds which 
showed that they were equal to the Mengwe, and proved that 
their former weakness was caused by a lacE of unity and concert 
among their clans, tribes and nations. 

As the war of the Revolution progreBsed the animosity of the 
revolted colonists and those tribes which were hostile to the 
patriots, increased in iatensity. Barbatous crueltv and inhu- 
manity were not confined to either side. The white historian 
can relate with thrilling pathos the sufferings of his race at 
Wyoming ; but what can exceed the horrors of the massacre of 
the peaceful, God-fearing Moravian Lenape of the Tuscarawas? 
These poor people, imder the preaching of Post, Heckewelder, 
Zeisberger and other pious missionaries, had abandoned hea- 
thenism, and embraced the faith that " the Great Being did not 
make men to destroy men, but to love and assist each other." 
They no longer gloried in those violent achievements which had 
been the highest ambition of their ancestors. As disciples of 
Jesus, they had become harmless as doves. They advised their 
red heathen neighbors not to engage in war, and when the white 
settlements were in danger, gave timely warning. Provoked at 
their conduct, three hundred hostile savages, under Captain 
Pipe, and others, compelled them, by menaces and violence^ to 
remove to the banks of the Sandusky, in the fall of 1781. During 
the next February, while suffering much from hunger, a portion 
of them received permission to return to the Tuscarawas, for 
the purpose of gathering the com left on the stalk the preced- 
ing fall. 

Several outrages about this time were perpetrated by hostile In- 
^ans. This led one hundred white savages of the Monongahela, 
Tinder Colonel Williamson, to commit a deed which blackens a 
page of American history. By tiie vilest deception, they in- 
duced the pfeacefal Moravian Lenape of Tuscarawas, to the 
number of ninety, to accept their protection, and proceed with 
them to Gnadenhutten, where they were treacherously fettered 
and thrown into prison. Then, by a vote, their captors resolved 
to put them to death, and they were ordered to prepare to die! 
And nobly did they meet their fate. They did not chant the 
savage death-song which their ancestors had used at their last 
nSoments for a thousand years; tbey did not boast of bloody 
deeds on the war-path ; but they sang the beautiful hymfls of 
the Christian, and said the ptayers which had been taught 
them by devout Christian preachers. Their orisons awoke no 
aetttiment of mercy in the hearts of their captors. "With gun, 
end spear, and tomahawk, and soalping-knife, the work of deatti 
progressed, tiU every man, woman and child was murdered, 


except two boys, who escaped, as if by a miracle!"* These 
poor people— savages and children of blood at their birth, had 
embraced a religion of love and mercy, and died in accordance 
with the example and precepts of the Prince of Peace. 

The pagan Lenape were never known to spare a captive who- 
had heen concerned in this_ inhuman massacre, or who was 
known by them as having been associated with Colonel Wil- 

About three months after the massacre of the Moravian In- 
dians, an army under Colonel Wilham Crawford marched against 
the Lenape and other Indians whose towns were on the San^ 
d^sky. Crawford was a man of good repute — the companion 
and friend of Washington, who had often visited him at his 
dwelling. Under Crawford, in this campaign, Colonel WiUiamson 
was subordinate. The expedition was a disastrous one. The 
savages, commanded by Pipe, Wingenung, and the infamous 
Simon Girty, defeated them with great slaughter. Williamson 
escaped; but Crawford was taken prisoner, and put to death. 
All the cruelties wliich savage ingenuity could invent were in- 
flicted on him. The following account of his death is related 
by Dr. Knight, a fellojy prisoner who was sentenced to suffer a 
similar fate, but escaped : 

" When we went to the fire, the Colonel was stripped naked, 
ordered to sit down by the fire, and then they beat him with 
sticks and their fists. Presently after I was treated in the same 
manner. Then they tied a rope to the foot of a post about 
fifteen feet high, bound the Colonel's hands behind his back, 
and fastened the rope to the ligature between his wrists. The 
rope was long enough for him to sit down, or walk round the 
post once or twice, and return the same way. The Colonel then 
called to Girty, and asked if they intended to bum him? Girty 
answered, yes. The Colonel said he would take it all patiently. 
Upon this, Captain Pipe made a speech to the Indians, viz: 
about thirty or forty men, and sixty or seventy squaws and boys. 

" ^Vhen the speech was finished, they aU yelled a hideous and 
hearty assent to what had been said. The Indian men then 
took up their guns and shot powde. into the Colonel's body, 
from his feet as far up as his neck. I think that not less than 
thirty loads were discharged upon his naked body. They then 
crowded about him, and to the best of my observation, cut off 
his ears. When the throng had dispersed a httle, I saw the 
blood running from both sides of his head in consequence thereof, 

" The fire was about six or seven yards from the post to which 
the Colonel was tied ; it was made of small hickory poles, burnt 
quite through the middle, each end of the poles remaining, about 

* Tir. DiidfV-it'rrr., 


six feet long. Three or four Indians by turns would take up, 
UK^yidually, one of these burning pieces of wood, and apply it 
to his naked body, already burnt black with the powder. These 
tormentors presented themselves on every side of him with the 
burning fagots and poles. Some of the squaws took broad boards, 
upon which they would carry a quantity of burning coals and hot 
embers, and throw them on him, so that in a short time he had 
nothing but coals of fire and hot ashes to walk upon. 

"In the midst of these extreme tortures he called to Simon 
Girty, and begged of him to shoot him ; but Girty making no 
answer, he called to him again. Girty then, by way of derision, 
told the Colonel he had no gun, at the same time tumiEg about 
to an Indian who was behind him, laughed heartily, ana by all 
his gestures seemed delighted at the horrid scene. 

"Girty then came up to me and bade me prepjire for death. 
He said, however, I was not to die at that place, but to be burnt 
at the Shawanee towns. He swore I need not expect to escape 
death, but should suffer it ia aU its extremities. 

" Colonel Crawford, at this period of his sufferings, besought 
the Almighty to have mercy on his soul, spoke very low, and 
bore his torments with the most manly fortitude. He continued 
in aU the extremities of pain for an hour and three-quarters or 
two houi's longer, as near as I can judge, when at last, being 
almost exhausted, he lay down on his belly ; they then scalped 
him, and repeatedly threw the scalp in my face, telling me, 
"that was my great captain." An old squaw (whose appearance 
every way answered the ideas people entertain of the devil) got 
a board, took a parcel of coals and ashes, and laid them at his 
back and head, after he had been scalped ; he then raised him- 
seK upon his feet and began to walk round the post ; they next 
put a burning stick to him, as usual, but he seemed more insen- 
sible of pain than before. 

" The Indian fellow who had me in charge, now took me away 
to Captain Pipe's house, about three-quarters of a mile from the 
place of the Colonel's execution. I was bound aU night, and 
thus prevented from seeing the last of the horrid spectacle. 
Next morning the Indian untied me, painted me black, and we 
set off for the Shawanee town, which he told me was something 
less than forty miles distant from that place. We soon came to 
the spot where the Colonel had been burnt, as it was partly in 
our way. I saw his bones lying among the remains of the fire, 
almost burnt to ashes. I suppose, after he was dead, they laid 
his body on the fire. The Indian told me that was my big 
captain, and gave the scalp-halloo." 

The close of the Revolutionary war did not bring peace be- 
tween the citizens of the United States and the Indians who had 
fought for the British king. The Lenape and the tribes with 


whom they were in alliance continued hostiljties until the temble 
chastisement inflicted on them by "Mad Anthony Wayne;" 
when, through the influence of Little Turtle, the celebrated chief 
of the Miamies, and Buckoagahelas, the great war chief of the 
Lenape, a treaty of peace was effected, which was observed as 
binding for several years. 

The Delawares, or Lenape, l^ave ance borne a conspicuous 
part in the wars between the whites and the red men. %». they 
have not had a foothold on the territory of Sullivan since the 
war of the Revolution, it is not proper to pursue their history 

"Dark a^ the frost-nipped leaves that strew the gi?o\md, 
The Indian hunter here his shelter found ; 
Here cut his bow, and shaped his arrows true. 
Here built his w^wam and his bark canoe, 
Speared the quick salmon leaping up the fall, 
And slew the deer without the rifle-ball ; 
Here his young squaw her cradling tree would choose, 
Singing her chant to hush her swart pappoose ; 
Here staiu her quills, and string her trinkets rude, 
And weave her warrior's wampum in the wood."* 

But they are no more seen on our hills or in our valleys. 
They have found a home in the wilds of the far West, and for 
many years, not one of the "original people" has visited us. 

The last Lenape who came within our borders was a poor, 
penniless wanderer, without a hat and in rags. He was last seen 
at Bridgeville, where he was the sport of idle and mischievous 
boys. William A. Bice, who was then an invaUd, with symptoms 
of pulmonary consumption, rescued him %om his tormentors, 
and gave him money, a hat, etc. The Indian received them 
thankfully, and, after gazing on his benefactor attentively for 
some time, left, never more to return. 

This circumstance was nearly forgotten by Mr. Bice, when, 
several months afterwards, he received a letter from the Indian, 
in which he gave a minute description of Mr. Bice's complaint, 
with directions for its cure. The remedy proved a good one, 
and, by its use, Mr. Bice's health was restored. 

The grateful saY£|.^e traveled forty miles from his home in the 
wilderness, to deposit his letter jn a poat-office. 

Note. — The author has been rnisled in regard tp the native 
name of the Esopus clans. They were not Wampiugs. When 
Hudson discovered the ri¥er which bears his name, they were 

* Brainard. 


"known as Sanhikans or Sankhikans. Subsequently they were 
styled "Wabings, Wappings and Opings. These clans occupied 
the country from the Hudson to the west-branch of the Delaware. 
The northern bounds of the Hardenbergh patent continued in 
a straight line to the Hudson, will give meir ancient bounds in 
that direction, while the* EaSritan, in New Jersey, was their 
southern limit. The Catskill Indians and those who occupied 
the Highlands of the Hudson, were sometimes called Warana- 
wankongs, and those at Esopus Waoranecks. The Wappings 
of Dutchess county were a colony of the Esopus Lenape. Wab- 
ing,Wapping and Oping, are the same word — ^the Lenape name 
of the opossum. This animal was probably the totem of our 
Indians. Sanhikan means *' firerwc^er," according to Hecke- 
■welder, and probably had its origin in the custom of these 
savages, when hunting, of circhng their hunting«ground with 
fire, and thus driving their game into a small compass. Hecke- 
welder says that Minsi, the name of the WoK tribe of the 
Delaware Indians, is derived from minissi, "which signifies a 



Tlie town of Bethel was erected from the territory of Lumber- 
land by an act of the Legislature, passed March 27, 1809. By 
law the new town was bounded as follows : North by the south 
line of Liberty ; east by the west line of Thompson ; south by a. 
line commencing at a place on the Mongaup creek where the 
west line of Thompson is intersected by the south hne of the 
Hard'enbergh patent; thence north eighty-one degrees west to 
the south-west comer of lot number eighteen, in the subdivision 
of said patent ; thence north, nine degreies east, to the north ILue 
of lot number seventy-one, in the subdivision of said lot number 
eighteen; thence westwardly along the north line of said lot 
number seventy-one to the westwardly bounds of this State, at 
the Delaware river; thence northwardly by the westwardly 
bounds of this State to the said town of Liberty. 

Withia these bounds were the present towns of Bethel, Co- 
checton and Delaware. The first town-meeting was held at the 
house of William Brown, in March, 1810, when the following 
officers were elected : J'ohn Oonklin, Supervisor ; William Brown, 
Town Clerk ; Charles L-vine, John Lindsley and WiUiam Brown, 
Assessors; Joseph Mitchell, Russell Hurd and Zalmon Hawley, 
Commissioners of Highways ; OHver Calkins and John Lindsley, 
Overseers of the Poor; Norman Judson, Constable; Moses 
Calkin, Constable and Collector. 

This town is on the water-shed between the Mongaup and 
the Delaware. While the Mongaup and one of its branches 
wash its eastern boundary, no large stream runs through its 
territory, although there are several creeks which afford sufficient 
water-power for manufacturing purposes. Of these we may note 
White Lake brook, the west-branch of the Mongaup,* and Black 
Lake brook. 

The l^kes of Bethel are remarkable for beauty and an abun- 
dance of fish. ^ 

For many years White Lake has been a fashionable summer 
resort. Its name was bestowed in consequence of its white, 

* Jonas Gregory assured ub that one of the aboriginal names of this stream waa. 
Ilin-gaa-pock-a, and that on an old map in his possession it was so designated. 




sandy shores and bottom, and the brilliancy of its waters. 
Kau-ne-ong-ga, its supposed Indian appellation, occurs first in 
the writings of Alfred B. Street, and is said to be descriptive of 
the shape of the lake, which somewhat resembles the out^ 
stretched wings of a bird. 

Black Lake is about two miles south of White Lake. As its 
name indicates, its water is of a dark hue. Its outlet is of con- 
siderable magnitude, and unites with the Mongaup. No other 
sheet of water in Sullivan has been more famous for pike than 
this. Anglers have been known to take from it half a barrel of 
these fish in a single day. 

Lake Superior and Chestnut Eidge pond, like those already 
noticed, are centrally located. The name of the first originated 
in local pride, and the appellation of the other explains its origin. 
"Wells' pond is so called from an early settler, andfndian !B*i6ld, 
because the aborigines had cultivated land in its vicinity. Both 
are in the south part of the town. MaUory, in the west, also 
commemorates a pioneer; while the names of Pleasant pond, 
Horseshoe pond, and Birch Eidge pond, three small lakes in 
the northeni section, explain' their own origin. 

The surface of this town is rolling and uneven ; but there is 
no elevation in it which may be termed a mountain. Although 
lumbering and tanning have been important industries, it is em- 
phatically an agricultural town, as will be more and more clearly 
manifest as its forests are destroyed. 






Co. and 



















Undoubtedly the first white men who visited Bethel were 
hunters and trappers. Its numerous lakes and small streams 
made it a favorite resort of the beaver, the most valuable of fur- 
bearing animals, and its forests even in recent days have been 
noted for noble game. 

Several causes led to the settlement of Bethel. 1. John K. 
Beekman owned Great Lot 16 of the Hardenbergh patent, and 
knew that his lands would continue to be nearly worthless unless 


they were iiiiprOTed. 2. The Sackett road was madd across 
the territory. 3. The Newburgh and Cooheoton turnpike wa» 
chartered in 1801, and effeJctually opened the region through 
which it passed. 4. The land was of excellent quality. 

The first who came for the purpose of locating here were^ 
Adaifi Pintler and his brother, frdin .Sussex cofunty> New Jersey. 
Their route was by the w&y of the ShinglekiH to the Moiigaup 
on the old Miaaisink atad Cu^etunk road. After crossing Wood s 
bndge, they traveled on the west side of the stream until they 
reached Black Lake brook ; thence along the latter to the lake ; 
and from there to the farm now occupied by the Pintlers. They 
probably- did not remain any longer than was necessary to build 
a cabin to shelter their families, who remained iu New Jersey. 
This was about the year 1798. 

I When they moved to their new home, they traveled by the 
way of Mamakating Hollow, and then passed over the Sackett 
road as far as Nathan Kinne's, in &e West Settlement of 
Thompson. Beyond this thare was no road over which a loaded 
vehicle could be drawn, although the Sackett road was soon 
after (1800) cut through to Cochecton ; consequently they were 
under the neces^ty of carrying their household goods and pro- 
visions on their backs from Kinne's to their reddence west of 
White Lake. Back and forth, piece by piece, looking well' to 
the line of marked trees — ^the job was tedious and hard to ac- 
complish ; but it was performed at last, and it does not require 
a vivid imagination to appreciate the Pintlers' satisfaction when 
the final back-load ^as deposited on 'the puncheons of their 
bark-covered cabin. Here they were in the pathless woods, 
some half a dozen mile's from a neighbor, twenty-five nules from 
a gri^-miU or a doctor, and a stiU greater distance from a store 
of any kind. Until a grist-mill was built at White Lake, the 
Pintlers were obliged to carry ftie flour consuined by them from 
Mamakating Hollow on their shoulders. Sweet must have been 
the bread made from that flour! And whien they were able to 
feed' a cow on the grass of their newly cleared fields, and had 
milk and butter with their bread, how luxurious must have 
seemed their food ! Especially was it relished (the SWeet, brb'wn. 
rye-loaf) when it was accompanied with venison and maple- 
sugar or honey. 

PreViotts to settling in Bethel, Adam Pintler had maa-ried a 
young lady whose courage and fortitude rendered her a wife 
every way -suitable to an existence in the woods. And it is our 
duty to record the fact that Eve, the wife of the first white man 
of the town, did not lead her Adam into trouble, and that, if he 
found Bethel a paradise^ her folly never caused his expidsion 
from it. 

The Pintlers occupied their farim until 1804 without knowing 

THE TOTm cm BETHEL. 119 

wIk) possessed the fee simple. They then ascertained that it 
"Was owned by John K. Beekmau^ from whom they purchased it. 
George and Peter Pintler^ descendants of the oiigmal settlers^ 
still occupy the place.* 

After the Sackett road was opened from Mamakating HoUow 
to the Delaware, and the .Newbuiiig^ and Oodhecton Turnpike 
Oraapatiy was organized, several families moved into the town. 
Thej were principally from Orange county, the States of New 
Jersey and Connecticut, and from the north of Ireland. They 
were generally of small pecuniary means ; but intelligent, hardy 
and industrious. In addition to this, many of them had bad the 
advamtdge of correct moral example and training in the older 
communities from which they had emigrated, nx 1807, there 
were between lliirty and forty families located within the present 
limits of the town. The following memorandanin regard to 
them, made by the late Jonas Gregory, show where they settled. 
They were furnished us in 1870, when Mr. Gregory's mind was 
still vigorous; nevertheless it is. possible that he has omitted 
the names of a few early settlers : 

"I came to Bethel from Blooming Grove, Orange county. New 
York, June 7, 1807. There were then at White' Lake, William 
Peckt and family, a grist-mill and saw-mill j Edward Austin, 
who had a t&,n-yard and shoe-shop ; Obadiah Tibbetts, Michael 
Dekay and sons, . and Jesse Crocker, aU of whom were from 
Orange county; two families of Pintlers from New Jersey; one 
named Potter from the same State ; and one named Thurston, 
from Salisbury, Connecticut. 

"At Mongaup Valley were Aaron Heuras, J. Hfeuras,>.E. 
Blanchard, Adam Barmore, and the noted Colonel Michael 

"In Hurd Settlement were two families named Hurd, viz: 
Graham and Chauncey Hurd; also David Jackson, Jehiel and 
Joseph Smith, Gilbert and Abijah Mitchell, and Thody Abbott. 

"ui the woods between Hurds' and. White Lake were the 

families of Abner Hollister, Nathan Heacock, Carey and 

Alexander Brown. 

" The Hurds, Jacksons, Hollister, Heacock and Carey were 
from Connecticut. 

" West of White Lake were John Cross, Alexander Eutledge 
and WiUiam Brown from Ireland. 

-- "At Black Lake, Walter Knapp and family, from Cornwall, 
Orange coimty. Knapp had a Saw-mill, or the;-e was one there. 

" There were also in the town John Sherwood and Matthias 
Fuller, from Connecticut. 

* statement of Jonas Gregory. 

t WiUiam Peck was Beckman'a miller, and acted as his agent. 


"There w&ce also some single men and others who did not 
become residents, and two or three families in Fulton Settlement. 

"John K. Beekman was the owner of Great Lot No. 16, in 
the Southern Eange of the Great Patent, and it was through his 
efforts that many of the settlers came. He built a grist-mill 
and saw-mill on the outlet of White Lake — ^the first in the town 
— ^for the accommodation of the people; and at one time at- 
tempted to establish a linen thread manufactory in connection 
with his mills. To do so he purchased very valuable machinery 
in Europe, which was captured by the British during the wsi,r of 
1812, while on its way to New York. It has been said that he 
intended to send flax from the sea-board to White Lake ; cause 
it to be made into thread there ; and then cart the thread back 
to tide-water. This may be so ; but a more reasonable hypoth- 
esis is, that he intended to encourage the growing of the raw 
article in Bethel, where it was then raised as cheaply as in any 
other town of the United States. 

"A town-meeting at which a vote was taken on the question 
of separation from Lumberland, was held in March, 1808, at the 
house of David Canfield, at Kocky pond, about two miles from 
the mouth of Ten Mile river. The polls were open three days. 
Not a stone was left unturned. Every one voted who had a 
legal right to do so, and some who had no right. One man was 
taken by Peck's team, who had not been from Irelaaid more 
than seven or eight months, and his vote counted as much as 
any other man's. 

" The first Justice's court ever held in the town was at Jesse 
Crocker's, before Ichabod Carmichael, Esq., of Lumberland. 
The parties were Adam Barmore and Thomas Smith. The suit 
was concerning a dog that was shot while in chase of a deer. 
Barmore and Smith were their own pettifoggers. 

"When the Hurds* commenced logging, they put stones 
between the logs to keep them asunder, supposing that ^ey 
would burn better in that way. 

"Mudge got his title of Colonel in the following manner: A 
worthless fellow, whose name was McKelpan, got in jail at 
Kingston for debt. Mudge had business at Kingston, and while 
there went to see McKelpan, who was an old acquaintance. As 
Mudge looked into the prison, 'Hello!' says the other, 'how do 
you do. Colonel? I am so glad to see you, Colonel ! How's all 
the folks?' Mudge had a secret love of titles, and to be thus 
dubbed a Colonel in the presencfe of strangers pleased him, and 
put him in the best of humors. This the cunning fellow knew, 
and took advantage of, by imploring the Cdond to be his surety, 

* Grraham Hurd at first lived iu a care, which is still known as the Book Cabin. 
Bioharfl D. Childs, of Nevorsink, informs us that, when he was a lad, he visited Hiird 
Settlemint, and "put up" at this cave. 


liludge could not say, no ! to one who thus tickled his vanity. 
He gave his bond for $100 — the fellow was permitted to enjoy 
■the liberty of the jail, commonly known as ' the hmits,' the 
bounds of which did not hold him long ; for he ran away, and 
the Colonel had to pay the amount of the bond, which his friends 

Sersisted in terming his commission. Although he has been 
ead many years, he is yet remembered as Colonel Mudge. 

" The first settlers came to the village of Bethel about the 
year 1802. They came on the Sackett road, which had been 
cut through but a short time. 

" One of the Pintlers carried flour on his back over this road, 
from Gumaer's grist-mill in Mamakating." 

In January, 1870, there were, including Jonas Gregory, but 
six men in the town who were there in 1807. Most of the origi- 
nal families have disappeared — ^not even their names are now 
borne by residents of Bethel. 

Jonas Gregory (1^0) has a copy of Webb's map of 1762, 
which shows that Tingley & Cox, Catharine Livingston, Philip 
Livingston, CorneUus Tiebout, John Aspinwall, William Alex- 
ander, Robert Livingston and Christian HarteU were among the 
principal owners of lands in Great Lots 1 and 18. From this it 
seems that John Wenham sold these lots soon after the partition 
of 1749, by which he became their owner. 

John Lindsley came to Bethel in 1805, and was the first 
practicing physician of Bethel. He was a gentleman of irre- 
proachable character — was elected Member of Assembly in 1823 
and 1829, and was the standing Supervisor of his town until he 
declined the ofi&ce because he cotdd no longer conscientiously 
act as a member of the Town Board of Excise. He removed to 
Indiana about the year 1835. While he was a resident of Bethel, 
he lived at the A. HoUister place. Doctor A. A. Gillespie, one 
of his pupils, succeeded him, and is stiU practicing his profession. 
The professional Hfe of the two, in Bethel, extends through a 
period of more than sixty-five years. 

A man named Dewitt was one of the early preachers of the 
town. His meetings were held at the house of John Cross. 
Messrs. Greer, Fisk, McCauley, Hopkins, and others, also 
preached here in the primitive days of the settlement. 

John Cross kept the fijst store, which was where (1870) 
George O. Prazer resides. 

In 1807 and 1808 there was a school in Hurd Settlement kept 
by Joseph Smith, and another in, the rear of P. J. Pinfcler's 
present residence, of which Thaddeus Judson was the teacher. 
Doctor Copeland, it is said, kept the first school at Bethel, and 
G. P. Price at Mongaup Valley. 

Abraham Piatler was the first white person who died in the 
tpwn, Nat. Peck the second, and James Potter's wife the third, 


The first tavern was kept by Jesse Crocker.. He was mncb 
liked, as his conduct was shaped in accordance with the " square" 
rules of honesty and fair dealing. Mr. Crocker was the first 
Justice of the town. 

The pioneers of Bethel were of a more thriving class of p6opte 
than first comers generally are. As an evidence of this, we 
mention the fact that in half a dozen years after "White Lake 
was settled, there were five frame-houses ia the town. These 
were occupied by Messrs. Peck, Austin, Crocker, Judson and 

The north-east section was settled from 1805 to 1808, by the 
Pultons, Zalmon Hawley, James Luckey, Joseph Pinckney,. 
William Praser, Stephen Northrup, and others. In 1808, there 
were nine families in that section. 

According to the loose statements which usually characterize 
gazetteers, Catharine Pulton was the first white child born ia 
the- town. When she first saw the light, there were not less 
than twenty families in the present limits of Bethel, some of 
whom had been there from six to nine years. The priority of 
her birth is true as to Pulton Settlement only.* 

This section was from the first very attractive. Those whc 
occupied it were generally men of worth, who were contented 
with the good things witnia their reach, and with striving for 
those things which concern the highest interests of the human 
family. They avoided broiling and contention, and were in- 
dustrious and frugal. 

Stephen Northrup was bom in Salisbury, Connecticut, in 1780,. 
and died in Pulton Settlement in 1872. At the time of his de- 
cease, he was the last of the pioneers of his locality. He came 
to Bethel in May, 1807, and after viewing the country, concluded 
to go back to his birthplace. When he reached the Neversink, 
he met Zalmon Hawley, one of his old neighbors, who was 
moving to Bethel with Ms family. Hawley was very glad ta 
meet him ; but sorry to learn that he was returning. After a 
conversation concerning their affairs, Northrup was led to alter 
his purpose once more, and again return to Pulton Settlement, 

This meeting took place on the east side of the Neversink. 
The river was very much swollen by the spring rains. There 
was no bridge, and the ford was impassable : at least Hawley 
did not dare to put his oxen, cart, wife, and children in peril by 
attempting to cross in the usual manner. So he took the yoke 
from the necks of his cattle, and compelled them to swim over 
a short distance from the ford, where the water was smooth arid 
deep. Then he unloaded his cart, took off its wheels and box, 
and conveyed or towed every thing to the opposite shore in or 

* Adam, a ion of John PintleT, was born Hay 2, 1$06, and Eve Fintler wag bora 
October 7, 180d. Both of these births preceded that of CMharine Fnlton. 


iJeihmd a log canoe ! The task T\ras difficult and dangerous : but 
was safely pierformed, taid the adventurers proceeded on their 

They sptot two days ia teaveling from the Never sink to the 
west-branch of the Mongaup, When they passed the latter, a. 
heavy rain set in. Night was approachiog, and they were in an 
almost trackless forest, far from human habitation. The. dis- 
comforts of the day were bad enough ; but they were far exceeded 
by the prospective miseries of the night. The first care of the 
men was for the voung mother and her two little children. With 
an axe they made the frame of a diminutive tent^ which they 
covered with blankets. In this, Mrs. Hawley and the little ones 
passed the dismal night, while the men fared as well as they 
could under the dripping trees. 

On the third day they reached a clearing ibade By one of the 
Fultons, where they found a deserted cabin. Into this Hawley 
moved. Having thus piloted his friends to their new home, 
Northrup returned to Ooimecticut, and three weeks later came 
back with his family. . After occupying a temporary shelter for 
a few months, he moved to the place where he spent the re- 
mainder of his days. Duriug the last fifty-six years of his 
life, his daily walk and conversation were m accord with the 
strict rules, of the Presbyterian faith. He never sought to oc- 
cupy a conspicuous position in this Hfe ; but was content with 
what was far better: the discharge, honestly and earnestly, 
of those duties which give life and beauty to Christian society. 

Joseph K. Northrup, a son of Stephen, was the first male 
child bom in Fulton Settlement. 

• We have already alluded to William Brown, one of the pio- 
neers of Bethel. He was a native of Ireland, and exhibited 
many of the traits of the "north-country" — traits which, if 
modified by a certain degree of mental culture, are apt to give 
a n^an prominence and weight in some commimities,'but which 
are repulsive to many gentle and refined people, and especially 
so to those whose gentility borders on the effemiaate. Mr. 
Brown was a farmer, inn-Keeper, surveyor and office-holder. 
On the organization of the town he was elected Clerk, and when 
the county was erected, he was made its Treasurer. He held 
the lartter office until 1826, and was- succeede#by Jesse Towner, 
of Thompson. 

Mr. Brown believed that the opening of a great thoroughfare 
from Newburgh to Cochecton would soon add much to the 
population and business of the country through which it passed. 
He came to BBthel before the road was located in that region, 
and bought a tract of land through which he was led to believe 
the turnpike would run. But he was disappointed. The line 
w&iS made to run north of his purchase, and his aim in coming 


to Bethel would be defeated unless he could buy another tract 
through which the road would be built. While making arrange- 
ments to do so, Samuel F. Jones of MonticeUo learned Brown's 
intention, and determined to buy the land himself. The owner 
lived in Albany, and Jones started for that city by the way of 
Newburgh. At the latter place he expected to take passage in 
a sloop to the State capital. After he left home the object of 
Jones' journey became public, and Brown determined promptly 
to reach Albany first by the overland route. He mounted his 
horse and proceeded to Kingston by the most direct roads. 
Prom Kingston he rode to Albany, at which place he arrived in 
advance of Jones. With the deed for the land in his pocket, 
Brown met his wily competitor in the streets of Albany and 
derided him in true "north-country" style. 

The affair caused considerable amusement at the time, and it 
was reported that Brown used his surveyor's compass to enable 
him to travel in a straight course from Bethel to Albany. Of 
course, this part of the story was a canard, as no horse could 
then cross the Catskill mountains, or pass through our tangled 

The late Matthew Brown was a son of William, and inherited 
a full measure of the craft and cunning of his father. 

William Brown was a slave-holder, and owned a black female 
chattel as late as 1823, when she became free under the laws of 
the State. 

There is ground for belief that Rev. Thomas Greer, a Presby- 
terian clergyman of Minisink,t Orange county, was the first 
minister of the gospel who visited the town of Bethel, where he 
preached as early as 1808, in the tavern kept by Jesse Crocker, 
which was nearly opposite the ground on which now stands the 
parsonage of the Covenanter or Reformed Presbyterian Church 
of White Lake. 

Mr. Greer was a plain, earnest man, and did not highly value 
an elegant exterior, or seek respect and admiration by those 
polite artifices which mark the conduct of less worthy men. Hi s 
deportment was quiet and unobtrusive. While pastor of the 
Westtown congregation, he loved to seek "jewels for his Master" 
in the by--vyays of the wilderness country, and while thus engaged, 
bore the ills and discomforts of a frontier-life without complaint. 
Cheerfully he forded our rivers, and hopefully he threaded our 
forest-paths, while seeking some settlement in the wOds ; for in 
the future he saw that the scene of his toil would be occupied 
by a numerous population, and that his labors would inure to 
their benefit, as well as promote the highest interests of those 
who had "wandered into a far country." 

Previous to Mr. Greer's first visit to White Lake, some of the 
settlers had heard of him ; but none of them had ever seen him. 


He sent word to them that on a certain Sabbath he would " preach 
for them at Crocker's house," and the news was joyfully com- 
municated from the dwellers in one log-house to those of 
another, until every one far and near knew that he was coming. 
They were to have preaching again — a privilege which they had 
enjoyed in the older settlements, but which they had not antici- 
pated for many years after their removal to White Lake. 

Mr. Greer reached Crocker's on Saturday ; and was surprised 
at finding quite a number of people collected there, who were 
evidently laboring under excitement, a circumstance which was 
owing to a trial before a Justice of the Peace, the litigants being 
a couple of backwoodsmen who had a dispute about some trivial 
matter. Finding that no one recognized him, he concluded 
that he would not make himself known, until it was necessary 
to do so, and that he would quietly study the chA-acter of the 
people when they were unrestrained by the conciousness that 
the eyes of a clergyman were upon them. He soon found that 
the sins which predominate among men removed from the re- 
straints of older and larger communities, prevailed among the 
settlers of Bethel. Too many of those present were addicted 
to rum-drinking, profanity and kindred vices, the trial having 
broi^ht together all the tiplers and tavern-loungers of that 
section of countiy. His pious soul was shocked at seeing God's 
image distorted and marred by inebriation; at hearing rude 
jests and blasphemous revilings come from mouths which 
should have uttered words of purity and praise ; at the violent 
buffetings administered by hands which should have been em- 
ployed in useful industry, or used in works of mercy and love; 
and at other conduct which showed that this people needed 
admonition of "the wrath to come." 

While he was gazing at the doings of the crowd, he attracted 
the attention of a man who was just dlTink enough to discover 
that there was antagonism of some kind between the parson 
and himseK. This man came up to Mr. G. and proposed to fight 
him ; but tl. .) latter mildly declined, when the other, somewhat 
astonished, demanded to know whether he could fight — fighting 
probably being one of the accomphshments of that day. Mr. 
Greer replied that he did not know ; that when he .was young 
he had done something at it ; but that he feared he was then 
out of practice. The bellicose individual then knocked off Mr. 
Greer's hat, in order to aggravate him ; but he quietly picked it 
up and got away, much to the disgust of the other, who con- 
sidered, as did many others, that he had done all that could be 
expected to arouse the wrath of the stranger. 

At night the jdrinking and profanity continued to a late hour. 
Mr. Greer, fatigued with his journey, and saddened by what he 
had witnessed, retired early, but not to rest. His bed was di- 


rectiy over the bar-room, and with his whispered evening-prayer 
were mingled the fumes of whisky and Jamaica rum, and the 
uproar of the revelers. To sleep was impossible as long as the 
carousing was kept up ; and the only recourse of the good man 
was to watch the stars through the roof, and to endeavor to 
possess his soul in patience. 

About midnight, a tipsy individual came to the room where 
Mr. Greer was, ahd after undressing, reprimanded him for occu- 
pying more than halt the bed. Without a murmur, he moved 
as far to one side as possible, when his unexpected bed-feUow 
laid down beside him, remarking that "it was a de^ of a pretty 
place to put a gentleman (meanii^ himself) where the Lord 
oould look right down upon him through the roof!" The "gen- 
tleman," however, did not seem to suffer much by any such 
intrusion upon his privacy; for he was soon fast asleep, and 
snoring loudly, much to the annoyance of the poor missionary. 

The whole night was a very unpleasant one to Mr. Greer. 
He did not get asleep until near morning, and was soon after 
aroused by ms fellow-lodger, who complained that he was dry, 
and invited him to go down and take a drink. Mr. Greer begged 
to be excused, and said he would try to sleep a little more. 
The "gentleman" then dressed, and went in pursuit of something 
to moisten his tongue and throat. 

Mr. Greer slept again ; but his slumber was brief. Soon after 
daylight, the landlady began to bustle about the house. She 
had breakfast to prepare, and her household goods to put in 
order. It was necessary that every thing should appear decent 
when the minister came. Finding that Mr. Greer was still in 
bed, and not inclined to get up, she was considerably vexed, and 
cried out to him, "Old man, you had better get out of that! 
We are going to have preaching here to-day by Mr. Greer, and 
must clean up the house!" 

Of course, the " old man" abandoned his couch without fui-ther 
wasning. After washing his face and hands, and combing his 
■disordered locks in the open air, he took a short walk, and then 
had breakfast, when he felt much refreshed. While loitering 
aroimd the premises, in reply to some inquiry, he said that, "if 
thdy were to have preaching, he would stay, especially as he did 
not like to travel on the Sabbath." 

The necessary preparations were made for the meeting. 
Benches were extemporized-;— a table for the minister placed in 
the right position — the table covered with a clean linen cloth, 
Upon which were laid a Bible and a volume of Hymns and 
Psalms, and the conduct of all approached nearer and nearer 
to what was fit and proper for the day and the occasion. 

By-and-by, the people be^an to assemble by ones, and twos 
and families. AH inquired if Mr. Greer had come, and were 


somewliat disappointed when they leariled that he had not. 
Many anxious glances were cast in the direction from which he 
was expected. The time for the opening exercises was near ; 
some wno had come for worthy purposes, looked serious and 
■downcast, thinking, perhaps, that their time on earth was rapidly 
slipping away, while they remained among those who were not 
with Q-od's elect, and seriously asking themselves whether God 
would ever move them to forsake their slqs, and Uve according 
io His laws. Others, who were more volatile, amused themselves 
in various ways. Among other things, it was proposed that one 
•of the company should personate Mr. Greer, and he was accord- 
ingly iastalLed as the preacher for the day, and proceeded to 
read a chapter from the iBible. 

The " old man," as they called Mr. Greer, durine these per- 
formances, was a quiet spectator ; but when the appointed time 
■came, he arose and said, " K you have no objection, I will be 
Mr. Greer." As no one objected, he proceeded with the service, 
took a text, and preached an excellent sermon, in which he told 
some very pertinent truths and gave them much wholesome 
advice, which we may believe was suited to the capacity and 
iabits of those who hstened. 

His hearers were greatly mortified at having treated "the old 
man" rudely, and they made many apologies, all which he ac- 
<5ppted with his usual kindness and good nature. 

The good people of Bethel never treated him with neglect, 
afterwards ; but we are sorry to say that he became unpopular 
at a subsequent period with the rigid professors of Presbyteri- 

Tti the early settlement of our county, the Presbyterians and 
Baptists struggled, each for their own communion, to obtain the 
■vantage ground. Fierce and unyielding was the controversy 
concemiag the lawfulness of "sprinkling." In the bar-room 
and in the pulpit, at the logging-froHc and at the prayer-meeting 
— anywhere and everywhere, when a few of the profane or the 
pious came together, the controversy was carried on — sometimes 
with good nature — sometimes angrily — always earnestly. It 
was not surprising, therefore, that, while some saw then- way 
dear so far as the subject in dispute was concerned, others 
became confused and bewildered. Of the latter class were two 
* JFprestburgh converts. They were Presbyterians ; but they 
would not enter the Church as members, except in the manner 
prescribed by the Baptists. And so Mr. Greer immersed them, 
Mke a good liberal soul, as he was. Both sprinkling and im- 
mersion were lawful in his eyes. 

Many Presbyterians thought he yielded too much to the 
Baptists, and some imagined, probably, that he would desert 


the Church of Calvin ; but he remained faithful to the Presby- 
terians as long as he lived.* 

People who live in a new and sparsely settled region are often 
palled upon to make considerable sacrifices in the cause of hu- 
manity and mercy, and however loose may be the ties which 
sometimes bind together such communities, but few persons- 
thus situated refuse to freely give their time and means to re^lieve 
the distress of a neighbor. If his cabin takes fire from .the 
burning woods, they turn out and build another for him ; if he 
is from any cause unable to plant his newly cleared fields, or 
gather his crops, they lend him a helping hand ; indeed, if any 
misfortune befaUs an upright and hard-working pioneer who is 
not himself a thoroughly selfish mam, other honest and laborious 
pioneers will freely assume each his portion of the calamity. 

Perhaps nothing will so stir their sympathies as an alarm that 
a child is missing or lost in the woods. In 1810, nearly the 
entire population of Bethel consumed eight days in searching; 
the wilderness for a little boy named John Glass, and did not 
cease to hunt for him until they rehnquished aU hope that he 
was living. 

The parents of this lad lived near White Lake. During the- 
-summer of the year mentioned, his mother sent him about a 
mile into the woods to carry dinner to some men who were en- 
gaged in chopping. He reached them safely, and started for 
home, after which he wandered from the track which led to his 
father's house, and became hopelessly bewildered. He was not 
missed until evening, when the choppers returned home without 
him, and it was found that he had not reached the house pre- 
viously. Every parent may imagine the scene which then ensued 
-—the distress of the mother, and the wild energy and activity 
of the father. The night was spent in giving utterance to frantic 
misery by the one ; and in a fruitless search by the other, assisted 
by all who had heard of the circumstance. In the morning the 
news was spread far and wide, and all joined in beating the 
swamps and thickets, and so continued to do from day to day 
until they lost courage and hope. No trace of the lost child 
was found, and every one believed that he had perished from 
terror, hunger and exposure, or had met with a more speedy 
and less fearful fate by being devoured by wild beasts, which 
then and there were known to be numerous and ferocious. 

When young Glass left the path, he traveled almost directly - 
from home. When night overtook him, he laid down beside 
a fallen tree, weary, hungry and half crazed, and slept until 
morning. He then started again at random to find his way out 
of the woods. He thuS continued to wander for ten days, with 

* Verba) statement of Simeoq M. Jordan. 


notbing to eat except a few wild berries, and seeing no 
Hving thing except an occasional beast or bird of the forest. 
One night, as he was in a levered sleep, he was awakened by 
the bleating of a deer, and then heard the angrj snarl and growl 
of a oatatBount, and knew that the ferocious axumal was ddnking 
the blood of his hafmless victim. 

On the eleVeath day of his wandering, he was a pitiable object. 
His body was emaciated and lacerated, his feet were sore and 
swollen, his clothing was in tatters, and he was so worn and 
exhausted that h© could with difficulty stapd up. He would 
have soon laid down, to die, when he heard a distant cow-bdl. 
The sound gave him renewed life. He tottered forward in the 
direction from which it came, and discovered a clearing, in which 
were several cattle. It was near night. The animals, when 
they saw him^ started slowly for home. "With the utmost diffi- 
culty he followed them. FmaUy his strength so fair failed that 
he was obliged to crawl upon his hands and knees. He con- 
tinued to do so until he saw &e house of a person named Lair, 
who lived on the Oallicoon. 

When Mrs. Lair went out to milk the cows, she discovered 
the poor lost boy upon the ground near her door, and throwing 
down her pail, took him in ber arms, and carried him into her 
dwelling. Notwithstanding she lived on the outskirts of civili- 
zation, and was unlearned and almost beyond the influence of 
Christianity, she had a good, motherly heart and a soimd head. 
She treated' the lost boy as kindly as if he had been her own 
son, and with as good jtidgment as if she had been one of the 
regular faculty. She washed hina, dressed his sores, and put 
him in a wai^i, soft bed, ^d then gave him nourishing food in 
small quantities. Soon hie was able to tell his name and resi- 
dence. News of his escape was sent to hiB friends, who for two 
days had ceased to search for him, believing that he was dead. 

James Glass lived to be an old man. For many years he had 
a home with William Stewart. He never fuUy recovered from 
the effects of his adventur-es in the woods, and always needed 
the controlling influence of a mind more sound than his own.*" 

About the year 1811, William Gille^ie removed frtnn the city 
of New York to Bethel. In oonjunetion with Josiah C. HoOk, 
Mr. Gillei^e established a store aJb White Lxke — the second in 
the town. Until his death, Mr. Gillespie was a highly respect- 
atble resident 6i Bethel. In 18^0, he was elected a Meuaber of 
Assembly from Uistef and Swllivan countiefs, aad we believe at 
one time was the candidate of his political party for Bepresent-. 
aiive in OoBigi'eSfi in Opposiiiosa to CJha^les H. Buggies; but was 
d«feated. £te Was a Judge of the Court of Common Pieas £or 

* Hunters ot SttlllVin. 



nearly twenty years, '■ and First Judge of the county from 1835 
to 18M, when he became ineligible from age. He was also a 
Commissioner of Loans for several years, as well as a Ruling 
Elder of the Associate Reformed Church. He was emphatically 
an honest man, and exhibited every trait of a devout and sincere 
Christian. His death was very sudden. On Sunday, May 28, 
1849, he attended church as usual ; was taken ill on his return 
home, and died at 4 o'clock on Monday morning. 

Mr. Hook, who was associated with Mr. Gillespie in business 
in the early days of the town, was a gentleman of the old school 
' — of lofty and pretentious bearing — eeremgnious and hospitable. 
He was Supervisor of Bethel for several years. His old age was 
marked by misfortune. His pride was chastened by poverty. 
On the 20th of February, 1841, Edward, a much-loved son, was 
lost at sea by the capsiziag of the schooner Three Friends, while 
passing from St. Joseph's to Mobile, soon after which Mr. Hook 
removed from the town. 

Jesse Crocker, the first tavern-keeper of Bethel, was a man 
who enjoyed the respect and esteem of the public ; but he carried 
on a busmess which almost always brings sorrow and suffering 
to the families of those who engage in it as weU as to the families 
of their customers. If we doubted the doctrine of compensation 
for sin in this hfe as well as in the life to come, our doubts would 
be removed by studyi:^ the history of men who have been aptly 
styled retailers of liquid damnation. If they do not themselves 
become the victims of their own caUii^, they generally live to 
see some one as dear as their own souls reduced by it until he 
sinks below the level of a beast. 

Nelson Crocker, a descendant of the old tavern-keeper, was 
equally noted for his love of hunting, his blasted hfe, and, his 
tragic death. No hunting-party was complete without him. He 
knew every foot of the woods, and when he accompanied an 
expedition after game, his companions felt sure of success. 
Many interesting anecdotes could be told of his adventures ; but 
the n>Ilowing, which we find in the "Himters of SuUivan," must 
suffice : 

"Crocker often hunted north-west of Big pond, in the vicinity 
of 'Painter Swamp.' During the .days of Joseph Peck, Paul 
Horton, William Brown and Jared Scott, this ground was as 
good for deer-hunting as any other, and where these animals 
were most niimerous, panthers generally abounded. '.'■ Nelson 
here found more of the last-named than he wished to see. 
■While on the outskirts of the ^wamp with his dog, he struck 
ike trail of no less than seven panthers. The panther is gener- 
ally found singly, or at moat in pairs. Why so many of them 
were here together is a matter of conjecture. It was probably 
the rutting season with them, and that there were six males in 


pursuit of a single female. The fact that Nelson found them 
Tinusuallv ferocious gives color to this supposition. 

" Crocker followed their tracks until he was hungry, when he 
aat down upon a log to eat his luncheon. This he divided into 
two parcels, one of which he. offered to his dog; but the latter, 
instead sharing of his master's repast, showed his teeth and 
seemed to be bristling for a fight with an unseen enemy. Just 
as the hunter swallowed his last morsel, a large panther sprang 
by him like a flash, almost brushing his shoulder as it passed. 
<!rocker caught up his old General Morgan rifle, and fixing at 
random, saw the beast disappear unharmed. An instant after- 
wards his dog was fighting another feline monster at a little 
distance ; but the terrible claws of the panther were too much 
for the poor cur, which gave up the battle, and ran to his mas- 
ter for protection, while the panther fled. As^iCrocker was 
reloading, he saw another running toward him. He yeUed at 
it, and it ran up a tree. This one he fired at and killed. Al- 
most as soon as he could load his rifle again, he saw another, 
and succeeded in sending a bullet into it. Then the Mght of 
iis dog, which seemed to feel safe nowhere except between his 
feet, and the screaming of the panthers in almost every direc- 
tion, caused him to lose heart. He made up his mind that he had 
better get out of the swamp without imnecessary delay. He 
ran for safer ground, and while doing so, his hat was shoved 
from his head by the limbs of a bush. He did not stop to pick 
up his displaced head-gear ; but continued to run until he be- 
lieved he was out of danger. 

" On the succeeding day. Nelson determined to revisit the scene 
of his adventure, and skin his game and recover his hat. While 
doing so he discovered a large inale panther in the crotch of a 
tree, and fired at it. It fell ; but immediately ran up a sapling 
until it reached the top ; when the sapling bent with the weight 
of the beast until its limbs reached the ground. As the panther 
came down, the dog, forgetting the roudi usage of the previous 
day, stood ready for another battle. A brief struggle ensued, 
with much snarling, yelping and flying of hair. The dog was 
speedily whipped, and fled toward his master, with his antago- 
nist close to his heels. Crocker's rifle was unloaded. He had 
no stomach for a hand-to-claw encounter, and very sensibly 
concluded that he would run too. A race then ensued in which 
the dog was ahead, the hunter next, with the panther in the 
rear, driving all before it. Nelson expected every instant to feel 
the weight and the talons of his pursuer upon his shoulders, 
and consequently made excelent time. Finding his rifle an 
encumbrance, he threw it away. This proved his salvation ; for 
the beast stopped a moment to smell it, and decide whethJer it 
should be torn to pieces. This enabled Nelson to get out of the 


swamp before the t>a«thet could eatch bim, and it did not seebi 
disposed to follow nim to the upltmd. 

"After waiting several hours, Crocker, armed with nothing 
but his hatchet and hunting-lmife, started for his gun, and 
recovered it. After reloading, he endeavored to make his dog 
fdlow the panther's track; but the cur had had enough m 
panther-hunting, and refused to stir an inch. They then went 
a few yards from the swamp, when the dog commenced howling. 
The panther ajiswered with a loud squall, and repeated th& 
challenge as it approached for aiiother nght. The dog crouched 
close to the hunter's feet. Nelson, who had so recently fled 
ingloriously, because no glory could be won with an empty rifle 
in a flght with a panther, now coolly awaited the approach of the 
ferocious monster. Boon &e beast appeared. Nelson covered 
it with the muzzle ; but reserved his fire until the animal was 
^thin one boimd of hiuij when he sent a ball crashing into it& 

"Without further adventure, he skinned the game he had 
shot during the two days, and returned home. There are men 
yet living who saw the pelts of the panthers he shot kx 'Painter 
Swamp.' ' 

As we have already intimated, Nelson Crocker was of respect- 
able parentage. AJicohoHc liquors were the bane of his hfe. A 
depraved appetite was rapidly sinking him ia the social scale to 
the level of the viagrant and pauper. This he kn^w and deplored, 
as does almost every other poor drunkard who is passing down 
the inclined plane of decency to destruction. For twenty-five 
years, he frequently lost all control of himself, and continued in 
a state of beastly intoxication for days and weeks. Then would 
follow a sober interval, and expressions of bitter regret for his 
excesses. Sometimes he declared that death was preferable to 
a hfe of drunken degradation. In the summer of 1843, when 
the total abstinence reform was potent, he joined the Temper- 
ance Society of Bethel, and for nearly three months successfully 
resisted the enemy of his life. Kind hands were extended to 
him — cheering smiles brightened the road to honor and useful- 
ness. But in an evil hour, he joined Jacob Hunger and others 
of his old associates in a hunting-expedition, who took with 
them a supply of rum. After searching ihe woods for game, the 
party gathered at night in a hunter's hut in the woods. Here, 
as was their custom, they ^peat the evening merrily, and draiyc 
freely, and here Crocker violated his pledge. A wild debauch 
of a week's duration followed. Whe& Nelson awoke fooni it, it 
seemed to him that his last hope of a better life was lost ; th«t 
death was preferable to a life of shame and self-imposed abase- 
ment; and so the old hunter, by shootmg hinasell, added the 



isorrible offense of self-murder to the compea-ative venalities of 
his life. 

Bears still abound in Bethel, and when wounded or defending 
iSkenx young, are suftcieatly ferocious to afford the hunter all 
13»e excitement he should desiare. Under sueh eiroumstanees, 
ihey do not hesitate to ai^ack a man. Many have had battles 
with tiiem ; but notwillh'ataQdttig tlie great strength and weight 
of bears, and their tenacity of fife, no one in Sullivan has been 
fatally injured by them. 

In November, 1865, James P. Calbreath was hunting in a 
laurel swamp about three miles from "White Lake. He was 
armed with a rifle and revolver, and had with him two or three 
gOtjd dogs. The latter found a very large she-bear, and two 
well-grown cubsi, and a noisy battle immediately ensued between 
the dam and dogs, while the young animals ran aUray, and were 
passing Mr. Calbrea4h, when a biJlet from his rifie caused one 
of them to fall. He immediately reloaded, hoping to get a shot 
at the one with which his dogs were fighting ; but much to his 
surprise the one he had shot got upon its feet, and ran toward 
him in a rage. A second ball caused it to tumble over, squall- 
ing for help. The mother, hearing the signal of distress, rushed 
toward the spot, and crashed through the laurels. When she 
came within sight, Mr. Oalbreath aittempted to shoot her with 
his revolver. It snapped. He tried again. The caps were 
worthless. What was to be done? An unloaded rifle, a useless 
revolver, encompassed on every side by tangled laurels, and an 
enraged bear af(proaehing and within twenty feet of him, did 
not afford a flattering prospect of longevity. With a vivid 
pi-ospeet of being crHshed, torn to pieces, and devoured, he 
dropped his revolver, clubbed his rifle, and stood ready to de- 
liver est least one stunning blow upon the head of his rapidly 
approadhiag enemy, when the dbgs rushed up behind, and fast- 
ened their teeth info the hams of Mrs. Brum. The effect was 
magical. She turned about in a fury to avenge the insult, ran 
after her assailants, and failing to reach them, went away, appar- 
ently forgetting her human foe altogether. Mr. Calbreath was 
thus left "master of the situation," amd escaped uninjured. 
Whether he remained in ttie swamp long enough to skin his 
game, we cannot say; but of this we are certain, the young 
bear was taken from the woods by some one. It was very fat 
and weighed one hundred pounds.* 

BtjsHViLiiE. — About the yeaa- 1860, Abial P. Bush, General 
Xiuther Bush, and other members of the same family, built a 
tannery at tliia place. Kie establidatment brought disaster to 
t%em, as well as financial raiin im their suceessors and others. 

* SnlliTan Connt; Bepnblican. 


In March, 1852, the Bushville post-office was established, of 
which Myron Grant was the fiist post-master. 

MoNGAUP Valley. — Until 1847, this place was known as the 
Mongaup Mill — a grist-mill having been built by the Livingston 
family at the point where the Newburgh and Cochecton turnpike 
crosses the Mongaup. Great Lot 15 was owned by that family,, 
and finally passed to the children of John C. Tillotson, whose 
wife was a Livingston. Li 1807, five famihes were hving in the 
valley or its neighborhood. Forty years later, there were but 
four dwelling-houses in the place, and about twenty-five in- 
habitants. ^ 

A new era then commenced. The magic rod of enterprise 
touched the valley, and it awoke from the sleep of ages. The 
days of passive respectabihty were passed, and the wise spirit 
of progress ruled. 

The Messrs. Kiersted saw that Mongaup Valley possessed 
superior advantages for manufacturing leather. In 1847, they 
purchased a site for a tannery and village. They also bought 
the hemlock-bark on ten thousand acres of land in Great Lot 15,. 
and in 1848, with John W. Swann, a practical tanner, put up 
extensive buildings. The erection of one of the best-ordered, 
and best-managed tanneries in the country was soon followed 
by the building of dwellings and places of busiaess, which are 
second to none in the town. In 1859, a census was taken, when 
it was found that the place contained 664 inhabitants, of whom 
365 were under 20 years of age. Of the residents, 477 were 
born in the United States, 167 in Ireland, and 20 elsewhere.. 
277 were Eoman Cathohcs.* 

The post-office at Mongaup Valley was estabhshed in 1848, 
when Wynkoop Kiersted was appointed post-master. 

The place has had two physicians. The second, Isaac Purdy, 
M. D., is stiU in practice, and the other, James W. Wells, M. D., 
died in 1858. 

Mongaup Valley has had but one lawyer (Robert L. Tillotson), 
who found so Uttle to do that he joined the federal army during 
the great rebeUion, and died while serving his country. Eobert 
L. Tillotson was of a genial and pleasant humor — an aristocrat 
by birth — a man of the people at heart. Ever bubbling over 
with wit, he was yet chivalrous and punctilious. Unfortunately 
he was of convivial inclinations, and had not sufficient -moral 
stamina to resist his morbid appetite — a fact which he himself 
deplored. He was a duellist withal. The following anecdote 
of him is authentic : 

With a young gentleman named Anthon and other friends, 
Tillotson visited a fashionable restaurant in the city of New 

* MSB. of Peter M. Lorgan. 


York. WhUe there, he believed that Anthon wiUiulIy insulted 
him, and promptly challenged him. Anthon chose Bowde knives 
as weapons, and both proceeded with their seconds to a cele- 
brated dueUing-grbund in Virginia. TiUotson had been an adept 
in manly sports ; but was then paartially disabled by paralysis. 
He knew that his antagonist could cut him to pieces m less than 
ten seconds; yet he was determined to fight, and take the con- 
sequences. On the cither hand, the physical disparity between 
the two was so great, that Anthon would have committed down- 
right murder by carrying the affair to extremity. Therefore, 
when all was ready for a deadly encounter, Anthon threw away 
his weapon and apologized. The parties then became reconciled.. 

Black Lake. — This hamlet takes its name from the lake near 
which it is situated. A sole-leather tannery was established 
here by Strong & Mitchell. It was subsequently owned by 
Medad T. Morss, of Woodbourne. 

Among the former residents of Bethel about whom we intended 
to make inquiries, are the following: EHas Sanford, Captain 
Asa Eobinson, Eleazer Evierard, Seth Whitlock, John Ramsey, 
Archibald Coleman, Henry H. Crist, R6bert McCrabbie, Joku 
Voorhes, Asahel HoUister, Abner Lyon, Charles Dekay, Lee 
Mitchell, Thomas Lyon, Captain Eomar, John Coots, John 
Potts, Hiigh Dunlap, and others. But we have already reached 
the limits of the space we can devote to personal sketches in 
this chapter. 

Bethel has been generally exempt from prevaiMng diseases. 
This, however, has not prevented its people from indulging in 
panics on account of apprehended maladies. In July, 1832, 
when Asiatic cholera first visited the city of New York, they 
feared that it would sweep over the hills of Sullivan, and deci- 
mate Bethel. A Board of Health was organized, of which 
Josiah C. Hook was chairman, Nathan J. Sherwood secretary, 
Doctor John Lindsley health-officer, and John Maffit, Nathan: 
J. Sherwood and John Barhyte a committee to care for the sick. 
Not one of this seK-sacrificing committee ever saw a case of 

The people who were so much terrified by cholera, were less 
apprehensive of the miasmatic disiiaises of the far "West. In 
1836, a few families removed from the town to the State of 
Indiana, and during the first year of their residence there eight 
individuals died. There were not as majiy deaths in Bethel 
during the same year.. 

Scarlet fever and diphtheria are the most fatal diseases which, 
have visited the town. In the fall of 1861, the latter caused 

freat mortality among children. In a single family (Philip S.. 
ulton's) no less than seven children died from it within a few.' 

1S8 raSTiCPf 69 SPJuIftftK OWHTT. 

water. It has been sapposed that the Imdiaias gaT« ii the nape 
of Kau-ne-oi^^ga. That it 'wag ftam&E^A by BaUre tribes iwi 
tiie purpose of fishing is b^fop^ doubt, as dartit and other relics 
have been fotmd on its sho3?es. It is pnoseiye its waters have 
been stained with ihe Mood of battle. But tiie traij of the red 
man of the forest has been lost to the inemoiy of liying men, 
and the natural loveliness of the place whioh mnst<have attracted 
even the rude savage, now oecupies in cultured society the pern 
of the poet and the pencil of ihe artisi 

• This is the deepest lake in the counfo^. By actual measure- 
ment James E. Munger found the northern end 80 feet deep, 
and the Narrows 70 feet deep. Until pike were put into &e 
lake, it contained the largest teout in the world.* It is known 
that the brook-trout (sedmofontinalis) have carmine spots ; lake- 
trout (scdmo confinis) have not. The White Lake trout had 
carmine spots. Charles Fenno Hoffman, an author of some 
celebrity, says he saw one, in the winter of 1832, taken from: 
White Lake which weighed 6 pounds. Louis Pyatt caught one 
in February, 1843, which weighed 8 pounds and 14 ounces. 
Some weeks later, a gentleman from Newburgh caught another 
weighing 7 ponnds and 6 ounces. In the year 1843, John B. 
Finlay employed an Indian to take black bass from Lake George 
and put them into White Lake, from which they have been dis- 
tributed to other lakes. 

Fed by internal springs, the lake has no inlet; bijt there is an 
outlet with water-power sufficient for two mills. In the year A. 
D. 1804, J. K. Beekman, residing in New York city, who owned 
Great Lot 16 of the Hardenbergh Patent, sent his agent, Wil- 
Uam Peck, to make improvements. Mr. Peck built a saw-mill 
and a gnst-miU, and one or two otiier buildings at the outlet. 
The grist-mill was rebuilt in 1812, and machmery put in the 
basement for spinning flax. The business, which was conducted 
under the supervision of Alexander Starret, was closed in 1815. 

In 1811, WilHam Gillespie erected a store-house on the turn- 
pike, near the lake, and, as considerable travel had commenced 
by. this time, a hotel was opened and kept by Doctor Lindsley. 
For many years a few summer-boarders frequented the place. 
In 1846, J. B. Finlay put up the first hotel for the special benefit 
of this class of people. It was kept by Simeon M. Jordan, 
George B. Woolmidge.t Stephen Sweet, and others. But the 

* Since this was written, we have been informed by Seth Oreen, one of the Fish 
Commissioners of this State, that George 8. Page, of No. 10 Warren street, New York, 
canght a brook-trout in Maine, which weighed ten pounds. 

t Mr. Wooldridge was an ilhterate man, and yet a paid contributor of several New 
Tork publications. Among them was iim Leader ana Bonner's Ledger. He was also 
a protege ot General Sickles. While in Washington, he discovered the infidelity of 
Sickles wife, and gave Sickles the Information which led to the murder of her seducer. 

btisiiieBs was not remimeratiTe until the Mansion Hovse was 
bmilt hf a ol«b of wealtliy New Yorkers, who made an arrange- 
ment with David B. Kinne by which he ultimately became the 
owner. In 1866, George B. Wooldridge put up the Grove Hotel. 
Two years later Captam WaddeU constructed a boarding-house 
called by the romantic name " Sunny Glade." At none of these 
houses are. sold any intoxicating ^inks. Napoleon B. Wool- 
dridge, of the Detective Pohoe m New Yprk, has lately finished 
a fine cottage residence, commanding a pleasing view of the lake. 
Harold Henwood, a wealthy gentleman from Jersey City, has 
purchased considerable land near the lake, and is improving the* 
soil, and, it is understood, preparing to btuld extensively. 

There are few persons in the (&eat Metropoha w|io spend 
their summer-months in the country, who do not know and 
appreciate the attractive loveliness of this place ; so that it has 
become the resort of substantial men and their families every 
year. Mount Wilder rises south of ,the lake, and with gentle 
declivity recedes 800 feet from the shore, until it reaches a point 
more than 1,600 feet above the Hudson. From the Mansion 
House observatory the view is magnificent. It is still better 
from the other side of the eminence. Following a winding road 
back of the residence of Napoleon B. Wooldndge, you find a 
look-out to suit the purpose. Slumbering beneath lies the lake, 
whose waters, when fanned by the breeze, wash a shore of pebbly 
white sand, and the blossoms of the rhododendron which fringe 
the margin, in their season, make the whole winding confines 
look like enchantment. When the surface of the lake is dotted 
with boats in gay colors, there is presented in the summer- 
months a sight whidi one never tires of seeing. In tiie fore- 
ground, and near the shore, is Chester hill, on the top of which 
IS a pillared temple devoted to Freedom. Cape Henwood slopes 
down towards the Narrows, and trees of natural growth cast a 
grateful shade. 

Away to the north, Mount Sherwood looms up into the serene 
heavens, from which the outline of prospect is scarcely inferior 
to that which greets the eye of the delighted traveler among the 
Catskills. A spur of the latter makes a show back of the Shan- 
daken hiHs. Then on the right "the smol^ rang^" of the 
Shawangunk is lost in the glades and forests of Neversink. As 
the eye sweeps the distant landscape, it detects an ajmost un- 
broken chain of mountains lying round the whole Cyclopean 
tcircle. Everywhere sloping farms are framed in groves of nat- 
ural beauty ; but what most attracts attention is the lake itself. 
Here are not the bold configuration of Newburgh bay, and the 
richly laden vessels of commerce ; but there is more of the un- 
disturbed repose which is calculated to please those who relish 
retirement from the busy scenes of active hie. To crown aU, 


here is an atmosphere as healthy as any on the globe. Physi- 
cians frequently send invalids to recover health from its Efe- 
giving qualities. Instances of recovery almost incredible m^ht 
be given : so that to those who wish to combine rare scenery 
with healthiness of climate, a sojourn during the summer-months 
is desirable.* 

The following lines were written by Alfred B. Street, whose 
poetical afflatus was developed by the charming scenery of 
bullivan : 


Pure as their parent springs ! how bright 

The silvfery waters stretch away, 
Eeposing in the pleasant light 

Of June's most lovely day. 

Curving aroimd the eastern side 

Rich meadows slope their banks, to meet, 

With fringe of grass and fern, the tide 
Which sparUes at their feet. 

Here busy life attests that toil. 

With its quick talisman has made 
Fields green and waving, from a soil 

Of rude and savage shade. 

While opposite the forest lies 

In giant shadow, black and deep, 
Filling with leaves the circling sky. 

And frownittg in its sleep. 

*Amid this scene of Kght and gloom, 

Nature with art links hand in hand. 
Thick woods beside soft rural bloom 
As by a seer's command. 

Here, waves the grain, here, curls the smoke; 

The orchard bends ; there, wilds, as dark 
As when the hermit waters woke 

Beneath the Indian's bark. 

• For thJB descripiioti of White Lake and its surroundings, the author is indebted 
to Bev. J. B. Williame. Mr. W. is not reBponeible tor the foot-notes. 


Here, the green headlands seem to meet 

So near, a fairy-bridge might cross ; 
There, spreads the broad and limpid sheet 

In smooth, unruffled gloss. 

Arch'd by the thicket's screening leaves, 

A lilied harbor lurks below. 
Where on the sand each riffle weaves 

Its melting wreath of snow. 

Hark! like an organ's tones, the woods 
To the light wind in murmurs wake ; 

The voice of. the vast solitudes 
Is speaking to the lake. 

The fanning air-breath sweeps across 

On its broad path of sparkles now, 
Bends down the violet to the moss. 

And melts upon my brow. 

White Lake Pkesbttebiaii Church. — ^For the origin of this 
Church and congregation, we refer to the records of it, as care- 
fully kept by the officers. On christmas-day, 1805, we find it 
stated that " a number of the inhabitants of Luniberland, being 
by previous notice called together, at the house of Captain Abner 
HoUister, it was noted as their wish to form and to be formed 
into a society of worship, publicly called Presbyterian, and to be 
known by the name of the ' White Lake Presbyterian Society." 
The following persons were, at said time and place, chosen as 
officers of the society : Gomrrmaioners — Captain Abner HoUister, 
Captain Alajaii Mitchell; Trustees — John K. Beekman, David 
Jackson, William Peck, WOlitan Hurd, Daniel Hunter, Captain 
Abner HoUister and Captain Abijah Mitchell. 

Sometime during the folowing year, it was determined to 
buUd a " House of Worship," for we have an account of a meet- 
ing held December 25th, 1807, when it was "voted that the 
resolution passed in 1806, for setting the church on John K. 
Beekman's lot, adjoinmg John T. Clayton's lot, shall be revoked, 
and that the church shsffl. be set on Mr. John Sterratt's lot, near 
the centre of the lot, and that William Peck, Abner Hollifiter, 
Henry H. Crist, Matthias FnUer, WiUiam Hurd, John Potts and 
Abijah Mitchell be a committee to stick a stake on the place, 
where to erect the church." 

At the adjourned meeting of ttie congregation, held August 
16th, 1808, (of which notifications had been put up at five differ- 
ent localities,) there was anoOter change made, as to the sife for 
the contemplated edifice, as it is recorded that a vote was taken 


to build the chiircli on Abner Hollister's lot, Bcurth of the road 
leading from William Peck's mill to Henry H. Grist's, and west 
of the road leading from the " Hurd Setflem^it to the turnpike, 
at a beech-tree marked, near the place, and that the trustees 
shall determine on the place, not to exceed four rods from the 
above marked tree." 

For some cause which does not appear, there was still a,fourih 
change made as to the church-site ; and which was to the rising 
ground north of the tumpDre, and half-way between Bethel vil- 
lage and White Lake, the location of the present edifice. This 
was in the spriiig (April 24th,) of 1809; and jwhen the work of 
erection at once commenced. 

The amount subscribed towards the work is set down at 
$961.67, of which $364.15 were paid in labor done, each indi- 
vidual being allowed six shillings a day. 

The building, though commenced so early as 1809, was not 
completed until nineteen years after, for we find a record of a 
meeting of the congregation, held January 4th, 1828, at which a 
contract was entered into between Solomon and Thaddeus Hurd, 
for "finishing the meeting-house, for the sum of $650. Two 
hundred dollars to be paid before the work is done, and the re- 
mainder when finished!" 

The house of worship, as used in its unfinished state, had at 
first neither pulpit, nor regular seats, nor sash iu the upper 
windows, and^ as it was unplastered, and without stoves, the 
people were obliged during the winter season, to hold their ser- 
vices in the "ball-room" of a hotel near by. Some years after, 
however, the ladies of the congregation had spun and woven 
a piece of Hnen cloth which was sdid, and the proceeds used in 
building a pulpit and supplying the want of sash in the upper 
windows of the building. 

The Church was organized September 3d, 1810, by the Eev. 
Daniel 0. Hopkins, " a Missionary of the General Assembly of 
the Presbyterian Church in the United States." Its first mem- 
bers were John Sherwood and wife, Esther Sherwood, William 
Peck and wife, Elizabeth Peck, Abner Hollister and wife, Miriam 
HolHster,*Huldah Taylor, Margaret Tibbits, Euth M. Mitchell, 
Bridget Dekay, Sarah Judson ; of these, two were at the time 
elected Elders, namely: Messrs. John Sherwood and Abner 
Hollister. In December of the same year, they were duly "set 
afart" to their office by the Eev. Henry Ford. 

For more than twenty years the congregation depended upon 
supplies from Presbjrtery. Among these we find the names of 
the Eev. Messrs. Methuselah Baldwin, John Johnston, Luttier 
Halsey, Ezra Pisk, Isaac Vandoren, William McJimsey, Isaac 
Arbuckle, Messrs. Babbit, Adams and Timlow. The Eev, J. Boyd 
served the congregation for two years, and tiie Eevs. Samuel 

TBE T0WN OE BVmXlb.. 10. ■ 

Pelton and Thomas HolMay, eaeh about tlie Btmie leiigt}^ of 

In the y«ar 1841, the Bev. William B. BeeT«g vaa called afi 
the Sarst regular pastor of the congregatioii, which he continued 
to be for six jears. 

During Mr. Beeves' pastorate, the present ehurch^edifice and 
parsonage were built. 

Eev. W. T. Blain next served the congregation for four jeaam, 
ajid after him the Bev. Mr. Brewster, for three and one-half 

Its more recent pastors were the Eev. Messrs. Petrie, Brown 
amd Wells, their terms of service averaging about three years 

Since the commencement of the present year, the eongregatioio 
has been temporarily supplied by the Bev. Edwin Town, a 
member of the " Presbytery of Lackawanna." 

The congregation at present is composed of from eighty to 
«gh<y-five families, and one hundred and twenty communicants.* 

AflSOCiATE Befobmed Chuech. — The Associate Beformed 
Church had no regular organization until the year 1830, although 
there was a missionary station at White Lake under the care 
and supervision of the Presbytery of New Tork, as early as the 
year 1811 or 1812. Several families from the North of, Ireland, 
of strong Protestant proclivities, had settled in Bethel, bringing 
with them their religious preferences. About this period ajso, 
William GiUespie, who was a member of the Associate Beformed 
CJhurch of New York, removed from the city to the town, and 
was chiefly instrumental in obtaining missionan' aid. 

Nursed by the mother Presbytery, the infant Church continued 
to live. It was during the winter of 1818-1819, that the Bev. 
William Boyse, from one of the Southern States, visited this 
missionary station. We have before us a copy of a letter written 
by him to his wife, which serves to cast a little light over this 
(jUskea.) dark spot. We insert the letter as a part of our History : 

" White Lake, Sdixivan Co., N. Y., ) 
1st December, 1818. . j 

"* * * This is a pretty wild part of the country. You 
would say it is a perfect wilderness. Yesterday I went to church- 
There stood a little, solitary, unfinished house, which I entered. 
There was no pulpit — no seats ; but a very common chair, which 
I was to occupy, and some boards, propped up on blocks, oa 
which the congregation sit; no fire, and the wall nothing but 
very thin boards. After some time, however, there was a eon- 

♦ Statement of Bev. Ed«iri Town. 


rare^tion assembled. I got up at the end of a carpenter's bench 
mat passed through the centre, and preached thBm a sermon. 
They sat and heard it with as much patience as if they had been 
in the temple of Jerusalem, I suppose ; and as they are in the 
habit of hearing two sermons in this place, one directly after the 
other, cold and- bleak as it was, I found they would not be satis- 
fied unless I gave them another — and so I did. Strange as it 
may appear, there are some very decent people in this place, 
and some that live very comfortably. I expect to preach here 
next Sabbath. 

"MoNTQOMEET, December 9th, 1818^ 
"I returned from White Lake on last Monday. I expect to 
preach next Sabbath and the Sabbath after at Graham's church, 
and on the last Sabbath of this month at Bloomingburgh. I 
enjoy pretty good health. I have foimd some very good mends ' 
in the country. Though I cannot say that religion is in a very 
flourishing state in any of the congregations to which I have 
preached — ^yet many are very* attentive, and receive the. gospel 
with gladness, and show a desire to promote the glory of God, 
and their own eternal happiness. The vacancies belonging to 
the Associate Keformed Cfliurch in this Presbytery are all poor. 
No one of them is ready for settling a minister at present ; but 
I have been able to get along without sinkiag money." 

No definite information concerning this rehgious pioneer is in 
our possession, until 1826, when he was connected with the 
Dutch Reformed Church, and employed as a missionary at 
Woodstock and Shokan, in Ulster county. In the year 1829, he 
became the pastor of the Woodstock Church, and occupied that 
position until 1837. He died in 1853. 

But to return to our narrative of the White Lake Associate 
Reformed Church. The building alluded to in the letter of Rev. 
Mr. Boyse, was located on the turnpike-road, west of Wliite Lake. 

In the year 1830, the Associate Reformed people deemed it 
advisable, in view of their increasing number, and the necessity 
of supplying the spiritual wants of the community, to make a 
re-organization ; and in January of that year a meeting was held, 
at which Hugh Dunlap presided. Rev. J. V. S. Lansing was 
preisent, and a resolution was adopted unanimously in favor of 
such re-organization, and that the Associate Reformed Presby- 
tery of New York should be asked to take this infant Church 
under its care for presbyterial purposes. William GiQespie and 
William Frazer were elected Elders and Deacons. 

On the 8tbof Februar\% 1830, after the usual religious exercises 
of preaching, etc., these persons were duly ordained as Ruling 
Elders of said congregation. The church-members at this time 
were William Frazer and Isabella Frazer, William Gillespie and 


Marj Gillespie, Eobert Frazer and Eliza Frazer, Thomas Stewart 
and Nanojy Stewart, Hugh Dunlap, Eobert McCrabbie and Agnes 
McCrabbie, John Coot and Mary Coot, Ann Brown, Mary Brown, 
Sally Brown, Ann Eamsay, EUzabeth Craig and Martha Stewart, 
During the same year, the following named persons united with 
ttie Church, viz: James Brown, Jane Brown, Nancy Brown, 
Hugh Tasey, Nancy Tasey, Samuel Brown, William A. Brown, 
Wiluam Cochrane, George Stuart, Jane Stuart, Eliza Cochran 
and Nancy Darragh. The adherents exceeded in number the 

Being without a church-edifice, arrangements were made be- 
tween this congregation and the Eeformed Presbyterians for the 
occupancy of me church-edifice belonging to the latter, and it 
was transferred by a lease for twenty years, on condition that 
the lessees should finish it in a plain maimer, paifit it, and per- 
mit the lessors to occupy it on one Sabbath in each month, 
should they require it for public worship. Under this arrange- 
ment it was occupied until the new church at Mongaup Valley 
was erected. 

■In the autumn of 1830, the Eev. James Geoige was sent as a 
supply to the "White Lake Church, and remained there for about 
a year, preaching with much success. He was then sent to 
Philadelphia by the Presbytery, from which city he went to the 
Associate Eeformed Church, in the northern part of this State, 
Soon thereafter, he removed to Canada — was chosen a Professor 
and Vice-President of King's College, which office he held for 
several years, when he resigned and became pastor of a large 
and flourishing congregation at Stratford, C. W. Doctor George 
was a man of great intellectual power, and as an orator he had 
few equals at me time of his death, which occurred in Septem- 
ber, 1870. 

After Eev. Mr. George left White Lake, the pulpit was occu- 
pied for six months by Eev. Henry Connelly, who became pastor 
of the Associate Eeformed Church at Bloomingburgh thereafter. 
He died at Newburgh. 

In June 1833, the congregation had increased, and the Church 
Session was enlarged by the election of Eobert McCrabbie, 
George Brown and Archibald C. Niven. In the same year, the 
Eev. Jasper Middlemas, a licentiate from Scotland, was chosen 
pastor and duly installed. He was the first pastor of the con- 

In May, 1835, Eev. Mr. Middlemas resigned the pastorate. 
Of his subsequent history little is known, except that he formed 
an ecclesiastical connection with the Dutch Eeformed Church, 

For about one year after Mr. Middlemas resigned, ttie pulpit 
was (iccupied at intervals by Eev. Alexander Proudfit, Eev. 
Clark Irvine, and Eev. T. 0. McLaury. 

14A BIBTOm OF SeuUCViitN gwsty. 

In JHine, 1636, a ©all vfm prfeSented to the Eev. T. C. McLemtjy. 
wkieh he accepted, o&d was te^a^lj installed in September of 
that year. 

In 1842, Rev. Mr. MeLatiry resigned, having been. formally 
intiteS to become the pastor of the Aseociate Reformed con- 
gre^Mon of Ctoibridgej Washington Co., N. Y., -where he latbored 
until Sfeptembet, 1652, when he received and accepted a " call" 
to preadh to a congregation at Lisbon, St. Lawrence county; 
but died during ihe week appointed for Ms installation. 

After the Rev. T. C. McLaury resigned the pastOT-ate at White 
Late, the congregation had religious services by several yoimg 
olergjrmen at different times, among whom were the Revs. Her- 
man Douglas, S. D. Gager, Mr. Donaldson, James Campbell and 
P. C. Robertson. This state of things continued until 1847„ 
when Rev. P. C. Robertson became the pastor, who continued 
aaS such until the new church was built at Mongaup Valley ; soon 
after which period, that is to say, in 1853, Rev. G. M. McEckron 
was chosen pastor, and after ocempying the pulpit about five 
years, resigned and was succeeded by the Rev. Alexander Adair. 
Mr. McEckron accepted a situation as pastor of a Reformed 
Dutch Church in Poughkeepsie. Mr. Adair remained at Mon- 
gaup Valley until the year 1868, when he removed to Oxbow, 
Jefferson county, where he now resides. 

Rev. Mr. Rockwell, from the Reformed Dutch Church, then 
preached to the congregation for about a year, when Rev. Wil- 
liam Perrie, A. M., became pastor, and is. such at the present 
time. The number of actual members, exclusive of ordinary 
hearers, is at this date (1872) about ninety. 

