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Sextus Empiricus and Greek scepticism

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SEXTUS EMPIRIOUS

AND

GREEK SCEPTICISM

SEXTUS EMPIRICUS

AND

GREEK SCEPTICISM

A Thesis accepted for the Degree of Doctor of

Philosophy in the University of Bern

Switzerland, November 1897

BY

MARY MILLS PATEICK

PRESIDENT OP THE AMERICAN COHEGE, CONSTANTINOPLE
TURKEY

This Thesis is accompanied by a Translation from the Greek

of the First Book of the "Pyrrhonic Sketches"

by Sextus Empiricus

CAMBEIDGE

DEIGHTON BELL & CO.

LONDON GEORGE BELL & SONS

189!)

CAMBRIDGE

PRINTED BY JONATHAN PALMER

ALEXANDRA STREliT

PREFACE

The following treatise on Sextus Empiricus and
Greek Scepticism has been prepared to supply
a need much felt in the English language by
students of Greek philosophy. For while other
schools of Greek philosophy have been exhaust-
ively and critically discussed by English scholars,
there are few sources of information available to
the student who wishes to make himself familiar
with the teachings of Pyrrhonism. The aim has
been, accordingly, to give a concise presentation
of Pyrrhonism in relation to its historical develop-
ment and the Scepticism of the Academy, with
critical references to the French and German
works existing on the subject. The time and
manner of the connection of Sextus Empiricus
with the Pyrrhonean School has also been dis-
cussed.

As the First Book of the Hypotyposes, or
Pyrrhonic Sketches by Sextus Empiricus, con-
tains the substance of the teachings of Pyrrho-
nism, it has been hoped that a translation of it
into English might prove a useful contribution
to the literature on Pyrrhonism, and this transla-

PREFACE

tion has been added to the critical part of the
work.

In making this translation, and in the general
study of the works of Sextus, the Greek text of
Immanuel Bekker, Berlin, 1842, has been used,
with frequent consultation of the text of J. A.
Fabrioius, 1718, which was taken directly from
the existing manuscripts of the works of Sextus.
The divisions into chapters, with the headings of
the chapters in the translation, is the same as
Fabricius gives from the manuscripts, although
not used by Bekker, and the numbers of the
paragraphs are the same as those given by both
Fabricius and Bekker. Eeferences to Diogenes
Laertius and other ancient works have been
carefully verified.

The principal modern authors consulted are
the following:

Ritter, Geschichte der Philosophie, II. Auf., Hamburg,

18.36—38.
Zeller, Philosophie der Griechen, III. Auf., Leipzig,

1879—89.
Lewes, History of Philosophy, Vol. I., London, 1866.
Ueberweg, History of Philosophy, IV. ed., translated

by Morris, 1871.
Brochard, Les Sceptiques Grecs, Paris, 1877.
Brochard, Pyrrhon et le Scepticism Primitive, No. 5,

Ribot's Revue Phil., Paris, 188,5,

PREFACE

Saisset, Le Scepticism Aen^sidhme-Pascal-Kant, Paris,

1S67.
Chaignet, Histoire de la Psychologic des Grecs, Paris,

1887—90.
Haas, Leben des Sextus Empiricus, Burghausen, 1882.
Natorp, Forschungen zur Geschichte des ErJcenntnis-

problems bei den Alien, Berlin, 1884.
Hirzel, Untersuchungen zu Cicero's philosopMschen

Schriften, Leipzig, 1877 — 83.
Pappenheim, Erldaterung zu des Sextus Empiricus

Pyrrhoneischen Grundzugen, Heidelberg, 1882.
Pappenheim, Die Tropen der Greichischen Skeptilcer,

Berlin, 1885.
Pappenheim, Lebensverhdltnisse des Sextus Empiricus,

Berlin, 1887.
Pappenheim, Ber angebliche Heraclitismus des Skep-

tikers Aviiesidemos, Berlin, 1887.
Pappenheim, Ber Sitz der Schule der Griechischen

Skeptiker, Archiv fur Geschichte der Philosophic,

I. 1, S. 47, 1887.
MaccoU, The Greek Sceptics from Pyrrho to Sextus,

London, 1869.

My grateful acknowledgments are due to Dr.

, Ludwig Stein, Professor of Philosophy in the
University of Bern, for valuable assistance in
relation to the plan of the work and advice in
regard to the best authorities to be consulted.
Thanks are also due to Dr. Louisos Iliou, of
Eobert College, Constantinople, for kind sugges-

• tions concerning the translation.

OOl^rTEI^TS

CHAPTER I.

FAQE

The Histoeicai Eelations of Sextds Empieicus ... 1
Introductory paragraph. — The name of Sextus Empiricus.
His profession. — The time when he lived. — The place of
his birth. — The seat of the Sceptical School while Sextus
was at its head.— The character of the writings of Sextus
Empiricus.

CHAPTER II.

The Position and Aim of Pyerhonic Scepticism . . 23
The subject-matter of the Hypotyposes. — The origin of
Pyrrhonism. — The nomenclature of Pyrrhonism. — Its
criterion. — Its aim. — iiroxh and hrapa^ia. — The standpoint
of Pyrrhonism.

CHAPTER III.

The Sceptical Teopes 31

Origin of the name. — The ten Tropes of iiroxll- — The First
Trope.— The Second Trope.— The Third Trope.— The
Fourth Trope.— The Fifth Trope.— The Sixth Trope.—
The Seventh Trope.— The Eighth Trope.— The Ninth
Trope. — The Tenth Trope. — The five Tropes of Agrippa. —
The two Tropes. — The Tropes of Aenesidemus against
Aetiology.

CHAPTER IV.

Aenesidemus and the Philosophy of Heeaclitus . . 63
Statement of the problem. — The theory of Pappenheim. —
The theory of Brochard. — Zeller's theory. — The theory of
Hitter and Saisset. — The theory of Hirzel and Natorp. —
Critical examination of the subject.

CHAPTER V.

Critical Examination oe Pyeehonism 81

Pyrrhonism and Pyrrho. — Pyrrhonism and the Academy.
Strength and weakness of Pyrrhonism.

The Pikst Book of the Pyeehonic Sketches by Sextus
Empieicus. Teahslated feom the Geeek .... 101

CHAPTER I.

The Historical Relations of Seodus Empiricus.

Interest has revived in the works of Sextus Empiri-
cus in recent times, especially, one may say, since the
date of Herbart. There is much in the writings of
Sextus that finds a parallel in the methods of modern
philosophy. There is a common starting-point in the
study of the power and limitations of human thought.
There is a common desire to investigate the phenomena
■of sense-perception, and the genetic relations of man to
the lower animals, and a common interest in the theory
of human knowledge.

While, however, some of the pages of Sextus' works
would form a possible introduction to certain lines of
modern philosophical thought, we cannot carry the
analogy farther, for Pyrrhonism as a whole lacked the
essential element of all philosophical progress, which is
a belief in the possibility of finding and establishing
the truth in the subjects investigated.

Before beginning a critical study of the writings of
Sextus Empiricus, and the light which they throw on
the development of Greek Scepticism, it is necessary to
make ourselves somewhat familiar with the environ-
ment in which .he lived and wrote. We shall thus be
able to comprehend more fully the standpoint from
which he regarded philosophical questions.

Let us accordingly attempt to give some details of
his life, including his profession, the time when he lived,

1

2 Sextus Empiricus and Greek Scepticism.

the place of his hirth, the country in which he taught,
and the general aim and character of his works. Here,
however, we encounter great difficulties, for although
we possess most of the writings of Sextus well pre-
served, the evidence which they provide on the points
mentioned is very slight. He does not give us bio-
graphical details in regard to himself, nor does he refer
to his contemporaries in a way to afford any exact
knowledge of them. His name even furnishes us with
a problem impossible of solution. He is called ^efro? o
ifj.Tj-eipiKO'i by Diogenes Laertius^ : 'HpoSoTov Se Bii]Kovae
Si^TO<; 6 ejjmeipiKO's, oil koX to, Se/ca rSiv a-KSTniKtov
Kol aWa KaXKt.c7Ta' ^e^Tov Se Bii^Kovcre ^aTopvivoi o
Kvdrjvai, ifji'treipiKo's km avTo?. Although in this passage
Diogenes speaks of Sextus the second time without the
surname, we cannot understand the meaning otherwise
than that Diogenes considered Sextus a physician of the
Empirical School. Other evidence also is not wanting
that Sextus bore this surname. Fabricius, in his edition
of the works of Sextus, quotes from the Tabella de
Sectis Medicorum of Lambecius the statement that
Sextus was called Empiricus because of his position
in medicine.^

Pseudo-Galen also refers to him as one of the
directors of the Empirical School, and calls him ^'e'^ro?-
6 e/ATT-etptKOs.^ His name is often found in the manu-
scripts written with the surname, as for example at the
end of Logic II* In other places it is found written

' Diog. Laert. ix. 12, 116.

■' Fabricius Testimonia, p. 2.

' Pseudo-Galen Isag. 4 ; Fabricius Testimonia, p. 2.

* Bekker Math. vjii. 481.

Historical Relations of Sextus Em'pvricus. 3

without the surname, as Fabricius testifies, where
Sextus is mentioned as a Sceptic in connection with
Pyrrho.

The Sceptical School was long closely connected
with the Empirical School of medicine, and the later
Pyrrhoneans, when they were physicians, as was often
the case, belonged for the most part to this school.
Menedotus of Nicomedia is the first Sceptic, however,
who is formally spoken of as an Empirical physician,^
and his contemporary Theodas of Laodicea was also
an Empirical physician. The date of Menedotus and
Theodas is difficult to fix, but Brochard and Hass
agree that it was about 150 A.D.^ After the time of
these two physicians, who were also each in turn at
the head of the Sceptical School,' there seems to
have been a definite alliance between Pyrrhonism and
Empiricism in medicine, and we have every reason to
believe that this alliance existed until the time of
Sextus.

The difficulty in regard to the name arises from
Sextus' own testimony. In the first book of the Hy-
potyposes he takes strong ground against the identity
of Pyrrhonism and Empiricism in medicine. Although
he introduces his objections with the admission that
"some say that they are the same," in recognition of
the close union that had existed between them, he goes
on to say that " Empiricism is neither Scepticism itself,
nor would it suit the Sceptic to take that sect upon
himself,* for the reason that Empiricism maintains dog-
matically the impossibility of knowledge, but he would

> Diog. IX. 12, 115. ■■ Diog. ix. 12, 116.

2 Brochard Op. elt. Livre iv. p. 311. * Byp. i. 236.

4 Sextus Empiricus and Greek Scepticism.

prefer to belong to the Methodical School, which was the
only medical school worthy of the Sceptic. " For this
alone 6f all the medical sects, does not proceed rashly
it seems to me, in regard to unknown things, and does
not presume to say whether they are comprehensible
or not, but it is guided by phenomena.^ It will thus
be seen that the Methodical School of medicine has a
certain relationship to Scepticism which is closer than
that of the other medical sects."^

We know from the testimony of Sextus himself
that he was a physician. In one case he uses the first
person for himself as a physician,^ and in another he
speaks of Asclepius as "the founder of our science,"*
and all his illustrations show a breadth and variety of
medical knowledge that only a physician could possess.
He published a medical work which he refers to once
as laTpiK^ VTrofivr^fiara,^ and again as i/xTreipiKa virojJLvri-
fiara.^ These passages probably refer to the same
work,^ which, unfortunately for the solution of the diffi-
cult question that we have in hand, is lost, and nothing
is known of its contents.

In apparent contradiction to his statement in Hy-
potyposes I., that Scepticism and Empiricism are
opposed to each other, in that Empiricism denies the
possibility of knowledge, and Scepticism makes no
dogmatic statements of any kind, Sextus classes the
Sceptics and Empiricists together in another instance,
as regarding knowledge as impossible^ aX\' ol fiev ^aaiv

1 Hyp. I. 237. 5 _4ii^^ ^iaik_ yii. 202.

2 Eyp. I. 241. 6 Adv. Math. A. 61.

s Hyp. II. 238. ' Zeller Op. cit. in. 43.

* Adv. Math. A. 260. e Adv. Math. viii. 191.

Historical Relations of Sextus Empiricus. 5

avTa fir) KaraXafi^dveadai, aa-rrep ol avo t^9 e/jLiretpia';
larpol KOI 01 avro tij? tr/ceT^eo)? <j)iK6a-o<j}oi. In another
case, on the contrary, he contrasts the Sceptics sharply
with the Empiricists in regard to the aTroSei^K.^ ol Se
ifj.rreipiKol avaipovaiv, ol Se (TKerrriKol iv sVo;)^^ tuvttjv

Pappenheim thinks that Sextus belonged to the
Methodical School, both from his strong expression in
favor of that school in Hyp. I. 236, as above, and also
because many of his medical opinions, as found in
his works, agree with the teachings of the Methodical
School, more nearly than with those of the Empiricists.
Pappenheim also claims that we find no inconsistency
with this view in the passage given where Sextus
classes the Sceptics with the Empiricists, but considers
that statement an instance of carelessness in expressing
himself, on the part of Sextus.^

The position of Pappenheim is assailable for the
reason that in dealing with any problem regarding an
author on the basis of internal evidence, we have no
right to consider one of his statements worthy of
weight, and another one unworthy, on the supposition
that he expressed himself carelessly in the second
instance. Kather must we attempt to find his true
standpoint by fairly meeting all the difficulties offered
in apparently conflicting passages. This has been
attempted by Zeller, Brochard, Natorp and others, with
the general result that all things considered they think
without doubt that Sextus belonged to the Empirical

' 1 Mv. Math. Viii. 328.
^ Lebenaverhdlinisse des Sex. Em. 36.

6 Sextus Empiricus a/nd Greek Scepticism.

School.^ His other references are too strong to allow
his fidelity to it to be doubted. He is called one of
the leaders of Empiricism by Pseudo-Galen, and his
only medical work bore the title ifjnreipiKa virojjbvrnMaTa.
The opinion of the writers above referred to is that the
passage which we have quoted from the Hypotyposes
does not necessarily mean that Sextus was not an
Empiricist, but as he was more of a Sceptic than a
physician, he gave preference to those doctrines that
were most consistent with Scepticism, and accordingly
claimed that it was not absolutely necessary that a
Sceptic physician should be an Empiricist. Natorp con-
siders that the dififerent standpoint from which Sextus
judges the Empirical and Methodical Schools in his
different works is accounted for on the supposition that
he was an Empiricist, but disagreed with that school
on the one point only." Natorp points out that Sextus
does not speak more favourably of the medical stand of
the Methodical School, but only compares the way in
which both schools regarded the question of the possi-
bility of knowledge, and thinks that Sextus could have
been an Empiricist as a physician notwithstanding his
condemnation of the attitude of the Empirical School
in relation to the theory of knowledge. This difference
between the two schools was a small one, and on a
subtle and unimportant point ; in fact, a difference in
philosophical theory, and not in medical practice.

While we would agree with the authors above
referred to, that Sextus very probably recognized the

' Broohard Op. cit. Livre iv. 317 ; Zeller Op. cit. in. 16 ; Natorp Op.
cit. p. 166.

' Natorp Op, cit. 157.

Historical Relations of Sextus Empiricus. 7

bond between the Empirical School of medicine and
Pyrrhonism, yet to make his possible connection with
that school the explanation of his name, gives him
more prominence as a physician than is consistent with
what we know of his career. The long continued union
of Empiricism and Scepticism would naturally support
the view that Sextus was, at least during the earlier
part of his life, a physician of that school, and yet it
may be that he was not named Empiricus for that
reason. There is one instance in ancient writiugs where
Empiricus is known as a simple proper name.^ It may
have been a proper name in Sextus' case, or there are
many other ways in which it could have originated, as
those who have studied the origin of names will readily
grant, perhaps indeed, from the title of the above-named
work, i/i'jreiptKa vTro/MvijfiaTa. The chief argument for
this view of the case is that there were other leaders of
the Sceptical School, for whom we can claim far greater
influence as Empiricists than for Sextus, and for whom
the surname Empiricus would have been more appro-
priate, if it was given in consequence of prominence in
the Empirical School. Sextus is known to the world
as a Sceptic, and not as a physician. He was classed in
later times with Pyrrho, and his philosophical works
survived, while his medical writings did not, but are
chiefly known from his own mention of them. More-
over, the passage which we have quoted from the
Hypotyposes is too strong to allow us easily to believe
that Sextus remained all his life a member of the
Empirical School. He could hardly have said, " Nor

^ Pappenheim Zeb. Ver. Sex. Em. 6.

8 Sextus Empiricus and Greek ScepticisTn.

would it suit the Sceptic to take that sect upon him-
self," if he at the same time belonged to it. His other
references to the Empirical School, of a more favorable
character, can be easily explained on the ground of the
long continued connection which had existed between
the two schools. It is quite possible to suppose that
Sextus was an Empiricist a part of his life, and after-
wards found the Methodical School more to his liking,
and such a change would not in any way have affected
his stand as a physician.

In regard to the exact time when Sextus Empiricus
lived, we gain very little knowledge from internal evi-
dence, and outside sources of information are equally
uncertain. Diogenes Laertius must have been a gene-
ration younger than Sextus, as he mentions the disciple
of Sextus, Saturninus, as an Empirical physician.^ The
time of Diogenes is usually estimated as the first half
I of the third century A.D.,^ therefore Sextus cannot be
brought forward later than the beginning of the century.
I j Sextus, however, directs his writings entirely against the
'' 'Dogmatics, by whom he distinctly states that he means
I the Stoics,' and the influence of the Stoics began to
decline in the beginning of the third century A.D. A
fact often used as a help in fixing the date of Sextus is
his mention of Basilides the Stoic,* aWa koX ol oTcolKoif
aii ol irepl lov Baa-iXelSrjv. This Basilides was supposed
to be identical with one of the teachers of Marcus
Aurelius.^ This is accepted by Zeller in the second
edition of his History of Philosophy, but not in the

1 Diog. IX. 12, 116. 4 ^dv. Math. vni. 258.

2 Ueberweg Hist, of Phil. p. 21. ' Fatrioius Vita Sexti.
s Syp. 1. 65.

Historical Relations of Sextus Empiricus. 9

third, for the reason that Sextus, in all the work from
which this reference is taken, i.e. Math. vii. — xi., men-
tions no one besides Aenesidemus, who lived later than
the middle of the last century B.c.^ The Basilides
referred to by Sextus may be one mentioned in a list
of twenty Stoics, in a fragment of Diogenes Laertius,
recently published in Berlin by Val Rose.^ Too much
importance has, however, been given to the relation of
the mention of Basilides the Stoic to the question of
the date of Sextus. Even if the Basilides referred to
by Sextus is granted to have been the teacher of Marcus
Aurelius, it only serves to show that Sextus lived either
at the same time with Marcus Aurelius or after him,
which is a conclusion that we must in any case reach
for other reasons.

The fact that has caused the greatest uncertainty in
regard to the date of Sextus is that Claudius Galen in
his works mentions several Sceptics who were also
physicians of the Empirical School,^ and often speaks
of Herodotus, supposed to be identical with the teacher
of Sextus given by Diogenes Laertius,* but makes no
reference whatever to Sextus. As Galen's time passes
the limit of the second century a.d., we must either
infer that Sextus was not the well-known physician
that he was stated to be by Pseudo-Galen, and con-
sequently not known to Galen, or that Galen wrote
before Sextus became prominent as a Sceptic. This
silence on the part of Galen in regard to Sextus
increases the doubt, caused by Sextus' own criticism
of the Empirical School of medicine, as to his having

' Zeller Op. cit. in. 8. ' Zeller, iii. 7.

2 Brochard Op. cit. iv. 315. * Diog. xi. 12, 116.

10 Sextus Empiricus and Greek Scepticism.

teen an Empiricist. The question is made more com-
plicated, as it is difficult to fix the identity of the
Herodotus so often referred to by Galen.^ As Galen
■died about 200 A.D. at the age of seventy/ we should
fix the date of Sextus early in the third century, and
that of Diogenes perhaps a little later than the middle,
were it not that early in the third century the Stoics
began to decline in influence, and could hardly have
excited the warmth of animosity displayed by Sextus.
We must then suppose that Sextus wrote at the very
latter part of the second century, and either that Galen
did not know him, or that Galen's books were pub-
lished before Sextus became prominent either as a
physician or as a Sceptic. The fact that he may have
been better known as the latter than as the former does
not sufficiently account for Galen's silence, as other
Sceptics are mentioned by him of less importance than
Sextus, and the latter, even if not as great a physician
as Pseudo-Galen asserts, was certainly both a Sceptic
and a physician, and must have belonged to one of the
two medical schools so thoroughly discussed by Galen —
either the Empirical or the Methodical. Therefore, if
Sextus were a contemporary of Galen, he was so far
removed from the circle of Galen's acquaintances as to
have made no impression upon him, either as a Sceptic
or a physician, a supposition that is very improbable.
We must then fix the date of Sextus late in the second
■century, and conclude that the climax of his public
career was reached after Galen had finished those of his
writings which are still extant.

' Fappenheim Zeieni. Ver. Sex. Em. 30.
' Zeller Grundriaa der Gets, der Phil. p. 260.

Historical Relations of Seodus Empiricus. 11

Sextus has a Latin name, but he was a Greek ; we
know this from his own statement.^ We also know that
he must have been a Greek from the beauty and facility
of his style, and from his acquaintance with Greek
dialects. The place of his birth can only, however, be
conjectured, from arguments indirectly derived from his
writings. His constant references throughout his works
to the minute customs of different nations ought to
give us a clue to the solution of this question, but
strange to say they do not give us a decided one. Of
these references a large number, however, relate to the
■customs of Libya, showing a minute knowledge in
regard to the political and religious customs of this
land that he displays in regard to no other country
except Egypt.^ Fabricius thinks Libya was not his
birth place because of a reference which he makes to it
in the Hypotyposes — Opa/cwv Be koI TauTovkaiv {Ai^vcov
Se edvoi TovTo).^ This conclusion is, however, entirely
unfounded, as the explanation of Sextus simply shows
that the people whom he was then addressing were not
familiar with the nations of Libya. Suidas speaks of
two men called Sextus, one from Chseronea and one
from Libya, both of whom he calls Sceptics, and to one
of whom he attributes Sextus' books. All authorities
agree in asserting that great confusion exists in the
works of Suidas ; and Fabricius, Zeller, and Pappenheim
place no weight upon this testimony of Suidas.* Haas,

» Adv. Math. A. 246; Mj/p. i. 162; Syp. in. 211, 214.
2 Haas Op. cit. p. 10.
' ffffp. III. 213.

* Pappenheim Lebem. Ver. Sex. Em. 5, 22 ; Zeller Op. cit. in. 39 ;
Fabricius Vita de Sextus.

12 Sextus Evipiricus and Greek Scepticism.

however, contends^ that it is unreasonable to suppose
that this confusion could go as far as to attribute the
writings of Sextus Empiricus to Sextus of Chseronea,
and also make the latter a Sceptic, and he considers it
far more reasonable to accept the testimony of Suidas,
as it coincides so well with the internal evidence of
Sextus' writings in regard to his native land. It is
nevertheless evident, from his familiarity with the
customs, language, and laws of Athens, Alexandria and
Rome, that he must have resided at some time in each
of these cities.

Of all the problems connected with the historical
details of the life of Sextus, the one that is the most
difficult of solution, and also the most important for our
present purpose of making a critical study of his teach-
ing, is to fix the seat of the Sceptical School during the
time that he was in charge of it. The Hypotyposes are-
lectures delivered in public in that period of his life.
Where then were they delivered ? We know that the
Sceptical School must have had a long continued exis-
tence as a definite philosophical movement, although
some have contended otherwise. The fact of its exis-
tence as an organized direction of thought, is demon-
strated by its formulated teachings, and the list giverk
by Diogenes Laertius of its principal leaders,^ and
by references from the writings of Sextus. In the
first book of Hypotyposes he refers to Scepticism- as
a distinct system of philosophy, koI •rr}v StaKptaiv t-Q?
aKer^ew; cltto tmv irapaKeifj.evwv avry <f>c\oao^ta>v.^ He
speaks also of the older Sceptics,* and the later Sceptics.^'

1 Haas Op. cit. p. 6. ' Diog. xi. 12, 115, 116. ^ ^j,^. i_ 5.
* Syp. I. 36. 5 Byp. i. 164.

Historical Relations of Sextus Empiricus. 13

Pyrrho, the founder of the school, taught in Elis, his
native village ; but even as early as the time of Timon,
his immediate follower, his teachings were somewhat
known in Alexandria, where Timon for a while resided.^
The immediate disciples of Timon, as given by Diogenes,
were not men known in Greece or mentioned in Greek
writings. Then we have the well-known testimony of
Aristocles the Peripatetic in regard to Aenesidemus, that
he taught Pyrrhonism in Alexandria^ — e%^fi9 ical irpoirjv
iv 'AXe^avBpeia rrj Kar Atyvwrov Alpr]aiST]/j,6i Tt? ava-
^(oirvpelv ijp^aro top vOKov tovtov.

This was after the dogmatic tendency of the Academy
under Antiochus and his followers had driven Pyrrhon-
ism from the partial union with the Academy, which it
had experienced after the breaking up of the school under
the immediate successors of Timon. Aenesidemus taught
about the time of our era in Alexandria, and established
the school there anew ; and his followers are spoken of
in a way that presupposes their continuing in the same
place. There is every reason to think that the connec-
tion of Sextus with Alexandria was an intimate one,
not only because Alexandria had been for so long a
time the seat of Pyrrhonism, but also from internal
evidence from his writings and their subsequent his-
torical influence; and yet the Hypotyposes could not
have been delivered in Alexandria, as he often refers to
that place in comparison with the place where he was
then speaking. He says, furthermore, that he teaches
in the same place where his master taught.^ ^Xeirmv

• Chaignet Op. cit. 45.

2 Aristocles of Euseb. Praep. Ev. xiv. e, 446.

3 Byp. III. 120.

14 Sextus Empiricus and Greek Scepticism.

re on ev6a 6 v<jyriy7jTr)^ 6 e/ios BieXiyeTo, evravda e^w vvv
Sia\iyo/j,ai. Therefore the school must have been re-
moved from Alexandria, in or before the time of the
teacher of Sextus, to some other centre. The Hypoty-
poses are from beginning to end a [direct attack on the
Dogmatics; therefore Sextus must have taught either
in some city where the dogmatic philosophy was strong,
or in some rival philosophical centre. The Hypotyposes
show also that the writer had access to some large
library. Alexandria, Rome and Athens are the three
places the most probable for selection for such a.
purpose. For whatever reason the seat of the school
was removed from Alexandria by the master of Sextus,
or by himself, from the place where it had so long been
united with the Empirical School of medicine, Athens
would seem the most suitable city for its recontinuance,
in the land where Pyrrhonism first had its birth.
Sextus, however, in one instance, in referring to things
invisible because of their outward relations, says in
illustration, " as the city of Athens is invisible to us at
present."^ In other places also he contrasts the Athen-
ians with the people whom he is addressing, equally
with the Alexandrians, thus putting Athens as well as
Alexandria out of the question.

Of the different writers on Sextus Empiricus, those
who have treated this part of the subject most critically
are Haas and Pappenheim. We will therefore consider,
somewhat at length, the results presented by these two
authors. Haas thinks that the Hypotyposes were
delivered in Rome for the following reasons. Sextus*

' Hyp. 11. 98.

Historical Relations of Sextus Empiricus. 15

lectures must have been given in some centre of philo-
sophical schools and of learning. He never opposes
Roman relations to those of the place where he is
speaking, as he does in regard to Athens and Alexan-
dria. He uses the name " Romans " only three times/
once comparing them to the Rhodians, once to the
Persians, and once in general to other nations.^ In the
first two of these references, the expression " among the
Romans " in the first part of the antithesis is followed
by the expression, "among us," in the second part,
which Haas understands to be synonymous. The third
reference is in regard to a Roman law, and the use of
the word ' Roman ' does not at all show that Sextus was
not then in Rome. The character of the laws referred
to by Sextus as Trap' ■^/j-lv shows that they were always
Roman laws, and his definition of law^ is especially a
definition of Roman law. This argument might, it
would seem, apply to any part of the Roman Empire,
but Haas claims that the whole relation of law to
custom as treated of by Sextus, and all his statements
of customs forbidden at that time by law, point to
Rome as the place of his residence. Further, Haas
considers the Herodotus mentioned by Galen* as a pro-
minent physician in Rome, to have been the predecessor
and master of Sextus, in whose place Sextus says that
he is teaching.^ Haas also thinks that Sextus' refuta-
tion of the identity of Pyrrhonism with Empiricism
evidently refers to a paragraph in Galen's Subfiguratio

' Haas Op. cit. p. 15.

2 Sj/p. I. 149, 152; m. 211.

3 St/p. I. 146.

« Galen depuls. iv. 11 ; Bd. viii. 751. ^ Bj/p. ni. 120.

16 Sextus Empiricus and Greek Scepticism.

Empirica,^ which would be natural if the Hypotyposes
were written shortly after Galen's Sub. Em,, and in the
same place. Further, Hippolytus, who wrote in or near
Eome very soon after the time of Sextus, apparently
used the Hypotyposes, which would be more natural if
be wrote in the same place. According to Haas, every
thing in internal evidence, and outward testimony,
points to Rome as having been the city where Sextus
occupied his position as the head of the Sceptical School.
Coming now to the position of Pappenheim on this
subject, we find that he takes very decided ground
against the seat of the Sceptical School having been in
Rome, even for a short time, in his latest publication
regarding it.^ This opinion is the result of late study
on the part of Pappenheim, for in his work on the
Lebensverhdltnisse des Sextus Em^piricus Berlin 1875,
he says, "Dass Herodotus in Rom lebte sagt Galen.
.Vermuthlich auch Sextus." His reasons given in the
later article for not connecting the Sceptical School at
all with Rome are as follows. He finds no proof of the
influence of Scepticism in Rome, as Cicero remarks that
Pyrrhonism is extinct,^ and he also gives weight to the
well-known sarcastic saying of Seneca, Quis est qui
tradat praecepta Pyrrhonis ! * While Haas claims
that Sextus would naturally seek one of the centres of
dogmatism, in order most effectively to combat it,
Pappenheim, on the contrary, contends that it would
have been foolishness on the part of Sextus to think of

1 Galen Sui. Em. 123 b— 126 d. (Basileae, 1642).

^ Pappenheim SiU der Skeptiachen ScJiule. ArcMvfUr Oeschickte der
Mil. 1888.

3 Cicero Se Orat. iii. 17, 62. ^ Seneca nat. qu. vii. 32. 2.

Historical Relations of Sextus Empiricus. 17

starting the Sceptical School in Rome, where Stoicism
was the favored philosophy of the Roman Emperors;
and when either for the possible reason of strife between
the Empirical and Methodical Schools, or for some other
cause, the Pyrrhonean School was removed from Alex-
andria, Pappenheim claims that all testimony points to
the conclusion that it was founded in some city of the
East. The name of Sextus is never known in Roman
literature, but in the East, on the contrary, literature
speaks for centuries of Sextus and Pyrrho. The ITy-
potyposes, especially, were well-known in the East, and
references to Sextus are found there in philosophical
and religious dogmatic writings. The Emperor Julian
makes use of the works of Sextus, and he is frequently
quoted by the Church Fathers of the Eastern Church.^
Pappenheim accordingly concludes that the seat of
Pyrrhonism after the school was removed from Alex-
andria, was in some unknown city of the East.

In estimating the weight of these arguments, we
must accept with Pappenheim the close connection of
Pyrrhonism with Alexandria, and the subsequent influ-
ence which it exerted upon the literature of the East.
All historical relations tend to fix the permanent seat
of Pyrrhonism, after its separation from the Academy, in
Alexandria. There is nothing to point to its removal
from Alexandria before the time of Menodotus, who is
the teacher of Herodotus,^ and for many reasons to be
considered the real teacher of Sextus. It was Menodo-
tus who perfected the Empirical doctrines, and who
brought about an ofiScial union between Scepticism and

' Fabriciua <fo Sexto Empirico Testimonia.
" Diog. IX. 12, U6.

2

18 Sextus Empiricus and Greek Scepticism.

^^mpiricism, and who gave Pyrrlionism in great measure,
the ^clat that it enjoyed in Alexandria, and who
appears to have been the most powerful influence in
the school, from the time of Aenesidemus to that of
Sextus. Furthermore, Sextus' familiarity with Alexan-
drian customs bears the imprint of original knowledge,
and he cannot, as Zeller implies, be accepted as simply
quoting. One could hardly agree with Zeller,'^ that
the familiarity shown by Sextus with the customs of
both Alexandria and Rome in the Hypotyposes does
not necessarily show that he ever lived in either of
those places, because a large part of his works are com-
pilations from other books; but on the contrary, the
careful reader of Sextus' works must find in all of them
much evidence of personal knowledge of Alexandria,
Athens and Rome.

A part of Sextus' books also may have been written
in Alexandria. JT/so? ^vai,Kov<; could have been written
in Alexandria.^ If these were also lectures, then Sextus
taught in Alexandria as well as elsewhere. The history of
Eastern literature for the centuries immediately follow-
ing the time of Sextus, showing as it does in so many
instances the influence of Pyrrhonism, and a knowledge
of the Hypotyposes, furnishes us with an incontestable
proof that the school could not have been for a long
time removed from the East, and the absence of such
knowledge in Roman literature is also a strong argu-
ment against its long continuance in that city. It
would seem, however, from all the data at command,

• Zeller Op. cit. iii. p. 39.

^ Pappenheim Sitz der Skeptiachen Schule ; Archiv fur Oeaehichte der
Phil., 1888; Adv. Math. x. 15, 95.

