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THE LETTER OF PORPHYRY
THE NEO-PLATONIST

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o

S

R
O

PORPHYRY

THE PHILOSOPHER
TO

HIS WIFE
MARCELLA

TRANSLATED WITH INTRODUCTION BY

ALICE ZIMMERN

GIRTON COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE
PREFACE BY

RICHARD GARNETT, C.B., LL.D.

LONDON

GEORGE REDWAY
1896

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A.

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PREFACE

No body of men should attract more
interest, and within certain limits more
sympathy, than those who in the third and
fourth centuries stood forth as the champions
of the creed and civilisation of the ancient
world. It is true that they failed to under-
stand their age ; it is also true that to the
believer in that Providential government of
the world known to the philosopher as " the
survival of the fittest," the fact that their
cause was lost is sufficient proof that in its
own brief day it was not fitting that it should
live. So it had been with Brutus and Cassius,
more endeared to posterity by their generous
errors than Augustus by his surpassing
5

PREFACE

fortune. It is true that, with the sublime
exception of the Emperor Julian, these men
were not of heroic mould ; that for the most
part they were as far below the martyrs of
the Roman Republic in character as they trans-
cended them in virtue of their cause. There
are nevertheless two bright exceptions to the
general taint of imbecility, in Plotinus and his
pupil Porphyry, whose epistle to his wife
Marcella forms the substance of this little
volume.

The strongest impression which a reader
of this epistle is likely to receive from it is
one of admiration of its lofty morality
and deeply religious spirit. In both these
respects it may be paralleled with any
Christian work of its age ; and it possesses
two distinct advantages over all such writings
in (save for a little trifling with the pleasing
idea of guardian angels) its entire freedom
from superstition and its perfect disin-
terestedness. It is evident that a section at
least of the ancient world had, independently
6

PREFACE

of any Christian influence,* attained to an
exalted moral and religious standard by the
beginning of the fourth century ; and it
becomes an interesting question why men in
Porphyry's position could do so little, not
merely to preserve the antique civilisation,
but to prevent the general corruption of
society. Christian and Pagan alike. The
answer, as it seems to us, may be best con-
veyed by the observation that, in Porphyry's
time, Christianity and philosophical Paganism
were changing places ; and that the exchange,
though ethically advantageous to Paganism in
the world of thought, was materially destruc-
tive to it in the world of fact.

From one point of view, it may be said
that but two religions exist in the world —
the religion of the flesh and the religion of
the spirit. The former is, of course, suscep-
tible of innumerable gradations, from the

* It is possible that Porphyry's four principles of faith, truth, love,
hope, may be adapted from St. Paul's faith, hope, and charity. But
this is very doubtful, and there is no other trace of indebtedness to
the New Testament, although citations from earlier philosophers are
numerous.

7

PREFACE

grossest fetishism to the most refined sacra-
mental symbolism ; but at bottom these are
all alike, agreeing in the fundamental pro-
position that something or other material —
something to eat, or something to drink, or
something wherewith to be clothed, or
cleansed, or aspersed, or at least some cere-
mony visible if not tangible, is not merely an
accident of religion, but of its very essence.
When it is remembered that for countless
ages primitive man could have had no other
objects of veneration than material objects,
and that usage makes heredity, and heredity
the very mind itself, there can be no wonder
that this is still the creed of the immense
majority, and that the ancient religions in par-
ticular should have been surcharged with shows
and rites hardly distinguishable from magical
incantations. It is the glory of primitive
Christianity to have swept away the heathen
rites along with the heathen deities, and its
good fortune to have been simultaneously
delivered from the scarcely less burdensome
8

PREFACE

Jewish ceremonies by the opportune destruc-
tion of Jerusalem. The New Testament is
anti-sacerdotal ; the " Teaching of the Twelve
Apostles " is anti-ritualistic ; the early records
of the Catacombs display dogma and ritual at
their minimum. Manifestly, however, the
standard of a small sect cannot be maintained
as it becomes an extensive society. Every
new convert brought of necessity his inherited
modicum of heathen prepossession ; and by
the time of Porphyry the Church was becom-
ing full of doctrines which would have aroused
the horror of the primitive Christians, and
ceremonies which would have excited their
ridicule. By this process, nevertheless, de-
formed as it might be from the point of view
of its original beauty, it was becoming a
power in secular things. During all the
period an exactly reverse movement had been
going on in philosophic heathenism, which,
though still trammelled by external veneration
for an official creed, was, under Seneca, Marcus
Aurelius, and Porphyry himself, growing
9

PREFACE

as unworldly as Christianity in its purest
days. The ascending and descending buckets
had met in the well, and hung for a moment
in equilibrium; but every day altered this
balance to the disadvantage of philosophy.
Porphyry's profound consciousness of the
mutation of things breathes throughout his
treatise. Though nominally a professor of
the religion of the State, he writes like the
teacher of a conventicle. He addresses a
select flock, a sHlk Gemeinde. The prohibi-
tion to seek after riches practically excludes
the commercial classes from the sphere of his
influence : the prohibition to enter into con-
troversy debars the philosophical church from
extending itself by missionary effort, as the
Christian was doing every day. More signi-
ficant still, Porphyry has lost confidence in the
State. "The conventional law," he says,
meaning thereby the jurisprudence of the
public tribunals, "is subject to expediency,
and is difi^erently laid down at difi^erent times
according to the arbitrary will of the prevail-

lO

PREFACE

ing government." This was very nearly the
position of the primitive Christians, except
that they were animated by the expectation
of a supernatural renovation of the world in
their own time. Porphyry could entertain no
such fallacious belief, but for want of it his
outlook on the world s affairs is discouraging ;
and his morality, though most spiritual, is
not sufficiently " on fire with emotion."
Philosophy is retiring into the cloister from
which Christianity is emerging.

It is evident, then, with all our admiration
for Porphyry's sanity and disinterestedness, so
infinitely above the current Christian theology
of his day, that he could not prevail in his
contest with the latter, nor was it for the
world's interest that he should. Philosophy
had lost the power of guiding men In the
mass, just at the time when it was most
imperative that that power should be exerted.
It certainly seemed for a space that the failure
of Christianity would be even more disastrous.
It is incontestable that Christianity has not

PREFACE

always at first proved an unmixed benefit to
the nations which have adopted it. The
degeneracy of Saxons, Franks and Celts,* as
soon as the new religion had, become firmly
established among them, can be no merely
accidental coincidence. But the evil wrought
among these was nothing to the general
collapse of patriotism and public spirit
throughout the Roman Empire under Christian
influences. In theory the regenerated con-
verts ought to have surpassed their ancestors
in every virtue ; in fact, they sank to a lower
level than Greece or Rome had known in the
worst of times. Nothing can be more
comical, only that nothing can be more
tragical, than the attitude of St. Augustine,
calmly sitting down to plot out a heavenly
city in the midst of the ruin of the earthly
city which he had helped to bring about.

* A striking illustration of the lowering of the standard of heroism
and honour among the Irish, consequent upon the introduction of
Christianity, may be found by a comparison of the story of Maeldun,
in Joyce's " Old Celtic Romances," with the ancient heathen legends
that precede it.

12

PREFACE

But in every case the remedy came through
the infusion of fresh unspoiled blood, and the
same agency which had destroyed the old
order proved itself adequate to control the
new. It is obvious that the Goths, Vandals,
Alans, Heruli and Gepidae, could not have
profited greatly by the instructions of Por-
phyry ; and that a prescient Providence had
done wisely to create the only instrument by
which, so far as we can see, they could have
been " subdued to the useful and the good ; "
at the cost, it must be admitted, of truth and
beauty which the world can ill spare. But
Providence, as Peer Gynt justly observes, " is
not economical."