In reference to this U-enomination of Christians, it is proper 
to say, that in regard to the form of Church government, it is 
strictly Presbyterian ; in regard to doctrine, it differs but little^ 
if any, with the Episcopal, Reformed Dutch, Presbyterian, Or- 
thodox Congregationalists. or Baptists; in practice, it is not 
excilusive; but admits to its communion all members in good 
standing of other Churches, who hold the same doctrines.* 

Refobmed Peesbyteeian Ohuech of White Lake. — This 
Ohurtdi was organized in 1822, and at first consisted of ten 
members. For nearly thirty years the congregation was unable 
to maintaim a regular pastor, although two years after its form- 
ation it erected a church-edifice. This building stood on the 
shore ef the lake and was a plain unpretending affair. Homely 
as it was, it was not put to shame by a more ornate structure in 
it« vidili^, and in primitive times was regarded with a certain 
d^r^B of local pride. Rev. J. B. Williams, the first and pres- 

* The author ie indebted for this sketch to Hon. A. C. Niven. 


ent minister of the congregation, wias ordained in 1850. Under 
his pastorate, the membership has increased to eighty. In 
1864, a new house of worship was built, at a cost of $2,500. 

The Reformed Presbyterians, who are popularly known as 
Covenanters, are in some respects a remarkable class of pro- 
fessed Christians. They adhere to the Westminster Confes- 
sion. In pubhc worship they sing nothing but David's psalms 
translated into English, and condemn the use of metrical hymns 
and psalms as impious and idolatrous. Stringed instruments, 
organs, and even choirs, they regard as abominations. They 
refuse to "incorporate, by any act, with the political body" of 
our country, because the organic law contains no "recognition 
of God as the source of all power, of Jesus Christ as the Buler 
of Nations, of the Holy Scriptures as the supreme rule. Mid of 
the true Christian religion." Consequently in tfleir eyes it is 
sinful to vote, hold civil office, or swear to support the Federal 
or State Constitution ; and they treat those of their membership 
who, offend in this respect as unsound branches of the true 
vine, and lop them off. They are political eunuchs, and from 
a sense of dnty forego the dearest privilege of American citi- 
zens, hoping thus to promote the glory of God, and the reign of 
Immanuel over the tribes, and powers, and principalities of the 

The memory of William Stewart, who was long a Euling Elder 
of the congregation at White Lake, holds a warm corner in the 
hearts of the pastor and laity. He came to Bethel iu 1804, when 
the site of MonticeUo was still covered by primitive forests, and 
the only practicable conveyance was an ox-sled, and was a resi- 
dent of the town imtil his death, in January, 1871. He was a 
man of vigorous mind, and persistent, untiring aims. " It was 
mainly owing to his exertions that the Church organization was 
preserved until 1850 as a vacancy."* He was an omniv- 
orous reader, and from the books within his reach, acquired an 
extensive knowledge of history, theology and English hterature. 
He was also a man of marked individuality of character. Many 
pleasant anecdotes are told of him, and among them this : When 
reading his Bible, he sometimes added a running commentary 
to each verse. While busy with the last chapter of Paul's Epistle* 
to the Philippians, he came to the verse — "I can do aU things 
through Christ which strengtheneth me." This he rendered as 
foUows: "I can do all things— 'Paal! Paal! ye're boastin' noo' 
— thi-ough Christ which strengtheneth me — 'P-h-i-e-w! ! ! — Paal, 

When this rigid, sincere, but genial adherent of the Covenant 
died, the community which had known him nearly three-scora 

• Eev. J. B. WUUama. 


1465 HISTOSW W SUELIVAK oottnty. 

afld'teBf yeairs suffered a gfea# teas-; "the poor were parted £i-ojw 
a friend and guide'; but an eMJineflt peace-maker was taken to 
his reward. The record of his life teaches that charity is the 
gffeatest of earthly bltessings." * 

The Methodist Episcopal chureh of Mongaup Valley was 
erected in 1850, when Eev. "WHlSani Blbomer was on "tie cir- 
cuit." It was improved in 1869, and will seat about 400 people. 

The manner in which the ofd school Methodist preachers 
labored — their brief connection with each circui-t, and ihe im- 
p^eet records of their work which remain and are accessible, 
rMder it aliiiost impossible to give' a oonaected history of their 
operations in this county. We have aip|Hlied? to several mteUigent 
members of this respectable body of Cnristians for information ; 
but have failed to procure what we have faithfully endeavored 
to find — an account of the labors of their pioneer preachers, a 
description of the revivals which have swelled the number of 
converts, and a list of the elders and deacons who have been ■ 
seat into our county to advamee the standard of Methodism. 

* BeT. J. B. WilKams, 

Note. — The Mansion House at "White Lake was not built as 
a club-house, as stated iii this chapter, although Mr. Kinne 
received some assistance from Several persons when he made 
additions to ii 


Prom To 

1810 John Conklin 1817 

1817 Oliver H. Calkin 1818 

1818. . ; JohnLindsley 1829 

1829. Josiah C. Hook 1835 

l!83i Matthew Birown 1842 

1842 Thomas Lyon 1843 

1843 Matthew Brown 1846 

1846 James H.Foster " 1847 

1847 WilHam G. Potts 1848 

1848 Matthew Brown 1849 

1849 Wynkoop Kiersted 1850 

1850 Reuben Fraser 1854 

1854 Isaiah Breakey 1856 

1866. : William J. Hurd 1856 

1856 Eobert L. TiUotson 1857 

1867 George A. Mitchell 1868 

1858 Dwiei M. Btodheaa 1859 

1859 J. Howard Tillotson 1861 

1861 J&ha W. Swto 1862 

1862 ChatleB Fostear 1863 

1863 Thomas WitUams 1864 

1864 : Schuyler Duryea 1867 

1867 Gecrtge E. iSwan 1868 

1868 Thomas Wiffiams 1869 

1869 Hiram Post. 1871 

1871 EodeitickMonrisdn 1874 



This is one of the interior towns of Sullivan. Being situated 
on the western slope of the water-shed, its streams empty into 
the Delaware. Its surface is very uneven. Its valLeys are gen- 
erally narrow ravines, and its hills steep and abrupt, many of 
them being from 200 to 600 feet above their bases. Its soil is 
sandy or formed of finely comminuted red shale, and is very 
productive. Its hill-sides, as well as summits, are arable, and 
under the^ careful and patient hands of its intelligent people, 
yield bountiful harvests of hay, grain and vegetables. The 
streams of the town are the Callicoon and its affluents. It hae 
two natural ponds or lakes — Shandler and Sand ponds. The 
latter affords a pure white sand, which i^ said to be suitable for 
making glass. The leading pursuits of Callicoon are farming, 
tanning and lumbering. 

It has been said of this town that it is composed of "table- 
land with the leaves turned down," and "its fiats stand on 
their edges." 




Value, i 


Co. and 













If Fremont had not been ta"ken from it, in 1870 it would have 
had a larger population than any other town in the coimty. 

The Dutch hunters of Colonial times who came from MiTiiainlr 
to have their autumnal huntiag excursions in what is now the 
noi-th-westem section of SuUivan, foimd along the tributaries of 
the principal stream which there empties into the Delaware, the 
habitations of the beaver. Consequently they gave the name of 

' In 1815, the population of Calliooon waa 606. 



Beaverfeill to the creek — a cognomen which has been borne by 
half the water-courses of the •country. (We have a "Choro- 
graphical Map of the Province of New York, compiled in 1779, 
from actual surveys, by Claude Joseph Sauthier," on which the 
Callicoon is put down as the Beaverkill.) But from a too 
frequent application, the appellation became insignificant and 
inconvenient. From the fact that no one but the speaker knew 
what stream was alluded to when the BeaverkiU was mentioned, 
another name was given. Wild turkeys abounded on the beech 
ridges, where they waxed fat and delicious in the fall and winter, 
and sometimes made the woods vocal with their cries. The 
Dutchmen, therefore, dropped the old name, and gave the stream 
a new one. They called it the KoUikoonkill, while their English- 
speaking companions translated the word, and styled the 
stream Turkey creek.* The Dutch word was filially applied to 
the surrounding country, and the town, as originally organized, 
was known as Kollikoon ; but whenJPremont was taken from it 
by the Board of Supervisors, their clerk, deeming the original 
word too angular for beauty, changed it to Callicoon. The act, 
with the name thus speUed, was then adopted by the Board, and 
Callicoon has ever since been the legal designation of the town. 

Until 1798, Callicoon was a part of Mamakating ; from 1798 
to 1807, it was in Lumberland ; and from 1807 to 1842 in Liberty. 
In 1842, it was made a town by an act of the Legislature. In 
1851, Fremont was taken from its territory. 

Notwithstanding that, during the last thirty years, its rapid 
acquisition of settlers finds no parallel in the history of the 
county, Callicoon was the last section of our territory which was 
opened to immigration. The more remote town of Bockland 
was settled at least forty years before Callicoon. There were 
but two or three families in the latter previous to 1830, and there 
are residents of our county who are not yet considered old men, 
who have camped in the woods of Callicoon at night, and slept 
on hemlock-boughs, after the manner of hunters, where there 
are now flourishing villages with churches, hotels, school-houses, 
manufactories, etc. This seems more strange when the fact is 
taken into consideration, that no other town of SuUivan is more 
fertile, or has greater natural advantages. 

Callicoon was not settled at an earlier day because it was al- 
most whoUy owned by non-residents, no one of whom was able 
and w illin g to construct a good road to and through it. Those 
who held titles to its soil not only lived at a distance; but they 

* Callicoon is evidently from the two Dutch worAe—caHen, to call, to prate, and 
luian, hen— the literal translation of which is " cackling hen." While hunting tnrkeys 
the Dutch imitated the call of that bird, and were guided by the peculiar noise it made 
in reply. Oocoocoos is the Indian word for tiirkey—Harnei-'s Weekly for 1872, page 116 

from' which has come the ancient name of a point above Callicoon known as Cook 

House. Callicoon may be a Dutch, translation of an aboriginal name. 


\fere unknown to each other, and hence did not eo-operate for 
mutual benefit. The value of the te^on to the lumberman and 
farmer was well understood. Suirveyors and himteis, as well as 
trespassers who appropriated every cherry-tree and curled maple 
that stood in our forests in eaarly times, were enthusiastic in 
speaking of its rich soil. A feeble attempt was made in 1825, 
to make a turnpike from the Newburgh and Cochecton road t<> 
Deposit. Several articles appeared in the " Ckr&nide," a Mon- 
ticeEo newspaper of that day, in which it was urged that the 
State should aid the construction of the woii. But nothing was 
accomplished. If the non-residents, who then owned CaUicoon, 
had run this road through it at their own cost, they would have 
increased the value of their property more than three-fold, ajid 
would have found a ready sale for their lands. Their lack of 
enterprise caused them to retain their unproductive real estate 
for many more years, to pay considerable amounts for taxes, 
and in the end they were glad to sell to speculators, who became 
rich by disposing of small lots to actual settlers. 

In 1831, Lucas Elmendorf, Nathaniel B. Hill, Peter Leroy 
and John Starr, junior, applied to the Legislature for an act to- 
authorize the construction of a " Branch-turnpike feom the First 
Great South-western Turnpike,* at the east bounds of the towns 
of Liberty, to the mouth of the Oallakoon stream." Notwith- 
standing the respectability of these gentlemen, and the great 
benefits which would have followed the consummation of their 
project, their application led to nothing but disappointment. 

Five years later the Great South-western Turnpike Company 
applied for a law empowering them to extend their road to 
Broome county. But for certain reasons that company was not 
in very good odor. Thek apphcation failed, as did the company 
soon afterwards. 

For several years previous to 1836, Lucas Elmendorf, John 
Suydam, Charles H. Rug^esi A. Bruyn Hasbrouck, Joseph S. 
Smith, Edward O'Neil, John Kiersted, Robert L. Livingston, 
John C. Tillotson and Freeborn Garretson annually besieged 
the Legislature of New York for a charter which would enable 
them to build a railroad from Eingston, in Ulster county, to 
Chenango Point, or Owego, or some other place — ^no matter 
where it was, provided it inured to their own benefit, or at least 
resulted in advantage to such of them as had wild and unoccu- 
pied lands. In the year last mentioned, they were rewarded for 
their assiduity. An act was passed authorizmg the construction 
of the Kingston Branch of the New York and Erie Railway, and 
the following gentlemen were appointed commissioners to receive 
subscriptions and distribute stock : John Kiersted, Charles W. . 

* Ckimmooly known as the Lucas Eilmendozf tumpilte. . 

THE moms m cm^com. ISl 

Chipp, Joseph S. SmiiUb, Jmaes Hardenfb&rgib, Jdkaiaals Hoom- 
beck, Alexander Story, Beiaet ©.vibois, Q. W. LaclJain, Archibald 
0. Niven, John H. IlJatzer ead Hobeirt L. Livingston. "We pre- 
sume the commissioners did not find their labors very arduous, 
notwithstanding men oi wealth were more inclined to invest in 
railroad stock at that time, than they have been since it was 
ascertained that those who build railroads seldom receive back 
more than worthless certificates of stock. There was a vast 
amount of respectability invested in this undertaking, and but 
little money. We do not beheve that even preliminary surveys 
were made; 'but la/bor under the impression that there was an 
idea entertained that the proposed road would cross our county, 
and reach the Erie railway somewhere in the neighborhood of 
the Callicoon. The project met wdth but httle favor, and the 
result hardly reached the diginity of an abortion. Yet those 
who attempted to give it vitality deserve honor, for their motives 
were praiseworthy. They were some thirty years or so in ad- 
vance of their time ; for Kingston is now constructing a raUroad 
through the valley of Shandaken to the country beyond. 

As nas been shown, all these projects were failures, and as 
may be perceived either one of them would have been of incal- 
culable benefit 4;o the region of which we are writing. Substan- 
tially, Oalhcoon was unoccupied, except by wild beasts, until it 
was tolerably certain that the New York and Erie railroad would 
either cross it or be located in its vicinity. 

Before we speak of . the influx of German immigrants and 
others, we will endeavor to give a brief account of the few families 
which occupied tiie town from thirty-five to forty years ago. 

John DeWitt, a native of Dutchess county, and for many years 
a merchant of Newburgh, caused the first road to be made to 
and the first land to be cleaned in the town of Callicoon, and his 
son Andrew built the first house. 

The DeWitts were extensive land-holders in the Hardenbergh 
Patent, Old maps show that, individually and in conjunction 
with others, they owned thousands of acres in Great Lot No. 2. 
In 1794, John DeWitt, Jacob Eadcliff and John Thomas, with 
other real estate in SuUivan county, bought Division Lot No. 
13, which is now a part of CaUicoon. Thomas subsequently 
sold his undivided one-third to Garrett B. Van Ness, after which 
the lands were partitioned, and DeWitt became the sole owner 
of Lots 23, 24, 28, 29,, 33 and 40 in Division No. 13. In 1607, 
Van Ness was dead. On the 1st of June of that year, Thferon 
Eudd (his executor), John DeWitt, Jacob EadcliflF, Saimuol 
Sacket and William Taylor^ entered into an agreement to open 
a road from "the grisat turnpike leading from Newburgh west- 
ward, at or near the Mongaup creek, and running thence a north- 
westerly couise in such maimer as the said John DeWitt shall 


judge advisable, through or by some or all of the lots or divisions 
10, 14, 9, 11 and 12 ;* and the division lot 13.t Said road to be 
made hj Jno. DeWitt." Each party was bound to pay a just 
proportion of the expenses. 

irom the papers of Mr. DeWitt we learn that he left his 
home in Newburgh on this business, on the 10th day of August, 
1807, and was absent until the 5th of September. He was 
assisted in making the road by William W. Sacket, (who acted 
as surveyor, guide and adviser). Graham Hurd and his son 
MHo, William, Curtis and Chauncey Hurd, James S. Jackson, 
and Capt. Abijah Mitchell. It is difficult at this day to deter- 
mine the point where this road left the Newburgh and Coeheeton 
turnpike. The fact, however, that those who aided DeWitt 
were residents of Hurd Settlement, and that to some he was 
indebted for horse-keeping, board and provisions, as well as labor, 
furnishes an obscure clue to the locality of the improvement. 
However this may be, it is quite certain that the road penetrated 
Callicoon, and ran through the valley in which Youngsville is 
situated. DeWitt kept an accurate account of the money ex- 
pended by him, etc., and among the items are the following : 

"James S. Jackson's bill, 4 days carrying chain, £1 12s. Od. 
Curtis Hurd, do. 4 days dp. do. 1 12 

Jackson and Hurd, do. 16 days do. do. 6 8 
1807 — Sepi 5. — ^Returned home, myself and horse being out 
25 days." 

While thus engaged, Mr. DeWitt seems to have received a 
favorable impression in regard to this wild region, and particu- 
larly to his land near Toungsville. His descendants believe 
that he determined to remove from Newburgh and engage in 
farming on lot No. 23. While opening the road, he contracted 
with Jackson and Curtis Hurd for chopping or jambing f over 
one hundred acres of forest, for doing which they rendered the 
following bill on the 8th day of February, 1808 : 

"John DeWitt to Curtis Hurd and J. S. Jackson, Db. 
To jambing or cutting down 83 acres, 2 B. 

and 26 p. £108 13s. Od. 

Chopping 1 piece, 19| acres, 56 p., 55 6 

A survey and map of the chopping was made, 10 0" 

This chopping extended from the north line of the farm now 

* In Liberty. f Near Younggville, 

t Jambing consiaied in half serering a ntunber of trees, and then cansin? one to 
fall against another. In this way a great many half-gerered trees were prosfrated at 
once, and a considerable saving of labor effected. 


owned by George G. DeWitt to the -village of Toimgaville, 
and is bounded on tbe east by the creek, and on the west by 
lands, now, (1870) of Eumsey and Eoyce. It covered a large 
part of lot 23, where Eogler, Hardenburgh, William Benedict 
and Jacob S. Boyce reside. Some of it was qtiite narrow. The 
widest was at the south end. 

Whatever were Mr. De Witt's intentions, they were all frus- 
trated by his death, which occurred in April, 1808. Tradition 
says it was caused by a cold or fever contracted while he was 
acting as an arbitrator in the affairs of the Newburgh and 
Cochecton turpike company. He was a man of considerable 
means, and being of mixed French and Dutch blood, had a 
love of rural pursuits. His enterprise, energy, industry and 
wealth would have produced important results m the Callicoon 
country, if he had lived a few years longer. « 

Andrew DeWitt, a son of John, inherited the lands on which 
the improvement we have mentioned was commenced. What 
was done during the next four years is unknown — probably 
nothing, and the road became choked with fallen trees and other 
rubbish. The following extract from a letter written by Captain 
Abijah Mitchell, shows when the first house was built : 

"Bethel, April 19, 1813. 
" To Andrew Dewitt, Newbtn^h : — ^It has been impossible to 
complete your house on account of nails ; for they was not to 
be had here. Of the shingle naUs there was not enough. It 
will take about ten lb. more of the same kind. Send by the 
bearer, or the first opportunity. The house wiU be completed 
in one week after you send the nails." 

This house was built of logs and had a stone-chimney and 
■fire-place; It stood on the flat land of ihe farm now occupied 
by the widow Rogler, near the north hne of George G. DeWitt, 
and near the creek. Its remains were removed by the late 
Stephen Carrier, and have often been seen by persons now living. 

On the 19th of May, 1814, the town acquired its original 
permanent white settlers. They consisted of William Wood, 
who was a widower, and his sons, Garrett, David and Edward. 
Each of the sons was married. Edward had four children, 
Garrett four, and David one child, aU of whom are now (1870) 
living, with the exception of Maria, daughter of Edward Wood, 
and wife of the late Abisha N. Lewis. The Woods were of 
Enghsh and Scotch descent and moved from near High Falls, in 
Ulster county, and settled on the farms now occupied by Her- 
man Lagemann, PhiUp Hammer aijd John Eoyce. To reach 
their new location they were under the necessity of going ten 
miles into the woods, with scarcely a road or a path to guide 


them. The road ohbppedby John DeWitt in 1807, was literally 
choked and obliterated. These men hewed their way through 
the wilderness, and when doing so provided a part of the food 
consumed by the party. While some of them were, axe in hand, 
clearing away fallen trees and other obstructions, the others 
were scouring the thickets in search of game. Deer, turkeys, 
pheasants, rabbits, etc., were abundant, and it cost but little 
time and trouble to furnish a larder which would excite the envy 
of a modern epicure. When night came, they camped like a. 
band of strolling Indians — cooked and ate their supper — ^pro- 
vided a temporary shelter in which to rest, and went to sleep 
listening to the shriU bark of the fox, the howl of the wolf, and 
the soughing of the winds in the tree-tops. 

On reachmgthe end of their journey, they found the clearing 
and cabin of DeWitt. They took possession of the tenement 
and the cleared land, and occupied them until they built a house 
of their own, and had made some of their own land arable. 
Their nearest neighbors were the Hurds, of the town of Bethel j 
George Keesler and Simeon Tyler, at Beechwoods, and the 
Buckleys, in Liberty. There was not a store, a miU, a school, 
or (if we except Edward Wood, who was a cooper) a mechanic 
within ten miles of them. When they went to mill, two of the 
brothers generally accompanied each other, and each shouldered 
a bushel and a half of rye or com, and trudged off with it through 
the forest. When it was ground, they transported it home again 
on their backs, generally performing &e journey forth and back 
in a day. We are assured that Eve, the wife of Edward Wood, 
once carried a quantity of flax and her youngest child to a store 
on the Neversiiik, seventeen miles foom home, where she ex- 
changed the flax for butter, and returned with it and her infant, 
performing the thirty-four iniles in one day ! Our informaiit says 
she was sUghMy fatigued after her long journey, and we are not 
disposed to question the accuracy of tids part of his statement. 

A few years after they came to this region, Garrett Wood's 
wife died. Her funeral was the first one in the town. The 
circumstances attending it remind xtB of the severe simplicity of 
a primitive age. There was no kind and sympathizing neighbor 
to assist in performing the last sad o(ffiees for the dead. The 
tarembUng hands of her kindred closed her eyes, disposed her 
hands reverently across her breast, and otherwise prepared her 
corpse for the grave. One of her sisters-in-law went on foot to 
Buckley's store in Liberty, to procure a shroud and other neces- 
sary ai<ticles, while Edward and David W^od undertook to make 
the coffin. One of the early residents of the Blue Mountain 
Settlement, in Liberiy, was compelled to aianufacture a coffim 
from a deigh-box. The Woods were in a worse dilemma. There 
was not a Iraard, or a sleigh-box, or a w«igon-box within their 


reateh, and if there had been time to go to a saw-mill ten miles 
or more distant, and carry back the necessary lumber on their 
shoulders, it was not decent to leave their afflicted brother almost 
alone with the body of his dead wife. They surmounted the 
difficulty by selecting a straight-grained log of sufficient size, 
and from this split four slabs. From the round side of these 
the bark was removed, and in and out they were rendered as 
smooth and decent as possible. In a box made of these the 
shrouded corpse was laid, and thus coffined was she consigned 
to the narrow house to which all must go sooner or later. She 
was interred on the Lagemann farm, and we have no doubt was 
as sincerely mourned as if her funeral had been attended with 
thejpomp and vanity of a modern burial. 

Under such disadvantages the Woods lived for more than 
fifteen years. They cleared land and tilled it ; planted orchards ; 
manufactured staves, and one of them (David) worked a part 
of his time at his trade, while another (Edward) cured 
cancers, and was known as a cancer-doctor. His cure was a 
secret ; and therefore we cannot say whether it was a prepara- 
tion of arsenic, — the usual remedy of physicians of his class — a 
remedy which sometimes cures and occasionally kills patients, 
and which educated physicians will not apply. 

As long as these families were isolated, they were in their way 
independent. When the tide of immigration tended to their 
section, they should have become rich ; but somehow they lost 
or parted with their possessions, and several of them left the 

The secluded life of the Woods caused their children to grow 
up with very hmited knowledge of the great world outside of 
their neighborhood. They were bright naturally, and intelligent 
so far as they had opportunity to acquire knowledge. We can 
certify that when they reached man's estate, they were not below 
the general average of the rural-bom and bred, either as to 
physical or mental force. When the world came to them, they 
adapted themselves to its usages and ideas ; but before it reached 
them, they were remarkably unsophisticated. 

We are assured that the following anecdote is authentic : 

When one of the boys was fifteen years old, his father took 
him to Wurtsborongh, where they rflmained one night at a 
hotel. This was the lad's first trip from the paternal log cabin. 
He had never seen a stairway, and had nightly crept up a ladder 
to the common sleeping apartment of the young folks. The 
wonders of the journey and the excitement of inspecting the 
canal and other remarkable curiosities of the Hollow, had so 
much exhausted the boy that at 9 o'clock in the evening he 
could no longer keep open his eyes, when his father asked the 
landlord to let him go to bed. Mine host gave the young fellow 


a light, and told him to go to a room at the head of the stairs. 
He left the bar-room ; but soon afterwards was heard crying in 
the hall, where he was found trying to climb the balusters, no 
doubt imagining that they were the rungs of a ladder turned 
upon one of its sides! On being told to go up the stairs, he 
hesitated — then ventured, and ascended on his hands and feet, 
precisely as if he had been on a ladder. 

SeTenteen years after the Woods moved into the town, the 
only men living in Fremont and Callicoon §ast of the valley of 
the Delaware, were Edward Wood, Garrett Wood, David Wood, 
George Brown, Abisha N. Lewis and William E. Wood. Brown 
and Lewis were sons-in-law of Edward Wood. William E. 
Wood was then an occupant of the Wormuth place. The latter 
is on a ridge between Buck brook and the north branch of the 
OalUcoon. Soon after 1831, Peter Wormuth bought ouf Wood. 
Wormuth was not social or genial even in his family circle ; but 
was noted for industry and rigid economy. In the end he be- 
came a "man of means" — owned a good farm, and was a lender 
of money. 

In 1831, the De Witts again turned their attention to their 
lands near Toungsville. Peter and George G. DeWitt, a grand- 
son and great-grandson of John DeWitt, visited the region in 
September, and employed David Wood to clear and fence six 
acres of land, which now lies east of the road, and next to 
Kogler's premises. Subsequently Wood cleared four acres 
more, receiving for the job ten dollars per acre and the first 

In 1833, George G. DeWitt built a house and became a resi- 
dent in the vicinity of the site where his ancestor caused to be 
erected a log-house in 1813. He was afllicted with hemorrhage 
of the lungs, which threatened to cut short his Hfe, and was ad- 
vised by his physicians to seek relief in the hemlock-woods. 
The balsamic atmosphere of OaUicoon had a happy effect on his 
lungs. The bleeding ceased. He believed he was cured, and, 
wearied with the monotonous scenes of his new home, he made 
a prolonged visit with friends who resided in a less exalted and 
more cultivated region, when he was once more attacked by his 
old complaint, and bled until his life was nearly gone. This 
and subsequent e^erie'hce convinced him that he could live 
nowhere except in OaUicoon. His life would be prolonged here ; 
but to a certain extent wasted. At least it s© seemed to him. 
He is stiU living, and has performed weU his duty in the com- 
munity of which he is a member. 

The atmosphere of OaUicoon was at one time considered 
favorable to pulmonary complaints. A majority of those who 
became residents for this reason were much benefited. 

Among the early settlers of Callicoon was Jacob Quick, who 


located on a small stream which empties into the East-branch 
at JeffersonviUe. He was a native of Pike county, Pennsyl- 
vania, and was a nephew of Tom Quick, the Indian-slayer, wath 
whom he hunted and trapped in his youth, and from whose Mps 
he heard the recital of many strange adventures. The family 
was of Dutch descent, and emigrated to this country while Niew 
Amsterdam was an appendage of Holland. After remaining 
some time near Esopus, they removed to the Minisink country, 
and became prominent, socially and financially, at MiMord. 

As an evidence of Jacob Quick's standing in his native town, 
we mention the fact that he was a justice of the peace for thirty 
successive years before he came to CalUcoon. He was fond of 
litigation, and entered into legal strife with as much vim as a 
war-horse does into battle. From this or some o^her cause, he 
lost a fair estate, and when sixty years of age, found that his 
liabilities somewhat exceeded his assets. To escape the annoy- 
ances which attend such a condition, and. hoping to retxieve a 
decayed fortune, he managed to save a few hundred dollars from 
the stern grasp of his creditors, with which he bought a lot of 
heavily timbered and fertile land in CaUicoon, the deed of which 
was given to his old wife. 

He was at this time a stalwart, rugged man of sixty, whose 
keen eye and steady hand could give a deadly direction to a 
bullet, and who boasted that no man was his superior as an 
angler. With his ash-pole and horse-hair line he loved to com- 
pete with the dandy trout-catchers who sometimes weat to the 
North-branch to indulge in their favorite sport, and great was 
his mortification and disgust if the basket of the fancy gentleman 
contained a greater number of the speckled beauties than were 
found on his "string." But ample was his revenge when evening 
approached, and he returned with his guest across the ridge 
Tmich divides Buck brook from the North-branch. With the 
grace and agihty of an Indian, he stalked ia a straight line for 
home, no more encountering an obstacle than a hawk floating 
in the air ; while his companion dodged around all kinds of diffi- 
culties, and generally was considerably blown when he reached 
the valley where Quick lived. 

After buying the lot, Quick put up the usual shelter of men 
who begin life in the woods, and moved into it with his aged 
^p.e. It was in a deep valley and was so overshadowed by huge 
trees that the sun could not penetrate to his roof. The contrast 
between this and their old home was sad and gloomy, and had 
a very depressing influence upon Mrs. Quick. He at once went 
to work on the trees which surrounded his house, and when he 
cut them down, fearing that they would fall upon the building, 
and crush his wife beneath the wreck, he caused her to go to a 
safe place, where she watched his proceedings and shed such 


te&rs as only the forsaken and forlorn can shed. This is no 
iakicj sketch. The author learned the facts from Jacob Quick 

Mr. Quick cleared field after field — ^built the first saw-miU of 
the town— fondid a ready home-market for his grain, hay and 
lumber, and was once more a prosperous man, vhom his fellow- 
townsmen delighted to honor with office. A village sprang up 
in his neighborhood; he was surrounded by neighbors, some 
of whom were his own children ; he built a comfortable house, 
had flocks, orchards and fertile fields ; but the old wife was 
mouldering among the decaying roots of the forest that had so 
recently clothed the hills and valleys of GaUicoon. She did not 
long survive their removal to Sullivan. 

Mr. Quick subsequently married again, and bought and cleared 
another farm. He also built a second mill. His new property 
vwas situated on the North-branch. While improving it with his 
accustomed energy, he was prostrated by paralysis. During 
the last years of his life, he was a helpless invalid, and suffered 
much mental distress because he was bed-ridden. He died in 
1852. During the great-er part of his life, he was an exemplary 
member of the Presbyterian church. 

We have elsewhere alluded to those who trespassed on the 
non-resident lands of GaUicoon. At first those who lived near 
the borders of the town regarded the forests in their vicinity 
very much as people now look upon wild fruit and game. Chris- 
tian king» by discovery acquired a right to the territory occupied 
by heathen and idolatrous men, and why should not one of^the 
sovereign people own a pine or cherry-tree, or a bird's-eye maple, 
if he found it on land which was unoccupied? Men who believed 
that the purloining of a horse was a crime, never dreamed that 
they offended God or wronged their fellow-beings when they 
appropriated valuable timber belonging to another. When th« 
owners began to look after and guard their property, these 
people imagined that they were deprived of an inalienable right. 

l4iousands of dollars worth of pine were stolen, and manu- 
factured into shingles and boards. When George G. DeWitt 
moved to ToungsvUle, he found upon the land owned by his 
family several pme-trees that were four feet in diameter, which 
had been cut down and left upon the ground to rot, because 
they were too large to remove. All the pine used in building 
his residence was made from trees which had been felled by 
trespassers and left to spoil. While returning from the Elmen- 
dorf null in 1834, Mr. DeWitt unexpectedly struck a log-road. 
Believii^ that he had a new neighbor, he followed it up until 
he found it lined with pine-logs which had been cut on his own 
land. He was amazed, and mentioned the circumstance to some 
of his neighbors, who told him in a significant manner that "it 


■wonM not be safe for him to watch tkait timber." Mr. DeWitt 
tmderstood what was meant, and acted aocordingily. Afterwards 
the evil-doers were less bold, and generally toctk mr&j the logs 
iu the night. 

Near Mr. DeWitt's house was a white pine which towered far 
above the surrounding trees, and was a prominent object to the 
eye. After a temporary absence, he afld aM his wife returned 
at night unexpectedly, and during the next morning, while en- 
gaged about his premises, he heard a great crash in the woods. 
Looking in the direction from which it came, he no longer saw 
the giant pine. It was gone. Going to the place where it stood, 
he found that it had just been cut down. The thieves, beEeving 
he was from home, intended to remove it during his absence, 
and had absolutely borrowed his cross-cut saw to cut it into logs ! 

Callicoon was made a town in 1842 by an act'of the Legis- 
lature. On the 3d of May of that year a town-meeting was 
held at the house of George G. DeWitt, at which Olney Borden 
was elected supervisor without opposition. 

The first white child bom in the town was John, son of Ed- 
ward Wood, whose life dates from the fall of 1814. He is now 
(1870) a resident of the State of Indiana. 

The first missionary of OaUicoon was Elder Enoch Owen, who 
Eved in the valley of the Delaware. Hearing that a few families 
were living here far from Christian privileges, he found his way 
to them through the woods in 1820, and preached to them. 
The three households received him gladly, and as a token of 
their satisfaction, presented him with a half-bushel of rye, 
which he carried home on his shoulders. It is said that he 
continued to preach at Wood's once a month ; that to reach 
the settlement he followed blazed trees when the snow was deep 
and the thermometer below zero ; and that he was paid fifteen 
-dollars per annum for his services ! We do not give fuU credence 
io this report, because at that day very few fitmilieS thus sit- 
Tiated could afford to be so liberal ! 

We shall give a more full account of this reverend pioneer in 
■our chapter on Coehecton and Delaware. 

In the spring of 1834, Rev. Samuel M. Henderson, a minister 
of the Protestant Methodist Church, visited the Wood settle- 
ment, and preached in the log school-house which then stood 
near the residence (1870) of J. P. Eoyce. With Eev. Eichard 
J. Crosby, Rev. Jacob Timberman and others, he had separated 
from the main body of Methodists, and labored with great zeal. 
They made many converts. Henderson, when he died in 1841, 
was president of the New York and New Jersey district of his 
Church. Crosby continued in Sullivan for a titaie; but finally 
took to law, pohtics and other evil ways. He died in Ellenvilie 
in 1871, poor and in misery. 


Henderson's first congregation in Callicoon consisted of twelve- 
persons. One of these was a young married lady who had been 
accustomed to worship as conducted in wealthy and refined 
communities. To her tne scene was so novel that it was indelibly 
impressed upon her mind. The house was a pen of logs, the 
interstices of which were rudely fiUed with billets of wood and 
clay. Its only window was composed of four small panes of 
glass. Its roof was made of straw and mud. It had a " stick 
chimney," which was without jambs, and which projected from 
the side of the house, and partly rested on the ceiling. Fire^ 
was made directly under it on flat stones. The congregation 
generally was as primitive as the house. It could not be said 
that a majority of the females had been led astray by the pomps- 
and vanities or fashion. Nearly all of them were without bon- 
nets, and wore cotton kerchiefs on their heads. 

The preacher was a tall, gaunt, plain man, whose attire, al- 
though scmpidously neat, proved that he did not labor for 
earthly emolument. He dehvered a good sermon, and labored 
zealously for the spiritual weKare of these isolated dwellers of 
the wilderness. 

Dui'ing the next ten years, various preachers came to Calli- 
coon, and held meetings in school and private houses. In the 
spring of 18M, Bev. BH Denniston, a Methodist Episcopal: 
minister of Monticello, visited the town and organized a class. 

The pioneers of Callicoon were anxious to give tlieir children, 
the advantages of education. Their "hill of. science" was located, 
near the house of Boss C. Rumsey; it was surmounted by a 
temple made of logs, the interstices of which were filled with 
clay. A young man named Judson Laire, who is now (1870) 
living at RobertsonviUe, was the presiding genius. For his. 
services he received his board — a compensation which would, 
cause the Teachers' Association of Sullivan to black-ball him at 
the present time. 

Deer continued to be quite numerous in the town until 1850, 
and some have been killed since that year. While there were 
but few inhabitants, there was no part of the State more at- 
ti'active to the hunter than Callicoon. Solitary sportsmen, and 
sportsmen in companies of two or more, often went there in the 
fall of the year, and almost always brought back with them a 
good supply of venison. After the leaves fell from the trees, 

fame could be discovered more readily, and there was no danger 
:om snakes. Perhaps the largest rattlesnake ever seen in Sul- 
livan was killed near JeffersonviUe, in June, 184:2. It was six 
feet in length, and its circumference was equal to an average 
man's leg. Our library was "adorned" for a time wifli the 
skin of the monster; but the sight of it was not pleasant, es- 
pecially to nervous people, and we parted with it. 

•ma ax)WN of oiJdjcoim. 161 

Deer-hunting sometimes was attenied with danger, particu- 
larly in the rutting-season, when the males lose much of their 
timidity, and are occasionally aggressive even to the hunter. A 
man named Addison Mabin was nearly killed by one of the 
antlered beauties many years since. His clothes were reduced 
to tatters, and he was much bruised, but managed to get away 
with his life. That buck was a monster, and was much hunted. 
A party of gentlemen from Montioello once spent a week in 
beating the thickets of QaUicoon for him, and only succeeded iu 
rousing l^im with their hounds. 

There were other times when hunting far from the settlements 
was hazardous. Sometimes a pleasant day in December would 
be succeeded by intense cold, akd a heavy fall of snow. Six or 
eight miles from a house, with three feet of snow and the ther- 
mometer ten degrees below zero, afford a chill&ig subject for 
thought. Near the holidays of 1840, a hunter named Elzra P. 
Gates, of Liberty, was in the wilderness of CalUcoon, when there 
was a sudden depression of the mercury and a snow-storm. He 
was missing several days, when a search for him took place, and 
he was found dead and frozen. It was supposed that iUness 
and cold combined, and his situation far from those who would 
have appUed proper remedies, were the cause of his decease. 

Our readers have all heard of the adventure of Israel Putnam 
when he shot a wolf in its den. His performance was insignifi- 
cant compared with that of some hunters of Callicoon who killed 
a panther in its lair — an animal many times more powerful and 
ferocious than the beast which was slaughtered by "Old Put." 

On the 9th of March, 1848, the track of a very large panther 
was discovered, and a party Of hunters turned out and followed 
the animal to its den in a ledge of rocks. They then closed up 
the passage to the lair 6f the beast so as to prevent its escape, 
and left. On the next day they returned with reinforcements,. 
hoping to dislodge the animal and kill it. To do this, they re- 
moved the rocks until they had opened the passage for about 
twenty feet (about half-way), when they found the hole too small 
to admit a man, and the surrounding material immovable. A 
small lamp was then procured, which was attached to the end 
of a pole, and thrust, bummg, so far into the passage that the 
"fiery eye-balls" of the monster could be seen. A candle was 
then placed in such a position that its light wonld shine on the, 
barrel of a rifie, and thus enable the daring man who attempted 
to shoot the panther, to take sure aim. The first shot was fired by 
WiUiam Adams, who succeeded in wounding the game, which 
caused it to growl and scream so terribly that every one fled 
from the spot, fearing that the em'aged creature would emerge 
and tear him into .pieces. Soon, however, the fearful scene 
changed. Except a few contusions, the result of the scramble 


•over fallen tree-tranks and rocks, and through the surrounding 
undergrowth of bushes, no damage was done. One by one, the 
hunters obtained a furtive and timid view of the scene of terror. 
All was quiet. A hasty consultation ensued, after which the 
most daring of the company once more closed up the entrance 
of the deu with rocks. Every one then went home. 

On the third day, forty men and boys, about all the surround- 
ing oountiy afforded, assembled to enjoy the sport. They were 
armed with a great variety of weapons — ^rifles, shot-guns, bayo- 
nets, dirks, crow-bars, axes, hatchets, butcher-knives, etc. The 
plan of proceedings of the previous day, it was agreed, was the 
best. The rocks were roUed away from the entrance, and hghts 
once more properly placed. Jonathan Adams, a brother of 
William, went mto the passage as far as he could, and fired. 
The same scene followed as on the second day, with this differ- 
ence : the crowd returned, and John Hankins, who subsequently 
committed suicide, fired the third time, prostrating the panther 
on the bottom of the den. 

The next difficulty was to get it out. No one but a lad could 
enter ; consequently the boys had a fair opportunity to exhibit 
their courage. One volunteered ; but before he reached the lair, 
he literally "backed out" of danger. A spirited little fellow 
named William Lane then threw off his hat, coat and vest, and 
arming himself with a hunter's ax and a Spanish dirk, went 
in, accompanied by Mr. Hankins as far as the latter could get. 
While his friends were in almost breathless suspense, young 
Lane cautiously crept through the narrow passage, pausing 
occasionally to listen. The panther stiU exhibited signs of hfe, 
although it was hcyrs de combat. As soon as he was within 
Teach, he buried the blade of the ax in its brain, and then ap- 

?lied the dirk to its throat — a most hazardous performance, 
'he young hero then ended his adventure by haiuing out the 
panther, which measured nine feet, seven inches, from its nose to 
the tip 6i its tail. 

An account of this adventure, written by John Hankins, was 
published at the time in the R&pvblicam, Watchman. 

Jacob and Cornelius Knickerbocker Schermerhorn (father and 
«on) came to JeffersonviUe in 1838. John, another son of Jacob, 
came about the same time. They were natives of Schoharie 
county. Jacob was a genial, cheerful and companionable man, 
who foresaw the future prosperity of the locality where he set- 
tled, and had full faith in flie wisdom of making investments 
there ; but died poor, at Callicoon Depot, a few years since. 
Cornelius did not long remain in the place. He removed to the 
far West, where he soon after fell a victim to the diseases peculiar 
to that region. The cabin of one of them stood near the site of 


Isaac Anderson's office, and the other was near the site occupied 
hy the residence of Frederick SoheideU. 

The best route to JeffersonviUe was then from liberty by the 
way of Eobertsonville and Toungsville — places then in embryo 
— ^mence over the hills to whei:^ Garrett, David and Edward 
Wood had long lived, and down the steep grade to the vicinity 
of Quick's saw-mill, on Buck brook. From Quick's to the 
Schermerhorns was only a foot-path. A gentleman who passed 
that way in February, 1840, when the snow was two feet deep, 
says the scene from the mill to the site of the future village in- 
spired emotions akin to awe. The path was through a vast 
<3olonnade of sombre hemlocks, whose magnificent boles sup- 
ported a canopy of vivid green, through which the sim could 
not penetrate ; while beneath was a carpet of unstained snow — 
silent, cold, unruiBed — the green and the wlfite affording a 
striking contrast* 

Thomas 8. Ward, a man of weight and vast corporeal sub- 
stance, came to Jeffersonville in 1839, when none but the Scher- 
merhorns lived there, and built one of the first frame-houses of 
the place. He is still living, and is one of the prominent figures 
of the town, so far as breadth and rotundity is concerned. In 
the early days of Callicoon, Utigation was one of the few luxuries 
Touchsafed its denizens. Much money and time were wasted in 
trivial legal controversies. Mr. Ward, as an illegitimate lawyer, 
managed to thrive and grow fat on these neighborhood quarrels, 
until he applied for and received a license to practice in all the 
courts of the State, when, professionally and physically, he ex- 
perienced a gradual collapse until he was so reduced in cubic 
inches aiid otherwise, that he became an active and efficient 
iagent of a lightning-rod company. 

Firederick Scheidell came three years later than the Schermer- 
horns, and in 1842 Abraham Schneider located in the village 
and buUt a saw-mill. Victor Hofer and other valuable immi- 
grants also settled in the neighborhood, and in a few years 
Shermerhorn's anticipations became realities. Jeffersonville 
was a thriving village before the stumps of forest-trees had dis- 
appeared from its streets. 

Youngsville was settled by Samuel M. Young, a member of 
the respectable Liberty family of Youngs, and was named in 
his honor. Young built a large log-house, the first saw-mill of 
the place, and established the first store. He was a man of much 
enterprise ; but unfortunately for himself, his business capacity 
was impaired by indulgence in an appetite which has destroyed 
the brightest and best intellects of our country. John B. Spencer 
was another early comer, and when the Youngsville postioffice 
._^ , /' 

• Gideon Wales, in Local Record. ' 


was established in 1851, was made its first post-master. During 
the latter year, D.aniel IMmmick Quick, a son of Jacob Quick, 
built a hotel, and F. Bieling a grist-miU. The latter was a great 
convenience to a considerable section, as the people had been 
under the necessity of carrying their grain to Liberty or Pike 
Pond. ToungsviUe now contains two churches, two hotels, three 
stores and several shops, and about 250 inhabitants. 

The settlement on the North-branch commenced about the 
year 1842, when several sons of Solomon Eoyce located there. 
A store was started at CalUcoon Gentre in 1849, by Eobert M. 
Grant ; a hotel in 1852 by Alois Thuman ; a grist-mill in 1864 
by Adam Sanders, and a saw-mill by a man named Williams in 
1848. As late as 1847 there was an extensive pigeon-roost 
where there are now churches, stores, manufactories and hand- 
some dwellings, and the region was a favorite resort for anglers 
and hunters. About this time, the writer of these hues, while 
in pursuit of trout, became bewildered in the woods of the North- 
branch, and narrowly escaped a night's lodgiag in the forest. 

The village of North Branch seems to have been settled sooner 
than CaUicoon Centre. There was a saw-mill there owned by a 
man named Merritt in 1843 ; a store (Clements & Stewart's) in 
1845, and a blacksmith's shop owned by a man named Vande- 
voort. Mary Hunt taught the first school in a house owned by 
Henry Cannon, an early settler of excellent repute. 

One of the interesting features of our history should be an ac- 
count of the German settlements of CaUicoon and the adjoin- 
ing towns. These settlements, commenced in 1840, although a 
Dutchman named Poli located near Jeffersonville as early && 
1837. In 1847, it was estimated that two hundred and fifty 
German families were in Cochecton, CaUicoon and Fremont, and 
in 1855, the State census shows that erf the 2,649 residents of 
that nationality iu Sullivan, 1*924 were in those towns. In ad- 
dition to these, there were 171 from Switzerland in Cochecton 
and CaUicoon. 

Among the early settlers whose names we have not yet men- 
tioiied, were Charles Lutz, Melchior Abplanalp, John Ruff,, 
Andrew Willi, Charles F. Langhorn, Henry Becker, John Muel- 
ler, Christian Barth, Philip Hu^ Henry Rose and many others. 
Among those who settled m the CaUicoon region at a later day„ 
were Henry Wenzel, Christian Weintz, John Mcersch, John G.. 
Schindler, V alentine Hessinger, John M. Helck, etc. 

The infliiTf of German immigrants was mainly caused by Sol- 
• omon Boyce, a surveyor and land-agent of Thompson. lie had 
charge of large tracts of land owned by WilUam Bt. Denning and 
other non-residents, and seeing the importance of the Calhcoon 
riegion, and knowing that great results would foUow if he could 
induce tlirifty and industrious foreigners to improve the country^ 

tHE TOWN or CAULieOON. 165, 

he caused to be printed lai^e numbers of circiilars and hand- 
bills in the German language, in which were set forth the advan- 
tages of settling in the north-western section of Sullivan. These 
were placed in the hands of those who had recently landed on 
our shores, and a few families were induced to try their foi-tunes 
in the busch. These adventurers, although they endured many 
hardships, were generallypleased with the country, and induced 
others to follow them. The result was most fortunate for Mr. 
Royce. He had been embarrassed in his circumstances until he 
was si'xty years of age, when he commenced speculating in the 
unoccupied lands of Callicoon, and in a few years made a hand- 
some fortune. He deserved good luck, because he was as kind 
to these strangers as if they were his own kindred. Very gen- 
erally they paid for their land in " cash money," as they called 
gold and silver, and reserved, as they supposed, eSiough to supply 
themselves . with necessaries until they could clear their land. 
But they were imused to the work of subduing forests. ' They 
were unskillful ax-men. Some had no teams for drawing together 
the rubbish left by fallow-fires, and with levers and handspikes 
toUed into heaps the trunks of trees. One (John Mueller) 
grubbed out every stump and removed every root and stone from 
his fields. Hence many were reduced to want before their lands 
yielded them a subsistence. We were assured by a settler 
named Weisheimer, whto came to JeffersonvUle before there was 
fL road to it, by the way of Pike POnd, that he attempted to 
follow a line of marked trees from one place to the other, and 
lost the way. After wandering several hours in the trackless 
htsch, weary and hungry, he came to a little settlement where 
there were naJf a dozen German families, and although he of- 
fered a five-franc coia to any one who would cover it with bread, 
he covld not get a morsel to eat in the neighborhood. The entire 
community was on the verge of starvation ! When such a ca- 
lamity seemed inevitable, Mr. Boyce generally made his appear- 
ance and averted the danger. If he had not done so, the 
settlements would have been broken up; and it may be said 
that, while he obeyed the promptings of humanity, he subserved 
his own interests. 

> Charles F. Langbom buUt the first hotel of the town. Being 
threatened with pulmonary disease, he was advised to remove 
to a country abounding in hemlock, and he chosis Jefferson ville 
as his new place of residence. The future village at that time 
was nameless, and was little better than a rude clearing in the 
woods. Nevertheless the idea prevailed that it would speedily 
become a place of importance ; and to this idea probably Jeffer- 
sOnviUe owes its existence. Mr. Langhorn's hotel was far in 
advance of the time and place, and led him into financial em- 
barrassment and trouble which probably shortened his days. 


Like a majority of his ooimtryiuen, he was an ardent admirer 
of the author of the Declaration of Lidependeuce. This caused^ 
him to name his hotel the Je£ferson House. The name of the 
village followed as a natural consequence. The hotel founded, 
by Langhom stiU bears the name bestowed upon it. 

The early German settlers of CaUicoon were a rehgious people ;; 
but were not ascetic and puritanic in their n6,bits and disposi- 
tions. They brought with them the genial and pleasant customs 
of the Vaterland. They also brought with them a genuine love 
of the Christiah rehgion as it had been taught them by their 
parents and spiritual shepherds in Germany. Hence as ea^jly 
as 1842 they had formed a rehgious organization which hadi 
forty members, and was known as the "German EvangeUcaL 
Lutheran Congregation on the Callicoon," of which Aidrew 
WiUi was president ; Frederick Scheidell, cashier ; Philip Wey- 
rauch, John Mueller and Melchior Abplanalp, elders ; Christian 
Barth' deacon ; Heniy Becker, trustee ; and Victor Hofer, sec- 
retary. In 1845, Rev. Christian Sans was made pastor, and the 
buUmng of a church-edifice commenced. This Mr. Sans was a 
fair specimen of the educated German gentleman. He was not 
only famihar with the soKd branches of learaing, but was versed 
in those pohte arts which give charm to social iatercourse. 
Many were surprised that a man of his attainments should bury 
himself in the woods for the benefit of a few pioneers who could 
hardly furnish him with the bare necessaries of hfe. Neverthe- 
less, he labored zealously for their weKare by preaching to them, 
teaching a school, giving instruction in music, and soliciting 
donations outside of the town for the construction of their church. 
It was not long before he was interrupted in his work. A news- 
paper found its way into the settlement in which he was da- 
noxmced as an immoral man. The ofBcers of the church then 
investigated the charges against him, and found that they orig^ 
inated with a man named Henry Hiestand and his accomphces 
of New Orleans. After a careful inquiry, the officers dedlared 
that the reports were sheer fabrications and entirely false ; that 
they were satanic caltmanies; and that Mr. Sans was a faithful' 
clergyman, as well as " a talented and capable pedagogue." In 
addition to this, the congregation evinced their undiminished 
confidence in him by electing him their pastor for life. He re- 
mained in CaUicoon but a few months after this. In December, 
1845, he went to Honesdale, where he became the pastor of a 
German Church. His removal was much resetted ; but a wor8e^ 
, calamity befell these denizens of the woods. Before their church- 
edifice was completed, it was leveled to the earth, by a heavy 
wind ! However, intelligent industry in time brought prosperity,, 
and the chiu:ch was completed. In 1855, the congregation 
changed its ecclesiastical relations and its name,. when it. was. 


received as a Presbyterian Church, and became known as the 
German Presbyterian Church at Jeffersonville. At present its 
communicants number seventy, and its property is valued at 
That the inhabitants of Callicoon are a religious people is 

!)roved by the fact that, from the time when the influx of popu- 
ation commenced in 1840 to the year 1870, a new church-edifice 
was erected by them every three years. What town can boast 
of more than one church which was built during the first thirty 
years of its settlement? 

There are in the town, one Presbyterian and one Methodist 
Episcopal church at Youngsville; one German Presbyterian, 
one Methodist Episcopal, one Roman Catholic, and one German 
Reformed at Jefiersonville ;* one Methodist and one Reformed 
at ThumansviUe; one Methodist at North Bjianch, and one 
Roman Cathoho between the latter place and Jeffersonville. 
Total number, lO.f 

We propose to give instances of the experience of but a few 
German settlers. More than this would render this chapter 

In 1842, Henry Becker settled on the North-branch, near the 
present line between Callicoon and Fremont. His location was 
m the woods beyond the bounds of civilization. There was no 
poad to it, and the onhr roads in the town were but poor apolo- 
gies for highways. After paying for his land, he had but little, it 
anything left except his wife and children. He was ignorant of 
the language and customs of the country, and he had the double 
duty to perform of clearing his land' and guarding against star- 
vation. His prospect was a dark one, and it regmied keen eyes 
to discover consolation and encouragment in it. He labored 
humbly, patiently and persistently. In time, he cleared a small 
lot and sowed it with grain. His crop commenced growing 
finely ; but wild animals were doing it much damage. Hoof- 
marks in the virgin soil declared what they were. His son was 
directed to watch the field, and soon saw a fine deer enter it 
from the woods. With his mouth watering for venison, he shot 
at it, when it disappeared like the "baseless fabric of a vision." 
Sad was the laas disappointment, and sadder still wak the 
family several days afterwards when they, found the carcass of 
the deer in the woods. Th6 game was too ripe, even for a gour- 
mand or a starving man. But experience brought better luck, 
and occasionally Becker's humble table was graced with a 
haunch of venison fit for a lord or Kaiser WiUielm himself. And, 
ah ! the reverential, scrutinizing, joyful eyes which then glowed 

* This church, although in JefferBODTille, is in the to?m of Delaware, 
t Statement of Artfani F. Childe. 


around the boatd of this Christian family ! Yet, notwithstanding 
an occasional feast, famine was an extremity which was some- 
times visible even alter Becker had gathered his crops. He was 
obliged to carry his grain on his back to Liberty, a journey 
which required three days for its performance. There w^as no 
Toad better than a trail through the woods, which was made 
visible only by marked trees. There were no bridges. The 
streams were crossed on fallen trees, and when floods or deep 
snows kept him from going abroad, and his stock of flour and 
meal was exhausted, his prospect was very disheartening. Even 
when everything was favorable, he parted from his family with 
much solemnity, calling on God for succor and protection during 
his necessary absence, and praying that their yearnings for re- 
imion might be satisfied. 

The questions may be asked, "Why did Becker and others 
•continue to eHdou-e these hardships? Why did they not leave 
these lonelv scenes of toil and suffering, and seek a more genial 
home?" The answer is a simple one. Their means were ex- 
hausted, and without means they could move but to worse 

In 1844, Philip Huff, senior, settled in CalKcoon. We do not 
know that this mdividual was a descendant of Samson or Her- 
cules ; but we are certain that he deserved such ancestry. He 
was a blacksmith, and a man of almost incredible strength. His 
sons inherited his physical power, and many anecdotes are told 
of them. One of them (Jacob) was as much noted for good- 
nature as for vigor of muscle. Ambitious pugiUsts were anxious 
to get the better of him ; but never succeeded. He did not love 
to fight ; but if cornered, and compelled to defend himself, he 

generally buttoned up his coat, and then with a single " wipe" of 
is flat hand, defeated his would-be assailant. He could carry 
home a barrel of flour on his shoulder, and it was sport for him 
to pitch bajTels of pork into a wagon. On one occasion he was 
incensed at a neighbor whom he charged with purloining tim- 
ber for building a log-bam, and threatened to demolish the 
building if certam logs were not paid for. -This threat was de- 
rided by the accused, when Jacob placed his shoulder under the 
top-stick of a door, gave a hoist and the next moment the 
amazed and terrifled offender saw his bam reduced to a heap of 
rubbish. Jacob thus proved that if Samson could tear away 
the pillars of a temple, he (Jacob) could at least upset the cattle 
tenement of a fellow-Dutchman. Our modern Hercules died in 
^1861. His decease was caused by irregular though not intem- 
perate habits. The other children of Huff, the pioneer, are Uving 
m the vicinity of his location. The most prominent of them is 
Philip, jr., a lumberman of Fremont. It is said that he has the 
strength of half-a-dozen ordinary men. 


In 1849, like many others who were seeking an El Dorado, 
-came Charles Hahn, and settled near the place where Philip 
Huff's saw-mill was afterwards built. While living here, hia 
, wife, with some of her female neighbors, went to the vaUey ol 
\ the Delaware. On their return, they became bewildered in the 
woods, and wandered about hopelessly for hom-s near their own 
cabins. A search was instituted for them, when their shrill cries 
caused their friends to find them. 

Every new-comer was warmly welcomed, and his anival 
caused a wave of congratiolation to pass over the community. 
B\;t settlers came so fast in a few j^ears, and located in so many 
unexpected places, that it required an active mind to keep pace 
with the rapidly increasing population. Hahn's family were 
surprised one clear, bright morning, at heairing the crowing of a 
cock in an unexpected quarter. They were in advance of others, 
and did not know that any one lived so near to them. In a 
flatter of excitement they explored the woods, and found a new 
settler. The rooster" was a true herald of advancing civilization. 

In 1860, Charles Hahn was killed while cutting down a tree. 
His widow then became the head of the family, and by energy 
and p^severance overcame all obstacles, and is now surrounded 
Tjy a happy and prosperous family. , 

The career of Valentine Hessinger shows what an enterprising 
man may accomplish, if he practices the frugahty of the father- 
land. Mr. Hessinger had a wife, children, and real estate, as 
well as goods and chattels, in his native country ; yet for an in- 
explicable cause he left all behind him in 1849, and came to 
ihe United States. Hearing favorable accounts of the CaUicoon 
country, he went to it bare-handed, but not bare-backed, and 
commenced living a new Ufe in the woods. He first worked 
eighteen months in Inderlied's tannery for |150. Then he peeled 
one hundred cords of bark. This he could not sell for money, 
and finally traded for merchandise. Next he spent a year m 
drifting around and speculating in a small way. After this, with 
a fellow-countryman named Leins, he hired a farm. The two 
kept bachelor's hall, endured many hardships, and found that 
their venture was unfortunate, fleins got married — ^his wife 
proved more prolific than the land he had tilled, and brought 
him good luck and^ prosperity as well as a numerous progeny. 
Hessinger opened a'little grocery, in which he kept a few.staple- 
articles. Although he was ridiculed as a vender of pea-nuts by 
a more pretentious rival, he steadily persevered in the business, 
and added to it as his means warranted. Economy and enter- 
prise brought him prosperity and wealth, and now (1872) he has 
one of the most extensive mercantile estabhshments in that 
section of country. 

Ernest Zeidler was one of the settlers on the North-branch. 


He bought a lot north of "Sixteen," a little above what is now 
the village of Calhcoon. His land covered a bold and precipitous 
ledge of rocks, in which was one of those cavities known as rock- 
cabms. This Zeidler fitted up as a temporary residence, and 
intended to occupy until he had time and means to construct a 
more desirable habitation. But Zeidler's right of possession 
was disputed. A bear had hibernated in the cave for several 
years, and one day discovered that our Dutchman had attempted 
to "jump" his ^Bruin's) claim. The man's disregard of squatter- 
law, or somethmg else, excited the natural ferocity of the brute, 
while the former did not lack animal courage. The two met 
near the entrance Of the cave, and, instead of going to law like 
stupid bipeds, settled their dispute in accordance with the maxim, 
"Might makes' right." After a brief fist-to-paw encounter, the 
bear ran away and troubled Zeidler no more. 

In time Zeidler provided himself with better quarters; but 
his cabin, like the cabins of his neighbors, did not contain many 
household luxuries. Among other things, it was destitute of a 
looking-glass ; and as he comd not shave without one, he became 
almost as hirsute as the original occupant of his cave. Narcissus 
discovered his own beauty by gazing into a pool of water, and on 
a Sabbath-day our bush-whacker was found shaving himself 
over a pig-trough filled with the aqueous fluid ! He had never 
heard of Narcissus ; but he had found the reflector which made 
Narcissus immortal. 

John M. Helek pursued a career similar to that of Mr, Hes- 
singer. He came to America in 1845, and being without a trade 
or profession, after landing in an Atlantic city, engaged in such 
honest work as he could find. He at first carried coal into cel- 
lars on his back ; afterwards became a clerk in a grocery, and 
ascended step by step to competence and respectability. In 
everything he was faithful and true. It was not so much what 
he earned as what he saved which laid the foundation of his 
fortune. Superfluities make the poor poorer, and reckless 
speculations often reduce the rich to want. Hard labor, self- 
d!enial and legitimate business transactions lead to wealth and 
true respectability ; while riches acquired by overreaching others 
should give their possessor no better title to honor than that 
enjoyed by the successful highwayman. Although men like 
Mr. Helck may not be perfect in aU things, we love to award 
them praise, and " whether they be Dutchmen or Yankees, we 
always doff our cap to them." 

There were others who were not as successful as Messrs. 
Hessinger and Helck. Of these was the family of Alois 
Thuman, who brought with them ten thousand dollars, which 
was considered a handsome fortune by the first settlers. The 
Thumans enjoyed high social position ; but, lacldng foresight 


and discretion, their estate gradually diminishied until they found 
the level occupied by the majority of their neighbors. The 
place of their residence received one of its names in this way : 
At a convivial party, Mrs. Thuman agreed to furnish the wine, 
if those present would go. upon the highway and shout " Thu- 
mansville." Since that night there has been " confusion in the 
eraft" of the locahty, some giving one word as the cognomen of 
the place, and some another. 

Another who seemed to have a controversy with fortune was 
Aaron Frazer, an American. He was part-owner and the man- 
ager of a large tannery situated on the north branch of the 
Callicoon. Bark was cheap as well as labor, while leather was 
dear. Although he could absorb as much fiery fluid in propor- 
tion to his cubic inches as a sponge, he always appeared to be 
sharp and shrewd. While he was full of his favorite beverage, 
efforts were made to get the advantage of him in business trans- 
actions; yet no resident of the valley ever succeeded. The 
would-be-biter was always bitten. There was unlimited confi- 
dence in his financial ability. He should have become one of 
the magnates of the county, yet he became a bankrupt. When 
he failed, the shock prostrated, for a time, nearly the entire-, 
community. The tannery then passed into the hands of Hoyt 
Brothers, who retained Frazer for a time, and then dismissed 
him. Like that of unsuccessful men generally, his departure 
was not mourned by those he left behind. 

Henry Wenzel was unhke the Thumans and Frazer. Although, 
one of nature's noblemen, he was of humble lineage. He was 
bom in Germany, where education is compulsory ; yet he w'as 
defrauded of secular knowledge by a bigoted teacher, who sup- 

{)Osed that lucid expositions of the catechism would fit a youth 
or both mundane and celestial affairs. After becoming a skiUful 
cabinet-maker and carpenter, he married. Previously he had 
contributed to the support of his father's family. His father 
continued to demand of him a considerable portion of his earn- 
ings, and to escape fi"om these exactions, the son emigrated to 
America. Nevertheless he was too well drilled in regard to his 
duty to altogether ignore his duty to his parents, for he continued 
to contribute toward their suppprt as his own means permitted. 
Believing that an ignorant man is no more fit to transact 
business than a fool is to wield a naked sword, he went to an 
evening-school in New York, where he learned what was 
necessary to fit him for the ordinary affairs of trade and traffic. 
Being frugal, prudent and industrious, he was in time able to 
engage in busmess in New York as a dealer in lumber, and to 
have in connection with his establishment a steam saw-niiU. 
BDs trade gave him a thorough knowledge of what was needed 
by cabinet-makers and carpenters. His profits were considerable. 


He was not long in attaining a competency, and ultimately be- 
came a wealthy man. His fortune was the result of legitimate 
business ; for he never speculated in stocks, or engaged in hazard- 
ous enterorises. 

When Mr. Wenzel landed in New York with his family, his 
entire capital consisted of three dollars in cash. This could not 
last foreter ; consequently he at once looked for honest employ- 
ment ; and while doing so he attracted the attention of a benev- 
olent negro, who generously bestowed upon him the sum of six 
and a quarter cents. He never met his sable benefactor again, 
and hence had no opportunity to return the ^ft a thousandfold ; 
but on each amiivers?iry of the event, as long as he lived, he 
disposed of three dollars in such a way as to add to the sum of 
human enjoyment. 

Among others upon whom he called soon after he landed, was 
a German gentleman named C. D. W. LiUiendahl. Mr. L. at 
once diviaed his necessities and true character, and unsolicited 
gave him eighty sUver half-dollars, which he accepted, not 
knowing what was in store for himself and family in this 
(to him) strange country. Mr. Wenzel obtained employment, 
and in two months returned the identical coin which Mr. LiUien- 
dahl had given him. This led to other business transactions 
between the two, and an enduring friendship, which bore im- 
portant fruit. Tears passed. Henry Wenzel became a pros- 
perous man, whose weekly transactions amounted to many 
thousands of dollars. While he was negociating for a cargo of 
mahogany, his old friend LiUiendahl called on him and told him 
that his sons had engaged in immoderate speculations, through 
which he had become embarrassed. His wants were great and 
immediate — ^failure was imminent, and he could look to no 
one for aid in his extremity. Mr. Wenzel at once declared 
that he could command his (Wenzel's) last cent ; that he had 
money with which he expected to buy a ship-load of lumber ; 
and that he should not use his cash for that purpose. He then 
■drew a check for fifteen thousand doUars, which he presented to 
Ms friend, saying, "If you are able to pay it back, well and 
good ; if not, say nothing about it, and the world shall be no 
wiser !" It was paid bacls; in due time, thus proving that gen- 
erosity and gratitude sometimes soar far above sordid selfish- 
ness, even in the business affairs of large cities. 

At another time, one John Schneider of WiUiamsburgh, L. I., 
waspublished as a bankrupt. Schneider was an intimate friend 
«of Wenzel, who lent him several thousand dollars without any 
security except what an honest bankrupt can give — his integrity. 
This enabled Schneider to retrieve his affairs, and in after-years, 
while prosperously prosecuting his business, he never forgot that 
he was saved from financial ruin by his friend, Henry WenZel. 


Mr. Wenzel's conneotion with the north-branch of the Calli-' 
coon dates from 1852. One of his daughters was afflicted with 
a nervous disease, and he was advised by physicians to take her 
to Callicoon, on account of its sahibrious cumate. This led to 
his residence in the town. In 1855, a flood occurred which 
rendered the valley far from inviting. He sympathized with 
the people, and spent considerable money in a prudent way to 
reUeve their distress. His kindness was acknowledged and re- 
ciprocated. In 1857 he was induced to accept a nomination for 
Justice of the Peace, when he declared that he would not con- 
tribute one cent to his election, and, if elected, he would not 
accept a cent for his services. And he was better than his word, 
for he not only dispensed justice gratuitously, but generally 
sent away litigants refreshed. Many shared his bounty and munii- 
icence, and he never withheld from the worthy p*bor when they 
needed assistance. He hated duplicity, and loved innocent hi- 
larity. He was a contributor to every good enterorise of » 
publio character, and, although he was often consulted in regard 
to complex affairs, his judgment was ever found clear and far- 
reaching. At one time he paid a larger income-tax than any 
other man in the coxmty, and, when questioned on the subject, 
would not admit that his iucome was really the greatest — ^but 
in his good-humored way claimed that Ms "returns" were strictly 
correct. On another occasion, he bought a dozen eggs of a 
neighbor; but on counting them found that there were but 
eleven. He called the attention of the egg-vender to the fact, 
and was told that one of them had a double yolk ! On investi- 
gation, this proved to be true. The seller's shrewdness was so 
diverting that Wenzel forthwith paid for the dozen, and gave 
the egg-merehani a liberal hbation besides,! 

In ms old days, when his flesh would no longer yield to the 
exactions of his mind, he purchased the poorest and most stony 
tract of land in his vicinity, declaring that he would have occu- 
pation as long as he hved. He employed men and superintended 
the improvement of this land until it suited him, when nature 
yielded, and his active brain rested from its labors. He died 
October 21st, 1870. 

Henry Wenzel denied to none of his children a liberal educa- 
tion, and trained them in such a way as to make them valuable 
citizens. His son, Adolphus E. Wenzel, who is prominent in 
the business affairs of Callicoon, and a rising, politician, after 
completing his education, conformed to the good German custom 
of ^earning a trade. While other young men in his station of 
life were in pursmt of frivolous amusement, he was laboring iu 
a machine-shop as a helpe^: at a forge, and thus worked his way 
up until he was a thorou^ mechanic. 

^Geol;ge F. B. Baker, the only son of a small but respectable 


farmer of Thompson, was the first physician of Callicoon. In 
his boyhood he attended a district school, or fished, or hunted 
wild animals, as inclination led him. He was an expert as a 
woodland sportsman, became a successful teacher, wrote many 
acceptable articles of prose and rhyme for country and city 
journals, studied medicine, and as soon as he was extensively 
employed as a physician and surgeon, abandoned his profession 
to make pills for the miUion, and to practice dentistrj'. After 
several years of pinching want, he obtained lucrative employ- 
ment in a dental establishment in New York ; but was dissatisfied 
with a subordiaate position— attempted to carry on the business 
on his own account — failed — separated from his wife — and after 
unavailing efforts to keep the wolf from his door, died. His last 
days were spent in a rude shelter in CalUcoon. 

Doctor Baker was a man of much ingenuity and some genius. 
While practicing medicine at Woodboume, he was called sud- 
denly to attend a man who was apparently dying with a disease 
of the throat. The upper part of his throat was closed by the 
disease, and he was dying from inability to breathe. Baker 
whip"ped out his lancet, and opened the man's windpipe below the 
affected point, inserted a goose-quill, and the patient breathed 
through the orifice until he was able to inhale air in the natural 

Baker's misfortunes resulted from instability. As soon as he 
could do anything passably well, he lost his interest in it, and 
turned his attention to another channel. As a physician he was 
remarkably successful. If he had made medicme the business 
of his life, he would have won a competence and a respectable 
position in society. 

In. December 1853, Isaac Anderson opened a law-office in 
Jeffersonville. He was, in the strictest and best sense of the term, 
a self-made man — the arbiter under God of his own fortunes. 

He was born near Monticello in 1825. His father, Joseph 
Anderson, was a poor man, who was sometimes a farmer, some- 
times a lumberman, and occasionally followed both of these 
callings at the same time. He seldom lived in one place long ; 
but moved from one locaHty to another, always hoping to better 
his condition, and generally meeting disappomtment. In 1843, 
he removed to Beechwoods, near Jeffersonville. At that time, 
this region, with its cheap and fertile lands, was a land of promise 
to the poor and industrious. There Joseph Anderson and his 
sons cut and hewed the necessary timber for the cabin which 
Tlhey made their home, and there they cleared fields from which 
they obtained food for the family. 

Until he was twenty-one yea^s of age, Isaac labored fot his 
father at farm-work and lumbering, having, as he was in the 
habit of saying, "plenty of hard times, bard work and a scarcity 


of schooling." Wlieu he reached his majority, there was not in 
the county a more uncouth young man or one less versed in the 
laws which regulate civilized society. He was humble, diffident 
and modest, and had a painful sense of his own lack of cultiva- 
tion. With him the years usually devoted to the acquisition of 
education had passed away, and he stood on the verge of man- 
hood where American youth engage in the active duties of life, 
ignorant of everything except the rudiments taught in our 
humblest schools, and the fact that a few, a veir few had con- 
quered the diificulties which stared him in the face, and taken 
respectable positions in hfe. Could he do so? Could he, a 
poor, imlearned boy, whom few respectable professional men 
would have taken as a student, first acquire an education without 
the assistance of a human being, and then become a learned 
and influential lawyer? The declaration of suchihopes would 
have exposed him to the ridicule of every one who knew him. 

E. H. Pinney, who afterwards became a lawyer, then taught 
a district school in a rude log-house near the residence of Joseph 
Anderson. Under him Isaac placed himself for a part of two 
winters. Commencing with the lads of the neighborhood, 
among whom he seemed like a giant among pigmies, he made 
rapid progress. During the first summer, in company with a 
man named John Brown, he contracted to peel a quantity of 
bark for O. B. Wheeler, of the Pike Pond tannery. Here he 
worked industriously from twelve to fourteen hours a day, and 
from two to four hours at night were devoted to his books. He' 
hoarded his earnings with miserly care, not because he loved 
money, but because it brought to him intellectual hfe. After, 
his second winter's attendance at the school kept by Mr. Pinney, 
young Anderson found he had mone;f enough to pay his expenses 
for a few months at a school of a higher grade. On foot, with 
a trunk containing his effects lashed upon his shoulders, he 
started for Westtown, Orange county, where a teacher named 
Abijah Calkins enabled him to lay the foundation of a classical 
education. After he was elected, Judge of his native county, he 
gave us a humorous account of his journey, and a minute de- 
scription of the trunk. It was a small hair-trunk, and its con- 
tents did not make it hard to carry. He was too manly to be 
ashamed of his humble condition in early life. 

" The following winter, he taught school in the Borden district 
of OaUicoon. Thence he went to a select school established by 
O. H. Bush, in which Eev. James Petrie, of Liberty, was in- 
structor in the classics. Afterwards he taught at Divine's Cor- 
ners, and at FaUsburgh. 

"During this and other years, many long nights were speiit in 
debates, tiius training his mind for the activities of the bar. He 
and his comrades, following paths marked by blazing the trees 


tbrough the wilderness, frequently gathered in seliool-koilses for 
their debates and speUing-schools. In such exercises he wore 
off in some measure his great diffidence. 

"Needing money, and still bent on overcoming every obstacle 
in the attainment of education, ia the summer of 1840, he and 
his brother John rented the saw-miU formerly connected with 
E. A. Clark & Co.'s tannery, in Jeffersonville. 

" In. the winters of 1849 and 1850, he taught school at Barry- 
. ville, and, whUe^ teaching others, added to his own burden by 
becoming a student, having the privilege of using the law-books 
of John W. Johnston. For two or three years after this, his. 
law-studies were pursued alone — ^in the saw-mill, 'reading a 
page while the saw was passing through the log' — digesting and 
assimilatiag legal pabulum, while his strong arms were earning, 
food to nourish his body. 

" In 1853, he spent about one month in the law-office of Albert 
J. Bush, at ParksviUe. At the term of the Supreme Court, held 
in December of that year, Amasa J. Parker, Ira Harris and 
William B. Wright, Justices, he was admitted as an attorney 
and counselor-at-law. Thereafter his course was onward and 
upward, untU his name became a tower of strength to his clients, 
a dread to his opponents, and his rank as a lawyer an exalted one. 

" In 1859 he was elected District Attorney of the county for 
three years, and in 1862 County Judge and Surrogate for four 
years. In 1866, he was a candidate for Congress ; but was de- 
feated by Charles H. Van Wyck. In 1868, he was made an 
attorney, proctor, counselor and advocate of the District Court 
of the United States."* 

OA the 3d of February, 1871, he died, in the 46th year of 
his age. ' 

Isaac Anderson was not in any respect a brilliant man. His 
arguments were plain, cogent, earnest, logical. Law, justice, 
truth, equity, were the weapons he used in his forensic en- 
counters. He lacked fervor, warmth, imagination. Hence he 
never startled his hearers with bursts of eloquence, or melted 
their hearts with pathos. He never reached a point with an 
electric bound ; but plodded his way slowly and surely, concen 
trating all his powers upon the task of the moment, and com- 
passing his ends with remarkable certainty. 

When about twenty-one years of age, he became a member 
of the Baptist Church, and maintained a nominal connection 
with it until his death. 

, He had his foibles. In some things he was frail, weak and 
erring. Let us hope that the agony of his repentance was not 
unavailing with Him who pardoned the vUest of sinners, when,. 

* Zocal Jtecord, February 10, 1871. 


bumble and self-abased, they souglit his merpy; or at least, con- 
scious of our own transgressions, let us place the shield of 
charity over a single blot on the otherwise'^ f^iir record ^f his 
life, and screen his memory from ruthless censure. "Let no 
man boast." 

On the first of August, 1855, nearly every bridge and dam of 
the north and east branch of the Callicoon was destroyed by a 
flood. Horton & Co., William H. Curtis & Co., Inderlied Broth- 
ers, and other lumbermen and tanners were losers to large 
amounts. The damage was estimated at $60,000. A dwelling 
house, occupied by a man named Eiscard and his wife and infant 
chUd, was entirely demolished. On the previous evening, the 
family retired to rejst in apparent security, and at 1 o'clock A. M. 
were aroused , by the water rushing into their bed. Eiscard 
hastily jumped through a window and escaped. , In a few mo- 
ments afterwards, the house and all it contained were borne 
away by the angry flood. The child was found several hours 
afterwards among some drift-wood, and was still aUve. The 
mother was drowned. 

Other floods occurred in 1857 and in 1869, which destroyed 
an immense amount of property. The surface of the country 
win cause the recurrence of similar disasters in this town as well 
as Fremont. 

On the 16th of October, 1857, a boy named Henry Staibe, and 
another named Jacob Neumann, junior, while at the house of 
Henry Becker, had a trifling dispute, when the former seized a 
gun and shot his con^panion, who soon after died. Staibe was 
arrested and held to await the action of the Grand Jury at the 
next Circuit Coijrt. That body, after hearing all the testimony, 
refused to find a bill against young Staibe. 

On the 8th of September, 1868, Mary, a daughter of Alanson 
Seager, was murdered by her uncle, Noah Bigelow, near her 
father's residence, in the vicinity of North Branch. 

Bigelow was bom in Delaware county, in 1832, and had one 
brother and one sister. While they were yet small, their mother 
became a religious fanatic, and her duty to abandon 
her husband and her helpless offspring, and join the Shakers. 
Noah's brother died in childhood. His sister married, became 
a pauper, and died insane. Noah himself was a vicious youth 
of "weak inteUeot. He frequently assaulted his father, and was 
turbulent and unmanageable. While yet a boy, be Was struck 
by lightning, which seemed to daze his infirm mindi His brain 
was still further enfeebled by bad habits. After he married, he 
became almost helpless, and at the time of the murder, subsisted 
on the charity o;^ his neighbors and the aid furnished by the 
Overseer of the Poor of Callicoon. 

Mary Seager, his victim, was ten years old, and physically 


inferior to girls of her age. On the morning of her death, she 
started from her father's house to drive some cows to a pasture 
lot, and was followed by Bigelow (who Uved not far off) until 
she reached a lonely place, where he overtppk her, and after 
-attempting to violate her person, beat her head with his cane 
until she was dead. He then placed a log on her head, and 
jetumed home. 