Historical Relations of Sextus Empiricus. 19

that during the years that the Sceptical School was
removed from Alexandria, its head quarters were
in Rome, and that the Pyrrhonean Hypotyposes were
delivered in Rome. Let us briefly consider the argu-
ments in favour of such a hypothesis. Scepticism was
not unknown in Rome. Pappenheim quotes the remark
of Cicero that Pyrrhonism was long since dead, and the
sarcasm of Seneca, Quis est qui tradat praecepta
Pyrrhonis'? as an argument against the knowledge
of Pyrrhonism in Rome. We must remember, however,
that in Cicero's time Aenesidemus had not yet separated
himself from the Academy; or if we consider the
Lucius Tubero to whom Aenesidemus dedicated his
works, as the same Lucius Tubero who was the friend
of Cicero in his youth, and accordingly fix the date of
Aenesidemus about 50 B.c.,^ even then Aenesidemus'
work in Alexandria was too late to have necessarily been
known to Cicero, whose remark must have been referred
to the old school of Scepticism. Should we grant, how-
ever, that the statements of Cicero and Seneca prove
that in their time Pyrrhonism was extinct in Rome,
they certainly do not show that after their death it
could not have again revived, for the Hypotyposes
were delivered more than a century after the death of
Seneca. There are very few writers in Aenesidemus'
own time who showed any influence of his teachings.^
This influence was felt later, as Pyrrhonism became
better known. That Pyrrhonism received some atten-
tion in Rome before the time of Sextus is nevertheless
demonstrated by the teachings of Favorinus there.

' Zeller Op. cit. HI. 10. ^ Zeller Op. cit. p. 63.

20 Sextus Em'piricus and Greek Scepticism,.

Although Favorinus was known as an Academician,
the title of his principal work was tous (f>t\o<ro(f>ov/jLivov^
avTm Twf Xoymv, &v apiaToc ol Uvppdiveioi.?- Suidas
calls Favorinus a great author and learned in all science
and philosophy,^ and Favorinus made Rome the centre
of his teaching and writing. His date is fixed by Zeller
: at 80-150 A.D., therefore Pyrrhonism was known in

Rome shortly before the time of Sextus.
[ The whole tone of the Hypotyposes, with the
I constant references to the Stoics as living present
opponents, shows that these lectures must have been
delivered in one of the centres of Stoicism. As Alex-
andria and Athens are out of the question, all testimony
points to Rome as having been the seat of the Pyrrho-
nean School, for at least a part of the time that Sextus
was at its head. We would then accept the teacher of
Sextus, in whose place he says he taught, as the Hero-
dotus so often referred to by Galen^ who lived in Rome.
Sextus' frequent references to Asclepiades, whom he
mentions ten different times by name in his works,*
speak in favour of Rome in the matter under discussion,
as Asclepiades made that city one of the centres of
medical culture. On the other hand, the fact that
there is no trace of the Hypotyposes in later Roman
literature, with the one exception of the works of Hip-
polytus, as opposed to the wide-spread knowledge of
them shown in the East for centuries, is incontestable
historical proof that the Sceptical School could not long
have had its seat at Rome. From the two passages
given above from Sextus' work against physics, he must

' Zellpr Op. cit. p. 67. ^ Galen vrii. 751.

2 Broohard Op. cit. 329. ■• Bekker Index.

Historical Relations of Sextus Empiricus. 21

either have written that book in Alexandria, it would
seem, or have quoted those passages from some other
work. May we not then conclude, that Sextus was at
the head of the school in Rome for a short time, where
it may have been removed temporarily, on account of
the difficulty with the Empiricists, implied in Hyp. I.
236-241, or in order to be better able to attack the
Stoics, but that he also taught in Alexandria, where the
real home of the school was certainly found ? There it
probably came to an end about fifty years after the time
of Sextus, and from that centre the Sceptical works of
Sextus had their wide-spread influence in the East.

The books of Sextus Empiricus furnish us with the
best and fullest presentation of ancient Scepticism
which has been preserved to modern times, and give
Sextus the position of one of the greatest men of the
Sceptical School. His works which are still extant are
the Pyrrhonean Hypotyposes in three volumes, and the
two works comprising eleven books which have been
united in later times under the title of tt/jo? iJLa6r)fj,aTi-
Kov'i, one of which is directed against the sciences in
general, and the other against the dogmatic philoso-
phers. The six books composing the first of these are
written respectively against grammarians, rhetoricians,
geometricians, arithmeticians, astronomers and music-
ians. The five books of the latter consist of two
against the logicians, two against physics, and one
against systems of morals. If the last short work of
the first book directed against the arithmeticians is com-
bined with the one preceding against the geometricians,
as it well could be, the two works together would be
divided into ten different parts; there is evidence to

22 Sextus JSmpiricus and Greek Scepticism.

show that in ancient times such a division was made.^
There were two other works of Sextus which are now
lost, the medical work before referred to, and a book
entitled irepl ■^v^';. The character of the extant
works of Sextus is similar, as they are all directed
either against science or against the dogmatics, and
they all present the negative side of Pyrrhonism. The
vast array of arguments comprising the subject-matter,
often repeated in the same and different forms, are
evidently taken largely from the Sceptical works which
Sextus had resource to, and are, in fact, a summing up
of all the wisdom of the Sceptical School. The style of
these books is fluent, and the Greek reminds one of
Plutarch and Thucydides, and although Sextus does
not claim originality, but presents in all cases the argu-
ments of the Sceptic, yet the illustrations and the
form in which the arguments are presented, often bear
the marks of his own thought, and are characterized
here and there by a wealth of humor that has not been
sufiSciently noticed in the critical works on Sextus. Of
all the authors who have reviewed Sextus, Brochard is
the only one who seems to have understood and appre-
ciated his humorous side.

We shall now proceed to the consideration of the
general position and aim of Pyrrhonism.

' Diog. IX. 12, 116.

CHAPTER TI.

The Position and Aiin of Pyrrhonism.

The first volume of the Pyrrhonean Hypotyposes
gives the most complete statement found in any of the
works of Sextus Empiricus of the teachings of Pyrrho-
nism and its relation to other schools of philosophy.
The chief source of the subject-matter presented is a
work of the same name hy Aenesidemus/ either directly
used by Sextus, or through the writings of those who
followed Aen esidemus. The comprehensive title Uvppm-
veiot, uTroTVTTtoo-et? was very probably used in general to
designate courses of lectures given by the leaders of the
Sceptical School.

In the opening chapters of the Hypotyposes Sextus
undertakes to define the position and aim of Pyrrho-
nism.^ In introducing his subject he treats briefly of
the differences between philosophical schools, dividing
them into three classes; those which claim that they
have found the truth, like the schools of Aristotle and
Epicurus and the Stoics; those which deny the possibility
of finding it, like that of the Academicians ; and those
that still seek it, like the Sceptical School. The accu-
sation against the Academicians, that they denied the
possibility of finding the truth, was one that the Sceptics
were very fond of making. We shall discuss the justice
of it later, simply remarking here, that to affirm the

• Diog. IX. 11, 78. 2 Bi/p. i. 3, 4.

24 Sextus Empiricus and Greek Scepticism.

" incomprehensibility of the unknown," was a form of
expression that the Pyrrhonists themselves were some-
times betrayed into, notwithstanding their careful
avoidance of dogmatic statements.^

After defining the three kinds of philosophy as the
Dogmatic, the Academic and the Sceptic, Sextus re-
minds his hearers that he does not speak dogmatically
in anything that he says, but that he intends simply to
present the Sceptical arguments historically, and as
they appear to him. He characterizes his treatment of
the subject as general rather than critical, including a
statement of the character of Scepticism, its idea, its
principles, its manner of reasoning, its criterion and
aim, and a presentation of the Tropes, or aspects of
doubt, and the Sceptical formulae and the distinction
between Scepticism and the related schools of philo-
sophy.^

The result of all the gradual changes which the
development of thought had brought about in the out-
ward relations of the Sceptical School, was to increase
the earnestness of the claim of the. Sceptics to be simply
followers of Pyrrho, the great founder of the movement.
In discussing the names given to the Sceptics, Sextus
gives precedence very decidedly to the title "Pyrrho-
nean," because Pyrrho appears the best representative
of Scepticism, and more prominent than all who before
him occupied themselves with it.^

It was a question much discussed among philoso-
phers in ancient times, whether Pyrrhonism should be
considered a philosophical sect or not. Thus we find

' Adv. Math. viii. 191. * S^p. i. 5, 6. 3 fff/p. i. 7.

The Position and Aiin of Pyrrhonism. 25

that Hippobotus in his work entitled irepX alpiaemv,
written shortly before our era, does not include Pyrrho-
nism among the other sects.^ Diogenes himself, after
some hesitation remarking that many do not consider
it a sect, finally decides to call it so.^

Sextus in discussing this subject calls Scepticism an
aywyT], or a movement, rather than a a"peen<;, saying
that Scepticism is not a sect, if that word implies a
systematic arrangement of dogmas, for the Sceptic has \
no dogmas. If, however, a sect may mean simply the i
following of a certain system of reasoning according to
what appears to be true, then Scepticism is a sect.*
From a quotation given later on by Sextus from
Aenesidemus, we know that the latter used the term
070)77?'.* Sextus gives also the other titles, so well known
as having been applied to Scepticism, namely, ^rjTrjriKTJ,
i<j)eKTiKi], and aTToprjTiKrj.^ The Swa/iis^ of Scepticism
is to oppose the things of sense and intellect in every
possible way to each other, and through the equal
weight of things opposed, or laoa-Oeveia, to reach first
the state of suspension of judgement, and afterwards
ataraxia, or " repose and tranquillity of soul."^ The pur-
pose of Scepticism is then the hope of ataraxia, and its
origin was in the troubled state of mind induced by the
inequality of things, and uncertainty in regard to the
truth. Therefore, says Sextus, men of the greatest
talent began the Sceptical system by placing in opposi-
tion to every argument an equal one, thus leading to a

* Diog. Pro. 19. 5 Syp, j. 7; Biog. ix. 11, 70.

* Diog. iVo. 20. ^ St/p. I. 8.

' Syp. I. 16, 17. ' Sw- 1- 10-

* Byp. I. 210.

26 Sextus Empiricus and Greek Scepticism.

philosophical system without a dogma, for the Sceptic
claims that he has no dogma.^ The Sceptic is never
supposed to state a decided opinion, but only to say
what appears to him. Even the Sceptical formulae,
such as "Nothing more,"^ or "I decide nothing,"^ or
■"All is false," include themselves with other things.
The only statements that the Sceptic can make, are in
regard to his own sensations. He cannot deny that he
is warm or cold or hungry.

Sextus replies to the charge that the Sceptics deny
phenomena by refuting it.* The Sceptic does not deny
phenomena, because they are the only criteria by which
he can regulate his actions. " We call the criterion of
the Sceptical School the phenomenon, meaning by this
name the idea of it."° Phenomena are the only things
which the Sceptic does not deny, and he guides his life
by them. They are, however, subjective. Sextus dis-
tinctly affirms that sensations are the phenomena,^ and
that they lie in susceptibility and voluntary feeling,
-and that they constitute the appearances of objects.'
We see from this that Sextus makes the only reality to
consist in subjective experience, but he does not follow
this to its logical conclusion, and doubt the existence of
anything outside of mind. He rather takes for granted
that there is a something unknown outside, about which
the Sceptic can make no assertions. Phenomena are
the criteria according to which the Sceptic orders his
daily life, as he cannot be entirely inactive, and they

» Syp. I. 12. " Syp. i. 19.

2 Hyp. I. 14. « Hyp. i. 22; Diog. ix. U, 106.

3 Byp. I. 14. ' Hyp. i. 22.
* Hyp. I. 19.

The Position and Ai/m of Pyrrhonism. 27

affect life in four different ways. They constitute the
guidance of nature, the impulse of feeling; they give
rise to the traditions of customs and laws, and make
the teaching of the arts important.^ According to the
tradition of laws and customs, piety is a good in daily
life, but it is not in itself an abstract good. The Sceptic
■of Sextus' time also inculcated the teaching of the arts,
as indeed must be the case with professing physicians,
as most of the leading Sceptics were. Sextus says,
" We are not without energy in the arts which we
undertake."^ This was a positive tendency which no
philosophy, however negative, could escape, and the
Sceptic tried to avoid inconsistency in this respect, by
separating his philosophy ft-om his theory of life. His
philosophy controlled his opinions, and his life was
governed by phenomena.

The aim of Pyrrhonism was ataraxia in those things
which pertain to opinion, and moderation in the things
which life imposes.^ In other words, we find here the
same natural desire of the human being to rise above
and beyond the limitations which pain and passion
impose, which is expressed in other forms, and under
other names, in other schools of philosophy. The
method, however, by which ataraxia or peace of mind
could be reached, was peculiar to the Sceptic. It is a
state of psychological equilibrium, which results from
the equality of the weight of different arguments that
are opposed to each other, and the consequent impossi-
bility of affirming in regard to either one, that it is
correct.* The discovery of ataraxia was, in the first

' Syp. I. 23. '^ Syp. i. 24. ^ Byp. i. 25. « Syp. i. 26.

28 Sextua Empiricus and Greek Scepticism.

instance, apparently accidental, for while the Sceptic
withheld his opinion, unable to decide what things were
true, and what things were false, ataraxia fortunately-
followed.^ After he had begun to philosophize, with a
desire to discriminate in regard to ideas, and to separate
the true from the false^ during the time of 67ro%»?, or
suspension of judgement, ataraxia followed as if by
chance, as the shadow follows the body.'

The Sceptic in seeking ataraxia in the things of
opinion, does not entirely escape from suffering from
his sensations. He is not wholly undisturbed, for he is
sometimes cold and hungry, and so on.* He claims,
nevertheless, that he suffers less than the dogmatist,
who is beset with two kinds of suffering, one from the
feelings themselves, and also from the conviction that
they are by nature an evil.^ To the Sceptic nothing is
in itself either an evil or a good, and so he thinks that
" he escapes from diflSculties easier."^ For instance, he
who considers riches a good in themselves, is unhappy
in the loss of them, and in possession of them is in fear
of losing them, while the Sceptic, remembering the
Sceptical saying " No more," is untroubled in whatever
condition he may be found, as the loss of riches is no
more an evil than the possession of them is a good.'^
For he who considers anything good or bad by nature
is always troubled, and when that which seemed good is
not present with him, he thinks that he is tortured by
that which is by nature bad, and follows after what he

' Bi/p. I. 26. < Hi/p. 1. 30.

2 Diog. IX. 11, 107. « Syp. i. 30.

3 Syp. 1. 29. « Spy. I. 30 ; Diog. ix. 11, 61.

' Adv. Math. xi. 146—160.

The Position and Aim, of Pyrrhonism. 29

thinks to be good. Having acquired it, however, he is
not at rest, for his reason tells him that a sudden change
may deprive him of this thing that he considers a good.^
The Sceptic, however, endeavours neither to avoid nor
seek anything eagerly.^

Ataraxia came to the Sceptic as success in painting
the foam on a horse's mouth came to Apelles the painter.
After many attempts to do this, and many failures, he
gave up in despair, and threw the sponge at the picture
that he had used to wipe the colors from the painting
with. As soon as it touched the picture it produced a
representation of the foam.^ Thus the Sceptics were
never able to attain to ataraxia by examining the
anomaly between the phenomena and the things of
thought, but it came to them of its own accord just
when they despaired of finding it.

The intellectual preparation for producing ataraxia,
consists in placing arguments in opposition to each
other, both in regard to phenomena, and to things of the
intellect. By placing the phenomenal in opposition to
the phenomenal, the intellectual to the intellectual, and
the phenomenal to the intellectual, and vice versa, the
present to the present, past, and future, one will find
that no argument exists that is incontrovertible. It is
not necessary to accept any statement whatever as true,
and consequently a state of cttox'? may always be main-
tained.* Although ataraxia concerns things of the
opinion, and must be preceded by the intellectual pro-
cess described above, it is not itself a function of the
intellect, or any subtle kind of reasoning, but seems to

1 Myp. I. 27. ' Myp. i. 28. ^ 2rj(p. i. 28, 29. * Byp. i. 32—35.

30 Sextus Empiricus avd Greek Scepticism.

be rather a unique form of moral perfection, leading to
happiness, or is itself happiness.

It was the aim of Scepticism to know nothing, and
to assert nothing in regard to any subject, but at the
same time not to affirm that knowledge on all subjects
is impossible, and consequently to have the attitude of
still seeking. The standpoint of Pyrrhonism was ma-
terialistic. We find from the teachings of Sextus that
he affirmed the non-existence of the soul,^ or the ego,
and denied absolute existence altogether.^ The intro-
ductory statements of Diogenes regarding Pyrrhonism
would agree with this standpoint.^

There is no criterion of truth in Scepticism. We
cannot prove that the phenomena represent objects, or
find out what the relation of phenomena to objects is.
There is no criterion to tell us which one is true of all
the difiierent representations of the same object, and of
all the varieties of sensation that arise through the
many phases of relativity of the conditions which con-
trol the character of the phenomena.

Every effort to find the truth can deal only with
phenomena, and absolute reality can never be known.

> Adv. Math. vii. 55 ; Syp. ii. 32. » Adv. Math. xi. 140.

■• Diog. IX. U, 61.

CHAPTER III.

The Sceptical Tropes.

The exposition of the Tropes of Pyrrhonism consti-
tutes historically and philosophically the most important
part of the writings of Sextus Empiricus. These Tropes
represent the sum total of the wisdom of the older
Sceptical School, and were held in high respect for
centuries, not only by the Pyrrhoneans, but also by many
outside the narrow limits of that School. In the first
book of the Hypotyposes Sextus gives two classes of
Tropes, those of eiroxn and the eight Tropes of Aeneside-
mus against Aetiology.

The Tropes of eTroxv are arranged in groups of ten,
five and two, according to the period of the Sceptical
School to which they belong ; the first of these groups
is historically the most important, or the Ten Tropes of
eTToxv, as these are far more closely connected with the
general development of Scepticism, than the later ones.
By the name rpoTro? or Trope, the Sceptic understood a
manner of thought, or form of argument, or standpoint
of judgement. It was a term common in Greek philo-
sophy, used in this sense, from the time of Aristotle.^
The Stoics, however, used the word with a different
meaning from that attributed to it by the Sceptics.^
Stephanus and Fabricius translate it by the Latin word
nnodus,^ and rpoTro? also is often used interchangeably

' Pappenheim Erlauterung Pyrrh. Grundzugen, p. 35.

^ Diog. I. 76 ; Ad^. Math. viii. 227. * Fabricius, Cap. xiv. 7.

32 Sextus ETnpiricus and Greek Scepticism.

with the word \070s by Sextus, Diogenes Laertius, and
others; sometimes also as synonymous with totto^,^
and TVTTos is found in the oldest edition of Sextus.^
Diogenes defines the word as the standpoint, or manner
of argument, by which the Sceptics arrived at the
condition of doubt, in consequence of the equality of
probabilities, and he calls the Tropes, the ten Tropes of
doubt.^ All writers on Pyrrhonism after the time of
Aenesidemus give the Tropes the principal place in
their treatment of the subject. Sextus occupies two
thirds of the first book of the Hypotyposes in stating
and discussing them ; and about one fourth of his pre-
'sentation of Scepticism is devoted to the Tropes by
Diogenes. In addition to these two authors, Aristocles
,the Peripatetic refers to them in his attack on Sceptic-
ism.* Favorinus wrote a book entitled Pyrrhonean
Tropes, and Plutarch one called The Ten [roTroi)
Topes of Pyrrho? Both of these latter works are lost.
All authorities unite in attributing to Aenesidemus
the work of systematizing and presenting to the world
the ten Tropes of i-n-ox^' He was the first to conceive
the project of opposing an organized philosophical
system of Pyrrhonism to the dogmatism of his contem-
poraries.* Moreover, the fact that Diogenes introduces
the Tropes into his life of Pyrrho, does not necessarily
imply that he considered Pyrrho their author, for

' ff^p. I. 36.

' Fabrieiua on Syp. i. 36 ; Cap. xiv. Q.

3 Diog. IX. 11, 79—108.

* Aristocles Euaeb. praep. ev. x. 14, 18.

' Fabricius on Syp. i. 36.

° Compare Saisset Op. eit. p. 78.

The Sceptical Tropes. 33

Diogenes invariably combines the teachings of the follow-
ers of a movement with those of the founders themselves ;
he gives these Tropes after speaking of Aenesidemus'
work entitled Pyrrhonean ITypotyposes, and appar-
ently quotes from this book, in giving at least a part
of his presentation of Pyrrhonism, either directly or
through the works of others. Nietzsche proposes a
correction of the text of Diogenes ix. ii., 79, which
would make him quote the Tropes from a book by
Theodosius,-^ author of a commentary on the works of
Theodas. No writer of antiquity claims for the Tropes
an older source than the books of Aenesidemus, to
whom Aristocles also attributes them.^ They are not
mentioned in Diogenes' life of Timon, the immediate
disciple of Pyrrho. Cicero has no knowledge of them,
and does not refer to them in his discussion of Scepticism.
Aenesidemus was undoubtedly the first to formulate
these Tropes, but many things tend to show that they
resulted, in reality, from the gradual classification of
the results of the teachings of Pyrrho, in the subsequent
development of thought from his own time to that of
Aenesidemus. The ideas contained in the Tropes were
not original with Aenesidemus, but are more closely
connected with the thought of earlier times. The
decidedly empirical character of the Tropes proves this
connection, for the eight Tropes of Aetiology, which
were original with Aenesidemus, bear a far stronger
dialectic stamp, thus showing a more decided dialectic
influence of the Academy than is found in the Tropes
of iiroxv- Many of the illustrations given of the Tropes

1 Brochard Op. cit. 254, Note 4.

' AriBtocles Eus.praep. ev, xiv. 18. 8.

34 Sextus Empiricus and Greek Scepticism.

also, testify to a time of greater antiquity than that of
Aenesidemus. The name Trope was well known in
ancient times, and the number ten reminds us of the
ten opposing principles of Pythagoras, and the ten
categories of Aristotle, the fourth of which was the same
as the eighth Trope. The terminology, however, with
very few exceptions, points to a later period than that
of Pyrrho. Zeller points out a number of expressions
in both Diogenes' and Sextus' exposition of the Tropes,
which could not date back farther than the time of
Aenesidemus.^ One of the most striking features of
the whole presentation of the Tropes, especially as given
by Sextus, is their mosaic character, stamping them not
as the work of one person, but as a growth, and also an
agglutinous growth, lacking very decidedly the sym-
metry of thought that the work of one mind would have
shown.

At the time of the separation of Pyrrhonism from the
Academy, no other force was as strong in giving life to
the school as the systematic treatment by Aenesidemus
of the Ten Tropes of eiroxv- The reason of this is
evident. It was not that the ideas of the Sceptical
Tropes were original with Aenesidemus, but because a
definite statement of belief is always a far more powerful
influence than principles which are vaguely understood
and accepted. There is always, however, the danger to
the Sceptic, in making a statement even of the prin-
ciples of Scepticism, that the psychological result would
be a dogmatic tendency of mind, as we shall see later
was the case, even with Aenesidemus himself. That

' Zeller Op. cit. p. 25.

The Sceptical Tropes. 35

the Sceptical School could not escape the accusation of
dogmatizing, from the Dogmatics, even in stating the
grounds of their Scepticism, we know from Diogenes.'-
To avoid this dogmatic tendency of the ten Tropes,
Sextus makes the frequent assertion that he does not
affirm things to be absolutely true, but states them as
they appear to him, and that they may be otherwise
from what he has said.^

Sextus tells us that " Certain Tropes, ten in number,
for producing the state of eTrox^ have been handed
down from the older Sceptics."^ He refers to them in
another work as the "Tropes of Aenesidemus."* There
is no evidence that the substance of these Tropes was
changed after the time of Aenesidemus, although many
of the illustrations given by Sextus must have been of
a later date, added during the two centuries that elapsed
between the time of Aenesidemus and Sextus. In
giving these Tropes Sextus does not claim to offer a
systematic methodical classification, and closes his list
of them, in their original concise form, with the remark,
" We make this order ourselves."^ The order is given
differently by Diogenes, and also by Favorinus.* The
Trope which Sextus gives as the tenth is the fifth
given by Diogenes, the seventh by Sextus is the eighth
given by Diogenes, the fifth by Sextus, the seventh
by Diogenes, the tenth by Diogenes, the eighth by
Sextus. Diogenes says that the one he gives as the
ninth Favorinus calls the eighth, and Sextus and
Aenesidemus the tenth. This statement does not

> Diog. IX. 11, 102. * Adv. Math. vii. 345.

2 B^p. I. 4, 24. 5 Syp. i. 38.

3 ffi/p. I. 36. " Diog. IX. 11. 87.

36 Sextus Empiricus and Greek Scepticism.

correspond with the list of the Tropes which Sextus
gives, proving that Diogenes took some other text than
that of Sextus as his authority.^ The difference in the
order of the Tropes shows, also, that the order was not
considered a matter of great importance. There is a
marked contrast in the spirit of the two presentations
of the Tropes given by Sextus and Diogenes. The
former gives them not only as an orator, but as one who
feels that he is defending his own cause, and the school
of which he is the leader, against mortal enemies, while
Diogenes relates them as an historian.

Pappenheim tries to prove^ that Aenesidemus origin-
ally gave only nine Tropes in his Pyrrhonean Hypoty-
poses, as Aristocles mentions only nine in referring to
the Tropes of Aenesidemus, and that the tenth was
added later. Had this been the case, however, the fact
would surely have been mentioned either by Diogeoes
or Sextus, who both refer to the ten Tropes of Aene-
sidemus.

The Tropes claim to prove that the character of
phenomena is so relative and changeable, that certain
knowledge cannot be based upon them, and as we have
shown, there is no other criterion of knowledge for the
Sceptic than phenomena.^ All of the Trop.es, except
the tenth, are connected with sense-perception, and re-
late to the difference of the results obtained through
the senses under different circumstances. They may
be divided into two classes, i.e., those based upon differ-
ences of our physical organism, and those based upon

1 Diog. IX. 11, 87.

2 Pappenheim, Die Tropen der Oriechen, p. 23.

3 Hyp. I. 22.

The Sceptical Tropes. 37

external differences. To the first class belong the first,
second, third and fourth ; to the second class, the fifth,
sixth, seventh and eighth, and also the ninth. The
eighth, or that of relation, is applied objectively both
by Sextus and Diogenes in their treatment of the Tropes,
and is not used for objects of thought alone, but princi-
pally to show the relation of outward objects to each
other. The tenth is the only one which has a moral
significance, and it has also a higher subjective value
than the others ; it takes its arguments from an entirely
different sphere of thought, and deals with metaphysical
and religious contradictions in opinion, and with the
question of good and evil. That this Trope is one of
the oldest, we know from its distinct mention in connec-
tion with the foundation theories of Pyrrho, by Dio-
genes.^ In treating of the subjective reasons for doubt
as to the character of external reality, the Sceptics were
very near the denial of all outward reality, a point, how-
ever, which they never quite reached.

There is evidently much of Sextus' own thought mixed
with the illustrations of the Tropes, but it is impossible
to separate the original parts from the material that
was the common property of the Sceptical School.
Many of these illustrations show, however, perfect famil-
iarity with the scientific and medical teachings of the
time. Before entering upon his exposition of the Tropes,
Sextus gives them in the short concise form in which
they must first have existed^ —

(i) Based upon the variety of animals,
(ii) Based upon the differences between men.

1 Diog. IX. 11, 61. " Hyp. i. 36—38.

38 Sextus Errypiricus and Greek Scepticism.

(iii) Based upon dififerences in the constitution of
the sense organs.

(iv) Based upon circumstances.

(v) Based upon position, distance and place.

(vi) Based upon mixtures.

(vii) Based upon the quantities and constitutions
of objects.

(viii) Relation.

(ix) Based upon frequency or rarity of occurences,
(x) Based upon systems, customs and laws,
mythical beliefs, and dogmatic opinions.

Although Sextus is careful not to dogmatise regard-
ing the arrangement of the Tropes, yet there is in his
classification of them a regular gradation, from the argu-
ments based upon differences in animals to those in
man, first considering the latter in relation to the physi-
cal constitution, and then to circumstances outside of
us, and finally the treatment of metaphysical and moral
differences.

The First Trope} That the same mental repre-
sentations are not found in different animals, may be
inferred from their differences in constitution resulting
from their diSerent origins, and from the variety in
their organs of sense. Sextus takes up the five senses
in order, giving illustrations to prove the relative results
of the mental representations in all of them, as for
example the subjectivity of color^ and sound.* All
knowledge of objects through the senses is relative and
not absolute. Sextus does not, accordingly, confine the
impossibility of certain knowledge to the qualities that

' Sffp. I. 40—61. ■" Syp. 1. 44—46. ^ ^j,^, ,_ gg.

The Sceptical Tropes. 39

Locke regards as secondary, but includes also the prim-
ary ones in this statement.^ The form and shape of
objects as they appear to us may be changed by pressure
on the eyeball. Furthermore, the character of reflect-
ions in mirrors depend entirely on their shape, as the
images in concave mirrors are very different from those
in convex ones; and so in the same way as the eyes
of animals are of different shapes, and supplied with
different fluids, the ideas of dogs, fishes, men and grass-
hoppers must be very different.^

In discussing the mental representations of animals
of different grades of intelligence, Sextus shows a very
good comprehension of the philogenetic development of
the organs of sense, and draws the final conclusion that
external objects are regarded differently by animals,
according to their difference in constitution.^ These
differences in the ideas which different animals have of
the same objects are demonstrated by their different
tastes, as the things desired by some are fatal to others.*
The practical illustrations given of this result show a
familiarity with natural history, and cognizance of the
tastes and habits of many animals,^ but were probably
few of them original with Sextu-s, unless perhaps in
their application ; that this train of reasoning was the
common property of the Sceptic School, we know from
the fact that Diogenes begins his exposition of the first
Trope in a way similar to that of Sextus.'' His illustra-
tions are, however, few and meagre compared with those
of Sextus, and the scientific facts used by both of them

• Syp. I. 47. * Syp. i. 55.

2 Hyp. 1. 49. 6 B.yp. i. 55—59.

3 Hyp. I. 54. « Diog. vs.. 11, 79—80.

40 Sextus ETTipiricus and Greek Scepticism.

may mostly be found in other authors of antiquity given
in a similar way.^ The logical result of the reasoning
used to explain the first Trope, is that we cannot com-
pare the ideas of the animals with each other, nor with
our own; nor can we prove that our ideas are more trust-
worthy than those of the animals.^ As therefore an
examination of ideas is impossible, any decided opinion
about their trustworthiness is also impossible, and this
Trope leads to the suspension of judgment regarding
external objects, or to iiroxij-^

After reaching this conclusion, Sextus introduces a
long chapter to prove that animals can reason. There
is no reference to this in Diogenes, but there is other
testimony to show that it was a favourite line of argu-
ment with the Sceptics.* Sextus, however, says that
his course of reasoning is different from that of most
of the Sceptics on the subject,^ as they usually applied
their arguments to all animals, while he selected only
one, namely the dog.® This chapter is full of sarcastic
attacks on the Dogmatics, and contains the special
allusion to the Stoics as the greatest opponents of the
Sceptics, which has been before referred to.'

Sextus claims with a greater freedom of diction than
in some apparently less original chapters, and with a
wealth of special illustrations, that the dog is superior
to man in acuteness of perception,^ that he has the
power of choice, and possesses an art, that of hunting,®

' Pappenheim Erlautermig Fyrr. GrundxUffe Far. 41.

2 Byp. I. 69. « Hyp. i. 62—6

3 Syp. 1. 61. ' Byp. i. 66.
1 Eyp. I. 238. 8 Hyp. i. 64.
^ Compare Brochard Op. dt. 266. » Syp. i. 66.

The Sceptical Tropes. 41

and, also, is not deprived of virtue,-^ as the true nature of
virtue is to show justice to all, which the dog does by
guarding loyally those who are kind to him, and keep-
ing off those who do evil.^ The reasoning power of this
animal is proved by the story taken from Chrysippus, of
the dog that came to a meeting of three roads in follow-
ing a scent. After seeking the scent in vain in two
of the roads, he takes the third road without scenting
it, as a result of a quick process of thought, which proves
that he shares in the famous dialectic of Chrysippus,^
the five forms of avairoSeiKToi \6yoi, of which the dog
chooses the fifth. Either A or B or C, not A or B,
therefore C.

The dog and other irrational animals may also
possess spoken language, as the only proof that we have
to the contrary, is the fact that we cannot understand
the sounds that they make.* We have an example in
this chapter of the humor of Sextus, who after enlarging
on the perfect character of the dog, remarks, "For which
reason it seems to me some philosophers have honoured
themselves with the name of this animal,"^ thus making
a sarcastic allusion to the Cynics, especially Antisthenes.®

The Second Trope. Passing on to the second Trope,
Sextus aims to prove that even if we leave the differen-
ces of the mental images of animals out of the discussion,
there is not a sufficient unanimity in the mental images
of human beings to allow us to base any assertions upon
them in regard to the character of external objects.'^

1 Hyp. I. 67. = Siyp. i. 72.

2 Hyp. I. 67. * Diog. vi. 1, 13.

3 Hyp. 1. 69 ; Hyp. ii. 156 ; Diog. vii. 1, 79. ' Hyp. i. 79.

4 Hyp. I. 74.

42 Sextus Empiricus and Greek Scepticism.

He had previously announced that he intended to
oppose the phenomenal to the intellectual " in any way
whatever,"^ so he begins here by referring to the two
parts of which man is said to be composed, the soul and
the body, and proceeds to discuss the differences among
men in sense-perception and in opinion.^ Most of the
illustrations givea of differences in sense-perception are
medical ones; of the more general of these I will note
the only two which are also given by Diogenes in his ex-
position of this Trope,^ viz., Demophon, Alexander's table
waiter, who shivered in the sun, and Andron the Argive,
who was so free from thirst that he travelled through
the desert of Libya without seeking a drink. Some
have reasoned from the presence of the first of these
illustrations in the exposition of the Tropes, that a part
of this material at least goes back to the time of Pyrrho,
as Pyrrho from his intimacy with Alexander, when he
accompanied him to India, had abundant opportunities
to observe the peculiarities of his servant Demophon.*
The illustration of Andron the Argive is taken from
Aristotle, according to Diogenes.^

Passing on to differences of opinion, we have another
example of the sarcastic humor of Sextus, as he refers to
the (j)vatoyv(o/jLoviKi] cro(f>la^ as the authority for believing
that the body is a type of the soul. As the bodies of
men differ, so the souls also probably differ. The differ-
ences of mind among men is not referred to by Diogenes,
except in the general statement that they choose

' Si/p. 1. 8. " Syp. I. 80. 3 Dioj. ix. 11, 80—81.