Porphyry and his compeers had their day of
resurrection. If the thirty Christian contro-
versialists who had contended with him in
his life could have returned to earth near the
end of the fifteenth century, they would have
found the object of their animosity, with
other similar objects, enthroned not very far
13

PREFACE

off the Fathers as commentators on the Greek
Scriptures, Plato and Aristotle. So it has
continued, so it may continue for ever, for
the ancient battle-field has shifted, or rather
sunk into the earth. We have spoken hitherto
as though Porphyry and the Christians were
irreconcilably at variance, but in truth both
were agreed upon a vpwTov \pEvSoc, which lay
at the root of their respective faiths. Both
were sure that things were not as Heaven
intended them to have been ; they differed
respecting the explanation: the Christians
holding that the world had incurred a
curse from which it needed redemption, Por-
phyry deeming that every human soul had
literally " tumbled " out of light into darkness.
This imaginary fall, it will be observed, is the
very keynote of this treatise. Both views, it
need not be said, are diametrically opposed to
the teaching of modern science, which, without
disputing the undeniable fact of the existence
of moral evil, explains it as the survival of
qualities useful, and indeed necessary, while

PREFACE

man was passing through inferior grades of
being, but unlovely and noxious in the con-
dition which he has now attained, and more
and more so in proportion to every advance
of which this condition may prove capable.
This is no mere ingenious speculation, but a
truth pregnant with the most important
ethical results. To Porphyry and his contem-
poraries, the moral constitution was mainly the
concern of the individual. Science, by assert-
ing its physical origin and physical trans-
mission, makes it a concern of the race.
Hence a conception of duty to posterity, sur-
passing in grandeur and cogency any incentive
to right action which either Porphyry or his
opponents could conceive ; hence, too, that
present universal and irresistible shift of
religion from a theocentric to an anthropo-
centric attitude of which every thinking
man must in our time be conscious. These
circumstances lend especial interest to Por-
phyry's views on human duties, and it
is deeply to be lamented that the only extant
15

PREFACE

manuscript of his treatise fails us just as he is
entering upon the subject. So far as he has
proceeded, he has spoken only of the duties
of the master towards the slave. His pre-
cepts are admirable as such, but he has not
delved to the root of the matter; he sees
nothing intrinsically wrong in the ownership
of man by man, and has no conception
of freedom as the inalienable prerogative
of every human being. That so excellent
a moralist should have been unable to perceive
in the fourth century what is plain to every
civilised man in the nineteenth, is of itself
a sufficient demonstration of the reality of
human progress.

RICHARD GARNETT.

British Museum,
October 1895.

16

INTRODUCTION

In the year 332 B.C. Alexander the Greaty,
flushed with the victories of Granicus and Issus^,
took Tyre after a seven months' resistance, be-r-
sieged and captured Gaza, and marched thence in^
undisputed course to the frontier of Egypt. Here
he conceived a mighty scheme : the foundation of
a city, which should be the centre and keystone of'
his rule, where Europe, Asia and Africa should
meet and hold communion, where the best intel-
lects of the known world should assemble, where-
the greatest of kings might show that he was also-
the pupil of the greatest of philosophers.

Thus Alexandria came into being with its two
splendid harbours, its Pharos, the wonder of the
world, its magnificent public buildings. Alexander
himself marked out the circuit of the walls, the
direction of the principal streets, and the sites of
the numerous temples. But he never saw the city
17 B

INTRODUCTION

completed ; and, instead of his throne, it sheltered
his tomb..

It was left for his successor in Egypt, Ptolemy
Soter, to make Alexander's dream a reality. His
desire was to collect about him an aristocracy of
intellect — the wise men of the world. And they
came ; for Ptolemy could offer them that with
which even wise men cannot dispense — honour and
security, and but little of these fell to their lot in
those troublous days of Greece. Thus originated
the celebrated Alexandrian Museum and the even
more celebrated Library. Thus there grew up a
second Athens, but an Athens tainted by Oriental
luxury, which could not tell proudly of its " love of
beauty free from extravagance."

This beautiful city at the meeting-place of three
continents was a fitting home for all that was best
in Art, Science, and Thought. It was natural that
Philosophy should revive in this genial influence,
and that, side by side with the dream of an universal
State should grow up the vision of an universal
philosophy, one that should contain within itself all
that was essential in all philosophies, should pene-
trate to the essence of things, and show that the
main features of all were identical.

The history of ancient philosophy resolves itself
into a continuous contest between Idealism and
Materialism ; and the balance sways backwards and
i8

INTRODUCTION

forwards between them according to the spirit of
the age each school represents. The Stoic and
Epicurean schools represented a reaction against the
mere formalism of the later Academicians and
Peripatetics. But in the more luxurious days that
followed, Epicureanism degenerated into a mere cult
of pleasure, against which reaction was inevitable.
Stoicism held its ground the longest, and accom-
modated itself by internal changes to the changing
spirit ; until at last it too succumbed before the
newer teaching.

The centre of the new doctrine was Alexandria.
After the conquest of Egypt by Rome in 29 B.C.
this city lost some of its political importance, but it
became more than ever a centre of cosmopolitan
learning, where Greek and Roman, Jew and
Egyptian contributed their quota to the intel-
lectual life. The philosophers who founded Neo-
Platonism, really desired to revive the teachings of
their master Plato in their pristine purity, but
this was no longer possible. Just as the State was
no longer purely Greek, but a combination of
Roman, Greek and Eastern elements, so it was
natural that these other influences should tell on
thought ; and that, instead of pure Platonism re-
vived, the result should be an eclectic system,
combining in itself the best of all its prede-
cessors.

19

INTRODUCTION

The form this philosophy took was a more or
less religious one ; indeed there would seem no
reason why we should not apply the term Religion
to many of the developments of Neo-Platonism,
since its prominent features were ethical, and its
fundamental principle was the need of direct com-
munion with the Deity by faith and not by reason.
The whole spirit of Neo-Platonism may be summed
up in the longing for a mystic union with God.
Whether this mysticism was a purely Greek de-
velopment, or whether it was due in part to inter-
course with Oriental nations, is a point much
disputed, and which it is not necessary to consider
here.

The greatest of all the Neo-Platonists, the
master whose doctrine was reflected and ex-
pounded by Porphyry, was Plotinus, the most
metaphysical, most mystical, most incomprehen-
sible of all. He flourished in the third century
A.D. But the problems he faced had already been
considered by others. The Neo-Pythagoreans,
as faithful followers of their master, had preached
the value of asceticism as a purifying agency — a
doctrine that formed an important item in the
Neo-Platonic creed. In the domain of meta-
physics, some of them had already ventured on the
expedient of combining two systems, in attempting
to reconcile the ideas of Plato with the Numbers
20

INTRODUCTION

of Pythagoras. Both the eclecticism and the
asceticism are important features of Neo-Pla-
tonism. The link between Neo-Pythagoreanism
and Neo-Platonism was supplied by Plutarch
(50—120 A.D,), who aimed at a purer conception
of God. This very purification necessitated the
assumption of another power. Since unity and
goodness are the properties of God, multiplicity
and evil cannot be attributed to Him. Hence
Plutarch finds himself obliged to admit dualism.
What to the Jews was Satan, to the Christians the
Slanderer, to the Persians Ahriman, to Empedokles
Strife, to Aristotle Negation (<rr£/ori<Ttc)) to Plato
" the other" (OarEpov), was to Plutarch the first
principle of evil. The unity of God causes another
difficulty. How can He be brought into contact
with humanity ? This necessitates the assumption
of intermediate beings, and these too became a
dogma of Neo-Platonism. But the aim of the
philosopher must always be to purify his soul that
he may be directly united to God.

Stoicism too contributed its quota. Originally a
materialistic system, it was becoming imbued with
Platonism ; and we find the distinction between
soul and body emphasised, and the metaphor of the
body as a prison, while the need of some external
help to virtue was beginning to be felt.

The Jewish element which is undoubtedly
21

INTRODUCTION

traceable was due chiefly to the great Philo. Un-
consciously the Jews absorbed the ideas of Greek
philosophy, and read them into their own Scrip-
tures, maintaining, and doubtless believing, that
they read them out of them. They believed in an
opposition between the divine and the terrestrial, and
in an abstract conception of good, which, however,
they materialised into a concrete Jehovah. The
intermediate beings they found ready to hand in
the angels of their Scriptures. To these Philo adds
the Logos. The great infinite indivisible Deity
has two special attributes — goodness and power.
The third, which combines and unites them, is the
Logos (Thought or Reason), for it is through this
that God is good and powerful. The Logos
becomes the mediator between God and the world,
the ambassador of God, who communicates His
message to man, the interpreter of His will, the
viceroy who accomplishes it, the instrument
through which God created the world ; on the
other hand, he is the representative of the world in
its relation to the Godhead, the high priest who
intercedes for it, the idea of ideas, united to the
intelligible prototype of the world. Philo further
combines Platonic myth and Jewish Scripture in
his doctrine of the Fall. The descent of soul into
body is the fell of man ; his task in life is by
philosophy to rise above and out of the body, and

22

INTRODUCTION

be united once more with pure spirit, free from
carnal desire.