As soon as the child was missed, her friends searched for her, 
and discovered her dead body where her brutal slayer had left 
it. Her skull was smashed, and mingled bones, brains and 
blood were scattered about. On examination, tracks of heelless 
boots were found near the corpse, and as it was known that 
Bigelow wore such boots, he was at once suspected, and chained 
with the crime. Blood was on his clothing. This confirmed 
the suspicions of those who gathered at the scene of the tragedy, 
who attempted to extort a confession from him, and even hung 
him twice until he was nearly dead ; but he stubbornly refused to 
admit that he was guilty. His cane was then examined. It was a 
heavy stick, with the knob of A door fastened to one end. He had 
washed it, and, as he beUeved, removed all evidence of the fold 
•deed ; but on removing the knob, blood, hair and brains were dis- 
covered. Finding that further denial was useless, Bigelow then 
made a full confession, in which he declared that he had previ- 
ously made an indecent assault on the murdered girl, of which 
she had complained to her father ; that to save nimself from 
the resentment of her father for the last attempt, he had killed 
her ; that he wished to be revenged for the manner in which her 
friends had used him, etc. 

Intense excitement prevailed in the neighborhood for a time, 
and many were determined to execute the wretch as soon as a 
rope could be procured ; but better counsel prevailed, and he 
was consigned to jail in Monticello. In due time he was in- 
•dicted for the crime of murder, and at the next May ter^ of the 
Oyer and Terminer he was tried, convicted and sentenced to be 
huQg. The defense was insanity ; but it was not sustained by 
the evidence. Benjamin Reynolds, who was then District At- 
torney, and Archibald C. Niven appeared for the people, and 
WiUiam J. Groo for the prisoner. 

When Bigelow was sentenced, he was a pitiable object "'.He 
was so much prostrated by confinement and self-abuse, that he 
<!ould not stand, and was held upon his feet by an officer of the 
Court, while he hstened in an apathetic and stupid manner to 
the words which doomed him to the halter. Hanging such a 
miserable wreck of humanity was revolting to some, who made 
efforts to secure a commutation of his sentenofe. An appHcation 
was presented to the Governor of the State, who despatched 
Doctor J. S. Mosher, Surgeon-General, to ascertain Bigelow's 


'Condition. On an examination of the condemned man, and a 
consultation with Drs. B. Q. McCabe and Edward F. Quinlan, 
who were familiar with the prisoner's case, the Surgeon-Genera] 
made his report, 'and the GoTemor refused to change the sen- 
tence of the Court. 

Several clergymen visited B^elow previous to his execution; 
but found him insensible to spkitual mfluences. He shed tears 
when made to comprehend the fate which awaited him; but 
exhibited no remorse for his crime. His sorrow was not for 
what he had done ; but what awaited him. 

Bige low was executed on the 15th of July, 1869, by Benjamin 
"W. Winner, Sheriff of the county. He was attended in his last 
moments by Eev. Walter Scott Brown of the Reformed, and 
Uev. Robert Tarleton of the Methodist Church. The former mside 
a few remarks, and asked the doomed man whethd^ he repented, 
and hoped for heavenly pardon? He replied in a manner not 
very satisfactory, " Yes, I hope so." After hangiag until he was 
dead, his remains were taken away and buried. 

FiEST Pbesbytebian Chukch of Caujcoon. — About 1840, 
Rev. Samuel Pelton and Rev. James Petrie attempted to or- 
ganize a Presbyterian Church in CaUicoon. A meeting was held 
for that purpose ; but the effort proved abortive, because there 
was but one male (George G. DeWitt) who proposed to be a 
member of the congregation, while it was necessary to have two 
for elders. ■ 

The first Presbyterian Church of the town was formed on the 
7th of May, 1844, as appears from the following record : 

"CoLUKOON, May 7th, 1844. 

"According to public notice, a meeting was held at the house 
of George G. DeWitt, for the purpose of organizing a church. 
The following persons appeared, and requested to be formed 
into a church to be called the 1st Pres^terian church of the 
town of Collikoon, under the care of the Presbytery of Hudson, 
and in connection with the General Assembly of the Presby. ch. 
in the U. S. of A.: Geo. G. DeWitt, Stephen Carrier, Julia De 
Witt, Margaret Carrier, Rebecca W. Beadle, Rebecca Bogart, 
Carohne M. Rumsey, Susan Wood, Mary Hopkins, Mary Wood, 
and Delia Young. 

" Stephen Carrier, Rebecca W. Beadle, Caroline M. Rumsey, 
Susan Wood, Mary Hojjkins and Mary Wood having been ex- 
amined as to their doctrinal and experimental knowledge, were, 
with others who were received from other churches, constituted 
into a branch of the church of Jesus Christ by exhortation and 
prayer. Caroline Rumsey was baptized after a sermon from 
Gen., 45:24. 


"George Q. DeWitt -was unammotisly elected to be the first 
Eulmg Elder in tbis church. J'resent, William B, Reeve and 
James Petrie, mioistfirs. I 

"Sat, Jime 1st. — A meetinjg was held at school house. Ser- 
mon {>reached by Rev. James Petrie, after which David Wodd, 
Jeremiah Wood and Eliza Bush were admitted upon examina- 
tion as members of this church. Geo. G. DeWitt wa? ordaine.d 
, as Rtiling Elder. 

"Stephen Carrier was elected Elder of said church June 19th, 
and ordained June 22d. 

"June 30th, 1345.-:- A meeting was held to elect Trustees. 
Geo. G. DeWitt, Jacob Quick and Ross 0. Rumsey were elected 
Trustees.* Jolm Mole and.Stephen Carrier, priesiding officers." 

In the fall of 1845, a subscription-paper was , circulated to 
procure means to build a church-edifice, to which were added 
the names of seven persons. The first subscribed " one hundred 
dollars in lumber and labor;" the second,^' oil and paint neces- 
sary for 2 coats;" the third, "ten dollars worth labor with 
team ;" the fourth, " ditto ;" the fifth, "twenty dollars ;" the ?ixth, 
" ten dollars worth labor with team ;" the seventh, " 900 feet pine 
boards, and 5000 hemlock shingles." Besides the above, the 
sum of $208 was donated by persons living in the city of New 
York, and $46 by others living in Scotchtown and Mount Hope. 

Contracts were subsequenuy made with Archer G. Wood for 
the necessary timber; Lewis Dickinson and Peter Palmetier 
for the carpenter work; and for plastering with Heury Gurd. 

The building was fiinished in tiie fall of 1847, and opened for 
service. In 1860, it was taken down, removed to Toungsville, 
and rebuilt where it now stands. 

In 1844. Rev. James Petrie and Rev. James Reeves preached 
as missionaries occasionally in the school-house of District No. 1. 
In 1845 and 1846, Rev. John Mole, of Cochecton, was engaged 
to preach every two weeks for $50 per year. Some extraordinary 
facts will be related of him in ouf history of Cochecton. From 
1846 to 1859, the Church was supplied with preachers from 
Hudson Presbytery. In the latter year, Rev. F. A. Crane was 
engaged as stated supply, and continued to officiate until 1871, 
except in 1864 and 1865. 

The Reformed Church of Jeffersonville was formed in 1852, 
and its pastors have been : W. Wolf, from 1853 to 1854 ; Julius 
Hones, 1854-8; F. W. Riedel, 1858-61; John Bcehrer, 1862-5. 
Mr. Riedel embraced Roman Catholicism ; but recanted in 1867. 
John Boehrer's conduct ultimately caused the faithful and pious 

• Book of DeedB No. 22, p. 173. 


members of hia Church much sorrow. Rev. William Elterich 
is the present pastor. The church-edifice was completed in 1854. 

In 1856, a Reformed Church had its birth at Thumansville. 
John Boehrer became its pastor in 1862, and was succeeded by 
E. F. F, Schnellendruessler, a graduate of th« Collegiate Gym- 
nasium at Gumbinnen, East-Prussia, in 1868. " 

The same gentleman had charge of the Church at Milesville, 
which dates from 1858. 

St. Geobge's Chubch, JEPPEBSONViiitE.— Eev. John Ranfeisen 
labored here for the spiritual welffire of the (^erman Roman 
Catholics as eairly as 1843. In 1860, the church-edifice was 
commenced. On the 22d of June, 1865, Archbishop MeCloskey 
consecrated it, on which occasion he confirmed 105 persons. 
Rev. Joseph Roesch was the priest in charge for ^veral years. 


From To 

1842 Ohiey Borden 1844 

1844. John Hankins. - 1847 

1847 George G. DeWitt 1848 

1848 Olney Borden 1849 

1849 .George G. DeWitt 1851 

1851 Samuel W. Jackson 1853 

1853 Benjamin W. Baker. 1854 

1854 Aaron Fraser 1856 

1856 .Isaaa-Anderson. 1857 

1857 Egbert A. Clark .1859 

1859 Aaron Fraser 1860 

1860 George G. DeWitt. 1861 

1861 Victor Hofer 1863 

1863 Josiah Smith , . .1864 

1864 Eleazer Morgans 1865 

1865. Josiah Smith '..\ 1866 

1866 Egbert A. Clark. 1869 

1869 Edward H. Pinney 1871 

1871 Alpheus Potts. '. 1872 

1872 . Adolphus E. Wenzel 1874 



From 1743 to 1798, these towns were in the precinct and towa 
of Mamakating; from 1798 to 1809 in Lumberland; and from: 
1809 to 1828 in Bethel. By an act of the Legislature, Cochecton 
was taken from Bethel in 1828.* 

The surface of Cochecton and Delaware is marked by ridges 
and narrow valleys. The river bottoms are composed of sandy 
loam, and are very fertile, while the uplands are well adapted ta 
pasturage. The mouth of the GaUiooon, it is said, is 777 feet 
above the ocean level, and the mean elevation of the towns is 
probably not less than 1300 feet. The leading pursuit of the 
early white residents was lumbering. After the construction of 
, the New York and Erie EaUway, the manufacture of sole-leather 
became an important industry, while the advent of several hun- 
dred hardy and industrious German farmers ikade agriculture- 
notable. ' 

There are four or five small lakes in these towns; but no 
elevations which can properly be called mountains. The prin- 
cipal streams are the Callicoon and its branches, and Ten Mile 
liver. The latter reaches the Delaware, after crossing the town 
of Tusten. 


Town and Tear. 


























Co. and 



The population of Cochecton and Delaware in 1870 was 3,478. 

* The first town-meeting was held at the house of Stephen W. Gedney, in the old 
village of Cochecton, March 3, 1829, at which James C. Curtis wa» elected Supervisor ; 
Moaes Calkin, Town Clerk : Nathan Moulthrop, Alfred Nearing and Moses Calkin, As- 
sessors : John Hill, James Boss and David Youug, Commissioners of Highways ; Squire 
Karsh, Bezaleel Calkin and Clark Brown, Commissioners of Common Schools ; Charlei - 
Whipple, John F. Avery and William Brown, liispectors of Common Schools ; Stephen 
Mitchell and George Hill, Overseers of the Poor ; Stephen W. Geciiey and George Hill . 
Constables; and Stephen W. Gedney, Collector. 



We should not hastily oouclude from what others as well as 
ourselves have written, that in the year 1700, SuUivan was a 
terra incognita to all except the red tcian and the Dutch and 
French who occupied Minisink and the lower Magh-ah-ke-mack 
(Neversink) valley. As, early as 1687, all this region had been 
thoroughly explored, and the, points important to military 
men were well known. On the 22d day of February of that 

?ear. Governor Dongan, in his report to the Committee of 
"rade,* after urging that the hne between the province of New 
York and "Mr. Penn's possessions" should run from "41° and 
40* in the Delaware river" (Oochecton) "to the Falls upon the 
Susquehanna," said: 

" To preserve the Beaver-^d Peltry trade for this (New York) 
and Albany, and to be an encouragement to our Beaver hunters, 
I de^e I may have orders to erect a Campayne Eort upon Del- 
aware Eiver in 41° 40' ; another upon Susquehanna where his 
Mat'y shall think fit Mr. Penn's bounds shall terminate. And 
another at Oneigra near the great lake in the way where our 
people goe a Beaver hunting or trading," etc. 

from tiiis it appears that the white beaver-hunters and traders 
needed protection during their visits or residence in the north- 
west part of Sullivan. From another paragraph of the repoi^t, 
it appears that it was necessary to protect them against appre- 
hended hostility of the French, andfnot the Indians. 

Any one who has a map of the country printed in the last 
century, on which the Indian trails through the wilflemess are 
laid down, will find, on examination, that Dongan's recommenda- 
tion was a wise one. 

The third pemmnent lodgement made within the hmits of 
Sullivan by white men was at Oochecton, as the valley of the 
Delaware from Gallicoon or Turkey creek to the mouth of Ten 
Mile river was designated a century ago. 

On the banks of the river, near the present village of Oo- 
checton, was an Indian village of some note, where the savages 
of the surrounding country met to observe their ancient customs. 
Here they had their green-corn dances, their dog festivals, their 
games of ball, etc., and here, according to an ancient tradition,, 
which has been nearly lost amid the din and whirl of modem 
days, lived the celebrated Lenape sage and Yankee saint, Tam- 
manend, Tammaning, or Tammany. WiUiam L. Stone saya 
that he Uved in the middle of the 17th century; that he was a 
sagacious and vktuous sachem ; that in his youth he resided in 
the country which is now Delaware; and that he afterwards 
settled on the banks of the Ohio. In truth, Httle or nothing 
reliable is known concerning this heathen saint. The first 

* Sooomentary Hiatoi? of New York. 

184 aisToitT or stjilivan cotjsrr. 

settlers claimed tliat his lodge was on the Sldimer farm, and the 
"Admiral" loved to designate his vaUey-land as St. Tammany's 
Flats. When the people of Coohecton were more familiar with 
the facts than they are now, h. Masonic organization of the place 
was known as Tammany lodge, No. — , which name was bestowed 
to commemorate Tammany as a Iboal celebrity. The claim of 
Cochecton is really not inconsistent with the assertion that 
he lived in the State of Delaware. The Indians were a nomadic 
race. They moved from locality to locality as their whims and 
necessities impelled them. If Tammany in his youth lived in 
Delaware, he nndoubtedly was at times in Ciochecton, and 
rog,med over the neighboring hiUs in search of game, and had a 
wigwam in the valley, in which was cooked his samp and veni- 
son, and in which he reposed after his tramps over the neigh- 
boring hiUs. 

The early, settlement of Cochecton may be attributed to 
several causes. 

While New Jersey claimed the east bank of the Delaware as 
far as Station Bock, Connecticut claimed the lands west of that 
river. We propose to give a history of the "Jersey claim" in 
another place, and therrfbrie will omit it here ; but as the people 
of -the eastern province planted the first permanent settlement 
in the valley at Cushetunk, it is proper to show why they did so 
in this chapter. 

The charter of Connecticut, which was granted in 1621, con- 
firmed by the King of Great Britain during the same year, and 
again confirmed by him in 1662, granted to that colony all the 
lands west of it, to the extent of its breadth, from sea to sea, 
except what was "then actually possessed or inhabited by any 
other Christian prince or State.' * This exception covered no 
part of the Dutch colony of New Netherlands, which extended 
to the Delaware river ; but the eiJteirprising Yankees were in- 
clined to make the exception read, "then actually possessed and 
inhabited," etc. ; and when they attempted to avail themselves 
of their alleged right, they were not careful which bank of the 
river they took possession of, provided it was not inhabited, and 
the land was desirable. Cushetunk was within the latitude of 
Connecticut, and the latter claimed the pre-emptive right to 
territory of the prescribed width, extending from the Delaware 
to the Pacific ocean. Previous to 1651, several inhabitants of 
that Province purchased lands situate in the vicinity of the 
South river, and proposed to occupy a section of the valley, 
•but Governor Stuyvesant threw obstacles in their wa.y. These 
the Yankees threatened to remove by fdrce.t The threat, how- 

♦ TnimbuU's Hislory of Connecticut. W. h. Stone's History of Wyoming, 
f Stone's W.vumiug, See also G-ordun. 


ev6r, was a mere bravado, and the Yankee project of belting tie 
odntinent slumbered for a century. 

In the meantime, Willi^-m Penn and the Proprietors of New 
Jersey obtained charters which covered aU the lands in Penn- 
sylvania and New Jersey claimed by Connecticut. Tke right of 
the former to what was granted to them was undisputed until 
1753, when the Yankees revived their claim, andlin 1754, the 
Susquehanna Company, consisting of six himdred adventurers 
who resided principally in Connecticut, bought of the Six Na- 
tions, at Albany, a tract of land which was bounded by a line 
drawn ten miles east of the Susquehanna river, was as broad as 
Connecticut, and extended one hundred and twenty miles west. 
The Quakers pronounced this purchase irregular, as it was not 
made in open council, but of a few Indians privately, while some 
of the latter were drunk on Kquor furnished by tne Yankees. 
However this may be, the purchasers paid the natives a fair 
price, probably quite as much as their assailants would have 
given. '_ 

About the same time, another organization of Yankees, known 
as the Delaware Company, bought the region situate between 
the Delaware and the eastern bounds of the Susquehanna Coia- 
pany's territory, and under its auspices, a settlement was 
commenced at Cushetunk in 1757. We have no authentic 
account of a settlement here previous to this date, although it 
is probable that an Englishman named Moses Thomas was 
located on the Thomas farm as an Indian trader as early as 
1750. A tradition of his descendants, who held this farm for 
more than one hundred years, and were second in respectabihty 
to no residents of the valley, is the basis of this supposition. 

We do not propose to give a fuU accoimt of the controversy 
which ensued between the Yankees and the Penhhaihites. it 
was more bitter and bloody than the contest in modem times 
for the control of Kansas. The colony of Wyoming, as the 
emissaries of the Susquehanna Company were designated, 
were generally successful; but when they were hard pressed, 
they sent to their friends and co-operators at Cushetunk for 

in the fall of 1763, the settlers of Wyoming and of Cushetunk 
were massacred or driven away by the subjects of Teedyuscung, 
the^ Delaware king. At that time no less than thirty families 
were living in the last named colony, who had planted them- 
selves on the river flats from the mouth of Ten Mile river to 

* In September, 1770, the Yanlseeg of Wyoming, finding themselves besieged in 
Port Durkee by the Pennhamite? under Captain Ogden, sent an express under cover 
of the night to their brother-colonists of Cnshetunk for aid. Supposing that Ogden 
would guard the path to the Delaware, the messenger undertooK to go by another 
way ; but tell into Ogden's hands. [See Stone's History of Wyoming. 


that of the Gallicoon creek. The latter did not remain away- 
long ; but returned to the valley as soon as they could db sc. 

At first, the main route to Wyoming was by the way of Cushe- 
tunk. The red men had made the latter the site of one of their 
villages — ^probably the most important one located on the river 
above Carpenter's Point, and to it led the great trails from the 
villages of other clans and tribes. One of these was to the head- 
waters of the Lackawaxen via Calkins' creek; thence across the 
Moosic to the Indian village of Capouse on the Lackawanna ; 
thence by various routes to Wyomiog, Oquaga, etc. In the 
winter and spring of 1769, when the Yankees made another 
attempt to gain a foothold on the Susquehaima, and sent two 
hundred and forty souls to take possession of the country, their 
emissaries passed, through Oushetunk, and over this trail. Hol- 
lister says that they then improved it as they proceeded on their 
way. Some tim^ after this, a better route was opened to and 
from Stroudsburgh. ' 

The claim of each Company had the same basis; but the 
eastern settlement is less noted in history, because it was less 
formidable to the Quaker goveriiment of Pennsylvania. The 
other was more pestiferous than the plagues of Egypt. ' It was 
irrepressible. Large numbers, attracted by the fat lands of the 
Susquehanna, left the stony hills of Connecticut, armed to the 
teeth, and swelled the settlements and the ranks of the territory 
of Wyoming. The Quakers loved peace ; but they loved their 
earthly possessions more. They sent troops to drive the in- 
truders away; but the Yankees, although sometimes beaten, 
generally maintained their ground. They were the original 
squatter sovereigns of our country, and sturdily did they defend 
their assumed immunities. At the Declaration of Independence, 
they were seemingly securely seated in the country, with all the 
forms and securities of an estabhshed government. 

During the war with Great Britain, none deserved more ap- 
plause than these adventurers ; and, alas ! none suffered more ; for 
while their able-bodied men were defending less exposed locaK- 
ties, their wives and children and gray-haired parents were 
massacred by savages and tories — tortured to death with fiend- 
ish ferocity, and driven into the wilderness to perish. 
-After the revolted Colonies had won their freedom, the con- 
troversy was renewed, and led to considerable disorder. The 
State in the meantime had dispossessed the heirs of William 
, Penn of their inheritance in that Commonwealth, and Pennsyl- 
vania claimed the territory which the Quaker Proprietors had 
not sold. The question as to the title of Connecticut to these 
lands was submitted to a national tribunal, and the final decision, 
vhich was not rendered until 1799, was adverae to the Yankees. 



The settlers of the Delaware Company did not feel the hand 
of the Quakers as heavily as those of the other association be- 
cause they did not carry their heads so high. They were weak. 
They probably hever numbered fifty able-bodied men. Hence, 
with true TaAee policy, they kept the Quakers quiet, by paying 
the latter for such land as they wished to improve. Thus Daniel 
Skinner and Company, of Cushetimk, after acquiring what title 
was possible tmder Connecticut, fortified themselves with the 
following document : 

"Decetnber ye 10 A D 1761 Whareas we Augustus Hunt 
and Thomas Corbia of New york Government have obtained a 
warrant of Philadelphia Land office For thirty thousand Acres 
of Land which is a hundred Rites three himdred acres to a rite 
ten of which Eits We alow to be Daniel Sldnnersend Company 
acording to the tarms of the Warrant With us and Company as 
Witness our hands 

Augustus Hunt 
Thomas WAiiUNG Thomas Cobbin." 

[Endorsed" on the back — " Hunt has paid for 9 of these Eights. 

In 1770, Daniel Skinner obtained a warrant for 140 acres of 
land from the Pennsylvania Land Office, and on tlie 3d of May, 
1775, received a patent from Thomas and John Penii. He was 
largely interested in land affairs in both the Delaware and Sus- 
quehanna purchases, as well as the McDonald patent of Orange 

That the Delaware Company claimed on the east as well as 
the west side of the Delaware, the following deeds prove : 

"To all people to whome these presents shall come Greeting 
Know ye that I Timothy Wents of Canterbury in the county of 
windham and Colony of Connecticut in New england Practisioner 
of Physick For and in consideration of the sum of three pounds 
in Lawfvdl Money paid in hand by Mr. Daniel Skinner of New- 
town Li Sussex Ooimty New Jersy have Given Granted Bar- 
gained alowd Conveyd & Confirmed & by these presents sell 
Convey and Confirm and make over and assign unto him the sd 
Daniel Skinner and to his heirs and assigns for Ever one half 
Share or Eight in the Delaware Purchase of Lands on the East 
and west sids of the Delaware Eiver which sd Wents purched 
of Henry Walton To have and to hold the same with aU privi- 
leges and Appurtences Thereof to him sd Daniel Skiimer to his 

* Copied from the original, and presented to the author by the late Nathan Skinnei 
of DomMcns, Fa., together with copies of other deeds which ftdlow. 



Wrs and assignes for Ever in witness whareof I the sd Timothy 
Wents have hareunto set my hand and seal this second Day of 
this Instant Januaiy Anoque Domine 1760. 

Timothy WE^fT8 
Sealed and delivered in the presents of us 

Nathan Claek 
Ambeose Blunt." 

"To all People' to whome these Presents- shall come Greting 
Know ye that I Alpheus Ghistin of Newtown in the County of 
Sussex and Collony of New Jersey for and in Consideration of 
the sum of five Pound Lawful money of New Jersey paid in hand 
by Dan'l Skinner of the town and County aforsd I have Given 
Granted Barganed sold Convaed arid Confirmed and do b^ these 
Presence Sell Convey and Confirm and make over and asign unto 
him the sd Danl Skinner and his heirs and assims forever one 
fourth Part of a right of Land in the Delaware J'urches Lyin^ 
on East and West side of Delawar River one hundred acres 
thereof being Laid out in the middle town I being a proprietor 
and had a half Eight in sd Purches as the Indian Deed will 
make it appear more fiilly to have and to hold the same "With 
all the Privileges and appurtnance thereof to him the sd Dan'l 
Skinner to his heirs and assigns forever furthermore I the s'd 
Alpheus Gustia Do Bind my heirs and assigns Forever to Warrant 
and Defend sd fourth part of a Eight From all Claims and 
Challenges that may or shall arise by or under me or Either of 
iliie Proprietors of s'd Purchas or Either of us or heirs or assigns 
forever In Witness Whareof I the said Alpheus Gustin have 
hereunto set my hand and seal this Twentieth day of february 
in the year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and sixty 

AiPHEus Gustin 
Sined Sealed and Delivered in the presance of 

Alpheus Gustin 

Mary M Buck 

TVom the following it appears that, notwithstanding the settle- 
ment of the controversy between New York and New Jersey in 
July, 1769, .the latter province continued to exercise jurisdiction 
over the people of Cusheturik : 

"Easton, 17 Aprill772 
"Mr James Welsh 

Inclosed you will receive a Warrant against 
Daniel and Hagga Skinner i'or beating and wounding several 
Indian Cheats of the Oneida Tuskarora and Mohickan Indians 


which in its consequences may involve the provence in a bloody 
ware with those Indians unless the aforesaid Daniel and Hagga 
Skinner are brought to condine punishment : according to law : 
You are therefore commanded to procede to Coshethton taking 
with you sufficient strength and bring them before me to answer 
for their miss conduct and irregular procedings And this you 
are by no means to neglect or Fail ia at your peril Ajid I do 
Further require that you wiU execute the said Warrant within 
the space of Fourteen days From the time you receive it and 
make returns of your doing therein after its execution to me 
without delay it being by the express orders of the Governor 
and Coimcil 

"Your humble Sert Lewis Goedon. 

"Mr, James Wdsh constable In Upper Smithfidd" 

" To all whome it may concern Know ye that Daniel Skinnex 
whome is complained oi For abusing the Indians did settle with 
said Indians last winter before tha>t any complaint was made to 
the Cheafs as can be easily proved by the fiidians themselves 
and others and the Indians is free and wiling that he should 
stay and improve his land as he has done before and it is some- 
thing likely it was out of some ill will that the Complaint was 
made against the said Daniel Skinner and his brother Hagga as 
consequently will appear and as for the quarrel that hapened on 
Christmas day the said Skinners were peaceably together and 
some other people at Nicholas Conklin's when the Indians them- 
selves was something in liquor and began with the said Skinner 
for to give him some Eum and said Skinner would not and the 
Indian was out of humor and struck the said Skinner and the 
said Skinner struck the said Indian back again and it came to 
some head the Indian stabed one man and after the. Indian 
came to himself he acknowledged he was in the wrong and said 
he would make satisfaction For the damage he had done and 
would not have ben any more noise about it if it had not ben for 
Nathaniel Evons as the Indians say This we can attest to 
Coshethton May 10th 1772 Nicholas Conkun 

John Lessley 
Elizabeth Conklin 
William Conkmn." 

"To aU whome it may conceme Whereas we the subsribers 
are informed That Nathaniel Evons has entred a^ Complaint to 
Governor Pen against Daniel Skinner For his abusing some 

" This is to certify that we know of no abuse given by said 
D^uiiel Skinner to the Indians at any time And we further 
certify that Daniel Skinner as far as we know him to be an 

190 rasTOBT or stjijjvak county. 

honest industrious and peaceable man both to his neighbours 

and the Indians This we the subscribers do Certify to the 

Gentlemen it may concern Minesink May 5th 1772 

Abbaham Westbeook Lanes Westbeook 

Abeaham Skinneb Maetines "Westbeook 

Gaeeet Deckee Antony Daykan 

Benjamin Depth Tohanas Deokeb. 

Thos Hoytee Abeaham Vanauken Esq 

Isaac Vantoyle Neamiah Pateeson 

johan mldeauoh nicholas conklin 

Samuel Gunsales Phineous Cleaek 

Abeaham Vanauken Euben Cooley 

Lemuel Westbeook Bobeet Land." 

Nathaniel Evans was a mischief-making fellow, and a nuisance 
to the residents of the vaUey, as the following and the documents 
we have already given prove. He undoubtedly made himself 
so obnoxious that dochecton was not a pleasant locaUty to him, 
and left. 

" Sussex ) Eastern 

County ) Jersey 

[L. s.] This Deposition of Nathaniel Evens taken' 
before me Abraham Vanauken one of his Magesties Justices of 
the peace for the province and County aforesaid This deponent 
being duly sworn on the holy Evangelest of Almighty God saith 
that near the last of February J772 one Joseph Boss and Aaron 
Thomas both of Shochorton* did imploy him to carry a letter 
to the Tuskarores Cheiff Capt. John m order to rais an insur- 
rection on some or all of the inhabitants of Shochorton and said 
Indians : which said letter the said Nathaniel Evens did also at 
the request of the Indians carry to the Governor of Pennsylvania 
and did also receive a letter From the Secretary of Pennsylvania 
directed in answer to the said Indians Which letter the said 
Evens did direct to Capt. John and further this deponent saith 
not. Giv6n imder my hand and seal 21st May 1772 

Abeaham Vanauken." 

The family of Skinners came fi^om the town of Preston, New 
London county, Connecticut. In addition to the parents, there 
were nine children — Benjamin, Timothy, Abner, Daniel, Haga, 
Calvin, Joseph, Martha and Huldah. The Six Nations claimed 
to own the country, and that the Delawares were their subjects. 
The New York proprietors had bought of the natives of the region 
while Mr. Skinner and those who held under the Connecticut 

* Both of these men lived in Cochecton. Shochorton is a name we have mei inth 
no where else. 


iitle, purchased the Indian interest of the Iroquois. Shortly 
after he brought his familjf to Cushetunk, he and others of the 
Yankee company, who claimed that they owned all the valley, 
went to the Confederated tribes to make some arrangement m 
regard to their purchase. On his way back, he was killed by 
some unknown person. As he did not return, his friends con- 
cluded that he was murdered, and his wife went back to Preston. 
His body was subsequently found where he had been shot, on 
the bank of a small stream, A short distance above the late resi- 
dence of Hon. James C. Curtis. A prayer book, with his name 
on the fly-leaf, was found in one of nis pockets, and led to the 
identification of his remains.* 

Mr. Skinner was probably the first white man who was mur- 
dered in the county. Why he was kiUed does not appear. Al- 
though there was an angry controversy about land affairs, and 
jurisdiction over the valley, between the people of four colonies 
or commonwealths, we have never heard it intimated that he was 
slain by one of the disputants; nor have we heard his death 
chamed against the Delawares, who no doubt felt dissatisfied at 
the Yankee intruders, who sought to hold their village and the 
graves of their ancestors without their consent. 

These first inhabitants of Cocheoton were surrounded by 
savages. If we except the small communities at Ihitch pond, 
in Thompson and Fallsbui^h, their nearest white neighbors were 
in the vdley west of the Shawangunk, thirty-five miles distant, 
and at the mouth of the Neversink. The latter were the most 
accessible. Unless the grist-mill spoken of by Chapman, had 
an existence,t they were obliged to go to the Neversink to get 
their grain ground, as they were to do their shopping. As flie 
journey was performed in canoes by the way of the nver, or on 
foot or horseback over an Indian Irail, it is presumed tlmt the 
wives and daughters in the upper Delaware settlements had not 
many opportunities to indulge in the pastime of shopping, or to 
adorn their persons with the beautiful goods of the milliner, or 
the elegant costumes which came from the hand of the mantua- 
maker. Sun-bonnets and hoods were of home-make at that 
time, arid, no doubt, as much rivalry existed in the manufacture 
of these primitive article^ of feminine adornment as there is now 
in imitating the styles of tiie beau monde of Paris. 

On all sides were the hunting-grounds of the red men. Beaver, 
as well as other wild animals, were plenty in every direction, 
and large profits were the residt of trapping fur-beapng animals. 
"We have been assured that "John Land, the tory," caught 
enough beaver in a few months even after the Kevolutionary 
war, to pay for four hundred and thirty-three acres of land. 

' * The Pioneers. f U there was such a mill, it was destroyed in 1763. 


Warriors, huutere, squaws and pappooses were numerous, and 
daily visitants. The cMcben of the two races were play-fellows, 
and we have heard several curious anecdotes of their attachment 
to each other — an attachment which was subsequently smothered 
by the antipathy of race, and foimd its death amid the blood and 
carnage of war. 

The Delaware at that time was KteraUy a river of fish. Among 
its finny tribes were the salmon, the shad, and the river-trout^ 
Shad, particularly, werie abundant, and great numbers of them 
were caught. A common vf&y of catching them was to make a 
"rack," ■with wings of cobble-stone extending up the stream with 
an acute angle to each shore. The fish were forced into the 
rack by drawing an immense "brush-net" or "drag"' a mile or 
more doWli the stream. This sport required considerable prep- 
aration, and was attended T^'ith severe labor ; but it was a f avonte 
one nevertheless. After the shad spawned, they died, and 
their bodies were thrown upon the shore by the wat^, where 
they became putrid, and rendered the air foul and unwholesome.. 
In the fall, many of the young shad were killed by falling into 
eel-racks, or by getting bruised in passing through them. "WTien 
they started for the ocean, they were from four to six inches 
long, and so tender that a shght injury was fatal to them.* 

In addition to farming, hunting, fishing and trapping, these 
early residents engaged m lumbering. Daniel Skinner was the 
first person who descended the Delaware from Cochecton with 
a raft. His first trip was soon after the French and Indian war. 
We have seen aM conversed with men who assisted him in 
running lumber down the river before the close of the last cent- 
ury. He was honored in a jocose way by the hardy men who 
ftfUowed his example. By general consent, he was constituted 
Admiral of aU the waters of the river in which a raft could be 
taken to market, and no one was fr-ee to engage in the business 
until he had the Admiral's consent. This was > gained by pre- 
senting Skiimer with a bottle of Avine, when liberty was granted 
the applicant to go to Philadelphia as a fore-hand. To gain the 
privilege of going as a steersman, another bottle was necessary, 
on the receipt of which the Admiral gave fuU permission to navi- 
gate aU the channels of the river. Josiah Parks, generally, went 
with Skinner when the latter ran a raft. Being noisy and ob- 
streperous, he was dubbed boatswain, and was known as " Old 
Boson" during the remainder of his life. 

During the Eevolutionary war, Cochecton was an isolated and 
exposed neighborhood. It was on the route generally pursued 
by the hostile savages in their moursions to Shawangunk, Wa- 
warsink, Eochester, and Mamakating valley. The war-path to 

* Ton Quick. 


Minisink led to the Ddaware by the way of the Lackawaxen, 
aind when this was occupied bslow Barryville by the savages, 
Cushetunk had no other outlet than by the trgils which led to 
EllenviUe and Napa.noch — a lone and perilous route, which but 
few dared to travd, as it was difficult to foUow, and was almost 
always infested by lurking savages. It is not surprising, there- 
fore, that the major part of the whigs reaioved to more densely 
inhabited neighborhoods. They went to Minisink, Shawanguhk, 
Eochester and other places where their families would be com- 
paratively safoi A few remained. The latter were generally 
tories, or those who professed neutrality. 

Some of the whigs left without harvesting their crops, and 
after leaving their famihes in places where they would be safe, 
returned to gather what they had cultivated with anxious fore- 
bodings. They were driven from the neighborho#d, or found 
that their property had been appropriated or destroyed by their 
enemies. Such conduct was not calculated to promote amicable 
sentiments, or lead to peace and good will. 

The patriots of Mamakating appointed a Committee of Safety, 
composed, according to tradition, of Gerardus Van Inwegen, 
Benjamin Depuy, Thomas Kyte and one of the Swartwouts — all 
good and true whigs of Peenpack. This committee organized a 
company of scouts, under the command of Captain Bezaleel 
Tyler, a refugee from Cochecton, and the scouts occasionally 
made a visit to this remote neighborhood to "regulate" suspi- 
cious characters and make reprisals^ The tories appropriated 
the abandoned property of their former whig neighbors, while 
the scouts drove away the cattle and, sometimes, took back the 
bodies of the tories. It is difficult to decide which party had 
the advantage in this system of exchange ; but it is not difficult 
to declare that it led to much loss and suffering to both, and 
that the excesses of each added intensity to the hatred of aU. 

When the scouts visited CocheCton, they conducted matters 
in a free and easy manner. They were generally in a hurry to 
return, and had but little time to hear testimony for or against 
the suspected; yet we cannot learn that they Ished blood on 
more than two occasions. 

On one of their excursions they met a half-witted fellow named 
Handy near the old Indian burial ground, a short distance above 
the late residence of Hon. James C. Curtis. Handy had lived 
in, Cochecton before the war ; he had been disappointed in a love 
affair, and to prevent a repetition of his sorrows, had emascu- 
lated himself, and was a poor outcast ; had stolen a horse from 
a whig of Mamakating, and then joined a baud of Indians under 
a chief named Minotto. He spent the greater part of his time 
in riding about on the stolen animal, imagining he was a man 
of some consequence, when he met the scouts, whom he mistook 

194 BisTOBir Of strtLiVAN ooinjTT. 

for Mends. A8 he came tip to theitt, he exclaitned, "Fm Mi-, 
notto's man!" Some of Captain Tyler's company had reoO^- 
nized the horse, and as soon as he declared what he was, his- 
fate was sealed. He was buried on the spot. SeteTal years 
itgo, his bones were uncovered by the action of the water of the 
river, and were picked up, and used for scientific purposes. We 
believe that they are slill in the possession of a physician of the 

During the same expedition, Nathan Mitchell, a well-known 
whig of Coohecton, was seen by the scouts with an Indian cap 
on his head. He had remained in the place because his wite 
trould not leave unless her father, whose friendship for the re- 
volted Colonies was suspected, went with them. Mitchell wore 
the Indian gear to prevent the savages from firing upon him 
while they were lurking about. When it was seen by the scouts, 
they at once concluded that its wearer should give an account 
of himself, and he, fearing that he would be shot before he could 
make an explanation, ran for the woods. There was an imme- 
diate pursuit, and as the company were well movmted, they were 
soon within shooting distance of the runaway, and were about 
to fire, when he was recognized. Of course, all were glad that 
they had not killed a friend. 

The scouts proceeded up the river until they reached the 
house of David Young, the tory. Young, as men of his poUtical 
creed generally were when Captain Tyler paid them a visit, was 
from home. His wife was an intelligent English woman, who 
made lofty claims of former respectabnity. She told her visitors 
that Colonel Brant, with five-hundred warriors, was at the mouth 
of the CaUicoon, and that if they valued their lives, they would 
at once go back. She was apparently so sincere and earnest 
that they beheved her, and retreated with admirable speed. In 
consequenoe of the war. Young lost all his property, and died 
very poor. 

Early in the war, a person who said his name was Payne, 
came up the river to Coehecton, and asked permission of several 
individuals to remain with them. But he was imknown to every 
one, and, as he did not tell a satisfactory story, all refused to 
harbor him. He traveled on and on until he reached a deserted 
oabin at or near Little Equinunk, which he entered and occupied. 
Here he seemed to lead a harmless life, far from scrutiny. But 
he had not gone beyond the reach of harm. The scouts came, 
and tracked him to his humble retreat, from which they dragged 
Mm. After a brief consultation, the majority of his captors de- 
cided that he should die then and there. A few, however, 
thought it was wrong to kiU him without a formal conviction by 
a more competent tribunal. The prisoner himself made frantic 
appeals for his life ; but the majority was inexorable, and he was 


shot even while he was cfying for mercy. The minority declared 
openly that the deed seemed to them like murder, and that, if 
such work was necessary, they w»uld cease to be scouts. They 
wept like children when the terrible deed was consummated. 
Our informant, (an old and respectable man who lived at the 
Jiionth of the Cushetnnk in 1850) could never learn why this man 
was put to death in this summary manner; but said that he had 
ascertained that his name was liot iPayne, but Oooley. It is prob- 
able that he belonged to the numerous family of that name who 
then lived in Jdamakating and Minisink, and. that he had com- 
mitted some offense which justified the speedy manner of his 

Captain Tyler's way of dealing with tones and Indians made 
him very obnoxious to them. They hated him, and called him 
Captain Mush — a sobriquet of which "pudding-ftead" is a. 

The killing of Payne or Cooley cannot be fnUy explained. 
The slaughter of the family of Bryant Kane, a tory, is wrapped 
in a mystery still more impenetrable. 

A short time before the war, Kane made a contract for a 
farm on the east bank of the river, near the Falls of Cochec- 
ton — ^the same premises since occupied by Charles Young. 
Above him was the house of Nicholas Conkhn, and on the 
opposite shore lived Eobert Land. Kane and Land were tories, 
and both ran away on learning that they would be arrested by 
Captain Tyler's scouts, if they remained with their families. 
Land went to New York, while the other sought safety among 
the Indians, and participated in their atrocities. It is believed 
he is the individual mentioned in Stone's life of Brant as Barney 

Before leaving, Kane employed a man named Flowers to 
stay with his family and attend to his business. He hoped no 
harm would befall his wife and httle children, as the scouts had 
not been known to injure the helpless and harmless, and it was 
hardly supposed the savages wotud disturb the famihes of their 
friends. Yet he never saw their faces again. They were all 
murdered in April, 1777, by a party of Indians who were be- 
lieved to be Mohawks, (and may have been Senecas) and who 
performed their blOody work at n^ht, and disappeared before 

On the day previous to the tragedy, the wife of Eobert Land 
and her son John, then a young man of nineteen years, fearing 
a visit from the scouts, drove their cattle to a place of conceal- 
ment. They remained away all night, leaving Abel, two other 
brothers, and two sisters, at home. After the occupants were 
asleep, one of the daughters was disturbed by feeling a spear- 
point drawn gently across the sole of one of her feet* A half- 


breed Indian named Captain Jolin had often Tisited the family. 
He had ioherited from his white ancestors a love of fun, and 
from the savages a tigerEke fondness for blood. He had often 
"irritated" Miss Land's ears and nose with a straw or feather, 
and laughed boisterously at her ludicrous vexation, and dTiring 
his life had been engaged in affairs that displayed his terrible 

"When Miss Land felt the tickling motion of the spear-point, 
she supposed that Captain John was making her once more the 
victim of a practical joke, and exclaimed, as she opened her eyes, 
"Captain John, is that you?" "Do you know Ckptain John?" 
he inquired with an Lidian accent, and told her to go to the 
neighbors -and let them know the Indians had come, and then 
left the house. She did what she was directed to do by the un- 
known visitor, but it seems did not alarm the other members of 
the family who were asleep in the house. After hastily dressing 
herself, she hurried to the river-aide, and getting into a canoe, 
boldly pushed it across in the darkness. Landing where a path 
led to Kane's house, she followed up the bank, and was soon at 
the door. All was silent within. She soon found that a fearfiil 
scene had been enacted there; and fled to the dwelling of Nich- 
olas Conklin, the inmates of which were aroused and told what 
she had seen and heard. No one considered it prudent to vent- 
ure forth until morning, when Mr. Conklin and some of the others 
went to Kane's, where they found the ent^e family, including 
Mr. Flowers, murdered and scalped. Mrs. Kane had evidently 
been scalped while she was yet aHve ; for she had died while 
attempting to dress herself, and a portion of her clothes was 
drawn over her mutilated head. 

After gazing at the horrid scene, the party accompanied Miss 
Land home. Her mother and brother John were still absent. 
Abel was missing, and had been taken off by the Indians. Not 
long after, Mrs. Land and John made their appearance, and on 
being informed what had taken place, were much perplexed and 
distressed. They could not understand why their family was con- 
verted into a target by both parties. At first John did not even 
know which way the marauders had gone, and liad no definite 
idea concerning the rescuing of his unfortunate brother; but on 
rallying some friends, among whom were a few Indians of the 
vicinity, he learned from the latter that the assailants had re- 
turned towards their own tenitory. John and the friends who 
were wiling to go with him, at once started in pursuit, and after 
a rapid march overtook the savages, whom they found posted 
for battle. John was not disposed to fight. He wanted his 
brother, and called for a "tajk." An explanation took place 
the result of which was that Abel wasdeuvered to his friends' 
after he was compelled to run the gauntlet, in doing which his 


speed astonished everybody present. He did not receive more 
than h^ a dozen blows, and none of them were severe. The 
two parties then separated. 

In April, 1780, Brant, with a party of Indians and tones, made 
a descent on Harpersfield, Delaware county, and captured 
Colonel Alexander Harper, Freegift Patchin, and several other 
patriots, whom they took to Niagara. Patchia was a respectable 
man, and in 1804, 1805, 1820, 1821 and 1822 was a Member of 
Assembly. After the Eevolutionary war, he published a narra- 
tive of Ms captivity, in which he says that one of his captors 
was " Barney V&ne," a tory. We believe that, after the lapse 
of years, he substituted the name of Barney for Bryant^- 
a very natural mistake under the circumstances. During 
the journey from Harpersfield to Niagara, this Barney or 
Bryant Cane boasted that he had killed one Major Hopkins, on 
Dimon's Island, in Lake George. A party of pleasure, he stated, 
had gone to this island on a sailing excursion, and having spent 
more time than they were aware of before they were ready to 
return, concluded to stay all night. Cane and his party, per- 
ceiving that they were defenseless, as soon as it was night, 
proceeded to the island, and fired upon them as they were 
sleeping around a fire. Several of the Americans were killed, 
among whom was a woman who had a babe, which was not hurt. 
"This," said -the inhuman Wretch, "we put to the breast of 
its dead mother, and so we left it. Major Hopkins was only 
woimded, his thigh-bone being broken. ' He started up, when 
I struck him with the butt of my gun on the side of his head. 
He fell over ; but caught on one hand. I then knocked him the 
other way, when he ca^ht with the other hand. A third blow, 
and I laid him dead. These were aU scalped except the infant. 
In the morning, a party of whigs brought away the dead, to- 
gether vrith one they found aUve, although he was scalped, and 
the babe, which was hanging and sobbing at the breast of its 
lifeless mother." 

Whether Barney Caile and Bryant Kane are the same or not, 
the above paragraph proves that war will convert even a civilized 
man into a demon, and that it is satanio beyond all other influ- 
ences, and should never be resorted to except in the most extreme 
cases. It may be that the massacre of Kane's family rendered 
him a fiend; it is quite as probable that his own crimes led to 
the slaughter of his wife and children). There is a veil of mystery 
about these transactions which cannot now be put aside, and 
therefore we will not attempt to remove it. 

After the declaration of peace, Bryant Kane wandered from 
neighborhood to neighborhood in the valley of the Delaware. 
His property passed into other hands, he became a drunkard, 
and finally went no one knew whither. 


Joim Land endeavored to be {Sudani and wary, 'out became 
so QbnosJQus to tHe whigs fliat he was arrested, and sent to a 
New Jersey prison known as the log-jail. From this he 
escaped ; but was soon retaken, when he was wounded in the 
head with a sword, and hanged until hfe was nearly gone. He 
was then told that he would be hanged in eaisiest next time, and, 
heavily ironed, was once more cast into prison. Subsequently a 
whig named Joel Harvey became responsible for his good conduct, 
and he was permitted to enjoy the liberties of the town. He lived 
■ydth Harvey until X783, when he returned to Cochecton. In the 
meantime, his mother had gone ynth. her other children to New 
York city, where she rejoi^ied her husband. Here they remained 
untU the city was eyactiated by the British, when,, with other 
tpjy refugees, tiiey went to Canada, leaving John behind them. 
J^e became a respectable citizen of the United States, although 
he was slagmatized untU the day of his death, as "John Land, 
the tory." * The Canada branch of the family became wealthy 
apd influential. 

The mothers of Cochecton had their fuU share of trouble and 
s^ering. No effort wprfiiy of them has been made to record 
their pains and perijs, and it is impossible now to tell their story, 
for the incidents of their lives are forgotten. We can gather 
but a few disjointed faets» and nvust ask the reader to ml the 
gaps as his imagination or good sense may dictate. 

IiV 1774, Wilkam Conklin of Cochecton, a young man of un- 
blemished character, was married to Elizabeth Brink of Minisink, 
a beautiful girl but sixteen years of age. The young couple 
moved into their log-hpuse near Big Island, and contmued to 
live there, although the lurid clouds of war daily caused their 
hearts to tremble. They were on Indian ground — the frequent 
scenes of savage revels and battles. In due time the child-wife 
became a mother, when the maternal instinct, so lovely in all 
living things, caused her to fear less for her own safety than the 
welfare of her babe, and while she pressed it to her breast with 
her immature but motherly arms, her eyes were searching the 
surrounding scenery for indications of danger and fear. "While 
thus engaged, she discovered the dreaded red men crossing the 
Delaware in the direction of her home, clothed and painted for 
murder and rapine. With her infant in her arms, she fled to 
the woods for concealment and security, and did not pause untU 
she came to a stream of water. Fearing that the savages would 
discover traces of her flight among the leaves and plants of the 

* Tom Quick and the Pioneers. The Beyolntipnanr incidents here recorded were 
communicated to the author, in 18S0, by Hon. Moses Thomas and other aged gentle- 
men of unquestioned respectability, who had lived in the Cushetunk region from their 
birth. We give them here precisely as they were detailed to us, with a slight change^ 
in the diction. 


wildermesB, au^ bio^t^aog that th;ey themsel-vres would do so under 
the same circumstanpes, she plunged into the water, and fol- 
•lowed the bed of the eeaelE witil she found a secure hiding- 
place, where she remaijied witil she could return in safety. 
During the raid which terminated in the battle of Highiamd, 
she passed through other scenes which were equally adventurousi 
and exciting. She surviyed tJb«iB ajl, amd became the mother 
of eleven children, as well as a mother in Israel. She died in 
1842, at the house of Jesse Tyler, a son-in-law, and was in- 
terred in a sequestered spot m sight of her early home. Her 
descendants at that imie, it was computed, numbered at least 
one hundl^ed souls.* 

Another of these heroic women was Mrs. Jesse Drake, the 
names of whose descendants are equally well known and re- 
spected \n the valley of the Delaware. The fathex*of her first 
husband (Moses Thomas 1st) was killed by Indians near the 
mouth of the Cushetunk in 1763. Her husband ( Moses Thomas 
2d) early in the war abandoned the old homestead, took his 
young wife to Mipisink, as the thickly inhabited section of 
Mamakating was then known, joined the patriotic army, and 
was for some time *t West Point and Newburgh. Becoming 
dissatisfied with his o^eePS, he hired a substitute and returned 
to Mijusink. When Brant invaded that point, Thomas volun- 
teered, and was killed at the battle of Highland. After 
this, she married a man named Nathan- Chapman, and went 
with him to Wyoming, where he was killed by savages. Subse- 
quently she bec^!.me the wife of Jesse Drake. After the war 
she could not see an Indiap vs^thottt fainting, so great was her 
dread of those who had slain so many of her near and dear 

Notwithsta^^d^ t|ie ^ifpeera of i^e Delaware once more 
engaged in rafting, farnung, &c., alter the Bevolutionary war, 
they sometimes suffered fuom hiiager. Lumbering was the most 
promising source of gain, and some neglected their crops to 
engage in it. It was the most ready way of acquiring money. 
Sometimes, however, their rafts were wrecked on the way to 
Philadelphia; or were swept &om the eddies by sudden floods; 
or there was not a ranting nopd a<t the usual time. The people 
were poor, and any contingenoj which prevented returns for 
their lumber on the expected day, caused general suflering. 
E^^n when there was plenty of grain in the settlement, some- 
times a freshet of Iqng continuance rendered it impossible to 
get to Minisink, where their wheat, com, &e., were manufactured 
into flour and meaL During tin^s (d want, the people were 
very kind to each otI^er> Witho^ he^tation, they mvided their 

* S^^WiHin WOfUJum'VtJv*' IS, IMS. t^m Qoicfc. 


last cfrust with the starving, and trusted in Providence for the 
next. So great -was the scarcity of food at times, that women 
and children, after travehng for miles through the forest to pro- 
cure food, upon receiving a few ears of com, would gnaw the 
raw kernels from the cobs like famished animals. An old gen- 
tleman who had been a witness of these scenes, and related 
them to the author in 1850, wept, while he was doiag so, hke a 
sorrow-stricken woman. 

WHle the people of Coohecton were laboring under the 
disadvantages of a new and secluded locahty, some of them 
were seized with a mania to push still farther iato the wilder- 
ness. This was after the war for independence. Strange tales 
were told of the beauty and fertility of the Great West, where 
their old neighbors, the Indians, had gone. Great as were the 
natural advantages of the West, speculators and enthusiasts 
made the credulous of Cochecton and other regions beHeve that 
the new El Dorado was a hundredfold better than it really was, 
and adventurers were soon throning the military roads, Indian 
paths and nav^able rivers, determined to encounter everything 
which was a barrier to the progress of the dominion of the white 
race. Among those who went from Coohecton were a man named 
Abraham Euss, and his brother-in-law, a Mr. Van Etten, with 
their families. They settled on the banks of the Ohio, where 
Mr. Euss and some of the others were murdered by the Indians. 
Mrs. Euss subsequently returned, and was married to a man 
named George Hawk, one of whose daughters was the mother 
of Bishop Bascom of the Methodist Episcopal Church. The 
name of Hawk is alike famihar and respectable in the Delaware 
river towns. 

Before the interior of the county was permanently occupied, 
Cochecton was one of the routes which led to Western New 
York, as appears from a manuscript of a gentleman named 
Skinner, who hved and died at the mouth of CaLdn's creek. 
Says he, "My father's house at Cushetunk (or rather the place 
where we stayed — for it consisted of a few logs thrown together 
and covered with bark) was for several years a principal stop- 
piag-plaoe. There were but few houses m Cochecton where the 
traveler could be lodged even on a somewhat primitive floor. 
Some ^remained with us two or three days, and .others as many 
weeks. In those days, there was no way to get to Cochecton 
except by pushing a canoe thirty-five or for^ miles up the river, 
or by traveling the same distance on an Indian path where a 
carriage could not be drawn. Tet many found the way to Co- 
checton by thepower of feet and legs, or the strength of hands 
and arms. .^ * Confused unnumbered multitudes were found' — 
some moving farther up the river ; some on the way to Niagara ; 
some coming to raft, others to speculate, and some to peculate. 


"Each talked aloud, or in some secret place, 
And wild, impatient, stared in evfery face! 

" The greater part had been, or intended to be, concerned in 
the affairs of the country. Their conversation naturally led to 
the transactions and troubles on the Delaware during the French 
and Eevolutionary wars. 

" There at one passage, oft you might survey 
A lie and truth contending for the sway ; 
There various news I heard of love and strife ; 
Of war and peace, health, sickness, death and Ufe ; 
Of loss and gain, of famine and of store ; 
Of rafting down stream — walking up the shore ; 
Of old possessions occupied anew," etc. * 

The following interesting particulars in regard to Cochecton 
were embodied in an address delivered at the Beech Woods 
Fair,' in 1860 or 1861, by Hon. James C. Curtis. He deserves 
much credit for gathering and recording local historical factSj 
and it is to be regretted that others have not had time and in- 
clination to do as he has done. We give his address without 
ourtaihnent, although some of it may be a repetition of what 
we have written : 

The valley of the Delaware in Cochecton was undoubtedly 
the first locality in Sullivan which was permanently occupied by 
white men, except portions of the towns of Mamakating and 
Neversink. Very httle is known as to who were the first or 
transient settlers of Coch6cton, or where they came from. They 
have passed away without leaving, as far as I know, any reeords- 
by which we can learn the whole or even a part of their history, 
and their descendants, if any remain among us, know but little 
of their ancestors. This is not important, because they were 
hunters and trappers — mere squatters on the lands of the Indians. 

The history of the permanent settlers is better known. The 
descendants of the major part of them are numerous in the town ; 
and from family records and tradition we can learn much of them. 

The fertile 6ats on the river at Cochecton were early known 
to the settlers of Minisink. Our beautiful vaUey, from Cochecton 
Falls to the mouth of the CaUicoon, was then called by the In- 
dians " Cushetunk, or low lands," * by which name it is desig- 

* This name is alao spelled on 6ld maps, " Cashlegtunk." Cochecton is but a cor- 
ruption of the true Indian name. " Low lands" is probably not a translation of the 
word. The terminal "unk" shows that the name was given by the Lenape to the 
mountains in the vicinity of the river. The literal meaning of " unk," or its equivalents 
"ung" and "ong," was "sky top," and it was used to describe anything high or 
elevated. Q. 


nated on the first maps of the State. It is a much more mild 
and soft name than the one which has displaced it, (Cochecton). 
Indian names were more appropriate than the ones given by the 
Dutch and EngUsh settlers ; and it is a pity that they were not 
retained, or cannot be restored. The only reason that I can 
assign for the change is, that, owing to the wars between the 
whites and the savages, and the atrocities committed by the 
latter, that settlers could not tolerate or endure any name or 
thing that was Indian. 

The country was fertile, and abounded in fish, furs and game.. 
It was near the sea-board — but one himdred miles from New 
York, and had an outlet by the Delaware river to Philadelphia ; 
but it was not at first rapidly settled, owing among other things, 
I suppose, to the disputes between New Jersey and New York, 
as to jurisdiction of territory and ownership of the soil.* 

In the year 1704, the Miaisink patent was granted. It covers 
the southern tier of towns in this county, and a portion of 
Orange county. 

In 1708, the patent known as the Hardenbergh, or Great 
Patent, was by Queen Ann granted to Johannis Hardenbergh 
and his associates. Including Hardenbergh, there were eight of 
them. No division of it took place xmtil 1749, when nearly, if 
not all, the original patentees were dead. It was then divided 
into Great Lots, and by lot partitioned among its owners, the de- 
scendants or assigns of each patentee receiving their equal and 
fair number of lots. The heu;s and legal representatives of some 
of the patentees had become numerous. Hence, to give each 
one his equal portion of land, the Great Lots were cut up into 
Divisions, and these Divisions were divided among them soon 
after the partition of 1749. Some then sold their land ; but not 
to actual settlers. The Great Lots and Divisions were so large 
that few could purchase. The wealthy bought these large tracts. 
They were the old aristocracy, the Patroons, the Lords of 
Manors, the Enghsh and Dutch nobihty of the day. 

A few merchants had grown rich by bartering blankets, trink- 
ets, powder, lead, poor guns, and ruinous fire-water — ^the curse 
and destroyer of the Indians — ^for the furs and peltries of the 
beaver, otter, deer, bear, panther, and other animals which 
aboimded in the primeval forests of the country. About this 
time these traders began to give themselves airs — became owners 
of the SOU — ^intermarried with land-holders and aristocrats, and 
like them were not willing to sell the land to those who could 

i)ay and become independent freeholders. Their plan was to 
ease to the poor and landless, and become Patroons and Barons 

* A full account, of the controversy between New York and New Jersey will be fonnd 
in a gnbaequeut chapter of this volume. 


-r-io lord it over a poor tenancy, and number torn as they did 
their " cattle on a thousand hills." But they did not succeed. 
Owing to the disputes with New Jersey as to jurisdiction ajid 
ownership; the controversy with the Indians, who refused to 
leave until they were paid for the land; the French and Indian 
war in 1756 and subsequent years ; and lastly, the war of the 
Eevolution, the lands remained in the hands ot such large pro- 
prietors as had not beeome bankrupt, without settlers to much 
extent, and subject to charges from which none escaped. Many 
of them, and their descendants after them, became poorer and 
poorer, until they were unable to pay taxes, for which their 
possessions were sold by the State. 

To illustrate this state of things, permit me to give the history 
of two lots in this town — Nos. 59 and 61. 

About the year 1750, Joseph Griswold, of New Terk city, an 
Englishman from London, was a wealthy distiller, and among 
the first of his class. He purchased molasses from the West 
Indies, and made of it rum — pure, genuine rum. If not more 
honest, he was perhaps less skilled m the art than those of hia 
craft of the present day. He did not from molasses make all 
kinds of liquor, or, like the retailers and publicans of our time,, 
draw rum, brandy, whisky, cordial, and even sehnaps, or any 
other kind of Uquor that his customers demanded, from the 
same cask. At that time (1750) he purchased from John Wen- 
ham, of the city of London, lot No. 59, on which Beech Woods 
is located, and lot No. 61, which includes the Falls of the Calli- 
coon, each containing about 3,300 acres. No part of either was 
sold untn 1812, when Edward, the son of Joseph Griswold, sold to 
Boss, Tyler and Mitchell, that portion of lot No. 59 lying on the 
Delaware river, which had been early improved by their an- 
cestors. Edward Griswold continued to own nearly aU of the , 
remainder of the lot until his death, which took place in 1836. 
Since that time, it has been sold in small parcels to residents, 
to the manifest benefit of the people and the town. 

The other lot (No. 61) is yet (1861) mostly unsold, and uncul- 
tivated. It is in a state of nature, and a clog to the prosperity 
of the town. It extends from the Delaware to the vicinity of 
Pike Pond, and is owned by Madame Berthemy, a subject of 
France, the grand-daughter of Joseph Griswold, the distiller. 

In a pecuniary point of view, the speculation of the senior 
Griswold was disastrous to himself, and nearly so to his descend- 
ants. He paid ia 1750, £500, New York currency, for each lot. 
The £500 then invested in lot No. 61, would now, counting 
taxes and interest, amount to $2,500,000 — eight himdred dollars 
per acre. $2,500,000 is six times as much as the assessed value 
of all the real and personal property of the town. This is a fair 


specimen of the results of land monopoly. It is disastrous to 
public welfare, and ruinous to those who engage in it.* 

Such has been and such is the history of the landlords and 
great land-holders of the Hardenbergh, the Van Eensselaer, 
the Livingston and other large patents of the State. 

The policy of granting large tracts of land to individuals for 
speculative purposes, and to create powerful families — ^Patroons, 
Lords of Manors, and domineering aristocrats, with a monbpoly 
of offices and political power on the one hand, and on the other 
a commonalty of menials and tenants, paying homage and obe- 
dience to, and hving. on the lands at the wiU of arrogant and 
domineering superiors — superiors with the privilege and the 
inclination to wring from honest toil its just reward, to pamper 
and support in luxurious idleness themselves and families — ^has 
signally failed. The descendants of the once proud Livingstons, 
Van Eensselaers, De Lanceys and others, whose tenants once 
numbered thousands, are now on a level with their feUow-citizens, 
and compelled to work for their daily bread or become paupers. 
The last vestige of feudal tenures was swept away by tiie Con- 
stitution -adopted by the Empire State in 184:6. This is as it 
should be, for which we should all rejoice. 
) Soon after the partition of the Hardenbergh patent in 1749, 
and sales to some extent had been made, it became necessary 
for the old proprietors and new purchasers to secure possession 
of the lands, by having occupants permanently planted on them. 
This was expedient on account of the conduct of the New Jersey 
claimants, and, as Diedrick Knickerbocker styles them in his 
veritable history of New York, "the universal squatting, bun- 
dling Yankees." The latter, in their desire of extension and 
inherent love of gain, about the year 1750, set up an unfounded 
claim which, for a long series of years, gave trouble to New York 
and Pennsylvania, and finally to the government of the United 
States. Under the pretense that Connecticut had organized the 
Territory of "Wyoming, that Colony attempted to establish a 
title to, and exercise Jurisdiction over, aU the region west of the 
Dutch settlements of New York, north of latitude 40°, extending 
through Peimsylvania to the Pacific ocean. Connecticut colo- 
Bists came to the disputed region armed to the teeth,t for pro- 
tection against the savages, as well as the Pennhamites, who 

* In 1810, George Taylor, who died in Montioello a few years since, owned several 
hundred acres in Great Lot 17, and was offered $5.60 per acre for it. For more than 
thirty years he paid taxes on it, hut received no revenue from it, and then sold the 
land for nearly the sum he was offered for it in 1810.— Vide Waioftman, May 18, 1841. 

t Chapman, in his history Of Connecticut, says the "colony" of Cushetunk was 
commenced in 1757, and that, in 1760, the colonists had thirty houses, a saw and grist- 
mill, and a hlock-hpuse, together with several large log-houses. The number of 
Uouses is probably too large, and the grist-mill, if there was one, was a small affair 
is no trace or tradition of it is now kpown there. ' 


claimed the country west of the Delaware under tlie charter 
of William Penn, the Quaker. Either not knowing or caring 
where the bounds of that territory were, they attempted to settle 
and wrest from the real owners the fertile flats and valleys of 
Cushetunk, on the Delaware. The Skinners, the Calkins and 
the Tylers came from Connecticut, first stopping on their way 
to Wj^omiag territory at Deerpark, now Mount Hope, on the 
east side of Shawangunk mountain, the then only direct route 
to "Fair Wjroming," since renowned in story and song, for the 
brutal atrocities committed by the savages, and their worse than 
savage tory allies. 

The Ski in Tiers first occupied the place since owned by Daniel 
Bush and Moses Tyler, to which they gave the name of St. Tam- 
many Flat. Here, until he died in 1812, lived Daniel Skinner, 
the "Admiral," who steered the first yaft from Clishetxink to 
Philadelphia. In his old age, he married a new wife in New- 
burgh, and brought her to Cushetunk, which event was made 
memorable by a native poet named Seeley, who honored the 
"Admiral" and his spouse with a poem, which was long after 
recited in the neighborhood. But a few lines of it are now re- 
membered. The following is a specimen of it. As the " Ad- 
miral" and his wife from the hills east of the Delaware, came in 
view of his beautiful home, he turned to her and said, in the 
language of Seeley : 

"Behold St. Tammany! Behold the foimtains! 
At the foot of the hill. 
There is a saw-miU, 
And plenty of timber on the mountains." 

Calkins, the pioneer, was a doctor of talent and usefulness. 
His location was. near Cochecton Falls. He afterwards removed 
to Wyoming. His son, the grandfather of the present generation 
of Calkins, after the Eevolution, returned, and purchased and 
occupied Lot No. 63, containiag about 3,000 acres, including 
the beautiful flats on which Cochecton depot and village now 
stand. He was afterwards drowned in crossing the Delaware 
river at the head of Pine Flat. 

Tyler, the first settler, it is said, was the father of twenty-two 
children. In the French and Kisvolutionary wars he was driven 
off by the Indians. Several of his sons enlisted in the Eevolu- 
tion, and fought bravely for their country. One of them, Na- 
,thaniel, the father of William Tyler, known as "EockweU Bill," 
was a drummer in the army, and was taken prisoner at the battle 
of St. Johns. Another, Captain Bezaleel Tyler, of whom hon- 
orable mention is made in Stone's Life of Brant, and in the 
History of Orange County, fell mortally wounded while leading 


his men against the Indians at the battle of Minisink, near the 
Lackawaxen, where were killed the flower of the citizen-soldiers 
of Orange. A noble monument was erected over their remains, 
after they had remained on the battle-field forty years. Captain 
Tyler is the second in the Hst of patriots whose names are graven 
on that monument. Those of the family who survived the war, 
returned to Cocheeton, drew pensions from the government, 
were useful citizens, and the fathers of large families, as the 
almost universal name of the family in Cocheeton will testify. 

The Conklins came about the same time, it is said, from Eock- 
land county. They, too, had to leave in the French war, and 
again in the Revolution. After fighting for Independence, they 
came back. EUas and John purchased lot No. 64, including the 
farm since owned by Nathan Mitchell, where they resided until 
they sold' out in 1817, and removed to Great Bend, Pennsylvania. 
John Conklin was a man of note — ^uneducated, but of good mind 
and religious principles; honest in his dealings; respected in 
the community ; was Supervisor of his town, (then Lumberland, 
in the county of Ulster), Judge of the County Court, and three 
times Member of Assembly.* His name was given to the town 
of Conklin, in Broome county. He was a pioneer advocate of, 
and, took an active part in making the Newburgh and Cocheeton 
turnpike, the bridge across the Delaware, and Cocheeton and 
Great Bend turnpike. Elias was an Indian doctor of note — 
cured cancers, the bites of rattlesnakes, etc. His art descended 
to his son and grandson. John aid Elias both, until they died, 
drew pensions — the first, eighteen dollars, as a sergeant, and the 
other eight doUars, as a private, per month. There was another 
brother (WiUiani), a quiet, industrious, inoffensive, good man, 
who settled at Big Island, on lands of Joseph Griswold. Al- 
though twice driven from his home at short notice by the Indians, 
he cherished a kind regard for them, saying that they were 
more sinned against than sinning ; that many of them were fine 
fellows ; and that he had seen sixty Indian men on a New-year's- 
day, playing ball on Big Island, which was a great resort for 
them, as it was near their burying-ground, the graves of which 
on the farm of John C. Drake remain visible to the present day. 

The Ross family were from Bound Brook, New Jersey. They 
were induced to come to Cushetunk by Joseph Griswold, the 
distiller. The eldest of them settled on the farm now owned by 
Charles Miles, and formerly by George KeUam. He had 
two sons, John and James. John settled on the south and James 
on the north side of the mouth of the Callicoon or Turkey creek 
The latter died about 1812. 

The Mitchells came from New Jersey, the first of whom settled 

* From Sullivftn and Ulster in 1810, 1811, and 1817. 


■on the land now belonging to Eliliii S. Paig«, under the New 
Jersey claim. After the war of the Eevolution, he bought lot 
No. 65 of one of the Hardenbergh proprietors. He lived to a 
good old age, and left a large fSimily of sons and daughters. 
The family having intermarried with the Rosses and Tylers, are 
now very numerous. 

The Laytons were also natives of New Jersey. They located 
themselves at the forks of the Callicoon, on lot No. 59, on lands 
of Colonel Duer, an officer of the Revolution who married the 
dai^hter of Lord Sterling, distinguished as a Major General in 
oiar war for Independence, and as the friend of Washington. 

About the year 1790, Ebenezer Taylor, of Orange county, New 
York, came up the river from Carpenter's Point in a canoe, and 
brought with him a stock of goods. He stuck his stake opposite 
Cochecton village, on lands of Simeon Bush, and tsommenced 
business as a merchant. Soon afterwards he married Eleanor, 
a granddaughter of the first Doctor Calkins, and then moved to 
the place now owned by Jiames C. Curtis, where he continued 
his store. He was the first merchant of the town ; made im- 
provements, cleared land, etc. He was not only enterprising as 
a retailer of goods, but a pubhc-spirited citizen. He was the 
■ first major in the battalion of militia organized west of Mama- 
kating; took an active part in establishing the route of and 
making the Newburgh and Cochecton turnpike road and the 
Cochecton and Great Bend turnpike ; was the first treasurer of 
the latter; and, when the Cochecton post-office and the post- 
route through the town were established by President Madison, 
was appointed post-master. He made the first improvement on 
the farm lately owned by Samuel Sprague, at Beech Woods; 
gave name to the landing-place for raftsmen which is yet known 
as Taylor's Eddy; kept the first place of entertainment for them 
between Skinner's Eddy and Ten Mile river, and the first licensed 
tavern in the town. His house was the abode of hospitality, 
where the traveler, preacher, lawyer and statesman found a wel- 
come, and where the poor never were turned away empty. He 
died in 1821, leaving three sons and three daughters. The sons 
soon moved westward, and now of his name none remain 
among us. 

Still later (about 1800) Charles Irvine, a native of Ireland, 
after fleeing from the oppression of the English government 
under the younger Pitt, landed at Philadelphia, and at the re- 
*quest of some persons from this place who were there selling 
lumber, came to this town as a school^master. Gentlemanly in 
his manners, of fine personal appearflnoe, and of good education, 
he was a popular teacher. He assisted in organizing the first 
regular school, and in building by a joint stock company the first 
irame school-house in the town. Soon after he made Cochecton 


liis residence, lie married Weighty, a OTanddaughter of the elder 
Doctor Calkins ; settled where his son Jared now resides ; cleared 
a heavy burden of timber from the hiUs and the flats ; and built 
a large inn and outbuildings, at that time tiie best between 
Bloomingburgh and Great Bend. He was a very popular land- 
lord. In 1812, the recruiting officer had his quarters at Irvine's 
hotel. It was there young men of the region enlisted to fight 
for free trade and sailor's rights. It was there the traveler 
heard of the great victories of Perry and McDonough ; of the 
battles of Queenston Heights and Lundy's Lane; and of the 
never-to-be-forgotten battle of the cotton-bags at New Orleans. 
In 1825, he removed to the west-branch of the Susquehanna, 
and died there during the same year. From him the respectable 
family of the Irvines are descended. 

The Youngs came from Scotland in 1750, and settled on lands 
of Joseph Griswold, at Big Island. 

While Sullivan was a part of Ulster, the county business was 
all done at Kingston, the only practicable route to which for a 
long series of years was by the way of Carpenter's Point and 
Peenpack and through the Neversink and Mamakating valleys. 
The journey to Peenpack was performed on foot, or on horse- 
back, or in canoes. To the latter place there was nothing but- 
an Indian trail, and to travel to the county-seat was a formidable 
undertaking — much more so than a journey to Washington is 

Lumberland was taken from Mamakating in 1798, and covered 
the present towns of Bethel, Highland, Cochecton, Liberty and 
Tusten. Bethel was made from the territory of Lumberland in 
1809, and Cochecton from Bethel in 1828. 

The first town-meeting of Cochecton was held in March, 1829, 
at the house now owned by Willett Embler, in what was then 
known as the village, and called famiUarly "the tavern." At 
that house and at Fosterdale the only inns in the town were 
kept for many years. Colonel Philo Buckley, U. S. Marshal in 
1830, reported the number of inhabitants as 438, and voters 
about 80, of whom only sixty voted at the next election. But 
from sixty to seventy votes were cast at any time for several 
years. In 1855, the mhabitants numbered 3,071, of whom 1,794 
were natives of the United States, and the balance of foreign 
birth. Number of electors, 494. 

The population and improvement of the town were at first of 
slow growth. In 1832, the charter of the New York and Erie 
EaOroad was granted. In 1835, the company first broke ground 
in the town near the CaUicoon depot. With the completion of 
that work, there was an influx of population. This beautiful 
and fertile region became known, with its fine land, pure air,, 
excellent timber, and abtindant water-power, all within ona 


himdred miles of the Enapire City of America, and attracted 
capitalists and settlers. To the foreigner who fled from the 
despotism of the Old World, Cochecton offered inducements 
superior to those of the more fertile lands of the far West. To 
him its advantages then became known. Before this the Mini- 
sink and Hardenbergh patents had been a reproach and by-word. 
They had been stigmatized by a distinguished Senator at Albany 
as so poor that even crows would not fly over them. 

Our population was also at^mented by the tanners, who 
mainly came from Greene county. Colonel Edwards, and other 
great manufacturers of leather, had discovered that it was better 
to take hides to the localities that produced bark, than to cart 
the more bulky bark a long distance to the hides. The tanneries 
of Greene had nearly exhausted the bark in their vicinity, when 
the tanners came to Sullivan, and added much to it§ population,, 
and immensely to its resources. For many years, there was 
more sole-leather made in this counW than in any other terri- 
tory of equal extent in the world. Before their advent, lands 
clothed with hemlock were avoided by every, one but the lum- 
ber-man. Now they are considered the most valuable of our 
wild lands ; and it not unfrequently happens that the bark on 
such a lot will pay for clearing and fencing it, and leave a margin 
large enough for good, comfortable buildings, to say nothing of 

Names of persons who resided in Cochecton in March, 1814, 
who had families : 


David Young, Joseph Mitchell, James Mitchell, 

Stephen Mitchell, Old Mr. Mitchell, John ConkUn, 

Elias Conkhn, Ehas Conklin, jun., Jacob Conkhn, 

William Conklin, Bezaleel Calkins, Moses Calkins, 

Ohver H. Calkins, Charles Irvine, Pierre A. Barker. 


Benjamin Baymond, David Brown, William Palmer, 

Nathaniel Tyler, Timothy Tyler, Paul Tyler, 

Ebenezer Taylor, Bezaleel Tyler. 


Enoch Owen, WiUiam Tyler, Frederick Wallace, 

James Hill, and a family where William Cochran now lives. 


A man named Woodruff, who kept a saw-mill. 


Silas Tyler, and one other whose name is not now known. 


Ebenezer Taylor's family, George Keesler, Timothy Tyler.. 

•210 jBJS'W&Y of SULLIVAN tOQra}!ET. 


'William Ooilkliii, sen., James -Briak, Jesse Gtyler, 

■Squire Marsh, —^ — -Baker. 


John 'Boss, Joseph Boss, Charles Layion. 


James iEoss, NathaaiielTjler,sen., WilKam Tyler, 

William Tyler, Benjamin iEyler, William Billings. 


■Cteoi^e S. Young, John Mitchell, i Charles E. Taylor, 

George B. Ghiinnip, JEohinson, Amos Tyler, 

EH Conklin, Paul W.' Conklon, John Boss, 

Elias Boss, John Layton, Jacob Mitchell, 

-John Killam, George KiUam, John Brown, 

Bateman Smith, JohuiHill, Isaac Tyler. 

Of the sixty-five families and unmarried men who resided in 
the town, more than one-half bore the name of Mitchell, Conk- 
hn, Tyler aad Boss ! 

The number of families in 1814, indicates a population of 
about 250. 

In the spring of 1857, John Mcersohieaused toibe held on his 
premises at tBeeeh Woods, ;a.fairi£iDr the p^ale, exchange and 
exhibition of horses, homed cattle, sheep, swine, and farm pro- 
ducts generally. The German people of Oochecton and the 
^djoijsungitonms had 'been 1 accustomed to such things in the 
fatherland, and greeted its introduction in their adopted home 
with delight. Notwithstanding Mr. Moersch received no bounty 
from the public treasury, was unaided by money contributions 
from 'Mends or ifoes, and was stigmatized by the latter as a 
Tisionaiy speculator, he steadily i pursued the. even tenor of his 
way. Through his enterprise and liberality, fair succeeded fair 
semi-annually, as long ,as he remained a resident of the town, 
and after he removed to New York to engage in mercantile pur- 
suits, others followed in his footsteps, not only at Beech Woods, 
hut at JeffersonvDle, Youijgsvitle, and other places. A notable 
feature of these German fairs is, that, although supported and 
managed by private individuals, and unaided by the State, in 
some manner money enough is made by them to pay adver- 
tisii^' bills, while the County Society was always too poor to do 
so, .and finally starved to death. 

Mr. Moersch was not only successful with his fairs ; but he 
was a model farmer. He commenced hfe at Beech Woods with 
small means in an insignificant logrhouse. When he left there, 
he had a noble farm, with a fine house, capacious bams, con- 
venient out-buildings,- orchards which were annually loaded with 
choice fruit, and he, could boast of more improvements in a^i- 


-enltee than many older farmers. He was not only a good 
*farmer, but a genial, kind-hearted gentleman. 

On the 13th of November, 1868, Cocheeton was out in two by 
'the Supervisors of the county, and the new town of Delaware 
■erected. The division^Une is from^the foot of Big or Pine Island 
■easterly along the north Hue of lot 62, in Great Lot 18 ; thence 
Bouth along the west line of Great Lot 17 until it strikes the 
south-west comer of lot 74; thence east on the Une of lot 74 to 
the town-Une of Bethel. North of this line is Delaware ; south 
of it Cocheeton. The first town-meeting in Delaware was held 
at the house of Charles Fischer, on the first Tuesday of March, 
1869, at which Anthony H. Bush, John VaUeau and Jacob 
Scboonmaker, jr., presided. 