* Compare Pyrrhon et le Scepticism primitive, Sei'ite phil., Paris 1885,
No. 5; Victor Brochard, p. 621.

« Diog. IX. 11, 81. 8 Hyp. i. 86.

The Sceptical Tropes. 43

dififerent professions ; while Sextus elaborates this point,
speaking of the great differences in opposing schools of
philosophy, and in the objects of choice and avoidance,
and sources of pleasure for different men.^ The poets
well understand this marked difference in human
desires, as Homer says,

" One man enjoys this, another enjoys that."

Sextus also quotes the beautiful lines of Pindar,^

" One delights in getting honours and crowns through stormfooted

horses,
Others in passing life in rooms rich in gold,
Another safe travelling enjoys, in a swift ship, on a wave of the

sea."

The Third Trope. The third Trope limits the argu-
ment to the sense-perceptions of one man, a Dogmatic, if
preferred, or to one whom the Dogmatics consider wise,^
and states that as the ideas given by the different sense
organs differ radically in a way that does not admit of
their being compared with each other, they furnish no
reliable testimony regarding the nature of objects.*
" Each of the phenomena perceived by us seems to pre-
sent itself in many forms, as the apple, smooth, fragrant
brown and sweet." The apple was evidently the ordin-
ary example given for this Trope, for Diogenes uses the
same, but in a much more condensed form, and not with
equal understanding of the results to be deduced from
it.^ The consequence of the incompatibility of the men-
tal representations produced through the several sense

1 Eyp. I. 87—89. = Hyp, i. 86. ' Eyp. i. 90.

* Hyp. I. 94. = Diog. ix. 11, 81.

44 Sextus Empiricus and Greek Scepticism.

organs by the apple, may be the acceptance of either of
the three following propositions: (i) That only those
qualities exist in the apple which we perceive, (ii)
That more than these exist, (iii) That even those per-
ceived do not exist.^ Accordingly, any experience which
can give rise to such different views regarding outward
objects, cannot be relied upon as a testimony concerning
them.

The non-homogeneous nature of the mental images
connected with the different sense organs, as presented
by Sextus, reminds us of the discussion of the same
subject by Berkeley in his Iheory of Vision.

Sextus says that a man born with less than the usual
number of senses, would form altogether different ideas
of the external world than those who have the usual
number, and as our ideas of objects depend on our
mental images, a greater number of sense organs would
give us still different ideas of outward reality.^ The
strong argument of the Stoics against such reasoning as
this, was their doctrine of pre-established harmony be-
tween nature and the soul, so that when a representation
is produced in us of a real object, a KaTaXrjirTiKf)
(ftavTuaia,^ by this representation the soul grasps a real
existence. There is a \6yo<; in us which is of the same
kind, crvyyevos, or in relation to all nature. This argu-
ment of pre-established harmony between the faculties
of the soul and the objects of nature, is the one that
has been used in all ages to combat philosophical teach-
ing that denies that we apprehend the external world
as it is. It was used against Kant by his opponents,

1 Myp. I. 99. 2 Si/p. I. 96—97. ' Adv. Math. vii. 93.

The Sceptical Tropes. 45

■who thought in this way to refute his teachings.^ The
Sceptics could not, of course, accept a theory of nature
that included the soul and the external world in one
harmonious whole, but Sextus in his discussion of the
third Trope does not refute this argument as fully as he
does later in his work against logic.^ He simply states
here that philosophers themselves cannot agree as to
what nature is, and furthermore, that a philosopher
himself is a part of the discord, and to be judged, rather
than being capable of judging, and that no conclusion
can be reached by those who are themselves an element
of the uncertainty.^

The Fourth Trope. This Trope limits the argu-
ment to each separate sense, and the effect is considered
of the condition of body and mind upon sense-perception /
in relation to the several sense-organs.* The physical
states which modify sense-perception are health and
illness, sleeping and waking, youth and age, hunger and
satiety, drunkenness and sobriety. All of these condi-
tions of the body entirely change the character of the
mental images, producing different judgments of the
color, taste, and temperature of objects, and of the cha-
racter of sounds. A man who is asleep is in a different
world from one awake, the existence of both worlds
being relative to the condition of waking and sleeping.^

The subjective states which Sextus mentions here
as modifying the character of the mental representations
are hating or loving, courage or fear, sorrow or joy, and
sanity or insanity.® No man is ever twice in exactly

' Ueberweg Op. eit. 195. * Hyp. i. 100.

' Adv. Math. tii. 354. ' Syp. i. 104.

^ Syp. I. 98—99. ^ Syp. i. 100.

46 Sextus Empiricus and Greek Scepticism.

the same condition of body or mind, and never able to
review the differences of his ideas as a sum total, for
those of the present moment only are subject to careful
inspection.^ Furthermore, no one is free from the in-
fluence of all conditions of body or mind, so that he can
be unbiassed to judge his ideas, and no criterion can be
established that can be shown to be true, but on the
contrary, whatever course is pursued on the subject,
both the criterion and the proof will be thrown into the
circulus in probanda, for the truth of each rests on
the other. ^

Diogenes gives in part the same illustrations of this
Trope, but in a much more condensed form. The marked
characteristic of this train of reasoning is the attempt
to prove that abnormal conditions are also natural. In
referring at first to the opposing states of body and
mind, which so change the character of sense-perception,
Sextus classifies them according to the popular usage
as Kara (pvatv and "jrapci <f)vcnv. This distinction was an
important one, even with Aristotle, and was especially
developed by the Stoics^ in a broader sense than
referring merely to health and sickness. The Stoics,
however, considered only normal conditions as being
according to nature. Sextus, on the contrary, declares
that abnormal states are also conditions according to
nature,* and just as those who are in health are in a
state that is natural to those who are in health, so also
those not in health are in a state that is natural to
those not in health, and in some respects according to
nature. Existence, then, and non-existence are not

^Syp. I. 112. '^Hyp.z.m. ^ Djog. yii. 1, 86. * Syp. \.10Z.

The Sceptical Tropes. 47

absolute, but relative, and the world of sleep as really
exists for those who are asleep as the things that exist
in waking exist, although they do not exist in sleep.^
One mental representation, therefore, cannot be judged
by another, w^hich Ls also in a state of relation to exist-
ing physical and mental conditions. Diogenes states
this principle even more decidedly in his exposition of
this Trope. "The insane are not in a condition opposed
to nature ; why they more than we ? For we also see
the sun as if it were stationary."^ Furthermore, in
different periods of life ideas differ. Children are fond
of balls and hoops, while those in their prime prefer
other things, and the aged still others.^ The wisdom
contained in this Trope in reference to the relative
value of the things most sought after is not original
with Sextus, but is found in the more earnest ethical
teachings of older writers. Sextus does not, however,
draw any moral conclusions from this reasoning, but
only uses it as an argument for eVo^T;.

The Fifth Trope. This Trope leaves the discussion
of the dependence of the ideas upon the physical nature,
and takes up the influence of the environment upon
them. It makes the difference in ideas depend upon the
position, distance, and place of objects, thus taking
apparently their real existence for granted. Things
change their form and shape according to the distance
from which they are observed, and the position in which
they stand.*

The same light or tone alters decidedly in different
surroundings. Perspective in paintings depends on the

1 Hj(p. 1. 104. 2 Diog. IX. 11, 82. ^ Hyp. 1. 106. * Syp. i.\l8.

48 Seodus Empiricus and Greeic Scepticism.

angle at which the picture is suspended.^ With Dio-
genes this Trope is the seventh,^ and his exposition of
it is similar, but as usual, shorter. Both Sextus and
Diogenes give the illustration^ of the neck of the dove
differing in color in different degrees of inclination, an
illustration used hy Protagoras also to prove the rela-
tivity of perception by the senses. "The black neck
of the dove in the shade appears black, but in the light
sunny and purple."* Since, then, all phenomena are
regarded in a certain place, and from a certain distance,
and according to a certain position, each of which rela-
tions makes a great difference with the mental images,
we shall be obliged also by this Trope to come to the
reserving of the opinion.^

The Sixth Trope. This Trope leads to eiro-x/i re-
garding the nature of objects, because no object can
ever be presented to the organs of sense directly, but
must always be perceived through some medium, or in
some mixture.® This mixture may be an outward one,
connected with the temperature, or the rarity of the
air, or the water' surrounding an object, or it may be a
mixture resulting from the different humors of the
sense-organs.® A man with the jaundice, for example,
sees colors differently from one who is in health. "The
illustration of the jaundice is a favorite one with the
Sceptics. Diogenes uses it several times in his pre-
sentation of Scepticism, and it occurs in Sextus' writings

1 Syp. I. 120. * Diog. ix. 11, 85.

3 Byp. 1. 120; Diog. ix. 11, 86.

* Sekol. zu Arist. 60, 18, ed. Brandis; Fappen. Er. Pyrr. Onmdzuge
p. 54.

5 Hyp. I. 121. « Byp. i. 124. ' Byp. i. 126. » Byp. i. 126.

The Sceptical Tropes. 49

in all, as an illustration, in eight different places.^ The
condition of the organ of the ■^•ye/jLoviKov, or the ruling
faculty, may also cause mixtures. Pappenheim thinks
that we have here Kant's idea of a priori, only on a
materialistic foundation.^ A careful consideration of
the passage, however, shows us that Sextus' thought
is more in harmony with the discoveries of modern
psychiatry than with the philosophy of Kant. If the
sentence, tcro)? Se ical avrt] (^ '^lavoia] eTrifii^iav rtva
ISiav TTOielrai Trpog to, vtto t&v aladtjcremv dva<y'ye\-
XofjLeva,^ stood alone, without further explanation, it
might well refer to a priori laws of thought, but the
explanation which follows beginning with "because"
makes that impossible.* " Because in each of the places
where the Dogmatics think that the ruling faculty is,
we see present certain humors, which are the cause of
mixtures.'' Sextus does not advance any opinion as to
the place of the ruling faculty in the body, which is,
according to the Stoics, the principal part of the soul,
where ideas, desires, and reasoning originate,^ but
simply refers to the two theories of the Dogmatics,
which claim on the one hand that it is in the brain,
and on the other that it is in the heart.^ This subject
he deals with more fully in his work against logic.'^ As,
however, he bases his argument, in discussing possible
intellectual mixtures in illustration of the sixth Trope,
entirely on the condition of the organ of the intellect, it
is evident that his theory of the soul was a materialistic
one.

' See Index to Bekker's edition of Sextus.

2 Papp. JBr. JPyr. Gr. p. 55. = Diog. vii. 1, 159.

, I. 128. « Hyp. I. 128.

. I. 128. ' Adv. Math. vii. 313.

4

50 Sextus Empiricus and Greek Scepticism.

The Seventh Trope. This Trope, based upon the
quantities and compositions of objects, is illustrated by-
examples of different kinds of food, drink, and medicine,
showing the different effects according to the quantity
taken, as the harmfulness and the usefulness of most
things depend on their quantity. Things act differently
upon the senses if applied in small or large quantities,
as filings of metal or horn, and separate grains of sand,
have a different color and touch from the same taken
in the form of a solid.^ The result is that ideas vary
according to the composition of the object, and this
Trope also brings to confusion the existence of outward
objects, and leads us to reserve our opinion in regard
to them.^ This Trope is illustrated by Diogenes with
exceeding brevity.^

The Eighth Trope. The Trope based upon relation
contains, as Sextus rightly remarks, the substance of
the other nine,* for the general statement of the rela-
tivity of knowledge includes the other statements made.
The prominence which Sextus gave this Trope in his
introduction to the ten Tropes leads one to expect here
new illustrations and added^ arguments for iiroxv- We
find, however, neither of these, but simply a statement
that all things are in relation in one of two ways, either
directly, or as being a part of a difference. These two
kinds of relation are given by Protagoras, and might
have been used to good purpose in the introduction to
the Tropes, or at the end, to prove that all the others
were really subordinate to the eighth. The reasoning

p. 1. 129—131. ^ Syp. I. 39.

2 Hyp. I. 134. 5 Syp. i. 135—140.

3 Diog. IX. 11, 86.

The Sceptical Tropes. 51

is, however, simply applied to the relation of objects to
each other, and nothing is added that is not found else-
where as an argument for iiroxv-^ This Trope is the
tenth by Diogenes, and he strengthens his reasoning
in regard to it, by a statement that Sextus does not
directly make, i.e., that everything is in relation to the
understanding.^

The Nimth Trope. This is based upon the frequency
and rarity of events, and refers to some of the phenomena
of nature, such as the rising of the sun, and the sea, as
no longer a source of astonishment, while a comet or an
earthquake are wonders to those not accustomed to
them.^ The value of objects also depends on their
rarity, as for example the value of gold.* Furthermore,
things may be valuable at one time, and at another not
so, according to the frequency and rarity of the occur-
rence.^ Therefore this Trope also leads to iiroxi]- Dio-
genes gives only two illustrations to this Trope, that of
the sun and the earthquake.®

The Tenth Trope. We have already remarked on
the difference in the character of the tenth Trope, deal-
ing as it does, not with the ideas of objects, like the
other nine Tropes, but with philosophical and religious ,
opinions, and questions of right and wrong. It was thej
well-known aim of the Sceptics to submit to the lawsj/
and customs of the land where they were found, and
to conform to certain moral teachings and religious
ceremonies; this they did without either afifirming or

> Mffp. I. 138—140. ■• J2Vjo. I. 143.

3 Diog. IX. 11, 88. * M^p. I. 144.

^Byp. I. 141—142. « Diog. ix. 11, 87.

52 Sextus Empiricus and Greek Scepticism.

denying the truth of the principles upon which these
teachings were based/ and also without any passion or
strong feeling in regard to them,^ as nothing in itself
can be proved to be good or evil. The tenth Trope,
accordingly, brings forward contradictions in customs,
laws, and the beliefs of different lands, to show that they
are also changeable and relative, and not of absolute
worth. The foundation-thought of this Trope is given
twice by Diogenes, once as we have before stated in his
introduction^ to the life of Pyrrho, and also as one of
the Tropes.* As it is apparently one of the oldest of
the Tropes, it would naturally be much used in discuss-
ing with the Stoics, whose philosophy had such a wide
ethical significance, and must also have held an import-
ant place in the Sceptical School in all metaphysical
and philosophical discussions. The definition^ in the
beginning of Sextus' exposition of this Trope Fabricius
thinks was taken from Aristotle, of schools, laws, customs,
mythical beliefs and dogmatic opinions,^ and the defini-
tion which Diogenes gives of law in his life of Plato'^ is
similar. Pappenheim, however, thinks they were taken
from the Stoics, perhaps from Chrysippus.^ The argu-
ment is based upon the differences in development of
thought, as affecting the standpoint of judgment in
philosophy, in morals, and religion, the results of which
we find in the widely opposing schools of philosophy, in
the variety in religious belief, and in the laws and cus-
toms of different countries. Therefore the decisions

p. 1. 24. 6 JTyp. I. 145 — 147.

^ Hyp. III. 235. ^ Fabricius, Cap. iv. h.

3 Diog. IX. 11, 61. ' Diog. in. 86.

* Diog. IX. 11, 83. " Pappenheim Gr. Pyrr. Grundztlge, p. 60.

The Sceptical Tropes. 53

reached in the world of thought leave us equally in
doubt regarding the absolute value of any standards,
with those obtained through sense-perception, and the
universal conflict of opinion regarding all questions of
philosophy and ethics leads us also according to this
Trope to the reserving of the opinion.^ This Trope is
the fifth as given by Diogenes, who placed it directly
after the first four which relate more especially to human
development,^ while Sextus uses it as the final one,
perhaps thinking that an argument based upon the
higher powers of man deserves the last place, or is the
summation of the other arguments.

Following the exposition of the ten Tropes of the
older Sceptics, Sextus gives the five Tropes which he
attributes to the "later Sceptics."^ Sextus nowhere
mentions the author of these Tropes. Diogenes, how-
ever, attributes them to Agrippa, a man of whom we
know nothing except his mention of him. He was
evidently one of the followers of Aenesidemus, and a
scholar of influence in the Sceptical School, who must
have himself had disciples, as Diogenes says, ol vepl
'Aypl-mrav* add to these tropes other five tropes, using
the plural verb. Another Sceptic, also mentioned by
Diogenes, and a man unknown from other sources,
named some of his books after Agrippa.^ Agrippa is not
given by Diogenes in the list of the leaders of the
Sceptical School, but^ his influence in the development
of the thought of the School must have been great, as
the transition from the ten Tropes of the "older

• Myp. I. 163. * Diog. ix. II, 88.

2 Diog. IX. 11. 83. * Diog. ix. 11, 106.

3 Si/p. I. 164. ' Diog. IX. 12, 115—116.

54 Sextus Empiricxis and Greek Scefticism.

Sceptics " to the five attributed to Agrippa is a marked
one, and shows the entrance into the school of a logical
power before unknown in it. The latter are not a re-
duction of the Tropes of Aenesidemus, but are written
from an entirely different standpoint. The ten Tropes
are empirical, and aim to furnish objective proofs of the
foundation theories of Pyrrhonism, while the five are
rather rules of thought leading to logical proof, and are
dialectic in their character. We find this distinction
illustrated by the different way in which the Trope of
relativity is treated in the two groups. In the first it
points to an objective relativity, but with Agrippa to a
general subjective logical principle. The originality of
the Tropes of Agrippa does not lie in their substance
matter, but in their formulation and use in the Sceptical
School. These methods of proof were, of course, not new,
but were well known to Aristotle, and were used by
the Sceptical Academy, and probably also by Timon,^
while the ttjoo? ti goes back at least to Protagoras.
The five Tropes are as follows.

(i) The one based upon discord.

(ii) The regressus in infinitum.

(iii) Relation.

(iv) The hypothetical.

(v) The circulus in probaiido.

Two of these are taken from the old list, the first
and the third, and Sextus says that the five Tropes are
intended to supplement the ten Tropes, and to show
the audacity of the Dogmatics in a variety of ways.^
The order of these Tropes is the same with Diogenes as

' Compare Natorp. Op. eit. p. 302.
2 Hyp. I. 177.

The Sceptical Tropes. 55

with Sextus, but the definitions of them differ sufficiently
to show that the two authors took their raaterial from
different sources. According to the first one everything
in question is either sensible or intellectual, and in at-
tempting to judge it either in life, practically, or " among
philosophers,'' a position is developed from which it is
impossible to reach a conclusion.'' According to the
second, every proof requires another proof, and so on to
infinity, and there is no standpoint from which to begin
the reasoning.^ According to the third, all perceptions
are relative, as the object is colored by the condition of
the judge, and the influence of other things around it.*
According to the fourth, it is impossible to escape from
the regressus in infinitum by making a hypothesis the
starting point, as the Dogmatics attempt to do.* And
the fifth, or the circulus in probanda, arises when that
which should be the proof needs to be sustained by the
thing to be proved.

Sextus claims that all things can be included in
these Tropes, whether sensible or intellectual.^ For
whether, as some say, only the things of sense are true,
or as others claim, only those of the understanding, or
as still others contend, some thin^ both of sense and
understanding are true, a discord must arise that is
impossible to be judged, for it cannot be judged by the
sensible, nor by the intellectual, for the things of the
intellect themselves require a proof; accordingly, the
result of all reasoning must be either hypothetical, or
fall into the regressus in infinitum or the circulus in

1 Ei/p. I. 165. ■* Si/p. I. 168.

2 Syp. I. 166. 5 j{yp_ I. 169.

3 Svp. I. 167.

56 Sextus Empirious and Greeh Scepticism.

prohando} The reference above to some who say that
only the things of sense are true, is to Epicurus and
Protagoras ; to some that only the things of thought are
true, to Democritus and Plato ; and to those that claimed
some of both to be true, to the Stoics and the Peripatetics.^
The three new Tropes added by Agrippa have nothing
to do with sense-perception, but bear entirely upon the
possibility of reasoning, as demanded by the science of
logic, m contrast to th6 earlier ones which related almost
entirely, with the exception of the tenth, to material
objects. Sextus claims that these five Tropes also lead
to the suspension of judgment,^ but their logical result
is rather the dogmatic denial of all possibility of know-
ledge, showing as Hirssel has well demonstrated, far
more the influence of the New Academy than the spirit
of the Sceptical School.* It was the standpoint of the
older Sceptics, that although the search for the truth
had not yet succeeded, yet they were still seekers, and
Sextus claims to be faithful to this old aim of the
Pyrrhonists. He calls himself a seeker,^ and in re-
proaching the New Academy for affirming that know-
ledge is impossible, Sextus says, " Moreover, we say that
' our ideas are equal as regards trustworthiness and un-
trustworthiness."^ The ten Tropes claim to establish
doubt only in regard to a knowledge of the truth, but
the five Tropes of Agrippa aim to logically prove the
impossibility of knowledge. It is very strange that
Sextus does not see this decided contrast in the attitude

1 Hyp. I. 170—171.

2 Adv. Math. viii. 185—186; Tin. 56; vii. 369.

3 Eyp. I. 177. « Hyp. i. 3, 7.
* Hirzel Op. eii. p. 131. « Hyp. i. 227.

The Sceptical Tropes. 57

of the two sets of Tropes, and expresses his approval of
those of Agrippa, and makes more frequent use of the
fifth of these, o StaXXTjXo?, in his subsequent reasoning
than of any other argument.^

We find here in the Sceptical School, shortly after
the time of Aenesidemus, the same tendency to dogmatic
teaching, that — so far as the dim and shadowy history of
the last years of the New Academy can be unravelled,
and the separation of Pyrrhonism can be understood, at
the time that the Academy passed over into eclecticism —
was one of the causes of that separation.

It is true that the Tropes of Agrippa show great \
progress in the development of thought. They furnish
an organisation of the School far superior to what went j
before, placing the reasoning on the firm basis of the
laws of logic, and simplifying the amount of material to
be used. In a certain sense Saisset is correct in saying
that Agrippa contributed more than any other in com-
pleting the organisation of Scepticism,^ but it is not
correct when we consider the true spirit of Scepticism
with which the Tropes of Agrippa were not in harmony.
It was through the very progress shown in the pro-
duction of these Tropes that the school finally lost the
strength of its position.

Not content with having reduced the number of the
Tropes from ten to five, others tried to limit the number
still further to two.^ Sextus gives us no hint of the
authorship of the two Tropes. Ritter attributes them
to Menodotus and his followers, and Zeller agrees with

' See Index of Bekker's edition of Sextus' works.
» Saisset Op. cit. p. 237. ' Eyp. i. 178.

58 Sextus Em-firicus and Greek Scepticism.

that opinion,^ while Saisset thinks that Agrippa was
also the author of these,^ which is a strange theory to
propound, as some of the material of the five is repeated
in the two, and the same man could certainly not appear
as an advocate of five, and at the same time of two
Tropes.

The two Tropes are founded on the principle that
anything must be known through itself or through
something else. It cannot be known through itself,
because of the discord existing between all things of the
senses and intellect, nor can it be known through some-
thing else, as then either the regressus in infinitum or
the circulus in prohando follow.^ Diogenes Laertius
does not refer to these two Tropes.

In regard to all these Tropes of the suspension of
judgment, Sextus has well remarked in his introduction
to them, that they are included in the eighth, or that
of relation.*

The Tropes of Aetiology. The eight Tropes against
causality belong chronologically before the five Tropes
of Agrippa, in the history of the development of scepti-
cal thought. They have a much closer connection with
the spirit of Scepticism than the Tropes of Agrippa,
including, as they do, the fundamental thought of
Pyrrhonism, i.e., that the phenomena do not reveal the
unknown.

The Sceptics did not deny the phenomena, but they
denied that the phenomena are signs capable of being
interpreted, or of revealing the reality of causes. It is

1 Zeller iii. 38 ; Ritter iv. 277. ' Spp. i. 178 -179.
^ Saisset Op. eit. p. 231. * Hyp. i. 39.

The Sceptical Tropes. 59

impossible by a research of the signs to find out the
unknown, or the explanation of things, as the Stoics
and Epicureans claim. The theory of Aenesidemus
which lies at the foundation of his eight Tropes against
aetiology, is given to us by Photius as follows •} " There
are no visible signs of the unknown, and those who be-
lieve in its existence are the victims of a vain illusion."
This statement of Aenesidemus is confirmed by a fuller
explanation of it given later on by Sextus.^ If pheno-
mena are not signs of the unknown there is no causality,
and a refutation of causality is a proof of the impossi-
bility of science, as all science is the science of causes,
the power of studying causes from effects, or as Sextus
calls them, phenomena.

It is very noticeable to any one who reads the refu-
tation of causality by Aenesidemus, as given by Sextus,*
that there is no reference to the strongest argument of
modern Scepticism, since the time of Hume, against
causality, namely that the origin of the idea of causality
cannot be so accounted for as to justify our relying upon
it as a form of cognition.*

The eight Tropes are directed against the possibility
of knowledge of nature, which Aenesidemus contested
againsst in all his Tropes, the ten as well as the eight.^
They are written from a materialistic standpoint.
These Tropes are given with illustrations by Fabricius
as follows :

I. Since aetiology in general refers to things that are
unseen, it does not give testimony that is incontestable

1 Myriob. 170 b. 12. ^ Ueberweg Op. eit. p. 217.

2 kdv. Math. VIII. 207. = Byp. i. 98.

3 Hyp. I. 180—186.

60 Sexttis Empiricus and Greek Scepticism.

in regard to phenomena. For example, the Pythagor-
eans explain the distance of the planets by a musical
proportion.

II. From many equally plausible reasons which
might be given for the same thing, one only is arbitrarily
chosen, as some explain the inundation of the Nile by
a fall of snow at its source, while there could be other
causes, as rain, or wind, or the action of the sun.

III. Things take place in an orderly manner, but
the causes presfented do not show any order, as for ex-
ample, the motion of the stars is explained by their
mutual pressure, which does not take into account the
order that reigns among them.

IV. The unseen things are supposed to take place
in the same way as phenomena, as vision is explained
in the same way as the appearance of images in a dark
room.

V. Most philosophers present theories of aetiology
which agree with their own individual hypotheses about
the elements, but not with common and accepted ideas,
as to explain the world by atoms like Epicurus, by
homoeomeriae like Anaxagoras, or by matter and form
like Aristotle.

VI. Theories are accepted which agree with indi-
vidual hypotheses, and others equally probable are
passed by, as Aristotle's explanation of comets, that
they are a collection of vapors near the earth, because
that coincided with his theory of the universe.

VII. Theories of aetiology are presented which
conflict not only with individual hypotheses, but also

The Sceptical Tropes. 61

with phenomena, as to admit like Epicurus an inclina-
tion or desire of the soul, which was incompatible with
the necessity which he advocated.

VIII. The inscrutable is explained by things
equally inscrutable, as the rising of sap in plants is ex-
plained by the attraction of a sponge for water, a fact
contested by some.^

Diogenes does not mention these Tropes in this
form, but he gives a resum^ of the general arguments
of the Sceptics against aetiology,^ which -has less in
common with the eight Tropes of Aenesidemus, than
with the presentation of the subject by Sextus later,^
when he multiplies his proofs exceedingly to show
fj,r}Sev elvab airiov. Although the Tropes of Aeneside-
mus have a dialectic rather than an objective character,
it would not seem that he made the distinction, which is
so prominent with Sextus,between the signs inrofivrjaTiKd
and ivSeiKTi/cd,^ especially as Diogenes sums up his argu-
ment on the subject with the general assertion, ^T^/j.elov
ovK elvM^ and proceeds to introduce the logical con-
sequence of the denial of aetiology. The summing up
of the Tropes of Aenesidemus is given as follows, in the
Hypotyposes, by Sextus: — "A cause in harmony with all
the sects of philosophy, and with Scepticism, and with
phenomena, is perhaps not possible, for the phenomena
and the unknown altogether disagree."^

It is interesting to remark in connection with the
seventh of these Tropes, that Aenesidemus asserts that

1 Syp. I. 180—186; Fabrioius, Cap. xvii. 180 z.

2 Diog. IX. 11, 96—98. ■• Adv. Math. viii. 151.
8 Hyp. in. 24—28. « Diog. ix. 11, 96.

= Hyp. I. 186.

62 Sextus Empiricus and Greek Scepticism.

causality has only a subjective value, which from his
materialistic standpoint was an argument against its
real existence, and the same argument is used by Kant
to prove that causality is a necessary condition of
thought.^

Chaignet characterises the Tropes of Aenesidemus as
false and sophistical,^ but as Maccoll has well said, they
are remarkable for their judicious and strong criticism,
and are directed against the false method of observing
facts through the light of preconceived opinion.^ They
have, however, a stronger critical side than sceptical,
and show the positive tendency of the thought of
Aenesidemus.

> Compare Maccoll Op. cit. p. 77. ^ Chaignet Op. cit. 507.

' Maccoll Op. cit. p. 88.

CHAPTER IV.

Aenesidemus and the Philosophy of Heraclitus.

A paragraph in the First Book of the Hypotyposes
which has given rise to much speculation and many
di£ferent theories, is the comparison which Sextus makes
of Scepticism with the philosophy of Heraclitus.^ In
this paragraph the statement is made that Aenesidemus
and his followers, ol irepi rov Aivrfaihrnxov, said that
Scepticism is the path to the philosophy of Heraclitus,
because the doctrine that contradictory predicates
appear to be applicable to the same thing, leads the
way to the one that contradictory predicates are in
reality applicable to the same thing.^ ol irepl top
Alv7jaiSr]/j,ov eXeyov oBov elvai rrjv CKeimicrfv dycoyfju
ivrl TTjv 'RpaickevTeiov (fnXocotpiav, SioTi irpoT^yeiTat tou
ravavTM irepl to avro xnrdp-)(eiv to TavavTia irepX to
avTo ^aiveaOai. As the Sceptics say that contradictory
predicates appear to be applicable to the same thing,
the Heraclitans come from this to the more positive
doctrine that they are in reality so.^ ,

This connection which Aenesidemus is said to have
affirmed between Scepticism and the philosophy of
Heraclitus is earnestly combated by Sextus, who de-
clares that the fact that contradictory predicates appear
to be applicable to the same thing is not a dogma of
the Sceptics, but a fact which presents itself to all men,
and not to the Sceptics only. No one for instance,

• Hyp. I. 210. ' Hyp. i. 210. ' Hyp. i. 210.

64 Sextus Emrpiricus and Greek Scepticism.

whether he be a Sceptic or not, would dare to say that
honey does not taste sweet to those in health, and bitter
to those who have the jaundice, so that Heraclitus
begins from a preconception common to all men, as to
us also, and perhaps to the other schools of philosophy
as well.^ As the statement concerning the appearance
of contradictory predicates in regard to the same thing
is not an exclusively sceptical one, then Scepticism is
no more a path to the philosophy of Heraclitus than
to other schools of philosophy, or to life, as all use
common subject matter. " But we are afraid that the
Sceptical School not only does not help towards the
knowledge of the philosophy of Heraclitus, but even
hinders that result. Since the Sceptic accuses Heraclitus
of having rashly dogmatised, presenting on the one
hand the doctrine of ' conflagration ' and on the other
that ' contradictory predicates are in reality applicable
to the same thing.' " ^ " It is absurd, then, to say that
this conflicting school is a path to the. sect with which it
conflicts. It is therefore absurd to say that the Sceptical
School is a path to the philosophy of Heraclitus."^

This is not the only place in the writings of Sextus
which states that Aenesidemus at some time of his life
was an advocate of the doctrines of Heraclitus. In no
instance, however, where Sextus refers to this remark-
able fact, does he offer any explanation of it, or express
any bitterness against Aenesidemus, whom he always
speaks of with respect as a leader of the Sceptical
School. We are thus furnished with one of the most
difficult problems of ancient Scepticism, the problem

• Syp. i. 211. ' Byp. i. 212. 3 Eyp. i. 212.

Aenesidemus and the Philosophy of Heraclitus. 65

of reconciling the apparent advocacy of Aenesidemus
of the teachings of Heraclitus with his position in the
Sceptical School.

A comparison with each other of the references
made by Sextus and other writers to the teachings of
Aenesidemus, and a consideration of the result, gives us
two pictures of Aenesidemus which conflict most de-
cidedly with each other. We have on the one hand,
the man who was the first to give Pyrrhonism a position
as an influential school, and the first to collect and pre-
sent to the world the results of preceding Sceptical
thought. He was the compiler of the ten Tropes of
e'Ko-)(ri, and perhaps in part their author, and the author
of the eight Tropes against aetiology.^ He develops his
Scepticism from the standpoint that neither the senses
nor the intellect can give us any certain knowledge of
reality."^ He denied the possibility of studying pheno-
mena as signs of the unknown.^ He denied all possi-
bility of truth, and the reality of motion, origin and
decay. There was according to his teaching no plea-
sure or happiness, and no wisdom or supreme good.
He denied the possibility of finding out the nature of
things, or of proving the existence of the gods, and
finally he declared that no ethical aim is possible.

The picture on the other hand, presented to us by
Sextus and Tertullian, is that of a man with a system of
beliefs and dogmas, which lead, he says, to the philosophy
of Heraclitus. In strange contradiction to his assertion of
the impossibility of all knowledge, he advocates a theory

1 Syp. I. 180. 2 photius 170, B. 12.

" Adv. Math. Till. 40.

66 Sextus Empiricus and Greek Scepticism.

~ that the original substance is air/ which is most cer-
tainly a dogma, although indeed a deviation from the
teachings of Heraclitus, of which Sextus seemed uncon-
scious, as he says, to re ov Kara rov 'HpaKKetrov arjp
.ia-riv, £09 (prjalv 6 AivqcjihjiJLo^. Aenesidemus dogma-
tised also regarding number and time and unity of
the original world-stuff.^ He seems to have dogmatised
further about motion,^ and about the soul.*

If Sextus' language is taken according to its apparent
meaning, we find ourselves here in the presence of a
system of beliefs which would be naturally held by a
follower of the Stoic-Heraclitan physics,^ and absolutely
inexplicable from the standpoint of a man who advocated
so radical a Scepticism as Aenesidemus. Sextus in the
passage that we first quoted,^ expresses great indignation
against the idea that Scepticism could form the path to
the philosophy of Heraclitus, but he does not express
surprise or indignation against Aenesidemus personally,
or offer any explanation of the apparent contradiction ;
and while his writings abound in references to him as a
respected leader of the Sceptical School, he sometimes
seems to include him with the Dogmatics, mentioning
him with the Soy/iaTLKwv <piXo(r6<f)a)vJ In fact, the task
of presenting any consistent history of the development
of thought through which Aenesidemus passed is such
a puzzling one, that Brochard brilliantly remarks that
possibly the best attitude to take towards it would be
to follow the advice of Aenesidemus himself, and suspend

' Adv. Math. x. 233. * Compare Zeller Op. cit. in. p. 33.