This doctrine of the Fall was a cardinal point of
Neo-Platonism. Nowadays one of the chief
points of difference between philosophy and theo-
logy is the question as to the Ascent or Descent
of Man. Evolution tells us that we have risen,
and shall rise still further, if not the individual, at
least the race ; theology maintains that the human
race has fallen from a condition of innocence, that
we are born in sin and must strive by divine
help to regain our lost purity. Not reason nor
our own power can make us virtuous, but only
direct help from above. Revelation and original
sin are the orthodox doctrines of theology, and
they are essential elements of the Alexandrian
teaching,

Philo might find the doctrine of the Fall in the
early chapters of Genesis, and in many passages of
Plato. The Phaedo tells how the baser souls become
entangled in bodies and are drawn down to earth; and
they, and not the divine power, are responsible for
the misfortune of their birth. Nothing can save
them but philosophy, and turning away the soul
from the things of this world. " For if a man had
always on his arrival in this world, dedicated him-
self from the first to sound philosophy, and had
been moderately fortunate in the number of his lot,
23

INTRODUCTION

he might be happy here, and also his journey to
another life and return to this, instead of being
rough and underground, would be smooth and
■heavenly."*

In Plato philosophy includes virtue, and the
moral is that the virtuous man must be happy in
'this world and the next. But the Alexandrian
philosophers went beyond Plato. They introduced
,a mystical element foreign to him, and probably
due to Oriental influence. God could not be
approached merely by reason or virtue, but the
pure soul might grasp Him by direct contact, might
in rare moments be united to Him and one with
Him. Thus Neo-Platonism assumes a theological
character, and the Alexandrian movement in some
of its aspects tends towards the foundation of a
universal religion.

But, though many of its elements are found
•scattered among earlier systems, yet it was not a
mere patchwork of older teachings. It was a
complete metaphysical system, built up by dialectic,
and confessedly based on the teachings of Plato,
though including much that is foreign to him.
The real architect of this scheme was Plotinus,
and, as such, he may claim the title of founder of
Neo-Platonism, though it was his master Ammo-
nius that first pointed out the way.

* Plato: Republic X, 619 E, Jowett's tran»lation.
24

INTRODUCTION

Plotinus was born at Lykopolis in Egypt in 204
A.D. So at least we have reason to believe, but the
great philosopher himself always refused to tell the
date and place of his birth, since he did not desire
to dwell on the details of that great misfortune, the
descent of soul into body. At the age of twenty-
eight, being inspired by a desire to study philo-
sophy^ he visited the leading schools of Alexandria,
but nowhere could he find the teaching he sought
for. At last a friend took him to the school of
Ammonius Saccas ; and, on hearing him, Plotinus
exclaimed : " This is the man I am seeking."

Ammonius is accounted by some the founder of
Neo-Platonism. Originally a Christian, he had
abandoned that doctrine for the teaching of Plato,
and was endeavouring to refound Greek philosophy
on the double basis of Plato and Aristotle. He was
a poor man apparently, and had followed the trade
of a porter, but his wisdom drew around him many
of the best minds of his time. He designedly
abstained from committing his doctrines to writing,
herein following the example of the older Pythago-
rean schools ; and he exacted a promise from his
disciples, that they -too would not divulge to the
world at large his more secret dogtrines. His chief
pupils were Origen, Herennjus, Longinus and
Plotinus. Herennius is said to have first broken
his oath, and the others followed.
25

INTRODUCTION

For eleven years Plotinus sat under Ammonius
Saccas ; then he set out for the East to study the
wisdom of Persia and India. At the age of forty
he settled in Rome, and there opened a school of
philosophy. Even before the edict of Caracalla had
conferred the rights of citizenship on provincial and
Italian alike, the Imperial city had learnt to wel-
come the great minds of the other nations over
whom she held sway. Rome was the intellectual
as well as the political centre, and every form of
philosophy, every religion but one, was held in
honour and found followers here.

In spite of the abstruse nature of his teaching,
crowds flocked around Plotinus. Men of science,
physicians, senators and lawyers came to hear him ;
even Roman ladies enrolled themselves among his
disciples. Rich men dying bequeathed their pro-
perty to him, and left their children in his charge, so
that his house was filled with youths and maidens.
The Emperor Gallienus even proposed to rebuild a
Campanian city, to bear the name Platonopolis, and
be administered by him on the principles of Plato's
Republic. This popularity of an abstruse philo-
sopher is a curious and perhaps unique phenomenon ;
and we can but ask whether Plotinus may not have
j condescended a little to his audience, and reserved
' his inner doctrines for a privileged few.

Many anecdotes are told of Plotinus and his
26

INTRODUCTION

admirers. He possessed in a strong degree the
power we now call thought-reading. On one
occasion a rich widow of his acquaintance had lost
a valuable necklace. Plotinus undertook to find
the thief, called up all the slaves, and at once named
the culprit. At another time he guessed and
frustrated Porphyry's intention of committing
suicide. He also foretold the future of all the lads
committed to his care. He entertained the greatest
contempt for his body, and refused to allow any
portrait of himself to be taken. When pressed on
this point, he answered : " As if it were not enough
to bear this image, with which Nature has sur-
rounded us, you think that a more lasting image of
this image should be left as a work worthy to be
inspected." However, a painter, who was one of
his admirers, studied his countenance during the
lectures, and produced his portrait from memory.
Those who knew him say that he was fair to look
upon, especially when his fece was lighted up by
the inspiration of speech. His hearers seem to
have been duly impressed with his ascetic prin-
ciples ; and it is amusing to read how one Roman
senator was unintentionally cured of the gout by re-
sorting to a low diet, in order to free his soul from
the thraldom of the body.

Plotinus died in 269 A.D., in the sixty-sixth year
of his age. He met his end with rejoicing, and
27

INTRODUCTION

desired his friends to celebrate the day with glad-
ness. His last words were, " I am striving with all
my might to return the divine part of me to the
divine whole which fills the universe." After his
death his disciples consulted the oracle of Delphi as
to the place of his soul, and were told in answer
that it had escaped from the fetters of the body,
and now shared the lot of the higher demons,
striving ever upward in everlasting bliss.

Plotinus wrote in all fifty-four books, and the
task of editing and revising these fell to the lot of
his greatest disciple. Porphyry. Thanks to his
industry and devotion, the Enneads have been
preserved ; and this monumental work has main-
tained for posterity the leading tenets of Neo-
Platonism.

Its main theses had been enounced by its pre-
decessors, the opposition between matter and spirit,
the evil nature of matter, the necessity of extri-
cating ourselves from the body. These are as-
sumed without further proof, but Plotinus with his
wonderful metaphysical power describes, with
many intricacies, the hierarchy of heaven and earth,
traces in detail the line of beings intermediate
between the Supra-Rational, the Highest Being
(to irpwTov), the primal First Cause, which is Rest
and Unity, to which no attributes may be ascribed,
since attributes imply multiplicity, and the creatures
28

INTRODUCTION

of the phenomenal world, which are sinful, moving,
ever changing. He distinguishes two spheres, that
of Intellect and that of Sense. Between the two
comes the Soul ; it is the outermost circle of light
that surrounds the primeval light ; outside all is dark-
ness. The world-soul must be distinguished from '
the soul in man. Yet even these are not divided ;
only the bodies in which they dwell are distinct.

In the world of Sense unity is changed into
multiplicity, harmony into strife, pure reason into
a mixture of reason and necessity, eternity into
time, being into seeming and a flux of becoming.
Matter is the basis of everything sensual, and it is
the source of all evil, as the divine Being is the
source of all good. Yet Plotinus was too much of
a Greek to deny the beauty of the world. It must
be beautiful, he says, because it is part of the
general harmony ; but it is impure, because it
belongs to sense. On this very point of the beauty
of the world he combats the Christians, and in
spite of his own ascetic tendencies, blames their
contempt for the world, probably because to him
it seemed aimless and meaningless. Evil in his
eyes is weakness, a negation rather than an existent
thing ; evil action is a failure in the attempt at
right, therefore it needs no devil to prompt it.

Plotinus describes at great length the history of
the soul before it enters the body. In reality souls
29

INTRODUCTION

enter bodies, because they are the links between
two worlds, and the tendency is downward. Here
he follows Plato. The soul is immortal, the body
is mortal ; a very bad soul may perish, a very good
soul may ascend to the stars ; average souls enter
bodies again. Death separates soul and body, but it
does not help the soul to rise, unless it has freed itself
from earthly taint by philosophy. The aim of the
philosopher is therefore to separate soul and body
by ending the desire of the soul for the body.
Hence Plotinus does not approve of suicide, for
nothing would be gained by this violent separation.
" There is," says Porphyry,* " a twofold death, the
one indeed universally known, in which the body is
liberated from the soul ; but the other peculiar to
philosophers, in which the soul is liberated from the
body. Nor does the one entirely follow the other."
The beauty of the world has an ethical value. It
kindles desire after the good, and thus we may
"rise on stepping-stones" from sensual to highest
beauty.