In the early part of May, 1855, George Ehrioh, of Cocheeton, 
was killed by his wife Catharine. He was sick, and iA bed, when 
«he took a heavy Dutch hoe, mounted a chair by his bed-side, 
and struck him upon' the head, fracturing his skull. The family 
of Ehrich was present, and his daughter caught hold of her 
mother as soon as the blow was struck, and prevented its repe- 
tition. Mrs. Ehrich declared that she had killed him because 
she had a deadly antipathy against him, and had long wished 
-to be released from 'her marital obligations. She was indicted 
at the next session of 'the gratod jury, and tried for murder at 
■the September Oyer and Terminer, when her counsel (A. C. 
Niven,) set up a plea of insanity. The District Attorney, (0. H. 
Van Wyck,) did not press a conviction, as he was certain the 
defense was well founded. The jury rendered a verdict of ac- 
quittal, and she was sent to an asylum for the insane. 

The most atrocious murder ever perpetrated in Sullivan 
county, was committed by a German named Francis Gubemater, 
on the 7th of September, 1861. 

In the spring of 1856, Gubemater was an inmate of the poor- 
house, and was discharged from that institution. Entirely 
destitute and unable to speak the Enghsh language, he appUed 
for shelter and assistance to "Wolfgang Dressier, a fellow-coun- 
tryman who Uved at Beech Woods. By industry and self-deHial, 
Dressier had acquired a small property. He not only took 
Gubemater into his family, but told him that after the death of 
himself and wife, he should be his heir, if he conducted himself 
like a man. For over six years Dressier harbored him, and 
treated him as kindly as if he had been a son or brother. On 
the day of the murder, Gubemater had been from home. In 
the evening he returned partially intoxicated, and while at supper 
found fault with the food on thie table, abused Mrs. Dressier, 
and commenced breaking crockery, windows, etc. Dressier was 
a cripple and ia feeble health, and was on his bed. He remon- 
strated with the drunken man for his conduct, when the»latter 


started for the bed, stopped suddenly, went after an axe, re- 
turned, and literally hewed his benefactor to pieces. MrB. 
Dressier attempted to defend her husband, when Gubemater 
turned upon her, and would have murdered her also, if she had 
not fled from the house. As it was, he wounded her in seTeral 

Bleeding and almost distracted, Mrs. Dressier reached the 
dweUiag of a neighbor, and made an alarm. As soon as practi- 
cable, several persons, headed by a constable named Long, 
proceeded to the scene of the tragedy, where they found the 
mangled remains of Dressier. The murderer had left the house ; 
but was soon afterward found concealed under a manger in the 
bam. He was taken to MonticeUo, and kept in jail until the 
October Oyer and Terminer of 1862, when he was tried before 
Judge Theodore Miller. Isaac Anderson, District Attorney, 
assisted by A. 0. Niven, appeared for the people, and Henry E. 
Low and WiUiam J. Groo for the prisoner. The jury rendered 
a verdict of murder in the first degree, and the prisoner was 
sentenced to be himg on the 12th day of December, 1863 ; and 
to be confined in the State prison at Chnton until the punishment 
of death was inflicted. 

Notwithstanding this sentence, he was not executed. As late 
as the 4th of January, 1872, he was an inmate of the prison. 
For several months his health had been gradually failing. He 
was nearly helpless, quite imbecile, and had been admitted to 
the prison-hospital, with no prospect of living more than a few 

The first four months of 1857 were remarkable for low temper- 
atures, deep snows and floods. The weather was unusually severe 
in January, the 24th day of which was the coldest on record. 

In several places of Sullivan the mercury of Fahrenheit's ther- 
mometer descended to 34° below zero.* At Wurtsborough, one 
of the warmest valleys of the comity, the thermometer marked 
30°. This extreme cold was accompanied by a furious snow- 
storm, which rendered traveling almost impossible, and both 
previously and subsequently the weather was of unusual severity. 
It seemed as if, by the ordjer of Providence, the atmosphere of 
the northern extremity of the world passed over us like a deluge. 
Our rivers and lakes were frozen as they never were before. Li, 
the Delaware particularly the ice was of unprecedented- thickness, 
and strength. 

This cold wave was followed by one of such warmth that the 
snow was suddenly melted, and a gi-eat flood occurred. The 
Delaware overflowed its channel. The ice was broken up by 

* SepiMitan Watchman, Feb. i, 1857. At Albany, the thermometer ntood at li; 
ftt QaeJMC 30, at Ogdensburgh 36, and at Watertown 48 degrcee below zero. • 


the force of the water. In some instances sheets coyering acres 
of surface moved down stream until they met with obstructions, 
when they became stationary, and choked the river. 

The ice moved on the 8th of February, and a jam took place at 
Handsome Eddy. For a time the water threatened to submerge 
and destroy a large part of Barryville ; but fortunately the bar- 
rier was broken, and the danger was at an end. 

At Cochecton Falls, the ice formed a dam which caused the 
river to swell forty feet above its ordinary level ! The jam oc- 
curred at 6 o'clock in the morning, and so sudden was the 
calamity that the residents of the village of Cochecton had not 
time to flee from their houses before mey were surrounded by 
water and huge blocks of floating ice. Several dweUings were 
covered as far as their second stories, and in the church the 
water reached the pulpit. Merchants abandoned their goods, 
and house-keepers their furniture, while those who were on the 
shore constructed rafts, floats and rough boats with which they 
conveyed terrified men, women and children from the half-sub- 
merged houses. So energetically was the work performed that 
at 10 o'clock all were rescued. No lives were lost; but there 
was much suffiering, as well as large losses of property. Doctor 
Williams' house, with its furniture, two bams and sheds of 
Thomas Eiley, a bam of William McCuUough, and a barn of 
Mr. Tyler, with his hay and grain, were swept away. The grave- 
yard was overflowed, and the memorials of the dead broken by 
the battering ice. But the greatest loss was the destruction of 
the bridge across the Delaware, which had been recently com- 
pleted at a cost of ten thousand dollars. It was borne away entire 
after the flood was several feet above its piers. 

During the day, the dam at the Falls was broken, when the 
flats were speedily drained ; but they were nearly covered by 
huge fragments of ice. For a time it was almost impossible to 
drive a team through the village. 

At Callicoon Depot two or three buildings were destroyed, as 
well as a bridge across the Callicoon. The lumber on the river, 
almost without an exception, was swept off. 

The New York and Erie railroad-bridge at Narrowsburgh was 
destroyed, and after a new one was put in its place, that also 
was swept off by a flood on the 18th of February ensuing. 

As late as the 20th of April of this y4ar, snow fell in the 
northern part of the county to the depth of three feet, and on 
the 3d and 4th of May there was another flood which caused a 
considerable loss of property. 

There was an unusual scarcity of hay, and many homed cattle 
starved to death. On the Ist of May, cows were bought for ten 
dollars per head ; but they were too weak to walk, and purchasers 
were oWiged to take them away on sleighs. 


As late as the 20th of May, there was a snow-storm in the 
northern towns, and along the county-line the snow was six 
inches deep. 

The bridge at Cochecton was not r6built until the faU of 1858. 
Capitahsts were not inclined to invest their money in a structure 
which seemed to be of but temporary continuance, until Sydney 
Tuttle, of Jeffersonville, took a large portion of the stock. Mr. 
Oh&fpin, the builder, commenced the new bridge in October, and 
finished it in January. 

In improving a new country, fire is an important agent. Ap- 
plied at a proper time, it reduces to ashes the woodland rubbish 
which encumbers the soil, and leaves the land in good condition 
for the raising of crops. " It is a good servant, but a hard master." 
In May, 1862, a person set fire to some brush-heaps on Brier- 
Eidge, in Cochecton, when the wind carried the flames from' 
object to object, and a fiery tornado rushed from the ridge to- 
the premises of Frederick Long, jr., on the east-branch of the 
OaUicoon. Fourteen hojises and bams were destroyed, besides 
sheep, horn-cattle, hogs, furniture, farming utensils, etc. The 
principal sufferers were Charles Kosewinn, George Bauer, Jacob 
Bordenstein, Jacob Bosewinn, Frederick Long, sen., John 
Weaver, George A. Banft, Frederick Knight, J. W. Decker, 
Henry Fitzgerald, Frederick Long, jr., Hewlet Peters, John 
Best, and Martin Andrews. 

It was estimated that during the first week of the month nearly 
one hundred buildings were destroyed by fire in Cochecton, 
CaUicoon, Thompson, Bethel, Liberty, Fallsburgh and Neversink. 

Our history of Cochecton would not be complete without a 
more particiuar account of a gentleman who, for nearly two 
generations, has been the most prominent resident of the town,, 
politically and socially. 

James C. Curtis, a native of the State of Vermont, came to 
Cochecton in 1814, and engaged in farming, lumbering and 
trading. He was also concerned in the affairs of Edward Gris- 
wold and Madame Berthemy. On the organization of the town, 
he was elected Supervisor, and held that office seventeen years 
— sixteen of them consecutively. From 1835 to 1843, he was 
chairman of the Board. He was also for thirty years a Justice 
of the Peace. In 1828, he was made a Major of the 185th Biegi- 
ment of Infantry. In 1831 and 1833, he represented SuUivan 
in the Assembly of the State, and in 1849 was elected a Senator 
from Sullivan and Orange. While acting in the latter capacity, 
he resigned his seat ; but was re-elected by a largely increased 
majority. In 1844, he was appointed First Judge of the Court 
of Common Pleas, and held tne position until the adoption of 
the third Constitution of the State; and from 1862 to 1869 was 


United States Assessor for the Eleventh District of New York; 
Besides theses he has filled several less important positions. 

In early life, Judge Curtis married Pamelia C, a daughter of 
Major Ebenezer Taylor, His children ^low living) are WUliam 
H., James I., Charles T., Caroline M. ana Helen M. Two others 
(Sarah E. and Edward G-.) are dead. 

During the political controversies of the last fifty years, in 
which he took an active part, J^dge Curtis always commanded 
the respect of his partisan opponents; and his integrity was never 

On the 24th of February, 1855, Elizabeth, only daughter of 
E. L. Burnham, and wife of WUliam H. Curtis, was so badly 
injured by her clothes taking fire, that she died on the 2l8t of 
March. WiUiam H. Curtis was Sheriff of the county from 1857 
to 1860. • 

FosTEBDALB. — Jessc M. Foster came into the county in 1817, 
and for three years kept th© old Irvine inn at Cocheoton. In 
1820, he removed to the locality which is now known as Foster- 
dale. This cognomen was bestowed on a post-office established 
here in 1831, of which Mr. Foster was the first master. In the 
same year he. was elected County Clerk, the duties of which 
were discharged by his son, James H. Foster. For many years 
Jesse M, Foster was engaged- at Fosterdale as a hotel-keeper, 
•farmer and lumberman. He died in 1863. His wife (Delia 
Hurd) survived him several years. Both were much respected. 

CocHECTON Centee. — ^Ih the faU of 1849, Alfred and Fletcher 
Stevens purchased of Alfred Nearii^ a tannery site at this place, 
on whifeh they erected a tannery 350 feet in length, and also 
fifteen or twenty buildings. The' place was at first called 
Stevehsburgh ; but was finally known as Cochecton Centre. 
The tannery is now owned by Horton, Knapp & Co. 

On Sunday, March 16, 1851, Charles Bogle and John Flanigan, 
while returning from Cochecton depot with Timothy Giblin, 
quarreled and proceeded to assault each other. Bogle was 
stabbed, and died within twelve hours. Flanigan was subse- 
quently convicted of manslaughter, and sentenced to State prison 
for three yeaa?s. The parties were intoxicated at the time of 
the affiray. 

Pike' PoKBl^This^placr received its'name from a pretty nat- 
ural pond, upon the banksof which it is situated. Pike were 
found here by the early settlers; having been introduced from the 
Delaware by-the Indians, or soon alter the region was occupied 
by the whitea Although the lake is not large, its outlet furnishes 
a valuable water-power. A man nam^d Woodruff had a saw-mill 


here in 1814. Subsequently a grist-miU, tannery, etc., were 
erected on the stream. Blake Wales, jr., at first was interested 
in the tannery, and it was subsequently owned by Gideon Wales, 
Osmer B. Wheeler and Nathan S. Hammond. The last two 
parted with their interests, which finally passed into the hands 
of Gideon Wales. The magnitude of his business may be" esti- 
mated when we state that in 1866, he, in conjunction with Daniel 
T. Stevens, purchased a tract of bark-land of Madame Berthemy, 
for which they paid $24,500, cash. Gideon Wales was a member 
of the last Constitutional Convention of this State. Among the 
other residents of Pike Pond we may mention Nathan Moidthrop, 
Stephen W. Gedney, and W^Uliam Bonesteel. Mr. Moulthrop 
was in early life a sailor, and rose to the rank of captain. Be- 
coming weary of a wandering hfe on the ocean, he for a time 
indulged in the pleasures of domestic life in Dutchess county. 
In 1828, he removed to the verge of the settled country at Pike 
Pond, where he continued to reside until his death in September, 
1851. He was a gentleman of many virtues, and among them 
was that of a generous and genial hospitality. The herald of 
righteousness, as he wended his weary way over the hills and 
through the valleys of this then wilderness country, always found 
rest, refreshment and congenial society under the roof of Captain 

The post-office at Pike Pond was established in March, 1851, 
with Gideon Wales as post-master. 

Pike Pond contains one church (Methodist Episcopal) which 
was built in 1850. Bev. John Davy labored here at an early 
day, and organized a "class." 

Callicoon Depot. — This is a Uvely business-place, situated 
at the mouth of the Callicoon stream. Its early settlement has 
been noticed elsewhere. There are here two churches, ten stores 
and groceries, three hotels, an academy, etc. In 1837 a crime 
was committed in this vicinity which yet remains shrouded in 
mystery. On the 18th of June, the body of a man was found in 
the river partially covered with sand. He had been killed by 
blows on the head ; but by whom an(Lf or what has never been 
ascertained. The body had on it a ahvct, shirtee, vest and boots, 
but no pants. These articles were described in the newspapers 
of that day; nevertheless no clue to the perpetration of the 
crime was revealed. 

The Methodists of the neighborhood were organized as a 
society in 1850, while Kev. William A. Hughson was on the cir- 
cuit, during which year a church was built. In 1869, this 
building was sold to the Eoman Catholics. In 1871, a more 
expensive edifice was erected, in which the society now worships. 

The Holy Cross church (E. C.) was bought of the Methodists 


in 1869. The priests of the Port Jervis Mission have had the 
spiritual charge of this section. Since the purchase of the 
church, Eev. J. Nilan has officiated at the altar. 

The post-office at CaUicoon Depot was estabhshed in 1849, 
with Eeuben Tyler as post-master. 

The' CaUicoon Depot Academy, J. J. Silk, Principal, has been 
estabhshed since 1870. It owes its existence to the enterprise 
of Mr. Silk, and is said to be in a flourishing condition. 

As early as 1797, Rev. Isaac Sergeant commenced preaching 
to the sparsely populated neighborhoods of the Delaware TaUey. 
He was a Congregational minister, and in 1799 organized the 
Church at Narrows Falls — the first religious society in the county 
of which we have an account. He labored as far up the river 
as Oochecton. In 1800, he had gathered a respectaible nucleus 
for a Church, and administered the Lord's Supper, according to 
the Congregational order, to the following persons: Nicholas 
Conklin, EHzabeth Conkhn, Hannah Jones, Elizabeth Brown,* 
Jane Tyler, Simeon Bush, Hannah Bush, Deacon Simmonds, 
Charlotte Simmonds, John Conkhn and wife, Hester Tyler, 
Betty Conklin, and Lizzie Tyler, wife of Ohver Tyler. 

It is probable that Mr. Sergeant- took steps to form these 
persons into a legally constituted Church; but if he did, no 
certain, evidence of the fact can now be found. He continued 
to visit Cochecton occasionally for a few years; after which 
those who had been admitted as members were scattered, de- 
ceased, or became members of the Presbyterian Church. 

Among the pioneer preachers of Cochecton was Elder Enoch 
Owen, who lived on the turnpike east of the village of Cochecton. 
He was of the Free Will Baptist faith, and for many years was 
the only clergyman who resided in the town. He was a man of 
but little education; but his mind and body and zeal were 
robust. It cannot be said that he was mercenary ; for he received 
Httle or no compensation for his labors in his Master's vineyard. 
Every Sunday, he preached in a small Baptist meeting-house in 
Damascus, and at other times in neighborhoods where he could 
gather a few hearers. He was always ready to visit the sick 
and afflicted, and to discourse at funerals on mortahty and im- 
mortahty — ^the ineffable and everlasting bliss of the redeemedj 
and the fearful fate of the doomed. His unpretending and 
homely discourses impressed Christian moraUty upon many souls 
of this neglected region. 

Elder Owen was a lumberman, farmer and mason. He built 
the old-fashioned stone chimneys of the vaUey before brick and 

* The mother of the person from whom this list ttob obtained, by onr informant, 
Mrs. James C. Curtis. 


lime were seen there. He also made several miles of the New- 
biurgh* and Cochecton turnpike. While engaged on the latter 
work, he occupied a log-house on what is yet known as Owen 
Cabin Hill, and regularly performed I'eligious service at the 
Baptist church of Damascus. No one questioned his piety; 
and yfet such runagates as Eoger Wildrake of Squattlesea Mere 
would have pronounced some of his acts "excentiic." The 
Puritans of New England, when they gathered for worship, car- 
ried with them newly loaded and freshly primed muskets to 
defend themselves against the attacks of heathen sellvag^B. 
Elder Owen, as he journeyed on Sundays to expound the Word 
at Damuscus, carried with him his trusty rifle. His path was 
through the woods, and often a stray panther, or deer, or bear 
orossed it, when the Elder put an end to its Sabbath-day rambles. 
His metaphorical bolts did not always reach the heart of lile 
sinner ; but he never failed to make his leaden bullets hit any 
animal at which they were projected. If he had a doubt on the 
subject on Sunday-venery, he continued to give himself the 
benefit of the doubt until his eyes were opened by the following 
incident; : One Sunday jpost meridiem, laner holding forth, with 
consid^ble unction, he started for home, with his rifle as usual 
on his shoulder. Whether- he employed his mind during his 
long walk with pious meditations on shreds of Holy Writ; we 
cannot say ; but we are certain that in the dusk of the evening, 
as he approached his clearing, he had a vision of horns and 
hoofs. Believing that he saw a very large buck, he approached 
cautiously and fired. The shot was fatal. The animal fell. 
Owen, much elated, hastened to cut its tiiroat ; but foundj when 
too late, that he had shot and lolled his only horse ! Exclaiming, 
" So much for carrying a gun on Simday !" he hastened from 
the scene, and was never again known to take his rifle from 
home on the day of rest. 

With DeaoOTi Dunn of Big Eddy, Mr, Owen held religious 
meetings in the Delaware river towns wherever there was a settle- 
ment. In his old age he joined the Close Communion Baptists. 
He was an honest old soul, whose good deeds and good name 
survived his mortal body, and are yet held in grateM remem- 

Peesbytebian Chubch op CocHjiiOTON. — The organization of 
the Presbyterian society of ^ Cochecton was commenced on the 
9th of March, 1812, at the school-house in " Cochecton Settle- 
ment," by the election of- Oliver H. Calkin, Simeon Bush, Moses 
Calkin, John Conklin;, EliaB GcaoMin and Ebenezer Witter as 
trustees. Ebenezer Witter and Bezaleel CaUdn presided at the 

1x1 A'ttgtfSt of the same year, Eev. Charles Cumnuns of Florida, 


N. Y., preached in Oochecton, and admitted the following persons! 
to membership : Simeon Bush, John Conklin, EUas ConkUn, 
Ebenezer Witter, Hannah Bush, Molly Skinner, Charlotte 
Conkhn, Jane Tyler, Hannah Jones, Martha P. Eichards, Eleanor 
Taylor, Hannah Witter, Huldah OonkUn, Eleanor Bush and 
Elizabeth Brown; and the organization of the Church was per- 
fected by the selection of Messrs. Witter, Bush and John Conk- 
lin as ruling elders, and Witter and Bush as deacons. 

Previous to this tiriae, the neighborhood must have been visited 
by Presbyterian missionaries, as a majority of the first members: 
belonged to families which had resided m the valley for over 
forty years. The names of these pioneer heralds have not been 
preserved in the archives of Cochecton ; and but little is remem- 
bered of othe:^ who preached here occasionally, previous to 
1840, beyond the fact that Eev. Dr. Cummins, Eiv. Benjamin 
Van Keuren and Eev. James Petrie ministered here a ffew 

In 1821, Moses Calkin, Elizabeth Calkin, Weighty Irvine and 
Prudence Irvine were added to the Kst of members. Their 
names are stiU mentioned reverently. One of them (Prudence 
Irvine) adorned the profession for the long period of fifty years. 

The church-edifice occupied by the congregation was built in 
1839 by an organization entitled "The Presbyterian and Meth- 
odist Episcopal Society of the town of Cochecton." At a meeting 
over which Moses Calkin and George Bush presided on the 
8th of March, 1839, Moses Calkin, Jared Irvine, Alexander A. 
Irvine, James C. Curtis, Charles Young, Nathan Skinner, Charles 
Drake, George Bush and Walter S. Vail were appointfed trustees y 
and a subscription paper was started to raise money to bmld "a- 
meeting-house — a place of public worship." Within a short 
time nearly the necessary amount was pledged, and on the 6th 
of May, Moses CalEin gave a deed of the church-lot for two 

Some of those who signed the subscription-paper are desig- 
nated as Methodists — others as Presbyterians. This was due 
to a proviso in the deed, according to the Presbyterians the 
right, after the expiration of ten years, of buying out the rights^ 
of the MethodistSj by paying to them what they had contributed. 

In June, 1839, James C. Curtis, Walter S. Vail and Charles 
Drake, the building committee, contracted with Willis and Ira 
Sherwood for the building of the house, for $1,500 — the com- 
mittee agreeing to furnish the stone for the foundation. The 
edifice was completed on the 28th of January, 1840, when, after 
some discussion with the building committee, the Messrs. Sher- 
wood accepted $1,425 — $75 lesa than the. contract-price^ The 
dedication took place on the 20th of February, 1840. Notwith- 
stanjding the traveling was bad, a large congregation assembled. 


Eev. David Webster, a Methodist clergyman whose mind was 
exalted by mucli culture as weU as physical suffering, preached 
the sermon from the 1st and 2d verses of the 84th Psalm. $280 
were subscribed — a sum sufficient to pay a small debt, and to 
complete the fixtures about the building. 

• It should be said that, although their names do not appear in 
the records, the edifice owes its existence to the efforts of a few 
pious ladies. 

On the 8th of March, 1840, the trustees met and determined 
that the Presbyterians and Methodists should occupy the build- 
ing each alternate week ; that it might be opened to other evan- 
geuoal denominations when its owners were not using it ; and 
that it should not be " occupied by any denomination for the 
purpose of preaching or lecturing on the abolition of negro- 
slavery, or the formation of any society connected with abolition 
in its present and popular sense." 

On the 29th of April, 1855, the Presbyterian portion of the 
society re-organized as "The First Presbyterian Church and 
Congregation of Cochecton, in connection with the General As- 
sembly of the Old School Presbyterian Church of the United 
States of America." Walter S. Vail, Charles Irvine, Eobert T. 
Parsons, William McCuUough, EUery T. Calkin and James C. 
Curtis were chosen trustees. During the ensuing twelve months, 
the title of the Methodists was extmguished, and the building 
became the exclusive property of the Presbyterians. Within 
a few years the church has been furnished with an organ, a 
bell, etc. 

Previous to October 15, 1871, 181 persons had been membei's 
of this church, and it numbered at Miat time sixty souls. 

In this connection it may not be improper to say, that the 
Methodists commenced preaching in Cochecton about the year 
1831. The growth of this respectable body is one of the marvels 
of ecclesiastical history. Of the zealous and self-sacrificing men 
who planted Methodism in Sullivan, we can learn but little. 
They labored more for the conversion of sinners than for earthly 
iame, and after preaching in our wildemess country for a year 
or two, were transferred to other fields. Hence they left but 
few records behind them except in the hearts of their pious 
admirers. They are mentioned with affection by a few old 
brothers and sisters, whose hearts are stiU fervid, but whose 
memories are dim and uncertain. 

Eleven persons have served as Elders of the Cochecton Pres- 
byterian Church, viz : 

From 1812 — Ebenezer Witter, who died at Gibson, Pa. ; Sim- 
eon Bush, who died in 1836 ; John ConkHn, who died at Sus- 

From 1822 — James Jackson, who died in Chautauqua oounty ; 


Hirain DibblSj who died at Honesdale ; Moses Calkin, who died 
in Cocheoton, February 12, 1865, aged 80 years. 

From December 23, 1838 — Eobert T. Parsons, now at Huntley, 
Illinois ; James McAxthur, now in or near Philadelphia ; Abijah 
M. Calkin, now a Baptist clerOTman at Waverly, Peimsylvania. 

From April 26, 1862— Ezra F. Calkin; Silas 0. Beckwith, who 
died at Port Jervis in 1865. 

On the 5th of September, 1857, nineteen members were dis- 
missed to form the First Presbyterian Church of Damascus. 

Clergymen who have officiated in this church as stated sup- 
pHes and pastors: George K. McEwen, from 1840 to 1841; 
William Eiddle, 1842 to 1848 ; John Mole (pastor), 1845 to 1847 ; 
William Hunting, 1851; G. K. Mariner, 1852 and 1858; Thomas 
Mack (pastor), 1853 to 1859; Erastus Seymour (paftor), 1860 to 
1863; Samuel Murdock, 1863 to 1864; from 1864 to the present 
time, Theron Brittain.* 

With one exception, these gentlemen, ia zeal, piety and learn- 
ing, were not below the average of country clergymen. John 
Mole, whose conduct finds no parallel in the lives of Christian 
ministers of SuUivan, became the pastor of the Cochecton Church, 
on the 1st of January, 1845. He was a man of high intellectual 
attaiaments, and capable of fillin g an enlarged field of usefulness ; 
but his efficiency was crippled by a morbid desire for the acqui- 
sition of the treasures of this world. He labored zealously and 
with great energy both in and out of his profession. In addition 
to preaching and performing other ministerial duties, he was 
mamly instrumental in securmg a church-edifice for the congre- 
gation at Youngsville, and in forming a hbrary for the young of 
his charge. He also built a house and a bam for himself, and 
engaged in clearing and cultivating land. " He hauled timber 
with oxen, cleared and burnt faUow-ground, dug, masoned, car- 
pentered and pMnted with his own hands, so as to often look 
more like a collier than a minister of the gospel." In addition 
to his charge at Cochecton, he had the oversight of an infant 
congregation at Youngsville. 

The Presbyterians of Cochecton and Callicoon were at that 
time unable to afford their pastor a competent support. Hence 
there was a promise, expressed or implied, on the part of the 
Hudson Presbytery, that the members of that body would con- 
tribute for the maintenance of a minister for these towns one 
hundred dollars, more or less, per atmum, to vary according to 
circumstances. This was paid to Mr. Mole during the first and 
second years of his pastorate ; and he confidently expected to 
receive it thereafter, as the people were satisfied with his labors, 
and he had received no intimation from any quarter that he 

• Historical Sketch of Cochecton Presbyterian Church, by Bev. Theron Brittain. 


should leave. He continued to manage>his aiffiairs as usual until 
near the close of the third year, when he received notice that 
the annual stipend of one hundred dollars would not again be 
paid. This notice was the root of evil from which sprang a 
poisonous plant 'that overshadowed his future life. It led to a 
longand bitter- controversy -with the Presbytery, and to suits in 
tjie civU courts. The former suspended his ministerial functions ; 
but 'he appealed to -'the Synod, and was there triumphant. He 
was also successfdl inithe other cases. But, although victorious, 
he felt that he was a ruined man. His means were wasted in 
litigation, and his influence destroyed. He was driven from 
place to place, with a large and dependent family, and was 
without employment, and in bad repute. 

At the end of 1847, he relinquished his charge at Toungsville; 
■but remained one year longer in Gochecton. Subsequently, 
while laboring under a sense of wrong and injustice done him, 
and fearing that he and his family would become destitute, 
he stole a horse and wagon of Butler & Co., of Poughkeepsie. 
He was soon after arrested for the offense, and tried before 
Judge Egbert Q. Eldridge, of Dutchess county, in the faU of 
1853. His counsel entered a plea of insanity, (we behave the 
plea was founded on truth,) and Mr. Mole himself made an 
elaborate and affecting appeal to the Court; nevertheless he 
was found guilty, and sentenced to two years and six months of 
hard labor in State prison. 

After his release from prison,^ 1856, he went to the city of 
New York, where he found employment as a carpenter. He has 
been dead several years. 



Frsm To 

1829 JamQs C. Curtis 1845 

1845 Edward Bloomfield 1847 

1847 Wmiam Bonesteel 1848 

1848 John Vallean 1849 

1849 James C. Curtis 1850 

1850 "WilUam H. Curtis 1853 

1853 James Stoutenbergh 1854 

1854 Alexander A. Irvme 1856 

1856 William McCulough 1857 

1857 WiUiam H. Curtis .: 1859 

1859 Nathan Moulthrop 1860 

1860 WilHam Boper 1861 

1861 Alfred Calkins 1862 

1862. . . . , John Valleau 1863 

1863 Nathan Moulthrop 1864 

1864 WiUiam Eoper 1865 

1865 Sidney Tuttle 1867 

1867 W. B. Buckley 1869 

1869 William G. Potts 1871 

1871 George E. Knapp. . . . ..... 1874 


,1869 Isaac E. Clements 1870 

1S70 William H. Curtis 1873 

1873 John F. Anderson 1874 



The sittfaoe of Fallsburgh does not vary materially from that 
of Thompson. The town is drained by the Good BeerskiU, the 
Sandburgh and the Neversink and its branches. French's Gaz- 
etteer says there are five lakes in Fallsburgh, viz : the Sheldrake, 
Smith, Hill and Brown ponds in the west, and East or Pleasant 
pond in the east. One of these, at least, is a mUl-dam. Grain- 
raising, daiiyuig and lumbering are the principal pursuits of the 
residents. Until a few years ago, tanning was an important 

The water-power of Fallsburgh is almost inexhaustible, and 
with enterprise and capital sufficient to render it available, may 
yet add immensely to the population and wealth of the town. 

This town was erected oy an act of the Legislature of New 
York, on the 9th of March, 1826, and taken from Thompson and 
Neversiak. Its bounds were prescribed as follows : " Beginning 
at the N. E. comer of Thompson, on the line of Ulster county, 
and running thence southwardly, along the W. line of Mamakat- 
ing, to the southwardly line of Great Lot One; thence west- 
wardly along the southwardly line of Great Lot One to the 
middle of the Nevisink river; thence northwardly along the 
middle of said river to the south line of division No. 19 of Great 
Lot One ; thence westwardly along said south line of the said 
division to the S. W. corner thereof; thence northwardly along 
the W. bounds of divisions Nos. 19, 20, 21, 22 and 23 to the S. 
line of Great Lot No. 2 ; thence westwardly along the aforesaid 
S. line, to south-westwardly comer of division No. 3, in Great 
Lot No. 2 ; thjpnce northwardly along the AV. Une of said division 
No. 3, to the line of Liberty ; thence along the boundary lines 
of Thompson, Liberty and Nevisink, to the N. "W. comer of 
division No. 3 in the 3d allotment of Great Lot No. 3 ; thence 
eastwardly along the N. line of said division No. 3, to the W. 
bounds of the farm of Thomas Hardenbergh; thence along the 
northwardly ££nd westwardly bounds of said farm to the N. line 
of Great Lot No. 3 ; thence eastwardly along said N. line to the 
boundary line of Ulster; thence southwasoly and eastwardly 
along said line to the place of beginning." 




The act declared that the first town-meeting should be held 
at the school-house near the Nevisink Falls on the first Tuesday 
of April, 1826. At this meeting the following persons were 
elected: Herman M. Hardenbergh, Supervisor; Eichard A. 
Reading, Town Clerk ; John Crawford, James Brown and Cor- 
nelius D. EUer, Assessors ; Harley K. Ludington, Henry Misner 
and John EUer, Commissioners of Highways ; Elnathan S. Starr, 
Thomas Lawrence and John HiU, Commissioners of Common 
Schools ; Henry Mead and Josiah Depuy, Overseers of the Poor ; 
Warren Barlow, Collector ; Warren Barlow, Phihp C. Ludington, 
Daniel Couch and Alexander C. Sloat, Constables ; and Thomas 
R. Hardenbergh, William Hill and Julius I. Starr, Inspectors of 
Common Schools. 

The migratory habit of our people is illustrated iu the fact 
that more than one-half of the family-names which appear in 
the above list are no longer borne by residents of the town. 






3,211 i 









Co. and 







The names of the original settlers of Fallsburgh are unknown. 
It is believed they were Dutch, and that they located near Den- 
niston's ford, and on -the ridge which divides the Sheldrake 
stream from the Dutch pond and Pleasant Lake. The last-men- 
tioned settlement was principally in Thompson, and was alto- 
gether abandoned duriug the French jand Indian war, while the 
one at Denniston's ford, though the people composing it were 
driven away for a time, was never wholly, given up. In 1790, 
the vaUey at this point had the appearance of a region long 
occupied by whites, and those who immigrated, to and through 
it were told that Dutch settlers had hved there many years 
previously. We shall give in another place what is known of 
those who hved there subsequent to the war of the Revolution. 

About 1788, the valley above the Falls of the Neversink be- 
came known to those who were seeking for, good and cheap 
lands, and a considerable number of famJies moved there .from 
the old neighborhoods of Ulster, and other localities, during that 
and three or four subsequent years. Among them were Peter 


Misner from Kyserike, who settled on the farm now owned by 
his son Henry ; Aaron Van Benschoten, on lands above Wood' 
bourne, on which is now the parsonage of the Reformed Ohiorch ; 
Garret Van Bensdboten,* farther up the stream, a part of whose 
premises is now the property of Simon K. Wood. In addition 
to these were Peter Freer, Matthew Sheeley,t Jacob Maraquat, 
Seth Gillett, Cornelius Sarr, James Bush and his three sons, 
James, Simeon and Henry, John Coney, Eleazer Larrabee, 
Josiah Depuy, John Tappan, John Gorton, James Hill, Thomas 
Rawson, Cornelius Turner, the De Witts, Bakers, Bordons, Grants, 
Klines, Van Leuvens, and several others, some of whose names 
may be recorded by us hereafter.f The nam« of the pioneer 
settler does not appear, although it is said that two old men 
named Abner and Ezra Bush were found living there as hermits. 
They were from 70 to 80 years of age, and their retreat was on 
the farm now occupied by Richard Oliver. 

Two brothers named Baker and a man named Thomas Rawson 
were among the first. In 1789, Thomas Grant purchased Raw- 
son's possession's.§ 

The early residents were robust and hardy. Fever and ague 
and other diseases incident to a new country were unknown here. 
The flats were covered with an immense growth of timber, which 
in the process of clearing was burned on the land, and added tc 
the virgin soil a large percentage of potash— a percentage which 
would now make the vaUey remarkable for fertility. Heavy 
crops of wheat, com and lye rewarded the husbandman, and 
the Neversink country was famed far and near for its produc- 

Some of the settlers came ia by the way of Napanocb and 
the Chestnut Woods, as Grahamsville was then called, aind others 
by the way of Rose's Pass, Phillips Port, the Sandburgh, and 
Denniston's Ford. From the latter they followed up the road 
which ran along the river, or passed near it, to the Falls. The 
route by the way of the Sandburgh was mentioned in 1797 by 
the Commissioners of Highways of Mamakating as the old road. 
It was undoubtedly an ancient Indian path, and somewhat im- 
proved. Uriah, a son of James HiU, well remembered the 
journey over this road when his father moved to Fallsburgh 

• June 3, 1832. — Died, in FaHsburgh, Oftrret Van Benschoten, aged 77 years. He 
was one who took an active ptfrt in aohiering onr independenoe. He joined a volnnteef 
company when a youth, and continued in I the service dui'ing the war. He was in sev- 
eral engagements^ and was at the hattle ot Fbrt Montgomerv. He was one of the few 
who stood by their cannon, and continued to fire on the enemy until they came up to 
wrest a torch from the hand of Col. Bruyn, whose invincible courage would not permit 
him to show the enemy his back on such oooasioiis. — Dlater Pl^eian. 

t Sheeley lived at Hasbrouck,. whelre he kept the first tavern of the town. 

i A few of these persons settled within the present bounds of Neversink. 

§ Loton Smith's M8S. History. 


Ayith his family* Subsequeatly (Sept. 29, 1797) Elijah Eeeve 
of Ofcisville, and John Knapp of Thompsonville, Commissioners 
of Mamakating, established a road from the residence of William 
A. Thompson, over Mount Prospect to the Neversink at the Falls, 
and from thence to Woodbotirne, which they described as foUowa : 

"From the Albion MiUsf on the Sheldrake creek, West of the 
Nevisink river, and said road is to run northerly to the residence 
of Thadeus Brown In or near the old road as it is now cut out, 
and from thetice toward the north on the east side of Mr. Bor- 
done's house, and so on to Mr. Dewitt's, on the east side of his 
house, and through his improvement on the west side of a place 
called a BindekiU, and so on to the dwelling house of Isaac 
Turners, by the brink of the Nevisink river on the west side oi 
of it."t • 

The "old road" mentioned in the above extract ran from 
Denniston's Ford to Woodboume. There was no bridge across 
the Sheldrake at Thompsonville for several years. To cross that 
stream travelers passed through William A. Thompson's saw- 

Notwithstanding a few years of labor brought comparative 
abundance to the early residents of the town, at first their hard- 
ships were very great. Here and there throughout the valley 
was a little isolated clearing, literally choked by huge stumps 
and stubborn roots, and in the openmg was a low, bark -roofed 
log^hut, generally destitute of window or chimney. Near it was 
a log-pen open to the snows and blasts of winter, in which were 
stored whatever of hay and straw the owner could gather for the 
subsistence of his shivering and distempered cattle. These 
sojourners in a wilderness country had no difficulty in procuring 
meat. Deer and bear abounded on the neighboring hills, and 
were obtained by the expenditure of a Httle time and ammufli- 
iaon, and swine were fattened without cost on the nuts found 
wherever the beech-tree flourished. To obtain bread was the 
_great difficulty ; for even after grain was raised from the rpot- 
bound soil, it had to be carried twenty miles, in small quantities, 
to a mill, before it could be converted into bread.§ Samp and 
■coarse meal were made at home in various ways. James Hill 
had a famous mortar, in which he could pound half a bushel of 
corji at once, with a wooden pestle fastened to a spring-pole. 
Boiled cracked maize, sweetened with maple-molasses, was 
consid'ered as great a delicacy as the choicest viands which now 
grace the tables of the most wealthy. But few cows were kept, 

* Lofan Smith's MSS. f 'S!tMm.peonvSie. J Mnroakating EecortUt. 

§ SvJlivan County TTTi!-/, Sept. 23, 1S4-6. 

228 HiSToay of suixivan county. 

and they were generaDy k^pt farrow so that their owners could 
have milk during the entire year. 

The majority of those who located in the valley, held their 
lands under what was known as the Beekman title ; some bought 
of the Wynkoops, and others of the Schoonmakers of Ulster 
county. The price paid was from eight to ten shiUings per acre. 
James Hin bought of the Wynkoops, and gave Comehus Turner 
twenty-five dollars for his improvements. Turner had occupied 
the place for one or more years. The Beekman and Schoon- 
maker titles, as will appear hereafter, were defective, while the 
other was good. 

In a few years substantial comforts and conveniences began 
to multiply. In 1793, Peter Van Leuven built a grist-mill near 
Woodboume, and during the same year Seth GiUett put up a 
saw-null on the stream which e'mptieS into the Neversmk near 
Hasbrouck.* About 1797, William Parks erected a grist and 
saw-mill in Prince's HoUow. In 1798, Conrad Sheeley estab- 
lished a grist-mill on the Wynkoop brook, and about the same 
time Benjamin Gillett built a grist and saw-miU at Hasbrouck 
where the Denman mill now stands.f A store was opened at 
an early day in the town of Neversink, which caused a great 
saving of time in procuring necessaries and luxuries? 

A fuUing-miU was estabhshed at Hasbrouck in 1820. As early 
as 1793, John Sammons carried on blacksmithing in the town, 
on the place since owned by John Hardenbergh. 

Among the papers of B. G. Childs, deceased, we find the fol- 
lowing " Notes" from the late Amos Y. Grant. They are inter- 
esting, and we think rehable : 

In 1789, three brothers named Baker were Uving on the 
Thomas Depuy place, and a man named John Rawson on the 
farm since owned by Elsie Hardenbergh. In the fall of 1789, 
Thomas Grant, of New London county, 'Ooimecticut, with the 
Messrs. Mott, Overton and two brothers named Worden, went 
tp the town of Eockland, where they had made arrangements to 
obtain a tract of land. They had the property divided into six 
parcels, and drew lots to determine each man's share. What 
has since been known as the Doctor Livingston lot fell to Grant. 
As it was broken and rough, he was dissatisfied, and left. The 
others remained in Rockland, where inany of their descendants 
now reside. Thomas Grant returned to the Neversink country,' 
and purchased the right of possession of John Rawson, for 
which he gave a horse, saddle and bridle. In the spring of 1790, 
Joshua Grant, the father of Thomas, moved from Groton, Con- 
necticut, bringing with him two other sons, Ephraim and Nathan, 

* B. a. Chads' MSS. + Ibia. 


after which the family occwpied the RawBon place. Three years 
later, William, another son of Joshua, settled in the same neigh- 
borhood on the place siooe owned- by M. Hardenbergh, for which 
he paid $170. The Grants brought with them all their house- 
hold furniture. The journey was 160 miles in length, and 
occupied eleven days. William Grant was a cripple, and not 
able, without assistance, to get in or out of the cart in which he 
rode. Seemingly such a man was unfitted for the rough life of 
a pioneer ; but as he was a skillful tanner, currier and shoemakei', 
and withal industrious, frugal and of sound mind, he managed 
to keep pace with his more fortunate neighbors. His descend- 
ants are among our most prominent and influential citizens. 

"Joseph Howard and Eleazer Larrabee were living in 1793 on 
Mutton Hill. They had married daughters of Joshua Grant, 
and among their neighbors were John HaU, WiUiam Parks, 
Silas B. Palmer and others. 

" The Neversink flats, vfeve soon all taken up, as well as some 
of the best uplands. As the country fiDed up, some of the early 
comers moved still farther into the wUdoniess. The pioneers 
of Liberty were awhile sojourners in the vaUey of the Neversink. 

"For twenty years, it was necessary to go as far as Kingston 
to reach a post-office, and often letters did not reach Neversink 
from Groton, Connecticut, in less than ninety days." 

In primitive days, a great calamity befell the valley. Such a 
flood as has not been witnessed since overwhelmed the low lands 
of the Neversinkj and carried _away crops, buildings and cattle, 
and the inhabitants were obliged to flee to the mountains for 
safety. Por several days, many, when they visited their houses, 
or such of their houses as were not swept away, were obliged 
to go in canoes. William Palmer, who lived at Denniston's 
ford, had a valuable team of horses carried off, together with 
his stable. The animals were drowned, and were found still 
tied to their manger, on a large rock which formerly was seen 
near the western abutment of the bridge at Bridgeville. Lotan 
Smith says this flood was in 1786 or 1787 ; but we have reason 
to believe that it took place ten years later, as there was very 
little in the shape of crops above Denniston's ford to be de- 
stroyed by water or anything else as early as 1787. 

Ten years after the principal influx of settlers, the surplus 
produce of the valley was very considerable. Large quantities 
of grain and pork were carted to New Windsor and Newburgh, 
And sold. Wheat brought from 18 to 20, and rye and corn 8 
shUliags per bushel. Pork was sold there for $25 a barrel. In 
a single year, James Hill sold twenty-five barrels of pork at 
ThompsonviUe,* and there were others who were as successful 

• MSS. of Lotan Smith. 


farmers as Hill. Now the towm does not producfe as much grain 
and meat as it consumes. The manufacture of butter has be- 
come the leading industiy, and is more profitable than the old 
way of farming. 

Greater trials were in store for a part of these people than 
any they had yet experienced. Some of those whose farms were 
on the hills held under the Schoonmakef title. This title was 
founded on the fact that one of the Schoonmakers who had been 
a Trustee of the town of Rochester, had not conveyed his trust 
to his successor in office. On this shm pretense, it was claimed 
that he had acquired the fee simple of unsold real estate ia the 
Eochester patent. It was also claimed that his rights, notwith- 
standing the settlement of 1778, extended to alleged Blue Hills 
west of the Neversink. The Schoonmaker claim was undoubt- 
edly fraudulent. The courts so decided, and those who held 
under it were ejected. 

Others had the Beekman title. The Beekman tract covered 
the valley of the Neversink from a point a short distance below 
Woodboume to what was then known as the Cat's Paw, above 
the present village of Neversiok. This title originated with 
Colonel Henry Beekman, who, while representing Ulster in the 
General Assembly of 1703, obtained a grant of the Rochester 
patent from Queen Anne.* In what manner he became inter- 
ested in land affairs on the Neversink does not clearly appear. 
By some it has been said that he purchased of the Trustees of 
Rochester; others declare that he bought of the Hardenberghs, 
who^old the tract to pay the expenses of partitioning their lands. 
However this may be, it is certain that in 1778, Colonel Johannis 
Hardenbergh, with other interested parties, distinctly reoognized 
the vcdiditp of the Beekman title. This recognition appears in the 
settlement-deed itself, in which the Wynkoop tract is "bounded 
on the westward on the land of Colonel Henry Beekman, lying, 
on the Naewersink." 

The Beekman title was not formally questioned by the Har- 
denberghs until 1802, at least fourteen years after the valley was 
settled. This fact affords presumptive evidence that they be- 
lieved the title was not theirs, or had passed from them. 

Previous to 1802, the settlers very generally had paid for the 
farms they OQCupied, and had made improvements which greatly 
enhanced the value of the property. They had every reason to 
believe that they had secured comfortable homes, and that a few 
more years of industry and self-denial would enable them to 
spend the balance of tneir days in comparative ease and plenty, 

* Henry Beekmm was a Member of the General AsBembiy as early as 1691 and a 
Representative of that name generally occupied a seat in that bodv until 1759. In 1802 
of Dourae, he had been dead many years. Our informant says that Henry K. Beekman' 
a descendant of Colonel Beekman, sold the Neversink vaUey to its original settlers. 


when they were startled by the report that the Beekman title 
was worthless ; that Beekman had never owned a foot of the 
^rritory ; and that the heh-s of Colonel Johannis Hardenbergh 
intended to dispossess the occupants. This report was followed 
by the appearance of a man named Gerard Hardenbeiigh, who 
announced that he was one of the real owners of the valley, as 
well as the uplands claimed by the Schoonmakers and those 
who had bought of them.* 

As this man was assassinated by some' of the people he en- 
deavored to drive away, and as it is alleged his conduct led to 
the death of two persons, it is proper to give some account of him, 

Gerard or "Gross" Hardenbergh was the son of Coloneljo- 
hannis Hardenbergh and a grajidson of Major Johannis Har- 
denbergh, one of the patentees of the Major or Great Patent. 
Gerard, it is beheved, was boi-n in Eosendale, Ulster county, 
about the year 1733. He was a man of imperious and arbitraiy 
temper, and of convivial inchnations and nabits. In early life 
he married a lady named Nancy Kyerson, who is still held in 
affectionate remembrance by her descendants, as well as by 
other branches of the Hardenbergh family. By her he had 
several children. 

In the war of the Revolution, he espoused the cause of his 
country, and hke his patriotic father, imperiled his life to secure 
the independence of the land of his birth. His time and money 
and influence were freely thrown into the scale. It is said that 
he organized two companies of infantry, which were employed 
in defending the fi'ontier against the incursions of the savages. 
One of these he commanded, and it is not denied that he was a 
bold and enterprising leader.f 

During his military hfe he became more and more intemperate, 
and his existence ultimately no better than a continued and un- 
varying debauch. His excesses nearly obscured whatever was 
at first humanitarian in his character, and inflamed all that was 
morose, impfetuous and tyrannical in his disposition. It is re- 
lated of him by men now (1871) yet hving, that, when traveling 
through the country in his old age, he sometimes ordered the 
innkeeper at whose house he lodged to cover a table with candles 
and decanters of spirituous hquors, and taking his seat, soUtary 
and alone, at this somewhat rare festive board, drink until his 
fiery and surly temper succumbed to insensibihty. 

T^ consequence of his wild and reckless ways, his high-toned 

* The Wynkoop title was not disputed. 

t In August, 1781, when nearly four hundred Indians and tories invaded Wawor- 
sing, Oaptam Hardenbergh, with a force of only nine men, hastened forward to the 
relief ot the settlers, and throwing bis men into a small stone-house, checked the ad- 
vance of the enemy. In their repeated assaults on his little fortress, thirteen of their 
numter were left dead upon the field. — Bvtt^nber's Indian T>"ibes of Uudsanis Biver, 
This bold and intrepid act saved Wawarsing from annihilation. 


fatter disowned and disinlierited him, and willed whafr would 
othei-wise have been devised to him to the heirs of Nancy Eyer- 
son. This act of the elder Hardenbergh added sulphuric acid 
to the acetic mind of the son. 

Nancy Eyersfcn's death antedated that of Colonel Harden- 
bergh, and several of her children died unmarried. Consequently 
the intention of Gerard's father was defeated. The dissipated 
son was the heir of his own deceased children, and it is said 
impiously declared that, while his father had disinherited him, 
the Almighty had made all right by removing his deceased chil- 
dren. Thereafter he dominated over those who were in his 
power, and did not bend to his will, with remorseless rigor. 

This declaration is based on the statements of those who 
suffered from his acts, some of whom killed him. Even his own 
descendants make no pretense of defending his character. Yet 
he was not altogether vile, as will appear in subsequent para- 

Gross Hardenbergh claimed the lands of the valley of the 
Neversink. The occupants met his claim by exhibiting the 
deeds they had received from the Beekmans. The right of 
the latter to sell was denied, and could not be proven. Neither 
the original nor a properly authenticated copy of the Beekman's 
deed could be found. It was alleged that this deed had been 
put into the hands of Doctor Benjamin Hardenbergh, a son of 
Gross, by one Vemooy, who surveyed the Beekman purchase, 
and that the Doctor had destroyed it. This allegation, whether 
true or false, was not sufficient to affect any man's tenure, as 
several of the settlers soon admitted. 

Before proceeding to extremities, Hardenbergh made the 
general proposition that he would give each occupant of a farm 
m the Beekman tract one hundred acres of wild upland for his ■ 
improvements. Aaron and Gaixet Van Benschoten wisely ac- 
cepted this offer, and each located his lot on the hills near the 
premises now owned by Isaiah Hasbrouck. The lots thus ac- 
quired by them are now occupied by WiUiam H. Van Benschoten, 
John Yaple, Mr. Merrett, and dthers. 

Since the day of Hardenbergh's assassination, his memory 
has rested under a. cloud so black and dense, that no one has 
dared to say a word in his defense. His controversy with his 
father, his wife, his children, and the unfortunate settlers of the 
valey, aroused a spirit of antagonism which was not rendered 

Eassive by his murder, and which the softened influence of time 
as not molhfied. He hated his famUy, and defied the world. 
Those who survived him, consequently, were blind to what was 
commendable in his character. 

Assuming that the Beekman title was fraudulent, Harden- 
bergh's offer to recompense the settlers for their improvements 


shows that at first he was willihg to make an equitable arrange- 
ment with them. Their title was defective; his was perfect. 
He could eject them, and reap the fruits of their industry ; but 
he was willing to do more for their benefit than the laws of his 
time required of him. But few men of the present day would 
do what this man proposed to do ; and yet his name is execrated. 
Perhaps subsequent events justify the maledictions which are 
heaped upon his memory: nevertheless we cheerfully record 
what we consider commendable on his part. . \ 

The occupants of the valley almost universally met his over- 
tures with defiance. They had bought the fat bottom-lands of 
the Neversink in good faith, and were unwiUing to exchange 
them for uncultivated and heavily timbered uplabds. Nearly 
every-one of them had served creditably in the Revolutionary 
army, and hated oppression and wrong. They believted that the 
Hardenbergh claim was fraudulent, and that to establish it a 
crime had been committed ; and they hoped that the laws of the 
government they had imperiled their lives to establish would 
afford a remedy. In addition to this, we may venture to say 
that they were incited to resistance by dishonest lawyers, because 
there are always to be found members of that profession who 
are prone to lead cHents to engage in hopeless controversies, 
that they themselves may reap a rich harvest, while their de- 
luded clients descend the inclined plane of destruction. 

Finding that his offer was rejected, Hardenbergh employed 
summary means to dispossess the settlers. Among those ejected 
by him were Peter Freer, Matthew Sh6eley, Jacob Maraquat, 
Seth Gillett, and several others. Henry Misner, who is stDl 
(1873) hving at Woodbourne, states that after suits of ejectment 
had been instituted, but not determined, Hardenbergh, withlittle 
respect to law, distrained property and forcibly dispossessed 
the occupants. James Bush, senior, and his sons James, Simeon 
and Hemry, were particularly the objects of his wrath. In the 
fall of 1806, Hardenbergh took from them aU their crops, in-- 
oluding six hundred bushels of grain. The latter was placed in 
a grist-mill owned by him, and built on the present site- of the 
saw-mill of H. E. Hardenbergh. Gross also owned a house and 
barn in the neighborhood, and his son Benjamin had building^ 
there. Aniong them was a bam, in which were stored two hun- 
dred bushels of grain. The mill, houses and bams, with their 
valuable contents, were consumed by fire under such circum- 
stances as t6 leave no doubt that the residents of the vaUey were 
determined to wreak a terrible vengeance. The obnoxious fam- 
ily were then residing in the vaUey; but ,becoming alarmed," 
with one or two exceptions, removed from the region.* ' 

* Life, etc., of Cornelius W. Htfrclenbergh. 


* _ , # 

. Heiiry Misner asserts that Gross, in 18(36, forcibly set the 
family of James Busli out of doors, and kicked Mrs. Bush as 
she went, although but three days previously she had given birth 
to a child, which she then held in her arms. In the absence of 
Jacob Maraquat, his family was served in the same way. Mar- 
aquat's wife also had a young child, and was dragged from her 
home by the hair of her head. She died a few days afterwards. 
The Bush family left the country and abandoned their claim ; 
but Peter Misner, Jeremiah Drake and some others resolved to 
maintain their ground, and seek redress in legal tribunals. 

Duriiig the next two years, outrage followed outrage. Har- 
denbergh became frantic, and the blood of the pioneers was 
raised to fever-heat. Hardenbergh was looked upon as a public 
enemy, whose death would be a public blessing. 

In November, 1808, he came into the neighborhood, and passed 
through the valley. Notwithstanding he was seventy-five years 
old, weighed two hundred and fifty pounds, and had led a dis- 
sipated hfe, he was active and energetic. He afforded the un- 
usual spectacle of a very fat and irascible old man astride of a 
spirited and perverse horse, which his family considered was 
imsafe for him to ride ; but which he governed with skill and 
boldness. Like too many others, he feared neither man nor 
beast, and had little respect for God or the devil. 

Calling at the house of the Grants (who then occupied the 
Reed place) he declared that " he would raise more hell during 
the next seven yeai-s than had ever been on earth before." He 
was very rough in denouncing Drake, and in his declarations of 
what he would do with him. 

When passing along the "dug-way" below Hasbrouck, he 
noticed that the chimney of a house owned by him and occupii d 
by a man named John Coney was not completed. This dis- 
pleased him very much, and meeting Coney soon afterwards, he 
told him that, "unless the chimney was topped out when h« 
came back, he would thi'ow him out of doors." Coney imme- 
diately engaged a neighbor (Jacob San-) to assist in fimsMng 
the chimney the next day. 

The next night was spent at the house of his son (Herman M. 
Hardenberg^) who Uved on the farm from which Peter Freer 
had been ejected, and which is now the property of Thaddeus 

Qn the ensuing morning (Nov. 23,) he started soon after sun- 
ripe to go up the river. When the sim was about an horn- high, 
he yf&s found in the road, a short distance from the present site 
of the Reformed church, helpless and speechless, by Ezekiel 
Gillett, senior. A little farther up the road his horse was caught 
by Cornelius Sarr. He was taken to the house of Aaron v an 
Benschoten, which stood at tjbe eouih side of the saud-knoll. 


opposite the Eeformed Oiburoh parsonage-building. Here, after 
lingering until 3 o'clock a. m. of tlie 24th, he died without know- 
iiig that he had been shot. Before his decease he declared that • 
his friends had often told him that his horse would throw and 
probably kill him, "and now," said he, "he has done it." 

While preparing his body for burial, a ball-hole was found in 
his clothing, and a wound in his shoulder. Even then his friends 
were unwmng to beheve that he had been murdered, and in- 
tended to bury him without an inquest. An old soldier, however, 
who had seen many wounds received in battle, declared that 
nothing but lead had made the hole in the dead man's shirt and 
body. A Coroner (Benjamin Bevier) was then sent for ; and the 
nearest physicians (one of them his son Benjamin) were requested 
to be present. A jury was also summoned. 

The scenes and incidents of the investigation whiA followed 
have no parallel in the history of Sullivan, and afford us a glimpse 
of things almost too shocking for credence. 

A crowd of people surroundedl Van Benschoten's house, where 
the inquest took place. Some of them came with jugs of rum 
in their hands, and too many were rendered jubilant hj the death 
of their enemy and by whisky. One who had been engaged in 
butchering hogs, on reaching van Benschoten's, exclaimed, " Fine 
day for kming !" and while looking at the body of the murdered 
man, said, "tiat is fatter pork than I killed to-day." While the 
physicians were dissecting to find the ball, one of whom was 
unfriendly to him, this man remarked, with an oath, "That's 
more than I expected to see — my two greatest enemies, one 
cutting the other up." When the body was opened, and the 
heart exposed, he cried, "My God! that's what I have longed 
to see for this many a day !" 

Another composed and sang an obscene song, in which he 
described the death of Hardenbergh ; the gathering of the birds 
to feed on his dead body, etc. This afforded much amusement, 
and was repeated so often that some can yet recite parts of it. 

A woman whose descendants are among the most respectable 
citizens of Fallsburgh, declared that " Gross had gone to heU to 
fee more lawyers;" and one of the witnesses (Abijah WUley) on 
being asked whether he knew who shot Hardenbergh, declared 
that he did not ; but expressed regret that he did not himself do 
tikie deed, as " Doct. Ben. had offered two hundred acres of land 
to have his father put out of the way." 

These sayings evoked shouts of merriment from the crowd. 
In vain the Coroner endeavored JK) preserve order. Decorum 
9lld decency were banished, and "horrid mirth ruled the hour." 

From the evidence elicited at the inquest and the examinations 
and trials which followed, it appeared that at the time of the 
murder, the assassins were posted behind a tree which then 


stood about eight rods from the road ; that there were probably 
three of them, judging from their footprints ; that they had cut 
•away the laurels and other shrubs which obstructed their view 
of the road, which was then about its width west of its present 
bed; that the ball had entered Hardenbergh's shoulder and 
passed to his backbone, which was broken ; and that the spinal 
column was injured in such a way that the shock to his nervous 
system instantly deprived him of sensation. This accounted for 
the fact that he did not hear the report of the gun, and supposed 
that he was injured by being thrown from his horse. 

It appeared that one of the sons of James Bush was in the 
neighborhood on a visit, and that he was in the woods with his 
gun.on^the day of the murder; that a man named John G. Van 
Bensohoten, and one or two others were similarly employed; 
and certain circumstances were so strongly agaiast one David 
Canfield that he was held for the crime ; but it was shown that 
at the time the murder was perpetrated he was not in the valley, 
and he was discharged. Others were suspected, and several 
were arrested as principals or accessories ;* but nothing import- 
ant was elicited. It is probable that there were individuals in 
the "infected" district who could have furnished evidence which 
would have led to the detection and punishment of the criminals ; 
but these persons considered reticence a virtue, and withheld 
what they knew. We are led to make this declaration because 
there are persons now hving who relate that when the report of 
the fatal shot was heard in the vaUey, some suspected what was 
going on, and one (Jacob Sarr, who was assisting John Coney 
at the dug-way) slapped his hands, and said, "That's a dead- 
shot! A d — d fat old buck has got it now!" 

However this may be, the guilty secret has never been divulged 
in such a way as to lead to punishment. It has been rumored 
that a suspected person who had moved westward, on his death- 
bed confessed that he assisted at the murder ; but that he stub- 
bornly refused to say who were his accompHces. We have the 
name of this individual; but must withhold it, because we do 
not wish to record what may be unfounded. If there was a 
conspiracy in which several were involved, the secret has been 
well Kept. Guilty souls have undoubtedly gone to the " Judge 
of all" burdened and blackened with this terrible crime, and 
xesolved to defy the justice of Heaven, rather than reveal who 
were their partners in guilt. 

After the murder, such of the settlers as had not abandoned 
the valley, or had not become hopelessl;^ embarrassed by the 
expenses of litigation, found no difficulty in making satisfactory 

* One of these was Jacob Maraquat. He was a Boldier of the Eevolution, and died 
at Obohebton, January 5, 1844, where he was buried with militai7 honors. 


arrangements with the heirs of Hardenbergh. Several members 
of the family became residents, and lived amicably with the 
people who once were so inimical toward them.* , 

It is noteworthy that a grandson of Gross Hardenbergh, after 
being reduced to poverty by the dissipation of his father and 
grandfather, had a controversy with a wealthy citizen concerning 
a portion of the property which was involved in the dispute of 
1808, and that, after murdering him, he defended his conduct in 
the same manner as the murderers of his ancestor defended 
theirs ! 

Herman M. Hardenbergh, who compromised with the settlers 
who had bought of the Beekmans, as well as his brother Thomas 
R., and some other descendants of Gross Hardenbergh, became 
permanent residents of FaUsburgh. With one or two exceptions, 
they were among the most respectable and worthjl citizens of 
Sullivan. Herman M. was much beloved by his neighbors, and 
even won the confidence and respect of those who were concerned 
in the murder of his father. In 1829, he was elected Member 
of Assembly, and received all the votes cast in the county for 
that office except ninety-eight. The following editorial notice 
of his death was published in the Albany Daily Advertiser of 
March 22, 1830: 


"Herman M. Hardenbergh, Member of Assembly from Sulli- 
van county, was found dead in his bed, yesterday morning, at 
his lodgings at Gourley's. This sudden and afflicting dispensa- 
tion of Divine Providence has caused among our citizens and 
his colleagues in the Legislature, deep reflection on the uncer- 
tainty of life, and much sympathy for his sorrowing friends. 
He was, on the previous evening, apparently in good health, and 
conversed with his friends with his usual cheerfulness. He was 
a man highly esteemed, and was elected to the Assembly at the 
last election, almost imanimously." 

His funeral was attended by the acting Governor of the State, 
the Senate and Assembly, the Chancellor, Justices of the Su- 
preme Court and Circuit Judges, the State officers, and a con- 
course of citizens and strangers. 

The post-office in the upper neighborhood was named Has- 
brouck, in honor of Anthony Hasbrouck, a wealthy resident. 
This gentlieman was murdened in his own house, and in the 
presence of his family, on the 20th of December, 1840, by Cor- 
nelius W. Hardenbergh. 

* We are. greatly indebted to E. B. JelliC attorney and counselor at law of Wood- 
bounie, for iut'ormation in regard to what old inhabitants term the Hardenbergh war. 


Hasbrouek, for many years, was one of the most prominent 
citizens of Sullivan. He was a man of wealth, and an active 
and influential democratic pohtioian. In November, 1833, he 
was elected Member of Assembly, when he received 292 majority 
over Hiram Bennett, who was acknowledged to be a popular 
member of the opposing party. He represented the democracy 
of Fallsburgh in almost every democratic county convention for 
several years, and in 1838 was a candidate for Eepresentative 
in Congress from the District composed of Ulster and Sullivan 
counties, in opposition to Eufus Palen, whig, when he ran con- 
siderably ahead of his ticket, althoiigh Palen was a man of great 
wealth, respectability and popularity. 

Hasbrouck was salient and angular in habits and appearance. 
He scorned those who were indolent or ashamed to labor, and, 
in the rough habiliments of the workman, participated in the 
physical exertions necessary to the prosecution of his affairs. 
He had a marked aversion to those who resorted to tricks and 
stratagem in their dealings, and particxdarly to those who in- 
dulged in litigation concerning frivolous affairs. When their labor 
was necessary for the comfort and support of their families. 
For this class, in his transactions with them, he had no mercy, 
while to the industrious and well-disposed, he was kind arid 
>generous. Such a man always has warm admirers and friends, 
and equally warm opponents and enemies. 

It is noteworthy, also, that he was connected by birth and 
mamage with mair^ respectable families of Ulster and Sullivan. 

Cornelius W. Hardenbergh, the murderer, was the son of 
Doctor Benjamin Hardenbergh, and grandson of Gross Harden- 
bergh who was murdered near Woodboume, in 1808. Major 
Johannis Hardenbergh, an original proprietor of the Great 
Patent, was one of his ancestors.* His mother was Cornelia 
WjTicoop, the descendant of a long line of aristocratic Dutch 
ancestors, the panels of whose carriages bore the picture of a 
baiTel of wine, and an old man in a quaint HoUand costume, 
with a glasa of wine in his hand. 

Both the Hardenberghs and Wyncoops were ia aflSuent cir- 
cumstances when the Doctor espoused Miss Wyncoop — proud 
of their riches, descent and social position. While they looked 
upon the many as their inferiors, they acknowledged no superiors. 
They were haughty, headstrong and domineering, and sought to 
impress these characteristics on the minds of their offspring. 
Improvident and convivial — scattering with a liberal hand, and 
gathering a« if the acqtiisition of property were beneath their 
dignity — not regarding education as the mainspring of intel- 

* Life and Confession o* C. W. Haudenbergh. Johannis Hardenbergh, jr., a son 
of the " Patentee," was his gsnat-grandfathor. 


lectual fbrce — it is not surprising that they lost wealth and social 

When Doctor Hardenbergh was twenty-one years of age, he 
became largely interested m Great Lot No. 3. In 1796, he 
married. Three years afterwards he moved into the Neversink 
country, as the region now embracing Fallsburgh, Liberty, 
Rockland and Neversink was then called. As soon as Cornelius 
tyaa able to ride ahorse, his father sent him on errands through 
the woods in all directions. By the time he was seven years 
old, he had traveled on horseback and alone over all the region 
within ten miles of home, following cow-paths, ridges, streams, 
etc., and had even gone on the busmess of his father from Lib- 
erty to Kingston, and back. When he was eight, he drove a 
team from Liberty to Kingston, and to various other places in 
Ulster county. He was a very bright, active boy, btft too wild 
and heedless to submit to the discipline of school. His 
father placed him for a time under an excellent teacher of Mar- 
bletown named Hume, who found it impossible to control the 
young savage, and afterwards, in his tenth year, he was sent one 
summer to Kingston Academy, when he spent the greater part 
of the time among the neglected and vicious children of the 
streets. Li the language of his "Life and Confession," written 
a few days before his execution, "He was nursed in the lap of 
parental indulgence, his grandmother Wyncoop being the only 
one who gave him any religious instruction, and that was not 
sufficient to leave a lasting impression ; so that it might be said, 
he never had any, but was suffered to run at large, and was 
indulged in every childish wish." And it fui-ther appears, that 
the most important lesson taught him at home, was that he was 
better than the sons of the farmers of the surrounding country.* 
Pride, without intelligence, refinement and virtue, is sure to pro- 
duce a harvest of disgrace and humiliation. 

After the murder of his grandfather (Gross Hardenbergh) the 
family moved to Stone Ridge, where ComeHus became a distiller, 
teamster, and man of all work for his father ; and where nOthiug 
was taught him except family pride. Here he learned to swear 
and drink as recklessly as any of his youthful associates. Here 
he lived, until he was eighteen years old, when he discovered 
that his father had become a drunkard, and mismanaged and 
squandered his property in such a way that, unless a change 
took place, the family would soon be reduced to poverty. This, 
instead of having a salutary effect upon himself, led tim to 
emancipate himself from home-influences, and go back to Lib- 
erty, where he indulged in the very vices which he had observed 

* " I wag tangh<> liUle except to spurn with contempt all considered beneath rae in 
birth and riches. —Life and Confeasioo of C. W. Hardenbergh. 


in his father. He not only fell under the kifluenoes of evil 
company and gi-atified his appetite for rum; but indulged in 
Hoentious actions. Through deception and falsehood, he suc- 
ceeded in his warfare upon female virtue ; and he followed the 
practice until he was frightened into a better course by his 
superstitious fears. A poor but virkious girl, whose father was 
about to remove to a distant part of the country, through the 
basest treachery and force, became his victim. After her ruin 
was accompMsh^d, and he imagined he was rid of her, according 
to his " Confession," she returned to punish him for his wick- 
edness. He says: 

" One morning, as I lay in bed, this young woman appeared 
to me in all the horrqrs the mind can imagine, and more than^ 
tongue can describe; her hair hanging loose and disorderly 
around her shoulders ; her countenance pale and wan ; her eyes 
swollen with shedding tears, and iixed upon me with an intensity^ 
that struck horror throiigh every vein and paralyzed the brain, 
while I covdd not move my eyes from the blood that seemed ta 
gush through her breast from a broken heart ; at the same time 
extending her day-cold arms with a small infant, aU besmeared 
with blood, to me, crying, "Here, thou wretch! take the reward 
of thy iniquity !' This for a short time caused a reformation in 
me ; but the impression soon wore off. I thought it nothing 
more than a dream, yet never forgot it. I can unhesitatingly 
say, it prevented my practicing the same villainy on other un- 
fortunate young women." 

In this mstance, it cannot be denied, remorse and the night- 
mare were overruled for good. 

Not long after Comehus went to Liberty, he induced his father 
to follow mm. From a drunkard, the old man soon became a sot, 
and engaged in every kind of debauchery. This produced do- 
mestic broils, and rendered his home the abode of discord and 
misery. The mother reviled at the father for his dram-drinking, 
and neglect of his business and family, and at Cornelius for 
associating with young men who were ms social inferiors. She ' 
was engaged in a dispute with the latter, when he was twenty 

J ears old, about his companions. The Doctor came into the 
ouse at the time, and joined with his wife against Cornelius,, 
when the latter upbraided his father with the company he kept, 
which so enraged him that he gave the young man a floggings 
This indignity caused the son to abscond from the parental roof. 
He started for Lumberland ; but stopped three miles from home 
at Buckley's tavern. The Doctor followed and begged the truant 
to return ; but he stubbornly refused to do so. After humbling 
himself almost to the dust, the old man went home much de- 
jected, and Cornelius took an extra dram. His mothei' and 
others of the family also came to see him, offering many induce- 


ments for his going back, all to no purpose. Among other 
things, his mother propose^ to give him two hundred acres of 
land. After they had done all they qould, he told them if they 
would rent him the Eeed farm, and let his sister keep house for 
him, he would go there. To this they joyfully agreed. He lived 
on the Beed place with his sister as housekeeper until she left 
him, when he married his cousin, who seems to have been an 
estimable woman. 

We do not propose to give the full history of his life — the 
continued misconduct of his father, which led to bankniptcy, 
the separation of his father and mother, the connection his father 
formed with another woman, the removal of Cornelius from 
place to place, his poverty, his struggles to maintain his family,, 
etc. It IS sufficient to say, that a few years before the murder 
of Hasbrouck, he was the occupant of a log-house, in the town 
of Kockland, with his wife and five children, holding a contract 
for seventy-five acres of land, for which he had agreed to pay 
one. hundred and fifty dollars. He was a farmer, htmter and 
lumberman, and labored at whatever promised ready money. 
Although from the highest hills of tha,t region, his eyes could 
not reach the boundaries of the territory of which his great- 
grandfather was a joint owner, he was too poor to pay for the 
few barren acres he occupied. Mrs. Depuy, his mother-in-law, 
was still living, and owned, among other property, a grist-mill, 
saw-mill and turning-shop, at Hasbrouck. "Vyith severe toil, he 
raised a few bushels of grain, and a few vegetables on his poor 
place. To him the grist-mill seemed a source of almost mex- 
haustible wealth, and he di'eamed of the time when Mrs. Depuy'a 
estate would be divided among her children, and he would be 
once more a man of consequence through her death — the only- 
event which promised to better his condition, a,nd render his 
family comfortable. 

The birth of his fifth child caused him to turn his attention to 
religious matters.* But there was no clergyman near, and his. 
neighbors were as ignorant a^ hii^is^lf in regard to holy things, 
and he found it difficult to tread the right path. However, he 
and some friends got together, read the Bible, talked to each 
other of what they read m it, and united in praying. Soon a 
Methodist preacher visited them, whose teachiUjgs were good, but 
whose conduct was bad. This was a stumbling-block; but it 
was surmounted, and a soqiety or class was formed, of which 

* So he. says in bis " Ount'oBsion" ; but at bis trial fur murder', it appeared that a. 
whirlwind was the moving cause of his piety. The whirlwind was haJf a mile wide, 
and moving directly toward bis house, prostrating everything in its course in Bom& 

S laces ; in others, twisting the tree-tops together. It was in a direct course for over 
iree miles, and when within half a mile of his house, turned aside, and left him and 
his family unharmed. Soon after tliis terriiic manifestation, he exhibited religious 
feelings. From tliis time, too, he was a rigid temperance man. 



Hardetfbergh and his wife were members. Thereafter, to the 
day of his execution, he was a professor of religion, and practiced 
its forms, not only publicly, but privately. Even when he was 
a condemned and shackled criminal in his cell, and he supposed 
no eye butthat of God was upon him, he would not eat a morsel 
of food until he had "asked a blessidg." To this the writer can 
testify from personal knowledge. 

After. he made a "profession" of religion, he obtained the 
oversight of some wild lands in his neighborhood, foi- the purpose 
of keeping others from stealing valuable timber. But he was an 
unfaithful agent. He kept others from stealing, but did not 
hesitate to cut the best trees on the tract, and take the logs to 
a neighboring saw-miU, where they were sawn for his own benefit. 
He sued some for trespass, who finally caused him to be prose- 
cuted for his own wrong-doing; but, he got out of the difficulty 
by a trick. This caused neighborhood-broils, and the loss of 
time and money ; yet he held fast to his religion, such as it was. 

He had four years in which to pay for his farm ; he had bor- 
rowed one hundred doUars from Doctor Jacob Wurtz, of New 
Paltz, which he had expended in improvements ; he had paid 
nothing for the seventy-five acres, and his contract was about 
to run out, when he went to Doctor Wurtz, and induced him to 
pay for the land, and secure himself by taking a deed for it. 

In August, 1838, Mrs. Depuy, his mother-in-law, died. Some 
said her decease afforded him jpleasure. This he indignantly 
denies in hi^ "Confession," and protests that it was the most 
giievous event of his life.* 

There were nine heirs, besides her husband, who, it seems, 
had nothing more than a life-interest in a portion of the estate, 
and none in the balance. Besides the mill there was property 
valued at $3,273.50. The latter consisted principally of wild 
lands, which were sold to various persons. Hasbrouck bought 
one lot of ninety-seven acres. From these sales, Hardenbergh 
•expected to get upwards of |360 in cash, more than enough to 
pay aU his debts. Probably the height of his ambition at this 
time was to pay for the land he occupied, and own a yoke of 
■oxen, a few other cattle, and a saw-miU. In May, 1839, he ex- 
pected to get his share of the money, but was chagrined when 
he found that the great part of the purchasers had given their 
notes. Biit he assented to the arrangement, in the belief that 
the notes would be divided among the heirs ; that he would re- 
ceive one, and sell it, and thus be enabled to pay for a yoke of 
•oxen he had bought. This was promised him, but the notes 
were all made payable to C. W. Brodhead, one of the heirs, and 
left with him for collection. This greatly exasperated Harden-. 

* Soon after her death, he built a frame-houso and a bam on his farm. 


^,eBgh, an^ he threatenod to "put the whole thing in law, at the 
first Court that set." In vain Brodhead offered to help him 
borrow money by being his surety. Some of the notes were his, 
and the other heirs had no right to place them beyond his con- 
trol. Much running to and fro ensued ; lawyers were consulted, 
and the ev.ery-day duties of life neglected. One of those in- 
debted to the estate (Hon. Joseph Grant) paid Hardenbergh 
fifty dollars ; he borrowed some money of James Gildersleeve, 
titc. Then some of the heirs met at Hasbrouck's, di^dded the 
notes by lot, and left Hardenbergh's share with Hasbrouck. 
"With this, too, he was dissatisfied, although he had previously 
demanded such a division. Before he called for it, the note 
which fell to him was paid, and Hasbrouck had all that was 
<3oming to him- (Hardenbergh) in cash, except his share of the 
mill property, and of the ninety-seven-acre lot bouglit by Has- 

The grist-mill was valued at $5,000. One of the heirs at first 
offered $4,500 for it; but the others refused to sell it to him. 
The heirs, after much mismanagement, offered to sell it to Has- 
brouck; but he at first refused to buy. Afterwards three of 
them went to him again and offered him their shares, when he 
told them that if they woidd secure hirti two more shares and 
put him in possession, he would give them at the rate of $3,500 
for it, if they would include ninety<-seven acres of wUd land in 
the sale. This wild land had previously been bought by him, 
and he had a deed for it. The other two shares were procured, 
pjttd Hasbrouck became the owner of five-ninths of the mill 
property, and took possession of it. Soon after each of the 
others, except Cornelius, sold out to Hasbrouck. 

At this stage of affairs, Hardenbergh went to Hasbrouck's to 
get what was coming to him from the first sales. His reception 
was very pleasing; he was invited to stay aU night — spent a 
\evY pleasant evening — and went to bed pleased with his host 
and the world generally. But about three o'clock the next 
morning he awoke, and began to be suaxacious that Hasbrouck 
intended to entrap him, etc. While agitated by these fancies, 
according to his " Confession," the ghost of his mother-iii-law 
stood before him. He says : 

" The first sight gave me a wonderful shock. My blood 
seemed completely congealed. As soon as I had sufficiently 
recovered from the alarm, I attempted to rise, and hit my head 
ai^inst the side of the room, which caused me to put my hand 
on my head. I fell down on my pillo'»' again, resting my head 
on my hand, and thinking about it, when she seemed to stand 
fully before me, and spoke in great earnestness, as slie did 
twenty years before. She appeared fresli and stern, and said, 
* Never mind your head — ^you will break down Ids stone wall yet.' 


(The hpuse is a stone one.) She told me never to sign off — that' 
there was a conspiracy against me — that I must not take any 
money that mommg — that if I did I wOuld be deceived. She 
then vanished. I then reflected on my situation and her death. 
This drew on a bad feeling and a flood of tears ; so much so that 
I thought they would hear me throughout the house." 

At this time Hardenbergh did not know that the Barlow note 
of one hundred doUafs, which was left with Hasbrouck for him, 
had been paid. Accordii^ to his "Confession," Hasbrouck 
offered him the money for it minus the interest. This was in- 
dignantly rejected. Hasbrouck then told him the note was paid, 
and offered him the money with interest. Kemembering his 
dream or vision* of' the previous night, he refused to receive it 
unless Hasbrouck would warrant the money good. This the 
latter would not do, and Hardenbergh then, assisted by the 
other, took memoranda of the bills, after which he went away, 
and found that one of the bills for five dollars was on a broken 
Bank. He says that on his way home he had three fits. 