2 Ach). Math. ix. 337; x. 216. « Eyp. i. 210—212.

3 Adv. Math. i.. 38. ' Ado. Math. viii. 8 ; x. 216.
* Adv. Math. vii. 349.

Aenesidemus and the Philosophy of Heraclitus. 67

one's judgment altogether regarding it. Is it possible
to suppose that so sharp and subtle a thinker as Aene-
sidemus held at the same time such opposing opinions ?

The conjecture that be was first a Heraclitan Stoic,
and later a Sceptic, which might be possible, does not
offer any explanation of Sextus' statement, that he
regarded Scepticism as a path to the philosophy of
Heraclitus. Nor would it be logical to think that after
establishing the Sceptical School in renewed influence
and power, he reverted to the Heraclitan theories as
they were modified by the Stoics. These same theories
were the cause of his separation from the Academy, for
his chief accusation against the Academy was that it
was adopting the dogmatism of the Stoics.^ The matter
is complicated by the fact that TertuUian also attributes
to Aenesidemus anthropological and physical teachings
that agree with the Stoical Heraclitan doctrines. It is
not strange that in view of these contradictory assertions
in regard to the same man, some have suggested the
possibility that they referred to two different men of
the same name, a supposition, however, that no one has
been able to authoritatively vindicate.

Let us consider briefly some of the explanations
which have been attempted of the apparent heresy of
Aenesidemus towards the Sceptical School. We will
begin with the most ingenious, that of Pappenheim.'^

Pappenheim claims that Sextus was not referring
to Aenesidemus himself in these statements which he
joins with his name. In the most important of these,

1 Compare Zeller Op. cit. iii. p. 16.

'' Die angebliche Seraclitismm des Skeptikers Ainesidemos, Berlin 1889.

68 Sextus Empiricus and Greek Scepticism.

the one quoted from the Hypoty poses, ^ which represents
Aenesidemus as claiming that Scepticism is the path to
the philosophy of Heraclitus, the expression used is
ol Trept rov Alvrfcrihrjfji.ov, and in many of the other places
where Sextus refers to the dogmatic statements of
Aenesidemus, the expression is either ol irepl rov Alvrj-
a-lBrj/Mov, or Alvr](TiSr]fioi! kuO^ 'HpaxXeiTOV, while when
Sextus quotes Aenesidemus to sustain Scepticism, he
uses his name alone.

Pappenheim thinks that Sextus' conflict was not
with the dead Aenesidemus, who had lived two cen-
turies before him, but with his own contemporaries.
He also seeks to prove that Sextus could not have gained
his knowledge of these sayings of Aenesidemus from any
of Aenesidemus' own writings, as neither by the ancients,
nor by later writers, was any book spoken of which could
well have contained them. Neither Aristocles nor Dio-
genes mentions any such book.

Pappenheim also makes much of the argument that
Sextus in no instance seems conscious of inconsistency
on the part of Aenesidemus, even when most earnestly
combating his alleged teachings, but in referring to
him personally he always speaks of him with great
respect.

Pappenheim suggests, accordingly, that the polemic
of Sextus was against contemporaries, those who accepted
the philosophy of Heraclitus in consequence of, or in
some connection with, the teachings of Aenesidemus.
He entirely ignores the fact that there is no trace of
any such school or sect in history, calling themselves

1 Byp. I. 210—212.

Aenesidemus and the Philosophy of Heraclitus. 69

followers of "Aenesidemus according to Heraclitus," but
still thinks it possible that such a movement existed in
Alexandria at the time of Sextus, where so many dif-
ferent sects were found. Sextus uses Aenesidemus'
name in four different ways:— alone, ol irepl tov AlveaLhrj-
fxov, Aiv7)a-lSr]/jiO'; Ka9' 'HpdicXeiTOv, and in one instance
ol trepl TOV Alvrja-'ihrjiiov Kad' 'HpoLKKsLTov}

Pappenheim advances the theory that some of these
contemporaries against whom Sextus directed his argu-
ments had written a book entitled Alvr]aiSr}/j,o<! kuS'
'HpdickeiTov, to prove the harmony between Aenesi-
demus and Heraclitus, and that it was from this book
that Sextus quoted the dogmatic statements which he
introduced with that formula. He claims, further, that
the passage quoted from Hypotyposes I. even, is directed
against contemporaries, who founded their system of
proofs of the harmony between Aenesidemus and Herac-
litus on the connection of the celebrated formula which
was such a favourite with the Sceptics: "Contrary
predicates appear to apply to the same thing," with the
apparent deduction from this, that " Contrary predicates
in reality apply to the same thing." Sextus wishes, ac-
cording to Pappenheim, to prove to these contemporaries
that they had misunderstood Aenesidemus, and Sextus
does not report Aenesidemus to be a Dogmatic, nor to
have taught the doctrines of Heraclitus; neither has
he misunderstood Aenesidemus, nor consequently mis-
represented him ; but on the contrary, these dogmatic
quotations have nothing to do with Aenesidemus, but
refer altogether to contemporaries who pretended to be

' Adv. Math. viii. 8.

70 Sextus Empiricus and Greek Scepticism.

Sceptics while they accepted the teachings ot Herac-
litus. Sextus naturally warmly combats this tendency,
as he wishes to preserve Pyrrhonism pure.

Brochard advocates a change of opinion on the part
of Aenesidemus as an explanation of the difficulty in
question.^ He starts from the supposition, the reason-
ableness of which we shall consider later, that Aene-
sidemus had passed through one change of opinion
already when he severed his connection with the New
Academy ; and to the two phases of his life, which such
a change has already made us familiar with, he adds a
third. Aenesidemus would not be the fir.st who has
accepted different beliefs at different periods of his life,
and Brochard claims that such a development in the
opinions of Aenesidemus is logical. He does not accuse
Aenesidemus of having, as might seem from the perusal
of Sextus, suddenly changed his basis, but rather of
having gradually come to accept much in the teachings
of Heraclitus. Aenesidemus modifies his Scepticism
only to the extent of pretending to know something
of absolute reality. The Sceptic says, "Contradictory
predicates are apparently applicable to the same thing,"
and Aenesidemus accepts the Heraclitan result — " Con-
tradictory predicates are in reality applicable to the
same thing." From Sextus' report, Aenesidemus would
seem to have renounced his position as a Sceptic in
saying that Scepticism is the, path to the philosophy of
Heraclitus. He does not, however, renounce Scepticism,
but he finds it incomplete. In deliberating concerning
the appearance of contradictory predicates in regard to

' Brochard Op. cit. 272.

Aenesidemus and the Philosophy of Heraolitus. 71

the same object, he would naturally ask, " Whence come
these contradictory appearances ? " After having doubted
all things, he wished to know wherefore he doubts. The
system of Heraclitus offers a solution, and he accepts it.
Contradictory predicates produce equilibrium in the
soul because they are an expression of reality.

As a Sceptic he claims that knowledge is impossible,
and he does not find that the statement of Heraclitus
disproves this, but rather that it supports his theory.
He had denied the existence of science. • He still does
so, but now he knows why he denies it. Brochard asks
why it is any more impossible that Aenesidemus should
have been a follower of Heraclitus than that Protagoras
was so, as Protagoras was after all a Sceptic. In con-
clusion, Brochard claims that the dogmatic theories
attributed to Aenesidemus relate to the doctrine of the
truth of contradictory predicates, which seemed to him
a logical explanation of the foundation theories of
Scepticism. It is right to call him a Sceptic, for he
was so, and that sincerely ; and he deserves his rank
as one of the chiefs of the Sceptical School.

Coming now to the opinion of Zeller,^ we find that
he advocates a misconception of Aenesidemus on the
part of Sextus. The whole difficulty is removed, Zeller
thinks, by the simple fact that Sextus had not under-
stood Aenesidemus ; and as TertuUian and Sextus agree
in this misconception of the views of Aenesidemus, they
must have been misled by consulting a common author
in regard to Aenesidemus, who confused what Aene-
sidemus said of Heraclitus with his own opinion. Zeller

' Zeller Op. cit. 111, pp.31 — 35; Grundriaader Geachichte der Griechia-
ehm JPhil. p. 263.

72 Sextus Empiricus and Greek Scepticism.

maintains that the expression so often repeated by
Sextus — Alv7}ffihrjfji,o<; KaS" 'HpaKKeirov — shows that
some one of Aenesidemus' books contained a report of
Heraclitus' doctrines, as Aenesidemus was in the habit
of quoting as many authorities as possible to sustain
his Scepticism. To justify his quotations from Herac-
litus, he had possibly given a short abstract of Heraclitus'
teachings ; and the misconception advocated by Zeller,
and found both in Tertullian and Sextus, refers rather
to the spirit than to the words quoted from Aeneside-
mus, and is a misconception due to some earlier author,
who had given a false impression of the meaning of
Aenesidemus in quoting what Aenesidemus wrote about
Heraclitus. That is to say, Heraclitus was classed by
Aenesidemus only among those who prepared the way
for Scepticism, just as Diogenes-'-'mentions many philo-
sophers in that way ; and that Soranus^ and Sextus both
had the same misunderstanding can only be explained
by a mistake on the part of the authority whom they
consulted.

This explanation, however, makes Sextus a very
stupid man. Aenesidemus' books were well known,
and Sextus would most certainly take the trouble to
read them. His reputation as an historian would not
sustain such an accusation, as Diogenes calls his books
TO, SeKa Toiv crK€TrTt,K&v Kal d\Xa KoKXiara.^ Further-
more, that Sextus used Aenesidemus' own books we
know from the direct quotation from them in regard to
Plato,* which he combines with the ideas of Menodotus^
and his own.

' Diog. Laert. ix. 11, 71—74. '' Tertullian. » Diog. ix. 12, 116.
< Syp. I. 222. ' Following the Greek of Bekker.

Aenesidemus and the Philosophy of Heraclitus. 73

Sextus' references to Aenesidemus in connection
with Heraclitus are very numerous, and it is absurd
to suppose that he would have trusted entirely to some
one who reported him for authority on such a subject.
Even were it possible that Sextus did not refer directly
to the works of Aenesidemus, which we do not admit,
even then, there had been many writers in the Sceptical
School since the time of Aenesidemus, and they certainly
could not all have misrepresented him. We must re-
member that Sextus was at the head of the School, and
had access to all of its literature. His honor would not
allow of such a mistake, and if he had indeed made it,
his contemporaries must surely have discovered it before
Diogenes characterised his books as aaWto-ra. Whatever
may be said against the accuracy of Sextus as a general
historian of philosophy, especially in regard to the older
schools, he cannot certainly be accused of ignorance
respecting the school of which he was at that time
the head.

The opinion of Ritter on this subject is that Aene-
sidemus must have been a Dogmatic.^ Saisset contends*
that Aenesidemus really passed from the philosophy of
Heraclitus to that of Pyrrho, and made the statement
that Scepticism is the path to the philosophy of Heracli-
tus to defend his change of view, although in his case
the change had been just the opposite to the one he
defends. Saisset propounds as a law in the history of
philosophy a fact which he claims to be true, that
Scepticism always follows sensationalism, for which he
gives two examples, Pyrrho, who was first a disciple of

' Eitter, Op. eit. p. 280. Book IV. ' Saisset, Op. cit. p. 206.

74 Sextus Empiricus a^ad Greek Scepticism.

Democritus, and Hume, who was a disciple of LocVe.
It is not necessary to discuss the absurdity of such a
law, which someone has well remarked would involve an
a priori construction of history. There is no apparent
reason for Saisset's conjecture in regard to Aenesidemus,
for it is exactly the opposite of what Sextus has reported.
Strange to say, Saisset himself remarks in another place
that we owe religious respect to any text, and that it
should be the first law of criticism to render this.^ Such
respect to the text of Sextus, as he himself advocates,
puts Saisset's explanation of the subject under dis-
cussion out of the question.

Hirzel and Natorp do not find such a marked
contradiction in the two views presented of the theories
of Aenesidemus, nor do they think that Sextus has
misrepreseoted them. They rather maintain, that in
declaring the coexistence of contradictory predicates
regarding the same object, Aenesidemus does not cease
to be a Sceptic, for he did not believe that the predicates
are applicable in a dogmatic sense of the word, but are
only applicable in appearance, that is, applicable to^
phenomena. The Heraclitism of Aenesidemus would
be then only in appearance, as he understood the
statement, that " Contradictory predicates are in reality
applicable to the same thing," only in the phenomenal
sense.^ Hirzel says in addition, that contradictory
predicates are in reality applicable to those phenomena
which are the same for all, and consequently true, for
Aenesidemus considered those phenomena true that
are the same for all.^ As Protagoras, the disciple of

' Saisset Op. eit. p. 206. = Natorp Op. eit. 115, 122.

3 Adv. Math. viii. 8 ; Hirzel Op. eit. p. 96.

AeiiesideTmis and the Philosophy of Heraclitus. 75

Heraclitus, declared the relative character of sensations,
that things exist only for us, and that their nature
depends on our perception of them ; so, in the pheno-
menal sense, Aenesidemus accepts the apparent fact
that contradictory predicates in reality apply to the
same thing.

This explanation entirely overlooks the fact that we
have to do with the word virdp'^^etv, in the statement
that contradictory predicates in reality apply to the same
thing ; while in the passage quoted where Aenesidemus
declares common phenomena to be true ones, we have
the word aXridfj, so that this explanation of the difiB-
culty would advocate a very strange use of the word
V7rdp')^eiv.

All of these different views of the possible solution
of this perplexing problem are worthy of respect, as the
opinion of men who have given much thought to this
and other closely related subjects. While we may not
altogether agree with any one of them, they neverthe-
less furnish many suggestions, which are very valuable
in helping to construct a theory on the subject that
shall satisfactorily explain the difficulties, and present a
consistent view of the attitude of Aenesidemus.

First, in regard to the Greek expression ol Trepl in
connection with proper names, upon which Pappenheim
bases so much of his argument. All Greek scholars
would agree that the expression does not apply usually
only to the disciples of any teacher, but ol irepl rbv
AlvrjaiBrifiov, for instance, includes Aenesidemus with his
followers, and is literally translated, " Aenesidemus and
his followers." It is noticeable, however, in the writings
of Sextus that he uses the expression oi irepl often for

76 Sextus Empiricus and Greek Scepticism.

the name of the founder of a school alone, as Pappen-
heim himself admits.^ We find examples of this in the
mention of Plato and Democritus and Arcesilaus, as
01 TTepi Tov UXdrceva Kal ArjfjbOKpnov^ and ot irepi tov
'ApKecrlXaov,^ and accordingly we have no right to infer
that his use of the name Aenesidemus in this way has
an exceptional significance. It may mean Aenesidemus
alone, or it may signify Aenesidemus in connection with
his followers.

In reply to Zeller's position, that Sextus and Ter-
tullian have misunderstood Aenesidemus, and quote
from some common author who misrepresents him,
we would admit that such a misunderstanding might
be possible where Sextus gives long explanations of
Heraclitus' teachings, beginning with quoting Aene-
sidemus, and continuing in such a way that it is not
always possible to distinguish just the part that is
attributed to Aenesidemus ; but such a misunderstand-
ing certainly cannot be asserted in regard to the direct
statement that Aenesidemus regarded Scepticism as the
path to the philosophy of Heraclitus, for the reasons
previously given. Neither would we agree with
Brochard, whose solution of the difficulty is on the
whole the most logical, i.e., that Aenesidemus had neces-
sarily already passed through two phases of philosophical
belief. It is possible to admit a gradual evolution of
thought in Aenesidemus without supposing in either
case a change of basis. His withdrawal from the
Academy is an argument against, rather than in favor

' Pappenheioi Op. cit. p. 21. ' Adv. Math. vm. 6.

' Adv. Math. vil. 150.

Aenesidemus and the Philosophy of Heraclitus. 77

of, a change on his part, and was caused by the well-
known change in the attitude of the Academy.

Many of the teachings of the Sceptical School were
taken directly from the Academy, belonging to those
doctrines advocated in the Academy before the eclectic
dogmatic tendency introduced by Antiochus. In fact,
Sextus himself claims a close relation between the
Middle Academy and Pyrrhonism.^ Aenesidemus,
although he was a Sceptic, belonged to the Academy,
and on leaving it became, as it were, a pioneer in
Pyrrhonism, and cannot be judged in the same way
as we should judge a Sceptic of Sextus' time.

It seems a self-evident fact that during the two
centuries which elapsed between the time of Aeneside-
mus and Sextus, the standpoint of judgment in the
Sceptical School had greatly changed. An example
illustrating this change we find in a comparison of the
presentation of Scepticism by. Diogenes with that of
Sextus. The author whom Diogenes follows, probably
one of the Sceptical writers, considers Xenophanes, Zeno,
and Democritus, Sceptics, and also Plato,^ while Sextus,
in regard to all of these men, opposes the idea that they
were Sceptics.^ Diogenes also calls Heraclitus a Sceptic,
and even Homer,* and quotes sceptical sayings from
the Seven Wise Men ; ^ he includes in the list of Scep-
tics, Archilochus, Euripides, Empedocles, and Hippoc-
rates,® and, furthermore, says that Theodosius, probably
one of the younger Sceptics, objected to the name

1 Sj/p. I. 232. • Diog. IX. 11, 71.

» Diog. IX. 11, 17—72. 5 Diog. ix. 11, 71.

3 Syp. I. 213—214 ; i. 223—226. ' Diog. ix. 11, 71—73.

78 Seodus Empiricus and Greek Scepticism.

' Pyrrhonean ' on the ground that Pyrrho was not the
first Sceptic.^

We have given the testin\ony from many sources,
to the effect that before the time of Sextus the Empiri-
cal School of Medicine was considered identical with
Scepticism, although not so by Sextus himself From
all of these things we may infer a narrowing of the limits
of Pyrrhonism in the time of Sextus.

Let us accept with Brochard the development of
thought seen in Aenesidemus from the beginning to
the end of his career, without agreeing with him that
Aenesidemus ever consciously changed his basis. He
was a Sceptic in the Academy. He left the Academy
on that account, and he remained a Sceptic to the end,
in so far as a man can be a Sceptic, and take the
positive stand that Aenesidemus did.

Two things might account for his apparent dog-
matism—

(i) The eclectic spirit of his time.

(ii) The psychological effect upon himself of this
careful systemisation of the Sceptical teachings.

Let us consider the first of these causes. Aeneside-
mus, although not the first of the later Sceptics, was
apparently the first to separate himself from the
Academy. He was the founder of a new movement,
the attempt to revive the older Scepticism as taught by
Pyrrho and Timon, and separate it from the dogmatic
teachings of the Stoics which were so greatly affecting
the Scepticism of the Now Academy. It was the spirit
of his time to seek to sustain all philosophical teaching

1 Diog. IX. u. 70.

Aenesidemus and the Philosophy of Heraclitus. 79

by the authority of as many as possible of the older
philosophers, and he could hardly escape the tendency
which his training in the Academy had unconsciously
given him. Therefore we find him trying to prove that
the philosophy of Heraclitus follows from Scepticism. It
is not necessary either to explain the matter, as both
Hirzel and Natorp so ingeniously attempt to do, by
claiming that the truth of contradictory predicates which
Aenesidemus accepted from Heraclitus referred only to
phenomena. The history of philosophy gives us abun-
dant proof of the impossibility of absolute Scepticism,
and Aenesidemus furnishes us with one example of many
of this impossibility, and of the dogmatism that must
exist in connection with all thought. In the case of
Aenesidemus, who evidently gave the best efforts of his
life to establish the Sceptical School, the dogmatism was
probably unconscious. That he remained to the end
a Sceptic is shown by the fact that he was known as
such to posterity. Nowhere do we find a change of
basis referred to in regard to him, and Sextus, in
refuting the mistakes which he attributes to Aene-
sidemus, does it, as it were, to point out something of
which Aenesidemus had been unconscious.

Let us consider here the second cause of Aeneside-
mus' Dogmatism, the psychological effect upon himself
of formulating Sceptical beliefs. The work that he did
for the Sceptical School was a positive one. It occupied
years of his life, and stamped itself upon his mental
development. In formulating Scepticism, and in ad-
vocating it against the many enemies of the School,
and amidst all the excitement of the disruption from
the Academy, and of establishing a new School, it was

80 Sextus Empiricus and Greek ScepticisTn.

inevitable that his mind should take a dogmatic ten-
dency. He remained a Sceptic as he had always been,
but must have grown dogmatic in his attitude towards
the Sceptical formulae, and was thus able to adopt some
of the teachings of Heraclitus, unconscious of their
inconsistency.

Where should we find a modern writer who is con-
sistent in all his statements ? Could we read the works
of Aenesidemus, we might better understand the con-
nection between the apparently contradictory ideas in
his teaching, but the inconsistencies in statement would
probably remain. It is necessary to remember the
position of Aenesidemus in breaking away from the
Academy and in founding a new school, the full signi-
ficance of which he could not foresee. There must
necessarily be some crudeness in pioneer work, and some
failure to see the bearing of all its parts, and a compiler
like Sextus could point out the inconsistencies which
the two centuries since the time of Aenesidemus had
made plain. Aenesidemus was too positive a character
to admit of absolute Sceptical consistency. He was
nevertheless the greatest thinker the Sceptical School
had known since the age of Pyrrho, its founder. In
claiming a union between Pyrrhonism and the philo-
sophy of Heraclitus, he recognised also the pre-Socratic
tendency of the Sceptical School. The name of Socrates
was all powerful in the Academy, but Aenesidemus com-
prehended the fact that the true spirit of Pyrrhonism
was of earlier origin than the Academic Scepsis.

CHAPTER V.

Critical Examination of Pyrrhonism.

The distinct philosophical movement of which Pyrrho
was the author bore his name for five centuries after his
death. It had an acknowledged existence as a philo-
sophical tendency, if indeed not a sect, for a great part
of that time. Yet, when we carefully analyse the
relation of Pyrrhonism, as presented to us by Sextus,
to the teachings of Pyrrho himself, in so far as they
can be known, we find many things in Pyrrhonism for
which Pyrrho was not responsible.

The foundation elements of the movement, the spirit
of Empirical doubt that lay underneath and caused its
development in certain directions rather than others,
are due to Pyrrho. The methods of the school, however,
were very foreign to anything found in the life or teach-
ings of Pyrrho. Pyrrho was eminently a moralist. H4
was also to a great degree an ascetic, and he lived his]
philosophy, giving it thus a positive side wanting in the'
Pyrrhonism presented to us by Sextus. Timon represents
him as desiring to escape from the tedious philosophical
discussions of his time —

w yepop & Uipptav, itS)<s rj nroOev eKhvaiv evpe<;
XaTpeirit Bo^&v Te K€VO(ppoa-vvr]^ re a-ocf>ia-To!)v ;

6

82 Sepctus Empiricus and Greek Scepticism.

and again he speaks of his modest and tranquil life —

toCto fioi, M TIvppwv, Ifieiperai ^rop uKOvaai
TTWS TTOT dvTjp ET djeK; irdvTa ft,e6^ jjo'u^wj';
fiovvo^ S'dv6pay7roi<Ti 6eov Tpoirov •^yefioveveK

^fjara fieff' rj<7V)(ir)^

alel d<ppovTlaT(o^ koX o.kiviJtq}'; KaTO. ravTa
jMr] irpoae')^ IvhaXjjLol'i f)ZvK6<yov (jo^it)';}

Pyrrho wished more than anything else to live in
peace, and his dislike of the Sophists^ may well have
made him try to avoid dialectic ; while, on the contrary,
in the Pyrrhonean School of later times discussion was
one of the principal methods of contest, at least after
the time of Agrippa. Pyrrhonism seems to have been
originally a theory of life, like the philosophy of Socrates,
to whom Pyrrho is often compared,^ and Pyrrho, like
Socrates, lived his philosophy. Our knowledge of
Pyrrho is gained from Aristocles, Sextus Empiricus,
and Diogenes, and from the Academic traditions given
by Cicero. Diogenes gives us details of his life which
he attributes to Antigonus of Carystius, who lived about
the time of Pyrrho.* Pyrrho was a disciple and admirer
of Democritus,^ some of whose teachings bore a lasting
influence over the subsequent development of Pyrrho-
nism. He accompanied Alexander the Great to India,
where he remained as a member of his suite for some
time, and the philosophical ideas of India were not
without influence on his teachings. Oriental philosophy

' Diog. IX. 11, 65. Giyen from MuUaoh's edition of Timon by
Brochard, Fyrrlvm et le Scepticism primitive, p. 625.

3 Diog. IX. 11, 69. 4 Diog. ix. 11, 62.

3 Lewes Op. cit. p. 460. ^ Diog. ix. 11, 67.

Critical ExamiTiation of Pyrrhonism. 83

was not unknown in Greece long before the time of
Pyrrho, but his personal contact with the Magi and the
Gymnosophists of the far East, apparently impressed
upon his mind teachings for which he was not unpre-
pared by his previous study and natural disposition.
In his indifference to worldly goods we find a strong
trace of the Buddhistic teaching regarding the vanity
of human life. He showed also a similar hopelessness
in regard to the possibility of finding a satisfactory
philosophy, or absolute truth. He evidently returned
from India with the conviction that truth was not to
be attained.-^

After the death of Alexander and Pyrrho's return
to Greece, he lived quietly with his sister at Elis, and
Diogenes says that he was consistent in his life, asserting
and denying nothing, but in everything withholding his
opinion, as nothing in itself is good or shameful, just or
unjust.^ He was not a victim of false pride, but sold
animals in the market place, and, if necessary, washed
the utensils himself.^ He lived in equality of spirit,
and practised his teachings with serenity. If one went
out while he was talking he paid no attention, but went
calmly on with his remarks.* He liked to live alone,
and to travel alone, and on one occasion, being knocked
about in a vessel by a storm at sea, he did not lose his
imperturbability, but pointed to a swine calmly eating
on board, and said that the wise man should have as
much calmness of soul as that. He endured difiicult
surgical operations with indifference,^ and when his

1 Compare Maccoll Op. eit. * Diog. ix. 11, 63.

2 Diog. IX. H, 61, 62. = Diog. ix. 11, 67.

3 Diog. IX. 11, 66

84 Sextus Empiricus and Oreek Scepticism.

friend Anaxarchus was once unfortunate enough to fall
into a morass, he went calmly by without stopping to
help him, for which consistency of conduct Anaxarchus
afterwards praised him. There are two instances given
by Diogenes when he lost control of himself; once in
getting angry with his sister, and once in trying to save
himself when chased by a dog. When accused of incon-
sistency, he said it was difficult to entirely give up one's
humanity.^ He was greatly venerated by the people
among whom he lived, who made him high priest, and
on his account exempted all philosophers from taxation,^
and after his death erected a statue to his memory.
These facts testify to his moral character, and also to
fulfil the functions of high priest a certain amount of
dogmatism must have been necessary.

According to Diogenes, " We cannot know," said Pyr-
rho, " what things are in themselves, either by sensation
or by judgment, and, as we cannot distinguish the true
from the false, therefore we should live impassively, and
without an opinion." The term iiroxv, so characteristic
of Pyrrhonism, goes back, according to Diogenes, to the
time of Pyrrho.* Nothing is, in itself, one thing more
than another, but all experience is related to pheno-
mena, and no knowledge is possible through the senses.*
Pyrrho's aim was arapa^ia and his life furnished a
marked example of the spirit of indifference, for which
the expression dirddeca is better suited than the later
one, drapa^ia. The description of his life with his sister
confirms this, where the term dSta<j)opla is used to

' Diog. IX. H, 66. 3 Diog. ix. 11, 61.

' Diog. IX. 11, 64. * Diog. ix. U, 61—62.

Critical Examination of Pyrrhonism, 85

describe his conduct.^ He founded his Scepticism on
the equivalence of opposing arguments.^

The picture given of Pyrrho by Cicero is entirely
different from that of Diogenes, and contrasts decidedly
with it.^ Cicero knows Pyrrho as a severe moralist, not
as a Sceptic. Both authors attribute to Pyrrho the
doctrine of indifference and apathy, but, according to
Cicero, Pyrrho taught of virtue, honesty, and the
summ,um honum,, while Diogenes plainly tells us that
he considered nothing as good in itself, ''and of all things
nothing as true." * Cicero does not once allude to Pyrrho-
nean doubt. We see on the one hand, in Cicero's idea
of Pyrrho, the influence of the Academy, perhaps even
of Antiochus himself,^ which probably colored the
representations given of Pyrrho ; but, on the other hand,
there is much in Diogenes' account of Pyrrho's life and
teachings, and in the writings of Timon, which shows us
the positive side of Pyrrho. Pyrrho, in denying the
possibility of all knowledge, made that rather a motive
for indifference in the relations of life, than the founda-
tion thought of a philosophical system. His teaching
has a decided ethical side, showing in that respect the
strong influence of Democritus over him, who, like
Pyrrho, made happiness to consist in a state of feeling.^
The one motive of all of Pyrrho's teaching is a positive
one, the desire for happiness.

The essence of Pyrrhonism as given by Timon is as
follows :'^ Man desires to be happy. To realise his

' Diog. IX. 11. 66. " Compare Natorp Op. eit. p. 71.

' Diog. IX. 11. 106. * Zeller Grundriss der Grieohischen Phil, p. 70.

3 De oral. HI, 62. '' Aristocles ap. Emebium Praep. Ev. xiv. 18.
* Diog. IX. 11, 61.

86 Sextus Empiricus and Greek Scepticism.

desire he must consider three things :
(i) What is the nature of things ?

(ii) How should man conduct himself in relation to
them?

(iii) What is the result to him of this relation ?

The nature of things is unknown. Our relation to
them must be one of suspension of judgment, without
activity, desire, or belief, — that is, an entirely negative
relation. The result is that state of having no opinion,
called cTTO'xij, which is followed in turn by uTapa^la.

^The problem of philosophy is here proposed very
nearly in the terms of Kant, but not with the positive
motive, like that of the great philosopher of Germany,
of evolving a system to present the truth. Yet the im-
portance of these questions shows the originality of
Pyrrho. The earnestness of Pyrrho is further shown by
an example given by Diogenes. Once on being found
talking to himself alone, he said, when asked the reason,
that he was meditating how to become a good man
(p^pT/o-To?),^ thus showing an entirely different spirit
from anything found in Sextus' books. The explanation
of his life and teachings is to be found largely in his
own disposition. Such an attitude of indifference must
belong to a placid nature, and cannot be entirely the
result of a philosophical system, and, while it can be
aimed at, it can never be perfectly imitated. One of
his disciples recognised this, and said that it was neces-
sary to have the disposition of Pyrrho in order to hold his
doctrines.^ Diogenes tells us that he was the first to
advance any formulae of Scepticism,* but they must

> Compare MaccoU Op.cit. p. 21. ^ Diog. ix. II, 70, 64.

« Diog. IX. 11, 64. * Diog. ix. 11, 69; ix. 11, 61.

Critical Examination of Pyrrhonism. 87

have been very elementary, as Pyrrho himself wrote
nothing. We find no trace of formulated Tropes in
Pyrrho's teachings, yet it is probable that he indicated
some of the contradictions in sensation, and possibly the
Tropes in some rudimentary form. Of the large number
of sceptical formulae, or ^avai, the three which seem to
have the oldest connection with Scepticism are the di'Tt-
\oyia, the ovBev opi^m, and the ol fwXKov} We know
from Diogenes that Protagoras is the authority for saying
that in regard to everything there are two opposing
arguments.^ The saying " to determine nothing " is
quoted from Timon's Python by Diogenes,^ and the
other two mentioned are also attributed to him by
Aristocles.* We have also in the ov (laXkov a direct
connection with Democritus, although the difference in
the meaning which he attributed to it is shown by
Sextus.^ So while the expression is the same, the
explanation of it given by Pyrrho must have been
different. It would seem probable that Pyrrho used
all of these three sayings, from the account of Diogenes,
and that even then they gave rise to the accusation of
the Dogmatics, that simply by possessing such sayings
the Sceptics dogmatised,^ for the refutation of this used
by Sextus occurs in the old account of the sayings,
namely, that these formulae include also themselves
in the meaning, as a cathartic removes itself together
with other harmful objects.^

In comparing the later Pyrrhonism with the teach-
ings of Pyrrho, we would sharply contrast the moral

' Hyp. I. 202 ; Diog. ix. 8, 51 ; Photiua Bekker's ed. 280 H.
2 Pholius Bekker's ed. 280 H. » Syp. i. 197 ; Diog. ix. 11. 76.
» Aristoclea op. Emebium, Praep. Ev. xiv.18. ' Syp. i. 213.

» Diog. IX. 11, 68—76. ' Diog. ix. 11, 76; Syp. i. 206.

88 Sextus Empincus and Greek Sceptidsm.

attitude of the two. With Pyrrho equilibrium of soul
was a means to be applied to his positive theory of life ;
with the later Pyrrhoneans it was the end to be attained.
We would attribute, however, the empirical tendency
shown during the whole history of Pyrrhonism to Pyrrho
as its originator. He was an empirical philosopher, and
the result of his influence in this respect, as seen in the
subsequent development of the school, stands in marked
contrast to the dialectic spirit of the Academic Scepsis.
The empiricism of the school is shown in its scientific
lore, in the fact that so many of the Sceptics were
physicians, and in the character of the ten Tropes of
iiroxv- We may safely affirm that the foundation
principles of Pyrrhonism are due to Pyrrho, and the
originality which gave the school its power. The
elaborated arguments, however, and the details of its
formulae belong to later times.

Coming now to the relation of Pyrrhonism to the
Academy, the connection between the two is difficult
to exactly determine, between the time of Pyrrho and
that of Aenesidemus. Scepticism in the Academy was,
however, never absolutely identical with Pyrrhonism,
although at certain periods of the history of the Aca-
demy the difiference was slight. We can trace throughout
the evolution of doubt, as shown to us in Pyrrhonism,
and in Academic Scepticism, the different results which
followed the difference in origin of the two movements,
and these differences followed according to general laws
of development of thought. Arcesilaus, who introduced
doubt into the Academy, claimed to return to the dia-
lectic of Socrates, and suppressing the lectures,^ which
' Compare MaecoU Op. eit. p. 36.