Plotinus does not deny a subordinate importance
to practical and political virtues. But far above
them are the theoretical or contemplative, by which
the soul, freed from evil, freed even from thought,
is united direct to the Highest Being. This is the

* " Auxiliaries to the Perception of Intelligible Natures, I." trans-
lated by Thomas Taylor.

30

INTRODUCTION

condition of ecstasy, to which Plotinus is said to
have attained four times in six years. These
moments of ecstasy are short and rare, and the
direct upward path is on the same h'ne as the
downward.

The teaching of Plotinus is an esoteric doctrine ;
his spiritual beings may be identified in the teach-
ing of the vulgar with the gods of the popular
religion. He has a preference for this, as the
doctrine of his own country, but he is conscious
that the esoteric teaching of all religions is the
same, and hence is tolerant towards every other.
The multitude cannot attain this divine contem-
plation ; they must pursue the lower path of the
practical virtues.

Such are in very brief outline the cardinal doctrines
of Plotinus. That they were ever made known to
the world is due largely to his favourite pupil.
Porphyry. It was he who induced his master to
break his vow, and write books to clear up points
that were left obscure. Plotinus' writings filled
fifty-four books, and it was these that Porphyry
arranged in six Enneades (groups of nine). We
learn that Plotinus never revised a page, and both
wrote and spelt badly j hence his disciple's task can
have been no sinecure, and he well deserved the
epithet bestowed on him by Eunapius, " a kind of
Mercury's chain let down among men " to com-
31

INTRODUCTION

municate to them the learning and wisdom from
above.

Porphyry was a Tyrian of good descent. He
was born in the year 233 A.D. He early showed a
fondness for travel, which seems to have been a
characteristic of the philosophers of those days, who
ranged from country to country, in search of the
teacher at whose feet it should be most profitable to
sit. There is some uncertainty about the hst of his
teachers and the places he visited. He studied
under Origen, perhaps at Cssarea, and he seems
at one time to have visited Alexandria. At Athens
he heard Apollonius and Longinus. At the age of
twenty he went to Rome, attracted by the fame of
Plotinus, but found that the great master had closed
his school and returned to the East. He then
went back to Longinus, and sat under him for
many years, becoming at last the chief ornament of
his school. Longinus was a man of such great
learning that " he was accounted a kind of living
library or walking study."* He was more of a
critic than a metaphysician, and he did not go with
the Alexandrians on all points, and refused to follow
Ammonius when he went beyond the limits of
Platonism. It is to him that Porphyry owes the
name by which we know him. His real name was
Malchus-^in the Syro-Phoenician language a king-

* Eunapius, translated by Smith.
32

INTRODUCTION

and Longinus bestowed on him the title Porphyrius
{irop<pvpioc), either as symbolic of the royal purple,
or, as some say, on account of the favourite colour
of his garments.

At the age of thirty, he once more set out for
Rome, this time as a confirmed disciple of Lon-
ginus, and, apparently somewhat uplifted by spiri-
tual pride, if, as Eunapius assures us, he travelled to
Rome, " that he might measure the worth and
greatness of the city by the wisdom he found in it."
Here he soon came into conflict with Plotinus.
Having actually ventured to attack one of the
master's dogmas in a written treatise, he was
assailed in his turn by Amelias, one of Plotinus'
disciples. A written controversy ensued, from
which Porphyry issued converted — a result rare
surely in the history of controversy — and ever
afterwards he continued the most faithful and
orthodox of Neo-Platonists. So dear did he be-
come to his master, that the greater part of
Plotinus' books were actually written in answer to
Porphyry's questions, so perhaps it was but fair
after all that Porphyry should have the task of
putting them in order.

For six years Porphyry sat under Plotinus, and
listened to the doctrines of the evil of matter, the
baseness of body, and the greatness of the philoso-
pher's task. At last despair at the smallness of his
33 c

INTRODUCTION

own powers came over him, and " he conceived a
hatred of body, and could no longer endure the
fetters of mortality." *

" Thus at the same time abandoning the causes
of his sorrow and delight, away he hastened to
Lilybasum, where he lay bewailing himself, and
macerating himself with hunger, and abstaining
from all manner of food, and withal from all human
conversation. Nor was the great Plotinus out of
the way in his conjecture of what was become of
him. He tracked him therefore by his footsteps,
and searching diligently after the young fugitive,
found him where he lay all alone in a sad condition ;
at which time, with a wealthy store of comfortable
words, he recalled his soul just ready to take flight
from his body, and strengthened his body to receive
his soul. And thus revived, he returned to himself
again, and wrote down in a book the discourses
that passed between them." t

Such is Eunapius' version of the story, but there
are others which state that Plotinus sought
Porphyry out in Rome, and advised him to go to
Sicily, thinking perhaps that rest and change might
help him to shake ofF his melancholy. There is a
good deal of obscurity about the details of Porphyry's
life, for it does not seem as though any faithful

* Thomas Taylor, " Introduction to Select Works of Porphyry."
f Eunapius, translated by Smith,

34

INTRODUCTION

disciple had done for him what he did for Plotinus,
and given the world an account of his master. It
seems agreed that he remained for some time in
Sicily, and Christian writers assert that his time
there was spent in writing fifteen books against
their doctrines. Frpm Sicily he passed to Car-
thage, and thence returned to Rome after the death
of Plotinus. Here he taught for some years, and
here, in 302 a.d., he married Marcella, a Roman
lady, the widow of a friend. Nothing further is
known to us about her. There is a conjecture that
she had once been a Christian, and that after her
marriage she reverted to her early faith. The
evidence for this is a passage in Porphyry's collection
of oracles {irspt rrig 'k Xoyltov ^i\oao(j)iag), quoted
by St. Augustine and others, in which a husband asks
the oracle by what means he may turn his wife from
Christianity. The answer is that it would be easier
to write on water or fly through air than to recall her
erring mind. There seems, however, no ground for
supposing that this refers to Porphyry's wife, and
the evidence of his own words in his letter to
Marcella seems sufficient to disprove the hypo-
thesis.

In order that there should be no mistake about

the motives that prompted his marriage. Porphyry

seems to have explained that it was no mere

commonplace love nor the desire to promote his

35

INTRODUCTION

own domestic comfort, or to have children of his
own, but because she had a disposition suited to
philosophy, and because he desired to give her a
home and help her bring up her seven children.
Ten months after the marriage the husband was
called away on some business which he describes as
connected with "the aiFairs of the Greeks,"* and
the will of the gods. And this journey has given
rise to many conjectures. A passage of Lactantius
deals with the persecutions endured by the Chris-
tians of Bithyniain the year 302. In these, he says,
two men took a leading part, one of whom pro-
fessed to be a high priest of philosophy [antistes
fhilosophiee\ but was in reality a man of vicious
habits, who hunted after wealth, while preaching
the beauty of poverty. It has been suggested that
the person here alluded to was Porphyry, and that
he had been sent hither by the Emperor Diocle-
tian to put down the Christians. The slander, for
such we may surely consider it, is of old standing, t
but the discovery of the letter to Marcella, in
which he hints that his journey was taken for
religious reasons, has given some fresh colour to the
story.

Perhaps the best refutation may be found in the
language used about him by his Christian oppo-

* Letter to Marcella.
f Vide Holstenius, " Vita Porphyrii."
36

INTRODUCTION

nents, who certainly had no reasons to deal gently
with him ; and yet bear full testimony to the
nobility of his character. Whoever the unworthy
philosopher may have been, we are surely justified
in believing the vices and excesses described to be
incompatible with the asceticism and simplicity of
life which Porphyry is known to have practised,
and which he is not likely to have abandoned at the
age of sixty-nine. He might have seen no objection
to persecuting the Christians, since their religion
was the one exception to his rule of universal
toleration, but he had other means of attack at his
disposal, if it is true that thirty Christians were
required to refute his writings against them.

The latter part of Porphyry's life is largely lost
in obscurity, but it seems certain that he returned
once more to Rome, and died there. Of the
manner of his death we know nothing. Even the
date is uncertain, but it was probably about 305.

It was during this last absence that he wrote the
letter to his wife, which was completely lost for so'
many centuries, and was only discovered in 1816
by Cardinal Mai, when searching for manuscripts of
Dionysius of Halicarnassus in the Ambrosian
Library at Milan. It aims at impressing on Marcella
the consolations of philosophy, and it bids her not
grieve for " the absence of him who sustains thy
soul, and Js to thee father, husband, teacher and
37

INTRODUCTION

kindred," since it is but the " shadow and visible
image " which are absent, while if she can learn to
ascend into herself, "collecting together all the
powers which the body has scattered and broken up
into a multitude of parts, unlike their former unity,
to which concentration lent strength," then soul
may meet soul in all purity, and distance be anni-
hilated. Thus his attempt at consolation becomes
a text, on which to hang a simple version of his
philosophy, suited to the feminine understanding,
and it thus supplies something like an easy abstract
of Porphyry's ethical teaching, which he who runs
may read.