Within a week Hasbrouck followed him to Eockland, paid 
him all he claimed, except fifty dollars, which he declared was 
due him for his share of the ninety-seven acres of wild land 
which had been sold before Hasbrouck got possession of the 
mill property, and offered to buy his (Hardenbergh's) interest 
in the mill. But the latter would not sign off until he was fully 
satisfied in all other respects, and not then with a threat hanging 
over him. 

From this time there was nothing but trouble and disturbance.. 
Hardenbergh ran about the country, consulting his relatives and 
others, and Hasbrouck bought a note of fifty-six dollars against 
him, and sued him before Esquire James Divine. This rendered 
him almost frantic. He refused to sleep in bed at home, not- 
withstanding his wife used all her infliience to make him demean 
himself in a more rational way. From Thursday until the Sat- 
urday previous to the murder he wandered about through Nev- 
ersink, FaUsburgh and Liberty, trying to make an arrangement 
to pay the note Hasbrouck held, and detailing his grievances^ 
He failed to get money, and received no satisfactory advice. 

Thus far we have given the circumstances as related by him 
in his " Confession." We will now turn to the evidence given at 
his trial for more reliable information. 

That the deed was premeditated appears from the testimony 
of several witnesses. In October he had said to Henry H. Davis,, 
one of his neighbors, " D — n it, Hasbrouck oUght to be shot."^ 
" He deserves to die. He wants to take property which I ought 

* He frei^neatly spoke of what occurred wliile be was in bed at Hasbrouck'n as a 
" drdam or vision. It was nothing more than a dream or nightmare ; but it had as 
much effect on bia snperatitioue mind as if it had been supernatural. 


to enjoy myself." During the same month, he told Judge Grant, 
that his brothers-in-law were willing to take the bread from his 
tthildren's mouths, and give it to Hasbrouck ; " but he will not be 
benefited W it long, and you wiU see it." About the same time, 
he said to GeneralNiven, tliat he was deteimined to tiy to settle 
with Hasbrouck, and if he could not, " then he should die." On 
the Thursday previous to the murder, he declared to Samuel 
Adams of Neversink, that, rather than starve, he would "kill 
old Ant. Hasbrouck." According to his own declaration while 
in prison (but which did not appear in evidence at his trial) on 
the same Thursday, his wife upbraided him in relation to his 
troubles, and that he answered her by saying, " Hasbrouck must 
surrender the propertv or die." She replied that he must not 
think of such a thing; but from that moment he was determined 
to kill him, or bring him to terms, and made the jiecessary 

On Saturday he went to Liberty, where he purchased a pistol 
of Ebenezer Bush ; powder of Benjamin P. Buckley, and lead of 
Doctor John D. Watkins. He was very particular in testing 
the pistol, which he fired at an inch-board thirty yards distant; 
The ball passed through the board, and he was satisfied with it. 
He also inquired at the several stores for a hunting-knife or 
Bowie-knife. When asked what he intended to do with these 
things, he generally repUed, "I am going to kill a venomous 
beast." He also got a man named Lewis Smith to run him some 
bullets for his pistol. He then went home. 

The next morning (Sunday) at 8 o'clock, he came to the house 
where his mother lived, about one-half mile from the M. E, 
church of Liberty. He told her he had breakfasted at home*— 7 
drank a cup of tea with her — spent the time until the hour for 
morning service in conversing on rehgious subjects — ^went tp 
church — demeaned himself seriously and devoutly — took dinner 
with his mother — staid with her an horn* or two, and then left 
with his brother Jared, taking with him the gun mentioned in 

* " Whether before or after breakfast I do not remember. I read two chapters in 
the Bible, the 17th and 18th of Fsalma, and then went to prayer in company with my 
wife, as was our custom before breakfast. * • * My reading the said chapters was 
purely accidenttal. My prayer was as usual, praise for the abundant mercies shown 
me; for the aiBloted. m spirit, mind and body, and in; particular for Hasbrouck — that 
the liord might change his heart and make him sensible of the affliction he was bring- 
ing upon the already afflicted, and that it would please God to enable me to overcome 
him by charitable feelings, and not with any spirit of maUgnity, and that ottr differ- 
encesiQight be amicably adjusted, in truth and justice, and both made sensible of the 
errorot our ways, and our natures changed.from this worldly care to that of our eternal 
galTatipn. As soon as it was sufficiently light, to see to.walk, I started and took my 
pistol with me, * • » and also my son's gun. » * • When I oamq to the top of 
the mountain so that I could, see the roads, having the gun in my hands, I thought if 
I went through the village of Liberty, the people would take notice oi it, and that the 
cause of God would be injured. 80 I went across-lots all the way to mother's. When 
I got there, I went to the barn- and .left the gun there for fear the children might get 
jiud ot it. H^ mother did not see the gun, neither did she know iiiat I had any anng 
about me." — Lyfe and Ginffeasion of Hardenberffh. 


the foot-note. They walked together some distance, when Jarte^ 
went home and ComeUus proceeded to HasbrOuck's. Just be- 
fore reaching the residence of the latter, while crossing a bridge, 
he knelt and prayed " that the cup might pass from him; that 
he might not be under the necessity of kUhng Hasbrouck ; but 
thsft the latter might adjust the dispute amicably." He then 
went to the house, where he found 'Hasbrouck and his wife, a 
little daughter of O. H. Bush (Hasbrduck's grandchild), and a 
Mrs. Nancy Depuy,* at supper. He was asked to take a seat ; 
but declined, saying his boots werp diriy, and went into an aid- 
joiaing room, where he pulled off his boots. Heaving them there,, 
he returned, and sat dowUi Hfe had not yet brought the gun 
into the room with him. Some conversafaon then took place 
between the two men about their affairs; but with no satisfac- 
torj result. Hardenbergh asked Hasbrouck, amongother things,, 
if he was willing that he should hold his wife's share of the miH, 
pay his part of the expenses, and receive a fair proportion of 
the profits; Hasbrouck replied that he would not hold property 
that way with any one. xbey talked also about the suit before 
Divine. Hardenbergh then went out, after putting on his over- 
coat and hat; but in a few minutes re-entered, with his gun 
pointed at Hasbrouck, saying, " You have got to die to-night." 
Hasbrouck instantly sprang from the chair in which he was 
sittii^, and seized hold of the gun, which he turned aside, and 
downward as his assailant discharged it. The charge passed: 
through the floor at Hasbrouck's side, and about a foot from: 
him. The two men then caught hold of each other, and a scuffle 
took place, during which Cornelius struck the doomed man sev- 
eral times with his fist, and drew his pistol and shot him in the 
abdomen. They were so close together that Hardenbergh was 
compelled to turn partly aroimd to fire. While this was occur- 
ring, the httle girl ran from the house to alarm the neighbors. 
After the pistol was fired, Hasbrouck exclaimed, "Leave me 
alone. I am a dead, man." They continued to struggle with 
each other until Hasbrouck was partly down, when Mrs. Lef ever 
cried, "Cornelius, what are you about?" He waved his hand, 
and said, "Aunt, get out of the way!" She then ran out for 
help. The assailant next drew his knife, and attempted to stab 
Hasbrouck in the throat. To get at his throat more conveniently, 
he endeavored to puU back Hasbrouck's head, when Mrs. H. 
shielded her husband's neck with her hand, screaming, "For 
God's sake, don't cut his throat! you have kSled him already!" 
The infuriated demon ordered her away, and cut her severely 
across the palm of her hand. He then continued to cut and 

* Hasbrouck vraa related to Hardenbergh by marriage. Mra. Sepuy was a sister 
of Docto* Ben^aintii Hat:d«nbergh. 


Btab his victim until the latter -wrpsted the knife from him, and 
st?!|.i)bed him in the breast. The murderer then caught up a 
chair, and struck the prostrate man two blows with it — threw it 
away, and went out of doors to get a club to finish his bloody 
work. Mrs. Hasbrouck bolted the door after him. She then 
assisted her husbapd to walk, out of the room — across the hall, 
and into a back parlor. She left him there, locking the door 
after her. She also fastened the front hall-door. While this 
was going on, she lieard Hardenbergh break through the kitchen- 
door, and as she. passed to the room in which they had had 
supper, she saw him come into the ha^, and go to the parlor- 
door and strike it with the club to break it open. She then 
went out through the kjtchen-door to the road, to see if help 
was coming, and met JAmes S. "WeUs, Jacob Brodhead and Mrs. 
Lefever, a few rods from the house. All hurried to tl^e bloody 
scene. As they approached, tliey saw Hardenbergh leaving, 
with the gun in his hands, Brodhead said to him, "Case, is 
that you? What have you been doing?" Hardenbergh an- 
swered, "If you advance, you are a dead man!" and went away. 
They then entered the kitchen, and passed through the sitting- 
room and hall to the parlor where Mrs. Hasbrouck had left her 
husband; but at first were greatly surprised at not seeing him 
there. Brodhead cried, "Where can he be?" They then heard 
him under a bed, where he had crawled to hide while the mur- 
derer was kicking and pounding the door. He said, "Dear 
friends, for God's sake, help me!" and, then extended one of his 
hands, which they grasped and helped him out. Holding up : 
the bloody knife in the other, he said, "Thisjs the knife he 
stabbed ine wjth. I fended off the rifle ; but the pistol I could, 
not," Brodhead proposed to send for a Doctor ; but Hasbrouck 
thought it would do no good. "It is no use. I am shot. I am 
a dying, ma,n." In. about fifteen minutes, he was dead. 

The body was found to be terribly cut and mangled. Thete 
were some wounds on the head; the chin was cut; there was a 
cut from the right angle of the mouth around on the neck, which 
had severed the external carotid artery and jugjilar vein ; there 
was a stab on eaeh side, and W each arm; the posterior of the 
left thigh was out nearly across; the ball had torn open the 
abdomen near the navel, and lacerated the intestines, which 
protruded from the wound, and there were other injuries. Sev- 
eral of these wounds were each sufficient to cause death. 

An inquest was held by Giles M. Benedict of MonticeUo, who 
was then a Coroner. 

Hardenbergh went- from Hasbrouck's house easterly to a hiU. 
According to his own declaration, his object was to consider 
which way to go; iiiat at first he intended tq go to Monticello 
to give himself Tip; but finding that his wound was serious, he 


concluded to go to the house of his uncle, Thomas E. Harden- 
bergh, and surrender himself there. He went to the house ; met 
his cousin, Peter D. Hardenbergh, at the door; said he was "a 
poor, miserable man, and had murdered Ant. Hasbronck ;" did 
not enter the house, fearing that he wovld frighten his aunt ; 
gave up his gun, saying, "That didn't do it;" and the pistol, 
"This done it;" and asked his uncle to ascertain whether 
Hasbrouck was dead. They then started in the direction of 
Hasbrouck's house, and on the road met John A. Van Benschoten, 
who told them that Hasbrouck was dead. On hearing this, 
Cornelius said, " Then I shall die contented, and I expect by 
the laws of my country I shall have to be hung." He hoped his 
wound was fatal ; prayed earnestly for death, and wished to be 
taken to the mill, as he had a right there. He was brought to 
the house occupied by L. Misner, at the mill, where he was kept 
aU night, and on the next day an examination took place before 
James Divine, Esq., after which he was taken to jail on a bed 
by a constable named Edwin Porter. 

Hundreds flocked to the court-house to see him. They found 
him pale and weak from loss of blood ; but ready and willing to 
give the most minute details of the shocking tragedy, and cool 
knd adroit in advancing arguments, in defense of his own con- 
duct. His description of the affair was wonderfully lucid and 
graphic-r-much more so than that of any one who witnessed the 
murder. In giving the writer a history of it, he said, " I cut him 
(Hasbrouck) across the thigh because, in reading one of my 
father's books, I learned that one of the main arteries was there. 
I knew that if I could cut that, he would bleed to death." This 

E roves that he used his knife with butcher-like coolness, and that 
is thrusts and slashes were not only fierce, but made with a 
premeditated purpose. 

To those who talked with him about the murder, he spoke as 
follows : 

Visitor. — Hardenbergh, I am sorry to see you in this situation. 

Hardknbergh. — If I had gone to law, the sum in dispute would 
have been squandered. Hasbrouck was rich, and I poor. In 
law, a poor man has not as good a chance as a rich one. 

V. — You don't believe that a wealthy man has all the advan- 

H. — I reviewed the whole matter, and concluded to take the 
law into my own hands. 

V. — What law did you have to take into your own hands? 

H, — The law of nature. 

V. — It will not do for us to rely on that law. We have other 
laws to protect us. 

H. — When the Canadians came across the line to get our 
property, we had a right to shoot them. 


V. — ^That is a different case. Tliey became public enemies. 

H. — Hasbrouck was a public robber. And I was an instru- 
ment in the hands of God to punish him. 

As long as he lived, his mind on this subject did not undergo 
a material change. When asked why he spoke of the affair so 
freely, for several months his usual answer was — " A defense is 
useless. Too many witnessed the deed." But in time, his de- 
sire to live revived. Some one gave him Upham's book on 
" Deranged Mental Faculties," and he found in that work evi- 
dence which satisfied him that he was not Only insane when he 
committed the murder ; but that he had been subject to abeiTa- 
tions of mind from the time he was six years old, when he 
received a severe blow on the head. His memory then became 
very defective as to the material facts in regard to the murder. 
He could remember facts which placed Hasbrouck iii an un- 
favorable hght, and could distort others so as to blacken his 
memory; but seemed -to be obhvious as to every preparation he 
had made to commit the crime of murder, or explamed all his 
previous words and acts with wonderful ingenuity, and of the 
murder itself — that murder which he had described scores of 
times with so much precision — ^he knew, or pretended to know, 
absolutely nothing ! He continued to adhere to this theory of 
his case as long as he lived. But a few days before his execu- 
tion, he thus described his iuterview with his victim on the even- 
ing of the murder : 

" I asked him if he would allow me anything for the use of 
the mill property. He said he would not. Then I said, 'Has- 
brouck, you ought or should consider that you are taking the 
bread out of the mouths of my wife and children, by withhold- 
ing the interest of the mill property from me.' With a stem 
look of contempt he answered, 'IE you have come here on busi- 
ness, do it ; for I do not want to hear anything of that kind.' 
Then I asked him if he was willing to divide the miU property 
without having recourse to the law. He said, 'No. It must be 
divided by law.' Then I asked him on what terms we could 
aettle the suit. He said I might confess a judgment of $56, if I 
had a mind to. At this I said, 'Hasbrouck, you have destroyed 
the peace of my mind and the peace of my family. I have left 
my wife, whom you have defrauded, overwhelmed in grief and 
trouble.' In a passion he exclaimed, ' I don't care a d — n for 
you or your family, if I can only get your wife to sign off.' Be- 
fore Hasbrouck had fairly finished his sentence, my aunt, Nancy 
Lefever, began saying that I had been riding about all summer, 
and that I"fiad murdered that poor woman, my wife. Then all 
feeling left me, and reason forsook her empire. All that I can 
recollect after this is, I thought I must go away. I knew not 
what I did until the fatal deed was done, and I had returned as 


far as the road that leads to the bridge, when I stopped aoct 
fovind myself bleeding." 

And yet, while he was stabbing and gashing his victim, he 
actually remembered the position of a large artery, and with 
savage precision severed it with his knife ; and for months rfe- 
lated every cirdumstance with greater accuracy than the two 
respectable and inteUigent ladies who were present when he 
slew Hasbrouct! 

Hardenbergh's trial took place in MonticeUo at the October 
Circuit of 1841, before Hon. Charles H. Euggles. Seventy-two 
jurors were called, sixty of whom were set aside or challenged, be- 
fore a sufficient number were sworn and empaneled. John Gray, 
jr., William Wells, John Nelson, Benjamin Decker, Augustus 
Dodge, Asahel Hollister, Samuel West, Abijah W. Lewis, Ben- 
jamin Millspaugh, Daniel Bowen, jr., Israel P. Tremain and 
Gideon Hombeck composed the jury. WiUis HaU, Attorney- 
general, Alpheiis Dimmick, District attorney, and Archibald C. 
Niven, appeared for the prosecution; Herman M. Eomeyn and 
John Van Buren, for the prisoner. William B. Wright and 
Nicholas -Sickles were also engaged for the defense, but were 
prevented from being present at the trial by sickness. During 
the progress of the trial, John W. Brown, was added tp the 
prisoner's counsel. 

The prosecution proved the killing, and sundry declarations 
and acts v^hich showed that the crime was premeditated and 
from malice. 

The defense attempted to prove that the prisoner was insane, 
and certainly established the fact that he had been eccentric in 
many respects. They attempted to introduce traditionary testi- 
mony to prove that his great-grandfather was insane, but were 
overruled by the Court. After a fuU and fair trial, which con- 
tinued five days, the jury retired jEor consultation, and in twenty 
minutes brought in a verdict of guilty. Sentence was suspended, 
to give the defense an oppottuidty to procure a decision of the 
SupreAie Court as to the correctness of introducing traditionary 
evidehoe in regard to the insanity of remote ancestors. 

Hardenbergh spoke to oie or two of the jurors, approving of 
their velcdiet, and was then remanded to prison, where he re- 
mained until the May term of 1842, \vhen he was brought from 
his cell for sentence. Wlien asked why sentence slipuH not b& 
pronounced in his case, he arose and delivered a somewhat in- 
coherent harangue, in which he attacked some of the witnesses 
who had testified against him at his trial; contended that he 
was of unsound mind when he cominitted the deed ;„ said that 
the murder "was not the act of a poor individual, but the juclg- 
ment of Almighty God upon a thankless, ungi-ateful, sinful, people, 
who wish to a^randize themselves at the expense of the poor ;" 


and hoped that the Court would give him "time to make a full 
disclosure of circumstances. He wanted to live only for that 

The Court then sentfenced him to be "huHg by the neck until 
he was dead" on the 14th day of July, 1842. 

He was principally occupied during the next six weeks in 
writing his "Life and Confession," and in attempting to break out 
of jail. He had procured a small table-knife with which he cut 
aWay the head of a rivet which attached a chaia to the shackles 
on nis ankles. This chain fastened him to the floor. He could 
free himseK from it at any time. He had also hammered his, 
handcuffs with a stick of wood so that he could slip them from 
his wrists. With his knife, a short piece of idre, aa^ a small 
quantity of lead he had made a key which unlocked his door. 
He had been out in the hall as far as the front door, and in a 
night or two more would have been at large; but Sheriff KeUey , 
put a p&dlock' on the cell-door in addition to the other locks and 
bolts, and occupied a cell close by aS a sleeping-room. His es- 
cape was thus prevented; and on the morning previous to the 
execution, being satisfied that he could not get away, he gave 
the key, knife, etc., to the Sheriff, saying, "Here is the knife 
with'which I could have killed you." 

He was executed in accordance with the sentence of the Court, 
by Sheriff Felix KeUey, assisted by his deputies, Anson Gale 
and Henry Everard. By his request, Bev. Edward K. Fowler, 
rector of St. John's Church, Monticello, and Eev. Isaac G. 
Duryea, pastor of the Dutch Keformed Church a.t Woodboume, 
attended him to the gaUows. His bearing throughout was firm 
and unwavering, but without bravado or ostentation. Through- 
out the day, his conversation bore the semblance of fervid piety. 
He exhibited his eccentricity to the last ; for he requested tha,t 
his body should be buried between his mother's house and barn, 
and that a pair of old slippers, which he had worn in the prison, 
should be interred with him. 

After the death of Anthony Hasbrouck, Moses Dean and 
William M. HaU were prominent as merchants of the upper 
neighborhood. The former removed to Sycamore, in Illinois, 
where he became a wealthy banker. While Mr. HaU Hved here, 
a very unusual accident occurred to one of his sons. While 
busy with a pair of oxen, a chain attached to the yoke caught 
his leg, which was instantly severed from his body. 

Benjamin Grant was a merchant here in 1865. While he was 
drawing kerosene from a barrel by candle-light, on the 30th of 
Jxme, the oil caught fire, and his store was destroyed. 


One of the early settlers of Woodboume was John Tappen.^ 
He was a native of Dutchess county, an offshoot of the re- 
spectable Esopus family of that name, and had served creditably 
as a lieutenant in the Eevolutionary army. His descendants 
state that previous to 1800, he bought two hundred acres of 
land on the east side of the river at Woodboume, on which ia 
now a part of the village. Besides the flats, his tract included 
some ridge-land. While he was there, a saw-mill was erected 
on the small stream which runs between the residences of Austin 
Strong and Medad T. Morss. The quantity of lumber manu- 
factured at this miU was never large. Mr. Tappen received a 
warranty deed, and paid cash for his land; but his right to it 
was questioned by William A. Thompson of Thompsonville, 
who claimed to be the real owner, and threatened to eject Mr. T. 
From whom the latter claimed title, we cannot ascertain; but 
we believe that he was one of the victims of Henry K. Beekman, 
and Thompson, who was a shrewd and bold speculator, bought 
of Gerard or Gross Hardenbergh. Tappen, although a brave 
soldier, was frightened at the prospect of an endless lawsuit, 
with its ruinous expenses. Probably knowing that his title 
was good for nothing, and to avoid hopeless litigation, he com- 
promised with Thompson, by giving up his fine property, with 
its improvements, and receiving a deed for eighty acres of wild 
land north of Pleasant lake, in Thompson — >the premises now 
owned- by his son, WiUiam Tappen, 

Thompson also made a demonstration on the farm of James 
Hill, west of the river, by coming there with a surveyor and his 
assistants. While the intruders were running a Une through a 
wheat-field> Hill attacked them with an ax, and threatening to 
" chop them up," drove them away. The occupant was not 
again disturbed. Probably Thompson was satisfied that Hill's 
title was good, and for this reason proceeded no further in the 

Woodboume was not a place of much importance previous to 
1830, at about which time Gabriel W. Ludlum became inter- 
ested in its affairs. He came into the county in 1826, and in 
December of that year engaged in .business at Hasbrouck. After 
remaining there four years, he commenced operations at Wood- 
boume. He was a lawyer by profession — naturally obsequious 
to his superiors and affable to his equals ; but too often brusque 
and dommeering to those he esteemed his inferiors. While of 

* Jacob Conklin, subsequently of Denniston's ford, settled in Woodboume preyi- 
ous to 1790. He wag a man of education ; had taken the wrong aide in the Bevolntion, 
and wafi not considered safe in business affairs. — MSS. of B, G. C'hilds. 

The declaration of B. G. Childs is probably based on common report. We have in 
our possession evidence that Conkhn commanded a company of Ulster County Militia 
during the war, and that he was sometimes actively employed against the enemy. 


this county, and for several years afterwards, he was of "good 
repute in church and state." He was whimsical, and generally, 
with a crotchet predominant in his brain, was mounted on a 
hobby. It was said of him that he was either " all horse, all 
bull, or all hog." 

AJEter removing from the upper neighborhood, he overflowed 
with projects for the advancement of Woodboume, which he 
beheved would become a place of considerable importance. He 
bestowed upon it its name. He had read in the newspapers, if 
not in the works of Shakspeare, of a " bourne from which no 
traveler returns," and hastily decided that Woodboume* was a 
very pretty and very appromiate designation for his embryo 
village. In 1830, -with John Brodhead, jr., Jacob E. Bogardus, 
Anthony Hasbrouck, Henry Misner, Charles Hartshorn, James 
N. EockweH, Nathan Hombeck, Henry Southwick, H. M. Ha,i-- 
denbergh and Benjamin K. Bevier, he projected a turnpike-road 
from EUenville to Woodboume. The proposed improvement 
was not at first successful. In 1834, the bold proposition was 
made to construct a road from the Wallkill bridge, in New Paltz, 
via the Traps, EUenville, Woodboume and Loch Sheldrake, to 
the house of Walter Gray, in Liberty. This, meeting with still 
less favor, was abandoned, in its turn, and efforts made to secure 
a turnpike from EUenville to .Liberty. It was not until he re- 
moved from the town that the EUenviUe and Woodboume road 
was made, when such men as Austin Strong, Anthony Hasbrouck, 
Charles Hartshorn and Jasper Gilbert consummated the enter- 

In connection with his road projects was one to construct an 
arched bridge across the Neversink, and in 1833, proposals were 
issued for the stone and wood work ; but the enterprise was at 
that time a failure. 

Ludlum was also identified, m 1831, and subsequent year«i, 
with the project of making a railroad from Kingston across 
Sullivan county to Owego or Chenango Point, and was one of 
the Commissioners to decide between the anticipated rival 
claimants for stock. 

He favored these things with the enthusiasm of a young girl 
in pursuit of a butterfly, and with an equal measure of success. 
In other and smaller .affairs he was more fortunate. We believe 
that he was influential in removing the site of the Dutch Reformed 
chvttch-edifice from Hasbrouck to Woodboume. In addition to 
t^is, he built the fine stone mansion now (1871) the residoice 
of Austin Strong, and the store which was occupied by W. W. 
Smith in 1869, in which year it was destroyed by fire. 

*^Bown signifies a, woodland stream or rivnlet, a bonnd, a limit, a point anived at, 
» goal. Vide Noah Webster's Unabridged Dictionary. 


In 1^31 commenced the era 'of tanning in Sullivan. In the 
faU^bf that year John Eldridge laid the foundation of a large 
sfole-leather manufactory in Thompson, and Rufus Palen and 
Jiis partner Ada,lns that of another at the Falls of the Neversink. 
'llifewis Btishnell was in search of a good place for another estab- 
lishment of the kind, and while thus engaged visited Ludlum. 
*rhe latter at once decided that a tannery would cause a large 
viUkge tp spring up at Woodboume, and to him the future was 
glorious with wealth and aggrandizement. He at once offered 
to supply BushneU with water-power gratis, and to open streets 
aad give him alternate village-lots, if he would go on with the 
taiinery ; but BushneE's experience taught him that village-lots 
around a tannery were not often a source of wealth. In addition 
to this, Ludlum s evident lack of discretion ia business affairs 
led him to avoid being involved in financial matters with him. 
Bushnell soon after located at Tannersdale, in Thompson. A 
tannery, however, was almost immediately erected at Wood- 
boume, in which Austin Strong had a controUing interest. After 
prosecuting the business successfully for several years, Mr. 
Strong formed a business connection with Medad T. Morss, who 
finally purchased Mr. Strong's interest, and was the sole pro- 
prietor until the estabhshment was destroyed by fire. As the 
supply of hemlock-bark in the vicinity was limited, the factory 
was not rebuilt. 

In 1838, Mr. Ludlum became weary of the life he was leading 
in Fallsburgh, and removed to Kingston, where he resumed the 
practice of law, with James C. Forsyth as a partner. He was 
not subsequently connected with the affairs of Sullivan, and, 
like Forsyth, was an exile from his family. He died on the coast 
of the Pacific in 1872. 

Some of his projects were in the end consummated. A good 
turnpike, in 1838, was made from Woodbourne to EUenviUe, 
which was fterwards extended to Liberty, and by the shrewdness 
of Austin Strong and Eichard Oliver, means were provided for 
spanning the Neversink with an arched bridge. 

This bridge was the cause of an animated controversy in 1846. 

In October, 1843, people who lived in the neighborhood, to 
build the bridge, raised fl,227.07 by subscription. Of this sum 
Austin Strong gave $300; Eichard Oliver, $100; Charles W. 
Brodhead, Thomas Hardenbergh and Medad T. Morss, $60 
each, making $550 of the $1,227.07. At the annual meeting of 
the Supefvisors in November of the same year, Mr. Strong, who 
was a member of the Board, succeeded in securing an appropri- 
ation from the county of $600 to aid in the building of the work, 
and the town raised by tax |200 in addition for the same pur- 
pose. Thus the aggregate amount secured by subscription and 
the two appropriations was $2,027.07. This, it was believed, 


•was suffident to build the bridge, which is about 250 feet in 

On the 20th of May, 1844, Austin Strong, Richard Oliver and 
•Charles W. Brodhead, the building committee, contracted with 
Nathaniel F. Kile, of Liberty, to do a portion of the -(Vork, and 
he promptly commenced it. After about $200 had been ex- 
pended on the pier in the centre of the stream, the work was so 
mlich damaged by a freshet, that it was necessaiy to remove 
what remained of it, and to dig a pit in the bottom of the stream 
in which to construct a foundation of bmsh and stone. This 
was expensive, and retarded me work until late in the season, 
when the weather was so unfavorable as to render the cost 

When the plank-flooring was laid, the committe^found that 
ihey had expended aU the available means provided for them, 
and $889.54 in addition. They then applied to the Legislature 
of the State for an enactment requiring the Supervisors of Sul- 
livan to raise $1,000 on the property of the county in two equal 
annual instalments, and $500 from FaUsburgh, to complete the 
work. Their petition contained twenty-seven names, while there 
were remonstrances against the passage of the act signed by 
669 Tesidents of the county. Eichard Oliver, one of the building 
-committee, was then a member of the Assembly, and it was 
alleged that the parties to be benefited by the act procured, his 
noinination and secured his election to promote their project. 
However this may be, he had sufficient address to insijre the 
passage of the act. 

At their next meeting, the Supervisors took measures to raise 
the moiety of the county and town appropriations as the law 
required, but directed the County Treasurer to retain the money 
until the entire amount ($1,500) was collected ; they also stigma- 
tized the bridge as a private enterprise, and forwarded ,a memo- 
rial asking for a repeal of the I3.W, and that the amount raised 
should be applied to the payment of the^county indebtedness. 
A petition of a similar character, signed by 1,434 persons, was 
also sent to Albany, and a remonstrance against repeal to which 
but thirty-two names were attached. The county papers de- 
nounced the act, and arraigned Mr. Oliver and his colleagues at 
the bar of public opinion, an^ a respectable delegation went to 
the State capitol to procure an annulment of the act. Notwith- 
standing all this, and the additional fact that the member from 
the county (Wilham B. Wright) professed to favor repeal, ajid 
that he was probably the most talented representative ever sent 
to the lower House from the county, the act was permitted to 
remain in full force. The niefiiorial and petition were referre^d 
to the Committee on Internal Affairs of Towns and Counties, a 
jnajoiity and minority report were made to the Assembly, and 


no further action took place. The next Board of Supervisors 
raised the balance of the money, as the law directed ; the build- 
ing committee reimbursed themselves, and paid for covering 
the bridge ; and thus tejminated an exceedingly bitter contro- 
tersy. The bridge cost the county, $1,600 ; the town of FaUs- 
burgh, $700 ; and those more laigely interested, $1,227.07. Total, 
$3,527.07. At this day, no one will deny that the work is a 
necessity to a considerable number of the residents of the 
county; but many will question the propriety of the means 
employed to secure its completion. 

Before dismissing, the matter, it may be proper to state that 
the building committee paid from their own pockets $889.54 in 
the faU of 1844, and received that amount in return in 1848> 
without interest. 

In addition to the Eeformed church, there is at "Woodbume a 
German Catholic church, of which Rev. P. Droste is the pastor. 
The latter was buUt in 1860, under the pastorate of Father 
Eanfeisen, and is known as the church of the Holy Trinity. 

On the 24th of January, 1837, the remains of David Wheeler 
and David C. Wheeler (father and son) were found nearly con- 
sumed by fire. They had taken a job of chopping for Charles 
W. Brocmead, near Woodboume, and occupied a shanty made 
of hemlock-slabs, near their work. In the ashes of this shanty 
their dead bodies were discovered. It was supposed by some 
that their shelter took fire, near its entrance, while they were 
asleep, and that egress was thus prevented. Others suspected 
that they were murdered, and that the shanty was set on fire to 
conceal aU traces of the crime. Albert W. Wheeler, a son of 
David, published a card in the Be/yiMican Watchman soon after, 
in which he denounced this suspicion as painful to the family of 
the deceased, and injurious to others. Nevertheless many con- 
tinued to believe that the Wheelers were murdered. No inquest 
was held. 

Three brothers named Brown settled near the Falls of the 
Neversink previous to 1797. One of them (Samuel) occupied 
the O'Neil place ; another (Thaddeus, who is mentioned in the 
records of Mamakating) lived where the residence of Nicholas 
Flagler now stands. The cabin of the third (Obadiah) was .in 
the neighborhood. They were Dutchmen, and naturally gravi- 
tated to warm, sheltered and easily tilled river-bottoms. Their 
descendants are still living in Fallsburgh and other towns of 
the county. , 

The river here descends a precipice said to be more than 
twenty feet in height, and follows a narrow channel through the 
rocks for several rods. This channel is of considerable depth, 
and on its sides the water, with the help of pebbles and small 
stones, has worn numerous basin-Uke holes. These will hold 


from one to many gallons, and are justly regarded as objects of 

The Falls of the Neversink early attracted the attention of 
spectilators. The ease with which the river could be dammed,, 
the great water-power which could be wielded for manufact- 
uring purposes, and the fact that the Neversink could be 
bridged at this point at less expense than at any other, and that, 
the amount of travel westward would probably flow over it, led 
the Powells of Newburgh and others to make mvestmpnts here.. 

On the 30th of March, 1810, the Newburgh and Sullivan 
Turnpike Company was incorporated by the Legislature of the- 
State. Cornelius Bruyn, James Rumsey, Abraham Jansen,, 
John D. Lawson, John McAuley, Moses Tiosekranse, Nicholas 
Hardenbergh and Johannis T. Jansen were the corporate mem- 
bers, and the route was to extend from the northern part of the 
village of Newburgh to a point at or near the Falls of the Never- 
sink, by the way of New Hurley, Sam's Point and Wawarsing. 
The capital stock of the company was $35,000, and Jacob Powell,, 
John Crowell, James Mitchell, Levi Van Keuren and Simon 
Bevier were appointed commissioners to receive subscriptions.. 
The object of the company was "to open the western country," 
according to the act, and the road was intended to tap the route 
from Kingston via Liberty, etc., to Chenango Point. During the 
same session, an act was passed incorporating a company to 
construct a bridge at the latter place. 

On the 11th of April, 1808, the Ulster and Orange Branch 
Turnpike Company was chartered. Walter Burling, Elnathan 
Sears, Henry Patmore, junior, David MiUiken, Elias Miller, 
Charles Johnston, John Crosby, Alexander Thompson, junior,, 
and their associates were authorized to build a turnpike road, 
from the Newburgh and Cochecton road, in the town of Mont- 
gomery, to the Neversink turnpike,* in Liberty, by the way of 
Newkirk's Mills on the Shawangunk river, Roosa's Pass, and 
the Falls of the Neversink. The capital of the company wa& 
$30,000. Elnathan Sears, Thomas Powell and John Conger 
were commissioners to procure stock. 

In 1808, Herman Euggles and Henry Reed came to the FaUs, 
built a house, and engaged in business as merchants, etc. Their 
house stood between the grist-mill and the old river-road. 
Ruggles was a lawyer, and was admitted to practice in the 
Courts of the county at the January Common Pleas and General 
Sessions of 1810. There was but one lawyer in Monticello at 
that time (Livingston Billings). Ruggles was a brother of 
Charles H. Ruggles, who afterwards became a distinguished 

* See chaj>ter on Neversink. 


jurist* A saw-mill was built by them in 1808, and the grist- 
mill in 1809. 

Thomas S. Loekwood bought out these men, as well as Jacob 
and Thomas Powell, and accomplished much in developing the 
natural resources of the Falls. He erected buildings, and in- 
duced others to settle in the place. Abner Seeley, a mill-wright 
«mployed in building the grist-mill, became the miller of the 
j)lace, and was succeeded by his son (Oliver) and his grandson 
((Horace). He was a warm admirer of the Methodists, and 
named one of his sons in honor of Eev. Horace "Weston, and 
.another after Eev. James Quinlan, two pioneer preachers of the 
Methodist society. In 1816, the Falls was known as Lockwood's 


Loekwood was very active in promoting the construction of the 
!branch-turnpike, a work which was not completed until 1818. It 
•caused much vexation to owners of real estate located within five 
■or six miles of it. When all other schemes to construct it proved 
abortive, their property was taxed to make the road. This tax re- 
sulted in great advantage to Loekwood, who became the owner 
of many fine acres of forest-land when they were sold by the 
'Comptroller, and the owners failed to redeem them. At the 
time of his decease, in September, 1837, he possessed about 
10,000 acres, nearly all of which were purchased at tax-sales. 

The Lockwoods were from Newburgh, where they enjoyed 
'high social position. This fact will be more apparent if we state 
■that when La Fayette visited the United States in 1824, he 
-opened a ball given in his honor with a daughter of Mr. Lock- 
Tvood as his partner. 

Thomas S. Loekwood was very influential in procuring the 
^erection of the town. He was opposed by the leading residents 
at the county-seat, who, to promote their partisan aims, labored 
to prevent an excision from the area of Thompson. 

It was proposed to bestow the name of Loekwood on the new 
town. This met with no favor from him. He thought no resi- 
dent was entitled to the honor of having his name thus perpetu- 
ated, and that, as the Falls of the Neversink were the most 
notable feature of its territory, the name of Fallsburgh was 
preferable to any other. 

The river, a short distance below the Falls, was spanned by 
.-an arched stone bridge in 1819. The abutments stand on the 
(bed-rock, and the work is one of the most substantial and en- 
during things of the kind in the State. Unmoved it has stood 
■the ebullitions of "the mad river" for more than half a century; 
although at times it has been in much peril. The great flood 
of 1869 overwhelmed it. On the east side the parapet and 

* statement of Eichard D. Childs. t SeBsion Laws of 1816, 


ssuperincumbent stone and earth-work were swept away as far 
■down as the foundation. Great trees, stripped of their limbs 
and roots, were hurled by the foaming flood!, with the force of 
many battering-rams, agaihst the arch, which raised its head 
aboTe the subsiding flood, a proud and enduring monument of 
the fidelity and skul of its builder — a Mr. Kelley, of Newburgh. 

During Lockwood's days, the business of distilling spirituous 
liquors was carried on in the old tannery boarding-house, where 
many casks of undrugged whisky were made. A few years since, 
the "pump" which supplied the water for the still was standing 
in one corner of the kitchen. 

At the head of the rocky channel above alluded to is a sub- 
:stantial dam, which, previous to the flood of 1869, furnished 
-water to propel the machinery of two saw-mills, a turning-shop, 
^rist-miH and tannery. The flood of that year de^royed the 
turning-shop and one of the saw-mills, and the business of tan- 
ning has since been abandoned. 

Eufus Palen & Co. laid the foundation of the tannery in 1831, 
•and the establishment commenced manufacturing sole-leather 
in 1832. The main building was 350 feet in length, and 40 wide, 
and contained 160 vats, which were capable of holding 25,000 
sides of leather. Four thousand cords of hemlock-bark and 
seven hundred of wood were used each year. From thirty to 
forty workmen were employed. Cost of raw material in 1845, 
when the business was in its prime, $45,144 — value of manufact- 
ured articles, $65,860. Besides the main edifice, there were 
other structures for the bark-mill, leaches and sweat-pits. 

This establishment was in operation nearly forty years, and, 
strange to say, was never burned down. Its preservation from 
the usual fate of tanneries was due to the admirable rules estab- 
lished by Bufus Palen, and enforced by his associates and suc- 
cessors. These rules nearly cost him his liberty and good name, 
as he was indicted in 1832 for attempting to shoot a fellow who 
persisted in smoking in the tannery-building. 
( Mr. Finch, the builder, had in his employ a number of men 
who habitually smoked while at work on the premises, notwith" 
standing Mr. Palen had forbidden the practice. As free and 
independent citizens they claimed the right to use tobacco at 
any time and everywhere, and in the manner which best suited 
them. An infringement of this assumed right they regarded as 
tyrannical and an outrage. Entering the. tannery on one occa- 
sion, Palen found a man named Brown, smoking, and after a 
severe struggle, wrested his pipe from him, and threw him out 
of the buildmg. For this, one Hubbard excited the workman 
against Palen, and he was threatened with personal violence. 
IJnder the circumstances, the latter deemed it expedient to pro- 
"vide himself with a pistol, which he afterwards attempted to use 


in self-defense ; but it was wrested fTom him by Hubbard, ott 
whose complaint he was arrested, and tried on a charge of 
assault and battery with intent to kiU. Palen was tried before 
a democratic judge. Political asperities were acrid at that time. 
The alleged offender was an influential whig. In the democratic 
party there was a bitter feeling aga,inst him. Nevertheless, after 
a full and fair investigation, he was honorably acquitted. 

In 1838, Eufus Palen was elected a representative in Congress 
from the 7th district. In 1839, Edward and Arthur Palen, and 
their cousin, Nicholas Flagler, became interested with Eufus and 
James Palen in the business, which was then extended in vari- 
ous ways. Eufus died of consumption soon after his term in 
Congress expired.* Although a very wealthy man, he was sin- 
gularly plain and unostentatious in his habits. His residence 
was almost as humble as those of his workmen. His sterling 
integrity, unusual foresight, and primitive ways, enabled him to 
pilot his large ventures safely through the financial breakers of 
his time. His reputation, lie that of his business associates 
and successors, was without a stain or a blot. The financial skill 
of the firm was never employed to absorb the earnings of its 
employees. The members took pleasure in seeing their work- 
men gradually win a competence, and we record it as a remark- 
able fact, that they paid compound interest to such of their 
dependents as saved money, and let it remain in their hands. 

The dam which suppHed the Pallsburgh tannery with water 
was the scene of a sad casualty on the 30th of November, 1837. 
Henry, a son of John Quinlan, while skating, broke through the 
ice. As young Quinlan was struggling in the water, a lad named 
Stephen Kidd attempted to rescue him. He, too, was precipi- 
tated into the water, and both were drowned. Kidd had, on a 
former occasion, rescued a drowning boy. 

On the 2d of June, 1841, an old man named Seeley, while 
cleaning a spring in the neighborhood, feU into it, and was 
drowned. His face only was in the water. 

The hills and swamps in the vicinity of the Falls were once 
noted places for hunting, and trapping bears. The usual manner 
of catching these animals was to make a pen of logs, with a door 
at one end. This door was so arranged that it could only be 
opened and shut from the outside. When " set," it was raised 
up ; and it fell as soon as bruia meddled with the bait, securing: 
him effectually. It was nothing more or less than an old-fash- 
ioned mouse-trap on a large scale, and with a slight variation. 
J An old settler named Seeley, on visiting a trap he had made,, 
foimd in it a cub, which he shot. He then laid down his gun, 
raised the door, fixed it precisely as if he had set it for more 

* Gilbert W. Palen became a member of the firm in 1848. 


^ame, and entered to take out the young bear. While inside, 
he accidentally touched the leyer or spindle, when down fell the 
door. Sfeeley was literally caught in his own trap. To get out 
without help was impossible, and unless some one soon found 
him, or he could masticate and swallow raw bear meat, he had 
a somewhat gloomy prospect of starvation. But this was not 
the worst feature oi his dilemma. He soon had reason to fear 
that, instead of eating the young animal, he would himself be 
-devoured by an old one. The cub's dam made her appearance, 
and seeing her suckling in strange company, flew into a great 
rage, and rushed at the imprisoned hunter. We believe he was 
a pious man. If he had prayed to be dehvered from ihe trap, 
he now had occasion to pray that it would hold him securely. 
The brute caught hold of the logs with her powerful fore-paws, 
and tried to pull them from their places, at the same»time biting 
off large moutlrfuls of wood and bark. Not succeeding in this, 
she would run her claws through the crevices, and endeavor to 
grab him, causing him to shrink as far and "as small as possible 
on the other side. As he changed his position, she changed hers, 
and he found it prudent to move about in a lively manner, while 
he shouted with all his might. Providentially, Philander Waring, 
who was afterwards Clerk of the county, was in the same woods 
hunting, and heard Seeley's cries for help. Hastening to the 
spot, he shot the old bear, and released Seeley.' When the 
latter got out, he said, "Well, Philan, I think I know how a 
mouse feels in a wire trap, with a cat watching it." Philander 
thought "very likely he did," as he laughed heartUy at the 

In 1803, John Simpson, after selling his squatter-right to the 
Hoyt farm in Tannersdale, took possession of the Stafford D. 
O'Neill place. He probably bought it from Brown, the original 
settler. Peter Simpson, a brother of John, at the same time, 
went on the premises now owned by John D. O'Neill. 

A neat Methodist Episcopal church was erected at the Falls 
in 1846. M. B. Andrews was its builder. Near the church 
stands the district school-house, an edifice which is creditable 
io the people of the place. 

As we have stated elsewhere, the river flats at Denniston's 
ford were probably settled previous to the Eevolutionary war. 
The first authentic statement we can find in regard to that 
region, is that in 1789, when James Hill came into the town by 
the Sandburgh route, the flat at the ford had been occupied 
many years by white people. We have already conjectured the 
probable time of the settlement. Farther than this we cannot go. 

* Hunters of SuUiyan. 


In 1790, a man named William Palmer was living near ih& 
former residence of William F. Denmiston. His antecedents- 
were unknown. Some imagined he was a fugitive from justice. 
He was undoubtedly a rouj^ character — one of that class who- 
are ever prone to plunge beyond the limits of civilization, and 
who find in the denissens of the forest, ten>p«KB a<nd dispositions 
congenial with their own. After William A.. Thompson came 
to Thompsonville, aad bought a tract of land which extended 
from the Neversink almost to the Mongamp,. a quarrel sprang; 
up between the two, and Palmer frequently threatened to assas- 
suvate his new neighbor, if the latter ventured upon or near his 
premises. Thereafter he was seldom at ease.. Apparently he 
was one of those "whose hands are against every man." Dis- 
gusted with the new comers, with wh«H(i he had continual 
disputes, he concluded to seU his claim and (iepart for parts 
unknown. He soon had an opportunity to sell. - A man named 
Jacob Conklin came to Thompsonville in 1800, and after looking 
for a place to settle, made Palmer a proposition, which was 
accepted. The latter then left the country. This Conklin had 
a son named Jacob, who is still (1873) living in the town. 

Archibald Farr is mentioned in the old Record^ of Mamaka- 
ting as Kving at Denniston's ford. In 1797, he had a lar^e 
double log-house where Walter S. Denniston's garden now is. 
At that time, there was considerable travel by tiie way of this 
ford, and Parr kept \ a tavern. 

In a few years many settlers came into this region. Daniel 
Sturges (1798) had a house on the hill east of J. W. Haight's 
present residence. He was a giant in strength, and often put a 
bushel of wheat on his shoulders in Orange county, and carried 
it home without once taking it off, where his- wife boiled it, thus 
converting it into a coarse kind of mush. 

Samuel Lawson Hved on the Samuel Lord farm a short time, 
and then sold to David Cudltey. In 1803, Cudhey transferred 
his right of possession to Mr. Lord, and settled on what is 
known as the Stratton farm. WiUiam Blanchard had the James 
O'NeiU place, which he sold in 1803 to Goold Lord. John Lord 
bought a place which Isaac Eimdle claimed. The Lords were 
brothers, and after buying the squatter-rights of the occupants, 
were obhged to obtam the fee simple of a widow Bleecker of 
Albany, who was the real owner. John and Goold soon left. 
The place of the latter was owned many years by Piatt Bamum 
and his heirs. In 1858, Samuel died where he settled. 

About 1796, Daniel Crawford, who^ had previously moved 
from Marlborough, on- the Hudson, to the town of Neversink, 
settled on the east side of the river, about half a mile above 
Denniston's ford. Four years later he built himself a dwelling 
near the Bock House, on th^ west ead of William T. Crawford's 


present farm. An aneodote of Daniel Crawford will illustrate' 
the dangers and excitement of pioneer life. He had made a 
pen for a calf ii;^ the rear of his house, just opposite a window^ 
Hearing a noise in the pen at nighti, he looked out of the 
window, and saw what appeared to be two balls of fire, within^ 
a few feet of where he stood. Seizing his gun, he fired. The> 
luminous objects disappeared, and all was still. He did not 
venture to go out until motning, when a panther was found dead 
directly under the window. The calf also was dead. 

In 1802, John AtWell and William Bates built the house now- 
standing on the WiUiam E. Fuller farm, and Lewis Cross the old 
Courtright house, on the corner south of Daniel Perry's. 

In 1803, Sylvaniis Conklin erected the building in which 
Walter S. Denniston lately resided, and occupied it as a tavam. 
At the same time Silas Eeeve put up the old Bellthouse near 
Samdburgh. Eeeve manufactured miU-stones, and was generaRy 
absent from home. While he was away, the fire went out, and 
his Wife traveled to Wurtsborough, and brought back living 
coals, in order to cook her meals ! At another time, her cow 
wandered off in the woods. While looking for the estray and. 
lost, Col.enSo-hke, she got estray and lost herself. She was three 
days and nights in the forests without food. One night, while 
perched on a high rock; she was serenaded until morning by a 
pack of wolves, which made many unsuccessful attempts to 
reach her. " Thejr loved darkness rather than light ;" for as day 
dawn6d they vanished. The people of Wurtsborough aided in 
searching for her, and when found, she was exhausted and almost 
speechless, having lain down to die. 

Francis Andrews, a well-known and much respected citizen,, 
was here previous to 1806, for in that year, with EHjah Couch 
and Neheraiah Smith, he was an Assessor of the town of Thomp- 
son, which then covered the region of Sandburgh and Glen Wild. 
He settled on the hill east of J. W. Haight's residence. 

The year 1805 brought the promise of better days. Johannis 
Miller, of Orange county, an influential man who was re- 
puted to be wealthy, had located at Glen Wild, and was busy 
in building, and in locating the streets of a future city, or very 
large village at least. His avenues surmounted the hiBs of his 
large tract of land. One of these eminences was to be crowned 
with a palatial residence, and its neighbors with churches, a 
court-house, etc. He was outgeneraled by John P. and Samuel 
F. Jones, when, defeated, disappointed and disgusted, he re- 
turned to Orange county. A large part of his real estate was- 
in the present town of Fallsburgh. 

Elijah Couch emi^ated from Fairfield county, Connecticut, 
m the year 1805, and moved into the house of WiUiam Bates- 
and John Atwell. He contracted for five hundred acres of land. 


in the vicinity, and immediately built a house ; but some diffi- 
culty arising in reference to his purchase, he removed to the 
Miller tract. In 1806, Mary Couch opened th| first school in 
MiUer Settlement, as the Grlen Wild region was called. 

Wild beasts in early times were great enemies of the farmer. 
Jacob Gonldin, in one night,, had thirty sheep destroyed by 
wolves, and about a dozen more torn and mangled. One of his 
neighbors, while searching the woods for his cow, heard the bell 
ring in an unusual manner, and on coming near, found that a 
bear had killed and was devouring her. Being unarmed he was 
compelled to let the bear finish his meal. 

The wolves, impelled by hunger, were often so bold as to 
gather around dweUings, and were driven away only by fire- 
brands, or the discharging of guns. 

When the grist-mOl at Thompsonville was burned down in 
1805, and the settlers were compelled to cross the Barrens to 
get their grain ground, they sometimes followed a shorter route 
ihan that afforded by the Sackett road and the turnpike. They 
took their grain over this short route on their backs, or on the 
backs of their horses, if they had such animals. A vehicle 
■could not be drawn over it, as it was nothing more than a foot- 

Archibald Farr went to the nearest mill by this road. Not 
getting his grist promptly, on his return darkness overtook him 
while he was yet in the woods. Unable to keep in the path, he 
was compelled to unload, tie his horse to a tree, and wait for 
the return of Hght. The wolves were soon in motion. Howl 
apswered howl. He prudently climbed a tree, and would have 
taken his terrified horse with him if such a feat had been pos- 
sible. The animals in a short time surrounded him. The horse 
being securely tied, struggled in vain to escape. Its rearing 
and plunging, and the shouts of Farr, probably kept the snarl- 
ing beasts back until morning, when they disappeared; but 
Farr always declared that it was the fire the horse s hoofs struck 
from a rock on which he stood. When light re-appeared, Fan- 
and his steed, trembling from the fright they had felt, resumed 
their journey. Our informant cannot say whether they traveled 
that road again between dusk and dawn, but we venture Httle in 
asserting that they did not. 

These pioneers often used pine-knots in the place of candles. 
Bandboxes were made of white birch-bark taken off in large 
strips, and sewed or wired together ; and some were even vdth- 
out pots, kettles and other iron, brass and tin utensils, which 
are now considered indispensable in the poorest families. Meat 
and vegetables were cooked in wooden vessels by plunging into 
the water, clean, smooth and red-hot stones, after the manner 
of the Indians. Men and women wore homespun, and the 


•children were arrayed in the simplest fashion — the girls in sum- 
mer seldom wearing more than one garment — a tow-frock, while 
the boys had two — a shirt and pants of the same material. 

About the year 1815, a man named Archibald Denniston 
settled at the ford, which from that time was known by his 
family-name. He was from Cornwall, Ors^nge county, and of 
the very respectable family of Dennistons of that county. He 
was born in 1775, and remembered seeing General Washington 
■and other distinguished officers at the house of his father. He 
was 48 years of age when he came to SuUivan, and continued 
io reside at the ford until his BBth year, when he died much 
lespected for his honesty and uprightiaess. 

Itiaerant Methodist preachers at aai early day preached the 
'Gospel as they understood it to the inhabitants of this region, 
•and gathered within their fold the stray sheep of the wilderness 
•of Glen "Wild, and the adjacent neighborhoods. A ehuroh- 
■edifice belonging to the followers of John Wesley crowns a 
height east of Denniston's ford. This church is more in accord- 
ance with the rules of architecture than other rural meeting- 
houses of SuUivan, and is very creditable to those who erected 
it. It was built in 1866. It is claimed that Methodist preachers 
visited this loqahty as early as 1807, and that they formed a 
■class here in that year. 

In 1794, Joseph Divine removed from Plattekill, Ulster county, 
to the locality now known as Divine's Corners, in the western 
part of. Fallsburgh. He was the first settler in that vicinity. 
For several years his nearest neighbors Uved four miles distant 
on the Neversink river. A settlement on the Blue Mountain, 'in 
the present town of Liberty, was commenced about that time. 
It was six miles west from Divine's house. South of him 
was a wilderness, the extent of which was then almost \m- 
known. He did not long endure the hardships of Hfe in the 
woods. In 1802 he died, and was buried at Neversink' Flats. 
One of his sons, Samuel, subsequently removed to the South 
Settlement of Thompson, and med there a few years since. 
James, his youngest, continued to occupy the farm settled by 
his father, until his decease on the 1st of February, 1846. He 
was a prominent citizen of the town, and was several times 
elected by his townsmen to places of honor and responsibility: 
Thp old Divine farm adjoins the present residence of John H. 
Divine, whose stirring and successful Ufe has made him so well 
known to the citizens of SulHvan. 

In 1802, John EUer came from Ulster county, and bought a 
wild lot adjoining Joseph Divine's land, on which his son 
Cornelius EUer now resides. 

Jonathan Jones moved into the neighborhood about the sam^ 


time, and bouglit the lot next to Eller's, the same which Joseph? 
D. Jones now owns and occupies. 

Henry D. Sohoonmaker, another native of Ulster county,, 
located here as early as 1805. His residence was about a mile 
from the Sheldrake, on the farm bought by David Duteher 
about 1820, and now held by Thompson Duteher. In 1805,^ 
and in almost every succeeding year while he lived near Divine's 
Comers, Schoonmaker was elected to some town-office. Soon 
after he came, he bought the property at Loch Sheldrake, and 
built a saw-mill, grist-mill, and carding-machine. The latter 
was a great convenience to the people, some of whom traveled 
thirty miles to reach his establishment ; but the population was. 
so sparse, and so few sheep were kept in the country, that 
Schoonmaker did not make his carding-machine a source of 
profit. He became prominent in the field of enterprise, and 
during his prosperous days the Sheldrake region was known as- 
the Schoonmaker Settlement. He was a man of great energy 
and force of character, and had much business capacity. If 
his integrity had equaled his shrewdness, his name would prob- 
ably be still identified with the region in which he then lived.. 
Tradition yet retains the memory of his smartness, and the 
unscrupidous character of some of his transactions. It is said 
that by artifice he succeeded in selling to Mr. Sanford, an early 
settler of Liberty, a spurious mine in Ulster county, where 
Sanford dug for gold or some other mineral lintil he became- 
poor, and discovered that he had been duped and deluded by 

Schoonmaker was so successful in selling his mining property 
in Ulster, that he determined to make another and ^eater vent- 
ure. In 1817, a man named J. K Everson, with the help of 
Sanford, the miner, induced him to exchange his handsome 
property at Loch Sheldrake and in its vicinity for lands in Western 
Pennsylvania. He removed to his new estate ; but soon found 
that his title to it was worthless, and that Everson had defrauded 
hini of all he possessed. With a large family to support, and a. 
tarnished reputation, he was reduced to extreme poverty, and 
found he could not regain a position among reputable business 
men. He afterwards came oack to Loch Sheldrake, bringing^ 
with him a team of horses, which he sold to Abram Krum, and 
then started for the place where he had left his family. He 
reached Cochecton, whiere he crossed the Delaware river ; but 
at that point all track and trace of him was lost. Neither his 
family nor any of his old acquaintances ever heard of him again, 
and his fate is stiU a mystery. Whether he absconded, became 
insane and i^andered on in the woods to perish, or was murdered 
for the few dollars he had with him, will never be known. San- 
ford viewed his misfortunes with satisfaction, and was afterwards 


heard to say : " Schoonmafeer foimd a mine for me, and I helped 
to find Pennsylvania lands for him." 

Schoonmaker'a fortunes and misfortunes have often afforded 
a theme for the parents of the Sheldrake region, when they 
labored to convince their children that "the way of the trans- 
gressor is hard," and that smart men, above all' others, shoidd 
be honest. 

John Low settled near Divine's Comers in 1805 or 1806. He 
was bom in 1748, and his wife Elizabeth in 1758 ; hence they 
had passed the meridian of lite when they moved into the woods 
of Sullivan. He was the descendant of several generations of 
Johns, and on festive occasions displayed a set of huge silver 
coat-buttons with the family device engraved upon them, which 
had come to him from a long line of the same family and chris- 
tian name, and which he bequeathed to his youn^st son, John 
A. Low. 

The children of John and Elizabeth Low were Sarah, bo^in 
October 12, 1780 ; EUzabeth, February 12, 1782 ; Caty, April 17, 
1783; Heman, April 2, 1785; Benjamia, April 2, 1787; Jane, 
June 2, 1790; Stephen, June 26, 1792; Zachariah, August 28,. 
1794; Maiy, Febraary 11, 1796; John A., October 30, 1799. 

John A. Low is the father of Henry B. and Benjamin Low. 

The making of the branch-turnpike brought into the town 
(1818) a young man named Harley E. Ludington, a native of 
Litchfield county, Connecticut. He settled in the Loch Shel^ 
drake region, and for forty years engaged successfully in farming 
and lumbering. He was a man of clear convictions and positive 
character. When he espoused a cause, he cotdd see no defect 
in it. To him it was a verity in all its phases and ramifications, 
and he advocated it with great vigor and earnestness, and with 
an entire disregard of consequences to himSelf. While he was 
a resident, he represented his town in the Board of Supervisors, 
and was for twenty years a Justice of the Peace. Probably 
more cases were decided by him than by any other officer of the 
county. Few, if any, of his decisions were reversed by the Su- 
preme Court. In 1838, he was elected Sergeant-at-arms of the 
Assembly, and was once a prominent candidate for the same 
position in the lower House at Washiogton, for which he was 
recommended by William H. Seward, Luther Bradish, and other 
men of like stamp. His success in managing law-suits ia the 
primary courts, and his knowledge of legal matters generally, 
induced him to apply for admission to the bar.* His apphcation 
was successful ; but he did not practice his profession. In 1871, 
he was appointed to a position in the New York custom-house; 

* Sermon of Bev. Uriah MeBsiter. 


bat soon after died from injuries received by falling tlirougli a 

The New Project Union church, located one mile west of 
Loch Sheldrake, was erected iti 1860. As its name indicates, 
it was built by men of conflicting religious creeds, in order that 
any professing" religious society should have a house in which to 
worship. Eev. J. Napier Husted, pastor of the Presbyterian 
Church of Liberty, holds service in the building, and about 
twenty-five of his flock reside in the neighborhood. John H. 
Divine, a Universalist layman, oeoasionally discourses of rehgion 
and other matters from its pulpit. 

HuELEYVlLLE. — An old hunter named William Hurley, settled 
at this place when the only road from Thompson jjio the Blue 
Hills of Liberty ran from Thompsonville via Wilham DeWitt 
Stratton's. William A. Thompson had founded a village, as he 
supposed ; and John P. and Saanuel F. Jones were di-eaming of 
the future importance of Montioello. Hurley concluded that 
his location was the site of a third town of importance, and in 
a veiT earnest manner set forth its advantages. Li a few years, 
travel found other and better avenues. Hurleyville, with its 
soUtary house, became a very secluded locality. Deer and 
wolves and panthers abounded in its vicinity after they had left 
ihe surrounding settlements, and the population of Hurleyville 
consisted principally of muskrats, raccoons and foxes. During 
all its days of desolation, however, it retained the name be- 
stowed upon it by the old hunter, and continued to perpetuate 
his memory. In 1872, the place suddenly became important in 
the eyes oi shrewd business men. The Midland railroad com- 
pany estabhshed a station here, to which the inhabitants of rich 
agricultural neighborhoods must resort. Already Hurleyville is 
a lively hamlet, and the day is not distant when the (iream of 
its pioneer-settler will become a pleasant reality.* 

Eepoemed Chuech of Fallsbuegh. — The early records of 
this Church are very ineagre. The minutes of its Consistory 

• In 1861, aiphtheria prevailed in Hurley and Loch Sheldrake, when the family of 
Doctor Benjamin Kyle was nearly exterminated by it. A row of tomb-Btones in the 
burying-ground at the Falls oontams the following record of the doings of this Boourge : 
"Lydia Kyle, bom Deo. 12, 1835, died Dec. 9, 1861." 
" Solomon Kyle, bom April 15, 1850, died Dec. 2, 1861." 
{ "Sally Ann Kyle, bom May 15, 1845, died Dec. 1, 1861." I 
1 "Tabitha E. Kyle, bom Jan. 8. 1856, died Deo. 1, 1861." ) 
"Mary J. E. Kyle, born Nov. 19, 1812, died Nov 23, 1861." 
"Hannah Kyle, bora Nov. 13, 1857, died Deo. 8, 1861." 
"Benjamin Kyle, bora Jan. 19, 1851, died Dec. 6, 1861." 
" Charles Kyle, bora July 20, 1853, died Dec. 12, 1861." 
"John Kyle, bom July 27, 1833, died Deo. 15, 1861." 
From this it seems that one of DoctoK Kyle's children died on the 23d of November, 
and eight others from the 1st to the 15th of December 1 


for the first fifteen years or more of its existence, were in 1834 
collected and recorded ujpon five quarto pages. It will be 
necessary, hence, at the introduction of this sketch, to draw 
somewhat upon local tradition. 

From the most authentic information it appears that the 
Reformed Protestant Dutch Church of FaEstmrgh, the title by 
which it was afterwards incorporated, was organized in the year 
1812. Who its earhest members were, where they worshiped, 
or who their first spiritual teachers were, can only be conject- 
ured. Doubtless they met in private houses, as did the primi- 
tive disciples. Perhaps they received the truth from the lips of 
those devout men "who were accustomed to spend their vacations 
itinerating among the scattered settleiiients of the backwoods. 
Certain it is that Bevs. J. B. Ten Eyck and WilHam Timlow of 
Orange county, together with others of like missionary spirit, 
very early in the century, visited and preached to little nocks 
of God's people along the banks of the Neversink. 

The pious Dutch element which was then beginning to peo- 
ple those hemlock-clearings, could not long be content to remain 
without the stated means of g:ace, and hence the pastors whom 
they had left behind at "the Paltz" and elsewhere, were selected 
to come over and help them organize a Church, 

It is conjectured that the troublous times inaugurated by the 
war of 1812, may have affected this feeble organization disas- 
trously, and that its members were scattered asm. its minutes lost 
during the confusion that followed. On the restoration of peace 
came again the desire for public religious privileges ; yet it was 
not until thirteen years afterward that this was fully realized. 

At a meeting held December 9th, 1827, the Church was 
reorganized by Bev. William B. Bogardus, minister of the 
united charges of New Paltz and New Hurley. Five persons, 
only one of whom survives, constituted the entire membership. 
These were John Tappan," Joseph Seaman, Joachim D. Schoon- 
maker, Abram Seaman and Bachel (Depuy) Hasbrouck. Of this 
number, the following persons were elected and ordained to the 
office of Billing Elder and Deacon respectively, viz: Elders — 
John Tappan and Joseph Seaman. Deacons — ^Abram Seaman 
and J. D. Schoonmaker. 

The first church-edifice was built on the flat east of the resi- 
dence of the late Anthony Hasbrouck,, during the year 1828. 
It was a substantial structure of wood, 34 H 50 feet, with a small 
gallery. The building committee consisted of Messrs. A. Has- 
brouck, H. M. Hardenbergh and Gabriel W. Ludlum. 

About this period Bev. Joshua Boyd, a hcentiate of the Pres- 
bytery of Elizabeth and a domestic missionary in the employ 
■ of the Dutch Church, became the instrument in God's hand of 
greatly furthering the spiritual' interests of this feeble flock. 


How long Mr. Boyd continued his ministrations here is not 
positively known ; but he is supposed to have left the fidd some 
time in the fall of 1828. 

During the years 1829, 1830, 1831 and 18a2, the Church was 
occasionally supplied by Eev. Messrs. George; Brown, Baldwin 
and others, who were sent from time to time by the Domestic 
Missionary Society of the Dutch Church. Under the preaching 
of these faithful men, the Church had increased in membership 
to nearly a score. 

The peeple now felt themselves sufficiently strong to invite 
a minister to settle over them. Accordingly, in 1833, they 
.extended a call to E>ev. John Gray, who was duly installed their 
pastor. Mr. Gray was a Scotchman, and had been previously 
for seven years a missionary in Russian Tartary, where he had 
endured many of the privations iaoident to pioneer mission- 
work. He was a man of independent spirit, yet possessed a 
genial, affectionate disposition. No man who had previously 
visited the settlement, had been known to preach with such 
power and unction. His voice was frequently heard on the 
camp-ground, where, with his brethren of the Methodist denom- 
ination, he freely met for religious worship. 

Mr. Gray was a man of considerable hterary ability, contrib- 
uting during his life-time to several religious journals, and writing 
a number of excellent tracts and books. He continued in charge 
of this Chiu-ch, 'greatly strengthening it by his ministrations, 
until the spring of 1835, when he removed to Shodack. His 
successor, Bev. Ambrose Eggleston, received a call ia December 
following. Scarcely had he commenced the duties of his new 
position, however, when a severe and trying calamity fell upon 
pastor and people. On the morning of February 23d, 1836, the 
house where their fathers worshiped God, was destroyed by fire, 
and all their pleasant things were laid waste. Undaunted by 
this calamity, however, they straightway rose up to rebuild; 
"for the people had a mind to work;" and iq less than a year 
the present oeautiful structure was completed. The site, to- 
gether with a suitable burial-ground, and other lands of consid- 
erable value, were generously granted by Gabriel W. Ludlum, to 
whose liberality and personal exertions the society is much in- 
debted for its present prosperity. 

The corner-stone of this buolding was laid May 4th, 1837, 
with appropriate religious services ; and at a meeting of classis 
on the 31st of October following, it was dedicated to Almighty 
God. Eev. C. 0. Elting, of Port Jervis, preached the sermon 
from Exodus xx:24. The pastor offered the dedicatory prayer. 
Eev. Messrs. Eobert P. Lee of Montgomery, J. B. Ten Eyck 
of Berea, and Hyndshaw of Walpack, likewise took part in the 


The following persons were at this time acting members of 

Otosistory, viz : Joseph Seaman, John Wells and Austin Strong, 

Elders. Abraham Seaman and Benjamin Turner, Deacons. 

The above named elders and deacons composed the building 

■ committee. Nelson and Albert Tyrrel were the contractors, 

Bev. Mr. Eggleston was installed pastor of the Church in the 

school-house near Judge Ludlum's, by a committee of classis, 

consisting of Eevs. John H. Bevier and Eobert P. Lee, June 

14th, 1836, and continued to sustain that relation until April 

"24th, 1838. 

In October, 1641, Bev. Isaac G. Duryea, a licentiate of the 
! South Association of Litchfield, Conu., commenced preaching 
to this Church as a stated supply. On the 14th of July, 1842, 
having previously accepted their call, the candidate was ordained, 
I and installed pastor of the Church. Eev. J. B. Ayr^s preached 
the sermon on this occasion, and Rev. P. H. Vanderveer pro- 
posed the constitutional questions. The happy relation thus 
•constituted continued until May 13th, 1851, when it was dis- 
rsolved, to enable Mr. Duryea to accept a call to the Beformed 
"Church of Glenham, Dutchess county. , 

Eev. Mr. Duryea was a man of warm heart and great purity 
of purpose. Although he had much to contend with m early life, 
in the way of intellectual preparation, his zeal and indomitable 
perseverance more than made amende for earlier disadvantages, 
He died in the service of his country in 1865. His arduous 
labors for the people of his first love were richly blessed. 
During more than half of the ten years of his ministry here, 
the Church enjoyed almost an uninterrupted season of revival. 
'The whole number received into its membership during what is 
known as " the great revival in Pallsburgh," was not far from 
one hundred and seventy persons. So large had the congregation 
.grown by this time, that in 1848, the church-edifice, which had 
become too strait, was considerably enlarged. A spire was 
likewise erected, and a beU suspended. The latter was gener- 
•ously presented by A. Strong. 

On the 22d of July, 1851, Eev. C. DuBois Elting, a domestic 
missionary, was settled over the Church, and remained a little 
more than one year. 

He was succeeded by Eev. Jeremiah Searl, in November, 
1853. During the pastorate of Mr. Searl, the Church was again 
graciously revived; There were added to its membership, in 
the year 1858, nearly seventy souls. Mr. Searl was a man of 
(Open, unsuspecting geniality of spirit. "Eobust in body and 
ccheerful in mind, his face wore an habitual smile. The most 
ladverse denominations respected and loved him. As a preacher, 
h€ was a man of diligent study, careful preparation, and a 
(Solemn, earnest delivery." At its meeting in Ppttgllkefepsie, 


(1850) Mr. Searl was elected president of General Synod. He; 
died in the service of this Church, May 28th, 1861, aged 66^ 
years, universally beloved and lamented. 

Eev. G. W. Connitt, of Deep Eiver, Connecticut, was installed as. 
his successor, May 7th, 1862, and was dismissed Oct. 17th, 1865^ 

In April, 1867, Eev. Walter S. Brown, Pastor of the White 
Lake Presbyterian Church, was invited to supply the vacant- 
pulpit. He entered upon his labors here in May following. On. 
the 17th of May, 1868, having previously accepted their call, he^ 
was duly installed pastor of the Church.- 

This sketch cannot close more appropriately, perhaps, thaa 
in the following reflections suggested by the Memorial Discourse^ 
of Mr. Duryea, pubhshed in, 1849, by John A. Gray, of New 
York, the celebrated printer, and son of the first settled pastor 
of this Church : 

" We have always been favored with harmony in our council* 
and in action." "We have been favored, likewise, with a spirit, 
of liberality both in the Church and out of it." 

Both these declarations might truthfully be repeated to-day,. 
The Consistory stiU contiau'es to be united in sentiment and 
action. The congregation does not cease to devise liberal things 
for their minister ; while they continue to honor, to a creditabloi 
extent, the claims of all the various benevolent Boards of the'- 
Church ; as well as jthose of general benevolence. They have- 
always possessed a true missionary spirit. While struggling 
themselves to become self-supporting, this society, by their 
liberality, Siustained a colporteur of the American Tract Society 
in tlie far West. This labor of love has been borne since 1848, 
and others of like character have since been assumed by Austin 
Strong,* who has been for nearly forty years an active member 
of the Consistory. 

The appeals of the American Bible Society have always met. 
a cordial response from this congregation, particularly from the- 
individual just referred to, and very many in the community 
owe their connection with and interest in these two societies, to- 
bis munificent gifts. 

In common with many others, this Church has passed through: 
trials and discouragements ; yet God has blessed it abundantly 
both in temporal and spiritual things, and the days of darkness; 
have been few.f 

The Methodist society at Sandburgh was organized when 
Eev. Horace Weston was on the circuit in 1817 and 1818, and 
consisted at first of about five members. In 1850 there were 
eighty members, when the church-edifice was erected. At 
preseait the society numbers thirty. 

* This sketcb iras written a tew months before Hr. Strong's death. It is said that 
diiring hiS lite he gave $50,000 for benevolent purposes. t Rev. Walter Scott Brown. 


From To 

1826 Herman M. Hardenbergh 1827 

1827 Anthony Hasbrouck 1828 

1828 Herman M. Hardenbergh 1830 

1830 Anthony Hasbrouck 1831 

1831 Stephen Smith : 1834 

1834 Anthony Hasbrouck 1835 

1835 Herman M. Hardenbergh 1836 

1836 Thomas E. Hardenbergh 1838 

1838 : James Divine 1841 

1841 Harley E.Ludington ! 1842 

1842 Nicholas Flagler .1843 

1843. . ., Austin Strong 1844 

1844 Thomas Hardenbergh 1845 

1845 Oman Palen 1846 

1846 John C. HaU 1848 

1848 Edward Palen 1852; 

1852 John H. Divine. 185» 

1858 Moses Dean 1854 

1854 Edward Palen 1855 

1855 William M. Hall 1859 

1859 GHbert W. Palen 1862 

1862 David H. Divine 1863 

1863 .Isaac C. Knapp 1864 

1864 Gilbert W. Palen 1870 

1870 Isaac 0. Knapp 1871 

1871 WilHam W. Smith 187a 

1878 .Eichard OHver 1874 




Principally Forestburgh is situated on the high ridges between 
ihe Neversink and Mongaup, and is drained by the affluents of 
those rivers. It is estimated that the average elevation of the 
town is one thousand feet above the level of the Atlantic ocean. 
There are two small lakes in the town. One of them, is known 
as Beaver and the other as Panther pond — names which explain 
their own origin. Lumbering, tanning, dairying, and quarrying 
flag and curb-stone, are the leading industries of For^stburgh. 
X/umbering and tanning must necessarily cease when its forests 
are destroyed ; but its quarries are said to be almost inexhaust- 
ible and sufficient to furnish employment to its people for 
generations to come. 

Forestburgh was erected bj' an act of the Legislature passed 
May 2, 1837, and was taken from Thompson, except a few 
hundred acres which were cut from Mamakating. On the 30th 
■day of the same month, the voters of the new town held their 
jfirst meeting at the house of Bobert B,. Palmer, which stood on 
"the site of Edwin Hartwell's store, and elected the following 
officers : Supervisor, WiUiam F. Brodhead ; Town Clerk, 
Robert R. Palmer ; Justices of the Peace, John K. Williams, 
Marshall Perry, Ira E, Drake and Jonathan B- Ketcham ; 
Assessors, Archibald Mills, Moses Eead and James E. Drake ; 
Overseers of the Poor, Zephaniah Drake and Archibald Mills ; 
•Commissioners of Highways, Edward Carpenter, Nathaniel 
Oreen and Stephen C. Drake; Commissioners of Common 
Schools, Archibald Mills, John K. Wilhams and Robert E. 
Palmer ; Inspectors of Common Schools, William F. Brodhead, 
Archibald Mills and John K. Williams; Collector, Nathaniel 
Oreen; Constables, Philo Porter, Joseph Norris and Andrew 
M. Taggett. 












Co. and 





There were residents in the Oakland neighborhood previous 
"to the war of the Eevohxtion. John Brooks and his son-in-law, 
■Joseph Hubbard, Hved about a mile below the mouth of the 
BushkiU, on the farm adjoining the premises now owned by 
William N. Case. During one of Brant's expeditions against 
the southern settlements of Mamakating, Hubbard and two 
'Children belonging to Brooks' family were massacred by the In- 
dians and tories. Brooks and the balance of his household 
escaped with their lives. We cannqt learn that they returned 
during the war, and it is- believed that he is the same John 
Brooks who settled in Thompson about the year 1789. 

Captain Abraham Cuddeback, of Kevolutionary fame, built a 
saw-miU at the mouth of the Bushkill, not far from 1783, in 
which lumber was sawed to rebuild the houses bujned by the 
>enemy in the lower valley of the Neversink. Lumber was also 
cut at this mill, and floated to the Delaware, on which it was 
rafted to Philadelphia. This establishment brought to Oakland 
several residents, three of whom bore the names of Campbell, 
Hogan and Elisha Smith. No" descendants of these persons 
remain in the county. Hence but little is known of them. 

The farm of William N. Case was settled during the 18th 
century, but by whom is not known. Early in this century, a 
man named Thomas Decker occupied it, and there was an old 
orchard on the premises. 

The family of Zebulon Griffin, senior, lived on the plateau 
east of Oakland. The neighborhood is still known as the 
Oriffin settlement. Zebulon, one of his sons, died here in 1863, 
■on the farm where he was bom. He had served in the war of 
1812, and at the time of his decease was an old man. Stephen, 
^.nother son, is stiU living at WestbrookviHe, (1872,) and is 80 
years of age. 

The Leasons and Barbers came to the county before Griffin. 
Joseph Barber settled on the east side of the river in 1783 or 
1784. His descendants were living in the town a few years 
since. One of them (Simeon Barber) by his exploits in the 
woods, won the soubriquet of Bear ESHer. A statement of his 
adventures among bears would make an amusing chapter. 
What he did not know of these animals was not worth learning. 
He killed an untold number of them. He shot them and he 
trapped them until he was an old man, when he fell into a trap 
himself. It was known that Simeon had saved the sum of three 
hundred dollars. This a faded siren of the Hackledam deter- 
mined to make her own. She did not dare to steal it until she 
had first purloined the old man's heart. By an artful display 
of her sere and flabby charms, she made him forget his gun and 
his traps After a brief wooing, the honest old hunter coaxed 
her to go with him in quest of a Justice of the Peace. His 


equipage consisted of a bull broken to harness, and attached 
to a cart, upon which he had mounted a box fashioned from 
rough henalock boards. In this the eager groom and coy bride- 
rode to Monticello. Their mode of traveling caused spectators 
to think of the progress of gods and goddesses in pre-Homeric 
days. At the county-seat their mafrimonial intentions were 
consummated, and they returned to the Hackledam a unit. 
According to law, he had " endowed her With his goods," and 
she could appropriate them to her 07fm uses without being- 
legally guilty of theft. Knowing thisj^she got possession of 
Barber's money, and absconded. Just as- she had intended to do 
before she became his wife. After awakening from his dream 
of domestic contentment, the old man lingered a few months^ 
and then died, a victim of feminine perfidy. 

Jacob Barber, a brother of Joseph, located on the river above 

There were- two settlers named Leason. One of them (Israel) 
occupied the farm now owned by James Ketcham. Dick 
Leason, the other, hved west of Joseph Barber. They did not 
make many improvements ; but manufactured an untold number 
of shingles. 

Isaac Moore was another pioneer of Oakland. He loved to 
tell a good story quite as well as he loved to kill panthers. 
When Joseph Griffin and his wife Patty gathered toll at the 
Neversink bridge, Moore, while passing that way, saw a strange 
animal by the roadside. His dog soon treed the beast, and 
Moore shot it. It was a panther. 