Critical Exatnination of Pyrrhonism. 89

were the method of teaching in the later schools of
philosophy, introduced discussions instead, as being
more decidedly a Socratic method. Although, accord-
ing to Sextus, he was the one leader of the Academy
whose Scepticism most nearly approached that of
Pyrrhonisna,'- yet underneath his whole teaching lay
that dialectic principle so thoroughly in opposition to
the empiricism of Pyrrho. The belief of Socrates and
Plato in the existence of absolute truth never entirely
lost its influence over the Academy, but was like a
hidden germ, destined to reappear after Scepticism had
passed away. It finally led the Academy back to Dog-
matism, and prepared the way for the Eclecticism with
which it disappeared from history.

The history of Pyrrhonism and that of Academic
Scepticism were for a time contemporaneous. The im-
mediate follower of Pyrrho, Timon, called by Sextus the
"prophet of Pyrrho,"^ was a contemporary of Arcesilaus.
That he did not consider the Scepticism of the Academy
identical with Pyrrhonism is proved from the fact that
he did not himself join the Academy, but was, on the
contrary, far from doing so. That he regarded Arcesilaus
as a Dogmatic is evident from his writings.^ One day,
on seeing the chief of the Academy approaching, he
cried out, " What are you doing here among us who are
free?"* After the death of Timon, the Pyrrhonean
School had no representative till the time of Ptolemy
of Gyrene,^ and Greek Scepticism was represented by
the Academy. That Pyrrho had a strong influence
over Arcesilaus, the founder of the Middle Academy,

' Syp. I. 232. 2 Adv. Math. i. 53. ' Diog. iv. 6, 33, 34.
* Diog. IX. 12, 114. '= Diog. ix. 12, 115.

^

90 Sextus Empiricus and Greek Scepticism.

is evident^ ; but there was also never a time when the
Academy entirely broke away from all the teachings of
Plato, even in their deepest doubt.^ It is true that
Arcesilaus removed, nominally as well as in spirit, some
of the dialogues of Plato from the Academy, but only
those that bore a dogmatic character, while those that
presented a more decided Socratic mode of questioning,
without reaching any decided result, men regarded as
authority for Scepticism.

Sextus does not deny that Arcesilaus was almost a
Pyrrhonean, but he claims that his Pyrrhonism was
only apparent, and not real, and was used as a cloak to
hide his loyalty to the teachings- of Plato.' As Ariston
said of him,* " Plato before, Pyrrho behind, Diodorus in
the middle." Sextus also characterises the method of
Arcesilaus as dialectic,^ and we know from Cicero that
it was his pride to pretend to return to the dialectic of
Socrates.

It is interesting to note that Sextus, in his refuta-
tion of the position that the Academy is the same as
Pyrrhonism, takes up the entire development of Aca-
demic thought from the time of Plato till that of
Antiochus, and does not limit the argument to Scep-
ticism under Arcesilaus. The claim made by some
that the two schools were the same, is stated by him,*
and the word 'some' probably refers to members of
both schools at different periods of their history. Sextus
recognises three Academies, although he remarks that
some make even a further division, calling that of Philo

' Diog. IT. 6, 33. » Diog. iv. 6, 33.

2 Diog. IV. 6, 32. 5 Bpp. i. 234.

» Sffp. I. 234. "> Syp. I. 220.

Critical Examination of Pyrrhonism. 91

and Charmides, the fourth, and that of Antiochus and
his followers, the fifth.

That many in the Academy, and even outside of it,
regarded Plato as a Sceptic, and an authority for sub-
sequent Scepticism, we find both from Sextus and
Diogenes.^ As Lewes justly remarks, one could -well
find authority for Scepticism in the works of Plato, as
indeed the Academicians did, but not when the sum
total of his teachings was considered. The spirit of
Plato's teachings was dogmatic, as Sextus most de-
cidedly recognises, and as Aenesidemus and Menodotus^
recognised before him.^ Sextus himself shows us that
Plato's idealism and ethical teachings can have nothing
in common with Scepticism, for if he accepts the
desirability of the virtuous life, and the existence of
Providence, he dogmatises ; and if he even regards
them as probable, he gives preference to one set of
ideas over another, and departs from the sceptical
character. Sextus characterises the sceptical side of
Plato's writings as mental gymnastics,* which do not
authorise his being called a Sceptic, and affirms that
Plato is not a Sceptic, since he prefers some unknown
things to others in trustworthiness. The ethical differ-
ence underlying the teachings of the Academy and
Pyrrhonism, Sextus was very quick to see, and although
it is very probable that the part of the Hypotyposes
which defines the difference between the Academy and
Pyrrhonism may be largely quoted from the introduc-
tion to Aenesidemus' works, yet Sextus certainly gives
these statements the strong stamp of his approval. He

' Hyp. I. 221 ; Diog. ix. 11, 72. » Syp. i. 222.

2 Bekker's edition of Hyp. i. 222. * Hyp. i. 223.

92 Sextus Empiricus and Greek Scepticism.

condemns the Academy because of the theory that good
and evil exist, or if this'cannot be decidedly proved, yet
that it is more probable that what is called good exists
than the contrary.^

The whole Academic teaching of probabilities con-
tradicted the standpoint of the Sceptics — that our ideas
are equal as regards trustworthiness and untrustworthi-
ness,^ for the Academicians declared that some ideas
are probable and some improbable, and they make a
difference even in those ideas that they call probable.

Sextus claims that there are three fundamental
grounds of difference between Pyrrhonism and the
Academy. The first is the doctrine of probability
which the Academicians accept in regard to the supe-
rior trustworthiness of some ideas over others.* The
second is the different way in which the two schools
follow their teachers. The Pyrrhoneaus follow without
striving or strong effort, or even strong inclination, as a
child follows his teacher, while the Academicians follow
with sympathy and assent, as Carneades and Clito-
machus affirm.* The third difference is in the aim, for
the Academicians follow what is probable in life. The
Sceptics follow nothing, but live according to laws,
customs, and natural feelings undogmatically.^

The difference between the later teaching of the
Academy and Pyrrhonism is evident, and Sextus treats
of it briefly, as not requiring discussion,^ as Philo taught
that the nature of facts is incomprehensible, and Antio-
chus transferred the Stoa to the Academy. It is therefore

' Bi^p. I. 226. * ffpp. I. 230.

■' Hyp. I. 227. « Byp. i. 231.

3 Hyp. I. 229. 8 Hyp. i. 236.

Critical Examination of Pyrrhonism. 93

evident, from the comparison which we have made,
that we do not find in the Academy, with which Scep-
ticism after the death of Timon was so long united, the
exact continuance of Pyrrhonism. The philosophical
enmity of the two contemporaries, Timon and Arcesilaus,
the Academician who had most in common with Pyr-
rhonism, is an expression of the fundamental incom-
patibility between the two schools.

During all the chequered history of the Academy
the dormant idealism was there, underlying the outward
development. Although during the time of Ai'cesilaus
and Carneades the difference was so slight as to seem
a mere matter of form of expression, yet the different
foundations on which the two schools stood was always
recognisable. On the one hand there was the germ of
idealism which was destined to awake to a new life,
and on the other, the attempt at absolute negation
which was to result in the final extinction of Pyrrho-
nism. We find in both, it is true, especially in the
time of Arcesilaus, the aim of iiroxn-^ Both placed
great weight on la-oadiveia, or the equal value of
opposing arguments.^ The foundation of the eVoj^jJ
was, however, different in the two cases. Arcesilaus
founded his on dialectic, while Pyrrho's was empirical.

The Pyrrhonean believed that ideas give us no
knowledge of the outer world; the Academic Sceptic
believed that we cannot distinguish between true and
false ideas, so such knowledge is impossible. The
Pyrrhonean denied that truth could exist in ideas
because of their contradictory nature, and consequently

'■ Syp. I. 232. ' Diog. ix. 73 ; Syp. ii. 130 ; iii. 65.

94 Seodus Empiricus and Greek Scepticism.

the existence of all truth, fjurfiev ehai rfj aXrjdeia i-irl
ircLVToov} The Academic Sceptic granted that the
truth was possibly contained in ideas, but affirmed
that it could never be known to us. The Pyrrhoneans
prided themselves on still being seekers, for although
ordinary ideas are too contradictory to give knowledge
of the outer world, they did not deny that such know-
ledge might be possible, but simply suspended the
judgment regarding it. To the Pyrrhonean the result
corresponded to the method. All ideas thus far known
revealed nothing of the truth, therefore he still sought.
The Academician tried logically to prove that the truth
is impossible to find. It is the relation of the dialec-
tician to the empiricist, and the two varieties of
Scepticism are explained by their difference in origin.
In Pyrrhonism there was no constructive element. In
the Academic Scepsis such an element was found
throughout all its history in the theory of Probability.
Arcesilaus himself laid great stress upon this doctrine,
which Sextus carefully shows us^ is utterly inconsist-
ent with Pyrrhonism. Arcesilaus plainly teaches that,
having suspended one's judgment in regard to matters
of knowledge, one should control his choices, his refusals,
and his actions by the probable.^

After Antiochus introduced Eclecticism into the
Academy, Pyrrhonism was the only representative of
Greek Scepticism, and it flourished for over two cen-
turies after our era, and then also disappeared, no more
to exist as a regular philosophical school.

' Diog. IX. 11, 61. 3 Hyp. i. 229.

3 Compare Maocoll Op. cii. 39.

Critical Examination of Pyrrhonism. 95

Having considered at length the essence of Pyrrho-
nism as presented by Sextus Empiricus, it now remains
to briefly note the characteristics that formed its strength
and weakness, and the causes of its final downfall.
Herbart says that every philosopher is a Sceptic in the
beginning, but every Sceptic remains always in the
beginning. This remark may well be applied to Pyr-
rhonism. We find in its teachings many fundamental
philosophical truths which might have formed the be-
ginning of great philosophical progress, but which were
never developed to any positive results. The teachings
of Pyrrhonism were some of them well fitted to prepare
the way to idealism. The great idea of the relativity of
Vorstellungen is made very prominent by the ten Tropes
of eTToxv- Aenesidemus, in his eight Tropes against
aetiology, shows the absurdity of the doctrine of causality
when upheld on materialistic grounds. That was to him
final, iirel ovk ea-Tai aiTtov. He could not divine that
although the result which he presented was logical, it
only led to a higher truth. It was reserved for the
greatest of modern philosophers to reveal to the world
that causality is a condition, and a necessary condition,
of thought. When Aenesidemus proved by his seventh
Trope that causality is subjective, he regarded it as fatal
to the doctrine ; yet this conclusion was a marked step
in advance in critical philosophy, although Aesesidemus
could not himself see it in all its bearings. The great
difference between Aenesidemus and Kant is the differ-
ence between the materialist and the believer in sub-
, jective reality. Both agreed in the unknown nature of
the Ding an sick, but this was to the Pyrrhonist the end
of all his philosophy ; to Kant, however, the beginning.

96 Sextus Empiricus and Greek Scepticism.

Pyrrhonism has rendered, notwithstanding its points
of fatal weakness, marked service to the world in science,
philosophy, ethics, and religion. It quickened scientific
thought by emphasising empirical methods of investi-
gation, and by criticising all results founded without
sufficient data upon false hypotheses. If, instead of
denying the possibility of all science because of the
want of a criterion of the truth of phenomena, the
Pyrrhonists had comprehended the possibility of a
science of phenomena, they might have led the world
in scientific progress.' Their service to philosophy lay
in the stimulus to thought that their frequent attacks
on dogmatic beliefs occasioned. Pyrrhonism brought
together all the most prominent theories of the old
schools of philosophy to test their weakness and expose
their contradictions, and this very process of criticism
often demonstrated the power of the truth which they
contained.

Sextus Empiricus was often charged by the Church
Fathers with corrupting religious belief, and yet the
greatest service which Pyrrhonism has rendered the
world was in religious and ethical lines. This service
did not, naturally, consist in destroying belief in abso-
lute truth, as the Sceptic professed to do, but in preparing
the way to find it. The bold attacks of Scepticism on
all truth led men to investigate ethical and religious
teachings, to examine the grounds of their belief, and
to put in practical use the right of reason and free
discussion.

Scepticism was the antecedent of freedom of con-
science and rational criticism,^ and the absolute right of

* Compare Lewea Op. cit. p. 463. " Compare Chaignet Op, eit. p. 460.

Critical Examination of Pyrrhonism. 97

scientific thought. The Sceptics, however, reaped none
of the benefits of their own system. They remained, as
it were, always on the threshold of possible progress.
With the keys to great discoveries in their hands, the
doors of philosophical and scientific advancement were
for ever closed to them by the limitations of their ojvn
system. The inherent weakness of Pyrrhonism lay in its
psychological inconsistency and in its negative character.
I think that we may safely say that Pyrrhonism was the
most consistent system of Scepticism ever offered to the
world, and yet it proves most decidedly that complete
Scepticism is psychologically impossible. A man may
give up his belief in one set of ideas, and, if they are
ideas that are popularly accepted, he will be called a
Sceptic, as was the case with Hume. He must, however,
replace these ideas by others equally positive, and then
he is no longer a Sceptic, but a Dogmatic, for he believes
in something.

We have shown that the greatest thinkers of Pyrrho-
nism, Pyrrho, Aenesidemus, and Agrippa, were not
•examples of absolute Scepticism, and although Sextus
Empiricus realised what consistency demanded in this
respect, and affirmed on almost every page that he was
asserting nothing, yet there is not a paragraph of his
books in which he does not, after all, dogmatise on some
subject. Complete Scepticism is contrary to the funda-
mental laws of language, as all use of verbs involves '
some affirmation. The Pyrrhonists realised this, and
therefore some of them wrote nothing, like Pyrrho,
their leader, and others advocated a(j)a<ria^ as one of
the doctrines of their system.

1 Hyp, u 192,

7

98 Sextus Empiricus and Greek Scepticism.

The very aim of Pyrrhonism was an inconsistent
one. 'Arapa^la was only another name for happiness,
and in one instance, even, is given as ■^Sovij, and thus,
in spite of themselves, the Sceptics introduced a theory
of happiness. Pyrrho, like others of his time, sought
the highest good, and thought that he had found it in
drapa^ta, the peace of mind that appears in other systems;
of philosophy in other forms.- The difference of aim
between the Pyrrhonists, Stoics, and Epicureans was
more apparent than real. To them all philosophy was
a path to lead to happiness. The method of Pyrrhonism
was, however, negative. Its strength consisted in its
attacks on Dogmatism, and not in any positive aim of
its own, for its positive side could not be recognised
according to its own doctrines. Therefore there was
no real development in Pyrrhonism, for a negative
thought cannot be developed.

We find, accordingly, from the time of Pyrrho to
Sextus, no growth in breadth of philosophical outlook,
only improvement in methods. Philosophical activity
can never have doubt as its aim, as that would form, as
we have shown, a psychological contradiction. The true
esseuce of Pyrrhonism was passivity, but passivity can
never lead to progress. Much of the polemical work of
Pyrrhonism prepared the way for scientific progress by
providing a vast store of scientific data, but progress
was to the Pyrrhonists impossible. They sounded their
own scientific death-knell by declaring the impossibility
of science, and putting an end to all theories.

The life of all scientific and philosophic progress is
in the attempt to find the hidden truth. To the Sceptic
there was no truth, and there could be no progress. As.

Critical Examination of Pyrrhonism. 99

progress is a law in the evolution of the human race, so
Scepticism as a philosophy could never be a permanent
growth, any more than asceticism in religion can be a^
lasting influence. Both of them are only outgrowths.
As the foundation principles of Scepticism were opposed
to anything like real growth, it was a system that could
never originate anything. Pyrrho taught from the
beginning that the Sceptic must live according to law
and custom ; not, however, because one law or custom
is better than another in itself, but simply for the sake
of peace. This basis of action was itself a death-blow
to all reform in social or political life. It was a selfish,
negative way of seeking what was, after all, a positive
thing, the arapa^ia that the Sceptic desired. Life with
the Pyrrhonist was phenomenal, and not phenomenal
simply in regard to the outer world, but also subjec-
tively, and no absolute knowledge of the subjective life
or of personal existence was possible.

The cause of the downfall of Pyrrhonism lay in the
fact that it had nothing to ofier to humanity in the
place of what it had destroyed. It made no appeal to
human sympathies, and ignored all the highest motives
to human action. The especial materialistic standpoint
from which Pyrrhonism judged all that pertains to
knowledge and life shut out the ideal, and all possi-
bility of absolute truth. It was an expression of the
philosophic decadence of the age when it flourished,
and although it possessed some philosophic worth, yet
it bore in itself the causes of its decay.

PYERHOOTO SKETCHES

BY

SEXTUS EMPIEIOUS.
BOOK I.

PYRRHONIC SKETCHES, Book I.

CHAPTER I.

The Principal Differences between Philosophers.

It is probable that those who seek after anything
whatever, will either find it as they continue the search, 1
will deny that it can be found and confess it to be out of
reach, or will go on seeking it. Some have said, accordingly,
in regard to the things sought in philosophy, that they ^
have found the truth, while others have declared it impossible
to find, and still others continue to seek it. Those who
think that they have found it are those who are especially
called Dogmatics, as for example, the Schools of Aristotle
and Epicurus, the Stoics and some others. Those who have **
declared it impossible to find are Clitomachus, Carneades,
with their respective followers, and other Academicians.
Those who still seek it are the Sceptics. It appears there-
fore, reasonable to conclude that the three principal kinds ^
of philosophy are the Dogmatic, the Academic, and the
Sceptic. Others may suitably treat of the other Schools,
but as for the Sceptical School, we shall now give an out-
line of it, remarking in advance that in respect to nothing
that will be said do we speak positively, that it must be
absolutely so, but we shall state each thing historically as
it now appears to us.

CHAPTER II.

Ways of Treating Scepticism.

One way of treating the Sceptical philosophy is called 5
general, and the other special. The general method is that

104 Pyrrhonio Sketches by Sextus Empiricus.

by -whicli we set forth the character of Scepticism, declaring
what its idea is, what its principles are, its mode of reason-
ing its criterion, and its aim. It presents also, the aspects
of doubt, ol rpoTToi t^? fVo^Tj?, and the way in which we
should understand the Sceptical formulae, and the distinction
between Scepticism and the related Schools of philosophy.

6 The special method, on the contrary, is that by which we
speak against each part of so-called philosophy. Let us then
treat Scepticism at iirst in the general way, beginning our
delineation with the nomenclature of the Sceptical School.

CHAPTEE III.

The Nomenclature of Scepticism.

7 The Sceptical School is also called the "Seeking School,"!
from its spirit of research and examination ; the " Suspend-
ing School," from the condition of mind in which one is
left after the search, in regard to the things that he has
examined; and the "Doubting School," either because, as
some say, the Sceptics doubt and are seeking in regard to
everything, or because they never know whether to deny
or affirm. It is also called the Pyrrhonean School,
because Pyrrho appears to us the best representative of
Scepticism, and is more prominent than all who before him
occupied themselves with it.

CHAPTER IV.

WTiat is Scepticism?

8 The BvvafMK of the Sceptical School is to place the
! phenomenal in opposition to the intellectual " in any way
! whatever," and thus through the equilibrium of the reasons

and things {laoerOiveia t&v Xoyav) opposed to each
other, to reach, first the state of suspension of judgment.

Pyrrhonic Sketches by Sextus Empiricus. 105

i-TTO'^ij, and afterwards that of imperturbability, dra-
pa^La. We do not use the word Bwu/jli'; in any 9
unusual sense, but simply, meaning the force of the system.
By the phenomenal, we understand the sensible, hence we
place the intellectual in opposition to it. The phrase "in
any way whatever," may refer to the word hvvaiu<; in
order that we may understand that word in a simple sense
as we said, or it may refer to the placing the phenomenal
and intellectual in opposition. For we place these in
opposition to each other in a variety of ways, the phenomenal
to the phenomenal, and the intellectual to the intellectual,
or reciprocally, and we say "in any way whatever," in
order that all methods of opposition may be included. Or
" in any way whatever " may refer to the phenomenal and
the intellectual, so that we need not ask how does the
phenomenal appear, or how are the thoughts conceived, but
that we may understand these things in a simple sense. By
"reasons opposed to each other,'' we do not by any means 10
understand that they deny or affirm anything, but simply
that they offset each other. By equilibrium, we mean
equality in regard to trustworthiness and untrustworthiness,
so that of the reasons that are placed in opposition to each
other, one should not excel another in trustworthiness.
iwo'xrj is a holding back of the opinion, in consequence
of which we neither deny nor affirm anything, cnapa^ia
is repose and tranquillity of soul. We shall explain how
arapa^ia accompanies i'TO'^t) when we speak of the aim.

CHAPTER V.

The Sceptic.

What is meant by a Pyrrhonean philosopher can be 11
understood from the idea of the Sceptical School. He is a
Pyrrhonean, namely, who identifies himself with this system.

106 Pyrrhonic Sketches hy Sextus Empiricus.

CHAPTER VI.

The Origin of Scepticism.

12 Scepticism arose in the beginning from the hope of
attaining arapa^ia ; for men of the greatest talent were per-
plexed by the contradiction of things, and being at a loss
what to believe, began to question what things are true,
and what false, hoping to attain arapa^ia as a result of the
decision. The fundamental principle of the Sceptical sys-
tem is especially this, namely, to oppose every argument
by one of equal weight, for it seems to us that in this way
we finally reach the position where we have no dogmas.

CHAPTER VII.

Does the Sceptic Dogmatise?

13 We say that the Sceptic does not dogmatise. We do
not say this, meaning by the word dogma the popular assent
to certain things rather than others (for the Sceptic does
assent to feelings that are a necessary result of sensation,
as for example, when he is warm or cold, he cannot say
that he thinks he is not warm or cold), but we say this,
meaning by dogma the acceptance of any opinion in regard
to the unknown things investigated by science. For the

14 Pyrrhonean assents to nothing that is unknown. Further-
more, he does not dogmatise even when he utters the
Sceptical formulae in regard to things that are unknown,
such as " Nothing more," or " I decide nothing," or any of
the others about which we shall speak later. For the one
who dogmatises regards the thing about which he is said
to dogmatise, as existing in itself; the Sceptic does not
however regard these formulae as having an absolute

Pyrrhonic Sketches by Seodus Empi/ricus. 107

existence, for he assumes that the saying "All is false,"
includes itself with other things as false, and likewise the
saying "Nothing is true"; in the same way "Nothing
more," states that together with other things it itself is
nothing more, and cancels itself therefore, as well as other
things. We say the same also in regard to the other
Sceptical expressions. In short, if he who dogmatises
assumes as existing in itself that about which he dogmatises, 15
the Sceptic, on the contrary, expresses his sayings in such a
way that they are understood to be themselves included,
and it cannot be said that he dogmatises in saying these
things. The principal thing in uttering these formulae is
that he says what appears to him, and communicates his
own feelings in an unprejudiced way, without asserting
anything in regard to external objects.

CHAPTER VIII.

Is Scepticism a Sect?

We respond in a similar way if we are asked whether 16
Scepticism is a sect or not. If the word sect is defined as
meaning a body of persons who hold dogmas which are in
conformity with each other, and also with phenomena, and
dogma means an assent to anything that is unknown, then
we reply that we have no sect. If, however, one means by 17
sect, a school which follows a certain line of reasoning based
on phenomena, and that reasoning shows how it is possible
to apparently live rightly, not understanding "rightly" as
referring to virtue only, but in a broader sense ; if, also, it
leads one to be able to suspend the judgment, then we
reply that we have a sect. For we follow a certain kind of
reasoning which is' based upon phenomena, and which shows
us how to live according to the habits, laws, and teachings
of the fatherland, and our own feelings.

108 Pyrrhonio Sketches by Sextus Empiricus.

CHAPTER IX,

Does the Sceptic Study Natural Science?

18 We reply similarly also to the question whether the
Sceptic should study natural science. For we do not study
natural science in order to express ourselves with confidence
regarding any of the dogmas that it teaches, but we take it
up in order to be able to meet every argument by one of
equal weight, and also for the sake of UTapa^ia. In the
same way we study the logical and ethical part of so-called
philosophy.

CHAPTEE X.

Do the Sceptics deny Phenomena?

19 Those who say that the Sceptics deny phenomena
appear to me to be in ignorance of our teachings. For as
we said before, we do not deny the sensations which we
think we have, and which lead us to assent involuntarily
to them, and these are the phenomena. When, however,
we ask whether the object is such as it appears to be,
while we concede that it appears so and so, we question,
not the phenomenon, but in regard to that which is asserted
of the phenomenon, and that is different from doubting
the phenomenon itself. For example, it appears to us

20 that honey is sweet. This we concede, for we experience
sweetness through sensation. We doubt, however, whether
it is sweet by reason of its essence, which is not a question
of the phenomenon, but of that which is asserted of the
phenomenon. Should we, however, argue directly against
the phenomena, it is not with the intention of denying
their existence, but to show the rashness of the Dogmatics.
For if reasoning is such a deceiver that it well nigh snatches
away the phenomena from before your eyes, how should
we not distrust it in regard to things that are unknown, so
as not to rashly follow it 1

Pyrrhonic Sketches by Sextus Empiricus. 109

CHAPTEE XI.

The Criterion of Scepticism.

It is evident that we pay careful attention to phenomena 21
from what we say about the criterion of the Sceptical
School. The word criterion is used in two ways. First,
it is understood as a proof of existence or non-existence, in
regard to which we shall speak in the opposing argument.
Secondly, when it refers to action, meaning the criterion to
which we give heed in life, in doing some things and
refraining from doing others, and it is about this that we
shall now speak. We say, consequently, that the criterion
of the Sceptical School is the phenomenon, and in calling 22
it so, we mean the idea of it. It cannot be doubted, as it
is based upon susceptibility and involuntary feeling. Hence
no one doubts, perhaps, that an object appears so and so,
but one questions if it is as it appears. Therefore, as we
cannot be entirely inactive as regards the observances of
daily life, we live by giving heed to phenomena, and in an
unprejudiced way. But this observance of what pertains 23
to the daily life, appears to be of four different kinds.
Sometimes it is directed by the guidance of nature, some-
times by the necessity of the feelings, sometimes by the
tradition of laws and of customs, and sometimes by
the teaching of the arts. It is directed by the guidance of 24
nature, for by nature we are capable of sensation and
thought ; by the necessity of the feelings, for hunger leads
us to food, and thirst to drink ; by the traditions of laws
and customs, for according to them we consider piety a
good in daily life, and impiety an evil ; by the teaching of
the arts, for we are not inactive in the arts we undertake.
We [say all these things, however, without expressing a
decided opinion.

110 Pyrrhonic Sketches by Sextus Empiricus.

CHAPTER XII.

What is the aim of Scepticism ?

25 It follows naturally in order to treat of the iiim of the
Sceptical School. An aim is that for which as an end all
things are done or thought, itself depending on nothing, or
in other words, it is the ultimatum of things to be desired.
We say, then, that the aim of the Sceptic is aTupa^la in
those things which pertain to the opinion, and moderatioa

26 in the things that life imposes. For as soon as he began
to philosophise he wished to discriminate between ideas,
and to understand which are true and which are false, in
order to attain arapa^la. He met, however, with contra-
dictions of equal weight, and, being unable to judge, he
withheld his opinion ; and while his judgment was in sus-
pension drapa^ia followed, as if by chance, in regard to

27 matters of opinion. For he who is of the opinion that
anything is either good or bad by nature is always troubled,
and when he does not possess those things that seem to
him good he thinks that he is tortured by the things which
are by nature bad, and pursues those that he thinks to
be good. Having acquired them, however, he falls into
greater perturbation, because he is excited beyond reason
and without measure from fear of a change, and he does
everything in his power to retain the things that seem to

28 tim good. But he who is undecided, on the contrary,
regarding things that are good and bad by nature, neither
seeks nor avoids anything eagerly, and is therefore in a
state of cnapa^ia. For that which is related of Apelles the
painter happened to the Sceptic. It is said that as he was
once painting a horse he wished to represent the foam of
his mouth in the picture, but he could not succeed in
doing so, and he gave it up and threw the sponge at thp
picture with which he had wiped the colors from tha

Pyrrhonic Sketches by Seostus Empiricus. Ill

painting. As soon, however, as it touched the picture it
produced a good copy of the foam. The Sceptics likewise 29
hoped to gain drapa^ia by forming judgments in regard
to the anomaly between phenomena and the things of
thought, but they were unable to do this, and so they
suspended their judgment ; and while their judgment was
in suspension ajapa^ia followed, as if by chance, as the
shadow follows a body. Nevertheless, we do not consider
the Sceptic wholly undisturbed, but he is disturbed by
some things that are inevitable. We confess that some-
times he is cold and thirsty, and that he suffers in such
ways. But in these things even the ignorant are beset in 30
two ways, from the feelings themselves, and not less also
from the fact that they think these conditions are bad by
nature. The Sceptic, however, escapes more easily, as he
rejects the opinion that anything is in itself bad by nature.
Therefore we say that the aim of the Sceptic is arapa^la
in matters of opinion, and moderation of feeling in those
things that are inevitable. Some notable Sceptics have
added also suspension of judgment in investigation.

CHAPTER XIII.

The General Method of Scepticism.

Since we have said that arrapa^ia follows the suspension 31
of judgment in regard to everything, it behooves us to
explain how the suspension of judgment takes place.
Speaking in general it takes place through placing things
in opposition to each other. We either place phenomena
in opposition to phenomena, or the intellectual in opposi-
tion to the intellectual, or reciprocally. For example, we 32
place phenomena in opposition to phenomena when we say
that this tower appears round from a distance but square
near by ; the intellectual in opposition to the intellectual,
when to the one who from the order of the heavens builds

112 PyrrJwnic Sketches by Sextus Empiricus.

a tower of reasoning to prove that a providence exists, we
oppose the fact that adversity often falls to the good and
prosperity to the evil, and that therefore we draw the con-

33 elusion that there is no providence. The intellectual is
placed in opposition to phenomena, as when Anaxagoras
opposed the fact that snow is white, by saying that snow
is frozen water, and, as water is black, snow must also be
black. Likewise we sometimes place the present in oppo-
sition to the present, similarly to the above-mentioned
cases, and sometimes also the present in opposition to the
past or the future. As for example, when someone pro-
poses an argument to us that we cannot refute, we say to

34 him, " Before the founder of the sect to which you belong
was born, the argument which you propose in accordance
with it had not appeared as a valid argument, but was
dormant in nature, so in the same way it is possible
that its refutation also exists in nature, but has not yet
appeared to us, so that it is not at all necessary for us to

35 agree with an argument that now seems to be strong." In
order to make it clearer to us what we mean by these
oppositions, I will proceed to give the Tropes [rpoTroij,
through which the suspension of judgment is produced,
without asserting anything about their meaning or their
number, because they may be unsound, or there may be
more than I shall enumerate.

CHAPTER XIV.
The Ten Tropes.

36 Certain Tropes were commonly handed down by the
older Sceptics, by means of which iiroy(^i] seems to take
place. They are ten in number, and are called synony-
mously \6yoi and Tpoiroi. They are these : The iirst is
based upon the differences in animals ; the second upon
the differences in men; the third upon the difference in

Pyrrhonic Sketches hy Sextus Empiricus. 113

the constitution of the organs of sense ; the fourth upon
■circumstances; the fifth upon position, distance, and place;
the sixth upon mixtures ; the seventh upon the quantity
and constitution of objects ; the eighth upon relation ; the 37
ninth upon frequency or rarity of occurences ; the tenth
■upon systems, customs, laws, mythical beliefs, and dog-
matic opinions. We make this order ourselves. These 38
Tropes come under three general heads : the standpoint
•of the judge, the standpoint of the thing judged, and the
■standpoint of both together. Under the standpoint of the
judge come the first four, for the judge is either an animal,
•or a man, or a sense, and exists under certain circumstances.
Under the standpoint of that which is judged, come the
seventh and the tenth. Under the one composed of both to-
gether, come the fifth and the sixth, the eighth and the ninth.
Again, these three divisions are included under the Trope 39
of relation, because that is the most general one ; it includes
the three special divisions, and these in turn include the
ten. We say these things in regard to their probable
number, and we proceed in the following chapter to speak
■of their meaning.

The First Trope.

The first Trope, we said, is the one based upon the 40
■differences in animals, and according to this Trope, different
animals do not get the same ideas of the same objects
throughj^the senses. This we conclude from the different
■origin of the animals, and also from the difference in the
constitution of their bodies. In regard to the difference in
•origin, some animals originate without mixture of the sexes,
while others originate through sexual intercourse. Of 41
those which originate without intercourse of the sexes,
some come from fire, as the little animals which appear in
the chimneys, others from stagnant water, as musquitoes,
■others from fermented wine, as the stinging ants, others

114 Pyrrhonic Sketches by Sextus HJmpiricus.

from the earth, others from the mud, like the frogs, others
from slime, as the worms, others from donkeys, as the
beetles, others from cabbage, as caterpillars, others from
fruit, as the gall insect from the wild figs, others from
putrified animals, as bees from bulls, and wasps from

42 horses. Again, of those originating from intercourse of
the sexes, some come from animals of the same kind, as in
most cases, and others from those of different kinds, as.
mules. Again, of animals in general, some are born alive,
as men, others from eggs, as birds, and others are born a

43 lump of flesh, as bears. It is probable therefore, that the
inequalities and differences in origin cause great antipathies
in the animals, and the result is incompatibility, discord,
and conflict between the sensations of the different animals.

44 Again, the differences in the principal parts of the body,
especially in those fitted by nature to judge and to per-
ceive, may cause the greatest differences in their ideas of
objects, according to the differences in the animals them-
selves. As for example, those who have the jaundice
call that yellow which appears to us white, and those
who have bloodshot eyes call it blood-red. Accordingly,
as some animals have yellow eyes, and others blood-shot
ones, and still others whitish ones, and others eyes of other
colors, it is probable, I think, that they have a different

45 perception of colors. Furthermore, when we look steadily
at the sun for a long time, and then look down at a book,,
the letters seem to us gold colored, and dance around.
Now some animals have by nature a lustre in their eyes,
and these emit a fine and sparkling light so that they see at.
night, and we may reasonably suppose that external things.