The letter to Marcella suggests a religious treatise,
and this is natural, since it was the ethical side of
Neo-Platonism that, attracted Porphyry, and his
practical tendency led him to consider the
conduct of life, as based on the teachings of his
master.

The aim of philosophy is a moral life, the cure of
moral evils, the purification of our activity. Know-
ledge is only a means of purification, not in itself
an essential part of the highest life. The philo-
sopher is the physician of the soul. The motive of
philosophy is the salvation of the soul.

There is an essential opposition between matter
and spirit, yet the world of sense has sprung from
the world of spirit. The highest power produced
38

INTRODUCTION

one below it, and so on in a downward course, in
which multiplicity and evil increase, the further in
the scale beings are removed from the great First
Cause, for " everything which generates by its very
essence generates that which is inferior to itself."*
At last the soul which hovers between the two
worlds inclines downwards, and produces a lower
power akin to the body, which combines with it.
Now this descent on the part of the soul is volun-
tary, just as in Plato it is the souls which are
weighted by the corporeal that are dragged down,
again into the visible world.f It is the soul which
seeks the body. " Nature indeed binds the body to
the soul, but the soul binds herself to the body.
Nature therefore liberates the body from the soul,,
but the soul liberates herself from the body." J

Before ever the soul entered this earthly life, it
dwelt in the heaven of the fixed stars. Thence it
descended to earth through the seven planetary
spheres, clothing itself from their substance with
an aerial body {irvsvfia). This accompanies it
when it leaves the earthly body, and is fashioned
according to its preference for some earthly form.
The purest souls receive ethereal bodies, the next
class solar, the third class lunar bodies. Those

• Porphyry, "Auxiliaries to the Perception of InteUigibler
Natures," I. Translated by Thomas Taylor.

t Phzdo. t "Auxiliaries,"

39

INTRODUCTION

lowest in the scale, who have weighted their Trvivfia
by the damp mists of earthly atmosphere, are drawn
down below the earth. The pure souls have a
merely spiritual existence, free from desire, imagi-
nation, and remembrance of earthly things.

It follows that the aim of the philosopher must
be to rise to the height of these pure spirits. Since
body is opposed to soul, since love of God cannot
be combined with love of the body, the aim of life
must be the purification of the soul, and its
liberation from the bonds of the body. This is not
attained by death alone, but by freeing the soul
from a longing for the body.

There are four classes of virtues : the political
virtues, the purifying virtues, the intellectual
virtues, the contemplative virtues. The political
virtues tend to moderate passions, the purifying to
withdraw the soul from earthly things, the intel-
lectual then enable man to turn towards the First
Cause, but the contemplative lead him straight to
God. " The political virtues therefore adorn the
mortal man, and are the forerunners of purifica-
tions. The virtue of him who proceeds to the
contemplative life consists in a departure from
terrestrial concerns."* " He who energises accord-
ing to the practical virtues is a worthy man ; but he
who energises according to the cathartic (purifying)

* "Auxiliaries," II.
40

INTRODUCTION

virtues is an angelic man, or is also a good
demon. He who energises according to the intel-
lectual virtues alone is a god, but he who energises
according to the paradeigmatic* virtues is the father
ofgods."t

The last contain in themselves all the rest, but it
is the purifying to which we must give most heed,
for these lead the way to the others. It is these
that shall set us on the first rung of the upward
ladder, which can lead us back to the glory whence
we came. " He who wishes to return to his proper
kindred and associates, should not only with alacrity
begin the journey, but in order that he may be
properly received, should meditate how he may
divest himself of everything of a foreign nature
which he has assumed, and should recall to his
memory such things as he has forgotten, and with-
out which he cannot be admitted to his kindred and
friends." J To attain this it is necessary that "we
should divest ourselves of everything of a mortal
nature which we have assumed, together with an
adhering affection for it, which is the cause of our

* The paradeigma [TrapiZayiia) is the First Cause — the great
model and pattern of the universe. (See Plato, Tim. z8 C, Ref. 500 E.)
The paradeigmatic virtues are those by which the soul becomes one
with God.

+ "Auxiliaries," II.

X " On Abstinence from Animal Food," I. Translated by
Thomcs Taylor

4«

INTRODUCTION

descent, and that we should excite our recollection
of that blessed and eternal essence, and should
hasten our return to the nature which is without
colour and without quality, earnestly endeavouring
to accomplish two things : one that we may cast
aside everything material and mortal, but the other
that we may properly return and be conversant
with our true kindred, ascending to them in a way
contrary to that in which we descended hither."*
We must then "endeavour to the utmost of our
power to withdraw ourselves from sense and imagi-
nation and the irrationality with which they are
attended, and also from the passions which subsist
about them, as far as the necessity of our condition
in this life will permit .... We must therefore
divest ourselves of our manifold garments, both of
this visible and fleshly vestment, and of those with
which we are internally clothed, and which are
proximate to our cutaneous habiliments ; and we
must enter the stadium naked and unclothed, striv-
ing for the greatest of all prizes, the Olympia of the
soul."

To attain this end we must tread the path of
asceticism, not merely abstaining from food, but
also checking all desire for it. " For what benefit
shall we derive by abstaining from deeds, when at

*"On Abstinence from Animal Food," I. Translated by
Thomas Taylor.

42

INTRODUCTION

the same time we tenaciously adhere to the causes
from which the deeds proceed ? " We must subdue
our passions by abstinence from those visible per-
ceptions which excite them.

" Among these passions and perturbations those
which arise from food are to be enumerated."*

Thus to avoid excess in food is a help towards
the higher life. We should especially avoid flesh
food, because it weights and clogs our bodies, and
— which is even worse — may introduce malefic
demons into them. A vegetarian diet is to be pre-
ferred. Among other arguments against animal
food. Porphyry introduces one in his treatise on
the subject that must have been very unusual in
that age — the injustice towards the animals them-
selves. He even speaks of them with some affec-
tion, and tells some of the little stories about their
sagacity that are so common nowadays, but rare
surely in the mouth of a Hellene — e.g., "A lamprey
was so accustomed to the Roman Crassus as to
come to him when he called it by its name, on
which account Crassus was so affectionately dis-
posed towards it that he exceedingly lamented its
death, though prior to this he had borne the loss
of his three children with moderation." t

* " On Abstinence from Animal Food," I. Translated by
Thomas Taylor.
t Ibid. III.

43

INTRODUCTION

Abstinence from animal food is an act of justice,
and — which is even more important — it is a help
on the upward path, " since for that purpose it is
necessary to exchange the life which the multitude
leads for another, and to become purified both in
words and deeds." *

The aim being a purer and higher life, every
right means to that end should be adopted. It was
this need of external aids that turned the later Neo-
Platonists towards the help of religion. Porphyry
is willing to tolerate the polytheism of the multi-
tude, while himself accepting their gods as symbols,
and giving an esoteric interpretation to their
mythology. The wise men are the few, and they
must not hold the opinions of the multitude con-
cerning God, but they may join in the common
worship, provided that their sacrifices are only " the
first offerings of fruits that are used by men and
cakes made of the fine flour of wheat." t Those
whose thoughts are not pure should not speak of
God, and even the pure-minded will say little, " for
the knowledge of God makes discourse short." t
Sacrifice, though permissible, is of no special value
either to giver or receiver. " We are not harmed
by reverencing God's altars, or benefited by neglect-

* " On Abstinence from Animal Food," I. Translated by
Thomas Taylor.

•)• liU. IV. J Letter to Marcella.

44

INTRODUCTION

ing them. But whoever honours God under the
impression that He is in need of him, ignorantly
supposes himself to be greater than God." " God is
not in need of any one, and the wise man is in
need of God alone." * Prayer is allowed with limi-
tations. The highest God must not be invoked by
the human voice. We may pray to the gods of the
second class, but we must not ask anything un-
worthy of them. " For to each of the divinities a
sacrifice is to be made of the first-fruits of the
things which he bestows, and through which he
nourishes and preserves us. As therefore the
husbandman offers handfuls of the fruits and berries
which the season first produces, thus also we should
offer to the divinities the first-fruits of our concep-
tions of their transcendent excellence, giving them
thanks for the contemplation which they impart to
us and truly nourishing us through the vision of
themselves which they afford us, associating with,
appearing to, and shining upon us for our salva-
tion." t

There seems a little inconsistency in Porphyry's
tolerance of the popular belief in material deities ;
and his Christian opponents did not hesitate to
accuse him of cowardice in refusing to renounce
polytheism entirely. But Porphyry, Hke many
another noble Pagan, shrank from Christianity as a

« Letter to Marcella. t " Abstinence," II.