Two men named Welch were the pioneers at Eden. Elijah 
Welch was the principal man of the two. John Bivens succeeded 
them. He was from Geneseo, N. Y. He ran away from his 
father during the war of 1812, and became a soldier. While 
serving his country, he was made a prisoner by the enemy, and 
taken to Halifax, where he was kept until the close of the war, 
and suffered much. He then returned to his father's house; 
but soon left a second time. He and the elder Bivens seemed to 
have been incompatible. The young man strayed to Otisville,, 
where he married LuoiUa, a sister of Commodore C. Murray,"^ 
and then built a saw-mill at Eden, where he became a perma- 
nent resident, and always was considered a worthy and valuable 
citizen. He was the progenitor of the respectable family of his 
name now residing in one of the Delaware river-towns. 

About the year 1800, a saw-mill was built by Eeed and others 
on the BushHU, at Trotter's. Althot^h there was an abundance 
of excellent timber, it was not kept running more than a few 
years ; for in 1819, when Nathaniel Green moved to the place,, 
the mill had rotted down, and with an abandoned clearing of 


about an acre of land, was the only mark to show that white 
men had lived there. 

Nathaniel Green was from Middletown, Orange county. In 
1818, he built a small log-house as a temporary shelter for his 
family, and during the next season moved into it. His nearest 
neighbor was three miles distant, until 1820, when Thomas 
Alsop, the first merchant of the town, built a large house near 
Green's, and occupied it with his family. During the same 
year, the Mount Hope and Lumberland turnpike was completed 
as far as Trotter's, and Mr. Green built a comfortable residence, 
in which heflved until his death in March, 1859. 

In 1820, there was an old clearing about one and a quarter 
miles south-west of Trotter's, which had been abandoned several 
years. It was made by a man named David Handk, and was 
known as Handytown. Here he had lived nobody now knows 
how long ; here he had reared a family in the woods, and here 
he died m 1814, when his children went away. Eobert Handy, 
one of his sons, was living at Oakland six years afterwards, fle 
was bom on his father's place, and knew quite as much of wild 
beasts as he did of men. No one could point out better than 
he the bear-paths and run-ways of the deer in that section of 

Handytown is noted for having a remarkable spring of water. 
It flows from a steep bank, is bright, sparkling and delicious, 
and, according to the best estimate that has been made, a 
current of water sixteen inches deep, and as many in width, is 
constantly passing from it. The water gushes from the bottom 
of the spring, and keeps in continual ebulHtion a quantity of 
white sand. 

A spring equally large and uncommon is situated on the top 
of a mil about one and a half miles south of Handytown. With 
the water rises a considerable quantity of gas. 

At the junction of the Bushkill and Cherry Meadow brook is 
another spring as remarkable in some respects as the other two. 

Handy, the pioneer, was buried on his farm, and at the head 
and foot of his grave are tomb-stones selected by himself from 
the flag-stone quarries of the neighborhood. They are exactly 
as nature formed them ; but their neatness will strike the eye of 
even a person who is weary of monumental magnificence. 

After the turnpike was completed as far as Trotter's, Eobert 
Handy opened a log-tavern near that place, which he kept until 
the next year, when he left the country.. His inn was a primitive 
affair. A traveler who stopped at his house certifies that mine 
host was absent in search of a jug of whisky ; and that there 
was not a particle of bread, or flour, or meal, or potatoes, or 
butter, or fish, or fowl, or meat of any kind in the estabhshment ; 
and yet the hostess provided him with a dehcious meal. Bhe 


baked him an old-fasHoned pumpkin-loaf in an iron kettle, 
covered -with cabbage-leaves, on which were pUed hot embers. 
This loaf and a bowl of milk freshly drawn from the family-cow, 
were eaten and keenly relished by the weary and hungry guest., 

Ammi Lewis was the first settler on the Eeed place, where he- 
built a house, and made a clearing. 

Edward Griswold owned a considerable tract of land at Hart- 
wood. Gerardus Clowes married a ward or adopted daughter 
of Griswold, and was employed by him first to superintend his 
property in Cochecton, and afterwards in Forestburgh. After 
Clowes went to Forestburgh, his brothers Edward and William 
J. came to the town, and the former became largely interested 
in land affairs, while 'other members of the family were inter- 
ested to a greater or less extent. At one time the Griswold 
property was owned by members of this family. 

The brothers Clowes were not calculated to develop a wilder- 
ness-country ; and their Forestburgh land was to them ultimately 
a source of embarrassment. In the end it passed into the hands 
of men who not only knew its value, but had the skill and the 
will to reap an adequate revenue from it. 

Gerardus Clowes was the only one of the name who left 
Forestburgh with as much as he entered the town. 

As the ^possessions of the others slipped through their fin- 
gers, William J. endeavored to better his condition through, 
certain inventions which he claimed originated with himself. 
One of these was a material for the construction of houses,, 
which he declared was cheaper than wood, as durable as granite, 
and as ornamental as marble. He never revealed the manner- 
in which this substance was made ; but we believe it was com- 
posed of clay and a resinous material, and when warm was 
Elastic, and capable of being moulded into any desired shape. 
E he had made manifest the value of his alleged discovery by 
the erection of a dwelling or other building on a larger scale 
than that of a dog-kennel, instead of making futile attempts to 
induce others to do so by writing articles for newspapers, the 
utility of his invention would have been tested in a way to 
estabhsh its folly or its value. Some one may yet acquire riches 
and honor in the field which afforded poor Clowes no harvest. 

While he was advocating the superiority of this new material, 
the public mind was captivated by the anticipated benefits of 
plank-roads — ^farmers' railroads, as they were sanguinely termed.. 
He then turned his attention to the improvement of roads, and 
saw, or imagined he saw, what was much better than anything 
then in operatipn or suggested. He pubUshed several elaborate 
articles in which he tned to show that wooden railways were 
superior to all roads except those of iron, and so much cheaper 
than the latter, that every neighborhood could have a railroad. 


of its own. His theory was endorsed by the Scientific American^ 
which was then and is still considered good authority on suclx 
subjects; but among his friends and acquaintance he was. 
pronounced a monomaniac. With them plank-roads were the 
great desideratum — roads which he declared would be failures^ 
giving certain reasons for his OT)inion which experience has. 
established as well-founded. The world said he was de- 
mented ; but the issue proved that the world itself was crazy 
about plank-roads, while he was sane. His project remained a 
project ; probably if it had been carried into effect, it would have 
been a duplicate of the tram-road introduced in England many 
years before by Mr. Outram, and which was the precursor of 
iron railways. 

While laboring to make converts to his theory concerning 
roads, he imagined he saw a great improvement on Our present 
system of education, and this new discovery affected his mind 
as a cam does machinery. He was considered a harmless vis- 
ionary—nobody would listen to him, and he and his projects 
soon disappeared from public view. 

The Messrs. Gillman now own a considerable part of the real 
estate which once belonged to the Clowes family. In their tract 
is the best remaining forest of white pine in the county. 

George W. Barnum, O. B. Wheeler, and a Mr. Clapham of 
New York, own the major part of the balance. 

In 1820, when our informant moved to Forestburgh, an old 
man named Daniel Cristie was hving there. Cristie was poor,, 
without relatives in that region, and managed to live by attach- 
ing himself to various families, for whom he manufactured shin- 
gles, made gardens, etc. He was a favorite with the young, tO' 
whom he related many adventures in which he said he had 
participated. He had been a soldier in the Revolutionary war, 
and claimed that he was with the first party of white men whoi 
crossed the Eocky Mountains. 

Thomas AIsop lived at Hartwood probably about 1820, and 
French, in his Gazetteer, says he kept the first store of the town- 
He was connected with the affairs of Josiah Woodward and 
Alsop VaU, who owned a lumbering-estabUshment at the place. 
The name of Hartwood was at first applied to Oakland by Wil- 
liam J. Clowes, in honor of Bev. Mr. Hart, the father of his wife,, 
and was subsequently applied to the locahty which now bears, 
the name, in consequence of the removal of the post-office from 
Oakland to that point. 

In 1832, Gerardus Clowes owned nearly aU the wild land in 
the vicinity of Hartwood. In the year named, Joseph Norris, 
a native of Tompkins county, moved from Orange county, and 
located on a tract of land adjoining the premises of Nathaniel 
Green. Norris bought of Clowes, and m,oved his family into a, 


small unoccupied house in the neighborhood. He then, with 
the assistance of one of his sons, cleared a lot on which he 
intended to build. When this was done, he commenced puttinp; 
Tip a log-house. All his affairs seemed to prosper until the 
month of August, when a- miU-dam owned by Green was 
•destroyed by a flood. This dam was of long standing. On its 
"bottom was an immense quantity of vegetable matter, which, in 
ihe iutense heat of the season, quickened the seeds of disease 
and death. Bilious fever and fever and ague prevailed in the 
valley. The family of Norris did not escape the effects of 
miasm. One after another was prostrated. His wife by a 
second marriage bore her burthen hopefuUy and bravely; bilt 
worn out and exhausted by unremitting care and toil, she 
succumbed to the disease, and after a brief illness, died. Norris 
was then left with a young family, among comparative strangers, 
houseless, in a wilderness-country, and unable to labor from 
disease. His children, disheartened, homesick, and emaciated 
by iUness, urged him to abandon this scene of misfortune, and 
return to their old home in Orange county; but he was deaf to 
all their entreaties ; he had come here to make a home, and 
although the prospect was yet dark, he believed a better day 
would dawn, and that success would reward his efforts. 

At the end of the first year his two eldest sons left the place, 
and engaged in more profitable business, and one of his 
daughters was married to E. A. Green. He then moved into 
his new house, in which he installed a second daughter, aged 
fourteen years, as housekeeper, and with his third son, a lad 
twelve years old, proceeded in the task of improving his wild 
land. Nothing seemed to discourage or daunt him. He had 
been accustomed to the pleasant social intercourse of thickly 
settled localities. Here his evenings were spent in listening to 
the dismal bowlings of wolves, which seemed to have their 
nocturnal trysting-place at Panther pond, about a mile from 
his house, and if they scented food, boldly approached his 
log-tenement. On one occasion, when he had slaughtered a 
beef, the entire pack gathered under his very eaves, and his 
children spent a night of terror, surrounded, as they were, by 
yelHng and snarling monsters of the woods. Otherwise the 
monotony of his daily toil was seldom broken, except by the 
defiant challenge of rattlesnakes, which were very numerous, 
or the appearance of a stray bear. Bruin was not formidable. 
While the reptiles were always ready for battle, he shuflled off 
with his utmost speed. 

> Hopefully, earnestly and patiently, Mr. Norris continued his 
labors. Field after field was made arable. Grain and meadow- 
Ijind cheered his eyes, and the fruits of his industry rewarded 
him for aU his toil and self-denial. Travel increased. The old 


"turnpike was no longer covered with grass. New neighbors 
came in. The comforts of civilized life were his. He rejoiced 
in the work of his hands. His courage and ambition were un- 
abated; but age was sapping his physical powers, aaid the 
■changes which occur in all families, had made him like an old 
tree m a denuded field. 

About this time, one of his sons (SHas T. L.) returned and 
■purchased a part of the homestead, as well as some land con- 
tiguous to it; and after erecting new buildings, opened the 
"Jeffersonian House." He also gave the name of "Democratic 
Bidge" to the locality, dud became somewhat noted as a local 
politician. Soon after, his tavern was destroyed by fire, together 
"with the log-house in which Joseph Norris still lived. New and 
improved buildings were then built, and Democratic Kidge 
"became a favorite resort to many. 

The old man still retained his independence as well as his 
industrious habits. He lived alone in his own habitation, and 
having nothing to engage his mind and hands, bought six acres 
•of the worst land he could' find, and by his own labor brought 
•every foot of it to the highest state of cultivation. Finally the 
infirmities of age compelled him to board with his son, at whose 
house he died on the 4th of July, 1862, aged 76 years. 

Joseph Norris was a true patriot, and a sincere Christian. 
He served his country faithfully in the war of 1812. His life 
was sober, iadustrious and quiet. He performed his duty to 
his country, his neighbor, his family, and his Maker, and his 
last moments were radiant with the joy and hope of a blessed 

Such a life may seem tame and duU to those whose minds 
have been perverted by the popular literature of the day. We 
give it because we wish to present glimpses of all phases of 
existence in our county, and because he was one of the millions 
of worthy men who have elevated this continent from a state of 
nature to its present exalted position. 

That part of Forestburgh known as Draketown, was settled 
by Zephaniah, Joseph,. Adam, Nathan and Luther Drake, who 
were from New Jersey. Joseph came in 1793 or 1794, the 
others within the next three years. Nathan J., a son of Joseph, 
was the first male child born in that section of the town, and a 
daughter of Zephaniah who married George Bums was the first 
girl. The Drakes were hardy, industrious, worthy men, who 
were respected at home and abroad. Like all dwellers in the 
) woods where game is plenty, they were more or less fond of 
forest-sports. Zephaniah excelled the others in this respect, 
and so successful was he in shooting wild beasts, that he 
imagined himself the champion rifleman of his neighborhood. 
During one of his hunting excursions with Nathan, their dogs 


treed a large bear. The hunters found the animal sitting on 
the limb of a tree, looking down at the dogs. Zephanitah quickly- 
brought his rifle to bear on the game, when Nathan advisedl 
him to be careful — to make a sure shot. "Why," replied he, "I 
can shoot the eye out of his head ! " He then aimed for the- 
eye, and fired. The ball missed its mark; but hit the upper 
jaw, which it shattered, so that the bear's nose, with about half 
of the teeth of the jaw, turned up over thejorehead. The bear 
fell to the ground, and the dogs fell upon the bear. The latter 
caught one of his canine enemies between his fore-legs, and 
attempted to crush it ; when the other dog bit the black brute- 
so vigorously that he let go the first and caught the other, and 
so they fought back and forth, and were so mixed up that the 
brothers did not dare to shoot, knowing that they might kiU. 
their dogs. Zephaniah at last attacked the bear with his hunt- 
ing-hatchet, when the animal left the dogs, and sprang at him.. 
He stepped back — ^his foot caught in a laurel-bush, and downs 
he fell upon his back. In an instant the bear was upon him, 
and the dogs on top of all. For a few seconds there was a, 
lively time in the bushes. From impulse, Zephaniah threw up 
his hand to keep his assailant as far off as possible; but 
unfortunately thrust it so far into bruin's mouth, that the beast 
caught the little finger between the uniajured molars, and 
crushed it. Finally, by means now forgotten, but probably bj 
a lucky blow from Nathan, the bear was killed. Until his death 
in 1849, aged 81 years, Zephaniah, when telling the story of 
his adventure, exhibited a crooked finger, as an evidence that a 
bear with a broken jaw can sometimes inflict a severe injury. 
For many years before his decease, he was a consistent member 
of. the Baptist Church. His wife Eebecca survived him about 
one year, when she rejoined the husband with whom she had 
experienced the toils and trials of forest-Ufe. 

With the Drakes, patriotism was a vital part of their religion. 
They had great love for our free form of government, and 
reverenced all the symbols of freedom. One of the family 
(Nathan) caught a large bald-headed eagle in his bear-trap. Jt 
was kept by him a few days ; he admired it greatly; but thinking 
it wrong to keep the "National bird" in bondage, he let it go 

In the winter of 1819, Ephraim L. Burnham, Elijah C. Horton 
and John Brown, who were then young men of Forestburgh, 
engaged in a bear-hunt, the particulars of which are worth re- 
peating here. Mr. Burnham, while returning from his work in 
the woods, discovered fresh bear-tracks in the snow, and having 
mentioned the fact to Horton and Brown, the three determined 
to go in piirsuit of the animal. Before daylight on the next 
morning, they were on the trail, armed with a rifle and an axe, 


and after followiiig it several hours, came to a flat on the Mon- 
gaup, near the present site of Gilman's tannery. Here the snow 
was very much trampled, and it became apparent that the bear's 
winter-quarters were in the vicinity. Horton and Brown com- 
menced a search for a hole near the rim of the level ground, 
while Burnham explored the central part of the flat. He soon 
discovered a large rock under which there was a hole with tracks 
leading to and ftom it. Galling to his companions that he had 
found the den, aU three were soon before the orifice, and peering 
into it. They discovered nothing by gazing in ; and then cut a 
pole and thrust it into the hole. The end of the pole came in 
contact with a soft substance, but on being withdrawn afforded 
no indication of what it had touched. Mr. Burnham next split 
the end, and once more inserted it. After a few -rigorous twists, 
he again pulled it out. There were short black hairs in the split, 
which proved that the bear was under the rock. This discovery 
caused one of the young men to declare that they had better go 
home ; but Mr. Burnham, whose features resembled those of his 
cousin. General Ephraim Lyon of the Union army, and who 
exhibited the unyielding tenacity which marked his distinguished 
relative, utterly refused to leave until he had killed the bear. 
The animal was within reach of the pole, and he would wake it. 
up, or run the stick into its body. He then made the end of thes 
saphng very sharp, and punched the bear with all his might.. 
Immediately there was an angry growl ; the sharpened end was 
seized by the brute, and the pole was pushed outwardly, carrying- 
Mr. Burnham with it. He at once loosened his hold — stepped, 
back — caught up his rifle, and aimed it just as the bear reached 
the entrance. As it thrust its head from the hole, Mr. Burnham. 
fired, and the beast fell back into its retreat. Although they 
could see it indistinctly in the gloom of the cavern, they could 
not at first determine whether it was dead. A few more thrusts; 
of the sharpened sapling settled the question, however ; never- 
theless, the timid young man was once more seized with a panic,, 
and wished to leave. As he could get neither of the others tO' 
go with him, he concluded to stay, and the three went to work 
to get out their game. They at first tried to drag forth the body 
with crotched sticks, but were unsuccessful; when Mr. Burnham 
himself went head first into the den, and taking hold of the 
shaggy hide, his companions pulled away at his legs, and suc- 
ceeded in getting him and the bear out. After this was done, 
they heard a noise under the rock, and soon the head of another 
bear was thrust forth. This met the fate of its companion, and 
was brought forth in the same manner The first one killed 
weighed nearly 400 pounds — the other, a young female, about 
100. With great difficulty the young men carried their game 
to the nearest road, where a passing team relieved them. They 


reached home after dark, very tired and very Inmgry ; but re- 
fused to eat until a steak cut from the ham of one of the animals, 
hot and fragrant, was placed- before them. 

John Brown, one of these young men, subsequently met with 
an extraordinary accident. By an accidental discharge of his 
gun, one side of his face was blown away. One-half of his 
under jaw, a part of his tongue, upper jaw and one cheek-bone, 
were destroyed. No one supposed he could survive his injuries. 
He was cured, however, by the appUcation of cold water, before 
Priessnitz announced his system of hydropathy. While he was 
waiting as all supposed, for death, a syringe filled with water 
was left within his reach. He injected some of the water into 
his horrible wound, and found that to some extent it mitigated 
his sufferings. Thereafter the syringe was in constant use until 
Brown, to the surprise of his friends, recovered. He was living, 
a few years since, near Lake Huntington, in the town of Bethel. 

Mr. Bumham has been a resident of Monticello during the 
last thirty years, and yet loves to give the particulars of his 
bear-hunt in Forestburgh. 

It may be said of some communities that the history of their 
Churches is a history of the people. Forestburgh, in its early 
days, was occupied by lumbermen; consequently saw-miUs 
enter largely into the account of its settlement. 

In 1807 or 1808, Abraham Tracy moved into the town and 
built a saw-mill, in which George Wickham was interested. It 
was the first mill located on the Mongaup in the town, and 
brought in several laborers, John Williams among them. 

In 1805 a null was put up on the Three Brooks by Thomas 
King and a Mr. Beyea. It has since been known as the Thomas 
and the Deep HoUow miU. 

Not far from 1810, Jesse Dickinson built a mill for WiUiam 
A. Stokes, at Forestburgh Corners. Stokes was from Philadel- 
phia, became a County-Judge, and was elected a Member of 
Assembly in 1821. He erected a large house, and was a resi- 
dent of Forestburgh many years. His wife was a daughter of 
Dickinson, the miff-wright. It is said that the latter constructed 
nearly one hundred mills in different sections of the country, 
the first of which was at the Cook-House, on the Delaware, or, 
as the Indians called it, Ooocooze. Seth Conant, a pioneer of 
Thompson, was Stokes' superintendent, and kept the first 
respectable inn or tavern of the town. 

fii 1810, a man named Jackson manufactured lumber at what 
* was once known as the French, but siace as the Euddick mill. 
He was of a martial disposition, and commanded the first militia 
company of the town. Paul Pierson, Ehjah C. Horton, George 
Burns and Archibald Mills were his successors. Mills was from 
Goshen, Orange county, and came in the, summer of 1819, as 


the agent of George D. Wickham, a large landholder. He is 
still a resident of the town, aged and honored. 

About 1811, Paul and Jeremiah Pierson moved into the town 
by the way of Monticello. They were from Orange county. 
There was no road at that time farther than the Sackett Pond 
road covers the route they passed over ; and they were obliged 
to hew their way into the wilderness, until they reached the 
spot where they had resolved to make a home. They built a 
mUl at the point where Gad Wales & Oo.'s tannery subsequently 
stood. It was afterwards occupied by Jonathan BonneU, and 
was known as the BonneU miU. 

At nearly the same time, Elijah 0. Horton built a house at 
the place now occupied by William Ferguson. 

In 1809 or 1810, a man named Stead made aq improvement 
at Mongaup Flats. It was occupied in 1817 by Jesse Dickinson 
while he was building the Lebanon mill, soon after which John 
James Stewart owned it, and lived there until he moved to 
Monticello. He spent considerable money ia benefiting the 
locality, but did not add anything to his own resources. The 
place was once known as Stewartburgh. Stewart had been a 
sailor ia his young days, and was known as Uncle Jack ever 
afterwards. He had some of the faults and some of the virtues 
of the old-time Jack Tar. He was very kind to the widow and 
orphan, and as long as he had money of his own, helped them 
with a liberal hand. When his own resources failed, he begged 
for them of those who had a surplus of this world's goods; or 
to use his own language, he made a " Tappaun muster." He had 
a singular w^.y of jumbling together sacred and profane things— 
a habit which seemed second nature in him. We are informed 
by a respectable clergyman, that while living at the Flats, 
Stewart made a profession of religion, and at a prayer-meeting 
addressed the brethren. Giving a very chaste and beautiful 
description of what he had seen while a sailor — the magnificent 
works of art, &c., of the old world — he wound up with the 
startling inquiry — "And now, beloved, after seeing so much, 
who would have thought that I would come to this d — 4 hem- 
lock-country to get religion?'.' Of course his "probation" 
terminated with this unusual display of piety. Believing that 
the narrow paths of the Partialists were not made for him, he 
subsequently took to the broad and easy ways of Universahsm, 
and to the \iay of his death expatiated on the unlimited mercy 
and love of the Creator, emphasizing his declarations in his 
own peculiar way. Even when dying, he sent word to some 
friends that "the Devil was under-brushing a path for him 
straight into Heaven ! " 

Uncle Jack bestowed nick-names on half of his friends, and 
these names were so appropriate that the unfortunate objects 


of his wit Bore them duriag the balance of their lives. His wit 
sometimes displayed itself in repartees as keen as a Damascus 
blade. A young but somewhat Pharisaic member of an Ortho- 
dox Church, accused him of reporting that he (the young 
member) had become a Universaiist. "You a UniversaUst! ' 
exclaimed the ex-sailor: "No! Impossible! You are not good 
enough!" And the other departed abashed and crest-fallen, 
and meditating on the beauty of humUity. 

Taking into consideration its population, and the vocation of 
a large majority of its people, Forestburgh has had more than 
its proportion of men who were remarkable for their social and 
political standing. In addition to those already mentioned, we 
record in this class the names of Jubal and Jeremiah TerbeU, 
Daniel M. and William F. Brodhead, O. B. Wheeler, 0. W. 
Trotter, and Marshall Perry. 

The Brodheads were natives of Milford, Pennsylvania, and 
claimed a distinguished ancestry. Their father was Daniel 
Brodhead, at one time Surveyor-general of the Keystone 
State, and their grandfather was General Daniel Brodhead of 
the Eevolution. In early life Daniel M. removed to Philadel- 
phia, where he was a lawyer of acknowledged ability; but was 
obliged to relinquish his profession on account of a defect in 
his vocal organs. Being ambitious, he turned his attention to 
politics, and became a leadiag democratic politician. He was 
advanced from position to position until he was chosen Speaker 
of the Pennsylvania House of Bepresentatives ; but ultimately 
lost the confidence of his party by favoring one of the financial 
schemes of Nicholas BidHle. In May, 1842, he removed to 
Forestburgh, and subsequently to Black Lake, in the towii of 
Bethel. At both places he engage^ largely in the lumber- 
business, and for many years was prominent as a local pohtician. 
He was remarkable for suavity of demeanor. Although he 
contiaued to be ruled by his favorite maxim, "Molasses wUl 
catch more flies than vinegar," he failed to attain high political 
position after leaving his native State. He was a cortect sample 
of the modern politician. His youngest son, Lieutenant Daniel 
M. Brodhead, junior, was killed in the battle of the Wilderness 
in May, 1864. Grief then seriously affected the health of the 
father, and he continued to decline until the 1st of the succeed- 
ing October, when he died. 

Mr. Brodhead was twice married. His first wife was a 
daughter of Colonel James Benton of Milford. His second 
was the widow of James Clinton, a brother of Governor Clinton. 
■^William F. Brodhead, who came to Forestburgh several 
years before his brother, was twice a Member of Assembly 
jfrom Sullivan. Although of respectable attainments, he was 
not the equal of Daniel M. in ability. Frank, as his friends 


loved to call him, was of excellent repute, and died with an 
Tintarnished character. 

Marshall Perry was a valuable citizen, whose public and 
private deportment was above reproach. 

Charles W. Trotter was at one time largely engaged in tan- 
ning, and was the candidate of his political party for a seat in 

Wales & Gildersleeve were also at one time extensively en- 
gaged in tanning, and the Messrs. Gillman are still carrying on 
tiiat business. 

Events which followed the death of a child in March, 1844, 
ishow how much circumstantial evidence is to be distrusted, and 
that if criminal charges are preferred, excited public feeling may 
lead to injustice. A httle child of a Mr. Erieslebau, whue re- 
turning from a neighbor's with other children, was left behind 
by them. It was soon after missed, when its friends went after, 
but failed to find it. Tlie neighbors were then alarmed; they 
■turned out, but searched for it without success. Suspicion then 
fell upon a quack-doctor named Heisted, who was seen to pass 
ynth. his wife about the time the child was first missed. Two 
•days were consumed in unsuccessful endeavors to discover the 
•child. On the third day, Mr. Frieslebau started in pursuit of 
Heisted, whom he followed until he reached a place where the 
doctor had stayed all night. There he learned that Heisted had 
no child with him. On the fourth day, the almost distracted 
iather returned home. In the meantime, some children reported 
that they had seen the httle-one in Heisted's sleigh. This cre- 
mated a great prejudice against him. A warrant was issued for 
his arrest ; but its service was delayed until another unsuccessful 
•search was had. On the seventh day the doctor and his wife 
were brought by a constable from their residence in Orange 
■county. Two days were then spent in investigating the affair 
before a Justice of the Peace. The evidence was clearly against 
the prisoners — so much so, that it seemed certain they were 
guilty. They were held for trial, and gave bail. A few believed 
they were innocent, and on the tenth day once more there was 
:a search, and it was a successful one. When a_ majority had 
become discouraged, and gone home, the others discovered that 
•the Kttle-one had turned off the road on a path which had not 
before been observed — become exhausted, and fallen with its 
face on the snow, where it died. An inquest was held by Cor- 
oner Greene, and the accused discharged. 

A very interesting natural feature of this town may be found 
in the PaUs of the Mongaup, about one and a half miles from 
the village of Forestburgh. Above the Palls, the water has 
worn a channel through solid sand-rock. This channel is about 
sixteen feet wide and twenty deep, and its floor is of hard black 


grit. The. waters rusli through these narrow hmits, and plunge- 
about twenty feet, when they meet with a temporary obstruc- 
tion ; then the seething, whirling, dashing foam bounds with 
three successive leaps into a deep basin at the bottom of th& 
chasm. The cataract 

" Comes from its shadowed and prison-like glen, 
With a leap and a roar, Uke a lion from den ; 
First winding, then bounding, once more and once more, 
TiU each voice is blent in an agony roar," 

The total fall has been variously estimated at from sixty to> 
eighty feet. One hundred feet above the surface of the pool 
below the Falls, is a rock known as "Flat Eock," from which is 
a view of the scene replete with wild grandeur.- 

The descending waters have worn many deep circular holes-, 
in the rocks. A story is told of two hunters who found a deer 
entangled some way at the top of the Falls. They very kindly 
Uberated the animal, when, being very much mghtened, it 
rushed into one of these holes, and was never more seen.. 
Whether it became food for the Genii of- the chasm or the eels- 
of the river, is not known. We would have more faith in the 
story, if hunters were in the habit of liberating entangled deer 
before they, killed them, or if frightened deer rushed into holes,, 
like woodehucks and foxes. 

In 1853, John and Barton Brodhead (sons of Daniel M.,) 
built a gang-saw-mill a short distance below the Falls. On tha 
14th of July, 1855, this mill was burned by an incendiary. Tea 
days after this evjent, there was a flood in the river, which 
carried away their dam and 2,000 saw-logs. Finding both fire 
and water apparently against them, they never rebuilt the mill. 

Not far from Oakland is a singular " canyon," through whick 
flows what is known as the GuE-stream, an outlet of a natural 
pond situate on the mountain at the source of the brook. The; 
"canyon" is narrow, and its sides are composed of high and. 
peipendicular walls of rock. For a considerable distance the 
water disappears below the debris, and at a particular point, 
far beneath the waU of rock may be heard a subterranean wa- 

In the cliffs of this gulch, pyrites or "fool's gold" are found 
in considerable quantities. 

In February, 1863, James L. Brooks, while engaged near the 
Gulf-stream, found two wild-cats or catamounts in their den. 
He boldly entered their lair, and after a somewhat animated 
contest, killed them. He came out of the woods with the 
animals slung upop one of his shoulders, and his clothes in rags 
and tatters. Although his body exhibited more stripes than 


are on our starry flag, he was not seriously injured. A very- 
exaggerated account of his adventure was published at th& 

Osmer B. Wheeler bestowed the name of Oakland on tho 
valley at the mouth of the Bushkill, in which is located a 
tannery. As a manufacturer he has been remarkably successful, 
and does not hesitate to devote a portion of his fortune to the 
development of the natural resources of his neighborhood.. 
Geologists say that the formation of the crust of the earth at 
this point indicates the existence of saHne deposits; and 
chemists of a certain class declare that there is petroleum not. 
only far down in the interstices of the rocks, but that the clay 
of the valley is impregnated^with it. A thin seam of anthracite 
is found in the mountains, and an immense mass of ochre in 
the valley. Mr. Wheeler has caused deep borings to be mad& 
for the salt and oil ; but they were not found. He has discov- 
ered that the coal is the same which underlies the entire county,. 
and is nowhere of any value; while from the ochre can be 
made a mineral paint which is not inferior to much that is used 
in the country. Probably this pigment and the -stone quarries; 
of the vicinity will make Oakland a busy place . even after its. 
oak-forests are destroyed. 

In 1868-9, Mr. Wheeler represented Orange and Sullivan in 
the Senate of the State. He is yet (1873) a shrewd, energetic 
and successful man of busiaess. 

The explorations for petroleum at Oakland were made in 
1866. Thomas Martiu, a professional geologist, mineralogist 
and mining-engineer, examined the Bushkill valley and the 
region bordering on the Gulf-stream, and reported that he found. 
a small seam of coal, traces of copper, positive indications of 
petroleum, and a valuable deposit of clay.. The latter, he 
declared, was literally saturated with oil. In consequence of 
these assurances^ the "Oakland Oil Company" was formed, and 
unsuccessful efforts made to find petroleum. Lewis Cuddeback 
was the president of the company ; H. H. Hunt, vice-president ; 
M. Lewis Clark, secretary; Jacob May, treasurer ; and Lewis. 
Cuddeback, H. H. Hunt, M. Lewis Clark, Jacob May, O. J. 
Brown, E: A. Bunn, Dr. Lewis Armstrong, O. B. Wheeler and 
D. C. Dusenberry, trustees. 

Some of the popular gazetteers of the day assert that Kev. 
Isaac Thomas, (Methodist) was the first preacher who came to- 
Forestburgh; but we have reason to believe that Eev. Isaac 
Sergeant, (Congregationalist,) Eev. Luke Davies, (Baptist,) and 
Eev. Thomas Greer^ (Presbyterian,) preached in the town many 
years before Thomas visited it. The Methodists, however, seem 
to have been more in accord with the spiritual inclinations of 
the inhabitants ; for they soon obtained the vantage-ground, 



and now owa the only two cliurch-eclifices of the town. One 
of these is located at Oakland. It was erected in 1857, and was 
■dedicated on the 29th of December of that year. Rev. T. W. 
Pearson preached the dedicatory sermon. The other church is 
•at Forestburgh, and was built in 1859. The latter has about 
fifty members. 

The Newark conference of New Jersey exercises Jurisdiction 
■over this town, as well as over Lumberland and territory above 
it on the Delaware river ; from which the inference is naturally 
■drawn that the arrangement had its birth in the old " Jersey 
•claim." Nevertheless the dispute concerning the boundary 
between New York and New Jersey was settled and almost 
forgotten before the introduction of Methodism in the Delaware 
towns of Sullivan. New Jersey Methodism obtained ecclesi- 
astical dominion here because it was more convenient for. 
preachers to attend conference in New Jersey than New York. 
Now it is otherwise; nevertheless the old state of affairs con- 

From To 

1837 William F. Brodhead 1840 

1840 Ira E. Drake 1842 

1842 Coe Dill 1844 

1844 Elisha A. Green. 1846 

1846 Daniel M. Brodliead 1850 

1850 •. .Silas T. L. Norris , 1852 

1852 Isaac Penney 1853 

1853 Charles C. Boyd 1854 

1854 John Euddick 1855 

1855 Osmer B. Wheeler 1858 

1858 '. . James H. Taylor 1859 

1859 William N. Case.* 1860 

1860 Stephen C. Drake 1862 

1862 Osmer B. Wheeler 1863 

1863 Silas T. L. Norris 1865 

1866 Samuel M.Sterrett 1867 

1867 John Euddick 1870 

1870 ; WaUace W. Wheeler 1871 

1871 Edwin Hartwell 1873 

1873 ..Benjamin Case 1874 



The surface of Fremont resembles that of Callicooii. It is 
marked by deep ravines and abrupt declivities. Some of the 
latter, it is said, attain a height of about 800 feet above their 
bases, and from 1,500 to 1,800 feet above the level of the ocean. 
Though uneven, the soil is well adapted to the production of 
grass and grain, except on some of the/ hill-sides where the sur- 
face is too steep for cultivation. 

Basket and Hankins' creeks are the principal streams of 
the town. On both of them as well as some of their tribu- 
taries, are nunierous mills and manufacturing establishments. 
The town is well supplied with small lakes or natural' ponds. 
'The inost notable of these are Long, Round and Basket ponds 
in the northern, Lox in the eastern, and Trout pond in the 
■central section. These sheets of water were the favorite resorts 
■of hunters and anglers before this region was settled. The 
Dodges, Stewarts, Spragues and other early settlers of Rockland, 
related many thrilling hunting-adventures which occurred in 
the neighborhood of these lakes. 

Although this was a good locality for the farmer and lumber- 
man, and a few families lived in the valley of the Delaware at 
Xiong Eddy and at Hankins, previous to the conclusion of the 
war of the Revolution, it inay be said that Fremont was .the 
last town of Sullivan to which the tide of immigration tended. 
There was a great store of valuable timber in its forests, as well 
as many goocl mill-sites on its streams, and yet for more than 
the third of a century before its resources were made available, 
the hardy raftmen of the comparatively remote town of Rock-, 
land ran their rafts along the western border of Fremont, which 
practically continued in a virgin state, because its owners were 
strangers who made no effort to quicken its germs of fertility. 
No avenue of approach was opened to its secret recesses, and 
it continued ahnost as the Indians had left it until there was a 
probability that the New York and Erie Railroad would be 



In 1780, a man named Isaac Simmons lived at Hankins, and 
soon after sold his right of possession to Joseph Brown. Brown 
sold to Aaron Pierce, who, in 1792, built a gaw-mill and small 

frist-miU. The latter was an insignificant affair, and worked 
adly. It had no bolt, and it was necessary to separate the 
bran from the flour by hand. About the year 1800, Jonas Lakin 
came to the place, and subsequently became the owner of a 
considerable tract of land. 

In 1821, Lakin sold his tract of land to EHzabeth Pierce, 
who, with her family, lived on it until about 1833, when she 
died. In 1834, John Hankins and Luther Appley bought the 
property, for which they paid $1,451. In 1835, Hankins bought 
an additional tract of Lucas Elmendorf, and in May, 1839, 
moved to Fremont with his family. 

Previous to 1839, Mr. Hankins had resided in the town of 
Damascus, in the State of Pennsylvania, where he married 
Susan, a daughter of Moses Thomas, 3d. When he removed 
to Fremont, h6 passed over the " State-road," on the west side 
of the river. The New York and Erie Bailroad Company had 
aecomphshed considerable in grading their road ; but had sus- 
pended work in 1837. Mr. Hankins attempted to make a^ 
highway of their track, but after rendering about three miles, 
passable, gave up the job. 

For several years ingress and egress were difficult. To attend 
town-meeting and vote at the fall-elections, he was obliged to 
foUow a line of marked trees to Liberty, or travel over the State- 
road to the bridge at Cochecton, and from thence to Liberty by 
the way of Bethel. Sometimes, however, when the water was 
low, he followed the beach of the river on horseback as far as 
Cochecton. As the ford near his residence was occasionally 
impracticable, he built a scow, and crossed the river in it ; but 
when there was a flood, it was not safe to cross in any manner,, 
and he was practically cut off from the outside world. 

It has been represented that John Hankins was the pioneer 
settler at Hankins Depot;* yet, when he came, he found on his 
place an old frame-house, a saw-mill, and land which had been 
occupied ajid tilled many years. He also found a sycamore 
tree which was nine feet in diameter. The latter was hollow,, 
and the cavity was larger than some bed-rooms. It is said that 
a man could ride into it astride of a horse. Until about 1865,, 
this tree was used as a substitute for a smoke-house. 

Mr. Hankins was a man of action. Exclusive of those who 
lived in Penmsylvania, his only neighbors were at Long Eddy 
and Long pond ; yet during the first year of his residence, he 
started a store and built a blacksmith^shop. 'He also built a 

• See French's Gazetteer. 


'handsome residence for his family, and in 1847, the second 
saw-mill erected on his land. He also became prominent as a 
local pohtician, and, notwithstanding his isolated position, was 
one of the first Justices of the Peace, and the second Supervisor 
of the town of Calliooon. He was elected to the latter office 
repeatedly, and at one time, in conjunction with Matthew 
Brown, controlled the Board of Supervisors. 

Mr. Hankins did not live until the railroad was completed as 
far as Hanldns creek. He was a man of forcible and energetic 
character — a warm friend and an ardent enemy — exalted in 
prosperity and depressed when his surroundings were unfavor- 
able. In the summer of 1847, he suffisred from a variety of 
-small annoyances, and on the 17th of September was found 
dead on the road to Callicoon, about a quarter of a mile from 
his house, under circumstances wMch led to the Sehef that his 
life was cut short by his own hand. 

On the completion of the railroad, a station was estabKshed 
at his place, which was called Hankins, at first ; but in May, 
1851, the name was changed to Fremont. In September, 1852, 
when the post-office was created, with Gidney Underhill as post- 
master, the name of Fremont was given to it, although many 
were in favor of calling it Hankins.* Both the station and 
post-office are now known by the latter name. 

Previous to 1839, Hankins creek was known as Pierce's 
brook. At that time, it was famous as a trout-stream. Deer 
were abundant in the neighboring forests, and bears and pan- 
thers, as well as wolves, were frequently seen and heard. 

The north-west corner of the town has been known to raftmen 
as Long Eddy, to the officials of the New York and Erie Eail- 
way as Basket-Switch, and to others as Douglass village or 
city. Several gazetteers declare that Joseph "Green" was the 
original settler of this locality. This declaration is not well 
founded. Previous to the war of the Revolution, DeHverance 
Adams and John Dusinbury lived at this place. About the year 
1800, Dusinbury sold his possessions to the father of Joseph 
Geer. The younger Geer hved on the place sixty-five years. 
He is probably the Joseph Green of the gazetteers. Abner 
Lane was hving at Long Eddy in 1793. Dusinbury bmlt a 
saw-miU on Basket creek about 1800. 

A half-breed Indian named John Johnson, continued here 
after the tribe to which he belonged had left the country. For 
many years, Johnson supplied the whites who occupied the 
valley between Cochecton and Shehocton (now. Hancock) with 
lead, which, it was believed, he obtained from a mine in the 

* On the Sl^th of May, 1858, the depot at Hanking, with the woodsheds, tanks, Ike, 
of the railway company, were destroyed by fire. But fuw men were in the place, and 
the adjoining buildings were saved by the heroic exertions of the ladies. 


■ncinity of Pise's brook, above Long Eddy. The ore was ciit. 
• from tne vein with a hatchet, and was nearly pure. He smelted 
it without difficulty, and there was but a small per cent, of 
dross. The people did not watch him when he went after it, 
because he was a turbulent and vindictive man. Many persons 
have since searched for the mine ; but without success. We da 
not know that the geological formation at Pise's brook favors 
the behef that lead may yet be found there; but we are quite 
certain that a few ignorant savages would not be as apt to 
discover mines in a wilderness-country, as fifty times their 
number of comparatively intelligent white men when the same 
region is cleared. The ore may have been brought from a 
distant locahty, and deposited by the half-breed in a secret, 
place, from which he brought it at such times and in such quanti- 
ties as he and others needed it. There is no doubt that the- 
Indians accidentally discovered theWurtsborough mine, and that 
they carried away ore from it. Perhaps the lead of the half- 
breed came from that quarter. 

The hunters and trappers of the Delaware often induced 
Johnson to join them when they engaged in forays against the 
denizens of the woods. Josiah Parks, the "boson" of the early 
raftmen, was his friend and companion, until the two quarreled 
about the division of a bear which they had kUled, when John- 
son, in a fit of ungovernable rage, struck Parks, and then 
clutched his neckerchief, and attempted to garrote him. Mrs. 
Parks was present, and saw that her husband's life depended 
on her efforts. Catching hola of a hunting-knife, she mingled 
in the affray; but, instead of thmsting the ugly weapon into 
the body of the would-be murderer, she severed the neckerchief, 
and narrowly avoided cutting Park's throat. Parks then pom- 
meled the savage until the latter was glad to leave without any 
part of the bear. The white man was very indignant because 
Johnson struck him while his coat was on his back, the doing 
of which was quite as disgraceful in a fighting man of the 
Delaware as gouging and garroting. 

In the days of the pioneers. Captain Ezra May, who lived 
above Long Eddy, owned a famous canoe, which was long known 
as the Old Trout. This canoe was hewn from the body of an 
immense tree — was forty-five feet in length, and so wide that a 
barrel of pork could lie m it cross- wise. It was capable of car- 
rying twenty-five barrels of flour. The settlers between Co- 
checton and the mouth of the Cadoshe hired the Old Ti-out of 
Captain May, when they found it necessary to go to mill, or to 
get a supply of dry-goods and groceries. Except the little mill 
at Hankms, which was no better than a ^amp-mortar, the 
nearest grist-mill was at the mouth of Brodhead creek, near the 
"Water-Gap, one hundred miles from Long Eddy. To this mill. 


the inliabitants went for their flour in May's canoe. Wlien' 
loaded it required tlie strength of six men to pole and pull it up- 
stream— ;-four to pole and two to pull. The ropes used were 
made from the bark of basswood and leather-bark trees, and it. 
took six days to go from Brodhead's to Long Eddy, 
_ Twice a year, Captain May took the Old Trout on a raft to 
tide-water, and sometimes to Philadelphia, for the purpose of 
freighting merchandise to the upper Delaware. About 1784, 
and previous to the use of this canoe, a Durham boat made two 
trips as far up the river as Shehocton ; but it was found that the 
enterprising navigator was in advance of his times, and he was 
compelled to relinquish the business of transporting passengers; 
and freight to and from the frontier settlements. 

The efforts which have been made to render Long Eddy an 
important business point, are worthy of those en^rprising indi- 
viduals who sometimes found cities in the Great West, often on/ 
paper, and sometimes on more substantial bases. 

On the completion of the New York and Brie railroad, the 
company considered a switch sufficient to meet all local require- 
ments. In 1855, a post-office was made, and named Long Eddy.. 
In 1856, WiUiam Kelley was authorized by law to establish a. 
ferry across the Delaware at the switch. One year later, a Mr. 
Taylor built a depot at his own expense, and to induce the 
railroad company to stop their trains at the xplace, served 
twelve months as their agent without a salary. 

About the year 1866, the Delaware Bridge Company was 
chartered and organized. Its capital stock was $10,000, and it 
had authority to increase the same to the amount necessary to 
complete the work for which the company was formed. The' 
major part of the stock was taken by residents of Long Eddy 
and Little Bquinnnk, and the contract for building the bridge 
was taken by Solon Chapin. After Chapin had expended 
$11,000, as he claimed, the company became involved in diffi- 
culty, and work was suspended. At this time, there was no> 
decent approach on either shore, and the central pier was left 
in such a condition that there was danger that the entire struct- 
ure would go down-stream with the first high flood Chapin 
held possession in defiance of the company, and p^t up tempo- 
rary approaches; but there was no feasible or legal right of 
way east or west of the river. A bridge-war was imminent, as 
well as destruction of the work, when the foresight and enter- 
prise of a single individual became the salvation of the enterprise. 
Martin A. Smith, of Fremont Centre, who was a stockholder,. 
and largely interested in the real estate of that vicinity,, 
purchased enpugh stock to secure to himself a controUing 
interest. He' then elected new directors, who immediately 
dispossessed Chapin, secured the pier in a substantial manner,, 


'finislved the bridge, andmade a turnpike from tbe west approach 
to Little Equinunk. The total cost of the improvement amounts 
to about $17,000. This bridge is of great importance to Long 
Eddy, as it causes a large amount of business to centre there. 

The Long Eddy Hydraulic and Manufactiiring Company was 
formed in 1867. The capital stock of the company, according 
to its charter, was $25,000. Eleven thousand of this, we are 
informed, was taken by residents, and two thousand by non- 
residents, and the village of Douglass issued its bonds for ten 
thousand doUars to aid the work. The balance of the stock 
($2,000) was not taken. The main object of the company was 
to dam the river at a point near the village, and thus utilize the 
water for manufacturing purposes. Immense results were antic- 
ipated by the sangmne, who believed that Douglass would 
become a iSflurishing manufacturing city — a second Lowell, with 
its scores of wealthy magnates, and its thousands of industrious 
operatives. The company, it is said, succeeded in building a 
saw-miU, some houses and a bulkhead-dam near the mill. The 
contract for building the main dam was given to a party pos- 
sessed of no skill and experience in such work. Consequently 
the structure was not substantial, and while the lumbermen of 
the upper Delaware were threatening to demolish it as a nuisance 
and an obstruction to the running of rafts, a flood carried a 
great part of it away. When this disaster occurred, the com- 
pany was indebted to Benjamin P. Buckley of Fremont Centre, 
who obtained a judgment for the amount of his claim. The 
effects of the company were sold to satisfy Buckley's demand, 
and he bought them at the sale. During the year 1871, some 
of the residents of Long Eddy, whose faith and ardor had not 
been extinguished by the flood, wishiag to make the property 
available, obtained the consent of Buckley to rebuild the dam. 
They commenced the work, but so late ia the season that they 
were unable to complete it before the beginning of the ensuing 
winter. Hoping that the ice-freshet of the spring of 1872 
would be merciful, they suspended operations. The winter, 
however, was very severe, and the ice was of unusual thickness 
when' the river broke up. The dam, in its unfinished condition, 
was not strong -enough to endure the pressure of the flood and 
the battering of the ice. It was again broken, and now, what 
remains of it is a standing reminder of the fact, that unscientific 
and inexperienced men should not be entrusted with a work of 
so much magnitude and difElculty. 

It is believed that a third attempt wiU be made to construct 
a dam at this point ; that the water-power, if properly managed, 
is really valuable ; and that experience wiU enable the gentlemen 
who wiU hereafter manage the matter, to guard against a third 
disaster. The enterprise and energy of the people of Douglass, 


^deserve success, though they may not command it. It is not 
■often that a village no larger than this expends forty thousand 
•dollars in half-a-dojzen years to promote its material interests. 
As to what they have done to advance their spiritual welfare 
much cannot be said ; for there is not a church-edifice in the 
place. The Baptists and Methodists have labored in an humble 
way, however, in this corner of the moral vineyard. Each has a 
«mall society in Douglass, which worships in the district school- 

Douglass was incorporated by an act of the Legislature on the 
19th of April, 1867. The principal movers to obtain the charter 
were D. D. McKoon and F. G.. Barnes. The first trustees were 
€harles G. Armstrong, Dennis D. McKoon, John McDuffee, 
•Charles D. Brand and Ulysses S. Tyler; Assessors — George 
■Gould and Joseph Dudgeon ; Collector— WiUiaift T. KeUam ; 
Police Justice— Samuel McKoon; Treasurer— Henry H. Mc- 
Koon; Street Commissioner — J. Wesley Tyler; Police Con- 
stable — Wallace Young. The corporate limits are a mile square, 
and on the northerly side are the same as the boundary of the 
town and county. 

While the genius of material progress was rampant, a credu- 
lous printer was induced to start a newspaper in Douglass, who, 
with commendable local pride, filled nearly an entire column 
with a business directory, in which dealers in lumber and 
manufacturers of hemlock-boards were quite prominent. The 
■editor enjoyed the fat things of the future, until he found that 
more substantial food was necessary to prolong his mundane 
•existence, when he transferred his types and enterprise to other 

Besides mills and the shops of mechanics, Douglass contains 
two hotels, five stores, and seventy dwellings. Its -population 
has been estimated at 500. 

It is said that Zachariah Ferdon located at Kound Pond in 
May, 1824. It does not appear, however, that he owned the 
land he occupied until 1844, in which year he received a deed 
for it from Peter Ferdon of Gates, Monroe county, N. Y. He 
was the first settlei^ in that section of the town. His nearest 
neighbors were residents of Eockland. 

Benjamin Misner built a saw-miU on the outlet of Long pond 
in 1831, and moved his family to the place in 1832. He was of 
the family of Misners of Fallsburgh, and lived there in 1808, 
Tvhen Gerard Hardenbergh was murdered. In 1811, Benjamin 
and Jacobus Misner bought a tract of land in Lot 6, of Herman 
M. Hardenbergh, a son of Gerard. About 1833, Benjamin took 
a number of trout from Trout brook, and put them in Long 
pond, which proved congenial to this royal game-fish. Trout 
nave since been taken from this pond which weighed five pounds. 


In the spring of 1835, Jeroniimis Secord moved from West- 
chester county to Long pond. Five or six others of the samei 
family-name soon after settled in the vicinity of Round pond,, 
and among them was Thomas Secord,' the pugilist,' whose mill 
with Yankee Sullivan has been recorded in the sporting annal» 
of the county. Secord's friends claim that he was the real 
victor in this encounter, while the prize was awarded to Sullivan 
by a mob of roughs. However this may be, Secord was so^ 
severely pommeled by Sullivan that he ultimately died from 
the injuries he received. 

The first school of the nei^borhood was taught in 1847, by 
Sarah, a daughter of Gerard L. M. Hardenbergh, who received 
two dollars per week, and" boarded herself. 

In the summer of 1849, Charles W. Miles, Carlos P. Holcomb' 
and Benjamin C. Miles erected a large tannery on Hankins; 
creek. At this time. Judge Samuel McKoon had become a 
resident, as well as Levi Harding,' Boderick LevaUey, Thomas 
S. Ward, WiUiam C. Wood, Joseph F. Yendes, Burrows Phillips,, 
G. L. M. Hardenbergh, James Brown, John Beck, Aaron Van 
Benschoten, a family of Cannons, etc. A considerable number 
of German immigrants had also settled in the territory, whick 
was subsequently erected as the town of Fremont. 

The town-meetings of CaUicoon were atthat period generally 
held in Jeffersonville, near the line of Cochecton, and the prin- 
cipal officers of the town resided in that quarter; hence the- 
settlers of the western section were put to great inconvenience 
when they found it necessaiy to attend to local affairs. Under 
such circumstances, they soon discovered that a division of 
Oallicoon would be an advantage to them. 

In the FaU of 1851, sundry freeholders of Callicoon gave 
notice through one of the newspapers of the county, that they 
would apply at the next annual meeting of the Supervisors for 
a division of the town. This notice caused a violent effervescence' 
of Yankee and Teutonic elements. Petitions and remonstrances 
were rapidly circulated through every nook and comer. At the 
November election, but one hundred and fifty-seven residents 
voted ; and yet within a fortnight thereafter two hundred and 
sixty-two petitioned for a division, and one hundred and ninety- 
three remonstrated — making a total of 455 who claimed that 
they were inhabitants !* One of these parties claimed that the 
proposed, division was desirable, because the people were veiy 
much scattered, and there was a range of hiUs running through 
Callicoon, which formed a natural boundary between the several 
sections ; the other opposed a division because it would increase 

* At the next annual election the aggregate vote of Callicoon and Fremont wa» 
402. In addition to those, many immigrants were not voters. 



taxation, and leave Calliooon without a depot on the railroad, 
and a railroad to help pay its taxes. 

The Supervisors referred the application, etc., to a committee 
of five, viz: Neal Benson, Thomas Williams, Edward Palen, 
John C. Holley and Benjamin P. Buckley. After a patient 
hearing, three of the committee (Messrs. "Benson, Palen and 
Holley) reported that the prayer of the petitioners should be 
granted; while the others (Messrs. Williams and, Buckley) 
declared that it was then impossible to determine wliat were 
the wishes of a majority of the inhabitants, and intimated that 
there was evident irregularity inprocuring signatures for and 
against the proposed division. Hence they recommended that 
action should be deferred until the Board could obtain reliable 
information on the subject. The Supervisors, fhowever, by a 
large majority (nine to one) resolved to erect the new town. 
The member from CaUicoon (Samuel W. Jackson) was then 
appointed a committee to draft the necessary bill, and as soon 
as he reported, it was passed — ayes, 10 ; nays, 0. By this act, 
the first election in Fremont was held at the house of Ezekiel 
G. Scott, and David B. Perry, Roderick LevaUey and Gerard 
L. M. Hardenbergh were made the presiding officers of the 
first town-meeting. 

Those who opposed the erection of Fremont resided on the 
North Branch and on the section east of that stream. If tht» 
tenitory of Oallicoon had remained intact. North Branch would 
have been a central point, and a large majority would have been 
in favor of making it the quasi capital of the town, instead of 
Jeffersonville. Hence the opposition in that quarter, and hence 
Mr. Jackson, who was a sagacious business man of Jefferson- 
ville, was willing that the western inhabitants should "go in 
peace." If not permitted to do so, he foresaw that they would 
unite with the people of North Branch against Jeffersonville^ 
and that the combined opposition would overwhelm the latter. 

It is a notable fact that Benjamin P. Buckley, who was the 
Supervisor of Liberty in 1851, and did not readily consent to- 
the erection of the new town, subsequently removed to Fremont, 
where, as one of the firm of B. P. Buckley & Son, he became 
largely interested in the tanning business ; and that four mem- 
bers of the Buckley family have since been Supervisors of the* 

Fremont received the name it bears, because a majority of 
its leading men were ardent admirers of John C. Fremont, a 
full account of whom will be found in almost any history of the 
United States. \ 

The first road of the town is what is known as the Cannon 
road, from the North Branch to Hankins ; the second runs from 
North Branch to Fremont Centre, and from thence to Hankins : 


afterwaa-ds the wad from the Centre to Long Pond and Eound 
pond, and thence to "Westfield Flats was laid out, as well as 
the one from Long Eddy up Basket creek to Trout brook. 
Other highways haye since been made connecting various 
neMiborhoods of the town. 

Fremont affords another proof that the axiom, "Murder will 
out," is based more on superstition than truth. In September, 
1854, a human skeleton was found in a swamp about a mile ' 
north of Hankius, covered with large stones, and near it, 
concealed under a log, were a pair of boots and some clothes. 
The condition in which these things were, when discovered, led' 
to the belief that they had been undisturbed for five or six 
years, and that the remains were those of a man who had been 
murdered, and whose body had been concealed in this swamp. 
Neither the name of the victim, or of the murderer, was ever 
known or suspected. The unfortunate man may have been 
employed in laboring for a railroad-contractor, and when on 
the point of returning with a few hard-earned dollars to his 
iriends in a distant part of the country, may have been decoyed 
"to this lone place, and here killed for his money; or he may 
have been a stranger who came with means to buy land. Such 
persons were constantly coming and goiag, and their sudden 
disappearance would have excited no interest in their fate. 

Two little daughters of John Heldriok, an early settler, 
wandered from the home of their parents, and became lost in 
the woods. As soon as the scattered pioneers of the neighbor- 
hood were notified, they searched for the bewildered children, 
and after protracted efforts discovered them in a, hollow log. 
'Terror, hunger and fatigue were too much for the oldest girl, 
an impressible, nervous child aged six years. When found she 
was insane, and although she lived ten years, her mind was 
never restored to its former condition.* 

There are but two churches in Fremont. One of them is at 
Fremont Centre, and belongs to the Methodists. It was built 
in I860, during the pastorate of Eev. Aaron Coons, and cost 
upwards of $2i000. 

) The other is St. Mary's church, (Eoman Catholic) at Obern- 
burgh. Eev. John Eanfeisen, its first pastor, was here as early 
as 1852. He was succeeded by Rev. Joseph Eoesch, a native 
of Prussia, who has labored here among the German population 
for many years. The present church-edifice was built in 1861, 
but was not consecrated until June 28, 1865, when ninety-five 
persons were confirmed. The members number about 350. 

* Child's Gazetteer. 







Co. and 








Note. — For seveifajl items of information in regard to Fremont 
■we are indebted to William Hill, a former Clerk of the countj' ; 
■who, as an officer, has had no superior. 


. Samuel McKoon 1853 

.Charles W. Miles 1855 

.Joseph F. Yendes 1856 

.Aaron Van Benschoten. 1857 

.Simeon D. Wood 1858 

From ' To 






1858 Martin A. Smith 1861 

1861 Charles W. MUes 1862 

1862 Walter B. Buckley 1864 

1864 1. B. Buckley 1865 

1865 Benjamin P. Buckley 1867 

1867 Isaac Forshay 1869 

1869 Frank Buckley 1872 

1872 Levi Harding 1873 

1873 Abram Wood 1874 



This town was taken from the territory of Lumberland, by 
an act of the Board of Supervisors, on the 17th of December, 
1853, and consists of numbers Fourteen to Twenty-five inclusive 
of the Seventh division ; and Lots Two, Three and Four of the 
First division of the Minisink Patent. It is situated on the 
highlands east of the Delaware, and from them derives its name. 
Some of these ridges have an altitude, it is said, of from 1,000 
to 1,200 feet. We cannot learn that they were ever measured 
by compeijent men, and therefore conclude that their height is 

The same causes which retarded the growth a,nd prosperity 
of Lumberland and Tiisten have had their logical effects here. 
In early times, the population consisted of lumbermen, who 
were employed by non-resident owners to strip the town of its 
valuable timber, and convert it as expeditiously and cheaply as 
possible into cash. If the profits of the business had been 
retained in the town, and expended for improvements, the value 
and importance of Highland would have been enhanced in a 
degree which we cannot now estimate. 

Highland contains 33,050 acres, less than two thousand of 
which are improved, and two years after its erection, had a 
population of 865. Though its numbers are small, it has always 
had more than its ratio of sterling men, some of whom will 
receive honorable mention in this chapter. 

The principal streams of Highland are Beaver brook and 
Halfway brook. The first was so named, because, when first 
visited by the whites, the beaver was very common there ; and 
the latter, because by an ancient trail across the country, it was 
struck half-way from the Mongaup to the Delaware. Each 
stream has several affluents, and its course on maps of the 
town is dotted with numerous saw-mills. 

There are several natural ponds or lakes in Highland — Mud 
and Hagan in the east; 'York in the south; and Montgomery, 
Little, Big and Blind in the west. 




The name of Mud pond is descriptive. It is a small lake 
•with a very muddy bottom. 

Hagan pond, it is believed, is so called because a man of that 
name first settled near it. 

Montgomery pond received its name from Henry Montgomery, 
Tvho settled on its east shore. Below it, on the same stream is 
Little pond. They are round or oval in shape, and have white 
;and gray sand-beaches. The land around them is said to be of 
good quality. 

, Big pond is so called because it is larger than Little pond. 

There are other small lakes in Highland, which we will leave 
where they are likely to remain, in the woods. 







Co. and 









Previous to the war of the Eevolution, this region was a 
hunting-ground of the Lenape,'and their half-civilized neighbors, 
the trappers of Minisink and Mamakating. Its numerous 
streams and lakes, as weU as its game, made it very attractive 
to both white and red nomades of that period. Tom Quick 
■waylaid and killed two Indians near Hagan pond, and often 
■came here with the white hunters of Minisink. On one 
•occasion he was at the pond with a man named Cornelius 
DeWitt, who was afterwards captured by the Indians and taken 
to Canada. While preparing to make their evening fire, they 
■discovered signs which led them to believe that a savage was 
in the neighborhood, and Tom proposed to look for the red-skins 
while DeWitt collected wood. To this the latter was opposed, 
but nothing that he could say persuaded the other to forego his 
intention. Tom prepared for an encounter, and then cautiously 
•crept along the lake-shore untU he came to the outlet. Tliere 
he-^iad to pass over an open space, in doing which he saw an 
Indian beyond gun-shot, on the Big marsh, as it was called. 
'The latter discovered Tom at the same moment, and fled, going 
apparently toward the Delaware. As it was near night, Tom 
returned to his camping-place; but the next morning took the 
Indian's trail and followed it as far as the Brink pond, in 
Pennsylvania. He was enabled to do this by observing signs 
which no civilized man can see. At Brink pond he once more 


saw the Indian, and the latter finding he was pursued, fled like 
a frightened stag. Tom then returned, knowing that the chase 
was useless, and that the red-skin would not soon moderate his. 

Highland was settled immediately after the Revolutionary 
war. In 1784, Benjamin Haines was living with his family at 
Handsome Eddy. Not far from the same time, John Barnesi 
located at Narrow Falls, where his descendants became so 
numerous, that of the fourteen persons who, in 1799, organized 
the Congregational Church of that place, eight bore his name — 
the venerable Christian patriarch himself heading the hst. 
Among those to whom he then gave the right hand of fellowship 
was Ichabod Carmichael and Asa Crane. John Carpenter,. 
William Seeley, U. Patterson and WiOiam Eandall^ were pio- 
neers in the Beaver Brook region. 

In this town, in the E«volutionary war, was fought what is; 
known to historians as the battle of Minisink. It has received^ 
this name, although it did not take place in the Minisink 
country, and the people of that region had very little to do with 
it. The contest was between the militia of Goshen, assisted by 
a small party from Warwick, and a few volunteers, on the one 
side, and the celebrated Mohawk chief, Thayendanegea (better 
known as Colonel Brant) and his savage and tory-foUowers, on 
the other. As this contest occurred on elevated ground of this 
region, we shall speak of it as the battle in Highland. 

Thayendanegea and his fighting-men were the scourge of 
south-western Ulster from 1775 to 1783. He was of pure 
Iroquois blood, and bom on the banks of the Ohio in 1742. 
Here his father died, when his mother returned with him and 
his sister to the Mohawk, where the widow married an Indian 
named Barent, and thereafter the children were known as Joseph 
and Mary or Molly Brant. Molly became the leman of Sir- 
William Johnson, who sent her brother to Dr. Wheelock's 
school at Lebanon, Connecticut, where the lad was educated 
for the Christian ministry. From some cause he did not enter 
the ranks of the clergy. In his old age, however, he labored 
to convert his people to the white man's faith, and while doing 
so translated a part of the New Testament into the Mohawk 

When twenty years old, Brant became the secretary and 
agent of Sir WiUiam, and while they lived, was intimately 
connected with the Johnsons and Butlers. As the Revolution ary 
storm was brewing, both whigs and tories made efforts to influ- 
ence his conduct. The first, through Eev. Samuel Kirkland, a 
devoted and loved missiomiry among the Six Nations, endeav- 

* LoBBing's Celebrated American*. 


ored to induce Brant to contimie neutral ; but tile agents of the 
British prevailed. In 1775, he left»the Mohawk and went to- 
Canada. Here, as a colonel of the British army, and a war- 
chief of the Iroquois, he organized and sent forth those predatory 
bands of Indians and tories which devastated the frontier from 
the Water-gap to the Mohawk river. Many of these bands- 
were commanded by him in person, particularly those which 
visited Wawarsing and Minisink. In 1780, he boasted that th© 
Esopus border was his old fighting-ground.. 

His personal appearance and bearing were well calculated to 
inspire the respect and obedience of his savage followers. 
Captain Jeremiah Snyder, who, with his son Elias, was made 
prisoner near Saugerties, and taken to Niagara, thiBS describes^ 
this famous chief : 

" He was good-looking, of fierce aspect, tall and rather spare, 
well-spoken, and apparently about thirty years of age. He 
wore moccasins elegantly trimmed with beads, leggings, and a. 
breech-cloth of superfine blue, a short green coat, with two> 
silver epaulets, and a small, round, laced hat. By his side wa» 
aa elegant silver-mounted cutlass ; and his blanket of blue cloth 
(purposely dropped in the chair on which he sat to display hi» 
epaulets) was gorgeously adorned with a border of red. His. 
lai^uage was very insulting." 

Brant has been denounced as an inhuman wretch. Even an 
. English author attributes to him the atrocities of "Wyoming. 
But great injustice has been done him. The charge of cruelty- 
he always repelled with much "indignation, and a great number 
of instances can be adduced to show that although in battle he 
generally gave full scope to the murderous propensities of his. 
followers, he endeavored to mitigate the horrors of war when- 
ever he could do so without destroying his influence with his. 
own race. When he invaded Minisink in 1779, he marked 
the aprons of Httle girls with his totem, and thus kept them 
from harm. By stratagem, he saved Col. Harper, an old school- 
mate, from the gauntlet. Even in battle, he was ruled by th& 
principles of Masonry. In 1780, he returned from a raid on. 
Harpersfield by the way of the Delaware, when he rebuked the- 
Oneidas, who remained friendly to the Americans, for cruelty 
to non-combatants. He then wrote them the following letter 
in the Iroquois language : 

"Ne we se watogcayhse ne wastonronon, ne ne aguegough 
ghe yenaghne, ne gatho Eatinagere, gen ne youagh yagheya- 
tengh a we, ne esone sakheyaghe kawe, ne ne yogotrigo hogo- 
nagh, yaghte atteryo te ye yadondagh Mvan a so yoteghhaet ne 
ok theya go triyo ogh tayon ta tye von nyon tyOdken Etho 
negyerha, tsinough gwa wenthogh tyodkon eso sekheyaght ka 


■waghs — ne kadi eso togwana kwa tani ne seugha ok enston 
sayetshiyero ne, you neyawight Enaghsgwa toghsa kadi non 
Etho niyawou sawatsi wahiouise. 

" Ouenoni ejhyagh then sa ka to yen. ne ne segon atho nenya 
wen on the Delaware April 15tli 1780. 

"Joseph Bkant."* 

Previous to August 21st, 1788, Colonel Brant wrote a letter 
'from Oquaga to Colonel Jacob Klock, commander of a regiment 
•of Tryon county militia, from which we make this extract: 

"I am sorry, notwithstanding all the gentle usage we have 
from time to time given the prisoners we have taken from you, 
and even letting many of them go home after we made [them] 
prisoners, that you who boast of being a civilized people, have 
treated our people who were so unfortunate as to fall in your 
hands in a most inhuman manner, beating them after you had 
bound them ; but if you persist in waging war after that manner, 
we wiU ere long convince you that our lenity proceeded from 
humanity, not fear."t 

Providence made Brant an adroit strategist, and his native 
talent was strengthened and sharpened by the society and the 
learning of Europeans. He fell like a thunder-bolt upon his 
-enemies, and destroyed them. His blows were equally unex- 
pected and disastrous. 

We do not propose to give a full account of his acts here. It 
is sufficient for our purpose to record no more than has a direct 
ibearing on our own county. 

In October, 1778, he crossed the wilderness from the Dela- 
ware to the Neversink, and passing down the latter, on the 13th 
•of the month, invaded Peenpack. His approach was discovered, 
and a majority of the inhabitants fled to the block-houses. 
Many were killed, among whom were an old man named Swartr 
wout and four of his sons. James, another son, escaped. In 
the Peenpack block-house were many women and children, and 
but nine men. Captain Abraham Cuddeback the commander, 
•caused the women to don men's attire, and parade with his 
squad of militia in such a way that the enemy were led to 


Be it known to you BostoniauB, that all the inhabitants here of whom I had 
taken captives, I carry but few of them with me, and much greater part, who are feeble 
and incapable for war, I have set them at liberty. It is a great sname to abuse the 
feeble ones. I have always said so ever since we commenced to kill you. Many 
prisoners I have released, therefore you have greatly roused my wrath, in that you 
continue to abuse those who are like prisoners. Let it be no longer. So far you are 
men as well as we, and if you still persist to do so, I know not what may happen here- 

(Signed) Joseph Bbamt. 

On the Delaware, April 15th, 1780. 

t Ulster Historical Society Papers. 


believe that the "fort" was strongly garrisoned. Brant, having 
Jio artillery, did not dare attack the block-house ; but contented 
himself with cutting off stragglers, securing the horses, cows, 
oxen, etc., of the farmers, and burniag the buildings. After 
"doing what injury he could, he left with his plunder and followers, 
and was not pursued. 

In consequence of this raid, Count Pulaski was ordered to 
the Minisink country with a battahon of cavalry, for the protec- 
tion of that region. He remained there but a few weeks ; for, 
in February, 1779, he left with his force for South Carolina,* 
and the valley of the Neversink and the Mamakating was left 
without protection, except what was afforded by such of the 
settlers as were not serving their country at other points. Of 
this fact Brant was not long ignorant. 

In the summer of 1779, while General John ^Uivan was 
-gathering an army at Wyoming to chastise the Senecas and 
other hostile savages of western New York, Brant was engaged 
in making a second descent on Mamakating. He reached 
Peenpack on the night succeeding the 19th of July, 1779, and 
spread terrOr and devastation throughout the vaUey. The 
attack was commenced before daylight, and so stealthily did 
the wily Mohawk approach his victims, that several families 
were cut off before an alarm was made. The first intimation 
which the people had of the presence of the enemy, was the 
-discovery that several buildings were in flames. Dismay and 
<5onfusion ensued. Some fled to the woods with their wives and 
children, and some to the block-houses. The savages and tories 
plundered, burned and kiUed as they were disposed. 

After destroying twenty-one dwellings and barns, together 
with the old Mamachamack church and a grist-mill, and killing 
an unknown number of patriots, the enemy disappeared, loaded 
with spoil. They did not attack any of the block-houses, of 
which the red men entertained a wholesome fear. Brant 
marched hastily back to Grassy Swamp brook,t where he had 
left a portion of his followers. > 

Some of the fugitives fled from the valley, and carried news 
of the savage incursion to Goshen. Colonel Tusten of the 
militia of that town and its vicinity immediately issued orders 
to the officers of his command, to meet him on the following 
day (th6 21st) at the store-house of Major Decker, with as many 
volunteers as they could raise. The order was promptly obeyed, 
and one hundred and forty-nine men, including some of the 
-principal gentlemen of the county, were at the place of rendei- 
Tous at the appointed time. A counsel of war was held to 

* Historical Collections of New York. 

tThis brook enters the Mongaup a few miles from where that stream enters the 


consider the ej;pediency of a pursuit. Colonel Tusten wasf 
opposed to risking an encounter with the subtile Mohawk chief,, 
with so feeble a command, especially as the enemy was known 
to be greatly superior to them in numbers. The Americans 
were not well provided with arms and ammunition, and it was 
wise to wait for re-inforcements. Others, however, were for 
immediate pursuit. They held the Indians ia contempt, insisted 
that they would not fight ; and declared that a recapture of the 
plimder was an easy achievement. The counsels of reckless 
bravery, imtempered by reason and intelligence, are not always 
followed by good results. A majority were evidently in faVor 
of pursuit, when Major Meeker mounted his horse, flourished 
his sword, and shouted — " Let the brave men follow me ! The 
cowards may stay behind ! " This appeal decided^ the question. 
It silenced the prudent. The excited militia-men took up their 
line of march, and followed the old Katheghton (Oochecton) trail 
seventeen miles, when they encamped at Skinner's mill, near Hag- 
gle's pond,* about three miles from the mouth of Half-way brook.. 

This day's march must have nearly exhausted the little army. 
The pursuit was commenced sometime in the night. The papers 
left by Captain Abraham Cuddeback, and now m the possession 
of his descendants, show that the party reached the house of 
James Finch, at what is now Fihchville, on the east side of the 
Shawangunk, in time for breakfast, and that he supphed them 
with salted provisions. From here they crossed the mountain,, 
and reached the house of Major Decker, and then pushed on 
over an Indian trail seventeen miles farther. How many men 
of Orange and Sullivan, in these effeminate days, can endure 
such a tramp, encumbered with guns and knapsacks? 

On the morning of the 22d, they were joined by a small re-in- 
foroement under Colonel Hathorn, of the Warwick regiment, 
who, as the senior of Colonel Tusten, took the command. They 
advanced to the Half-way brook, where they came upon the 
Indian encampment of the previous night, and another council 
was held. Colonels Hathorn and Tusten and others were 
opposed to advancing farther, as the number of Indian fires and 
the extent of ground the enemy had occupied, removed all 
doubt as to the superiority of Brant's force. A scene similar 
to that which had broken up the previous council was once 
more witnessed. The voice of prudence had less influence than 
the voice of bravado.t The Meekers carried the day ; but at 
the end the Meekers did not have the grace to sanctify tiieir 
own imprudence by the baptism of fire and blood.:]: 

* Dawson's Battles of the United States, f Stone's Life of Brant. 

t There was an officer who made quite a display of bravery on the march, who, 
■with his company, was within hearing while the engagement lasted, but could not b» 
induced to go to the relief of his countrymen. — iSicUement of Joseph Ckxt-penter to Lotai^ 
Smith, , 


It was evident that Brant was not far in advance, and it was 
important to know whether he intended to cross the Delaware 
at the usual fording-place, and follow the Lackawaxen trail. 
Captain Bezaleel Tyler and Captain Abraham Cuddeback, both 
of whom had some knowledge of the woods, were sent forward 
to ascertain Brant's movements, and reached the ford without 
interruption. Apparently Brant had already crossed. What 
they saw led them to think so, especially as they perceived no 
Indians behind them, and there were savages and plunder on 
the opposite shore, and a savage was then passing over, mounted 
on a horse which had been stolen from Major Decker. The 
two scouts fired at this fellow, and, it is said, wounded him 
fatally. But they were immediately shot at by skulking savages 
in their rear, and Tyler fell dead. It is probable j^hat nearly 
every shot was directed at him, as he was very obnoxious to 
the- tones and their allies. Cuddeback was unhurt, and suc- 
ceeded in reaching the main body of Americans, where he 
reported what he had seen and heard.* The killing of Captain 
Tyler caused a profound sensation among his friends; but 
instead of dampening, it added to their fierce determination. 

After leaving the mouth of the Half-way brook (now Barry- 
ville) it is believed that Brant followed the river-bank toward 
the Lackawaxen ford, to which he had sent his plunder in 
advance. Hathom resolved to intercept him at the crossing, 
and to do so attempted to reach the ford first by a rapid march 
over the high ground east of the river. As they approached 
the ground on which the battle was fought. Brant was seen 
deliberately marching toward the ford. Owing to intervening 
woods and hills, the belligerents soon lost sight of each other, 
when Brant wheeled to the right and passed up a ravine known 
as Dry brook, over which Hathorn had or was compelled to 
pass. By this stratagem, Brant was enabled to throw himself 
into Hathorn'^ rear ; cut oif a part of the latter's men who had 
fallen behind the main body, and deliberately select his ground 
for a battle, and form an ambuscade. 

The battle-ground is situate on the crest of a hill, in the 
town of Highland, about one mile northerly from the Delaware 
river, and half a mile north-westerly from the Dry brook at its 
nearest point. It is also distant about three miles from Barry- 
viUe aiid one from Lackawaxen. The hill has an altitude of 
twenty-five or thirty feet above its base, and of about two 
hundred above the Delaware, and descends east, west and 
south, while there is a nearly level plateau extending toward 

* Papers of Captain Abraham Cuddeback. Cuddeback declared that Tyler and 
himself went ahead and from the hills saw the Indians crossing the river with their 
plunder ; they proceeded down to the ford, and discovered a savage gouig over on 
Major Decker's horse ; they flred at him, when Captain Tylnr was shot. On the 
opposite shore Indians were moving down stream — JUitan Snath's MSS. 


the nortli. This level ground is rimmed (particularly on the 
south side) with an irregular and broken ledge of rooks.* On 
that part of the ground nearest the river the Americans were 
hemmed in, and caught like rats in a trap. 

The battle commenced about ten o'clock in the morning- 
Before a gun was fired, Brant appeared in full view of the 
Americans, told them that his force was superior to them, and 
demanded their surrender, promising to protect them. While 
parleying with them, he was shot at hj one of the mihtia, whose 
baU passed through Brant's belt, who then retired from view, 
and joined his warriors.f The man who attempted to aaaas- 
sinate him imder such circumstances was undoubtedly the 
greater savage of the two. 

The beUigerents were soon engaged in deadly conflict, when, 
above the mn of battle Brant was heard, in a voice which was 
never forgotten by those who were present, giving orders, for 
the return of those who were on the opposite side of the river. 

A part of the Americans kept the savages ill check on the 
north side of the battle-ground, while others threw up hastily 
a breastwork of stones about one hundred and fifty feet from 
the ledge which terminated the southern extremity of the 
plateau. Here, confined to about an acre of ground, screened 
by tree's, rocks, flat stones quickly turned on their edges, and 
whatever the exigency of the moment afforded, about niaety 
brave men, without water, and surrounded by a host of scream- 
ing and howling savages, fought from ten o'clock to nearly 
sundown on a sultry July day. The disposition of the militia, . 
and the effectual manner iu which every assailable point was 
defended, show that a master-mind controlled them. By com- 
mand of Hathom, there was no aimless firing. Ammunition 
was short, and it was necessary to husband it carefully. A 
gim discharged in any quarter, revealed the position of its 
owner, and left him exposed until he could reload. Except 
what we have indicated, however, every man fought in the 
Indian mode, each for himseK, firing as a good opportunity was 
presented, and engaged in individual conflicts according to the 
barbarian custom. 