46 do not appear the same to them as to us. Jugglers by
lightly rubbing the wick of the lamp with metal rust, or
with the dark yellow fluid of the sepia, make those who.
are present appear now copper-colored and now black,
according to the amount of the mixture used; if this be

Pyrrhonic Sketches by Seodus Em/pwicus. 115

so, it is much more reasonable to suppose that because of
the mixture of different fluids in the eyes of animals, their
ideas of objects would be different. Furthermore, when 47
we press the eye on the side, the figures, forms and sizes of
things seen appear elongated and narrow. It is therefore
probable that such animals as have the pupil oblique and
long, as goats, cats, and similar animals, have ideas different
from those of the animals which have a round pupil.
Mirrors according to their different construction, sometimes 48
show the external object smaller than reality, as concave
ones, and sometimes long and narrow, as the convex ones
do ; others show the head of the one looking into it down,
and the feet up. As some of the vessels around the eye 49
fall entirely outside the eye, on account of their protu-
berance, while others are more sunken, and still others are
placed in an even surface, it is probable that for this
reason also the ideas vary, and dogs, fishes, lions, men,
and grasshoppers do not see the same things, either of
the same size, or of similar form, but according to the
impression on the organ, of sight of each animal respec-
tively. Thesamethingistrueinregard to the other senses; 50
for how can it be said that shell-fish, birds of prey, animals
covered with spines, those with feathers and those with
scales would be affected in the same way by the sense of
touch ? and how can the sense of hearing perceive alike in
animals which have the narrowest auditory passages, and in
those that are furnished with the widest, or in those with
hairy ears and those with smooth ones ? For we, even, hear
differently when we partially stop up the ears, from what
we do when we use them naturally. The sense of smell 51
also varies according to differences in animals, since even
our sense of smell is affected when we have taken cold and
the phlegm is too abundant, and also when parts around
our head are flooded with too much blood, for we then
avoid odors that seem agreeable to others, and feel as

116 Pyrrhonic Sketches by Sextus Empiricus.

if we were injured by them. Since also some of the
animals are moist by nature and full of secretions, and
others are very full of blood, and still others have either
yellow or black bile prevalent and abundant, it is reason-
able because of this to think that odorous things appear

52 different to each one of them. And it is the same in
regard to things of taste, as some animals have the tongue
rough and dry and others very moist. We too, when we
have a dry tongue in fever, think that whatever we take
is gritty, bad tasting, or bitter ; and this we experience
because of the varying degrees of the humors that aie said
to be in us. Since, then, different animals have different
organs for taste, and a greater or less amount of the various ,
humors, it can well be that they form different ideas of the

53 same objects as regards their taste. For just as the same
food on being absorbed becomes in some places veins, in
other places arteries, and in other places bones, nerves, or
other tissues, showing different power according to the
difference of the parts receiving it ; just as the same water
absorbed by the trees becomes in some places bark, in other
places branches, and in other places fruit, perhaps a fig or

54 a pomegranate, or something else; just as the breath of
the musician, one and the same when blown into the flute,
becomes sometimes a high tone and sometimes a low one,
and the same pressure of the hand upon the lyre sometimes
causes a deep tone and sometimes a high tone, so it is
natural to suppose that external objects are regarded
differently according to the different constitution of the

55 animals which perceive them. We may see this more
clearly in the things that are sought for and avoided by
animals. For example, myrrh appears very agreeable to
men and intolerable to beetles and bees. Oil also, which
is useful to men, destroys wasps and bees if sprinkled on
them ; and sea-water, while it is unpleasant and poisonous
to men if they drink it, is most agreeable and sweet to

Pyrrhonic Sketches by Sextus Etrifiricus. 117

fishes. Swine also prefer to wash in vile filth rather than 56
in pure clean water. Furthermore, some animals eat grass
and some eat herbs ; some live in the woods, others eat
seeds ; some are carnivorous, and others lactivorous ; some
enjoy putrified food, and others fresh food; some raw
food, and others that which is prepared by cooking; and
in general that which is agreeable to some is disagreeable
and fatal to others, and should be avoided by them. Thus 57
hemlock makes the quail fat, and henbane the hogs, and
these, as it is known, enjoy eating lizards ; deer also eat
poisonous animals, and swallows, the cantharidae. More-
over, ants and flying ants, when swallowed by men, cause
discomfort and colic ; but the bear, on the contrary, what-
ever sickness he may have, becomes stronger by devouring
them. The viper is benumbed if one twig of the oak 58
touches it, as is also the bat by a leaf of the plane-tree.
The elephant flees before the ram, and the lion before the
cock, and seals from the rattling of beans that are being
pounded, and the tiger from the sound of the drum. Many
other examples could be given, but that we may not seem
to dwell longer than is necessary on this subject, we con-
clude by saying that since the same things are pleasant to
some and unpleasant to others, and the pleasure and dis-
pleasure depend on the ideas, it must be that different
animals have different ideas of objects. And since the 59
same things appear difi"erent according to the difference in
the animals, it will be possible for us to say how the
external object appears to us, but as to how it is in reality
we shall suspend our judgment. For we cannot ourselves
judge between our own ideas and those of other animals,
being ourselves involved in the difference, and therefore
much more in need of being judged than being ourselves
able to judge. And furthermore, we cannot give the 60
preference to our own mental representations over those
of other animals, either without evidence or with evidence,

118 Pyrrhonic Sketches by Sextus Empiricus.

for besides the fact that perhaps there is no evidence, as
we shall show, the evidence so called will be either mani-
fest to us or not. If it is not manifest to us, then we
cannot accept it with conviction; if it is manifest to us,
since the question is in regard to what is manifest to
animals, and we use as evidence that which is manifest to
us who are animals, then it is to be questioned if it is true

61 as it is manifest to us. It is absurd, however, to try to
base the questionable on the questionable, because the
same thing is to be believed and not to be believed, which
is certainly impossible. The evidence is to be believed in
so far as it will furnish a proof, and disbelieved in so far
as it is itself to be proved. We shall therefore have no
evidence according to which we can give preference to our
own ideas over those of so-called irrational animals. Since
therefore ideas differ according to the diiference in animals,
and it is impossible to judge them, it is necessary to suspend
the judgment in regard to external objects.

Have the So-called Irrational Animals Season?

62 We continue the comparison of the so-called irrational
animals with man, although it is needless to do so, for in
truth we do not refuse to hold up to ridicule the conceited
and bragging Dogmatics, after having given the practical
arguments. Now most of our number were accustomed to
compare all the irrational animals together with man, but

63 because the Dogmatics playing upon words say that the
comparison is unequal, we carry our ridicule farther,
although it is most superfluous to do so, and fix the dis-
cussion on one animal, as the dog, if it suits you, which
seems to be the most contemptible animal; for we shall
even then find that animals, about which we are speaking,
are not inferior to us in respect to the trustworthiness of

64 their perceptions. Now the Dogmatics grant that this

Pyrrhonic Sketches by Sextus Empiricus. 119

animal is superior to us in sense perception, for he perceives
better through smell than we, as by this sense he tracks
wild animals that he cannot see, and he sees them quicker
with his eyes than we do, and he perceives more acutely by
hearing. Let us also consider reasoning, which is of two 65
kinds, reasoning in thought and in speech. Let us look
first to that of thought. This kind of reasoning, judging
from the teachings of those Dogmatics who are now our
greatest opponents, those of the Stoa, seems to fluctuate
between the following things : the choice of the familiar,
and avoidance of the alien ; the knowledge of the arts that
lead to this choice ; and the comprehension of those virtues
that belong to the individual nature, as regards the feelings.
The dog then, upon whom it was decided to fix the argu- 66
ment as an example, makes a choice of things suitable to
him, and avoids those that are harmful, for he hunts for
food, but draws back when the whip is lifted up; he
possesses also an art by which he procures the things that
are suitable for him, the art of hunting. He is not also 67
without virtue ; since the true nature of justice is to give
to every one according to his merit, as the dog wags his
tail to those who belong to the family, and to those who
behave well to him, guards them, and keeps off strangers
and evil doers, he is surely not without justice. Now if he 68
has this virtue, since the virtues follow each other in turn,
he has the other virtues also, which the wise men say, most
men do not possess. We see the dog also brave in warding
off attacks, and sagacious, as Homer testified when he
represented Odysseus as unrecognised by all in his house,
and recognised only by Argos, because the dog was not
deceived by the physical change in the man, and had not
lost the (fyavTacria KaTaXiqTmKrj which he proved that he
had kept better than the men had. But according to 69
Chrysippus even, who most attacked the irrational animals,
the dog takes a part in the dialectic about which so much is

120 Pyrrhonic Sketches by Sextus Empiricus.

said. At any rate, the man above referred to said that the
dog follows the iifth of the several non-apodictic syllogisms,
for when he comes to a meeting of three roads, after seeking,
the scent in the two roads, through which his prey has not
passed, he presses forward quickly in the third without,
scenting it. For the dog reasons in this way, potentially
said the man of olden time ; the animal passed through
this, or this, or this ; it was neither through this nor this,.

70 therefore it was through this. The dog also understands-
his own sufferings and mitigates them. As soon as a sharp
stick is thrust into him, he sets out to remove it, by rubbing
his foot on the ground, as also with his teeth ; and if ever
he has a wound anywhere, for the reason that uncleansed
wounds are difficult to cure, and those that are cleansed are

71 easily cured, he gently wipes off the collected matter ; and
he observes the Hippocratic advice exceedingly well, for
since quiet is a relief for the foot, if he has ever a wound in
the foot, he lifts it up, and keeps it undisturbed as much
as possible. When he is troubled by disturbing humours,
he eats grass, with which he vomits up that which was

72 unfitting, and recovers. Since therefore it has been shown
that the animal that we fixed the argument upon for the
sake of an example, chooses that which is suitable for him,
and avoids what is harmful, and that he has an art by which
he provides what is suitable, and that he comprehends his
own sufferings and mitigates them, and that he is not
without virtue, things in which perfection of reasoning in
thought consists, so according to this it would seem that
the dog has reached perfection. It is for this reason, it
appears to me, that some philosophers have honoured them-

73 selves with the name of this animal. In regard to reason-
ing in speech, it is not necessary at present to bring the
matter in question. For some of the Dogmatics, even,

7 V have put this aside, as opposing the acquisition of virtue,
for which reason they practiced silence when studying.

Pyrrhonic Sketches by Sextus Empiricus. 121

Besides, let it be supposed that a man is dumb, no one
would say that he is consequently irrational. However,
aside from this, we see after all, that animals, about which
we are speaking, do produce human sounds, as the jay and
some others. Aside from this also, even if we do not 74
understand the sounds of the so-called irrational animals,
it is not at all unlikely that they converse, and that we do
not understand their conversation. For when we hear the
language of foreigners, we do not understand but it all
seems like one sound to us. Furthermore, we hear dogs 75
giving out one kind of sound when they are resisting some-
one, and another sound when they howl, and another when
they are beaten, and a different kind when they wag their
tails, and generally speaking, if one examines into this, he
will find a great difference in the sounds of this and other
animals under different circumstances ; so that in all likeli-
hood, it may be said that the so-called irrational animals
partake also in spoken language. If then, they are not 76
inferior to men in the accuracy of their perceptions, nor in
reasoning in thought, nor in reasoning by speech, as it is
superfluous to say, then they are not more untrustworthy
than we are, it seems to me, in regard to their ideas.
Perhaps it would be possible to prove this, should we direct 77
the argument to each of the irrational animals in turn. As
for example, who would not say that the birds are distin-
guished for shrewdness, and make use of articulate speech ?
for they not only know the present but the future, and this
they augur to those that are able to understand it, audibly
as well as in other ways. I have made this comparison 78
superfluously, as I pointed out above, as I think I had
sufficiently shown before, that we cannot consider our own
ideas superior to those of the irrational animals. In short,
if the irrational animals are not more untrustworthy than
we in regard to the judgment of their ideas, and the ideas
are different according to the difference in the animals, I

122 Pyrrhonic Sketches by Sextus Empiricus.

shall be able to say how each object appears to me, but in
regard to what it is by nature I shall be obliged to suspend
my judgment.

The Second Trope.

79 Such is the first Trope of iiroxJi. The second, we said
above, is based upon the differences in men. For even if
one assent to the hypothesis that men are more trustworthy
than the irrational animals, we shall find that doubt arises
as soon as we consider our own differences. For since
man is said to be composed of two things, soul and body,
we differ from each other in respect to both of these things;
for example, as regards the body, we differ both in form

80 and personal peculiarities. For the body of a Scythian
differs from the body of an Indian in form, the difference
resulting, it is said, from the different control of the
humors. According to different control of the humors,
differences in ideas arise also, as we represented under the
first Trope. For this reason there is certainly a great
difference among men in the choice and avoidance of
external things. The Indians delight in different things
from our own people, and the enjoyment of different
things is a sign that different ideas are received of the

81 external objects. We differ in personal peculiarities, as
some digest beef better than the little fish from rocky
places, and some are affected with purging by the weak
wine of Lesbos. There was, they say, an old woman in
Attica who could drink thirty drachmas of hemlock without
daijger, and Lysis took four drachmas of opium unhurt,

82 and Demophon, Alexander's table waiter, shivered when
he was in the sun or in a hot bath, and felt warm in the
shade ; Athenagoras also, from Argos, did not suffer harm
if stung by scorpions and venomous spiders ; the so-called
Psylli were not injured when bitten by snakes or by the
aspis, and the Tentyrites among the Egyptians are not

Pyrrhonic Sketches by Seodus Empiricus. 123

harmed by the crocodiles around them ; those also of the 83
Ethiopians who live on the Hydaspes river, opposite Meroe,
■eat scorpions and serpents, and similar things without
danger ; Eufinus in Chalcis could drink hellebore without
•vomiting or purging, and he enjoyed and digested it as
something to which he was accustomed ; Chrysermos, the 84
Herophilian, ran the risk of stomach-ache if he ever took
pepper, and Soterichus, the surgeon, was seized by purging
if he perceived the odor of roasting shad ; Andron, ohe
Argive, was so free from thirst that he could travel even
through the waterless Libya without looking for a drink ;
Tiberius, the emperor, saw in the dark, and Aristotle tells
the story of a certain Thracian, who thought that he saw
the figure of a man always going before him as a guide.
While therefore such a difference exists in men in regard 85"
to the body, and we must be satisfied with referring to a
few only of the many examples given by the Dogmatics, it
is probable that men also differ from each other in respect
to the soul itself, for the body is a kind of type of the soul,
as the physiognomical craft also shows. The best example
•of the numerous and infinite differences of opinion among
men is the contradiction in the sayings of the Dogmatics,
not only about other things, but about what it is well to
seek and to avoid. The poets have also fittingly spoken 86
about this, for Pindar said —

■" One delights in getting honors and crowns through storm-footed

horses,
Another in jiassing life in rooms rich in gold.
Another still, safe travelling enjoys, in a swift ship, on a wave of

the sea."

-And the poet says —

" One man enjoys this, another enjoys that."

The tragedies also abound in such expressions, for instance,

it is said —

" If to all, the same were good and wise,
Quarrels and disputes among men would not have been."

124 Pyrrhonic Sketches by Sextus Empiriciis.

And again —

" It is awful indeed, that the same thing some mortals should please,.
And by others be hated."

87 Since therefore the choice and the avoidance of things,
depends on the pleasure and displeasure which they give,
and the pleasure and displeasure have their seat in perception-
and ideas, when some choose the things that others avoid,
it is logical for us to conclude that they are not acted upon
similarly by the sa)ne things, for otherwise they would
have chosen or avoided alike. Now if the same things act-
upon different men differently, on account of the difference
in the men, for this cause also suspension of the judgment
may reasonably be introduced, and we may perhaps say
how each object appears to us, and what its individual'
differences are, but we shall not be able to declare what it

88 is as to the nature of its essence. For we must either
believe all men or some men ; but to believe all is tO'
undertake an impossibility, and to accept things that are
in opposition to each other. If we believe some only, let
someone tell us with whom to agree, for the Platonist
would say with Plato, the Epicurean with Epicurus, and
others would advise in a corresponding manner ; and so as-
they disagree, with no one to decide, they bring us round

89 again to the suspension of judgment. Furthermore, he
who tells us to agree with the majority proposes something-
childish, as no one could go to all men and find out what
pleases the majority, for it is possible that in some nations
which we do not know the things which to us are rare are-
common to the majority, and those things which happen
commonly to us are rare. As for example, it might happen
that the majority should not suffer when bitten by venomous
spiders, or that they should seldom feel pain, or have other-
personal peculiarities similar to those spoken of above. It
is necessary therefore to suspend the judgment on account
of the differences in men.

Pyrrhonio Sketches by Sextus Em'pincus. 125

The Third Trope.

While, however, the Dogmatics are conceited enough 90
to think that they should be preferred to other men in the
judgment of things, we know that their claim is absurd,
for they themselves form a part of the disagreement; and
if they give themselves preference in this way in the judg-
ment of phenomena, they beg the question before they
begin the judgment, as they trust the judgment to them-
selves. Nevertheless, in order that we should reach the 91
result of the suspension of judgment by limiting the
argument to one man, one who for example they deem
to be wise, let us take up the third Trope. This is the
one that is based upon differences in perception. That the 92
perceptions differ from each other is evident. For example,
paintings seem to have hollows and prominences to the
sense of sight, but not to the sense of touch, and honey
to the tongue of some people appears pleasant, but un-
pleasant to the eyes; therefore it is impossible to say
whether it is really pleasant or unpleasant. In regard
to myrrh it is the same, for it delights the sense of smell,
but disgusts the sense of taste. Also in regard to euphor- 93
bium, since it is harmful to the eyes and harmless to
all the rest of the body, we are not able to say whether
it is really harmless to bodies or not, as far as its own
nature is concerned. Eain-water, too, is useful to the eyes,
but it makes the trachea and the lungs rough, just as oil
does, although it soothes the skin; and the sea-torpedo
placed on the extremities makes them numb, but is harm-
less when placed on the rest of the body. Wherefore we
cannot say what each of these things is by nature. It is
possible only to say how it appears each time. We could cite 94
more examples than these, but in order not to spend too
long in laying out the plan of this book we shall simply
say the following : Each of the phenomena perceived by us

126 Pyrrhonic Sketches by Sextus Empiricus.

seems to present itself in many forms, as the apple, smooth,
fragrant, sweet, yellow. Now it is not known whether it
has in reality only those qualities which appear to us, or if
it has only one quality, but appears different on account of
the different constitution of the sense organs, or if it has.
more qualities than appear to us, but some of them do not.

95 affect us. That it has only one quality might be concluded
from what we have said about the food distributed ia
bodies, and the water distributed in trees, and the breath
in the flute and syrinx, and in similar instruments ; for it.
is possible that the apple also has only one quality, but
appears different on account of the difference in the sense-

96 organs by which it is perceived. On the other hand, that
the apple has more qualities than those that appear to us,
can be argued in this way : Let us imagine someone born
with the sense of touch, of smell, and of taste, but neither
hearing nor seeing. He will then assume that neither any-
thing visible nor anything audible exists at all, but only

97 the three kinds of qualities which he can apprehend. It is
possible then that as we have only the five senses, we
apprehend only those qualities of the apple which we are
able to grasp, but it may be supposed that other qualities
exist which would affect other sense organs if we possessed
them ; as ,it is, we do not feel the sensations which would

98 be felt through them. But nature, one will say, has
brought the senses into harmony with the objects to be
perceived. What kind of nature ? Among the Dogmatics
a great difference of opinion reigns about the real existence
of nature anyway ; for he who decides whether there is a
nature or not, if he is an uneducated man, would be
according to them untrustworthy ; if he is a philosopher,
he is a part of the disagreement, and is himself to be

99 judged, but is not a judge. In short, if it is possible that
only those qualities exist in the apple which we seem to
perceive, or that more than these are there, or that not

Pyrrhonio Sketches by Sextus Empiricus. 127

even those which we perceive exist, it will Jti^'unknown to
us what kind of a thing the apple is. The same argument
holds for other objects of perception. If, however, the
senses do not comprehend the external world, the intellect
cannot comprehend it either, so that for this reason also it
will appear that the suspension of judgment follows in
regard to external objects.

The Fourth Trope.

In order to attain to cVckj^jJ by fixing the argument on lOO
each separate sense, or even by putting aside the senses
altogether, we take up the fourth Trope of eiro')(ri. This
is the one based upon circumstances, and by circumstances
we mean conditions. This Trope comes under consideration,
we may say, with regard to conditions that are according
to nature, or contrary to nature ; such as waking or sleep-
ing, the age of life, moving or keeping still, hating or loving,
need or satiety, drunkenness or sobriety, predispositions,
being courageous or afraid, sorrowing or rejoicing. For 101
example, things appear different as they are according to
nature, or contrary to it ; as for instance, the insane and
those inspired by a god, think that they hear gods, while
we do not ; in like manner they often say that they per-
ceive the odor of storax or frankincense, or the like, and
many other things which we do not perceive. Water, also,
that seems lukewarm to us, if poured over places that are
inflamed, will feel hot, and a garment that appears orange-
coloured to those that have blood-shot eyes, would not look
so to me, and the same honey appears sweet to me, but
bitter to those who have the jaundice. If one should say \q%
that those who are not in a natural state have unusual ideas
of objects, because of the intermingling of certain humors,
then one must also say, that it may be that objects which
are really what they seem to be to those who are in an

128 Pyrrhonic Sketches by Sextus Empiricus.

unnatural condition, appear different to those who are in
health, for even those who are in health have humors that

103 are mixed with each other. For to give to one kind of
fluid a power to change objects, and not to another kind,
is a fiction of the mind ; for just as those who are in health
are in a condition that is natural to those who are in health,
and contrary to the nature of those who are not in health,
so also those who are not in health, are in a condition con-
trary to the nature of those in health, but natural to those
not in health, and we must therefore believe that they also

104 are in some respect in a natural condition. Furthermore,
in sleep or in waking, the ideas are different, because we do
not see things in the same way when we are awake as we
do in sleep ; neither do we see them in the same way in
sleep as we do when awake, so that the existence or non-
existence of these things is not absolute, but relative, that
is in relation to a sleeping or waking condition. It is there-
fore probable that we see those things in sleep which in a
waking condition do not exist, but they are not altogether
non-existent, for they exist in sleep, just as those things
which exist when we are awake, exist, although they do not

105 exist in sleep. Furthermore, things present themselves
differently according to the age of life, for the same air
seems cold to the aged, but temperate to those in their
prime, and the same color appears dim to those who are
old, and bright to those in their prime, and likewise the
same tone seems faint to the former, and audible to the

106 latter. People in different ages are also differently disposed
towards things to be chosen or avoided; children, for
example, are very fond of balls and hoops, while those in
their prime prefer other things, and the old still others,
from which it follows that the ideas in regard to the same

107 objects differ in different periods of life. Furthermore,
things appear different in a condition of motion and rest,
since that which we see at rest when we are still, seems to

Pyrrhonic Sketches by Sextus Empiricus. 129

move when we are sailing by it. There are also differences 108
which depend on liking or disliking, as some detest swine
■flesh exceedingly, but others eat it with pleasure. As
Menander said —

" how his face appears
Since he became such a man ! What a creature !
Doing no injustice would make us also beautiful."

Many'also that love ugly women consider them very beauti-
ful. Furthermore, there are differences which depend on 109
hunger or satiety, as the same food seems agreeable to those
who are hungry, and disagreeable to those who are satisfied.
There are also differences depending on drunkenness and
■sobriety, as that which we consider ugly when we are sober
■does not appear ugly to us when we are drunk. Again, 110
there are differences depending on predispositions, as the
same wine appears sourish to those who have previously
€aten dates or dried figs, but agreeable to those who have
taken nuts or chickpeas ; the vestibule of the bath warms
those who enter from without, but cools those who go out,
if they rest in it. Furthermore, there are differences de- 111
pending on being afraid or courageous, as the same thing
.seems fearful and terrible to the coward, but in no wise so
to him who is brave. There are differences, also, depending
on being sad or joyful, as the same things are unpleasant
to the sad, but pleasant to the joyful. Since therefore 112
the anomalies depending on conditions are so great, and
•since men are in different conditions at different times, it
is perhaps easy to say how each object appears to each
man, but not so of what kind it is, because the anomaly
is not of a kind to be judged. For he who would pass
judgment upon this is either in some one of the conditions
mentioned above, or is in absolutely no condition whatever ;
but to say that he is in no condition at all, as, for example,
that he is neither in health nor in illness, that he is neither
moving nor quiet, that he is not of any age, and also that

9

130 Pyrrhonic Sketches by Sextus Empiricus.

113 he is free from the other conditions, is wholly absurd. But
if he judges the ideas while he is in any condition whatever,,
he is a part of the contradiction, and, besides, he is na
genuine critic of external objects, because he is confused
by the condition in which he finds himself. Therefor©
neither can the one who is awake compare the ideas of
those who are asleep with those who are awake, nor can.
he who is in health compare the ideas of the sick with
those of the well ; for we believe more in the things that
are present, and affecting us at present, than in the things.

114 not present. In another way, the anomaly in such ideas,
is impossible to be judged, for whoever prefers one idea to
another, and one condition to another, does this either
without a criterion and a proof, or with a criterion and a
proof ; but he can do this neither without them, for he
would then be untrustworthy, nor with them ; for if he
judges ideas, he judges them wholly by a criterion, and he

115 will say that this criterion is either true or false. But if it
is false, he will be untrustworthy ; if, on the contrary, he
says that it is true, he will say that the criterion is true
either without proof or with proof. If without proof, he-
will be untrustworthy ; if he says that it is true with proof,
it is certainly necessary that the proof be true, or he will
be untrustworthy. Now will he say that the proof which,
he has accepted for the accrediting of the criterion is true,

116 having judged it, or without having judged it ? If he says,
so without judging it, he will be untrustworthy ; if he has
judged it, it is evident that he will say that he has judged
according to some criterion, and we must seek a proof for
this criterion, and for that proof a criterion. For the proof
always needs a criterion to establish it, and the criterion
needs a proof that it may be shown to be true ; and a proof
can neither be sound without a pre-existing criterion that
is true, nor a criterion true without a proof that is shown

117 beforehand to be trustworthy. And so both the criterion

Pyrrhonic Sketches by Sextus Empiricus. 131

and the proof are thrown into the circulus in probando, by
•which it is found that they are both of them untrustworthy,
for as each looks for proof from the other, each is as un-
trustworthy as the other. Since then one cannot prefer
one idea to another, either without a proof and a criterion
or with them, the ideas that differ according to different
conditions cannot be judged, so that the suspension of
judgment in regard to the nature of external objects
follows through this Trope also.

The Fifth Trope.

The fifth Trope is that based upon position, distance, 118
and place, for, according to each of these, the same things
appear different, as for example, the same arcade seen
from either end appears curtailed, but from the middle it
looks symmetrical on every side ; and the same ship appears
small and motionless from afar, and large and in motion
near by, and the same tower appears round from a distance,
but square near by. So much for distance. Now in refer- 119
ence to place, we say that the light of the lamp appears
dim in the sun, but bright in the dark; and the same
rudder appears broken in the sea, but straight out of it ;
and the egg in the bird is soft, but in the air hard ; and
the lyngurion is a fluid in the lynx, but is hard in the air ;
and the coral is soft in the sea, but hard in the air ; and a
tone of voice appears different produced by a syrinx, and
by a flute, and different simply in the air. Also in refer- 120
ence to position, the same picture leaned back appears
smooth, and leaned forward a little seems to have hollows
and protuberances, and the necks of doves appear different
in color according to the difference in inclination. Since 121
then all phenomena are seen in relation to place, distance,
and position, each of which relation makes a great difference
with the idea, as we have mentioned, we shall be obliged

132 Pyrrhonic Sketches by Seodus Empiricus.

by this Trope also to come to the suspension of judgment.
For he who wishes to give preference to certain ones of

122 these ideas will attempt the impossible. For if he simply
makes the decision without proof he will be untrustworthy.
If, however, he wishes to make use of a proof, should he
say that the proof is false, he contradicts himself, but if he
declares the proof to be true, proof of its proof will be
demanded of him, and another proof for that, which proof
also must be true, and so on to the regressus in infinitum.

123 It is impossible, however, to present proofs in infinitum, so
that one will not be able to prove that one idea is to be
preferred to another. Since then one cannot either with-
out proof or with proof judge the ideas in question, the
suspension of judgment results, and how each thing appears
according to this or that position, or this or that distance,
or this or that place, we perhaps are able to say, but what
it really is it is impossible to declare, for the reasons which
we have mentioned.

The Sixth Trope.

124 The sixth Trope is the one based upon mixtures, accord-
ing to which we conclude that since no object presents
itself alone, but always together with something else, it is
perhaps possible to say of what nature the mixture is, of
the thing itself, and of that with which it is seen, but of
what sort the external object really is we shall not be able
to say. Now it is evident, I think, that nothing from
without is known to us by itself, but always with some-
thing else, and that because of this fact it appears different.

125 The color of our skin, for example, is different seen in
warm air from what it is in cold, and we could not say
what our color really is, only what it is when viewed
under each of these conditions. The same sound appears
different in rare air from what it is in dense, and aromas

Pyrrhonic Sketches by Sextus Empiricus. 133

are more overpowering in the warm bath and in the sun
than they are in the cold air, and a body surrounded by
water is light, but by air heavy. Leaving aside, however, 126
outer mixtures, our eyes have inside of them coatings and
humors. Since then visible things are not seen without
these, they will not be accurately comprehended, for it is
the mixture that we perceive, and for this reason those
who have the jaundice see everything yellow, and those
with bloodshot eyes bloody. Since the same sound appears
different in broad open places from what it does in narrow
and winding ones, and different in pure air and in impure,
it is probable that we do not perceive the tones unmixed ;
for the ears have narrow winding passages filled with
vaporous secretions, which it is said gather from places
around the head. Since also there are substances pre- 127
sent in the nostrils and in the seat of the sense of taste,
we perceive the things smelled and the things tasted in
connection with them, and not unmixed. So that because
of mixture the senses do not perceive accurately what the
external objects are. The intellect even does not do this, 128
chiefly because its guides, the senses, make mistakes, and
perhaps it itself adds a certain special mixture to those
messages communicated by the senses ; for in each place
where the Dogmatics think that the ruling faculty is situated,
we see that certain humors are present, whether one would
locate it in the region of the brain, in the region of the
heart, or somewhere else. Since therefore according to
this Trope also, we see that we cannot say anything re-
garding the nature of external objects, we are obliged to
suspend our judgment.

The Seventh Trope.
The seventh Trope is the one which, as we said, is based 129
upon the quantity and constitution of objects, constitution
commonly meaning composition. And it is evident that

134 Pyrrhonic Sketches by Seoctus Empiricus.

we are obliged to suspend our iudgment according to this
Trope also in regard to the nature of things. As for
example, filings from the horn of the goat appear white
when they are seen separately and without being put
together; put together, however, in the form of a horn,
they look black. And the parts of silver, the filings that
is, by themselves appear black, but as a whole appear
white ; and parts of the Taenarus stone look white when

130 ground, but in the whole stone appear yellow; grains of
sand scattered apart from each other appear to be rough,
but put together in a heap, they produce a soft feeling;
hellebore taken fine and downy, causes choking, but it

131 no longer does so when taken coarse ; wine also taken
moderately strengthens us, but when taken in excess relaxes
the body ; food similarly, has a different effect according to
the quantity, at least, it often disturbs the body when too

132 much is taken, causing dyspepsia and discharge. We shall
be able here also to say of what kind the cutting from the
horn is, and what many cuttings put together are, of what
kind a filing of silver is, and what many of them put
together are, of what kind the tiny Taenarus stone, and
what one composed of many small ones is, and in regard
to the grains of sand, and the hellebore, and the wine, and
the food, what they are in relation, but no longer the nature
of the thing by itself, because of the anomaly in the ideas
which we have of things, according to the way in which they

133 are put together. In general it appears that useful things
become harmful when an intemperate use is made of them,
and things that seem harmful when taken in excess, are not
injurious in a small quantity. What we see in the effect
of medicines witnesses especially to this fact, as an exact
mixture of simple remedies makes a compound which is
helpful, but sometimes when a very small inclination of
the balance is overlooked, the medicine is not only not

134 helpful, but very harmful, and often poisonous. So the

Pyrrhonic Sketches by Sextus Empiricus. 135

argument based upon the quantity and constitution of
objects, puts in confusion the existence of external objects.
Therefore this Trope naturally leads us to suspend our
judgment, as we are not able to delcare exactly the nature
of external objects.

The Eighth Trope.
The eighth Trope is the one based upon relation, from 135
"which we conclude to suspend our judgment as to what
things are absolutely, in their nature, since every thing is
in relation to something else. And we must bear in mind
that we use the word is incorrectly, in place of appears,
meaning to say, every thing appears to be in relation.
This is said, however, with two meanings : first, that every
thing is in relation to the one who judges, for the external
object, i.e. the thing judged, appears to be in relation to
the judge ; the other way is that every thing is in relation
to the things considered together with it, as the relation of
the right hand to the left. But we came to the conclusion 136
above, that every thing is in relation to something, as for
example, to the one judging ; each thing appears in relation
to this or that animal, and this or that man, and this or
that sense, and in certain circumstances ; as regards things
considered together, also, each thing appears in relation to
this or that mixture, and this or that Trope, and this or
that composition, quantity and place. And in another way 137
it is possible to conclude that every thing is in relation to
something, as follows : does the being in difference differ
from the being in relation, or not 1 If it does not difi'er,
then it is the same as relation ; if it does differ, since every
thing which diff'ers is in some relation, for it is said to be
in relation to that from which it differs, those things which
are in a difference are in a relation to something. Now 138
according to the Dogmatics, some beings belong to the
highest genera, others to the lowest species, and others to

136 Pyrrhonic Sketches by Sextus Empiricus.

both genera and species at the same time ; all of these
are in relation to something, therefore every thing is in
relation to something. Furthermore, among things, some
things are manifest, and others are hidden, as the Dogmatics
themselves say, and the things that make themselves known
to us are the phenomena, and the things that are made
known to us by the phenomena are the hidden things, for
according to the Dogmatics, the phenomena are the outward
appearance of the unknown; then that which makes known,
and that which is made known, are in relation to something ;

139 every thing, therefore, is in relation to something. In
addition to this, some things are similar to each other,
and others are dissimilar, some are equal, and others are
unequal. Now these things are in relation to something,
therefore every thing is in relation to something, and
whoever says that every thing is not in relation to some-
thing, himself establishes the fact that every thing is in

140 relation to something, for even in saying that every thing
is not in relation to something, he proves it in reference to
us, and not in general, by his objections to us. In short,
as we have shown that every thing is in relation to some-
thing, it is then evident that we shall not be able to say
exactly what each object is by nature, but what it appears
to be like in relation to something else. It follows from
this, that we must suspend our judgment regarding the
nature of things.