45

INTRODUCTION

revolutionary and uncompromising doctrine ; and,
while willing to see good in every national religion,
such as the Jewish, Chaldasan and Egyptian, he
remained to the last one of the bitterest foes of
Christianity. It may be that the very points of
resemblance between the two creeds tended to
emphasise the differences, and unquestionably even
amid the fiercest disputes they influenced each
other strongly, though probably Zeller is right in
thinking that Christianity borrowed more from
Neo-Platonism than the latter from Christianity.
Porphyry wrote fifteen books against the Chris-
tians. He was a formidable foe, for his knowledge
of the Bible was wide and accurate, and he antici-
cipated the German critics in discovering the late
date of the Book of Daniel. It is believed that
these books were purposely destroyed by his oppo-
nents ; at any rate they have not come down to us,
but those who are curious as to the controversy will
find many references to it in the writings of St.
Augustine. All that is impure and gross in the
religion of the multitude Porphyry lays to the
charge of evil demons. It is they who cause the
belief that evil comes from the gods, and that
they must be appeased by the sacrifice of animals.
They do this that they may nourish themselves
with the smoke from the altars ; moreover, they are
the authors of magic and of everything that is base
46

INTRODUCTION

in connection with Paganism. Even for the multi-
tude he desires to purify religion, and with a view
to this he expounds the inner meaning of the
Platonic and other myths, on which he lays great
stress. But the true philosopher will take little
heed of outward forms, for they do not concern him.
Like the Stoic sage, " he is his own priest ; he only
is beloved by God, and knows how to pray."

Plotinus marks the highest metaphysical, Por-
phyry the highest ethical attainment of Neo-
Platonism. After him it degenerated. The religious
side preponderated, and with it elaborate interpreta-
tions of myths, magic, and the like, which tended
towards a restoration of polytheism. At a later
date in the schools of Athens the revived study of
Aristotle led philosophy back to scientific principles.
But its work was done, for Christianity had
triumphed ; it degenerated into mere scholasticism,
and in this form dragged on an obscure existence
until Justinian closed the schools of Athens in 529.
But even then the end of Neo-Platonism had not
come. The revived study of Plato at the Re-
nascence produced new forms of it ; and in our
own day the Theosophists hold many of its tenets.
As long as Plato is read and honoured — and that
will be for many a long day — it is probable that he
will receive fresh interpretations j and those who
seek after signs and wonders will confound his
47

INTRODUCTION

teaching with that of the later degenerate Neo-
Platonists. For the intelligible interpretation of
pure Neo-Platonism at its best Porphyry has done
more than any other philosopher.

Unfortunately but few of his many works have
come down to us except in fragments. " Rhetoric,
grammar, numbers, geometry, music, philosophy,
natural and magical operations " are named with
magnificent vagueness by Eunapius as the subjects
with which he dealt. Those that have come down
to us fairly complete are — (i) A Life of Pytha-
goras. (2) A Life of Plotinus. (3) A treatise on
abstinence from animal food (TrEjoi aTro^ijc Ippvxwv).
(4) The Cave of the Nymphs {TrspX rov iv 'OSwito-ei^
Twv vvfi(j)wv avTpov), an allegorical interpretation of
a passage in the Odyssey. (5) Auxiliaries to the
perception of intelligible natures (dfopfial ttjooc to.
voriTo), a sort of anthology, with comment, from
Plotinus. (6) A letter to Marcella, of which the
end is wanting.

Thomas Taylor the Platonist (1750-1835), who
devoted so much loving care to a revival of Platonic
study, has translated the third, fourth and fifth of
these, and summarised the life of Plotinus. The
letter to Marcella is not an original work, being
full of quotations from Homer, Plato, Epicurus
and the Pythagorean philosophers. But it forms
an excellent summary of Porphyry's ethical views,
48

INTRODUCTION

and the purpose for which it was written — to con-
sole his wife in his absence — gives it an additional
interest. As far as I am aware, no English trans-
lation of this letter has as yet appeared ; and I am
therefore venturing to offer my own to the public^
though I am deeply conscious of my inability
worthily to perform this task. I can but hope that
it may be of some use and interest to those who
care to study the great minds of other creeds, in
order to realise more fully than before the essential
unity of truth.

Five editions of this letter have appeared, the
first in 1 8 1 6j by Cardinal Mai ; the second by
Orelli (1819) ; the third by Mai, in his collection
Classici Auctores (1831); the fourth and fifth by
Nauck, in the Teubner Classics (i860 and 1886).
My translation has been made from Mai's text, but
I have adopted many of the suggestive readings in
the Teubner edition. I have also had access to an
Italian translation by Chinazzi.

In the opinion of experts the Codex is not anterior
to the fifteenth century, and perhaps is of a later datej
it is preserved in a volume with several Greek
pamphlets in the Ambrosian Library at Milan ; and
by permission of Dr. Antonio Ceriani my friend
Signor E. Torelli Viollier was able to execute the
photograph of the open volume exhibiting the

49 D

INTRODUCTION

Codex which my publisher has reproduced as a
frontispiece.

To all these I desire to offer my warmest thanks ;
as well as to Dr. Garnett for his help and sympathy
throughout the work, to Mr. R. D. Hicks of
Trinity College, Cambridge, for most valuable
assistance with the translation, and to Professor
Postgate for several helpful suggestions.

50

PORPHYRY THE PHILOSOPHER
TO MARCELLA

PORPHYRY THE PHILOSOPHER
TO MARCELLA

I. I CHOSE thee as my wife, Marcella, though
thou wert the mother of five daughters and two
sons, some of whom are still little children, and
the others approaching a marriageable age ; and I
was not deterred by the multitude of things which
would be needful for their maintenance. And it
was not for the sake of having children that I
wedded thee, deeming that the lovers of true
wisdom were my children, and that thy children
too would be mine if ever these should embrace
right philosophy, when educated by us. Nor
yet was it because a superfluity of riches had fallen
either to thy lot or mine. For such necessaries
as are ours must suffice us who are poor. Neither
did I expect that thou wouldst afford me any ease
through thy ministrations as I advanced in years,
for thy frame is delicate, and more in need of
care from others than fitted to succour or watch
53

PORPHYRY THE PHILOSOPHER

over them. Nor yet did I desire other housewifely
care from thee, nor sought I after honour and
praise from those who would not willingly have
undertaken such a burden for the mere sake of
doing good. Nay, it was far otherwise, for
throfugh the folly of thy fellow-citi?ens, and their
envy towards thee and thine, I encountered much
ill-speaking, and contrary to all expectation, I
fell into danger of death at their hands on your
behalf

2. For none of these causes did I choose another
to be partner of my life, but there was a twofold and
reasonable cause that swayed me. One part was
that I deemed I should thus propitiate the gods of
generation ; just as Sokrates in his prison chose to
compose popular music, for the sake of safety in his
departure from life, instead of his customary labours in
philosophy, so did I strive to propitiate the divinities
who preside over this tragi-comedy of ours,and shrank
not from celebrating in all willingness the marriage
hymn, though I took as my lot thy numerous
children, and thy straitened circumstances, and the
malice of evil-speakers. Nor were there lacking
any of th6se passions usually connected with a play
— jealousy, hatred, laughter, quarrelling and anger;
this alone excepted, that it was not with a view to
ourselves but for the sake of others that we enacted
this spectacle in honour of the gods.
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TO MARCELLA

3. Another worthier reason, in nowise resembling
that commonplace one, was that I admired thee
because thy disposition was suited to true philo-
sophy ; and when thou wast bereaved of thy hus-
band, a man dear to me, I deemed it not fitting to
leave thee without a helpmeet and wise protector
suited to thy character. Wherefore I drove away all
who were minded to use insult under false pretence,
and I endured foolish contumely, and bore in patience
with the plots laid against me, and strove, as far as
in my power lay, to deliver thee from all who tried
to lord it over thee. I recalled thee also to thy
proper mode of life, and gave thee a share in philo-
sophy, pointing out to thee a doctrine that should
guide thy life. And who could be a more faithful
witness to me than thyself, for I should deem it
shame to equivocate to thee, or conceal aught of
mine from thee, or to withhold from thee (who
honourest truth above all things, and therefore
didst deem our marriage a gift of Heaven) a
truthful relation from beginning to end of all
that I have done with respect to and during our
union.