We do not beheve that the annals of modern times contain 
the record of a more heroic defense. In vain for hours Brant, 
sought to break through the cordon of patriots. The devoted/ 
mUitia-men repelled him at every point. What the fifty were 
doing who were in the morning separated from their companions 
we ^cannot learn. They may have been driven away by superior 
numbers, and they may have been blustering cowards, brave in; 

* MSS. of John W. Johnston. 

t Dawson's Battles of the United States. The statement is made on the aothorit.y, 
of Brant himself. 


council, but timid in real danger. Their movements are veiled 
in obUvion, and there we must let them remain. 

As night approached, Brant became disheartened. He be- 
lieved that the height could not be carried, and had determined 
to order his men to retreat,* when the death of an American. 

fjave the savages an opportunity to rush inside the American 
ines. This faithful man had been stationed behind a rock on 
the north-west side, where he had remained all day.f Branfc 
saw the advantage his death afforded, and with the warriors 
near him, carried dismay into the heart of the American party. 
The latter, seeing the savages in their midst, became demoral- 
ized, broke and fled. While doing so, many of them were 

Brant kiUed Gabriel Wisner with his own hand. In after- 
years, while on a visit to New York, he declared tfiat he found 
Wisner, when the battle was over, so badly Wounded, that he 
could not hve or be removed ; that if he was left alone on the 
field, the wild beasts would devour him; that he was in full 
possession of aU his faculties ; that for a man to be eaten while- 
alive by ravenous beasts was terrible ; and that to save Wisner- 
from such a fate, he engaged him in conversation, and when 
unobserved, struck him dead. Such barbarous mercy may 
seem strange to us ; but it is not inconsistent with the character 
of a semi-civUized savage. 

Captaia Benjamin Vail was wounded in the battle, and after 
the rout, was found seated upon a rock, and bleeding. He was 
killed, while in this situation, by a tory.J 

Doctor Tu^en was behind a cliff of rocks attending to the 
necessities of the wounded, when the rout commenced. There^ 
were seventeen disabled men under his care, who appealed for 
protection and mercy ; but the Indians fell upon them, and all, 
including the doctor, perished under the tomahawk. Several 
of the fugitives were shot while attempting to escape by swim- 
ming the Delaware-! Of those engaged in the battle, thirty 
escaped and forty-five, it is known, were killed. The balance 
were taken prisoners, or perished while fugitives in the wilder- 
ness. Among ^e killed was Moses Thomas, 2d, a son of the^ 
pioneer of that name, who was shot near the old Cushetunk 
block-house. The son was slain by a tory named Cornelius 

Major Wood of the militia, though not a Mason, accidentally 

five the Masonic sign of distress. This was observed by Brant, 
aithful to his pledge, the red Master saved Wood's life, and 
gave him his own blanket to protect him from the night-air 

* Jay Gould's History of Delaware County, 
t Dawson's Battles of the United States, 
i Oration of John C. Dimmick, July 22, 1862; 
§ Stone's Life of Brant. II Tom Quick. 


"while sleeping. He subsequently discovered that Wood was 
not one of the Motherhood, and denounced him as dishonorable, 
Ibut spared his life.* The blanket was accidentally damaged 
while in the prisoner's possession, which made Brant very 
angry. He then treated Wood with much harshness. 

One of the militia attempted to escape with others ; but was 
so exhausted he was obliged to turn aside to rest. In a httle 
while he saw one Indian after another running in the direction 
his friends had gone. They continued to pass until a very pow- 
•erful savage discovered him, when the man fired his last shot 
and fled. The red man did not foUow. He was probably dis-' 
abled by the shot, if not kiUed. The name of this militia-man, 
we beheve, was Cuddeback. 

Samuel Helm, of the Mamakating family of that name, and a 
grandson of Manuel Gonsalus,.the first settler of that town, was 
wounded, but being an expert woodman as weU as Indian-fighter, 
escaped. He was stationed behind a tree, when he saw an In- 
dian thrust his head from behind a neighboring trunk, and peer 
around as if looking for a chance to shoot a patriot. The savage 
had on his neck what appeared to be a black silk neckerchief. 
At this Helm fired. Much to his satisfaction, the Indian fell 
upon the ground apparently dead ; but not much to his satisfac- 
tion, he himself was immediately shot through one of his thighs 
hy another of Brant's -men. The wound seemed to take away 
sensation and strength from the limb, and Helm dropped to the 
earth, but kept behind his natural breastwork. The Indian did 
not at once rush ur to scalp Helm, being anxious to ascertain 
first whether it was safe to do so. This gave the white man a 
chance to reload his rifle. Aiter dodging around a httle, the 
other made a dash for Helm's scalp; but instead of getting it, 
received a bullet which put an end to his hfe. Helm, in relat- 
ing the adventure to our informant (Lawrence Masten,) said the 
astonishment of the red-skin, when he was unexpectedly con- 
fronted with the muzzle of the gun, was truly ridiculous ' * Helm 
then managed to get to a piece of low land near the battle- 

f round, and finally to the nver. His trail was made plain by 
is own blood. He knew he would be followed and killed if he 
did not baffle his pursuers. He therefore plunged into the river, 
and managed to pass down some distance with the current. 
Then he got ashore and hid among the rocks. As he anticipated, 
the savages tracked hira to the nver-baink, where he saw them 
hold a brief consultation, -and look up and down the stream. 
Not seeing him, they turned back, and he saw them no more. 
Here he managed to stop the flow of blood from his wound, and 
remained until it was safe to commence his lonely and weary 

* After his release, Wood assumed the obligations of this ancient and honorable 


journey back to the valley of the Neversink. He reached it 
after much suffering. 

Benjamin Whitaker, who afterwards lived and died at Deposit, 
was wounded during the day ; but kept on fighting until he be- 
came sick and faint from the loss of blood. He then retired to 
a safe place, where he staunched the blood with tow from his 
cartridge-box, and binding up the wound with a handkerchief, 
again joined eagerly in the fight. 

John Whitaker (a brother of Benjamin) was in the hottest of 
the battle, and, although he received nine bullet-holes through 
his hat and clothes, escaped uninjured.* 

Allusion has been made to Sulhvan's expedition against the 
hostile tribes of the Six-Nations in the summer of 1779. He 
passed through Wawarsing, Mamakating and Deerpark ; crossed 
the Delaware; followed it down to Easton; ^en went to 
Wyoming, where his army numbered three thousand ; from the 
. latter placehe conveyed his artillery and stores up the Susque- 
hanna to Tioga Point, where he arrived about fifteen days after 
the battle near the mouth of the Lackawaxen. Here he waited 
for the division of his army under General James Clinton. 
Clinton marched by the way of Canajoharie, Lake Otsego, and 
the Susquehanna to Tioga Point, which he reached on the 22d 
■of August. Brant in returning to Canada, was too shrewd to 
follow the road blocked by these forces. A few days after the 
battle on the banks of the Delaware, and while Clinton was 
•delayed at Lake Otsego, he feU upon a village in the Mohawk 
valley.t Therefore, he must have avoided the Susquehanna, and 
continued on up the Delaware, probably following the West or 
Mohawk branch, and around Clinton's rear. 

An account of the terrible chastisement administered by 
Sullivan on the confederated tribes belongs to general rather 
than local history. He swept over the fertile plain^ of the 
Iroquois like devastating fire, destroying everything, and leaving 
hundreds of feeble non-combatants to perish from destitution 
and exposure. Say what we may, the sum of human woe 
wrought by him in a few days, more than equals that of Brant's 
•entire Hfe. Suffering should be judged by its magnitude and 
intensity, not by the mode of its infliction. 

After 1779, no formidable attempt was made to invade Mama- 
kating; but the country was occasionally visited by small 
predatory bands, which cut off isolated families, and those who 
incautiously visited exposed points. 

In April, 1780, Brant started from Niagara for the Schoharie 
frontier. At Tioga Point, he detailed eleven of his warriors to 
go to Minisink for prisoners and scalps. With the remainder 

* Jay Gould's History of Delaware County, 
t Dawaon's Battles ot the United States. 


of his force, he went as far as Harpersfield, where he took 
Colonel Harper, Freegift Patohin and several other prisoners- 
Harper made him believe that the fort at Schoharie was- 
occupi'ed by several hundred men. This caused Brant to turn 
back. He followed down the Delaware as far as the Cook 
House, then crossed the country to Oquaga, and when he 
reached the Chemung, the whole party was startled by the- 
death-yell, which rang through the woods hke the scream of a. 
demon. They paused, waiting for an explanation of this; 
unexpected signal, when two of the eleven Indians who had 
been sent to Minisink emerged from the woods, bearing the 
moccasins of their nine companions. They informed their 
chief that they had been to Minisink, where they had captured,, 
one after another, five lusty men, and had brought them as far- 
as Tioga Point, where they encamped for the night. Here,, 
while the eleven Indians were asleep, the prisoners had by 
unknown means got rid of the cords which bound them, when 
each took a hatchet, and with incredible celerity brained nine of 
their captors. The other two savages, aroused by the sound 
of the blows, sprang to their feet and fled; but as they ran one 
of them received the blade of a hatchet between his shoulders. 
They saw no more of the white men ; but after a time, returned 
to their camping-ground, took the moccasins from tiie feet of 
their slaughtered friends, went a short distance up the Chemung,, 
built a hut near the trail by which Brant would travel when he 
returned, and endeavored to cure the wound made by the hatchet. 

When Brant's men heard this story, they were so enraged 
that it seemed probable that they would murder their prisoners ; 
but the only one of the eleven who escaped unhurt, threw him- 
self in their midst and declared that "these are not the men 
who kiEed our friends, and to take the life of the innocent, in 
cold blood, cannot be right." His words had the desired effect, 
and soothed the storm which a moment before had threatened 

For forty-three years, the bones of those who had been slain 
on the banks of Delaware were permitted to molder on the 
battle-ground. But one attempt had been made to gather them, 
and that was by the widows of the slaughtered men, of whom 
there were thirty-three in the Presbyterian congregation of 
Goshen. They set out for the place of battle on horseback;, 
but finding the journey too hazardous, they hired a man to per- 
form the pious duty, who proved unfaithful, and never returned. 

*This is the story as it was told by the Indians in the presence of Mr. Patohin,. 
■who repeats it in the narrative of his captivity. William L. Stone, in his History ol 
Wyoming, says that the celebrated scout and Indlan-iighter, Major Moses Van Campen^ 
was one of the men who killed the nine savages, and that the prisoners were residents' 
of Wyoming. Stone received his Information from Van Dampen himself, when the- 
latter was very old. 


In 1822, tke citizens of Goshen were led ^o perform a long- 
neglected duty by an address of Doctor D. E. Arnell, at the 
annual raeetiag of the Orange County Medical Society, in which 
he gave a, brief biography of Doctor Tusten^ A committee 
was appointed to collect the remains and ascertain the names of 
the fallen. The committee proceeded to the battle-ground, a 
distance of fort^-six miles from Goshen, and viewed some of the 
frightful elevations and descents over which the militia had 
passed when pursuing the red marauders. The place where 
the conflict occurred, and the region for several miles around, 
were carefully examined, and the relics of the honored dead 
gathered with pious care. The skeleton of one man was dis- 
covered where he had crept into a crevice of the rocks, and died. 
Some feared that a part of the bones* were tho^ of the enemy ; 
but this fear was dismissed when it was suggested that the 
Indians consider it a duty to inter the bodies of their friends 
who are killed in battle. 

The remains were taken to Goshen, where they were buried 
in the presence of fifteen thousand persons, including the mil- 
itary of the county, and a corps of cadets from West Point under 
the command of Major Worth. The venerable John Hathornf 
was also present, and laid the corner-stone of the monument 
erected to the memory of the dead patriots, when he delivered 
the following address : 

" At the end of three and forty years, we have assembled to 
perform the sad rites of sepulture to the bones of our country- 
men and kindred. But these arp not sufficient; pohcy has 
united with the gratitude of nations in erecting some memorial 
of the virtues of those who died in defending their country. 
Monuments to the brave are mementoes to their descendants ; 
the honors they record are stars to the patriot in the path of 
glory. Beneath the mausoleum whose foundation we now lay, 
repose all that was earthly of patriots and heroes. This honor 
. has long been their due ; but circumstances, which it is unnec- , 
essary for me to recount, have prevented an earlier display of 
the gratitude of their country. Having commanded on that 
melancholy occasion, which bereft the nation of so many of its 
brightest ornaments — Shaving been the companion of their suf- 
ferings in a pathless desert, and the witness of their valor against 

* Eager says that three hundred bones were found— a rather hmited number for 
forty-five persons ! Joseph Carpenter was the guide of the committee, and assisted in 
searching for the bones. Most of them were found near a small marsh or pond a few 
rods west of the battle-ground. This fact shows that some of the Americans, rendered 
reckless by thirst, went for water, and were killed. 

t John Hathorn represented Orange county in the Assembly ttom 1777 to 1785, 
and was twice Speaker of that body. From 1787 to 1804 he was a Senator from the 
Middle district. He was also the commander of a brigade of militia, and a Member 
of Congress in 1788, 1789, 1790 and 1791. 



a savage foe of superior numbers, I approacli the duty assigned 
me with mingled feelings of sadness and pleasure. 

"May this monument endure with the liberties of our country. 
When they peiish, this land will be no longer worthy to hold 
within its bosom the consecrated bones of its heroes." 

An oration was then delivered by Eev. James R. Wilson, D. 
D., which we will not quote, because a major part of his state- 
ments have already been given in this narrative. 

The names of those who were slain in the battle are inscribed 
on the monument as follows : 

Benjamin Tusten, 
Bezaleel Tyler, 
Ephraim Hasten, 
Nathaniel Fitch, 
John Duncan, 
Samuel Jones, 
John Little, 
Ephraim Middaugh, 


Col. Gabriel Wisner, Esq. 

Capt. Stephen Mead, 

Ens. Benjamin Vail, Capt. 

Adj. John Wood, Lieut. 

Capt. Matthias TerwiUiger, 

Capt. Joshua Lockwood, 

Capt. Ephraim Forguson. 


Bobert Townsend, 
Samuel Knapp, 
James Knapp, 
Benjamin Bennett, 
WiUiam Barker, 
Jacob Dunning, 
Jonathan Pierce, 
James Little, 

Joseph Norris, 
Gilbert S. Tail, 
Joel Decker, 
Abram Shepherd, 
Nathan Wade, 
Simon Wait, 



John Carpenter, 
David Bimey, 
Jonathan Haskell, 
Abram Williams, 
James Mosher, 
Isaac Ward, 
Baltus Niepos, 

Gamaliel Bailey, 
Moses Thomas, 
Eleazer Owens, 
Adam Embler, 
Samuel Little, 
Benjamin Dunning, 
Daniel Reed. 


Erected by the inhabitants of Orange county, 

July 22, 1822. 

Sacred to the memory of forty-four of their 

Fellow-citizens, who fell at 

The Battle of Minisink, July 2=^, 1779. 


This moimment gradually fell into decay, and no measures 
■were taken to preserve it. In 1860, Merrit H. Cook, M. D., a 
distinguished citizen of Orange county, bequeathed four thou- 
sand dollars for the erection of a new one, which was dedicated 
on the 83d anniversary of the battle, on which occasion John 
0. Dimmick, a native of Bloomingburgh, officiated as the orator 
of the day. Mrs. Abigail Mitchell, a daughter of Captain 
Bezaleel Tyler, was present, and witnessed the ceremonies. 
She was five years of age at the time of the battle ; and had 
lived during the greater portion of her life at Cochecton. 

The battle-ground is now (1870) owned by Harmon B. 
Twitchell, who lives in its vicinity. An attempt has been made 
to open a stone quarry on the Point ; but it proved unsuccessful. 
On the plateau near the Point, another attemptias been made 
with better success, by Horace Twitchell and ifobert P. Owen. 
Bullets, fragments of bones, etc., are yet found where the 
contest occurred. Breastworks are still quite plain, and stones 
stand on their edges. Brant's name is carved on a tree near 
the Point, and on a rock at some distance.* 

Benjamin Haines, the pioneer at Handsome Eddy, was one 
of those brutal men who rush beyond the bounds of civihzation, 
because they can find nothiug congenial in well-organized and 
well-regulated communities., This allegation is rendered a 
verity by the following narrative : 

In 1784, three Indians named Nicholas, Canope and Ben 
Shanks or Huycon, came to their old campiag-grounds on the 
Delaware to fish and hunt. But Httle is known of Nicholas. 
Canope was a native of Cochecton, where he had grown from 
childhood to manhood, and was much esteemed. When the 
C.olonies revolted, he went to Canada and took up the hatchet 
for King George. Ben Shanks was a c»afty, subtile savage. 
His chnstian-name was Benjamin. Before the war he had 
worked for the farmers of Shawangunk, and quite often for a 
man named Schenck. From that circumstance he was known 
as Schenck's Ben, and ultimately, on account of the great length 
of his legs, as Ben Shanks.t He was engaged in almost ev^ry 
expedition from Niagara against the frontiers of Ulster, and was 
so useful to the British that at one time he was in command of 
one hundred warriors. It is said that he was the tallest Indian 
ever seen on the banks of the Delaware, and the natural hid- 
eousness of his aspect was intensified by an accident. While 
on the war-path with a large party, a quantity of powder got 
wet. Shanks attempted to dry it by a fire, when it exploded, 
and burnt him and several others so badly that they were dis- 
abled for some time. He was much disfigured in consequence. 

* Sullivan County Ecpublican, July 7, 1871. 

t He was also kuQwn as Ben de Wilt, or Wild E«n. 


"Wlien Shanks and his companions returned to the Delaware 
ia 1784, they were first seen at Cochecton, where they stop- 
ped a day or two to renew the friendly relations which had 
existed before the war. Among others, they visited Joseph 
Koss, David Young and Josiah Parks. While they were at the 
house of Ross, they amused themselves by shooting across the 
river at a large chestnut tree, which is still standing. They were 
advised by several persons to go no farther, and told that their 
lives would be in danger if they went below, as there were some 
desperate characters there — Tom Quick among the number — 
who would not hesitate to murder them. Huycon, Canope and 
Nicholas did not heed this advice. They had passed back and 
forth through this region in safety during the war, and beheved 
that it would be cowardly to turn back from fear when peace 
was established. They went as far as the Shohola, where they 
commenced trapping for beaver, and where Haiaes, while roving 
through the woods, discovered them. He professed to be very 
glad to see them, and accosted them in the most friendly man- 
ner, calling them brothers, and assuring thejn that he was over- 
joyed to meet them once more. The Indians having just killed 
a deer, the whole party partook of a hearty meal of venison. 
After this, the savages invited Haines to visit them again, and 
he urged them to come to his cabin at the Eddy. He then went 
home, and as soon as possible concerted with Tom Quick and a 
man named Jacobus Chambers to entice the red men to his 
house, and there murder them in cold blood, and rob them of 
their furs and other property. 

Their plan was to induce Shanks and the others to visit the 
house of Haines, under a promise of protection, and get them 
to engage in fishing at the Eddy, while Quick and Chambers 
were in ambush on" the shore, from which they would shoot 
Haines''guests. Accordingly Haines prevailed on Shanks and 
Canope to come out, by promising to protect them, and take 
their furs to Minisink, and exchange them for such articles as 
they needed. Nicholas, it seems, did not come with the others 
far some reason not now remembered. Not long after. Quick 
and Chambers reached the Eddy, and according to agreement 
concealed themselves in a clump of bushes close by the fishing- 
rocks, where Haines had promised to entice his proteges. They 
did not wait long before Canope, Huycon and Haines, and a 
little son of the latter, came to the rocks and began to fish. 
Before Tom and his companion fired, it occurred to Haines 
' that the boy might be injured in the affray, and he ordered him 
home. Something in the manner of the white man caused the 
Indians to suspect his fidehty, but he quickly quieted their 
suspicions, and the three continued their sport. Canope having 
broken his hook, and none of the party having one to give him, 


ie laid down on the rocks near Shanks, with his head resting 
xipon his hand. This was considered a favorable opportunity, 
and Quick and Chambers fired. One of their balls passed 
through Canope's hand and the lower part of his head ; but did 
not kill him. He ran to Haines, and claimed the protection 
which had been promised ; when the wretch seized a pine-knot, 
and exclaiming, " Tiak ! tink ! how you ust to kill white folks. 
'Pant ! 'pant ! I'll sand yer soul to hall 'n a momant ! " dispatched 
him by beating out his brains. 

Even Tom, who for many years had been familiar with scenes 

■of blood, was shocked at Haines' perfidy. He came up as the 

latter was dealing out his blows, and shouted, "D — n a man 

. who will promise an Indian protection, and then knock him on 

the head!" » 

Shanks, who was unharmed, jumped into the river, and 
pretended to be wounded and drownmg, until the current had 
cai'ried him to a point where the bank was covered with bushes. 
Here he scrambled on shore, and ran off, limping, hallooing and 
groaning, as if in great agony. The ruse did not deceive Quick, 
however, who, finding that Shanks was traveling pretty fast for 
a man who pretended to be fatally wounded, started in pursuit, 
loading his rifle as he ran, and was soon near enough to fire. 
At the moment he snapped his gun. Shanks glanced back over 
his shoulder, and fell to the ground. He afterwards said that 
he dodged at the fiash of the gun. Be this as it may, Tom did 
not hit him. A baU-hole was afterwards found through his 
blanket, but when it was made could not be determined. 

After the last discharge of the gun, Huycon took to his heels 
in earnest ; and Quick found that his shanks were neither active 
nor long enough to compete with those of the savage. He 
returned to the roclis, saying, " If ever legs did sarvice, it was 

Shanks was next seen at Oochecton,. where he stopped to 
rest and get something to eat. He was very much enraged, 
. and " damned the Yankees for killing Canope," and swore that 
they should suffer for what they had done. After his wants 
were supplied, he proceeded on his journey up the river until 
he reached the house of Joseph Eoss, who invited him to stay 
with him ; but he refused to come near Eoss at first, the bad 
faith of Haines having caused him to distrust every pale-face. 
He finally consented, however, to remain there a short time, 
.and was kindly treated by Mr. Eoss and his neighbors. 

While here, the conduct of Shanks afforded much amusement. 
Eoss and his workmen were hoeing corn, and every time they 
went to their work. Shanks accompanied them. As soon as he 
■CTitered the field, he proceeded to the highest ground in it, and 
.after glancing rapidly and suspiciously over the surrounding 


cotmtry, he seated himself a la Turc, among the rustlyig com, 
■where he remained out of sight for fifteen or twenty minutes^ 
He would then jump upon his feet, get upon the tips of hia 
toes, raise his head as high as possible, look around as ii 
expecting to see an enemy, and then squat upon his haunches^ 
again. As long as he remained in the field, he acted in this 
way. Boss's boys could compare him to nothing but a vigilant- 
and alarmed turkey-cock. After remaining a few days, he left 
Boss, still threatening vengeance upon the Yankees who had 
murdered Canope. He was ferried across the Delaware by 
Josiah Parks, whose name has been already mentioned. 

The death of Oanope was regretted by the frontier settlers 
for many reasons. It was brought about by unmitigated treach-^ 
ery, and was a wanton and brutal homicide, which might bring 
upon innocent parties the most deplorable consequences. 

Chambers was arrested and put in jail. Quick and Haines, 
skulked about from place to place, and kept themselves beyond 
the reach of constables and sheriffs. Shanks never returned to 
the country. Sufficient evidence to convict Chambers could not 
be found, and he was discharged from custody. In time, the 
three murderers came out openly and boasted of their foul deed.. 
They were never disturbed for it, and Haines continued to live 
on the Delaware many years, while Quick, after a long life 
replete with murder and outrage upon the red man, died from 
old age near Port Jervis.* 

Settlements had not long existed in the town, before provision 
was made for educating the children of the inhabitants. Before 
public schools were organized, John Carpenter, who has been 
mentioned as one of the pioneers in the Beaver Brook region, 
hired a man named Nathaniel Wheeler to teach a school. 

G. Ferguson opened the first tavern in 1830, 'and Phinea* 
Terry the first store in 1828. Terry was a surveyor. He 
remained a resident pf the town until July 13, 1844, when he 
left home to gather berries, and was found dead a few hours 
afterwards. The cause of his death was imknown, although it. 
was believed that he was killed by hghtning. 

Barryville owes its existence to the Delaware and Hudson 
canal, and was named in honor of a former postmaster-general 
of the United States. It has a population of about 260. The 
establishment of a depot of the New York and Erie railroad at 
Shohola, rendered easy access to it from Barryville very desir- 
able. This led to the building of a suspension-bridge across, 
the Delaware at this point, by the Barryville and Shohola 
Bridge Company, which was organized in the fall of 1854. 
Chauncey Thomas, an enterprising merchant of the vicinity,, 

* lom Qnick and the Pioneers. 


owned about one-half of the stock. The bridge was completed 
in 1856, and cost about $9,000. On the 2d of July, 1859, it was 
blown down. A few moments before the catestrophe, a couple 
of equestrians (Daniel Holbiraok, A. M., of Monticello, and Miss 
Kate McElroy, of Philadelphia,) galloped across from Shohola, 
and took refuge in a building on the opposite side of the river.. 
This building was crushed by one of the cables immediately 
afterwards, and the occupants buried beneath the ruins. They 
escaped, however, without serious injury. In a few months the- 
bridge was reconstructed at a cost of |4,000. About the first 
of January, 1865, the bridge broke down, while three heavily 
loaded teams were crossing. There were on it at the time six 
persons — Henry Lilly, Oliver Dunlap, WilHam Myers, M. W. 
Quick, William Loftus and Charles Deabron. AH were precip- 
itated into the river — three mules were drowned — the men 
escaped. In the September following, the bridge was sold, 
under an execution by Sheriff Holley, and purchased by Mr. 
Thomas for $1,979. Mr. Thomas rebuilt it, adding another 
pier, etc., and by expending an additional $4,000, made the 
structure permanent. 

It is believed that a murder was perpetrated in Barryvill& 
during the month of October, 1861. The body of a man named 
John Malone was found in a canal-lock, where it had been 
thrown after the head of the unfortunate man had been crushed,, 
and a wound inflicted by a sharp instrument over one of his 
eyes, and another under his chin. An inquest was held, and a. 
verdict rendered that these injuries were the cause of Malone's 
death, and that they were inflicted by some person or persons, 
unknown, ifo clue to the murderer has been discovered. 

The Congregational Church now having the corporate name 
of the First Congregational Church of Lumberland, was first 
constituted " August ^^ 11"*, 1799," then bearing the name of 
the church at Narrow Falls, a location about a mile above the 
mouth of the Lackawaxen, on the Delaware river. It was 
gathered and organized under the labors of the Rev. Isaac 
Sergeant.* The following persons were the members at the 
time it was constituted, viz: John Bams, lohabod Carmi- 
chael, Asa Crane, Thomas Bams, Henry Barns, Jeremiah 
Barns, Nathan Bams, Elizabeth Bams, Mary Mason, Phebe 
Carmichael, Abigail Crane, Rebecca Barns, Elizabeth Barns,. 
Elizabeth Gray. At the time of this organization, all this. 
tegion was a forest, with saw-mills on various streams; yet 
few and far between. The population was very sparse, and 
wholly engaged in lumbering, many not even having a clearing 
for a potato-patch ; yet a Church was formed of the Congre- 

* Mr. Sergeant commenced occupying this field in 1797. 



Rational order, that beii^, in . the opinion of those constituting 

the same, the best form of government for them, and that 

which would best guarantee the Uberties of the brotherhood. 

However, to hold together as a Church, and to keep up and 

maintain regular religious services on the Sabbath, was attended 

wiih great inconvenience and long travel, done at tha,t time 

mostly on foot, or on horseback, both by male and female ; but 

if otherwise favoi'ed, it was in the roughest style of buckboard 

for a carriage. They had no meeting-house, or even convenient 

edifice of any kind, for their gathering, and therefore met at 

private log-houses, and changed the places of meeting as best 

■suited the convenience of the whole.. They had no settled 

■central place for gathering for many years, nor was there any 

one particular neighborhood, that for number of inhabitants and 

jgeneral convenience, was more prominent than others. It was 

what might perhaps be called a squatting community^ occupying 

such localities as gave the easiest and best facilities for getting 

'their lumber to the river, and thence to market. Nor does it 

^appear that they had for several years any settled pastor ; Eev. 

Isaac Sergeant serving them only on special occasions and times 

of communion, though he labored among them for a time at a 

later period. Hence, in the intervals between such visits, they 

tept up their meetings for public worship, and social prayer, 

and monthly Church-meetings, as best they could — meeting 

-sometimes at Narrow Falls, sometimes a,t Grassy Swamp, or 

Beaver Brook, or Halfway Brook, and their appointed Wednes- 

•day evening prayer-meeting has been kept up from that day to 


In 1803, we find in the minutes a proposition from the Church 
at Narrow Falls, to hold a union-meeting with the Church at 
Oochecton, the place for gathering to be Grassy Swamp. On 
this occasion there was present Bev. Isaac Sergeant from 
Eidgebury: Eev. Mr. Jones from Chester, and Eev. Mr. Crane 
from Bloominggrove, at which meeting five persons were added 
;to the Church. It is said of this gathering that " by far the 

freatest number of precious souls were convened that ever was 
nown in those parts upon any occasion whatever — supposed 
to be at least 400, a great number for these scattered settlements 
and the roughness of the roads." From wha,t is recorded, they 
must at this time have gathered from Cochecton, north, to 
Draketown on the Mongaup, south. 

From this period through several years they had their trials, 
being as sheep without a shep|ierd, yet holding together as a 
'Church, and meeting for worship as they could. 

In the month of September, 1814, there is record of their 
3iolding a meeting in the barn of Samuel Watkins, on Halfway 
brook ; and there were occasions in years following, of meetings 


being held in saw-mills, and ministers from a distance invited to 

At some period between this and 1818, but not on record, 
their more central place for meeting was at a location now 
called the Denton farm, between BarryyiUe and Beaver brook 
mUls, then owned and occupied by the family of Hickoks. Here, 
under the labors of the Ilev. Stephen Sergeant, son of the 
aforementioned Eev. Isaac Sergeant, they were blessed with a 
remarkable work of grace. The fniit of this revival was the 
admission to the Church of the following persons: Eeuben 
Hickok, Aaron Williams, Samuel Sealy, Henry Montgomery, 
Justus Hickok, James Van Keuren, Daniel Wells, James Eldred, 
Joseph Carpenter, Dorcas Carpenter, Mary Wells, Catharine 
Van Keuren, Elizabeth Carmichael, Debo^-ah Wells, Margaret 
Montgomery, Tabitha Wright, Polly V. Eldred, :i^tsy Hickok. 
Some of these brethren becoming active and efficient laborers 
in the cause, and having their residence at Halfway Brook, led 
"to the making of this vicinity the more general centre for their 
gathering for worship; but stiU in private houses, mostly at 
JTames Eldred's. 

This addition gave them considerable strength, and under the 
labors of Eev. Stephen Sergeant, they were blessed with subse- 
quent additions at different times. And now appears on their 
minutes their first call to settle a pastor over them, having been 
•organized and holding an existence as a Church 19 years without 
any settled pastor; for here we read: "Nov. 13th, 1818, the 
Church agreed to call and settle the Eev. Stephen Sergeant as 
their pastor," and he remained as such, till about the year 
1826, during which time many made an open profession of 
Cihrist, and were hopefully brought into the kingdom. 

At this period, however, Mr. Sergeant relinquished his charge, 
and for a time they were again without a pastor. 

And now being destitute they sought another laborer to come 
among them, and this was the introduction to the present 
incumbent, (Eev. FeHx Kyte,) who was by letter invited to pay 
them a visit, which he did in the month of August, 1832. 

This visit was followed by a unanimous call from the Church 
to become their pastor, and in October of the same year he 
arrived with his family, and settled among them, having been 
pre^dously ordained to that end. 

^ At this time religious services on the Sabbath were held in 
the school-house at Halfway Brook ; this settlement having by 
this time become a little more prominent than others ; and foi 
this reason was given to: it the name of The Village, which it 
has retained ever since. 

- On first settling, the labors of the present incumbenv were 
(divided between The Village and Ten Mile Eiver, preaching 


alternately on the Sabbaihj traveling 20 miles on foot^ and 
preaching three times. This arraiigement contiaued for one 
year, after which the iiohabitants insisted that a portion of his^ 
labors should be at the Eiver, now known as IBartyviUe. Soon, 
after this a friend took compassion on him as to his pedestrian 
travels, and provided him with a horse, saying he would take it 
out in preaching. It was indeed an aged aniibaly but did hiitt 
good service for a time. Having as yet no edifice for publi» 
worship, save that of a small school-house, the bam of Deacon 
Sears K. Gardner (of respectful memory) was temporarily fitted 
up by a stand for a pulpit, and boards for seats, in which to 
hold a four-days' meeting, and the Eev. Mr. Howell, of Wantage^ 
and the worthy pastor of the Minisink Church, "Rev. Cornelius 
.Elting, were invited^ to attend it, and assist the present incum- 
bent, which they did, and which resulted in several hopeful 
ccm versions and additions to the Church. 

His labors proving acceptable to the people who called him,, 
measures were taken to ereot a church-edifice at Halfway Brook,, 
and another at what is now called Barryville. 

Hence, on November 12, 1835, thirty-six years after its organ- 
isation, th(B Narrow Falfe' Church, as it had been called, 
dedicated its first church-edifice, and took the corporate name 
of the First Congregational Church of Lumberland. And on 
September 17^ 1835, (this being finished first,) the edifice at 
Barryville was dedicated, and the Church on its organization 
took the name of the First Congregational Church at Barryville. 
From the year 1832, through all the years intervening up to the 
present time, (1873) the present incumbent has filled the place! 
of pastor to this people, during which time many have been 
gathered into the fold ; but owing to the transition-state of this 
part of the country from lumbering to that of small beginnings 
m farming, many have removed to follow that business else- 

In the 74 years of its existence, the Church has had but 2' 
pastors, and in the intervals, but very few supplies. Its first. 
19 years without ; then for 8 years it had a shepherd ; then for 
6 years without; adding then the present pastorate to the 
former, it gives for the Church in the 74 years, 25 without and 
49 with. 

' There have been in this Church brethren whose biography,, 
if written in full, would no doubt be interesting to Christian 
minds ; and we mean no disparagement to others when we say 
that, among others. Deacon James Eldred,* Deacon Alexander 
Carmichael, Deacon Daniel WeUs, and Deacon Sears R. Gardner, 

* James Eldred held the office of detwson for thirty-Beven years ; was a iTudge of 
Common Pleas, for several ; a Member of Assembly in 1836, etc. He settled in the old 
town of Lumberland in 1802. 


(all deceased,) were men who held the cause of God deeply at 
heart. They entered heart and hand into every measure that 
gave promise of promoting the blessed cause of Christ.* 

Eev. Felix Kyte, the pastor of these Churches from 1832 to 
the present time (1873), was born in the county of Kent, Eng- 
land, in January, 1800. There he spent his childhood and 
youthful years, and subsequentiy emigrated to the United 
^States. Although the name of Kyte was somewhat prominent 
in the old town of Mamakating during the war of the Eevolution, 
he is not connected by consanguinity with any family of his 
name in this country, unless distant relatives have immigrated 
within the last fifty years. His life has been marked by patient 
toil and self-dpnial, and a rigid adherence to what he deemed 
his duty. A temperate and abstemious life has ensured him 
a green and vigorous old age. 

Mr. Kyte raised nine chfldren, one of whom became, Hke his 
father, a minister. 

There are two other churches in Highland. One of them is a 
3Iethodist Episcopal church located at HaM-way Brook, which 
was built in 1859, and dedicated on the 3d of July of that year. 
The other is a Baptist church, located in Barryville. It was 
built in 1860, and is known as the Barryville and Shohola 
Baptist church. 

From To 

1854 John W. Johnston 1856 

1856 Isaac Young 1858 

1858 Stephen St. John Gardner 1859 

1859 John Barnes 1862 

1862 Friend W. Johnston 1870 

1870 John Banjes 1872 

1872 Peter McCallum 1873 

1873 .Leon Pevonoge ; 1874 

t statement of Eer. Fejix Kyte. 



The existence of Liberty dates from Tuesday, the 31st day of 
March, 1807. The act erecting it as a town , passed the Assembly 
on the 10th of that month, and the Senate on the 12th, and it 
was originally bounded thus: All that part of Lumberland 
situate, etc., beginning at the Mongaup riyer where the north line 
of Great Lot 1 of the Hardenbergh patent intersects said river ; 
thence westerly along said Une to the Delaware river ; thence 
up said river to the line of Delaware ; thence north-easterly 
along said line to the town of Neversink ; thence south-easterly 
along said line to the Mongaup ; thence down said river to the 
place of beginning. The territoiy within these bounds included 
the present towns of Fremont, Callicoon, and Liberty, except 
so much thereof as was not originally in the town of Rochester, 
In 1816, the Hne was made to run along the north bounds of 
Great Lot 3, and at a subsequent date an addition was made 
from Thompson, and the territory on which ParksviUe is sit- 
uated, was transferred from Rockland. 

The surface of this town is uneven, and generally it abounds 
with hills. These hills are mostly long, and, when compared 
with those of other towns, of considerable altitude. The prin- 
cipal range was originally known as .the Blue mountains, and 
from them the first settlement of Liberty received its name. 
They extended from north-east to south-west nearly through 
the town. Walnut mountain, one of the peaks of this range, has 
an elevation of 1,984 feet* above the ocean level. Like the 
majority of our hills and mountains, it is fertile from its base tO' 
its summit. Its sides and top, where the woods have been 
subdued, are fruitful in grass and grain. One of its singular 
features is, that near its highest part is a never-failing spring of 
pure cold water; and another is, the walnut abounds on it,, 
while that tree does not thrive on the adjacent lands. 

The town is said to have an average elevation of about 1,500 
feet. Localities thus situated are generally cold, and not well 

♦Professor Antisell. Some wnters give its height as 2,130 teet. 



adapted to agricultural pursuits. Nevertheless, for productive- 
ness, wealth and industry, Liberty ranks high in the list ol 
.towns, and it is generally conceded to be one of the best 
localities for the grazier and the dairyman in Sullivan county. 
Much attention has been paid to the raising of horn-cattle, and 
a large part of the wealth of the town has come from this 

Liberty is intersected by several streams ; but has none that 
reach the magnitude of a river. The Mongaup is a beautiful 
stream, and furnishes considerable hydraulic power. It was 
originally known as the Min-gap-och-ka, Mongawping or Ming- 
wing. The first and last names, although more euphonic than 
the other, are no longer used, nor is the last syllable of. Mongaw- 
ping. AU are Indian words. It. is said the wprd Mongaup, 
when rendered into English, is " dancing feather "—a very pretty 
conceit, and very expressive of the character of the stream ► 
The poetical quaHty of the translation, and the fact that 
Mongaup is but two-thirds of the original word, prove that the 
translator has used a poet's license. 

The Mongaup has three distinct branches. As the word 
"ing" or "ink" in the Lenape language means stream, the word 
or phrase "M'ing-w'ing " is the Indian mode of expression for 
a plurality of streams.* 

The Little BeaverkiU is another stream of some importance. 
It is not as large as the Mongaup, but is more rapid. The 
name of Beaverkill was applied to it by the early settlers, as it 
was to many other streams in various sections, because it was a 
haunt of the beaver; and the word "Little" was prefixed tO' 
distinguish it from the " Great Beaverkill," in Eockland. 

There are but two ponds worthy of notice in Liberty. These 
are the Brodhead and the Lily ponds. The former is situated 
on an elevated plain, about two miles from the' village of Liberty, 
and is somewhat famous as a resort for anglers of this and 
neighboring towns. It covers an area of about 300 acres, and 
is within the "3,000 acre tract," formerly owned by the Brod- 
head family of Ulster county, from whom it received its name. 
Its water furnishes some hydraulic power, and it was on its 
outlet that the first mill of the town was erected. 

Lily pond has a situation very hke that of Brodhead pond. 
Its elevation above the ocean is computed at 1,600 feet. It 
covers about 150 acres of land, and is surrounded by primeval 
forests. Over its margin, in summer, are spread the green 
leaves and white, fragrant blpssoms of the lotus (a species of 
lily made famous by Egyptian mythology,) from which it derives 

*"0s8'ing-B'-ing" now corrupted iuto Sing. Sing, and " Ass'-ing-n'ing " — (the last 
the true Indian name of the Shawangunk river,) are examples. Both undoubtedly 
have the same signification. Mongawping may have Been the name of the stream below 
the forks ; while Mingwing was the descriptive appellation of the branches. 



it» pretty and significant name. This pond is situated on the 
highway from ParksviUe to DeBruce, about tvo miles from the 
former, and is one of the most beautiful and pioturesque sheets 
of water in the eoimty. It has but a small outlet^ which empties 
into the Little Beaverkill.* . . 

Koads intersect this town in alinost every direction. Like 
the highways of every region which has not been occupied by 
■civilized men more than one hundred years, they are nteraUy 
*'hard to travel." The buildings are principally of wood, and 
generally are large and commodious, though built with little 
regard to beauty of architecture. The general aspect of the 
town shows that the population is noted for industry, sobriety 
and thrift. The town lies whoUy within the limits of the Great 
or Hardenbergh patent, and contains 48,951 acres. 






Co. and 












1840 • 








In 1855, with about 540 married men. Liberty had 472 owners 
of land — a very creditable fact. 

This town was principally settled by families from Connecticut 
and other Eastern States, and a large majority of those who 
now reside in it are of that descent. 

Nearly a century had elapsed siace Queen Ann had granted 
the Hardenbergh patent to "promote the settlement of the 
country." The immense estate had not been divided between 
the original proprietors or their heirs and legal representatives, 
until the company, from its numbers, had become too unwieldy 
for practical purposes. A partition then took place; and it 
was subsequently subdivided by heirs and assigns, who were 
scattered far and li^ide over the earth's surface. Hence the 
people of small means who would have purchased farm-lots in 
that part of the patent situated id Sullivan, knew not whom to 
apply to, except iu a very few instances. One of these excep- 
tions was a Captain Charles Brodhead, who lived in Ulster 

*B. a. Childs'MSS. 


■^county, on the road which led to the Great Lot in Neyersink 
and KockUnd inherited by Livingston. He (Brodhead) owned 
■the "3,000 acre tract" in Liberty, which had descended to him 
from the Brodhead who purchased of Hardenber^h, the pat- 
entee. Charles Brodhead s residence and ownership led to the 
■settlement of Liberty. 

The first step toward opening the Blue mountain country, 
as it was called, to the pioneer, was the making of a road to it 
from Neyersink. This was done under the patronage of or by 
the State, as was frequently the case at that time in regions 
-similarly situated. Brodhead had the contract for building the 
road — perhaps for cutting it open, (for little more was accom- 
plished,) would be better word^ to record what was done; 
and from the fact that he made it, it was known^, afterwards as 
the Brodhead-road. Ten to twelve miles travel on it in a day, 
with a load, required the work of a strong team from morning 
till night, with the assistjance of a man or two to remove the 
obstructions, and to help extricate the vehicle from slough-holes. 

Brodhead hved in Marbletown, where many of the new settlers 
of Fallsburgh, Liberty and Neversink were obhged to pass a 
night while coming to the woods of Sullivan. He was exceed- 
ingly anxious to get settlers on his wild lands, and took great 
pains to induce immigrants to buy or lease of him. It was at 
Marbletown, or while opening the road to his 3,000 acre tract, " 
that he became acquainted with Eleazer Larrabee, from Stoning- 
tbn, Connecticut, a man of an adventurous, roving disposition, 
vrho had been a tory in the Ilevolutionary war. It is probable 
he was obnoxious to his old iieighbors in Connecticut on account 
of his politics, and that he imagined ttiat he could live more 
<;omfortaMy in a locality where his antecedents were not well 
known. He came to Neversink in 1790, among its earhest 
settlers, and located on Thunder hiU. There is no doubt that, 
-previous to this, and as early as 1786 or 1788, he came to FallsT 
burgh, and occupied a lot for two or three years near the 
present site of Hasbrouck. 

"While Brodhead was making the road already mentioned in 
1794, he offered to give Larrabee a deed for a lot of one hundred 
acres on the Blue mountain, and a lease of three other lots for 
twenty years free from rent, on the sole' and only condition that 
he settled on and improved the land. Larrabee accepted this 
offer, sold Ids property on Thunder hiU to a mulatto named 
Phineas Booth, during the year, and removed to the 3,000 acre 
tract. He thus became the first white inhabitant of the town. 
His house and land were on the^outh slope of the Blue moun- 
tain, about a mile west of the village of fjiberty. 

The inducements which caused Larrabee to become the foun- 
der of the settlement, were no doubt considered great at the 


time. The free use and occupation of three hundred acres foi- 
twenty years, and the fee simple of an additional hundred, gave 
him. a tract of four hundred acres, and made him temporarily a„ 
large landholder. He built a log-house, and with the assistance 
of a hired man, Ambrose Woodward, commenced clearing his. 
land. In 1795, he sold one of his lots to a settler named John 
Vail, for $700. This sale should have made him a "man of 
means " in those days, when there were so few in Sullivan west 
of the Shawangunk mountain worth half the money; but he: 
soon grew .weary of the Blue mountain. He was a sanguine 
man, as all rovers are, and men of that temperament become- 
easily disheartened under difficulties. There was at that time 
no merchant, no grist-mill, no physician, no school, no clergj'- 
man, and no blacksmith within many miles of him, and to reach 
them he had to travel on an almost impassable road through a 
wilderness abounding in panthers, wolves, bears, and other wild 
animals. Wild beasts at that time were not only troublesome 
to the pioneer, whose crops were injured and his cattle destroyed 
by them, but they were considered dangerous to the pioneer 
himself. Larrabee made war on them, and being a good marks- 
man, shot many of them. We will not give the number of deer,, 
bears, wolves and panthers, which we are assured this man; 
killed, for fear that we wiU be charged with exaggeration. 

Upon lands adjoining those given him by Brodhead, Larrabee 
erected, while he resided on the Blue mountain, the first saw- 
mill and grist-mill in the town. They were built for Brodhead. 
The saw-mill was on the outlet of the pond which still bears 
the name of Brodhead. It was made altogether of logs and 
hewn timber, except the parts necessarily of iron. The race 
was of troughs manufactured from huge hemlock trees with 
much labor and ingenuity. After the completion of the saw- 
mill, lumber was cut by it for the grist-mill. 

Larrabee also sold another of his leased lots. It was bought 
by a Quaker named Earl, who moved in the second year of the 
settlement, and who also paid $700 for the lease, as did Vail. 
The price paid was enormous, and much more than the fee 
simple was worth. Some of the best of the same land has been 
sold within the last twenty years for two dollars per acre. Earl 
at once commenced improving his lot. 

The other land, Larrabee continued to own as long as he 
remained there, and it is known to this day as the Larrabee lot. 
In four or five years, he sold it to Daniel S. Stewart, and re- 
moved to Saratoga county, where his stay was hmited. He them 
went to Borne, and finally to CRautauqua county, where he died.. 

John Vail, who made the first purchase of Larrabee, was. 
from Deerpark, Orange county. 

In 1797, John Goi-ton moved to the Blue mountain settlement. 


and located a short distance west of the present village of 
Liberty, on land since* owned by his grandson, Elias Champlin. 
He came from Connecticut in 1793, with his cousins, Thomas 
and William Grant, and went on what is now known as the 
Depuy lot, in Pallsburgh. Thomas Grant at that time had 
three children and Gorton two. They came by the way of 
Kingston, Eoehester and Wawarsing, in one of the old Yankee 
butterfly-carts, which was drawn by three yoke of oxen and a 
horse. The latter animal was ridden by Mrs. Grant, and thus- 
performed double service. Their turnout astonished the old 
Dutch farmers of Ulster. They had never seen or dreamed of 
such a contrivance, and left their antiquated plows and fat, sleek 
horses, and htirried as fast as was seemly in Dutchmen, to the 
fences along the bounds of the highway, where t|jey stood with 
open mouths and eyes, and stared at the Yankee travelers, and 
their strange machine and motive-power. 

It is but fair to state here as a counter-episode, that six or 
seven years after the journey in the butterfly-cart, Joseph and. 
Amos Y. Grant, who were then boys, and who subsequently be- 
came prominent and highly respected citizens, went from the 
backwoods of Sullivan to visit some cousins in Wawarsing. A 
merchant of that place (Abraham Vernooy) had a painted house, 
the first house of the kind seen bythe lads, and there was a 
hogshead in the store, all which surprised them greatly, and the 
impression the hogshead made on the mind of Joseph was 
fresh even in his old age, and long after he had been a judge 
of our County Court. 

When the Grants and Gorton first came here, the nearest 
store was in Eoehester, six miles beyond Wawarsing. The 
journey there and back required several days, and when one of 
the settlers in a neighborhood undertook it, nearly all sent by 
him to purchase what they wanted, and their limited means 

Isaiah Whipple was added to the settlement in Liberty about 
this time. 

The persons mentioned in the preceding paragraphs mostly 
settled around Brodhead pond. Thomas Grant left the county 
with Larrabee, who was his cousin. In the Revolutionary war 
they had taken opposite sides. Grant had served under Wash- 
ington, and drew a pension until his death. William Grant had 
also done good service as a minute-man. 

Nathan Stanton, senior, came to Liberty in March, 1796, from 
Preston, New London county, Connecticut, and settled on the 
place since owned by Colonel Edward Young, two miles north- 
west of the village of Liberty. Thomas Grant had previously 
made a clearing on the lot ; but for some cause was not satisfied 
and sold it to Stanton. Tliree families named Russell, Whipple 


an<1 Pinney, who had come the fall before, lived near him; 
Nathan Stanton, junior, who was but three years of aige at the 
time, and who died but recently, remembered many of the inci- 
dents of. the journey to Liberty, as well as events which occurred 
soon after. The family came as far as Lackawack in a wagon 
drawn by oxen. At that place they procured an ox-sled, which, 
as there was no snow on the ground, was much more comfort- 
able for the journey, as indeed it would have been at any time, 
over the roots and stones and the mud-holes of a newly made 
forest-road. On the way from Lackawack to Liberty there 
were but few clearings. Although several had settled in the 
town before him, he was the first one who sowed grain, having 
moved on a place partially cleared. Others had been engaged 
in clearing their lands, and had cultivated none of the cereals. 

Soon after the Stantons came, the first marriage of the town 
occurred. David Rowland of Neversink was united in wedlock 
to Aviar, a daughter of Isaiah "Whipple. Rowland had to come 
a long way through the woods to win a bride, and if he 
performed the journey to or from her father's residence in the 
night, as has been the custom before and since, he must have 
encountered as many perils as ever did belted and plumed 
knight in quest of similar game. We have no doubt the prize 
was worth the trouble it cost to win it ; for she was of that class 
from which have graduated so many excellent wives and mothers. 
She was a school-mistress, and was not only the first bride, but 
the first teacher of a school in Liberty, She commenced her 
school about the year 1797, in a little bark-roofed shanty, near 
the house since occupied by Amos ShaW. She had not far from 
ten pupils — the only book used was Webster's spelliagrbook, 
and she received one dollar per week, and boarded herself — , 
wages that certainly do not compare favorably with what is paid 
female teachers at the present day. Arithmetic, writing, etc., 
were not taught in the schools there for several subsequent 
years. Judge Joseph Grant married a sister of this Miss 
Whipple. She was his first wife. After her death he married 
ihe widow of Jehu Fish, who was a daughter of Eobert Young. 

Death in a new and sparsely settled region is an event which 
excites more sympathy than in old communities. And when 
sickness or accident threatens to snap the frail thread of life in 
a neighborhood of pioneers who are too poor and too far 
removed from civilization to summon a physician, the kindly 
impulses of the heart gush forth fresh and warm, and the hand, 
unskilled as it may be, readily profi'ers aid to the afflicted 
friends, ,and ministers to the comfort and necessities of the 
suffering. Such sympathy and kindness were soon excited in 
the Blue mountain settlement. In 1797, a child of William 
Ayers, who had become a resident, was so badly scalded that 


it soon died a painful death. This was the first death in the 
neighborhood; and it- became necessary for the community to 
select a burial-place. A spot was accordingly chosen near 
Nathan Stanton's, on the Blue mountain, and there in the, virgin 
soil, among relics of the wilderness, themselves fit emblems of 
mortality, the body of the dead was laid at rest, while its spirit, 
undefiled by wilful sin, ascended to the bosom of the Friend 
and Saviour of little children. Its grave was not long the only 
one in this "God's acre." Within a few months, and during 
the same year, an infant — the first one bom in the town — sick- 
ened and died. Its parents, Mr. and Mrs. Nathan Stanton, 
were anxious that it should be buried decently; but their 
dismay may be imaginedj when they were told that there was 
not a board within reach of which to make a coffin ! Such a 
thing can hardly be deemed possible in a country^where, in less 
than half a century, silver-mounted mahogg,ny and rosewood 
coiS5ns were common. The "shell" used in these days to 
protect the mahogany and its ornaments for a time from the 
corroding moisture of the ground, would then have been consid- 
ered decent, and fit to enclose the " ashes and dust " of mortality. 
So times change, and so soon will the pomp and vanity of 
funerals, as well as other things, become the order of the day, 
as wealth and luxury increase. 

Mr. Stanton^ finding it impossible, to get anything better, was 
reduced to the necessity of cutting up his only sleigh-box, and 
in a coffin made from that, was the infant buried. A man who 
would voluntarily do so now, would be execrated for meanness 
and barbarity. Under the circumstances in which Stanton was ' 
placed, the act was creditable; and the sacrifice he made was 
quite equal to that of some of the present citizens of the town 
when they pay an enormous price for a coffin, because American 
wood is not considered good enough to surround the dead body 
of an American citizen. 

A still greater affliction visited the Stanton family in 1799. 
It was then customary in clearing land to cut down the under- 
brush and small trees. The large trees were girdled and left 
standing. The latter, particularly the hemlocks and other 
evergreens, the foliage of which remained green too long after 
the girdling, were sometimes ascended and trimmed from the 
top downward. This method was adopted to save labor in 
gathering the trunks into heaps for burning — a very laborious 
and difficult job where the timber is large, and none of it is to 
be converted into boards and timber at a saw-mill. After the 
limbs and brushwood had remained on the ground until they 
were dry, and there had been no rain for several days, fire was 
applied, and if it resulted in a good black bum, the ground was 
nearly ready to be planted. Good crops were raised in this 


way among the standing trees by the early settlers, as they had 
been by the Indians before them. When the trunks began to 
decay, fire was again applied in a dry time, and in a few years 
they were nearly all thus consumed. 

Sometimes, however, when the first burning was not good, 
th'e fallow was abandoned, and permitted to become overrun 
with briers and other rubbish. 

One of these abandoned fallows was near the log-house of 
the StantcMis. In the words of our informant, Nathafl Stanton, 
jr.,* it was on the Blue mountain, a littlfe west of where they 
lived. This fallow had become a famous place for blackberries, 
and the children of the family frequently went there to fill their 
pails and baskets with the fruit. On the 20th of August — a 
still, pleasant day — three of the boys, (including Nathan, junior,) 
with their sister, went to pick the berries, and while they were 
thus engaged several of the girdled trees fell, without an 
apparent cause, and killed two of the boys, and injured the 
sister badly. These trees had withstood the severe blasts of 
the previous winter and spring, and were prostrated on a stiU, 
calm day in summer. That they do thus faU is a well-attested 
fact. The writer of this paragraph has seen them do so ; and 
can vouch for the feeling of awe which the phenomenon pro- 
duces in the uneducated and uninformed. When the sun 
shines brightly, and all nature seems to repose in peaceful 
qyiiet; when there is no zephyr to fan the cheek, no sound to 
disturb the ear, and no visible motion of anything to attract 
the eye, lo ! one of the giants of the wood, which has withstood 
the tempests of a century, suddenly totters, topples over, and 
with a great crash, is prone upon the ground. It seems as if 
the direct- agency of God produced the result ; that He yhom 
no mortal can see, is very near us ; and that His eye is scanning 
our every movement. A solution of the mystery may be found 
in the fact that only deciduous trees thus fall. Such trees 
decay, particularly ia a warm, humid climate, much more rapidly 
than the resinous evergreens. When girdled, the sap ascends 
through the inner pores of the wood; but cannot return to the 
roots between the bark and wood ; and the body soon becomes 
over-saturated with moisture. Bapid decay in the shape of 
" sap-rot " follows, and a few weeks sometimes are sufficient to 
cause the tree to fall. 

The distress of the family — or rather what remained of it — 

cannot be described. The children had gone forth happy and 

, joyous, and before they were expected to return to their humble 

home in the woods, the parents were informed that two were 

crushed and dead, and another dangerously, if not fatally 

•B. G.Chad's M8S. 


•wounded. The dead bodies were extricated, and taken to the 
house of mourning, where soon the neighboring families gath- 
•ered to witness the sad scene of bereavement. In due time, 
these dead ones were also deposited in the original graveyard 
•on the Blue mountain. 

During the first five or six years of the settlement, several 
■other deaths occurred. Among them was that of a Mr. Stewart, 
(father of Sandford Stewart,) who was the first adult male who 
-died in Liberty. The 'wife of Asa Champlin, and the wife of 
Jesse Champlin, also died before the year 1800. These were 
buried in the same place as the children of Stanton. 

Nathan Stanton, junior, died recently. He remembered dis- 
tinctly that the elk was found in Liberty and the surrounding 
country several years after his father went there to live. In 
1799, when he was seven years old, his father engpged in hunt- 
ing these animals on the Blue mountain, with Robert Maffitt and 
Captain Ichabod Benton, of Benton Hollow. They started their 
<logs, and soon saw a very large elk running before them towards 
Brodhead pond. It was a truly noble animal, and seemed to 
pass along with the fleetness of the wjnd. As it neared the 
pond, it was so close to one of the hunters who was watching, 
that he fired at it, and wounded it mortally. Nevertheless, it 
plunged into the water, and swam for the opposite shore. The 
hunters, with a canoe or dug-out, followed it, and after an 
exciting chase, and before the elk reached land, it was captured. 
Both the elder and younger Stanton were expert hunters, and 
if their adventures while in pursuit of game coiild be written, 
they would make a popular volume.*^ 

Thomas Grant remained in the town but one year, and left in 
1796, probably going to Neversink, and living there .three or 
four years. He received from Stanton two dollars per acre for 
his land and improvements. 

For many years, the lands generally were leased to the 
occupants. The owners considerpd this the most advantageous ; 
and the early settlers, with but few exceptions, were too poor 
to buy. The sum paid by Stanton was about the average price 
of what was sold until 1800, and at first but little except the 
Brodhead lands could be got on any terms, for reasons which 
will appear. 

The south part of the town was owned by the Ludlows, who 
lived in New York city, and cared so little for their Sullivan 
possessions that their residence and their ownership were 
unknown to many who wished to buy and settle on the land. 
The north part in the vicinity of Parksville, belonged to the 
EockweU family of Connecticut, and could not be sold or leased 

* Hunters of SiUlivan. 


for several years after the first settlers came. The western- 
section was held by DeWitt, Elmendorf, Newkirk and others^ 
of Ulster and Dutchess, who did liot seem anxioiis to part witk 
it hastily. " Squaittilig " on the lands of others was then not. 
much known and practiced in Liberty. The little that was done 
of that sort was on the Lildlow tract. 

In 1800, wild land advanced to three dollars per acre, and 
improved farms brought from ten to twelve. At this time there 
were only about thirty faniihes in the town, and in 1814, there 
were not more than ninety. The roads were execrable — every- 
thing was held at a higher figure than in FaUsburgh and Never- 
sink, and consequently there was little or nothing attractive. 

In 1799, Doctor Blake Wales came from Windham, Connecti- 
cut, and commenced the practice of medicine ill Neversink, and 
spent the remainder of his hfe in that town and Liberty. He 
visited the Blue mountain settlement during the first year of 
his residence. He recollected distinctly in his old age that, the 
village of Liberty in 1799 had but two buildings, and they were 
made of logs. One of these stood where the dwelling of Timothy 
F. Bush now stands, and was occupied by John Russell; the 
other near the site of the Midland Hotel, and was owned by- 
Jason Fish. Among the principal men of the town of that day 
was, according to Doctor Wales, a man named Champlin (the 
grandfather of EHas Champlin) who lived on the Amos Shaw 
place, and was quite intelhgent, but very convivial in his habits. 
He afterwards died while sitting in a chair at the tavern of 
Luther Buckley. The Doctor's reminiscences of old times 
generally corresponded with what we have written, with the 
addition that every building iu'Liberty township, when he first 
visited it", was of logs, and generally with but one room. 

The first preacher who visited Liberty, was a Eev. Mr. Ran- 
dall, a Baptist, who had charge of a small congregation at 
Westfield, and who probably earned his own living by hard 
labor, and preached the gospel as he understood it to the stray, 
sheep and goatts of the wilderness, whenever his own necessities . 
permitted him to remit his daily toil. The first minister who 
came to the town regularly, was Rev. Alexander Morton,* of the 
Methodist Episcopal Church. It tpok the latter about six weeks 
to get around his circuit. He was almost constantly in the 
saddle during the day, traveling from settlement to settlement, , 
and Speaking "good words" wherever he could gather a few 
people in a log-house or bam. He encountered abnost as 
many perils as those enumerated by St. Paul. Frequently 
he had^to ride miles with nothing to guide him but blazed trees.. 

* Bev. Alexander Morton was the father of Captain James Morton, of Westfielcfc. 
Flats, and died there many years since. 


He had to ford almost every stream he came to, as &ere were 
but few bridges, and when the rivers and" streams were swollen 
by rain or melting snow, he was compelled, with no eye seeing 
him but God's, to swim his horse across, momentarily fear- 
ing and expecting to be swept away with his faithful animal. 
Often he saw along his path the foot-prints of ferocious beasts, 
and occasionally he encountered the woK, the bear and the pan- 
ther in the lonely recesses of the forest, and audibly expressed 
a thanksgiving when they fled away. In money he received but 
a trifling recompense; but in a peaceful conscience, and the 
smiles of his Heavenly Master, an " exceeding great reward." 
The King of Kings has seldom had more sincere and self-deny- 
ing laborers than these early Methodist missionaries, and until 
there is another great awakening among the sybaritic elements 
of society, we shall not see their like again. 1 

About the year 1798, Jason Fish moved into the woods, and 
settled within the bounds of the village of Liberty, and not far 
from the same time came the Eussells, Edward Swan and Eben- 
ezer Gaer. They were preceded about two years by Isaac 
Carrier, father oi Asa, Elijah and Isaac Carrier, who subse- 
quently formed a partnership with EosweU and John Russell, 
and carried on the carpenter-business. They built nearly all 
the frame-houses and barns of that period in the town. They 
also put up a saw-miU, and afterwards a grist-mill near the 
location of the old Gildersleeve mill. The Eussells and Car- 
riers ultimately became prominent men ; they held important 
stations in the field of enterprise, and with many others, per- 
formed their part in making Liberty one of the noted towns of 
the county. One of the EusseUs buUt the first frame-house in 
the town. It was not a splendid specimen of architecture; 
nevertheless, while all the other houses were of logs, it was a 
thing to boast of. It stood on the Asa Carrier place. In 1800, 
EosweU Eussell erected a house and commenced keeping a 
tavern on the T. E. Bush place. It was the first inn opened in 

In 1796, the Bentons — Ichabod, Stephen and Frederick — 
came from Connecticut, as did nearly all whose names we have 
given. They settled in the valley which now bears the name of 
Benton HoUow. WilHam Ayres also came at this time. During 
the next two years, Eobert Maflitt, then a youth of twenty 
years, settled on the farm since owned by John Lewis, in 
the Bentons' neighborhood. One of his neighbors was Daniel 
Bloodgood. During the ensuing sixty years, this MaiEtt shed 
enough blood to float a small steamer. He estimated in I860., 
that he had killed at least one thousand deer, besides several 
elk, and other wild beasts almost innumerable. He well recol- 
lected when the elk wintered on Elk Point, an eminence about 


a half mile west of his house, from which there was a command- 
ing view in almost every direction. The animals were extremely 
timid, and so constantly on their guard, that it was almost 
impossible to kiU one.* 

William Grant was another early resident. He came aftei 
his,brother Thomas did, the latter inducing him tO remove from 
his first location in another section of the county. When 
William moved to Liberty, the Brodhead road was much 
obstructed by fallen trees and brushwood. An ax was indis- 
pensable for the journey, and its vigorous use was often 
necessary. He was accompanied by John Gorton, and they 
were an entire day traveling eleven miles. The jom^ey was 
very uncomfortable and tedious.t 

There may have been a few others living in the town previous 
to 1800. We have not been able, if there were, to learn their 
names. The memory of the old, unrefreshed by documentary 
aid, is extremely uncertain and unreliable. This has been our 
principal source of information, and if it has led us to commit 
errors, the blame must not rest on us. We have compared the 
recollections of the aged one with the other with great care, 
and adopted what we had reason to believe was correct. We 
could do no better. 

The year when Parksville was settled is not known ; but it is 
IjeUeved that Lemuel Martin and Eber Hall located there in 
1800. Nathaniel White, whose son Croissman was deaf and 
dumb, settled there' at an early day. Shortly afterwards, the 
family of AViUiam Parks, and that oi his son Elijah, were added 
to the place, and took a prominent position. They built mills, 
and made many improvements, completely throwing Mr. Martin 
in the shade. This was not pleasant to the latter, who consid- 
ered himself entitled to respect as the pioneer of the locahty. 
When it had become of sufficient consequence to have a cog- 
nomen, he contended it should be called Martinville ; but his 
ambition was not gratified. The people, dazzled by the more 
enterprising and stirring man, named the place Parksville, in 
honor of William Parks. With this Mr. Martin was much 

William Parks was an early settler of the town of Neversink. 
In 1816, when SuUivan and Ulster formed a joint Assembly 
<3istrict, WiUiam !^arks, then of Neversink, was one of the four 
Assemblymen from the two counties. In his old age, he re- 
moved to Wawarsing, Ulster county, although he still was 
strongly attached to the village which bore his name. In 1846, 
when he was four-score, he made a visit to Parksville, and feel- 
ing unwell on reaching his old home, he remarked that he had 

» Hunters of Siillivau. + B. G. Cliilda' MSS. 


■come to die and be buried where he had so long lived. His 
words were prophetic, for he lived only about a week after he 
had uttered them. He was an honest, kind, active and affable 
mail, and enjoyed the esteem which such traits generally win.* 

The ground on which ParksviUe stands^ was once in. the town 
of Eookland ; but, for the convenience of the inhabitants, it was 
annexed to Liberty. Being a long distance from the centre oi 
the former, and but four miles from the village of Liberty, the 
change was a happy one. The site of ParksviUe is in a narrow 
vaUey, and nearly surrounded by bold elevations. Originally 
it was a swamp, but became dry land after the forest was 
subdued. The Little Beaverkill runs through the village, and 
has a fall here of about twenty feet, affording sites for mills and 
factories. A great impetus was given to the prosperity of the 
place by the former business operations of William Bradley 
and James F. Bush. Bradley built a large tannery here — ^be- 
came embarrassed — afforded a respectable income to several 
lawyers and sheriffs for years, and outwitted his creditors and 
everybody else. He was a man of strildng idiosyncrasies. 
There can be but one Henry Ward Beecher, and there never 
wiU be another financier like William Bradley. James F. 
Bush was a merchatit, tanner, speculator and politician. He 
was a Member of Assembly in 1848, 1849 and 1850, and at one 
time a candidate of his party for County Judge. He also 
hecame embarrassed financially; but enjoyed an unblemished 
reputation for integrity. 

An eminence between ParksviUe and the village of Liberty is 
known as Sumac Point, where the air is seldom at rest. In 
sultry weather, when jEoIus is idle in other places, the refresh- 
ing breeze and the grateful zephyr are f oimd here. This has 
given birth to the popular error that, after leaving Lake Erie, 
the wind does not touch terra firma until it peaches Sumac 
Point ! On the west side of this high ground flows a stream 
which goes to the east branch of the Delaware, and on the 
other side is a branch of the Mongaup. Opposite the Point is 
Ifoung's Gap, a name received from the Liberty family of 
Youngs. This gap has been made famous by railroad sur- 

Besides shops, mills, stores, etc., ParksviUe has a neat church- 
edifice, which is owned by the Baptists, a denomination some- 
what numerous here. 

In 1822, Abial Bush, Jr., came from Connecticut, and settled 
one mile north of ParksviUe. He was the son of Abial Bush, 
senior, a brother of Calvin Bush, one of the early residents of 
the town. Abial, senior, was the father of James F. Bush, who 

♦ SulliTan County Whig, October 2, 1846. 

t See Sullivan County Whig, January 14, 1848. 


was several times a Member, of Assembly. Abial, junior, was 
the father of Albert J. and Timothy F. Bush, each of whom 
became Judge and Surrogate of the county. Both of these 
brothers, after surmounting great obstacles, won prominent 
positions as lawyers. Of. the youngest (Timothy F.), it is 
foreign to our rule to write freely, as he is stiU in the arena of 
politics and law. Albert J. was born at ParksviUe in 1826.. 
When he was yet a boy his father died. His widowed mother 
and half-orphaned brothers and sisters then became dependent 
on him for support. They leaned on him, and he was not to 
them a broken staff. Without education and destitute of influ- 
ential friends, he became a common laborer, and as soon as 
circumstances permitted, learned to build chimneys and spread 
mortar. At this he worked for years. While thus engaged, he 
began to feel the stirrings of intellectual life. He borrowed 
books, and read them after performing the tasks of the day. 
He commenced with Shakespere, Milton, and other works of a 
high .order, when a spelling-book and an English Grammar 
should have been put iu his hands; for with all the mental 
volume he subsequently exhibited, he could not conceal his 
defective orthography and syntax. Wisdom and strength of 
mind were his; but beauty, which gives » glory to the mental 
fabric, and is as the "pohshed corners of the temple," wa» 

At this time, probably, there was not a respectable lawyer in 
the county who would have received as a student an unlettered 
mechanic hke Albert J. Bush, and the latter, if he had been 
disposed to apply for admission, had no means to enter an office 
and pay for his board. Although he may have felt the yearn- 
ings of ambition, his mental powers were yet dormant. Intel- 
lectually he was a chrysoUd — dull and unattractive, yet with an 
.inevitable tendency to ascend from obscurity to Hght and sun- 

WhUe working at his trade. Bush determined to be a lawyer. 
He was led to do so by the late Eobert Y. Gra>nt. Grant had 
employed him to assist in conducting a suit before a Justice of 
the Peace, when Bush exhibited so much adroitness and intel- 
ligence, that the other advised him to study law. The young 
man regarded the proposition as absurd, because he had not a 
dollar in the world, and it " took everything he could earn to 
hve." Grant, who had a large and generous heart, and was 
then far from being rich, at once offered to lend him one 
himdred dollars, if he would follow his advice. Bush shook his 
liead, and went back to his trowel and hammer. A few daya 
later, he called on Grant, and told him he had made up his 
mind to take the hundred dollars on certain, conditions. "I 
wiU not give you a note or due-bill. No one shall know from 


you or me that I have received the money. You shall never 

ask me for it. If I die, or make a d d fool of myseK, you 

agree to lose it." On these novel terms Grant let him have 
the money. Not another word was said on the subject for 
several years, when Bush handed his benefactor the amount of 
the loan with interest. 

Bush studied law without a preceptor, and continued to 
work at his trade. Solitary and alone, and ia the light afforded 
by a tallow-candle, he traveled through the labyrinths of the 
law. After a time, when he believed he had mastered the truths 
and fictions of his chosen profession, he managed to attend a 
liw-school at Ballston (Fowler's) for a few months, and then 
went to Albany for admission to the bar, where he was licensed 
to practice in all the courts of the State. He lacked a library. 
A penniless lawyer without books has a po#r prospect of 
success. He wandered into the few-book establishment of W. 
C. Little & Co., which seemed to him an inexhaustible fountain 
of legal lore. While he was examining the volumes he needed, 
and inquiring their price, Mr. Little asked him if he wished to 
buy them. Bush answered, "No, not now; but ia two or three 
months I will send for them." Little apparently took an inven- 
tory of Bush's garments, and then said, "You had better take 
them now. I wiU trust any man who has a patch on his knee." 

The volumes were purchased.* Bush also went to C. V. E. 
Ludington, and applied for a loan to complete his library, 
Ludington seldom lent money to applicants unless they gave 
ample security. This Bush knew, and he frankly declared, 
"If I live, I will pay you; but if I die, you will not receive back 
anything." Ludington, much to his credit, let him have the 
money he needed. 

Bush at once took a good position as a professional man. 
He opened an office in his native place, and at the next County 
Court had thirteen cases on the calendar. Success smiled on 
him, and although he came in contact with the veterans of the 
bar, he continued to prosper. In 1858, he was the republican 
candidate for County Judge in opposition to Henry E. Low, 
American, and James Matthews, democrat; biit was defeated, 
In 1863, he abandoned the republican party, and three years 
later was elected County Judge and Surrogate by the democracy, 
when he removed to Montieello. In 1870, he was re-elected. 
On the 29th of February, 1872, he died of cerebro spinale menin- ■ 
gitis, caused, it was supposed, by mental fatigue and excitement 
incident to his profession. 

It is not possible that a man with such a history can resemble 
those fortunate persons who from birth have had unexception- 

* George H. Carpenter in Liberty Begister. 


able moral and mental training. Physically as well as morally 
and mentally, he was a rough rather than a perfect ashlar. He 
was kind to his friends ; brusque and fierce toward his enemies. 
He contemned conventional ruts. His mind cut the channel 
through which it flowed. He formed his own theory of a case, 
adhered to it dogmatically, and by the force of his logic compelled 
others to adopt his opinions. On no subject was he more 
idiosyncratic than on that of the Christian reMgion. His creed 
was not what is esteemed orthodox ; but whatever it was, it was 
his own ; while he held it firmly, he did not seek to make it the 
belief of others. , 

Joseph Grant came to the county with his father when he 
was less than six years of age. The family settled on Neversink 
Flats before IJhere were white inhabitants in Liberty. In 1812,, 
he located in the latter town, where he remained until he died, 
in May, 1860. He was in every respect a worthy citizen, and 
enjoyed public" confidence. At one time he was Sheriff of the 
coimty, and for several years was a Judge of the Court of 
Common Pleas. He left a large and respectable fa,mily. At 
the time of his death, one of his sons, (Robert Young Grant,) 
was a Senator. The latter, although he had enjoyed no better 
educational advantages than were afforded by the common 
schools of Liberty, was a man of acknowledged abiUty. He 
was prominent in the business affairs of the town, and as a 
political leader, had a reputation beyond his county and dis- 
trict. He was a ready and vigorous debater, and by the force 
of his intellect alone, won a commanding position in the Senate, 
where he was the acknowledged leader of his party. He died 
in February, 1862, of typhoid fever, contracted while in attend- 
ance on his son. Lieutenant Oscar B. Grant of the U. S. 
Marines. Senator Grant at the time of his decease was in the 
44th year of his age. He had not yet reached the meridian of 
his intellect. It is difficult to designate the honors he would 
have achieved, if he had not been stricken down when his 
worth was becoming day by day more apparent. 

Robert Young came to the town in March, 1806, and was 
among its best citizens. His children were, 1. Susan, who 
married John Fish. Fish's death was caused by the fall of a 
tree, after which his widow married Judge Joseph Grant. 
2. Joseph ; 3. Eobert, junior ; 4. Erastus ; 5 John ; 6. Frank ; 
,7. Asaph ; 8. William ; 9. Eunice, who married Calvin Bush, 
junior; 10. Betsey, who died unmarried. As the reader will 
discover, seven sons of Eobert Young were born successively. 
• Judson Sherman was a pioneer settler on the William T. 
Darbee place. Sherman's stomach, like the daughters of the 
horse-leech, was never satisfied; His voracity produced a 
famine at every tavern where he eat a meal. 

THE TO^ OF LIBEIlTy. 343^ 

In 1805, Nathan Cheesebrpu^h became a lesident, and two 
years later conjmenoed improvmg the farm now (1872) owned 
by Bennett Quinlan. 

Fanton Sherwood, another settler of excellent repute, was in 
the town previous to 1807. 

. Thomas Crary, of Stonington, Connecticut, came in 1801, and 
settled about one mile east of the village of Liberty. He was 
the first Supervisor of the town, and for many years a Judge of 
.the Court of Common Pleas. His descendants are noted for 
business enterprise, intelligence and moral worth. 

In 1807, two brothers named Elijah and Joseph Hill bought 
the east half of Divison No. 10. In 1799. Joseph married Miss 
Sarah Banks, of "Weston, Cpnnecticut, who, on their removal to 
Liberty, had borne him four children. The next nine years 
were full of toil and. the discomforts of pioneer life. The clear- 
ing of a farm, tl^e erection qf buildings, fences, etc., and pro- 
viding for the necessities of a rapidly mcreasing family, left but 
few hours for quiet enjoyment. In 1816, Joseph HUl died, 
leaving his widow with PJne children, the oldest but sixteen, 
years of age. Her trials and sufferings during the next ten 
years, no pen can describe, and no one appreciate unless he 
has passed through similar scenes. But the iUs of this world, 
like its joys, must end. In 1826, the widow of Joseph Hill 
became the wife of Bbenezer Carrier, with whom she lived 
nineteen years, when she became once more a widow. She 
died September 10, 1868, in the 93d year of her age, "leaning 
on the arm that is able to save." Joseph HiU left three sons — 
Sherwood H., Benjamin H., and Joseph. His daughters inter- 
married with the Youngs, Crarys, Clements, Mortons, etc. 

In 1807, a settlement was commenced at Liberty Falls by 
EosweU Russell, who, having sold out in what has since become 
Liberty village to William Hurd and Luther Buckley, buUt a 
saw-mill at the Falls, which he continued to run for some time, 
although Buckley bought it in 1808. William Knight located 
here in 1808. He is still (1872) living at Youngsville. His age 
exceeds ninety years. Stephen A. Gregory came in 1809, and 
settled on the farm now owned by Abel Gregory, senior. 
Two years later, when he was a lad of eleven years old, Abel 
walked from the Falls to his native place in Fairfield county, 
Connecticut, to attend a common, school during the cold months 
of winter. In the spring he returned to assist his father in 
clearing land, attending to crops, etc. This he continued to do 
year after year, until he was capable of teaching himself. Isaac 
Horton, an early settler, came trom Delaware county. He and 
others l\pught their land of the DeWitt family of Newburgh, 
who once owned a large portion of this , section. In 1825, 
Horton and Luther Buckley, built at this place the fourth grist- 


mill of the town. The place for many years was known as 
HortonviUe. The grist-mill is now owned by Ovid, a, son of 
Isaac Horton. 

The track of the New York and Oswego Midland KaUroad 
crosses the valley here on a trestle 100 feet highland 1,100 feet 
in length. 

John Starr was the jHoneer of Eobertsonville. He located 
there in 1800. Francis Leroy came soon after, and Bradley 
and Bronson Robertson in 1809. The place received its name 
from Bradley. For several years, Eobertsonville was on the 
outskirts of civilization. It was for a period the residence of 
an excentric man nacaed Maltby, who, adorned with a patriarchal 
beard, and clothed in a seamless cOat, went forth when he felt 
inclined to do so, to preach the gospel as he tinderstood it. 
He owned a good farm, of which, in his old age, he was despoiled 
by heartless and unprincipled sharpers, who, to prevent the old 
man from seeking legal redress, had him consigned to the 
county jail for a crime he had never committed. A Methodist 
Episcopal society was organized here, a few years since, by 
Eev. William A. Hughson. The society owns a' church-edifice 
— the only one in the place. 