The Ninth Trope.

141 In regard to the Trope based on the frequency and
rarity of events, which we call the ninth of the series, we
give the following explanation: The sun is certainly a
much more astonishing thing than a comet, but because we
see the sun continually and the comet rarely we are so
much astonished at the comet that it even seems an omen,
while we are not at all astonished at the sun. If, however.

Pyrrhonic Sketches by Sextus Empiricus. 137

we should imagine the sun appearing at rare intervals, and
at rare intervals setting, in the first instance suddenly
lighting up all things, and in the second casting everything
into shade, we should see great astonishment at the sight.
An earthquake, too, does not trouble those who experience 142'
it for the first time in the same manner as those who have
become accustomed to it. How great the astonishment of
a man who beholds the sea for the first time ! And the
beauty of the human body, seen suddenly for the first
time, moves us more than if we are accustomed to seeing
it. That which is rare seems valuable, while things that 143
are familiar and easily obtained seem by no means so. If,
for example, we should imagine water as rare, of how much
greater value would it seem than all other valuable things !
or if we imagine gold as simply thrown about on the ground
in large quantities like stones, to whom do we think it would
be valuable, or by whom would it be hoarded, as it is now ?
Since then the same things according to the frequency or
rarity that they are met with seem to be now valuable and
now not so, we conclude that it may be that we shall be able 144
to say what kind of a thing each of them appears to be
according to the frequency or rarity with which it occurs,
but we are not able to say what each external object is
absolutely. Therefore, according to this Trope also, we
suspend our judgment regarding these things.

The Tenth Trope.

The tenth Trope is the one principally connected with 145
morals, relating to schools, customs, laws, mythical beliefs,
and dogmatic opinions. Now a school is a choice of a
manner of life, or of something held by one or many, as
for example the school of Diogenes or the Laconians. A 146
law is a written contract among citizens, the transgressor
of which is punished. A custom or habit, for there is no

138 Pyrrhonic Sketches by Seoctus Empiricus.

difference, is a common acceptance of a certain thing by
many, the deviator from which is in no wise punished.
For example, it is a law not to commit adultery, and it is

147 a custom with us to fj,r) Brjfioaia yvvaiKi nlr/vvcr6ai. A
mythical belief is a tradition regarding things which never
took place, but were invented, as among others, the tales
about Cronus, for many are led to believe them. A dog-
matic opinion is the acceptance of something that seems to
be established by a course of reasoning, or by some proof,
as for example, that atoms are elements of things, and that
they are either homogeneous, or infinitesimal, or of some
other description. Now we place each of these things
sometimes in opposition to itself, and sometimes in oppo-

148 sition to each one of the others. For example, we place a
custom in opposition to a custom thus : some of the Ethio-
pians tattoo new-born children, but we do not, and the
Persians think it is seemly to have a garment of many
colors and reaching to the feet, but we think it not so. The
Indians rat? yvvai^l hrjjjLoaia liiyvvvrat, but most of the

149 other nations consider it a shame. We place a law in
opposition to a law in this way : among the Eomans he
who renounces his paternal inheritance does not pay his
father's debts, but among the Rhodians he pays them in
any case ; and among the Tauri in Scythia it was a law to
offer strangers in sacrifice to Artemis, but with us it is

150 forbidden to kill a man near a temple. We place a school
in opposition to a school when we oppose the school of
Diogenes to that of Aristippus, or that of the Laconians to
that of the Italians. We place a mythical belief in oppo-
sition to a mythical belief, as by some traditions Jupiter is
said to be the father of men and gods, and by others
Oceanus, as we say —

" Oceanus father of the gods, and Tethys the mother."

151 We place dogmatic opinions in opposition to each other.

Pyrrhonic Sketches by Sextus Empiricus. 139

•when we say that some declare that there is only one
■element, but others that they are infinite in number, and
some that the soul is mortal, others that it is immortal ;
and some say that our aifairs are directed by the providence
•of the gods, but others that there is no providence. We 152
place custom in opposition to other things, as for example
"to a law, when we say that among the Persians it is the
■custom to practice appevo/ii^iai, but among the Romans
it is forbidden by law to do it ; by us adultery is forbidden,
but among the Massagetae indifference in this respect is
.allowed by custom, as Eudoxos of Cnidus relates in the '
first part of his book of travels ; among us it is forbidden
jtrfrpdffi filyvvadai, but among the Persians it is the
custom by preference to marry so ; the Egyptians marry
.«isters also, which among us is forbidden by law. Further, 153
we place a custom in opposition to a school, when we say
that most men avaxcopovprev fiiyvvcovrai Tal^ eavTwv
■^vvat^iv, 6 Se K.pdrrj'i ry 'Iinrap'xia Srifioaia, and Dio-
genes went around with one shoulder bare, but we go
around with our customary clothes. We place a custom 154
in opposition to a mythical belief, as when the myths say
that Cronus ate his own children, while with us it is the
custom to take care of our children ; and among us it is the
■custom to venerate the gods as good, and not liable to evil,
but they are described by the poets as being wounded, and
-also as being jealous of each other. We place a custom in 155
■opposition to a dogmatic opinion when we say that it is a
-custom with us to seek good things from the gods, but that
Epicurus says that the divine pays no heed to us; Aristippus
.also held it to be a matter of indifference to wear a woman's
robe, but we consider it shameful. We place a school in 156
■opposition to a law, as according to the law it is not allowed
to beat a free and noble born man, but the wrestlers and
boxers strike each other according to the teaching of their
manner of life, and although murder is forbidden, the

140 Pyrrhonic Sketches by Sextus Empiricus.

157 gladiators kill each other for the same reason. We plac&
a mythical belief in opposition to a school when we say-
that, althou£;h the myths say of Hercules that in company
with Omphale —

" He carded wool, and bore servitude,"
and did things that not even an ordinary good man
would have done, yet Hercules' theory of life was noble.

158 We place a mythical belief in opposition to a dogmatic-
opinion when we say that athletes seeking after glory as a
good, enter for its sake upon a laborious profession, but
many philosophers, on the other hand, teach that glory is

159 worthless. We place law in opposition to mythical belief
when we say the poets represent the gods as working
adultery and sin, but among us the law forbids those things.

160 We place law in opposition to dogmatic opinion when we say
that the followers of Chrysippus hold that it is a matter of
indifference to marry one's mother or sister, but the law

161 forbids these things. We place a mythical belief in oppo-
sition to a dogmatic opinion when we say that the poets
represent Jupiter as descending and holding intercourse;
with mortal women, but the Dogmatics think this was.

162 impossible ; also that the poet says that Jupiter, on account,
of his sorrow for Sarpedon, rained drops of blood upon the
earth, but it is a dogma of the philosophers that the divinCi
is exempt from suffering ; and they deny the myth of the
horse-centaurs, giving us the horse-centaur as an example.

163 of non-existence. Now we could give many other examples-
of each of the antitheses mentioned above, but for a brief
argument, these are sufficient. Since, however, such anomaly
of things is shown by this Trope also, we shall not be able:
to say what objects are by nature, but only what each,
thing appears to be like, according to this or that school,,
or this or that law, or this or that custom, or according tO'
each of the other conditions. Therefore, by this Trope-
also, we must suspend our judgment in regard to tha

Pyrrhonic Sketches by Sextus Empirious. 141

nature of external objects. Thus we arrive at i'!ro)(^ through
the ten Tropes.

CHAPTER XV.

The Five Tropes.
The later Sceptics, however, teach the following five 164
Tropes of iiroxv ■ first, the one based upon contradiction ;
second, the regressus in infinitum ; third, relation ; fourth,
the hypothetical; fifth, the circulus in probanda. The one 165
based upon contradiction is the one from which we find,
that in reference to the thing put before us for investigation,
a position has been developed which is impossible to be
judged, either practically, or theoretically, and therefore,
as we are not able to either accept or reject anything, we
end in suspending the judgment. The one based upon the 166
regressus in infinitum is that in which we say that the proof
brought forward for the thing set before us calls for another
proof, and that one another, and so on to infinity, so that,
• not having anything from which to begin the reasoning,
the suspension of judgment follows. The one based upon 167
relation, as we have said before, is that one in which the
object appears of this kind or that kind, as related to the
judge and to the things regarded together with it, but we
suspend our judgment as to what it is in reality. The one 168
based upon hypothesis is illustrated by the Dogmatics,
when in the regressus in infinitum, they begin from something
that they do not found on reason, but which they simply
take for granted without proof. The Trope, circulus in 169
probanda, arises when the thing which ought to prove the
thing sought for, needs to be sustained by the thing sought
for, and as we are unable to take the one for the proof of
the other, we suspend our judgment in regard to both.
Now we shall briefly show that it is possible to refer every
thing under investigation to one or another of these Tropes,
as follows : the thing before us is either sensible or intel-

142 Pyrrhonic Sketches by Sextus Empiricus.

170 lectual ; difference of opinion exists, however, as to what it-
is in itself, for some say that only the things of sense are
true, others, only those belonging to the understanding,
and others say that some things of sense, and some of
thought, are true. Now, will it be said that this difference
of opinion can be judged or cannot be judged 1 If it cannot
be judged, then we have the result necessarily of suspension
of judgment, because it is impossible to express opinion in
regard to things about which a difference of opinion exists-

171 which cannot be judged. If it can be judged, then we ask
how it is to be judged ? For example, the sensible, for we
shall limit the argument first to this — Is it to be judged by
sensible or by intellectual standards ? For if it is to be
judged by a sensible one, since we are in doubt about the
sensible, that will also need something else to sustain it ;
and if that proof is also something sensible, something else
will again be necessary to prove it, and so on in infinitum.

172 If, on the contrary, the sensible must be judged by something^
intellectual, as there is disagreement in regard to the
intellectual, this intellectual thing will require also judg-
ment and proof. Now, how is it to be proved ? If by
something intellectual, it will likewise be thrown into
infinitum ; if by something sensible, as the intellectual has
been taken for the proof of the sensible, and the sensible
has been taken for that of the intellectual, the circulus in

173 probando is introduced. If, however, in order to escape
from this, the one who is speaking to us expects us to take
something for granted which has not been proved, in order
to prove what follows, the hypothetical Trope is introduced,
which provides no way of escape. For if the one who
makes the hypothesis is worthy of confidence, we should in
every case be no less worthy of confidence in making a
contrary hypothesis. If the one who makes the assumption
assumes something true, he makes it suspicious by using
it as a hypothesis, and not as an established fact ; if it is

Pyrrhonic Sketches by Sextua Empiricus. 143

false, the foundation of the reasoning is unsound. If a 174
hypothesis is any help towards a trustworthy result, let
the thing in question itself be assumed, and not something
else, by which, forsooth, one would establish the thing
under discussion. If it is absurd to assume the thing
questioned, it is also absurd to assume that upon which it
rests. That all things belonging to the senses are also in 17&
relation to something else is evident, because they are in
relation to those who perceive them. It is clear then,
that whatever thing of sense is brought before us, it may
be easily referred to one of the five Tropes. And we come
to a similar conclusion in regard to intellectual things.
For if it should be said that there is a difference of opinion
regarding them which cannot be judged, it will be granted
that we must suspend the judgment concerning it. In 17&
case the difference of opinion can be judged, if it is judged
through anything intellectual, we fall into the regressus in
infinitum, and if through anything sensible into the drcidus
inprobando ; for, as the sensible is again subject to difference
of opinion, and cannot be judged by the sensible on account
of the regressus in infinitum, it will have need of the intel-
lectual, just as the intellectual has need of the sensible.
But he who accepts anything which is hypothetical again 177^
is absurd. Intellectual things stand also in relation, because
the form in which they are expressed depends on the mind
of the thinker, and, if they were in reality exactly as they
are described, there would not have been any difference of
opinion about them. Therefore the intellectual also is
brought under the five Tropes, and consequently it is
necessary to suspend the judgment altogether with regard
to every thing that is brought before us. Such are the
five Tropes taught by the later Sceptics. They set them
forth, not to throw out the ten Tropes, but in order to put
to shame the audacity of the Dogmatics in a variety of
ways, by these Tropes as well as by those.

144 Pyrrhonic Sketches by Sextus Empiricus.

CHAPTER XVI.
The Two Tribes.

178 Two other Tropes of e-7To-)(;q are also taught. For as it
appears that everything that is comprehended is either
comprehended through itself or through something else,
it is thought that this fact introduces doubt in regard to
all things. And that nothing can be understood through
itself is evident, it is said, from the disagreement which
exists altogether among the physicists in regard to sensible
and intellectual things. I mean, of course, a disagreement
which cannot be judged, as we are not able to use a sensible
or an intellectual criterion in judging it, for everything that
we would take has a part in the disagreement, and is un-

179 trustworthy. Nor is it conceded that anything can be
comprehended through something else ; for if a thing is
comprehended through something, that must always in
turn be comprehended through something else, and the
regressus in infinitum or the circulus in probanda follow. If,
on the contrary, a thing is comprehended through some-
thing that one wishes to use as if it had been comprehended
through itself, this is opposed to the fact that nothing can
be comprehended through itself, according to what we have
said. We do not know how that which contradicts itself
can be comprehended, either through itself or through
something else, as no criterion of the truth or of compre-
hension appears, and signs without proof would be rejected,
as we shall see in the next book. So much will suffice for
the present about suspension of judgment.

CHAPTER XVII.

WTiat are the Tropes for the overturning of Aetiology ?

180 In the same manner as we teach the Tropes of eiro^-q,
some set forth Tropes through which we oppose the Dog-
matics, by expressing doubt in regard to the aetiology of

Pyrrhdnic Sketches by Sextus Empiricus. 145

"which they are especially proud. So Aenesidemus teaches
eight Tropes, by which he thinks that he can prove all
the dogmatic aetiology useless. The first of th«se Tropes 181
lie said, relates to the character of aetiology in general,
which does not give incontestable testimony in regard to
phenomena, because it treats of unseen things. The "second
Trope states that although abundant resources exist by
"which to investigate the cause of a thing in question, some
Dogmatics investigate it in one way only. The third Trope 182
■states that the Dogmatics assign causes which do not show
■any order for things which have taken place in an orderly
manner. The fourth Trope states that the Dogmatics,
-accepting phenomena as they take place, think that they
•also understand how unseen things take place, although
perhaps the unseen things have taken place in the same
way as the phenomena, and perhaps in some other way
peculiar to themselves. The fifth Trope states that they 183
all, so to speak, assign causes according to their own
hypotheses about the elements, but not according to any
■commonly accepted methods. The sixth states that they
often explain things investigated according to their own
hypotheses, but ignore opposing hypotheses which have
•equal probability. The seventh states that they often give 184
reasons for things that not only conflict with phenomena,
but also with their own hypotheses. The eighth states
that although that which seems manifest, and that which is
to be investigated, are often equally inscrutable, they build
up a theory from the one about the other, although both
are equally inscrutable. It is not impossible, Aenesidemus 185
-said also, that some Dogmatics should fail in their theories
•of causality from other combinations of reasons deducible
from the Tropes given above. Perhaps also the five Tropes
■of eVo;^?; are sufficient to refute aetiology, for he who pro-
poses a cause will propose one which is either in harmony
■with all the sects of philosophy, with Scepticism, and with

10

146 Pyrrhonic Sketches by Sextus Empiricus.

phenomena, or one that is not. Perhaps, however, it is.
not possible that a cause should be in harmony with them,
for phenomena and unknown things altogether disagree

186 with each other. If it is not in harmony with them, the
reason of this will also be demanded of the one who pro-
posed it ; and if he accepts a phenomenon as the cause of
a phenomenon, or something unknown as the cause of the
unknown, he will be thrown into the regressus in infinitum ;
if he uses one cause to account for another one, into the
circulus in probanda ; but if he stops anywhere, he will
either say that the cause that he proposes holds good so^
far as regards the things that have been said, and introduce
relation, abolishing an absolute standpoint ; or if he accepts
anything by hypothesis, he will be attacked by us. There-
fore it is perhaps possible to put the temerity of the Dog-
matics to shame in aetiology by these Tropes.

CHAPTER XVIII.

The Sceptical Formulae.

187 When we use any one of these Tropes, or the Tropes of
iTro')(rj, we employ with them certain formulae which show
the Sceptical method and our own feeling, as for instance,
the sayings, "No more,'' "One must determine nothing,"'
and certain others. It is fitting therefore to treat of these
in this place. Let us begin with "No more."

CHAPTER XIX.

The Formula "No more."

188 We sometimes express this as I have given it, and
sometimes thus, "Nothing more." For we do not accept,
the "No more," as some understand it, for the examination
of the special, and " Nothing more " foT that of the general,
but we use " No more " and " Nothing more " without any
difference, and we shall at present treat of them as one and.

Pyrrhonio Sketches by Sextus Empiricus. 147

the same expression. Now this formula is defective, for
as when we say a double one we really mean a double gar-
ment, and when we say a broad one we really mean a
broad road ; so when we say " No more " we mean really
no more than this, or in every way the same. But some 189
of the Sceptics use instead of the interrogation "No 1" the
interrogation " What, this rather than this 1 " using the
word "what" in the sense of "what is the reason," so that
the formula means, " What is the reason for this rather
than for this ? " It is a customary thing, however, to use
an interrogation instead of a statement, as "Who of the
mortals does not know the wife of Jupiter ? " and also to
use a statement instead of an interrogation, as " I seek
where Dion dwells," and " I ask why one should admire a
poet." The word "what" is also used instead of "what
for " by Menander — " (For) what did I remain behind ? "
The formula "Not more this than this" expresses our own 190
condition of mind, and signifies that because of the equality
of the things that are opposed to each other we finally
attain to a state of equilibrium of soul. We mean by
equality that equality which appears to us as probable, by
things placed in opposition to each other we mean simply
things which conflict with each other, and by a state of
equilibrium we mean a state in which we do not assent to
one thing more than to another. Even if the formula 191
" Nothing more " seems to express assent or denial, we do
not use it so, but we use it loosely, and not with accuracy,
either instead of an interrogation or instead of saying,
" 1 do not know to which of these I would assent, and to
which I would not." What lies before us is to express
what appears to us, but we are indifierent to the words by
which we express it. This must be understood, however,
that we use the formula "Nothing more" without aflSrm-
ing in regard to it that it is wholly sure and true, but we
present it as it appears to us.

148 Pyrrhonic Sketches by Sextus Empiricus.

CHAPTER XX.

Aphasia.

192 We explain Aphasia as follows : The word ^dai<; is used
in two ways, having a general and a special signification.
According to the general signification, it expresses affirma-
tion or negation, as " It is day" or " It is not day" ; accord-
ing to the special signification, it expresses an affirmation
only, and negations are not called (^acret?. Now Aphasia
is the opposite of (fidcrK in its general signification, which,
as we said, comprises both afiirmation and negation. It
follows that Aphasia is a condition of mind, according to
which we say that we neither affirm nor deny anything.

193 It is evident from this that we do not understand by
Aphasia something that inevitably results from the nature
of things, but we mean that we now find ourselves in the
condition of mind expressed by it in regard to the things
that are under investigation. It is necessary to remember
that we do not say that we affirm or deny any of those
things that are dogmatically stated in regard to the un-
known, for we yield assent only to those things which
affect our feelings and oblige us to assent to them.

CHAPTER XXI.

"Perhaps," and "It is possible,'' and "It may be."

194 The formulae "Perhaps," and "Perhaps not," and "It
is possible," and "It is not possible," and "It may be," and
"It may not be," we use instead of "Perhaps it is," and
" Perhaps it is not," and " It is possible that it is," and " It
is possible that it is not," and " It may be that it is," and
" It may be that it is not." That is, we use the formula
" It is not possible " for the sake of brevity, instead of say-
ing " It is not possible to be," and " It may not be " instead

Pyrrhonic Sketches by Sextus Empiricus. 149

of "It may not be that it is," and "Perhaps not" instead'
of "Perhaps it is not." Again, we do not here dispute 195
about words, neither do we question if the formulae mean
these things absolutely, but we use them loosely, as I said
before. Yet I think it is evident that these formulae
express Aphasia. For certainly the formula "Perhaps it
is " really includes that which seems to contradict it, i.e. the
formula " Perhaps it is not," because it does not affirm in
in regard to anything that it is really so. It is the same
also in regard to the others.

CHAPTER XXII.
iiro'x^ or the Suspension of Judgment.

When I say that I suspend my judgment, I mean that 196
I cannot say which of those things presented should be
believed, and which should not be believed, showing that
things appear equal to me in respect to trustworthiness
and untrustworthiness. Now we do not affirm that they
are equal, but we state what appears to us in regard to
them at the time when they present themselves to us.
eiro'x^ means the holding back of the opinion, so as neither
to affirm nor deny anything because of the equality of the
things in question.

CHAPTER XXIII.

The Formula "I determine Nothing.''

In regard to the formula "I determine nothing," we 197
saj^ the following : By " determine " we mean, not simply to
speak, but to give assent to an affirmation with regard to
some unknown thing. For it will soon be found that the
Sceptic determines nothing, not even the formula "I de-

150 Pyrrhonic Sketches by Sextus Empiricus.

termine nothing," for this formula is not a dogmatic opinion,
that is an assent to something unknown, but an expression
declaring what our condition of mind is. "When, for ex-
ample, the Sceptic says, "I determine nothing," he means
this : " According to my present feeling I can assert or
deny nothing dogmatically regarding the things under
investigation," and in saying this he expresses what appears
to him in reference to the things under discussion. He
does not express himself positively, but he states what he
feels.

CHAPTER XXIV.

The Formula "Every thing is Undetermined."

198 The expression " Indetermination " furthermore shows
a state of mind in which we neither deny nor affirm posi-
tively anything regarding things that are investigated in a
dogmatic way, that is the things that are unknown. When
then the Sceptic says "Every thing is undetermined," he
uses "is undetermined," in the sense of "it appears unde-
termined to him." The words "every thing" do not
mean all existences, but those that he has examined of the
unknown things that are investigated by the Dogmatists.
By "undetermined," he means that there is no preference
in the things that are placed in opposition to each other,
or that they simply conflict with each other in respect to

199 trustworthiness or untrustworthiness. And as the one
who says "I am walking" really means "It is I that am
walking," so he who says "Every thing is undetermined"
means at the same time, according to our teachings, "as
far as I am concerned," or " as it appears to me," as if he
were saying "As far as I have examined the things that
are under investigation in a dogmatic manner, it appears
to me that no one of them excels the one which conflicts
with it in trustworthiness or untrustworthiness."

Pyrrhonic Sketches by Sextus Empiricus. 151

CHAPTER XXV.

The Formula "Every thing is Incomprehensible."
We treat the formula "Every thing is incomprehensible" 200
in the same way. For " every thing " we interpret in the
same way as above, and we supply the words " to me " so
that what we say is this : " As far as I have inspected
the unknown things which are dogmatically examined, it •
appears to me that every thing is incomprehensible." This is
not, however, to affirm that the things which are examined
by the Dogmatists are of such a nature as to be necessarily
incomprehensible, but one expresses his own feeling in
saying "I see that I have not thus far comprehended any
of those things because of the equilibrium of the things
that are placed in opposition to each other." Whence it
seems to me that every thing that has been brought forward
to dispute our formulae has fallen wide of the mark.

CHAPTER XXVI.
The Formulae "I do not comprehend" and "I do not

understand."
The formulae "I do not comprehend" and "I do not 201
understand " show a condition of mind in which the Sceptic
stands aloof for the present from asserting or denying
anything in regard to the unknown things under investi-
gation, as is evident from what we said before about the
other formulae.

CHAPTER XXVII.

The Formula " To place an equal Statement in opposition

to every Statement."

Furthermore, when we say " Every statement may have 202

an equal statement placed in opposition to it," by " every,"

we mean all the statements that we have examined ; we

do not use the word "statement" simply, but for a

152 PyrrJionic Sketches by Sextus Empiricus.

statement which seeks to prove something dogmatically
about things that are unknown, and not at all one that
shows a process of reasoning from premises and con-
clusions, but something which is put together in any sort
of way. We use the word " equal " in reference to trust-
worthiness or untrustworthiness. "Is placed in opposi-
tion " we use instead of the common expression " to conflict

203 with,'' and we supply "as it appears tome." When therefore
one says, "It seems to me that every statement which I
have examined, which proves something dogmatically, may
have another statement placed in opposition to it which
also proves something dogmatically, and which is equal to
it in trustworthiness and untrustworthiness,'' this is not
asserted dogmatically, but is an expression of human

204 feeling as it appears to the one who feels it. Some-
Sceptics express the formula as follows : " Every state-
ment should have an equal one placed in opposition to
it," demanding it authoritatively thus: "Let us place
in opposition to every statement that proves something
dogmatically another conflicting statement which also
seeks to prove something dogmatically, and is equal to
it in trustworthiness and untrustworthiness." Naturally
this is directed to the Sceptics, but the infinitive should be
used instead of the imperative, that is, "to oppose" instead

205 of "let us oppose." This formula is recommended to the
Sceptic, lest he should be deceived by the Dogmatists and
give up his investigations, and rashly fail of the arapa^ia
which is thought to accompany eTroyrj in regard to every-
thing, as we have explained above.

CHAPTER XXVIII.

General Observations on the Formulae of the Sceptics.

206 We have treated of a suflScient number of these formulae
for an outline, especially since what we have said about

PyrrJionic Sketches by Sextus Empiricus. 153

those mentioned applies also to others that we have
omitted. In regard to all the Sceptical formulae, it must
be understood in advance that we do not affirm them to be
absolutely true, because we say that they can even refute
themselves, since they are themselves included in those
things to which they refer, just as cathartic medicines not
only purge the body of humors, but carry off themselves
with the humors. We say then that we use these formulae, 20T
not as literally making known the things for which they
are used, but loosely, and if one wishes, inaccurately. It
is not fitting for the Sceptic to dispute about words,
especially as it contributes to our purpose to say that
these formulae have no absolute meaning ; their meaning
is a relative one, that is, relative to the Sceptics. Besides, 208-
it is to be remembered that we do not say them about all
things in general, but about the unknown, and things that
are dogmatically investigated, and that we say what appears
to us, and that we do not express ourselves decidedly about
the nature of external objects. By this means I think that
every sophism brought against the Sceptical formulae can
be overturned. We have now shown the character of 209
Scepticism by examining its idea, its parts, its criterion
and aim, and also the Tropes of etroxv, and by treating of
the Sceptical formulae. We think it therefore appropriate
to enter briefly into the distinction between Scepticism and
the nearly related schools of philosophy in order to more
clearly understand the Sceptical School. We will begin
with the philosophy of Heraclitus.

CHAPTER XXIX.

In what does the Sceptical School differ from the Philosophy
of Heraclitus ?

Now that this school differs from ours is evident, for 210

154 Pyrrhonic Sketches by Sextus Empiricas.

Heraclitus expresses himself about many unknown things
dogmatically, which we do not, as has been said. Aenesi-
demus and his followers said that the Sceptical School is
the way to the philosophy of Heraclitus. They gave as a
reason for this that the statement that contradictory
predicates appear to be applicable to the same thing, leads
the way to the statement that contradictory predicates are
in reality applicable to the same thing ; and as the Sceptics
say that contradictory predicates appear to be applicable
to the same thing, the Heraclitans proceed from this to
the doctrine that such predicates are in reality applicable.
We reply to this that the statement that contradictory
predicates appear to be applicable to the same thing is not
a dogma of the Sceptics, but is a fact that presents itself
not only to the Sceptics, but to other philosophers, and to

211 all men. No one, for instance, would venture to say that
honey does not taste sweet to those in health, and bitter
to those who have the jaundice, so that the Heraclitans
start from a preconception common to all men, as do we
also, and perhaps the other schools of philosophy likewise.
If, however, they had attributed the origin of the statement
that contradictory predicates are present in the same
thing to any of the Sceptical teachings, as, for example, to
the formula "Every thing is incomprehensible," or "I
determine nothing," or any of the other similar ones, it
may be that which they say would follow ; but since they
start from that which is a common experience, not only to
us, but to other philosophers, and in life, why should one
say that our school is a path to the philosophy of Herac-
litus more than any of the other schools of philosophy, or
than life itself, as we all make use of the same subject

212 matter ? On the other hand, the Sceptical School may not
only fail to help towards the knowledge of the philosophy
of Heraclitus, but may even hinder it ! For the Sceptic
attacks all the dogmas of Heraclitus as having been

Pyrrhonic Sketches by Sextus Empiricus. 155

rashly given, and opposes on the one hand the doctrine of
conflagration, and on the other, the doctrine that contra-
dictory predicates in reality apply to the same thing, and
in regard to every dogma of Heraclitus he scorns his
dogmatic rashness, and then, in the manner that 1 have
before referred to, adduces the formulae " I do not under-
stand" and "I determine nothing," which conflict with
the Heraclitan doctrines. It is absurd to say that this
conflicting school is a path to the very sect with which
it conflicts. It is then absurd to say that the Sceptical
School is a path to the philosophy of Heraclitus.

CHAPTER XXX.

In what does the Sceptical School differ from the Philosophy
of Democritus ?

The philosophy of Democritus is also said to have 213
■community with Scepticism, because it seems to use the
same matter that we do. For, from the fact that honey
iseems sweet to some and bitter to others, Democritus
reasons, it is said, that honey is neither sweet nor bitter,
;and therefore he accords with the formula "No more,"
which is a formula of the Sceptics. But the Sceptics and
the Democritans use the formula "No more" differently
from each other, for they emphasise the negation in the
expression, but we, the not knowing whether both of the phe-
nomena exist or neither one, and so we difi'er in this respect.
The distinction, however, becomes most evident when 214
Democritus says that atoms and empty space are real, for
by real he means existing in reality. Now, although he
begins with the anomaly in phenomena, yet, since he says
.that atoms and empty space really exist, it is superfluous,
I think, even to say that he diiFers from us.

156 Pyrrhonic Sketches by Sextus Empiricus.

CHAPTEE XXXI.

In what does Scepticism differ from the Cyrenaic Philosophy T

215 Some say that the Cyrenaic School is the same as the-
Sceptical, because that school also claims to comprehend
only conditions of mind. It differs, however, from it,
because, while the former makes pleasure and the gentle
motion of the- flesh its aim, we make ajapa^ia ours, and
this is opposed to the aim of their school. For whether
pleasure is presenter not, confusion awaits himwhomaintains.
that pleasure is an aim, as I have shown in what I said
about the aim. And then, in addition, we suspend our
judgment as far as the reasoning with regard to external
objects is concerned, but the Cyrenaics pronounce the
nature of these insqrutable.

CHAPTEE XXXII.

In what does Scepticism differ from the Philosophy of
Protagoras ?

216 Protagoras makes man the measure of all things, of
things that are that they are, and things that are not that
they are not, meaning by measure, criterion, and by things,
events, that is to say really, man is the criterion for all
events, of things that are that they are, and of things that
are not that they are not. And for that reason he accepts
only the phenomena that appear to each man, and thus he-

217 introduces relation. Therefore he seems to have community
with the Pyrrhoneans. He differs, however, from them,
and we shall see the difference after we have somewhat
explained how things seemed to Protagoras. He says, for
example, that matter is fluid, and as it flows, additions are
constantly made in the place of that which is carried away ;
the perceptions also are arranged anew and changed.

Pyrrhonic Sketches by Sextus Empiricus. 157

according to the age and according to other conditions of
the body. He says also, that the reasons of all phenomena 218
are present in matter, so that matter can be all that it
appears to be to all men as far as its power is concerned.
Men, however, apprehend differently at different times,
according to the different conditions that they are in ; for
he that is in a natural condition will apprehend those
qualities in matter that can appear to those who are in a 219
natural condition, while on the contrary, those who are in
an unnatural condition will apprehend those qualities that
can appear to the abnormal. Furthermore, the same
reasoning would hold true in regard to differences in age,
to sleeping and waking, and each of the other different
conditions. Therefore man becomes the criterion of things
that are, for all things that appear to men exist for men,
and those things that do not appear to any one among
men do not exist. We see that he dogmatises in saying
that matter is fluid, and also in saying that the reasons for
all phenomena have their foundation in matter, while
these things are unknown, and to us are things regarding
which we suspend our judgment.

CHAPTER XXXIII.

In what does Scepticism, differ from the Academic
Philosophy ?

Some say further that the Academic philosophy is the 220
same as Scepticism, therefore it seems appropriate to me
to treat of that also. There have been, as the most say,
three Academies — the most ancient one, that of Plato and
his followers ; the second and middle one, that of Arcesilaus
and his followers, Arcesilaus being the pupil of Polemo ; the
third and new Academy, that of Carneades and Clitomachus
and their followers ; some add also a fourth, that of Philo
and Charmides, and their followers ; and some count even a

158 Pyrrhonic Sketches by 8extus Ernpiricus.

fifth, that of Antiochus and his followers. Beginning thea
from the old Academy, let us consider the difference between

221 the schools of philosophy mentioned. Now some have
said that Plato was a Dogmatic, others that he was a
Sceptic, and others that he was in some things a Sceptic-
and in some things a Dogmatic. For in the fencing dialogues,
where Socrates is introduced as either making sport of
someone or contending against the Sophists, Plato has,
they say, a fencing and sceptical character, but he is-
dogmatic when he expresses himself seriously, either

222 through Socrates or Timaeus or any such person. In
regard to those who say that he is a Dogmatic, or a
Dogmatic in some things and a Sceptic in others, it would
be superfluous, it seems to me, to speak now, for they
themselves grant that he is different from us. The ques-
tion as to whether he was really a Sceptic or not we treat
more fully in the Memoranda, but here we state briefly
that according to Menodotus and Aenesidemus (for these
especially defended this position) Plato dogmatises when
he expresses himself regarding ideas, and regarding the
existence of Providence, and when he states that the
virtuous life is more to be chosen than the one of vice.
If he assents to these things as true, he dogmatises; or
even if he accepts them as more probable than otherwise
he departs from the sceptical character, since he gives a
preference to one thing above another in trustworthiness
or untrustworthiness ; for how foreign this is to us is

223 evident from what we have said before. Even if when
he performs mental gymnastics, as they say, he expresses,
some things sceptically, he is not because of this a Sceptic.
For he who dogmatises about one thing, or, in short, gives
preference to one mental image over another in trust-
worthiness or untrustworthiness in respect to anything
that is unknown, is a Dogmatic in character, as Timon

224 shows by what he said of Xenophanes. For after having

Pyrrhonic Sketches by Sextus Empiricus. 159

praised Xenophanes in many things, and even after having
dedicated his Satires to him, he made him mourn and
say—

" Would that I also might gain that mind profound.
Able to look both ways. In a treacherous path have I been

decoyed,
And still in old age am with all wisdom unwed.
For wherever I turned my view
All things were resolved into unity ; all things, alway
From all sources drawn, were merged into nature the same."