4. Now had my business permitted me to remain
longer in your country, it would have been possible
for thee to still thy thirst with fresh and plentiful
draughts from fountains close at hand, so that, not
contenting thyself with as much of this gift as

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PORPHYRY THE PHILOSOPHER

would be requisite for ends of utility, thou couldst
rejoice in easily supplying thyself at thy leisure with
plentiful refreshment. But now the affairs of the
Greeks requiring me, and the gods too urging me
on, it was impossible for thee, though willing, to
answer the summons, with so large a number of
daughters attending thee. And I held it to be
both foolish and wicked to cast them thus without
thee among ill-disposed men. And now that I am
compelled to delay here, though I cherish the
hope of a speedy return, I would deem it right to
warn thee to keep firm hold of those gifts thou
■didst receive in those ten months during which
thou didst live with me, and not to cast away that
thou already hast from desire and longing for more.
As for me, I am making what haste I can to rejoin
thee.

5. Yet considering the uncertainty of the future,
in travelling I must, in sending thee consolation,
lay upon thee commands. And I would say some-
what that this is more suitable for thee than to
take care of thyself and thy house,

" And keep all things in safety,"

left behind as thou art, not unlike Philoktetes in

the tragedy, suffering from his sore, though his

sore was caused by a baleful serpent, thine by the

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TO MARCELLA

knowledge of the nature and extent of the descent
to earth which has befallen our souls. Albeit the
gods have not forsaken us, as the sons of Atreus
forsook him, but they have become our helpers and
have been mindful of us. Now seeing thou art hard
beset in a contest, attended with much wrestling and
labour, I earnestly beg thee to keep firm hold upon
philosophy, the only sure refuge, and not to yield
more than is fitting to the perplexities caused by
my absence. Do not from desire for my instruc-
tion cast away what thou hast already received, and
do not faint before the multitude of other cares that
encompass thee, abandoning thyself to the rushing
stream of outward things. Rather bear in mind
that it is not by ease that men attain the possession
of the true good, and practise thyself for the life
thou expectest to lead by help of those very troubles
which are the only opponents to thy fortitude that
are able to disturb and constrain thee. As for
plots laid against us, it is easy for those to despise
them who are accustomed to disregard all that does\
not lie in our own power, and who deem that'
injustice rather recoils upon the doer than injures
those who believe that the worst injury inflicted on
them can cause them but little loss.

6. Now thou mayest console thyself for the
absence of him who sustains thy soulj and is to
thee fether, husband, teacher, and kindred, yea, if
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PORPHYRY THE PHILOSOPHER

thou wilt, even fatherland, though this seems to
oiFer a reasonable ground for unhappiness, by
placing before thee as arbiter not feeling but
reason. In the first place consider that, as I have
said before, it is impossible that those who desire to
be mindful of their return, should accomplish their
journey home from this terrestrial exile pleasantly
and easily, as through some smooth plain. For
no two things can be more entirely opposed to one
another than a life of pleasure and ease, and the
ascent to the gods. As the summits of mountains
cannot be reached without danger and toil, so it is
not possible to emerge from the inmost depths of
the body through pleasure and ease which drag men
down to the body. For 'tis by anxious thought that
we reach the road, and by recollection of our fall.
But even if we encounter difficulties in our way,
hardship is natural to the ascent, for it is given to
the gods alone to lead an easy life. But ease is
most dangerous for souls which have sunk to this
earthly life, making them forgetful in the pursuit of
alien things, and bringing on a state of slumber if
we fall asleep, beguiled by alluring visions.

7. Now there are some chains that are of very
heavy gold, but, because of their beauty, they
persuaded women who in their folly do not perceive
the weight, that they contribute to ornament,
and thus got them to bear fetters easily. But
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TO MARCELLA

other fetters which are of iron compelled them
to a knowledge of their sins, and by pain forced
them to repent and seek release from the weight';
while escape from the golden imprisonment, through
the delight felt in it, often causes grievous woe.
Whence it has seemed to men of wisdom that
labours conduce to virtue more than do pleasures.
And to toil is better for man, aye, and for woman
too, than to let the soul be puffed up and enervated
by pleasure. For labour must lead the way to
every fair possession, and he must toil who is eager
to attain virtue. Thou knowest that Herakles and
the Dioskuri, and Asklepius and all other children
of the gods, through toil and steadfastness accom-
plished the blessed journey to heaven. For it is not
those who live a life of pleasure that make the ascent
to the gods, but rather those who have nobly learnt
to endure the greatest misfortunes.

8. I know full well that there could be no
greater contest than that which now lies before
thee, smce thou thinkest that in me thou wilt lose
the path of safety and the guide therein. Yet thy
circumstances are not altogether unendurable, if
thou cast from thee the unreasoning distress of
mind which springs from the feelings, and deem it
no trivial matter to remember those words by
which thou wert with divine rites initiated into true
philosophy, approving by thy deeds the fidelity
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PORPHYRY THE PHILOSOPHER

with which they have been apprehended. For it is
a man's actions that naturally afford demonstrations
of his opinions, and whoever holds a belief must live
in accordance with it, in order that he may himself
be a faithful witness to the hearers of his words.
What was it then that we learnt from those men
who possess the clearest knowledge to be found
among mortals ? Was it not this — that I am in
reality not this person who can be touched or per-
ceived by any of the senses, but that which is farthest
removed from the body, the colourless and form-
less essence which can by no means be touched by
the hands, but is grasped by the mind alone. And
it is not from outward things that we receive those
principles which are implanted in us. We receive
only the keynote as in a chorus, which recalls to
our remembrance those things which we received
from the god who gave them us ere we set forth
on our wanderings.

9. Moreover, is not every emotion of the soul
most hostile to its safety ? And is not want of
education the mother of all the passions ? Now
education does not consist in the absorption of a
large amount of knowledge, but in casting off the
affections of the soul. Now the passions are the
beginning of diseases. And vice is the disease of
the soul J and every vice is disgraceful. And the
disgraceful is opposed to the good. Now since the
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TO MARCELLA

divine nature is good, it is impossible for it to
consort with vice, since Plato says it is unlawful
for the impure to approach the pure. Where-
fore even now we need to purge away all our
passions, and the sins that spring therefrom. Was
it not this thou didst so much approve, reading
as it were divine characters within thee, disclosed
by my words ? Is it not then absurd, though thou
art persuaded that thou hast in thee the saving
and the saved, the losing and the lost, wealth and
poverty, father and husband, and a guide to all true
good, to pant after the mere shadow of a leader, as
though thou hadst not within thyself a true leader,
and all riches within thine own power ? And this
must thou lose and fly from, if thou descend to
the flesh, instead of turning towards that which saves
and is saved.

10. As for my shadow and visible image, as thou
wast not profited by their presence, so now their
absence is not hurtful if thou attempt to fly from
the body. But thou wouldst meet with me in all
purity, and I should be most truly present and asso-
ciated with thee, night and day, in purity and with
the fairest kind of converse which can never be
broken up, if thou wouldst practise to ascend into
thyself, collecting together all the powers which
the body has scattered and broken up into a
multitude of parts unlike their former unity to
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PORPHYRY THE PHILOSOPHER

which concentration lent strength. Thou shouldst
collect and combine into one the thoughts im-
planted within thee, endeavouring to isolate those
that are confused, and to drag to light those that
are enveloped in darkness. The divine Plato too
made this his starting-point, summoning us away
from the sensible to the intelligible. Also if thou
wouldst remember, thou wouldst combine what thou
hast heard, and recall it by memory, desiring to turn
thy mind to discourses of this kind as to excellent
counsellors, and afterwards practising in action what
thou hast learnt, bearing it in mind in thy labours.

II. Reason tells us that the divine is present
everywhere and in all men, but that only the mind
of the wise man is sanctified as its temple, and God
is best honoured by him who knows Him best.
And this must naturally be the wise man alone,
who in wisdom must honour the Divine, and in
wisdom adorn for it a temple in his thought,
honouring it with a living statue, the mind

moulded in His image Now God is not

in need of any one, and the wise man is in
need of God alone. For no one could become
good and noble, unless he knew the goodness and
beauty which proceed from the Deity. Nor is any
man unhappy, unless he has fitted up his soul as
a dwelling-place for evil spirits. To the wise man
God gives the authority of a god. And a man is
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TO MARCELLA

purified hy the knowledge of God, and issuing
from God, he follows after righteousness.