In 1798 or 1799, Doctor Benjamin Hardenbergh,* a skillful 
man in his profession, but of intemperate habits, settled in the 
town, and kept a few groceries for sale. Another physician 
named Clapp came afterwards. In 1812 or 1813, Doctor James 
P. Youngs, practiced in Liberty, and taught school one winter. 
He remained a few months, and then removed to Edenville, in 
the town of Warwick, Orange county, where he lived and died 
eminent in his profession. In 1828, Doctor H. H. Hubbard 
was a physician and merchant in the village of Liberty. On 
the 7th of May, 1831, his store was entered by burglars and 
robbed of goods and money to the amount of $500. While he 
was here. Doctor Blake Wales and Doctor John D. Watkins 
located in Liberty as physicians, the latter of whom is still in 

Calvin Bush kept groceries for sale in 1805, and was the first 
licensed grocer in the town. The first store in which were sold 
the articles usually kept in country establishments of the kind, 
was opened by Luther Buckley on the 7th of July, 1807, when 
Thaddeus Brown led all Buckley's customers by purchasing 
two quarts of cider-brandy, for which he was charged fifty cents. 
We have the books of the old merchant before us. A careful 

* Doctor Hardenbergh died at Fallsburgh Boon after 1840. His intemperance ami 
hi8 life teiTJiinated simialtanoouslj-. In his old age, his best friend was "Pone," his 
saddle-horss. -While riding around the country, the Doctor oocaeionally rolled off of 
"Pone," and laid for hours unconscious on the highway. The faithful animal, whin 
this occurred, would not leave its master, but remained by his side until he was able 
to reiiiount, and resume his journey. 


inspection of them, has convinced us that alcohol in its various 
disguises was regarded as of prime necessity by the pioneers of 
Liberty. At least ene-half of Buckley's charges were for rum. 
In the ,three months succeeding the 7th of July, 1807, his first 
customer bought fifteen gallons of brandy and spirits, four 
papers of tobacco, eight ounces of tobacco, one and a quarter 
pounds of tea, two quarts of vinegar, one pound of shot, six 
flints, five cups and saucers, and two quarts of molasses! The 
brandy and spirits cost him $15.00 — all the other articles $2.24 ! 
Saints as weU as sinners habitually indulged a depraved appetite 
at that day, and did not dream that they offended unless their 
lower limbs proved weak and unstable. The weU-seasoned 
drinker could imbibe a quart per diem without sinning, while 
the novice could not bestow under his jacket^ a half-pint of 
brandy with impunity. 

"We gather from Buckley's books that in 1807, the retail price 
of brandy was $1.00 per gallon; gin, $1.13; wine, $1.25; mo- 
lasses, 60 @ 70 cents ; cider, 10 cents per mug ; flannel, 54 cents 
per yard ; dimity, 50 cents ; humhufn, 28 cents ; book-muslin, 
80 cents ; cahco, 38 cents ; calimanco, '373 cents ; wildbore, 44 
cents; velvet, $1.13; codfish, 6 cents per pound; broadcloth, 
$2.00 to $4.00 per yard; salt, $2.25 per bushel; coffee, 36 cents 
per pound; nails, 16 cents; chocolate, 38 cents; cjgara, per 
dozen, 6 cents ; and he paid his customers for tumip^'^ cents 
per bushel ; com, 75 cents ; oats, 37 cents ; wheat, $1.25 ; rye, 
75 cents; buckwheat, 50 cents; onions, $1.00; potatoes, 38 to 
50 cents; ashes, 12 cents; maple-sugar, 10 cents per pound, 
paper-rags, 3 cents ; cherry-boards, $1.50 to $2.50 per hundred 
feet ; butter, 10 to 12 cents per pound ; martin-skins, 75 cents ; 
mink-skins, 75 cents; day's-work, 62 cents; day's-work with 
yoke of oxen, $1.00. 

Buckley's goods for several years were carted from Kingston. 
He paid ten dollars for taking a load to and another from that 
place. His customers lived in Eockland, Bethel, Neversink 
and Thompson, as well as the town in which he traded. He 
continued to live in Liberty until May 30, 1855, when he died, 
aged 88 years, honored and revered for his age and Christian 
virtues. His children were Sally, who married Joseph Young; 
Philo ; Polly, who married Nathan Stanton, junior ; Abel, who 
died young ; Caleb ; Betsey, who married Sher-\vood Hill ; Ann, 
who married WOham Eatcliff; Emeline, who married Grant 
Gorton ; Lucinda, who after the death of her sister Ann. mar- 
ried William Eatcliff. 

Calvin Bush was perhaps the most successful panther-^kUlei 
in SuUivan. The author of the Hunters "of Sullivan, whose 
statements are generally authentic, says Bush killed fifteen of 



these ferocious animals In Liberty, alone, and gives the follow- 
ingas specimens of his adventures : 

His first encounter with panthers was in 18J4,' A man named 
Hurley had "squatted" in the woods on what is now known as 
the Hurley place. Bush, in hunting for deer, discovered the 
smoke from his cabin, and visited it. He found Hurley a wide- 
awake hunter, and fond of forest-life. They became boon-com- 
panions, and Hurley sought Bush's company whenever he 
wanted a stirring time in the woods. Hurley's hut was near a 
swamp, which was so full of deer-laurel and other shrubs that 
it was almost impassable. On the outsku"ts of the swamp was 
considerable moose-maple, and often were seen there the tracks 
of the elk that fed on it. 

One morning he saw not far from his cabin several large 
tracks, which he knew were made by panthers. In the evening^ 
he heard the animals in the swamp, and the next day saw their 
foot-prints within a few feet of his door. He thought that they 
were a little too familiar; concluded to consult Bush about 
them, and before night did so. He found Bush ready to attend 
to them, with a well-trained dog, a capital gun of long range, 
and a keen-edged hunting-knife and hatchet. Bush himself 
was a wiry, muscular, clear-headed hunter, and a match for 
anything of his weight and inches ia a close encoujiter. Hurley 
had plenty of pluck, and they hurried from Bush's to the cabin, 
to try their skill in panther-kiUing. When they got there, Bush 
let his dog loose. It was soon yelping splendidly in the swamp. 
They listened until its tone changed, and it seemed to remam 
in one place. By this they knew that the animal had taken to 
a tree, to which they hurried, and saw a large panther on a ■ 
Krab, eyeing the dog, and preparing to spring upon it. Bush 
hastily fired, and the panther, with a scream, fell in the very act 
of leaping, within a few feet of the dog. Huxley sprang for the 
dog, to keep it from being ripped to pieces by the powerful 
claws of the panther, which Bush quickly finished with his 
hatchet. They then skinned their game, and concluded to hunt 
no more until next day. 

During the succeeding forenoon, they treed another in the 
same swamp. It was high up a tall hemlock. Bush fired. It 
fell a short distance, and catching a limb with its forepaws, 
hung there. Bush reloaded his gun, and handed it to Hurley, 
saying he wanted to have some fun with the beast. Cutting a 
pole, he ascended a tree close to the one in which the animal 
vas, and punched it until it fell to the ground. After dispatch- 
ing it, they continued to hunt, and before night killed three 
more, making five in all for the two days. They were probably 
an old she-panther, and her entii'e brood of young ones. 

Very few dogs would follow panthers, and Bush's dog at once 


became a favorite with hunters. Talcott Wakeman, of Thomp- 
son, heard of the "painter" dog, and wanted to try him. 
Talcott knew where two panthers Tiept in a large swamp near 
Monticello. He had tried to trap them ; but, notwithstanding 
he was one of the best trappers of his day, they were too 
shrewd for him. He then sent word to Bush to come down 
with his dog, and help kill the ''painters." As Bush loved such 
sport even better than deer-hunting, he came, and the two, with 
Bush's dog, at once proceeded to look for the animals where 
they had been heard the previous night crying like children. 
Soon the dog started them, and Bush sent a ball through one 
of them, and not long after killed the other. They dispatched 
them so speedily that Wakeman thought there was not half 
enough excitement about it. 

During another of Bush's hunting excursions, "he wounded a 
large paBther, which sprang upon his dog. Wishing to save 
the life of his faithful caniae friend, he struck a heavy blow -at 
the head of the panther with his hatchet. The beast dodged, 
and caught the handle in its teeth, crushiag the wood until its 
tusks nearly met. Bush said he thought he had a pretty good 
grip, but that the brute took the hatchet from his hands as if they 
had been those of an infant. He then reloaded his gun, and 
shot the panther a second time, killing it. The handle is 
preserved in the family, with the marks made by the animal's 
teeth still legible. Bush had a stiff finger before this battle. 
During the encounter the beast struck it with his claws, and 
ripped it open from one end to the other. When the wound 
healed, the finger was cured of its stiffness, and was sound 
•during the balance of Ms life. 

The old hunter commanded the respect of all who knew him 
previous to his death, which took place on the 16th of January, 
1844, and his memory will he honored until his name and 
virtues are forgotten. Rev. James Petrie dehvered an excellent 
sermon at his funeral from Psalm 90, 10th verse. Bush was in 
his 80th year when he died. 

The buUding of the turnpike-road from Newburgh to Cochec- 
ton, led to other projects, which promised to benefit the interior 
of SuUivan. One of these was the First Great S. W. Turn- 
pike running from Kingston to Neversink and the Blue mountain 
country, and which Lucas Elmendorf labored for more than a 
quarter of a century to extend to the Delaware, Susquehanna 
and Chenango rivers ; another was the Branch turnpike, which 
intersected the Newburgh aiid Cochecton at Montgomery, 
passed through Eoosa's gap, crossed the Neversink at the Falls, 
and ran through Liberty. Notwithstanding large sums were 
expended on these improvements, they were abortions. 

As soon as the completion of the turnpike to Cochecton was 


certain, the people of Newburgh were busy with plans to further 
augment the importance and prosperity of that village. One 
of these was to make a great highway from the Hudson to 
Oxford via the Blue mountains, the WiUiwemoc, etc. "The 
Appian Way" was the name bestowed in advance on this road — 
an appellation both ambitious and classic. Meetings were held, 
money raised, committees appointed, and a party sent to explore 
the country beyond the Blue mountains. This party, after 
performing its task, made the following report : 

"June, 1807 — Mem* of the route for the Apian Way, &c. 
The ground best calculated for a road from Newburgh to Oxford, 
after passing the Shawangunk mountain, in order to avoid very 
high ridges of land, must cross the Blue mountain or ridge of 
land in Great Lot No. 3, in the Hardenbergh Patent, Allotment 
No. 4, and sub-division No. 4, near the N. W. comer ; thence a 
north-easterly direction through a valley pass Benton's saw- 
mill, and on the easterly side of Little Beaver kill and the 
WUliwemock kiU to Beaver creek ; thence on the easterly side 
near to Capt. Dodge's house ; on the upper edge of the flats on 
said kill, which is about one mile from the north line of Great 
Lot No. 4. We start on the Blue mountain along the line between 
the towns of Neversink and Lumberland, and cross the line, 
then near it till we turn off to the big flats, and then leave it 
about one mile where we cross to Pepacton. Here we have to 
cross a ridge to go to the east branch of the Delaware at 
Pepacton, about two miles below Judge Down's, at David 
Phelps', Esq'r, where there is a good place for a bridge; thence 
from WiUiam Horton's, directly opposite Phelps' to near the 
north line of -subdivision lot No. 59, in great lot No. 36 ; thence 
obliquely cross lots No. 60, 61, 62, 63, 64, to about the centre 
of lot 65, which is the top of Mount Holley, and within three 
miles and one quarter of the village of Walton, which is opposite 
the west end Lot No. 66." 

"expenses of apian way. 

"Hugh Walsh, chairman of ) 

the meeting of the Li- via acc't with- 
habitants of Newburgh, ) 

Francis Crawford, 
Samuel Sacket, & 
Daniel Stringham, 
"1807 Dr. 

June 24 — To the am't of our expenses for ourselves 

and horses, £16.16. 8 

To cash paid shoeing Sacket's horse, 0. 7. 6 

To cash paid for setting shoes Mr. Craw- 
ford's horse, 0. 2. 


To 1 state map, £1. 4 

To cash p'd Hiram Weller for the use of his 

horse per J. D. W. IS^days, 6. 0. 

To cash p'd Sacket, 5. 9.10 

30. 0. 

"1807 — June 10 — By cash received by Jacob Powell, Cr. 

$75, .....£30.0.0." 

During the early years of the present century, a young man 
named Lewis Hasbrouck, disappeared from Liberty under 
circumstances which have caused much comment. His mother 
was a daughter of Gerard Hardenbergh and Nancy Kyerson, 
to whom her grandfather, Colonel Johannis Hardenbergh, had 
devised a very considerable estate. She became the wife of 
Jacob J. Hasbrouck, of Ulster county, and soon after dicid, leav- 
ing one, child, (Lewis,) who inherited her wild lands in the 
Great Patent. His father mariied a second time, and had 
several other children afterwards whose prospects in life 
were not as brilliant as those of Lewis. Whether this occasioned 
dissension and jealousy we cannot say ; but certain we are that 
it led to the banishment of Lewis from the paternal mansion. 
By the command of his father, he unwilhngly came to Liberty 
to take charge of his wild lands. Old residents speak of him 
as an inoffensive a,nd pleasant young man, although somewhat 
excentric. He wore his hair long, was very fond of hunting, 
and spent much of his time at the house of his uncle. Doctor 
Benjamin Hardenbergh. It is said that he did not conceal his 
dissatisfaction with the life he was compelled to lead. 

"While hving in this way, he determined to take a journey to 
a remote neighborhood. With his favorite rifle in his hand, 
and mounted on his saddle-horse, which was splendidly ca- 
parisoned, he started from Doctor Hardenbergh's. Cornehus 
W. Hardenbergh, who was then a lad, and who was afterwards 
executed for murder, accompanied him a short distance. They 
parted, and Lewis was never again seen by one of his kindred. 
His fate is a mystery. Some imagined that he was murdered ; 
others that he was devoured by wUd beasts ; and others that he 
went to a distant region, to avoid the authority of his father, 
and that he died there, without leaving any clue' as to his ante- 

When Cornehus W. Hardenbergh murdered Anthony Has- 
brouck, the story of Lewis Hasbrouck was revived. By some 
it was siipposed that Hardenbergh had had something to do in 
causing, the disappearamco of Lewds, or at least, that he was 
pri-vy to whatever was done. A few moments before he was 
executed, he was asked if lie could throw any Mght on the fate 


of iiis missing cousin, when he declared in a solemn manner 
that he could reveal nothiiig on the subject. 

As no one could prove that young Hasbrouck was dead, his 
estate could not go to his heirs for many years. About forty 
years afterwards, it was partitioned among them, when they 
were so numerous that each one's share was a mere bagatelle. 

Previous to the organization of the Presbytman church, Ethd 
before missionaries of that religious organization were sent into 
the Blue mountain country, a layman named Nichols occasJoaaUy 
addressed those who were willing to hsten to his dissertations 
on religion and mOraJity. He lived on the Neversink; but 
whether his name was Eobert or Jonathan we cannot determine. 
Tradition says he was an uneducated man, somewhat fluent, quite 
zealous, of good natural abilities, and undoubted piety. Ne- 
cessity seems to have been his warrant for the duties he assum^ed. 

In 1806, the Yankee settlers of Liberty wished to observe 
thanksgiving-day as they had^ been in the habit of doiog before 
they came to New York; but there were two difficulties in the 
way. They had no orthodox' minister to preach the regulation- 
sermon, and the civil authorities appointed no day for the 
purpose. According to a trite, saying, "where there is a will 
there is a way." They found what day was set apart in 
Connecticut for thanks to the Great Giver, and then sent for 
Mr. Nichols, who came and delivered an appropriate sermon in 
the school-house which then stood on the lot where the house 
of Doctor Blake Wales was afterwards built. Our informant 
has, during a long and honorable life, enjoyed many good 
dinners ; but remembers none with so much satisfaction as the 
one cooked by his mother on that day. He says that he was 
convinced by the pumpkin-pies, etc., that thanksgiving should 
take place three hundred and sixty-five times every year ! 

In 1806, there were but four towns in the county — Mamaka- 
ting, Lumberland, Neversink and Thompson. Lumberland 
covered all the Delaware river towns of the present time, as 
well as Bethel, Callicoon and Liberty. In 1800, there were in 
the town of Lumberland 733 inhabitants. In 1810 it had been 
cut up into three towns, which contained the following popula- 
tion : 

Lumberland 525 

Liberty 419 

Be&el.. 737 

Total 1,681 

Previous to the division, the people of three-fourths of 
Lumberland found it almost impossible to vote or transact town 
business. Those who resided on the Blue mountain and in ita 


Ticinity, needed roads, bridges, etc., and some of them wanted 
to be supervisors, assessors, collectors or constables ; but with the 
immMJse territory of the town — the long' and execrable roads 
tiirough the wood.s ; or, more correctly speaking, with no roads 
•connecting the different sections of tne town, what chance was 
there to gratify a laudable ambition, or to secure what was 
necessary for the welfare of the Blue mountaineers? There 
was but one remedy for the evil, and that was secession — peace- 
able, lawful secession. Petitions were prepared afid signed for 
the erection of a new town. The old name of the settlement 
was discarded, and the Legislature asked to give that of Liberty 
to the new organization — a name dear to many of its people, 
who had fought for freedom and independence so recently. 
Boswell Eussell was particularly active, and incurred some 
expense in securing the passage of the law erecting the town. 
The town was erected by the Legislature of 1807, and Eoswell 
BusseU presented a bill of items at the first town-meeting, and 
asked to be re-imbuxsed; but he found that town-officers as well 
as republics are ungrateful. Although the people voted that 
the Supervisor should "discharge" Bussell's expenses, Thomas 
Crary, who fiJled the office, tSlowed him but seven dollars. 
However, he was given #wo of the best offices from which to 
make money in tiie gift of the people of Liberty, viz : constable 
and collector: 
Below we give extracts from the Town Clerk's Eecord : 

"First Town Meeting held in Liberty, convened at the house 
oi Eoswell Eussell, April 7, 1807, according to apt [appoint- 
ment] of Legislature — at which the following officers were 
elected : 

"Eobt. Cochran, Esq., President; Samuel Darbee, Toller of 
votes ; Darius Martin, (unanimous) Town Clerk ; Thomas Crary, 
Supervisor ; Ebenezer Carrier, Eoswell Babcock, Levi Kiraball, 
Assessors ; Samuel Darbee, Daniel S. Stewart, David Brodliead, 
Commissioners of Highways ; Eobert Cochran, Nathan Stanton, 
Overseers of Poor. 

"Voted that the Constable and Collector procure sufficient 
security on bonds for the same. 

"Eoswell Eussell, Wm. Cochran, Constables ; Eoswell Eussell, 
Collector; John Gorton, Jno. Woodward, Fence Viewers; Ste- 
phen Benton, jr.. Pound Keeper; Cornelius Cochran, Nathan 
Stanton, Isaac Carrier, Elizur Eussell, Path Masters. 

"By laws. — Voted that from and after the 15th of May, and 
until the 8th Nov. no hogs shall be allowed to run at large unless 
joked -with a two feet yoke & a ring in the nose. Also that 
ience vfewers shall be paid at the rate of 37^ cents per day. 


' That Roswell Russell's expenses in obtaining a division of 
the Town be examined by the Supervisor & Town Clerk and 
discharged by said Supervisor. 

"(Seven dollars were allowed on the above account — ) 
"Voted that the next Town Meetmg for 1808, be held at tlie- 
house of Stephen Benton, Jr." 

The road leading from the Benton Hollow to Wilham Blood- 
good's and so on tp the Quaker Spring was laid out in 1807, as 
well as the road leading from the Neversink hne to Nathan 
Stanton's. ' 

Until 1808, there was no road leading from Liberty to Monti- 
ceUo by the way of the North Settlement of Thompson. A 
route had been opened from MonticeUo as far as Joshua 
Foster's and Eleazer Crosby's, and from Liberty to the place 
owned by Calvin Bush. In the year named, a road was made 
from the house of Bush to that of Crosby, and it became the 
usual route traveled to reach the Newburgh and Cocheeton 
turnpike. Previous to this the Hurley road was used. This 
passed by the Hurley place, and south of Jacob Conklin's miU, 
to the farm owned lay William DeWitt Stratton. From that 
poiat it followed the route now traveled to Thompsonville, and 
from thence to the turnpike. 

Li the early days of Liberty and Thompson, a Frenchman 
named Samuel Mitteer, very narrowly escaped from wolves 
while passing over the Hurley road. He had been away from 
home, and was expected to return on a certain day with his 
little daughter. He started for his house at the appointed time, 
and while in the woods somewhere between Brown pond and 
the nearest settlement in Liberty, he was startled by the yelping 
and howHng of wolves. Soon he found they were on his track 
and in pursuit of him. Taking his child on his shoulders, he 
fled at his utmost speed. He was a light, wiry, agile man, and 
not easily exhausted; but encumbered as he was, he saw that 
his moments were nearly numbered if his safety depended on 
his speed alone. At first he could think of but one way to get 
beyond the ravening-jaws of his pursuers; but that involved a 
horrible sacrifice which would have forever exposed his heart 
to the gnawings of remorse. By abandoning his child, he could 
climb into a tree, and get beyond their reach ; but with her on 
his shoulders, he could do nothing of the kind. He would die 
■with her — ^his little damsel, whose tiny arms were even then 
clasping his neck. Ah ! her death-shriek, when in the jaws of 
llie mohsters, would strike him dead. 

When some men are in extreme peril, their brains are 
pretematurally active, and they devise expedients with marvel- 
ous rapidity. After Mitteer ubandoued the idea of climbing a 


tree, in an instant he canvassed every other plan of escape, and 
saw that it afforded no hope, until he thought of a log bear-trap 
in the vicinity, whidi he had seen sometime before. This trap 
was made in the form of a rectangle, and constructed of logs in 
such a way that the largest bear could not get out of it, after he 
had entered and sprung the door. To it the affrighted French- 
man hurried. Into it he thrust his terrified daughter. The 
door fell securely to its place. She was safe. He then ascended 
a tree as nimbly as a squirrel, and perched upon the hmbs.^ 
Here they remained all night, during which the frightened man 
watched the dusky forms of the snarling animals as they flitted 
through the imder-brush, or gathered around the bear-pen in 
which he had placed his child. Exhausted and faint, and fear- 
ing he would Ml and be devoured if he went to sleep, he tied 
himself to the tree with his cravat and pocket-handkerchiefs 
As may be imagined, that was a long night to Mitteer. You, 
who upon a bed of anguish, have watched for the coming day,, 
with but httle hope of seeing its dawn with mortal eyes, can 
appreciate the eternity of that night to him. Morning came at 
last. But when it was once more hght, he did not dare to 
resume his journey. 

On the previous evening, his family expected him to return, 
and became more and more anxious for his safety as hour after 
hour passed, and he came not. Early the next morning, they 
alarmed the neighborhood, and several persons went in search 
of him. Following the Hurley road, they found him still in thet 
tree, and the child in the trap. The wolves had gone ; but left 
behind them abimdant evidence that, they had been there; 

Mitteer was living in the vicinity of his ieidventure, in 1870. 
As long as there was a wolf in our woods, he displayed an 
almost childish terror of that animal. He was yet an active- 
man, although over ninety-five years of age, and but a year or 
two previously assured the writer of this, that he could mow a» 
well as a boy of sixteen, and his elastic stepconvinced us that 
he could then outwalk many robust men. He was an unusual 
man in many respects. Although he crossed the Atlantic when 
seven years of age, helped John P. and Samuel F. Jones build 
the first shanty put up in MonticeHo, helped build the bridge- 
at Bridgeville, and make the Hudson and Delaware canal, he- 
never saw a steamboat, canal-boat, railroad-car, or an arched 
bridge. For thirty years, he Uved within half a dozen miles of 
MonticeHo without going there. 

At first the people of Liberty were obliged to go to Kingston 
to reach a post-office. When Luther Buckley opened his store 
in 1807, letters were carried forth and back by his teamsters. 
Four or five years later a post-office was established in Monti- 
cello, to which letters and papers for Liberty were sent, and ia 



1822, the Liberty office was created. Caleb Buckley was its 
first postmaster. 

There was not a painted house in the town previous to 1828, in 
which year William Eatcliff built a dwelling. Having a natural 
taste for neatness and order, he looked around for a painter ; 
but could hear of none in the county. Being determined to 
-gratify his inclinations, he painted his house himself. 

Mr. Eatcliff came from England, and in 1822 opened a shop 
in Liberty, and has ever since steadily prosecuted there the 
business to which he was bred. He is in many respects a 
pecuhar man. Although his youth was spent in a hotel, he 
'early eschewed exhilarants and narcotics, and in his old age 
^continues to hold that tobacco and alcohol in any and every 
•form, are abominations. He has a predilection for the fine ^.rts ; 
but has never had an opportunity to cultivate his talent in that 
Tespect ; and has a love for antiquarian research. He has in 
'his possession a map of the village of Liberty made by himself, 
!hj which it appears that in 1822 the number of buildings from 
•.the Darbee road to the Presbyterian parsonage did not exceed 
ia baker's dozen. From this map we learn that John Gorton 
and John Gorton, junior, occupied a house on the Darbee road ; 
Luther Budtley's hotel was on the corner of this road and the 
branch-turnpike; east of the hotel was Buckley's carding- 
■maehine ; on the west side of the turnpike was Buckley's store, 
in a part of which lived Thomas Batcliff, with whom William, 
'his brother, boarded ; a family named Prindle lived on the prem- 
ises now occupied by Judge Timothy F. Bush ; Philo Buckley's 
residence was on the Rufus Garrett lot ; a man named Short, 
who subsequently hung himself, Uved on the Stephen Stanton 

Jroperty ; south of the last named was Samuel Kilboume ; 
ames Garrett occupied the place now of Joseph Grant ; Asa 
Baker the lot where Henry Mead lives ; Joseph Simpson a house 
on the Maffitt lot ; James HubbeU's dwelling was near the grist- 
mili ; and Moses Stoddard lived on the Presbyterian parsonage 
lot. The place was then known as Buckley's, and deer were so 
numerous that Stoddard shot one in his garden. 

Hiram and Philo Sandf ord weffe early residents in the •vicinity 
of Stevensville, a thriving village on the west branch of the 
Mongaup. The place owes its existence to the establishment 
• of a sole-leather tannery here by several brother's named Ste- 
vens. They were natives of Schoharie county, where they 
were bred to the business. In November, 1856, their tannerj' 
was burned, and there were circumstances connected with their 
raffairs which led Doctor Stevens, one of the brothers, to remove 
from the county. It was rebuilt, and has since been owned and, 
the business carried on successfully by Daniel T. Stevens. The 
Tillage received its name in the following manner : On the 24th 


-of January, 1848, a meeting of tliose living near the tannery- 
was held, at which Hiram Sandford, the oldest inhabitant, 
presided, and was requested to propose a name. He suggested 
StevensrUle, which was unanimously approTed. There is a 
neat Methodist church heire,. which was dedicated on the 9th of 
NoTember, 1856. 

The streams of Liber^ have been subject to destructive 
floods. On the 24th of July, 1855, three or four showers of 
rain raised the Mongaiip so that it swept off almost every- 
thing in its wayi At Parksville, the dam of John Lewis and 
the saw-mill and turning-shop of Knickerbocker & Misner 
were destroyed. The tan-yard of Grant & Dean at Liberty, 
was overflowed, leaches torn away, etc. Meadows and grain- 
fields in the vicinity were submerged and ruined.. The tamaery 
of James Gildersleeve & Son was undermined and torn to pieces, 
and their leather and hides carried down stream. Their loss 
was $10,000. Farther down the stream, E. L. Bui-nham, J. H. 
Tillotson, Richard Dekay and others had a large amount of 
property destroyed. The estimated damage done by this flood 
was $20,000. 

In February, 1857, a professional burglar named Levi Rogers 
Tobbed the store of Clements. & Messiter, of liie village of 
Liberty, and after removing a considerable quantity of plunder, 
set fire to the building. The remaining goods and the tenement 
were destroyed, together with the dwelling of James Hill and 
the store-house occupied by I. B. Buckley. The latter was 
owned by George Q. Moon. The entire loss was about $6,000. 
It was believed that the fire was accidental, until a fruitless 
search was made in the ashes of one of the buildings for a 
considerable number of pennies which had been left in it* This 
led to suspicion which was at once directed to Rogers. He 
was arrested, and foimd guilty after a trial. After being in 
State's prison three years, he escaped, and returned to the 
•county, where he committed several burglaries. He robbed the 
house of Wynkoop Kiersted, of Mongaup Valley, among others ; 
ior which he was again sent to State's prison. 

On the 5th of November, a worthless fellow named William 
Terpenning was lynched by eleven young men of Bushville. 
A cow had been ham-strung in that place, and he was charged 
with the offense ; but there was no certain proof that he was 
guilty. He was dragged from his bed at midnight, taken about 
one male to a secluded place, and there whipped until he, fearing 
that he would be killed, confessed that he lamed the cow. B 
was believed that he received from three to four hundred lashes. 
They then brought him to Monticello, believing that they had 
secured the conviction of a criminal ; but got into trouble them- 

356 msTOBY OP sullivau countt. 

selves; for as soon as the facts became known, they were, 
arrested, and held for trial; while Terpenning was set free. 

> _ LiBEETY Normal Institute. — This academic institution owe* 
its "existence to the liberality of John D. Watkins, M. D., a 
wealthy resident of the town. The buildings were erected in 
1847, and with the library and philosophical apparatus, cost 
nearly $3,000, every dollar of which was paid by Doctor 
Watkins. This sum may not seem large when compared with 
donations for educational purposes in other localities ; neverthe- 
less it is the greatest gift to promote learning made by a single 
individual of SuUivan county. After the erection of the build- 
ings, etc., the property was conveyed to the State, and has since 
been under the care and supervision of the Regents of the 
University. It is thus forever dedicated to the uses for which 
the school was founded. By an act of the Legislature, Doctor 
Watkins is sole Trustee, as well as perpetual Secretary and 
Treasurer of "the Board." Hence he is individually responsible- 
for the character of the institution, which has at no time 
impaired his reputation for sagacity and shrewd management.. 
The school was opened on the 1st of November, 1847, with 
John F. Stoddard as Principal. Mr. S., like his successors, was 
a graduate of the State Normal School. Besides being a 
popular teacher, he became the author of several standard 
mathematical works. Under him, the Institute acquired a 
reputation which has been of much advantage to those who 
have since teen its principals, viz : Henir K. Stoddard, Fred- 
erick L. Hanford, ZT W. Davis, John Felt, Francis G. Snook, 
Thomas Bobinson and MHo B. HalL 

Doctor Watkins, the founder of this academy, was bom on 
the 7th of June, 1806, near Campbell Hall station, on the 
Montgomery and Erie railroad, in the town of Hamptonburgh, 
Grange county, and was a few days old when the great eclipse 
of that year occurred. Whether the ecHpse had an unfavorable 
effect on the stature or physical development of the doctor, the 
author is unable to determine ; but of this he is sure, nature 
made no waste material in his formation ; for a more compact 
and economical structure of flesh and bone is seldom encoun- 
tered. His education, beside what he received at the district 
school of his native town, was received vmder the instruc- 
tion of the late Joel Turrill,* who taught a select school at 

* Joel Tnrrill was bom in the State of Vermont, In February, 1794 ; in 1816, ho 
graduated at Middlebnry College ; and after studying law in Newburgh, was licensed 
ae an attorney in 1819. During the same year, he opened a law office in Oswego, and 
for forty years was one of its prominent residents. He held many important offices- 
was District attorney, First Judge, Member of Congress, Consul at the Sandwich 
Islands, etc. 


Newbuiigh. Among the school-fellows of young Watkins was 
the late James G. Clinton, since a Representative in Congress. 

At the age of 13 years, the subject of this sketch became the 
protege of a childless uncle (Hezeldah Watkins) of Gardner, 
Ulster county, who was of the same family, but not a descend- 
ant of Rev. Hezekiah Watkins, a Church-of-England clergyman 
■who was imprisoned previous to the Revolutionary war, for 
writing too freely of colonial dignitaries.* After this, one or 
two years were spent by John D., in teaching. Among his 
pupils were some lads who ultimately became conspicuous in 
the affairs of life. Of this number were Israel O. Beattie, a 
merchant of Middletown and Rev. Robert H. Beattie, D. D., 
now a settled minister of New Hurley, Ulster county. He then 
studied medicine at Montgomery, under Doctor George Eager, 
a brother of the historian of Orange county, ana in 1829, com- 
pleted his medical education at the College of Physicians and 
Surgeons of Fairfield, Herkimer county, N. Y., which at that 
time was one of the most prosperous and celebrated in the 
State, and numbered among its Professors Doctors T. R. Beck, 
Hadley, Willoughby, De La Mater and McNaughton. 

A few weeks after he graduated. Doctor Watkins became a 
partner of Doctor Blake Wales of Neversink, and while on his 
way to that town nearly lost his life. There was no bridge at 
Woodbourne, and Watkins, mounted on a very spirited saddle- 
horse, undertook to ford the river. The water was swift and 
deep, and when near the middle of the stream, the Doctor, to 
prevent it from going over the tops of his boots, raised his heels 
to each flank of his steed. This frightened the animal, and 
caused it to deposit the Doctor's body and breeches, as well as 
his saddle-bags, in the watery element, and at the same time 
kick at him viciously. A variation of an inch in the direction 
of the horse's heels, would have been attended with a fatal 
result. As it was, a portion of the Doctor's scalp was torn from 
his head. Bewildered by the blow and an involuntary bath, 
the Doctor scrambled back to the shore from which he had 
entered, while his horse passed to the other side, where it 
indulged its propensity for rolling in the dirt, and by doing so, 
ruined a new saddle! 

After practicing with Doctor Wales from May to October, 
imagining that Mamakating was a more desirable field of labor 
than Neversink, Doctor Watkins removed to Bloomingburgh, 
and became a partner of T. C. Van Wyck. Physically and 
mentally a more diverse team has not existed since Pegasus 
was made the yoke-fellow of an ox. The one was young, small 
in stature, quick, energetic, and dehcate. The other was in the 

* See Eagei's History of Orange conntf . 


prime of life, of Brobdignaggian proportions, clumsy amS 
robust. Morally, they were more alike. Both were upright, 
and honorable in business affairs, and the utmost harmony 
prevailed during their brief connection, and ever afterwards. 

Doctor Watkins remained in Bloomingburgh a short time,, 
and then returned to Neversink, where he practiced about two 
years, and then, after marriage with a daughter of Joseph Young,, 
removed to Liberty. Here he entered into mercantile pursuits- 
with his father-in-law, at the latter's residence on the mountain.. 
About two years subsequently, he purchased the stock of goods 
of the late Caleb Buckley, and commenced business in the vil- 
lage of Liberty on his own account as a merchant. tidividuaUy 
and as a partner of the late John B. Kilboume and of Alfred 
Messiter,»he continued in this business for a period of twenty- - 
two years. His partnership with the latter was but recently 
dissolved. He also continued to practice his profession. More ■ 
than usual success rewarded his efforts. He became prominent, . 
politically, socially and financially. Li 1843, he was appointed 
County Superintendent of Schools; in 1853, he was elected 
Supervisor of Liberty, and in 1854, Senator from the Orange 
and SuUivan district. 

Doctor Watkins' liberality has not been confined to the Lib- 
erty Normal Institute. His children have shared largely in 
his munificence, he beheving it better poHcy to help them when ; 
they needed assistance than to withhold from them until they 
could help themselves. His son Hezekiah and son-in-law, Henry 
B. Low, have thus been greatly benefited by his favors. To the 
Methodist Episcopal Church of Liberty he has been one of the 
principal supporters, having donated to it first and last over 
one thousand dollars. During the recruiting of the 143d Begi- 
ment N. Y. V. L, he gave five hundred dollars to accelerate the 
organization of Company A.* He also purchased and presented 
to the Watkins Fire Engine Company a fine engine at a cost of 
about $325. The Bev. Uriah Messiter, a popular preacher of 
the Methodist Episcopal Church, wjien a boy, lived with him, 
and was a clerk in his store for several years. Soon after he 
entered the ministry, Doctor W. presented him with a hor^e, 
wagon and harness worth from $300 to $500. Perhaps no resi- 
dent of Sullivan, except Archibald C. Niven and the late Austin 
Strong, has made a more liberal use of his fortune than Doctor 
Watkins. Hence we give him this extended notice. 

. The Baptists were the first to organize a society in Liberty 
and Neversink. Their mode of labor was well adapted to poor 
and sparsely settled regions. Their elders and preachers were 

* Hezekiah Watkins (a son of Doctor Watkins) commanded this Company, and foi < 
meritorious services was promoted to the colonelcy of the. regiment. . 


taken from the gifted brethren, and when it appeared that they 
possessed spiritual and mental traits which fitted them for the^ 
sacred office, they were chosen and ordained, without being 
compelled to undergo a long and expensive training. Accord- 
ing to their belief, a teacher was called of God to the holy office — 
the call was made manifest through the walk and conversation 
of the "gifted," and when this occurred, the Church received 
him as a teacher. As the privileges of the gospel were 
esteemed higher than earthly riches, the clergy received little or 
no wages from the congregation, and a hireling priesthood were 
esteemed an abomination. People who felt too poor to pay for- 
the services of a minister, gladly received as spiritual teachers 
those who claimed no material reward. The creed of the 
Baptists was intensely Calvinistic, and their Church government 
as democratic as the institutions of the North Arlbrican Indians. 

The Church of Neversink was constituted as "The Baptist 
Church of Christ in Neversink," on the 9th of January, 1811. 
It was the fruit of a society which had existed for several years,, 
and which had been known as the "Neversink Branch of Pleas- 
ant Valley Church." Levi Hall was its elder. It is probable 
other preachers had preceded him. 

A society existed in Liberty previous to 1810. It was caJled- 
"The Neversink Branch of Pleasant Valley Church, that part 
resident in the Town of Liberty." The earhest written record 
of this "Branch" is dated August 12th, 1809, on which day a 
church-meeting was held at the house of Darius Martin. 
Nathaniel J. Gilbert was chosen moderator, and Mr. Martin, 
clerk. Ephraiin Gates was elected leader. The Boo^ of Eec- 
ords shows that at this period Nathaniel J. Gilbert, Darius 
Martin, Ephraim Gates, Eoswell Babcock, Silas B. Palmer, 
William Bloodgood, John Smith, William White, Abel Hodge, 
Submit Hodge, Anna Eussell, Truman Barns, Joab Bowers, 
lyjrdia Bowers, Isaac Furman, Samuel Gilbert, Levi Gates, John 
Mali and others were members, and that Levi Hall was the 
".beloved elder and watchman." During Mr. Hall's eldership,, 
a dehghtful spirit of devotion and charity prevailed. The love 
of the members for each other was only exceeded by their 
love of God. A motion to form a separate Church was unani- 
taonsly rejected on the 12th of August, 1809. 

In 1822, this Church had 42 members > in 1827, 60; in 1828, 
65; in 1840, 3,6; in 1841, 30. 

This "branch of the vine" was regularly watered by Elder 
Hall, and occasionally by Elders Lathrop, Ball, Wright, Owen, 
Campbell, Gilbert, GrinneU, Woolsey, Dayies, Hait, Hozier, 
Hewett, etc. • But little is remembered of these visiting elders 



except this : Some of the ancient sisters yet living, aver that 
Oampbell vras the homeliest man who ever administered the 
•ordinance of baptism. 

For nearly ten years after its formation, amity and peace 
prevailed, when trifling contentions began to stir the placid 
waters. A member caused scandal in Zion by absconding. 
Some of the sisters, forgetting that the tongue is an unruly 
member, gave free license to their vocal organs, and some of 
the brothers were guilty of various venal sins. Among them 
was a John Capron, who, before he joined the Liberty society, 
had received "a request from the Thompson town Church to 
improve his gift in the Peenpack branch of said Church." 
Without any other authority from the Church, he persisted in 
laboring wherever he pleased, contrary to the known wishes of 
a majority of the brethren. This caused a sharp controversy, 
which led to the excommunication of Capron. Abel Hodge 
was rebuked for using a letter of approbation as he understood 
it ; but as it was not understood by the society. This led to 
his severance from the Chiirch. / • 

From this time forth until it ceased tq exist, contention 
prevailed in this branch of the Baptist Churc^h. 

In May, 1821, Elder John Boozer, fronl Morristown, New 
Jersey, located in Liberty, and for several /years preached and 
administered the ordinances. Caleb Bush and Abial P. Worden 
became members by profession during the next three or four, 
years, and PhiHp C. Broom by letter. All three became elders 
or preachers. 

On the 4th of December, 1824, it was resolved to alter the 
name of the Church, and that it be called " The Baptist Church 
of Christ in Liberty." At the same meeting fellowship was 
withdrawn from a member for "giving up the practice of 
religion," and from another for immoral conduct, and " brother 
Phiup Broom was licensed to preach the Gospel of Christ." 
Broom was not ordained until JDecember 14, 1826, when five 
distinguished elders laid hands on him at the house of Isaac 
Carrier ; Elder Z. GrinneU preached the ordaining sermon from 
Eevelations, 4th chapter, 6th, 7th and 8th verses; the conse- 
crating prayer was made by Elder Daniel T. HiU ; the charge 
was dehvered by Elder Gilbert Beebe ; and the ^ght hand of 
fellowship tendered by Elder Alanson Draper. 

On the 6th of October, 1827, Brothers Obadiah Childs, 
Thomas B. Clayton and Levi Gates were appointed "trustees" 
to circiflate subscriptions to build a meeting-house ; but it does , 
not appear that they met with much success, as no house of 
worship was built. At the same time Brother Abijah Brundage 
was selected to serve a^ deacon at the Neversink, and Caleb 
Bush was licensed to preach. 


After tHs the record shows that Elder Broom had a contro- 
versy with Hamilton Gregory and Betsey Welton, and that the 
"Church sustained the Elder and condemned the others, who 

, 'Confessed that they were in fault ; but were nevertheless excom- 

! municated. 

! In the fall of 1829, a controversy began between Elder Broom 

\ -and Elder Bush, which caused much trouble for two or three 
years. It grew out of a note to which the name of the latter 
was attached, and some worthless buckwheat-straw. Bush was 
put on trial and cut off from the Church. Various proceedings 
took place. Nearly one-third of the members favored Bush, 
«nd signed a petition for a council to restore him, etc. ; but 
they only succeeded in getting themselves into trouble, and 
■several of them were dealt with in a summary manner. The 
trouble was not arranged until the fall of 1832, #hen Bush was 

In these and other controversies, Elder Broom was always 
the successful party ; but to the prosperity of the Church they 
resulted in gangrene and death. In 1834, Elder Worden was 
ihe pastor. After this Elder Broom officiated occasionally until 
1854, when there* were but few members except himself. He 
was then excommunicated for heresy by those having authority, 
:and the Church ceased virtually to exist. Its extinction was 
accelerated hj a revival in the Methodist and Presbyterian 
Churches of the town in 1844, and the formation of a New School 
■Church in ParksviUe. 

The dissensions of the Old School Baptist Church of Liberty 
and other causes led to the formation of the present or- 
ganization known as the Baptist Church of ParksvUle. This 
Church was constituted of seven members in 1840, viz : Joseph 
Taylor, David H. Parks, Martha Parks, William Fisk, Henry 

Barton and Mrs. Wilson. Taylor and Fisk were the 

first deacons. The church-edifice was erected in 1841, and 
•cost about $1,500. The list of members now numbers ninety, 
and there are in the town about one hundred and fifty New 
School Baptists. 

The Baptist Church of Liberty is an offshoot of the ParksviUe 
Church. It was incorporated January 31st, 1859. John Darbee*. 
John T. Clements and Edwin Porter were the first trustees. 
A house of worship was built during the next summer. The 
trustees and Doctor William W. Murphy were the building- 
committee. The church lot was donated by Mrs. Arietta Leroy., 

FiEST Peesbyteeian Church of Liberty. — It appears from 
the records that the first meeting held pursuant to the organiza- 
tion of a Church was on the 30th day of September, 1809, at 
which Mr. Asa Baker acted as moderator. The following. 


"call" for this, meeting is recorded in the books of the Church t 
" The Inhabitants of the Town of Liberty are hereby requested 
to meet at the school house near Mr. Asa Baker's^on Saturday, 
the thirtieth day of Sept. Instant, at 1 o'clock B. M., for the 
pui'pose of holding a society meeting, and any other business 
proper to be done at S'* meeting." It appears that the object 
of this meeting was to organize a kind of religious society with- 
out the sanction, as yet, of any ecclesiastical), court. The 
"Society" met again on the 21st day of October,, 1809, at the 
same place, at which, no business (that appears) was done but 
electing Isaiah Hurd clerk of the meeting. A third meeting 
was held at the same place on the 18th day of NoYcmber, 1809,. 
at which the following vote was passed : " ThaA we be called 
the first Presbyterian Congregation Society in> the Town of 
Liberty, county of SuUivan & State of N. York, under the 
Presbytery of Hudson & General Assembly of the United States 
of America." At this meeting three trustees were elected, viz r 
Robert Young, Isaac Carrier and Calvin Bush. At another meet- 
ing, held on the 23d day of November, in the same year, 66' 
names were subscribed as composing the society. At a subse- 
quent meeting, the following vote was passed :' " That we send 
one delegate to the Presbytery that sets at Hopewell the second 
Thursday of Sept. Inst., & that Deacon David Kilborn be the- 
delegate." This last ineeting was held on the 1st of September, 
1810. In a separate book of records kept by the Session of the 
Church from its beginning, we learn that the Church was 
formally and aut]ioritatively organized by the direction of the 
Presbytery of Hudson, on the 6th day of September, 1810, 
The Rev. Daniel C. Hopkins, who had been preaching as a 
missionary under the care of the Presbytery, was sent as a- 
committee of organization. The exercises of the occasion were 
opened with prayer by Mr. Hopkins, when the following persons 
appeared and requested to be constituted a distinct branch of 
the Church of Christ, to be called the 1st Presbyterian Church 
of Liberty : Elizabeth Carrier, late of Colebrook, Connecticut ; 
Eunice Hlurd, late of Woodbury, Connecticut ; Comfort Baker, 
late of Colchester; Susan Fish; David Kilboume, late of 
Colchester, Connecticut; Mary Kilboume, late of Colchester, 
Connecticut; Lucy Hall; "William Hurley, late ©f Bethlehem,. 
New York; Jonathan Nichols, late of Stratford,. Connecticut; 
Eber Hall ; Daniel Bush, late of Colebrook, Connecticut. Eber 
Hall, Lucy Hall, and Susan Fish made a public profession 
of their faith for the first time on this occasion. David 
Kilboume and Daniel Bush were elected to the oiiice; of ruling 
elder.. After reading a summary of the Confession of Faith of 
the Presbyterian Church, and a form of a covenant by which 
the new Church was to be governed, Mr. Hopkins, closed the 


services with a Sermon on Genesis 45:21 — ^^"See that ye fall not 
out by the way." On Sabbath, 9th of September, 1810, this 
infant Church celebrated the Sacrament of the Lord's Supper 
for the first time. The membership of the Church, by additions 
at almost every communion season, was increased to about 135 
in 1840. The present membership in good and regular stand- 
ing is not quite 100. The Church had no settled pastor till 
1840; but was supplied, somewhat irregularly with preaching 
by minister's sent to it by the Presbytery. These remained, 
some a longer and some a shorter time. Ii-om 16 to 20 different 
ministers supplied the Church with preaching from the date of 
its organization to the year 1840. The following are the names 
of some of the supplies : Daniel C. Hopkins, Henry Ford, Noah 
Coe, Thomas Grier, Ezta Fisk, Eeuben Porter, John Boyd, 
James Hyndstan, Edwin Doran, "VYiUiam MacMasters, A. Dean, 
Abner Morse, William McJimpsey, Sam'l Pelton, John B. Fish, 
Charles Cummins, J. W. Babbitt, Michael Carpenter, and Daniel 
Dougherty. The Rev. James Petrie (now of Montana, New 
Jersey,) was the first settled pastor of this Church. Bte was 
ordained and installed by the Presbytery of Hudson on the 
30th of September, 1840; but had preached for the people 
during the previous year. At the installation services, Eev. Mr. 
Leggett, of Hopewell, preached the sermon; Mr. Blain, of 
Goodwill, gave the charge to the people, and Mr. Bull, now of 
West Town, gave the charge to the pastor. The pastoral rela- 
tion between Mr. Petrie and this Church was dissolved on the 
13th of January, 1852, and he was succeeded by the Eev. John 
N. Boyd, now of Circleville. Mr. B. was installed on the 28th 
of September, 1852, by a comnaittee of the Presbytery of 
Hudson consisting of the Eev. W. i>. Suodgrass, D. D., now of 
Goshen, Orange county,, James Adams^ Thaddeus Wilson, and 
W. J. Blain. The pastoral relation between Mr. Boyd and the 
Church was dissolved on the 28th of September, 1858. Mr. 
Boyd was succeeded in the pastorate by the Eev. T. Mack, now 
of Spring Valley, N. Y. Mr^ Mack was installed on the 1st of 
May, 1859. The present pastor, the Eev. J. Napier Husted, 
succeeded Mr, Mack, and was installed on the 10th of June, 
1868, by a committee of Presbytery, consisting of the Eev. 
Thenon Brittain, now of Cochecton ; Eev. E. Davison, now of 
Westchester, N. Y., and the Eev. Floyd Crane, now of Goshen. 

From the date of its organization in 1810, to 1829, the 
congregation appear to have worshiped in a " School-house near 
Asa Baker's." It is a fact worthy of notice, that the school- 
house in which this Church had its first organized existence, 
and in which it worshiped for so many years, stood near the 
site of the present church-edifice — ^just in the rear. 

The first record we have of an intention or effort to erect a 


house of worship is the following : "Voted that the trustees of 
the Sooie%- circulate subscriptions here and abroad, for the 
purpose of raising money to build a Meeting-house." This 
vote was taken at a meeting held on the 7th day of January, 
1811. There is no record that gives any knowledge as to 
whether the above "vote" was carried into effect, tiU the 19th 
day of February, 1827, when, (at a meeting held on that day) 
another " vote " was taken as follows : " Voted that this Society 
build a tower for the purpose of placing a bell for the use of 
the Society." The inference is that somewhere between the 
years 1811 and 1827, a structure had been erected, capable of 
supporting a tower and a bellC'JAs to when this building was 
finished, there is no means of telling. Tradition tells us, how- 
ever, that it was many years in being carried to completion. 
The 5th day of January, 1829, is the date of the first meeting 
of the congregation held in the chiirch ; and the 20th of June, 
1829, the date of the fi/rst meeting of the Session held in the 
church. This first church-building stood on an elevation about 
a quarter of a mile from the village of Liberty, and on the road 
leading to Woodbourne. Under the ministry of the Kev. James 
Petrie, this building became too small to accommodate the 
congregation, and accordingly was enlarged and remodeled in 
1849. It was dedicated in February, 1850^the precise day not 
being given. Dr. Phillips, of New York City, now deceased, 
preached the dedicatory sermon. This building was set apart 
for the worship of God free of debt. It stood till late in the 
summer of 1870, when, being greatly out of repair, it was taken 
down and re-erected on a new site in the center of the village. 
The church thus rebuilt the second time and greatly beautified, 
was re-dedicated to the worship of the Triune God, on the 13th 
day of July, 1871. The pastor, the Eev. J. Napier Husted, 
made the dedicatory prayer, and the Bev. Charles Beattie of 
Middletown, 'New York, preached the sermon. Eev. Luther 
LitteU, of Mt, Hope, Walter S. Brown, of Woodboume, and 
James Norris, of Shavertown, alsc^took part in the services.* 

Besides the churches already noticed, there are in Liberty 
the following : 

The Methodist Episcopal Chuech op the Village op Liberty. 
— A class was organized in the neighborhood in 1814, by Rev. 
Peter P. Sanford, who was then the preacher in charge of the 
cifcuit. He was one of the most beloved Methodist preachers 
who ever visited this region, as the frequent occurrence of the 
baptismal name of Saniord proves. In 1826, Methodism was 

•Statement of Bev. J. Napier Hnated. 


in such a flourisliing condition here, that a church was built. 
Twenty years afterwards,* this building was found to be outside 
of the new village which had sprung up; consequently the 
present church-edifice was , erected. The lot for the new church- 
edifice was donated by John D. Watkins, M. D., who also 
contributed largely to the fund for building the church and 

The exodus from Ireland, caused by the great famine, gave 
to Liberty, as well as other towns of Sullivan, a considerable 
Eoman Catholic population. Over them Eev. Daniel Mugan 
of EUenviUe had the charge until his death in 1872, in which 
year Saint Peter's Church of Liberty was built at an expense 
of about $5,000. 



From To 

1807 Thomas Crary 1809 

1809 Darius Martin 1815 

1815 Joseph HiU. 1816 

1816 Darius Martin 1819 

1819 Eeuben HaU 1823 

1823 Darius Martin 1824 

1824 Joseph Young 1828 

1828 Joseph Grant 1832 

1832 Joseph Young 1833 

1833 Nathaniel B. Hill 1834 

1834 Joseph Young 1835 

1835 Luther Bush 1838 

1838 Isaac Horton 1840 

1840 Edward Young 1841 

1841 Luther Bush 1842 

1842 Henry Mead 1843 

1843 Joseph Young 1845 

1845 James F. Bush 1847 

1847 Benjamin P. Buckley 1850 

1850 Horace H. Crary .1851 

1851 Benjamin P. Buckley 1852 

1852 Ares B. Leroy 1853 

1853 John D. Watkins 1854 

1854 Eobert Y. Grant 1855 

1855 Axes B. Leroy 1856 

^856 John E. KUbourne 1859 

1859 Eobert Y. Grant '. .1860 

1860. . . . ; Edward H. Pinney 1861 

1861 Edwin Fobes 1863 

1863 .Benjamin W. Baker 1864 

1864 BilHugs Grant 1865 

1865 Thomas Crary 1868 

1868 Oscar B. Grant 1869 

1869 John H. Allen 1871 

1871 George Young 1872 

1872 .Uriah S. Messiter 1874 




This town is situated west of th« Mongaup and nortii of the 
Delaware river, and in the angle formed by the ^'unction of the 
two streams. Its surface is rugged and broken, although it has 
a fair share of land susceptible of cultivation. A large part of 
it is yet in a wilderness-state, all but about two thousand acres 
being unimproved. This is owing to causes which wiU be stated 

At the mouth of the Mongaup, the altitude above the ocean 
level is 550 feet.* Being the extreme southern point of our 
territory, of moderate elevation, and environed by mountains, 
its climate is mild and desirable. 

The streams of Lumberland furnish sufficient water-power 
for the requirements of its citizens, and it has several of those 
beautiful lakes which abound in nearly every section of the 
county. Among them is Lebanon in the northern; Hound, 
Sand and Haggai's in the western; Long in the central, and 
Metaque in the eastern part of the town. 

The last is about two miles from the Mongaup, and three 
hundred feet above it. On its outlet is a beautiful cascade. 
After running over a rocky bed, the water leaps down about 
one hundred feet into the Mongaup. The lake has in it the 
usual varieties of fish found in such sheets of water, and what 
is quite remarkable, eels of large dimensions abound in it. 
Naturalists assert that this mysterious fish will not continue or 
produce its kind in situations where it cannot visit the ocean 
.and return.t No fish can ascend a perpendicular fall of one 
hundred feet. How then do eels find a way from salt-water to 
Metaque pond? , 

* French's Gazetteer. 

tFor hitndi'eda of years, naturalists have failed to discover the reproductive 
■organs of the eel, and to distinguish the male from the female. Becently it has been 
iannouuced that, as certain flowers are staminate and pistillate, so each eel contains 
within itself the elements of generation. Its ovaries and testils are not developed 
until it visits the ocean, where it produces Its offspring. The latter ascend fresh 
■water channels, and live there nnfll instinct causes them to return to their native 
element.— 6'ee Haram-s' Magazine for December, 1872. 




Long pond is long and narrow, and has bold, rocky-shores,, 
except at the north end, ^here there is a marsh. Midway from>. 
each extremity js a beautiful island of about two acres. 

Haggai's pond^ it is said, received its name from a man called. 
Haggai, who settled near it previous to the Revolutionary war. 
It is of unusual shape, and what is quite remarkable, ia one part- 
of it the water measures but four feet below the surface, while 
around this shoal, the descent is very abrupt, and the water deep. 

Sand pond is situated on or near the line between Lumber- 
land and Highland. There is a large quantity of sand in and 
aroimd this lake, suitable for the making of glass. Since 1812 
it has been used for that purpose by several manufacturers. 
From that year to 1820, it was carted to Pond Eddy, and from 
there taken down the river to James W. Kidgeway's factory^ 
about two miles above Port Jervis. More recently it has been 
transported to Honesdale. Afs there is an abundapce of wood) 
in the vicinity, and Sand pond is of easy access from the Erie 
Railway and the Delaware and Hudson canal, it is singular that no- 
enterprising capitalist has engaged in making glass at this point. 

Bound pond is a pretty sheet of water which outlets into. 
Mud pond brook. 

Mud pond makes no pretense to beauty, and therefore we 
have not classed it with those lakes which command admiration. 
Other ponds bear the same name, but this is the only one which 
deserves it. It is about one mile long, from twenty to forty 
rods wide, has bold rocky shores, and is composed of mud of an> 
unknown depth, with an occasional patch of turbid water. 
From this remarkable morass runs a large stream of water. 

Lebanon pond in the north is an attractive sheet of water,, 
particularly to anglers. 



1800 . 
1820 . 
1830 . 
1840 . 
1850 . 
1870 . 











no record 



no record 

Co. and 

no record! 








* liberty and Bethel were erected between 1800 and 1810. 

t Highland and Tusten became towns during the pi-evious decade. 


The early history of thi^ town is involved in obscurity. The 
first settler of whom we have information was a man named 
John Showers, who lived near the mcpth of the Mongaup. He 
tept a tavern there previous to 1790, as we learn from the old 
Kecords of Mam^k^^ting. There is no doubt that he Hved there 
previous to thp Revolutionary war, and that his house was well 
j^uown to the red and white trappers and hunters of the 
Mongaup and Del^w^^re. He was probably one of those un- 
scrupulous meji who h^^ve been ^ greater bane to the Indians 
than "war, pestilence and famine, and that he estabHshed 
himself here to exch|inge fire-\^ter for furs and peltries. 

Tom Quick, the Indis^n-i^^'y^rj "^^^ often the guest of Showers, 
and the log-cabin of the l%t^^ 'w^as the scene of one of his 
exploits. On one occasion, Quick and three or four other white 
hunters ha^d sought the shelier of Showers' barfe-roof, when a 
savage entered and asl^ed permission to stay all night. He was 
told that he could lodge th^re. After spending the evening^ 
pleasantly, the party wrapped themselves in their blankets, and 
stretched themselves upon the floor. AU were soon asleep 
except Quick, who had restplved to murder the red man, and. 
remained awake, watching for a favorable moment to accom- 
plish his unjustifiable purpose. When the deep breathing of 
the others announced that they were unconscious, Tom cau- 
tiously got his gun. In * few moments the hunters were aroused 
by an explosion, and foui^d the savage dead in their midst. 
The assassin, immediately ^.fter firing, left the cabin, and dis- 
appeared in -ibs woods. As the red men were then almost 
exclusive occupants of the surrounding country, and would 
avenge the death of their brother, if informed of it, the murder 
was concealed for many years.* 

Showers was living in Lumherland in 1792, as well as a person 
named Joseph Showers. The latter was probably the son of 
the former. Both were men of some property, and were then 
on the tax-roll of Mamakating, which town at that time covered 

The history of this town will not be. complete without an 
account of Tom Quick, whose favorite hunting ground was in 
Lumberland. He was born at Jkliltord, Pennsylvania, where 
his father settled in 1733, ajid was the descendant of respectable 
and affluent ancestors, who came from Holland and became 
residents of Ulster county previous to 1689. At Milford the 
Quicks prospered, and became the owners of valuable real 
estate, including mills ; but they were surrounded by savages, 
to Ybose manners and customs Tom, as he was called, became 
so much attached that his mode of life resembled that of a 

* Tom Quick and the Pioneers. 



Ijenape hunter. He lived in amity -with the savages ; parUoi- 
pathig with them in their amusements and pursuits, until the 
French and Indian war, when they killed his father under very 
aggravating circumstances. This turned Tom's friendship to 
inappeasable hostility, and he solemnly swore that he never 
would be at peace with the red race as long as one of them 
hunted on the banks of the Delaware ; and there is no doubt 
that he embraced every safe opportunity to murder the savages 
while they remained in the country, or visited it from their new 
homes west of the Alleghanies. 

The number of Indians slain by him is no doubt very much 
■exa^ferated ia popular estimation. Many believe that he killed 
nearly one hundred ; but there is, no certainty that the actual 
number exceeds ten or fifteen. 

Several years since we met with a nephew of Tom Quick,* 
who was with the Indian-slayer maUy times previous to the 
death of the latter. To him Tom communicated the following 
statement, which is no doubt a true one : 

"After the French and Indian war, an Indian named Musk- 
wink returned to the lower TaUey of the Neversink. He was a 
<lrunken vagabond, and was often at the tavern kept by a man 
named Decker. Tom visited Decker's while Muskwmk was 
there. The savage as usual was intoxicated. He asked Tom to 
drink with him ; but Tom angrily and contemptuously refused 
to do so ; when the other boasted that he was concerned ia the 
kiUing of Thomas Quick, senior ; and that he had scalped the 
old man with his o^ti hand. As if this was not enough to rouse 
a demon in Tom's heart, he mimicked the dying struggles of 
the father, and exhibited the silver sleeve-bnttons worn by his 
victim. Tom was unarmed; but seeing a gun hanging against 
a beam overhead, he took it down, saw it was loaded and 
primed, and then cocked it. Before Muskwink could escape or 
resist, the muzzle was within a few feet of his breast, and he 
was ordered to leave the house. The savage sullenly resigned 
himself to the guidance of Tom, who drove him into the main 
road leading from Kingston to Minisink, and after proceeding 
about a mile towards Carpenter's Point, shot him in the back. 
Tom then took posisession of the sleeve-buttons which had 
belonged to his father, put the dead body near the upturned 
roots of a tree, hastily kicked some dirt and leaves over it, and 
then returned to Decker's and placed the gun where he had 
found it. After doing this, he ,left the neighborhood. If an 
, attempt was made to arrest him, he eluded his pursuers. It 
was not difficult to do so, because the frontiers-men of the 
Delaware very generally applauded his crime, and believed that 

* The lute Jacob Quick, of Collicoon. - 



the aggravating oircumstances under which he acted were a full 
und sufficient justification. 

Several years after this event, a man namsed Philip Decker, 
while cultivating the land on which the Indian was killed, 
plowed up his bones. 

Not long after the killing of Muskwink, Tom murdered an 
entire family, consisting of an Indian, ]m squaw and three 
children, the youngest a suckling. The party were quietly 
passing through Butler's Eift in a canoe, when Tom, who was 
in ambush among the tail reed-grass on the shore, rose up, 
■aimed his gun at them, and ordered them to come ashore. 
They did not dare to disobey. When they had got near enough, 
Tom shot the man, and tomahawked the others. Before he 
killed the youngest pappoose, his heart for a mcjment relented ; 
but suddenly remembering that if he let it live, 'it would become 
an Indian, he did not spare it. In his old age, when asked why 
he kiUed the children, his invariable reply was, "Nits make 

We are aware that this relation has been severely criticised. 
It has been said of it, that it is incredible, and that if true no 
record of it should be made. As to its truth : Tom repeatedly 
described the affair with all its brutal details to Jacob Quick, 
our informant. Jacob Quick believed that the story was true 
as, firmly as he believed in the truth of the Christian faith, to 
the verity of which he bore testimony from his youth to old age. 
As to the other objection : Our histories of Indian wars are 
replete with narratives which illustrate the cruelty and barbarity 
of the red men of our country, while they contam but few and 
imperfect pictures of the brutality, licentiousness and greed of 
the white savages who have debauched, wronged and extermi- 
nated nearly an entire race of people. All history which ia not 
impartial and true, is a fraud. Therefore, believing that what 
is set down in the preceding paragraph is true, we will let the 
record stand. 

Besides these there is but little doubt that Tom kiUed two 
Indians at Hagan's pond, one at the house of Showers on the 
Mongaup, and was implicated in the murder of Canope at 
Handsome Eddy. According to his own statement, he also 
destroyed an indefinite number while hunting. He assured our 
informant, that when he heard the report of a gun while in the 
woods, he went cautiously to the point where it was fired, and 
generally found an Indian skinning a bear or a deer, after which 
it was easy to send a bullet through his head Or heart. 

While hunting in Lumberland, Tom was in the habit of 
staying at the house of a relative named Peter Quick, who, 
according to the Records of Mamakating, hved on the old 
•Cochecton road, about midway between the Mongaup and 


Beaver brook. Petear sometimes accompanied the ludiaB-slajisr 
when the latter engaged in hunting and trapping. While tnwj 
engaged, they were on the PennCTlyania side of the Delaware, 
at Pond Eddy, when they saw an Indian named William Geprgi^ 
in a canoe on the river, and coming directly towards them. 
Tom made his comp^ion squat in the reed-grass, and tol4 him 
that they would have some sport with the red-skin. They 
remained concealed until the savage came close to them, whei^ 
Tom rushed from the grass, aimed his rifle at him, and ordered 
him to come ashore. When he had obeyed Tom's command, 
he was asked his business, etc., and told that he must die. And 
Tom would have shot him, if Peter, who was a humane man,, 
had not interfered, and with much difficulty saved the Indian'? 
life. The latter was then ordered to b@ gone, and &t once 
paddled off in fine styl^. As he was retreatmg, Tom aimed his 
rifle at him, and exclajmed in very Lo^ Dutch. " Ho could ichy 
dfidunder! outdeccmotumblyf" ("Thunder! how I could tumble 
him out of the canoe ! ") During the remainder of the day he 
was very morose, &^d seemed to be angry at himself because 
he had permitted the Indian to escape. 

From the fact that this took place while there were Indians 
in the vicinity, we are led to believe that Peter Quick settled in 
Lumberland before the Revolutionary war ; for the savages did 
not fi'equent that region after 1783. 

In 1792, Peter E. Gumaer,' of Peenpaok, was one of tj^e 
collectors of Mamakating. His district extended from the 
mouth of the Mongaup to the Callicoon, and probably included 
a part or all of Deerpark. In 1863, he ,f4W'nished for Lotan 
Smith's Agricultural Hist0iyof_Su]iiva^ a list of tax-payers, 
who, sixty-oneyeaES-previoGslyrwere on bis hst, and, according 
to his reeoHectionriived in what was once the town of Lumber- 

Although this list is not infaUible, we giv^ it, premising that 
the Records of Mamakating show that Solomon Wheat lived 
in Mount Hope or Deerpark, and that Greeley aoad one or two 
others did not reside in Lumberland : 

S s. d. £ 8. d. 

John Showers 1 0^ *Nathaniel Mitchell 2 10^ 

Joseph Quick 2 P| t John Thomas 5 

*Mchola9 Conklin... 2 10| t Jonathan Dexter.. 9| 

*Paul Tyler 8J John Beemer 7i 

*Charle8 Tyler 5| tJohn Cole o| 

*Job Jones 2 3| Israel Hgdge 3|^ 

*John Ross U Martin Decker; . . . . llj 

♦Supposed residents of Cochecton and Delaware. tBesidents of Tusten. 


£ 8. d. £ s. d. 

*James Boss 8 fJohtt Moore 3 0^ 

*William Conklin. ... 11 Peter Cteeley 1|: 

Solomon Wheat 3^ Gftorge Lane 91 

tJesse Wells 17 JoS6pli ShoiliretB . . . . 3| 

IThomas Barnes 10| Hei^y Quick . 3i 

JAbraham Barries. ... 1 OJ Sktmi&l Dftfley 1 10 

tTbos. Keeve, ^ 0| Eti^a l>a-vi8 1 2| 

JJoshua Carpentex ... 2 li . John Dailey 005 

Matfliew Quick 1 5| iWifliata Wells. ... 6| 

Abner Lane 1| JDatid Wells 9| 

By an act of the Legislature passed March 16, 1798, Never- 
sink was taken from Hocheste^ and Ltimbeflaq|d from Matna- 
kating. The act first provides for the etectidn 6f the former, 
a;nd in a subsequent gection for ihb litter, so that, although 
Neversink first saw the light, the tWo may be termed twin-sifiters. 
Lumberland was thus bounded by th6 Legislature which gave 
it existence : " On the north-east by the Daaware river; on the 
north-west by the county of Dela^ivaTe; on the south-west by 
Bochester; and on the east by the Mongatip river." 

We have copied the d'esoripttoh here given from the original 
Session Laws of 1798. TiaMiag the letter di the law as a guide, 
no man could have found the boojdds of the town. A greater 
piece of legislative bungl&g was never perpetrated. 

The name of Lumberland tvsts defiVed frOEd -^rhat was then 
the leading pursuit of its lAhAbitaHtS. Although the town now 
covers but 32,335 acres, it at first cdmprised an iirea of nearly 
300,000, and mcluded ia:i|hla,fr4 ^tfsten, Cochecton, Delaware 
and Bethel, and so inueh ol Fallsbufgh, Liberty, ObDicbon and 
Fremont as was not ori^allV id the town of Eochester. 

In 1800, Lumberland had a population of 733 souls. Except 
a few families located in Liberty, and ailf one or two other points, 
the residents of the town livfed iA the Galley of the Delaware or 
its immediate vicinity, a.nd were engaged in lumbering; The 
town was an immense Wilderness of valuable timber. The forests 
consisted principally o]F white and yellow pine, oak, chestnut, 
and hemlock. The soil of the sottthem portion, except a few 
small tracts of valley land, ivas considered worthless for agricult- 
ural purposes. Hence the possession of farm-lots was not 
considered desirable, and real estate was held in large parcels 
by non-residents, (prihcipally citizens of Orange couiity,) whose 
aim was to convert the timber into cash at the least possible 
expense to themselves. To do this, they built mills, and em- 
ployed choppers, teamSters and sawyers, who were controlled 

* Bnpponed residents of Cochecton luid Delaware. f Besidents of Tusten. 

t Residents of Highland. 



by resident agents. Each establishment had its little com- 
munity of employees^ a majority of whom Hved in make-shift 
tenements, some of Whom md not even Cultivate a garden, and 
aU of whom received wages which left no surplus at the end of 
the year. The region was thtis stripped and plimdered of its 
natural wealth. .Jt was the fountain-head oi a stream which 
swept to distant locaUties its auriferous stores, and diminished 
its own riches in the ratio it added to the consequence of other 

IJntil a recent day, it was believed that there would be nothing 
in Lumberland to stimulate enterprise as soon as the original 
forests were swept away. Happily this belief was not well 
founded. That part of the town which borders on the Dela- 
ware, contains an almost inexhaustible source of wealth. If 
the name of Lumberland once suggested the principal industry 
of the town, Stoneland or EocBand would now be a more 
appropriate appellation. It was found that the superficial 
stratum of rock was what is known to quarrymen as blue-stone. 
In 1868, Messrs. Mills & Cash, an Ulster county firm which had 
successfully prosecuted the business in Ulster, opened extensive 

Juarries near Pond Eddy. They were followed by Henry "W. 
)ecker. In 1870, the fimn of Decker, EUgore & Co. formed a 
joint stock company known as the New York and Pennsylvania 
Blue Stone Company. This organization has a capital of one 
million of doUars, and has leased of James D. Decker more 
than one-third of the town. It is said that its annual transac- 
tions reach a sum «qual to the nominal capital of the company. 

Although the new interest may be developed more rapidly 
by those who now control it, than if diffused among the resi- 
dents of the town, it is probable that a large share of the profits 
which will arise from it will enrich non-residents. 

Among the early settlers since the Revolutionary war, we may 
mention Joshua Knight and P. VanAuken on the Mongaup; 
Sears Gardner, Elnatnan Corey and the Middaughs at Pond 
Eddy, as well as the Deckers, Sears G. Tuthill, John Einck and 
William Eyerson. The descendants of several of these persons 
are not among the present inhabitants of the town, Emathan 
Corey kept the first tavern, and Levi Middaugh and Solon 
Cooper the first store at Pond Eddy. A. M. Farnham was the 
pioneer school-teacher. 

We should add to the above list the names of Adam White 
and Philip Decker. Pecker came from New Jersey, Abram W. 
, Decker, a former Member of Assembly, and James D. Decker, 
who represented Lumberland for many years in the Board of 
Supervisors, and is now (1873) Sheriff of Sullivan county, are 
sons of Philip Decker. 

The firm of Middaugh & Cooper was dissolved in 1830 in con-^ 


seo[aence of the mysterious disappearance of Cooper. This 
Middaugh was respectably connected. CoOper had a wife and 
children with whom he lived in concord. As a husband and 
father he was remarkably kind and affectionate, and we believe 
he was prosperous in his affairs. 

On the 23d of August, he left home to transact business at 
Mongaup Valley, where he hoped to collect a sum of money 
due tiie firm from Jeremiah Gajle ; at Monticello, where he in- 
tended to leave several deeds at the County Clerk's office ; and 
at Kingston, where he intended to pay a considerable sum on 
account of the firm. When he started, he took with him the 
necessary funds for the latter purpose. On his way he passed 
through Forestburgh, where he called on Adam White, and 
then proceeded to the house of Marshall Perry, where he re- 
mained all night. On the 24:th, he resumed hif journey, and 
stopped at various houses on his way to make inquiries as to 
the route to Mongaup VaUey. The last place where he was 
seen was at DeWitt Decker's, three miles from the valley. Here 
he made the usual inquiries and left. He never reached Gale's, 
and no further trace of him could be found. On the 6th of 
October, Middaugh published an advertisenient in the Republican 
Watchman, in which he declared that he was ignorant of Cooper's 
fate ; that the business of the firm had terminated, and cautioned 
the public not to trust Cooper on its account. From this it 
appears that Middaugh believed his late partner had absconded. 
Others, however, came to a different conclusion. They believed 
that the missing man was murdered, and for a time much 
excitement prevailed in regard to the matter. 

On the 24th of September, 1831, the people of Thompson 
and Bethel, at the request of Mr. Gale, turned out to search 
for Cooper's remains ; and again on the 29th of October, on the 
call of Mr. Gale, Hezekiah Howell and Asa Hall ; but on neither 
occasion was a clue found to his mysterious disappearance. If, 
in accordance with the general belief, he was murdered, his 
bones may yet be found in or near West Settlement. 

On the 17th of December, 1843, one of the small ponds of 
Lumberland was the scene of a sad tragedy. Cornelius Letts, 
aged 22 years, while crossing the pond, broke through the ice. 
As his brother was vainly endeavoring to rescue him, a yoting 
lady to whom Comehus expected- to be married on the next 
day, and who lived in the vicinity, attracted by his cries, came 
to the shore, and, after witnessing his struggles to escape, saw 
him sink to rise no more. The clergyman who was engaged to 

Eerform the marriage ceremony came according to agreement ; 
ut instead of finding Cornelius arrayed in marriage garmejits, 
he found him enshrouded for the grave. A funeral sermon was 
delivered over the remains of the unfortunate young man at the 

376 HtiS'WjBT Of stJiiiVAit oountt. 

yerp- hour set for the tt^eddi^. "We have seldom met with an 
incident which inore forcibly imistlrfttels the uncertainty of human 

About the year 1850, the (Juestion of once more dividing 
liumberland began to be seriotisly discussed. The town coli- 
taiaed over 90,000 acres of land, atid its river-front extended 
from the Monganp to the south-Tdrestern comer of Cochecton. 
Even when the town-business was transacted at a central point, 
some of the people found it difficult to go to and return from 
that point in a single day, and the roads were so rough that the 
journey was irksome and not altogether without peril. The 
first proposition for a division was made in 1852, and came from 
Charles S. Woodward, Jonathan Hawks, Sears K Gardner, 
George Swartz, John S. Hughes, Eichard W. Corwin, C. C. 
Murray, James B. Hankins, Duncan Boyd and others, who 

C'itioned for the erection of an additional town from Lumber- 
d. TbiB, although favored by a large number of leading 
citizens, was not satisfactory to a majoriiy of the inhabitants, 
whose discontent with such an arrangenieiit was made manifest 
by a counter-application from B6n]amih B. Parker, Eobert 
Atkins, Justus Hickok, Benjamin C. Austin and eighteen others 
for the making of two new towns. The petition of the latter 
had the most weight with the Board of Supervisors, who on the 
17th of December, 1853, enacted that certain lots should be 
erected into the town of Tusten, and certain other lots into 
the town of Highland,* "and that aU the remaining part of 
Lumberland shaU be and remain a separate town by the name 
of Limiberlaoid." 

As the labor of the town has been confined almost exclusively 
to a single branch of industry, so the consciences of its citizens 
have been mainly swayed by a solitary religious creed. The 
manufacture of lumber caused isolated neighborhoods to spring 
up. The itinerating preachers of the Methodist Episcopal 
Society found their way to these little communities, and secured 
the gratitude, love and confidence of the people to such an 
extent that the only churches of the town belong to the Metho- 
dists. There are four of these edifices — one of which is at South 
Lebanon; one at Pond Eddy; and one at Lebanon. There is 
a church for every 267 inhabitants. Every man, troman and 
child of the town can simultaneously find refuge in a religious 
sanctuary — a very remarkable fact. 

At Pond Eddy there is a suspension bridge, for the construc- 
•tion of which the town has been bonded for-$19,000. 

* See cluptera on Tusten rad Highland. 


Prow " To 

1798 No neootd. 1809 

1809 John Conklin 1810 

1810 Jonathan Dexter 1811 

1811 OUv^r Calkin 1813 

1813 Samuel Watkins 1816 


6 OHver Calkin . 1818 

8 William Dunn 1819 

1819 Oliver Calkin ^ 1820 

1820 Sears Gardner 1822 

1823 Gardner Fergerson 1825 

1825 Searo Gardner 1826 

1826. \ Gardner Fergerson 1829 

1829 William Dunn 1830 

1830 Gardner Fergerson, 1833 

1833 Samuel Hankins 1836 

1835 John Bishop 1837 

1837 Augustus M. Saokett. . . .' 1838 

1838 James K. Gardner 1841 

1841 Sears G. Tuthill 1842 

1842 Charles S. Woodward 1850 

1850 Thomas Williams 1852 

1852 James K.Gardner 1853 

1853 Charles S. Woodward 1854 

1854 0. W. Lambert 1856 

1856 Peter G. Canfield 1857 

1857 Abram T. Drake 1858 

1858 Abram W. Decker 1860 

1860 James D. Decker 1871 

1871 Joseph Steel. 1872 

1872 Albert Stage 1874 



The day and year of the first visit made by white men, to th& 
territory comprised within the bounds of Sullivan county, can- 
not now be determined ; and we^cailnot trace the route pursued 
by them. They may have come from the colony of Swedes, 
established on the Delaware river in 1638, or they may have 
traveled the Indian paths which led from Esopus in 1614, when 
a trading-post was established at that point by the Dutch. 

It is said of the Swedes, that they lived- in unbroken amity 
with the Lenape, and that they deserved the love and c'pnfi- 
dence of the red man. The truth of this assertion is conceded 
by historians