Timon calls him somewhat, but not entirely, free from
vanity, when he said —

" Xenophanes somewhat free from vanity, mocker of Homeric deceit,
Far from men he conceived a god, on all sides equal.
Above pain, a being spiritualised, or intellect."

In saying that he was somewhat free from vanity, he meant
that he was in some things free from vanity. He called
him a mocker of the Homeric deceit because he had scoflfed
at the deceit in Homer. Xenophanes also dogmatised, con- 22&
trary to the assumptions of other men, that all things are
one, and that G-od is grown together with all things, that
He is spherical, insensible, unchangeable, and reasonable,
•whence the difference of Xenophanes from us is easily
proved. In short, from what has been said, it is evident
that although Plato expresses doubt about some things, so
long as he has expressed himself in certain places in regard
to the existence of unknown things, or as preferring some
things to others in trustworthiness, he cannot be, it seems
to me, a Sceptic. Those of the New Academy, although 22&
they say that all things are incomprehensible, differ from
the Sceptics, perhaps even in saying that all things are in-
comprehensible (for they assert decidedly in regard to this,
but the Sceptic thinks it possible that some things may be
comprehended), but they differ evidently still further from .
us in their judgment of good and evil. For the Academi-
cians say that there is such a thing as good and evil, not

160 Pyrrhonic Sketches hy Sexius Empiricus.

as we say it, but more with the conviction that that which
they call good exists than that it does not ; and likewise in
regard to the evil, while we do not say anything is good
or evil with the conviction that it is probably so, but we live
our lives in an unprejudiced way in order not to be

227 inactive. Moreover, we say that our ideas are equal to
each other in trustworthiness and untrustworthiness, as
far as their nature goes, while they say that some are
probable and others improbable. They make a difference
also between the improbable ones, for they believe that
some of them are only probable, others probable and un-
disputed, still others probable, undisputed, and tested. As
for example, when a coiled rope is lying in a somewhat
dark room, he who comes in suddenly gets only a probable

.228 idea of it, and thinks that it is a serpent; but it appears to
be a rope to him who has looked carefully around, and
found out that it does not move, and that it is of such a
color, and so on, according to an idea which is probable
and undisputed. The tested idea is like this : It is said
that Hercules led Alcestis after she was dead back again
from Hades and showed her to Admetus, and he received
an idea that was probable and undisputed regarding
Alcestis. As, however, he knew that she was dead, his
mind drew back from belief and inclined to disbelief.

222 Now those belonging to the New Academy prefer the idea
which is probable and undisputed to the simply probable
one. To both of these, however, they prefer that which is
probable, undisputed, and tested. If, however, both those
of the Academy and the Sceptics say that they believe
certain things, there is an evident difference between the

530 two schools of philosophy even in this ; for "' to believe " is
used in a different sense, meaning, on the one hand, not to
resist, but simply to accept without strong inclination and
approval, as the child is said to believe the teacher ; on the
other hand, "to believe" is used to signify assenting to

Pyrrhonic Sketches by Sextus Empiriciis. 161

something with choice, and, as it were, with the sympathy
that accompanies strong will, as the prodigal follows the
one who chooses to live a luxurious life. Therefore, since
Carneades, Clitomachus, and their followers say that they
are strongly inclined to believe that a thing is probable, and
we simply allow that it may be so without assent, we differ 231
from them, I think, in this way. We differ from the New
Academy likewise in things concerning the aim ; for while
the men who say that they govern themselves according to
that School avail themselves of the idea of the probable in
life, we live according to the laws and customs, and our
natural feelings, in an unprejudiced way. We could say
more regarding the distinction between the two schools if
we did not aim at brevity. Nevertheless, Arcesilaus, who 232
as we said was the leader and chief of the Middle Academy,
seems to me to have very much in common with the
Pyrrhonean teachings, so that his school and ours are
almost one. For neither does one find that he expressed
an opinion about the existence or non-existence of any-
thing, nor does he prefer one thing to another as regards
trustworthiness or untrustworthiness ; he suspends his
judgment regarding all things, and the aim of his philo-
sophy is eTToxVi which is accompanied by arapa^la, and
this agrees with what we have said. But he calls the 233
particular instances of ejroxn bona, and the particular in-
stances of assent mala. The difference is that we say these
things according to what appears to us, and not affirma-
tively, while he says them as if speaking of realities, that
is, he says that eTro'x^V is in itself good, and assent an evil.
If we are to believe also the things that are said about him, 234
he appeared at first sight to be a Pyrrhonean, but he was
in truth a Dogmatic, for he used to test his companions by
the method of doubt to see whether they were gifted enough
to take in Plato's dogmas, so that he appeared to be a
Sceptic, but at the same time he communicated the doctrines

11

162 Pyrrhonic Sketches by Sextus Empiricus.

of Plato to thoseof his companions who were gifted. Hence
Ariston also said about him —

" Plato in front, Pyrrhon behind, Diodorus in the middle,"

because he availed himself of the dialectic of Diodorus, but

235 -was wholly a Platonist. Now Philo and his followers say
that as far as the Stoic criterion is concerned, that is to say
the (^avraaia KaToXtjiniKri, things are incomprehensible,
but as far as the nature of things is concerned, they are
comprehensible. Antiochus, however, transferred the Stoa
to the Academy, so that it was even said of him that he
taught the Stoic philosophy in the Academy, because he
tried to show that the Stoic doctrines are found in Plato.
The difference, therefore, between the Sceptical School and
the Fourth and Fifth Academy is evident.

CHAPTER XXXIV.

Is Empiricism in Medi-cine the same as Scepticism?

236 Some say that the medical sect called Empiricism is
the same as Scepticism. Yet the fact must be recognised,
that even if Empiricism does maintain the impossibility of
knowledge, it is neither Scepticism itself, nor would it
suit the Sceptic to take that sect upon himself. He could
rather, it seems to me, belong to the so-called Methodic

237 School. For this alone, of all the medical sects, does not
seem to proceed rashly in regard to unknown things, and
does not presume to say whether they are comprehensible
or not, but is guided by phenomena, and receives from
them the same help which they seem to give to the Scep-
tical system. For we have said in what has gone before,
that the every-day life which the Sceptic lives is of four
parts, depending on the guidance of nature, on the necessity
of the feelings, on the traditions of laws and customs, and

238 on the teaching of the arts. Now as by necessity of

Pyrrhonic Sketches by Sextus Empiricus. 163

the feelings the Sceptic is led by thirst to drink, and
by hunger to food, and to supply similar needs in the
same way, so also the physician of the Methodic School is
led by the feelings to find suitable remedies ; in constipation
he produces a relaxation, as one takes refuge in the sun
irom the shrinking on account of intense cold ; he is led
by a flux to the stopping of it, as those in a hot bath who
are dripping from a profuse perspiration and are relaxed,
hasten to check it by going into the cold air. Moreover,
it is evident that the Methodic physician forces those
things which are of a foreign nature to adapt themselves
to their own nature, as even the dog tries to get a sharp
stick out that is thrust into him. In order, however, that 239
I should not overstep the outline character of this work
by discussing details, I think that all the things that the
Methodics have thus said can be classified as referring to
the necessity of the feelings that are natural or those that
are unnatural. Besides this, it is common to both schools
to have no dogmas, and to use words loosely. For as the 240
Sceptic uses the formula "I determine nothing," and "I
understand nothing," as we said above, so the Methodic
also uses the expressions "Community," and "To go
through," and other similar ones without over much care.
In a similar way he uses the word "Indication" undog-
matically, meaning that the symptoms of the patient
either natural or unnatural, indicate the remedies that
would be suitable, as we said in speaking of thirst, hunger,
and other things. It will thus be seen that the Methodic 241
School of medicine has a certain relationship to Scepticism
which is closer than that of the other medical sects,
speaking comparatively if not absolutely from these and
similar tokens. Having said so much in reference to the
schools that seem to closelj"^ resemble Scepticism, we con-
clude the general consideration of Scepticism and the
First Book of the Sketches.

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— Winter. Edited by c. p. mason, b.a., f.c.p. WithLife. Crown 8vo, ij-.
TOVEY (REV. D. C). Reviews and Essays in English Literature,

By the rev. duncan c. tovey, m.a., Rector of Worplesdon, Clark
Lecturer at Trinity College, Cambridge. Crown 8vo, 5^. net.

WEBSTER'S INTERNATIONAL DICTIONARY of the English
Language. Including Scientific, Technical, and Biblical Words and
Terms, with their Significations, Pronunciations, Alternative Spellings,
Derivations, Synonyms, and numerous illustrative Quotations, with various
valuable literaiy Appendices, with 83 extra pages of Illustrations grouped
and classified, rendering the work a Complete Literary and Scientific
Reference-Book. New edition (1890). Thoroughly revised and en-
larged under the supervision of noah porter, d.d., ll.d. i vol. (2,118
pages, 3,500 woodcuts), 4to, cloth, 31J. 6d. ; half calf, £22s. ; halfrussia,
£2 5j. ; calf, £2 8j. ; or in 2 vols., cloth, £1 ms.

Prospectuses, with specimen ^ages, sent post free on application.

WEBSTER'S BRIEF INTERNATIONAL DICTIONARY. A
Pronouncing Dictionary of the English Language, abridged from Webster's
International Dictionary. With a Treatise on Pronunciation, List of
Prefixes and Suffixes, Rules for Spelling, a Pronouncing Vocabulary of
Proper Names in History, Geography, and Mythology, and Tables of
English and Indian Money, Weights, and Measures. With 564 pages
and 800 Illustrations. Demy 8vo, y.

WRIGHT (T.). Dictionary of Obsolete and Provincial English.
Containing Words from the English Writers previous to the 19th century,
which are no longer in use, or are not used in the same sense, and Words
which are now used only in the Provincial Dialects. Compiled by THOMAS
WRIGHT, M.A., r.s.A., etc. 2 vols., 5^. each.

Educational Catalog7ie. 29

FRENCH CLASS BOOKS.

BOWER (A. M.), The Public Examination French Reader. With
a Vocabulary to every extract, suitable for all Students who are preparing
for a French Examination. By A. M. bower, f.r.g.s., late Master in
University College School, etc. Cloth, y. dd.

BARBIER (PAUL). A Graduated French Examination Course.
By PAUL BARBIER, Lecturer in. the South Wales University College, etc.
Crown 8vo, y,

BARRERE (A.) Junior Graduated French Course. Affording Mate-
rials for Translation, Grammar, and Conversation. By A. BARRJiRE,
Professor R.M.A., Woolwich, is. dd.

— Elements of French Grammar and First Steps in Idioms. With

numerous Exercises and a Vocabulary. Being an Introduction to the
Precis of Comparative French Grammar. Crown 8vo, 2s.

— Precis of Comparative French Grammar and Idioms and Guide to

Examinations. i,th edition, y. td.

— Recits Militaires. From Valmy (1792) to the Siege of Paris (1870).

With English Notes and Biographical Notices. Q,nd edition. Crown 8vo, y.
CLAPIN (A. C). French Grammar for Public Schools. By the
REV. A. c. CLAPIN, M.A., St. John's College, Cambridge, and Bachelier-
^s-lettres of the University of France. Fcap. 8vo. Xi^h edition, is.td.
Key to the Exercises, y. dd. net.

— French Primer. Elementary French Grammar and Exercises for Junior

Forms in Public and Preparatory Schools. Fcap. 8vo. nth edition, is.

— Primer of French Philology. With Exercises for Public Schools.

giA edition. Fcap. 8vo, is.

— English Passages for Translation into French. Crown 8vo, 2s. 6d,

Key (for Tutors only), 41. net.
DAVIS (J. F.) Army Examination Papers in French. Questions set

at the Preliminary Examinations for Sandhurst and Woolwich, from Nov.,

1876, to June, 1890, with Vocabulary. By J. F. DAVis, D.LIT., M.A.,

Lond. Crown 8vo, 2s. 6d.
DAVIS (J. F.) and THOMAS (F.). An Elementary French

Reader. Compiled, with a Vocabulary, by J. F. davis, M.A., d.lit.,

and FERDINAND THOMAS, Assistant Examiners in the University of

London. Crown 8vo, 2s.
DELILLE'S GRADUATED FRENCH COURSE.

The Beginner's own French Book,
2s. Key, 2s.

Easy French Poetry for Be-
ginners. 2S.

French Grammar. 3.?. Key, 3J.

Repertoire des Prosateurs. -y. 6d.
Modules de Poesie. 3j-. 6d.
Manuel Etymologitjue. 2s. 6d.
Synoptical Table of French
Verbs. 6d.

ESCLANGON (A.). The French Verb Newly Treated I'lJfWSaa^i
Uniform, and Synthetic Method of its Conjugation. By A. Esclangon
Examiner in the University of London. Small 4to, 5j.

GASC (F. E. A.). First French Book; being a New, Practical, and
Easy Method of Learning the Elements of the French Language. Jieset
and thoroughly revised. 128M — i-yind thousand. Crown 8vo, ij.

Second French Book ; being a Grammar and Exercise Book, on a new

and practical plan, and intended as a sequel to the " First French Book."
55M thousand. Fcap. 8vo, is. 6d.

30 George Bell & Sons'

GASC (F. E. A..)—c(mHmud.

— Key to Fiistand Second French Books. Ith edition, Fcap. 8vo, y. 6d. net

— French Fables, for Beginners, in Prose, with an Index of all the Words

at the end of the work. 17M thousand. l2mo, is. 6d.

— Select Fables of La Fontaine, igth thousand. Fcap. 8vo, is. 6d.

— Histoires Amusantes et Instructives ; or, Selections of Complete

Stories from the best French modern authors, who have written for the
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— Practical Guide to Modern French Conversation, containing : —

I. The most current and useful Phrases in Everyday Talk. II. Every-
body's necessaiy Questions and Answers in Travel-Talk, l^th edition.
Fcap. 8vo, ij. ()d.

— French Poetry for the Young. With Notes, and preceded by a few

plain Rules of French Prosody. S/A edition, revised. Fcap. 8vo, is. 6d.

— French Prose Composition, Materials for. With copious footnotes, and

hints for idiomatic renderings. 2yd thousand. Fcap. 8vo, 3^.
Key. 2nd edition. 6s. net.

— Prosateurs Contemporains ; or, Selections in Prose chiefly from con-

temporary French literature. With notes, nth edition. i2mo, y. bd.

— Le Petit Compagnon ; a French Talk-Book for Little Children. 14/A

edition. l6mo, l^. 6d.

— French and English Dictionary, with upwards of Fifteen Thousand

new words, senses, &c., hitherto unpublished, ith edition, reset and con-
siderably enlarged. In one vol. Large 8vo, cloth, 12s. 6d. In use at
Harrow, Rugby, Shrewsbury, &c.

— Dictionary of the French and English Languages. 1,124 pages,

double columns. 8vo. 5j.

— Pocket Dictionary of the French and English Languages ; for the every-

day purposes of Travellers and Students. Containing more than Five
Thousand modern and current words, senses, and idiomatic phrases
and renderings, not found in any other dictionary of the two languages.
/^leiv edition. ^*]th thousand. i6mo, cloth, 2J. dd. ■

GOSSET (A.). Manual of French Prosody for the use of English
Students. By ARTHUR GOSSET, M.A., Fellow of New College, Oxford.
Crown Svo, 3^^.

GRANVILLE (W. E. M.). ABC Handbook of French Corre-
spondence. Compiled by w. E. m. Granville. Crown 8vo, 2s. 6d.

LE NOUVEAU TRESOR; designed to facilitate the Translation of
English into French at Sight. ByM. E. s. iZth edition. Fcap. 8vo, is. 6d.

STEDMAN (A. M. M.). French Examination Papers in Miscel-
laneous Grammar and Idioms. Compiled by A. M. M. stedman, m.a.

■- ..J^^ edition. Crown Svo, 2s. dd. A Key (for Tutors only), i>s. net.

-^■^asy French Passages for Unseen Translation. 2nd edition. Fcap.
Svo, IS. 6d.

— Easy French Exercises on Elementary Syntax. Crown Svo, zs. 6d.

— First French Lessons. Crown Svo, is.

— French Vocabularies for Repetition. Fcap. Svo, is.

— Steps to French. i8mo, Srf.

WILLAN (J. N.). Scheme of French Verbs, with Verb Papers, is.

Educational Catalogue.

31

FRENCH ANNOTATED EDITIONS.
BALZAC. Ursule Mirouet. By honors db balzac. Edited, with

Introduction and Notes, by jambs boielle, B.-is-L., Senior French

Master, Dulwich College. 3^.
CLARETIE. Pierrille. By jules CLARfiTiE. With 27 Illustrations.

Edited, with Introduction and Note% by James boIellb, B.-es-L. zs. dd.
DAUDET. La Belle Nivernaise. Histoire d'un vieux bateau et de son

equipage. By alphonse daudet. Edited, with Introduction and

Notes, by JAMES boielle, b.-^s-l. With Six Illustrations, is.

FENELON. Aventures de T616maque. Edited by c. j. delille.

a,th edition. Fcap. 8vo, 2s. td.
GOMBERT'S FRENCH DRAMA. Re-edited, with Notes, by F. %

GASC. Sewed, dd. each.

MOLIERE,

A.

Le Misanthrope.

L'Avare.

Le Bourgeois Gentilhomme,

Le Tartuffe.

Le Malade Imaginaire.

Les Femmes Savantes.

Les Fourberies de Scapin.
Les Precieuses Ridicules.
L'Ecole des Femmes.
L'Ecole des Maris.
Le Medecin Malgr6 Lui.

La Th^baide, ou Les Freres

Ennemis.
Andromaque.
Les Plaideurs.
Iphigenie.

RACINE.

Britannicus.
Phfedre.
Esther.
Athalie.

Le Cid.
Horace.

CORNEILLE.

1 Cinna.

I Polyeucte.

VOLTAIRE.— Zaire.
GREVILLE. Le Moulin Frappier By henry greville. Edited,

with Introduction and Notes, by James boielle, B.-es-L. 3^-.
HUGO. Bug Jargal. Edited, with Introduction and Notes, by James

BOIELLE, B.-es-L. y.

LA FONTAINE. Select Fables. Edited by F. e. a. gasc. \<)th

thousand. Fcap. 8vo, \s. 6d.
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Notes by JAMES bo"ielle, B.-fe-L. 6ih thousand. Fcap. 8vo, is.6d.
SAINTINE. Picciola. Edited by dr. dubuc. idth thousand. Fcap.

8vo, IS. 6d.
VOLTAIRE. Charles XII. Edited by L. direy. &th edition. Fcap.

8vo, IS. 6d.

GERMAN CLASS BOOKS.

BUCHHEIM (DR. C. A.). German Prose Composition. Consist-
ing of Selections from Modern English Writers. With grammatical notes,
idiomatic renderings, and general introduction. ByC. A. BUCHHEIM, PH.D.
Professor of the German Language and Literature in King's College, and
Examiner in German to the London University. 1 5//; edition, enlarged and
revised. With a list of subjects for original composition. Fcap. 8vo, 41, (>U,

32 George Bell & Sons'

BUCHHEIM (DR. C. A.)— continued.

A Key to the ist and 2nd parts, ■^rd edition, y. net. To the 3rd and
4th parts. 4J-. net.

— First Book of German Prose. Being Parts I. and II. of the above.

With Vocabulary by H. R. Fcap. 8vo, ij-. 6d.
CLAPIN (A. C). A German Grammar for Public Schools. By the
REV. A. c. CLAPIN, and F. HOLL-MULLER, Assistant Master at the Bruton
Grammar School. 6th edition. Fcap. 8vo, 2s. dd.

— A German Primer. With Exercises. 2nd edition. Fcap. 8vo, is.
German. The Candidate's Vade Mecum. Five Hundred Easy Sentences

and Idioms. By an Army Tutor. Cloth, \s. For Army Prelim. Exam.
LANGE (F.). A Complete German Course for Use in Public Schools.
By F. LANGE, PH.D., Professor R.M.A. Woolwich, Examiner in German
to the College of Preceptors, London ; Examiner in German at the Victoria
University, Manchester. Crown 8vo.

— Concise German Grammar. With special reference to Phonology,

Comparative Philology, English and German Equivalents and Idioms.
Comprising Materials for Translation, Grammar, and Conversation.
Elementary, 2s. ; Intermediate, 2j. ; Advanced, 3J. (>d.

— Progressive German Examination Course. Comprising the Elements

of German Grammar, an Historic Sketch of the Teutonic Languages,
English and German Equivalents, Materials for Translation, Dictation,
Extempore Conversation, and Complete Vocabularies. I. Elementary
Course, 2J. II. Intermediate Course, 2s. III. Advanced Course.
Second revised edition, is. dd.

— Elementary German Reader. A Graduated Collection of Readings in

Prose and Poetry. With English Notes and a Vocabulary. 4//^
edition, is. td,

— Advanced German Reader. A Graduated Collection of Readings in

Prose and Poetry. With English Notes by F. lange, PH.D., and
J. F. DAVIS, D.LIT. 2nd edition. 3^.
MORICH (R. J.). German Examination Papers in Miscellaneous
Grammar and Idioms. By R. J. morich, Manchester Grammar School.
2nd edition. Crown 8vo, 2s. 6d. A Key, for Tutors only. ^s. net.
PHILLIPS (M. E.). Handbook of German Literature. By MARY
E. PHILLIPS, LL.A. With Introduction by dr. a. weiss, Professor of
German Literatui-e at R. M. A. Woolwich. Crown 8vo, 3J. 6d.
■ STOCK (DR.). Wortfolge, or Rules and Exercises on the order of Words
in German Sentences. With a Vocabulary. By the late FREDERICK
STOCK, D.LIT., m.a. Fcap. 8vo, Is. bd.

KLUGE'S Etymological Dictionary of the German Language.
Translated by J. F. davis, d.lit. (Lond.). Crown 410, 7^-. dd.

GERMAN ANNOTATED EDITIONS.

AUERBACH (B.). Auf Wache. Novelle von berthold auerbach.

Der Gefrorene Kuss. Novelle von otto roquette. Edited by a. a.

macdonell, M.A. , PH.D. 2nd edition. Crown 8vo, 2j-.
BENEDIX (J. R.). Doktor Wespe. Lustspiel in fiinf Aufziigen von

JULIUS KODERICH BENEDIX. Edited by PROFESSOR F. LANGE, PH.D.

Crown Svo, 2s. bd.

Educational Catalogue. 33

EBERS (G.). EineFrage. Idyll von georg ebers. Edited by p. store,
B.A., Chief Master of Modern Subjects in Merchant Taylors' School.
Crown 8vo, is.

FREYTAG (G.). Die Journalisten. Lustspiel von gustav freytag.
Edited by PROFESSOR F. lange,ph.d. ^hrevisededition. CrownSvo, 2^.60?.

— SOLL UND HABEN. Roman von gustav freytag. Edited by

w. hanby crump, m.a. Crown 8vo, 2s. (sd.

GERMAN BALLADS from Uhland, Goethe, and Schiller. With Intro-
ductions, Copious and Biographical Notices. Edited by c. L. Bielefeld.
<ith edition. Fcap. 8vo, is. hd.

GERMAN EPIC TALES IN PROSE. I. Die Nibelungen, von
A. f. c. vilmar. II. Walther und Hildegund, von albert richter.
Edited by KARL neuhaus, PH.D., the International College, Isleworth.
Crown 8vo, 2s. 6d.

GOETHE. Hermann und Dorothea. With Introduction, Notes, and Argu-
ments. By E. BELL, M.A., and E. wolfel. yd edition. Fcap. 8vo, u. 6a?.

— Faust. Part I. German Text with Hayward's Prose Translation

and Notes. Revised, with Introduction by c. A. buchheim, PH.D.,
Professor of German Language and Literature at King's College, London.
Small post 8vo, 5-r.

GUTZKOW (K.). Zopf und Schwert. Lustspiel von karl gutzkow.
Edited by professor f. lange, ph.d. Crown 8vo, 2s. dd.

HEY'S FABELN FUR KINDER. Illustrated by o. speckter.
Edited, with an Introduction, Grammatical Summary, Words, and a com-
plete Vocabulary, by professor f. langb, PH.D. Crown 8vo, \s. 6d.

— The same. With a Phonetic Introduction, and Phonetic Transcription of

the Text. By professor f. langb, ph.d. Crown 8vo, 2s.
HEYSE (P.). Hans Lange. Schauspiel von PAUL heyse. Edited by

A. A. MACDONELL, M.A., PH.D., Taylorian Teacher, Oxford University.

Crown 8vo, 25.
HOFFMANN (E. T. A.). Meister Martin, der Kiifner. Erzahlung

von E. t. a. HOFFMANN. Edited by f. lange, ph.d. 2nd edition.

Crown 8vo, is. td.
MOSER (G. VON). Der Bibliothekar. Lustspiel von G. von moser.

Edited by F. lange, ph.d. i^h edition. Crown 8vo, 2s.
ROQUETTE (O.). .Sm Auerbach.
SCHEFFEL (V. VON). Ekkehard. Erzahlung des zehnten Jahr-

hunderts, von victor von scheffel. Abridged edition, with Intro-
duction and Notes by HERMAN hager, ph.d.. Lecturer in the German

Language and Literature in The Owens College, Victoria University,

Manchester. Crown 8vo, 3^,
SCHILLER'S Wallenstein. Complete Text, comprising the Weimar

Prologue, Lager, Piccolomini, and Wallenstein's Tod. Edited by dr.

BUCHHEIM, Professor of German in King's College, London. 6th edition.

Fcap. 8vo, $s. Or the Lager and Piccolomini, 2J-. 6d. Wallenstein's

Tod, 2s. td.
Maid of Orleans. With English Notes by DR. wilhelm wagner. yd

edition. Fcap. 8vo, \s. 6d.
Maria Stuart. Edited by v. kastner, b.-4s-l.. Lecturer on French

Language and Literature at Victoria University, Manchester, yd edition.

Fcap. 8vo, IS, 6d,

34 George Bell & Sons'

ITALIAN.
DANTE. The Infemo. A Literal Prose Translation, with the Text of the
Original collated with the best editions, printed on the same page, and
Explanatory Notes. By JOHN A. carlyle, m.d. With Portrait. 2,nd
edition. Small post 8vo, e^s.

— The Purgatorio. A Literal Prose Translation, with the Text of Bianchi

printed on the same page, and Explanatory Notes. By w. s. dugdale.
Small post 8vo, 5^.

BELL'S MODERN TRANSLATIONS.
A Series of Translations from Modern Languages, with Memoirs,

Introductions, etc. Crown 8vo, is. each.
DANTE. Inferno. Translated by the rev. h. F. car Y, M. A.

— Purgatorio. Translated by the REV. H. F. cary, m.a.

— Paradiso. Translated by the rev. h. f. cary, m.a.
GOETHE. Egmont. Translated by anna swanwick.

— Iphigenia in Tauris. Translated by ANNA swanwick.

— Goetz von Berlichingen. Translated by sir Walter scott.

— Hermann and Dorothea. Translated by B. A. BOWRING, c.B.
HAUFF. The Caravan. Translated by s. mendel.

— The Inn in the Spessart. Translated by s. mendel.
LESSING. Laokoon. Translated by e. c. beasley.

— Nathan the Wise. Translated by R. Dillon eoylan.

— Minna von Bamhelm. Translated by ernest bell, m.a.

V

MOLIERE. The Misanthrope. Translated by c. heron wall.

— The Doctor in Spite of Himself. (Le Medecin malgre lui.) Trans-

lated by C. HERON wall.

— Tartuffe ; or, The Impostor. Translated by c. heron wall.

— The Miser. (L'Avare.) Translated by c. heron wall.

— The Shopkeeper turned Gentleman. (Le Bourgeois Gentilhomme.)

Translated by C. HERON WALL.

— The Affected Ladies. (Las Precieuses Ridicules.) Translated by c.

HERON WALL.

— The Learned Women. (Les Femmes Savantes.) Translated by c.

HERON WALL.

— The Impostures of Scapin. Translated by c. heron wall.
RACINE. Athalie. Translated by R. bruce boswell, m.a.

— Esther. Translated by r. bruce boswell, m.a.

— Iphigenia. Translated by R. bruce boswell, Ma.

— Andromache. Translated by R. bruce boswell, m.a.

— Britannicus. Translated by R. bruce boswell, m.a.
SCHILLER. William Tell. Translated by sir Theodore martin,

K.c. B., LL.D. New edition, entirely revised.

— The Maid of Orleans. Translated by anna swanwick.

— Mary Stuart. Translated by J. MELLISH.

— Wallenstein's Camp and the Piccolomini. Translated by j. churchill

and S. T. COLERIDGE.

— The Death of Wallenstein. Translated by s. T. Coleridge.

,*„ For other Translations of Modern Languages, see the Catalogue of
Bohn's Libraries, which will be forwarded on application.

Educational Catalogue. 35

SCIENCE, TECHNOLOGY, AND ART.

CHEMISTRY.

COOKE (S.). First Principles of Chemistry. An Introduction to
Modern Chemistry for Schools and Colleges. By SAMUEL cooke, M.A.,
B.E., Assoc. Mem. Inst. C. E., Principal of the College of Science, Poena.
dih edition, revised. Crown 8vo, 2s. 6d.

— The Student's Practical Chemistry. Test Tables for Qualitative
Analysis, ^rd edition, revised and enlarged. Demy 8vo \s.

STOCKHARDT (J. A.). Experimental Chemistry. Founded on the
work of J. A. STOCKHARDT. A Handbook for the Study of Science by
Simple Experiments. By C. w. heaton, f.i.c, f.c.s., Lecturer in
Chemistry in the Medical School of Charing Cross Hospital, Examiner in
Chemistry to the Royal College of Physicians, etc. Revised edition, ^s.

BOTANY.

GROOM (P.). Elementary Botany. By Percy groom, m.a. (Cantab,
et Oxon.), F.L.S., Examiner in Botany to the University of Oxford.
With 275 Illustrations. 2nd edition. Crown 8vo, y. td.

HAYWARD (W. R.). The Botanist's Pocket-BooR. Containing in
a tabulated form the chief characteristics of British Plants, with the
botanical names, soil, or situation, colour, growth, and time of flowering
of every plant, arranged under its own order ; with a, copious Index.
By w. R. HAYWARD. ^th edition, revised. Fcap. 8vo, cloth limp, 4J. td.

LONDON CATALOGUE of British Plants. Part I., containing the
British Phaenogamia, Filices, Equisetaceae, Lycopodiacese, Selaginellacese,
Marsileaceae, and Characeae. f)th edition. Demy 8vo, (>d. ; interleaved
in limp cloth, is. Generic Index only, on card, 2d.

MASSEE (G.). British Fungus-Flora. A Classified Text-Book of
Mycology. By GEORGE massee. Author of "The Plant World." With
numerous Illustrations. 4 vols, post 8vo, ^s. dd. each

SOWERBY'S English Botany. Containing a Descripaon and Life-size
Drawing of every British Plant. Edited and brought up to the present
standard of scientific knowludge, by T. boswell (late syme), ll.d.,
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Species by the Editor, assisted by N. E. brown. 12 vols., with 1,937
coloured plates, ^24 3^. in cloth, £2(i II J. in half-morocco, and £-^0 gj.
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^ A Supplement, to be completed in 8 or 9 parts, is now publishing.
Parts* I., If., and III. ready, %s. each, or bound together, making
Vol. XIII. of the complete work, 17^.

TURNBULL (R.). Index of British Plants, according to the London
Catalogue (Eighth Edition), including the Synonyms used by the principal
authors, an Alphabetical List of English Names, etc. By ROBERT
TURNBULL. Paper cover, 2s. 6d., cloth, 3^.

38 George Bell & Sons'

MUSIC.
BANISTER (H. C). A Text Book of Music: By H. c. banister,
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This Manual contains chapters on Notation, Harmony, and Counterpoint,
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— Lectures on Musical Analysis. Embracing Sonata Form, Fugue,

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— Interludes. Six Popular Lectures on Musical Subjects. By the late

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— Musical Art and Study : Papers for Musicians. Fcap. 8vo, at.
HUNT (H. G. BONAVIA). A Concise History of Music, from the

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Students. By REV. H. G. bonavia hunt, Mus. Doc. Dublin ; Warden
of Trinity College, London ; and Lecturer on Musical History in the same
College. 15M edition, revised to date (1 898). Fcap. 8vo, 3^. td.

ART.

BARTER (S.) Manual Instruction — Woodwork. By s. barter
Organizer and Instructor for the London School Board, and to the Joint
Committee on Manual Training of the School Board for London, the City
and Guilds of London Institute, and the Worshipful Company of Drapers.
With over 300 Illustrations. Fcap. 4to, cloth. "Js. (id.

BELL (SIR CHARLES). The Anatomy and Philosophy of Expres-
sion, as connected with the Fine Arts. By sir Charles bell, k.h.
7//4 edition, revised. fyS,

BRYAN'S Biographical and Critical Dictionary of Painters and
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CHEVREUL on Colour. Containing the Principles of Harmony and Con-
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DELAMOTTE (P. H.). The Art of Sketching from Nature. By P.
H. DELAMOTTE, Professor of Drawing at King's College, London. Illus-
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Educational Catalogue. 47

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