12. Let God be at hand to behold and examine
every act and deed and word. And let us con-
sider Him the author of all our good deeds. But
of evil we ourselves are the authors, since it is we
who made choice of it, but God is without blame.
Wherefore we should pray to God for that which
is worthy of Him,, and we should pray for what we
could attain from none other. And we must pray
that we may attain after our labours those things
that are preceded by toil and virtue ; for the prayer
of the slothful is but vain speech. Neither ask of
God what thou wilt not hold fast when thou hast
attained it, since God's gifts cannot be taken from
thee, and He will not give what thou wilt not hold
fast. What thou wilt not require when thou art
rid of the, body, that despise, but practise thyself in
that thou wilt need when thou art set free, calling
on God to be thy helper. Thou wilt need none
of those things which chance often gives and again
takes away. Do not make any request before the
fitting season, but only when God makes plain the
right desire implanted by nature within thee.

13. Hereby can God best be reflected, who can-
not be seen by the body, nor yet by an impure soul
darkened by vice. For purity is God's beauty, and
His light is the life-giving flame of truth. Every
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PORPHYRY THE PHILOSOPHER

vice is deceived by ignorance, and turned astray by
wickedness. Wherefore desire and ask of God
what is in accordance with His own will and nature,
well assured that, inasmuch as a man longs after the
body and the things of the body in so far does he
fail to know God, and is blind to the sight of
God, even though all men should hold him as a god.
Now the wise man, if known by only few, or, if
thou wilt, unknown to all, yet is known by God,
and is reflected by his likeness to Him. Let then thy
mind follow after God, and let the soul follow the
mind, and let the body be subservient to the soul as
far as may be, the pure body serving the pure soul.
For if it be defiled by the emotions of the soul, the
defilement reacts upon the soul itself.

14. In a pure body where soul and mind are loved
by God, words should conform with deeds : since it
is better for thee to cast a stone at random than a
word, and to be defeated speaking the truth rather
than conquer through deceit ; for he who conquers
by deceit is worsted in his character. And lies are
witnesses unto evil deeds. It is impossible for a
man who loves God also to love pleasure and the
body, for he who loves these must needs be a lover
of riches. And he who loves riches must be un-
righteous. And the unrighteous man is impious
towards God and his fathers, and transgresses
against all men. And though he slay whole
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TO MARCELLA

hecatombs in sacrifice, and adorn the temples witk
ten thousand gifts, yet is he impious and godless,,
and at heart a plunderer of holy places. Wherefore
we should shun all addicted to love of the body as-
godless and impure.

15- Do not associate with any one whose opinions,
cannot profit thee, nor join with him in converse
about God. For it is not safe to speak of God with
those who are corrupted by false opinion. Yea, and
in their presence to speak truth or falsehood about
God is fraught with equal danger. It is not fitting
for a man who is not purified from unholy deeds
to speak of God himself, nor must we suppose that
he who speaks of Him with such is not guilty of a
crime. We should hear and use speech concerning
God as though in His presence. Godlike deeds
should precede talk of God, and in the presence of
the multitude we should keep silence concerning-
Him, for the knowledge of God is not suitable to
the vain conceit of the soul. Esteem it better to-
keep silence than to let fall random words about
God. Thou wilt become worthy of God if thou
deem it wrong either to speak or do or know aught
unworthy of Him. Now a man who was worthy
of God would be himself a god.

1 6. Thou wilt best honour God by making thy-
mind like unto Him, and this thou canst do by
virtue alone. For only virtue can draw the soul'

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PORPHYRY THE PHILOSOPHER

upward to that which is akin to it. Next to God
there is nothing great but virtue, yet God is greater
than virtue. Now God strengthens the man who
does noble deeds. But an evil spirit is the instigator
of evil deeds. The wicked soul flies from God,
and would fain that His providence did not exist,
and it shrinks from the divine law which punishes
all the wicked. But the wise man's soul is like
God, and ever beholds Him and dwells with Him.
If the ruler takes pleasure in the ruled, then God
too cares for the wise man and watches over him.
Therefore is the wise man blest, because he is in
God's keeping. 'Tis not his speech that is accept-
able to God, but his deed ; for the wise man
honours God even in his silence, while the fool
dishonours Him even while praying and offering
sacrifice. Thus the wise man only is a priest ; he
only is beloved by God, and knows how to pray,

17. The man who practises wisdom practises the
knowledge of God ; and he shows his piety not by
continued prayers and sacrifices but by his actions.
No one could become well-pleasing to God by the
opinions of men or the vain talk of the Sophists.
But he makes himself well-pleasing and consecrate
to God by assimilating his own disposition to the
blessed and incorruptible nature. And it is he who
makes himself impious and displeasing to God, for
God does not injure him (since the divine nature
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TO MARCELLA

can only work good), but he injures himself, chiefly
through his wrong opinion concerning God. Not
he who disregards the images of the gods is impious,
but he who holds the opinions of the multitude con-
cerning God. But do thou entertain no thought un-
worthy of God or of His blessedness and immortality.

1 8. The chief fruit of piety is to honour God
according to the laws of our country, not deeming
that God has need of anything, but that He calls us
to honour Him by His truly reverend and blessed
majesty. We are not harmed by reverencing God's
altars, nor benefited by neglecting them. But who-
ever honours God under the impression that He is in
need of him, he unconsciously deems himself greater
than God. 'Tis not when they are angry that the
gods do us harm, but when they are not under-
stood. Anger is foreign to the gods, for anger is
involuntary, and there is nothing involuntary in
God. Do not then dishonour the divine nature by
false human opinions, since thou wilt not injure the
eternally blessed One, whose immortal nature is
incapable of injury, but thou wilt blind thyself to
the conception of what is greatest and chiefest.

19. Again thou couldst not suppose my meaning
to be this when I exhort thee to reverence the
gods, since it would be absurd to command this as
though the matter admitted a question. And we do
not worship Him only by doing or thinking this or

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PORPHYRY THE PHILOSOPHER

that, neither can tears or supplications turn God
from His purpose, nor yet is God honoured by
sacrifices nor glorified by plentiful offerings ; but it
is the godlike mind that remains stably fixed in its
place that is united to God. For like must needs
approach like. But the sacrifices of fools are mere
food 1 for fire, and the offerings they bring help
the robbers of temples to lead their evil life. But,
as was said before, let thy temple be the mind that
is within thee. This must thou tend and adorn,
that it may be a fitting dwelling for God. Yet let
not the adornment and the reception of God be but
for a day, to be followed by mockery and folly and
the return of the evil spirit.

20. If, then, thou ever bear in mind that where-
soever thy soul walks and inspires thy body with
activity, God is present and overlooks all thy
counsels and actions, then wilt thou feel reverence
before the unforgotten presence of the spectator,
and thou wilt have God to dwell with thee. And
even though thy mouth discourse the sound of some
other thing, let thy thought and mind be turned
towards God. Thus shall even thy speech be in-
spired, shining through the light of God's truth and
flowing the more easily j for the knowledge of God
makes discourse short.

21. But wheresoever forgetfulness of God shall
enter in, there must the evil spirit dwell. For the

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TO MARCELLA

soul is a dwelling-place, as thou hast learnt, either
of gods or of evil spirits. If the gods are present,
it will do what is good both in word and in deed ;
but if it has welcomed in the evil guest, it does all
things in wickedness. Whensoever, then, thou
beholdest a man doing or rejoicing in that which is
evil, know that he has denied God in his heart and
is the dwelling-place of an evil spirit. They who
believe that God exists and governs all things have
this reward of their knowledge and firm faith : they
have learnt that God has forethought for all things,
and that there exist angels, divine and good spirits,
who behold all that is done, and from whose notice
we cannot escape. Being persuaded that this is so,
they are careful not to fall in their life, keeping
before their eyes the constant presence of the gods
whence they cannot escape. And they have attained
to a wise mode of life, and know the gods and are
known by them.

22. On the other hand, they who believe that
the gods do not exist and that the universe is not
governed by God's providence, have this punish-
ment : they neither believe themselves, nor yet do
they put faith in others who assert that the gods
exist, and that the universe is not directed by whirl-
ing motion void of reason. Thus they have cast
themselves into unspeakable peril, trusting to an
unreasoning and uncertain impulse in the events of
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PORPHYRY THE PHILOSOPHER

life ; and they do all that is unlawful in the en-
deavour to remove the belief in God. Assuredly
such men are forsaken by the gods for their ignorance
and unbelief. Yet they cannot flee and escape the
notice of the gods or of justice their attendant, but
having chosen an evil and erring life, though they
know not the gods, yet are they known by them
and by justice that dwells with the gods.

23. Even if they think they honour the gods, and
are persuaded that they exist, yet neglect virtue and
wisdom, they really have denied the divinities and
dishonour them. Mere unreasoning faith without
right living does not attain to God. Nor is it an act
of piety to honour God without having first ascer-
tained in what manner He delights to be honoured.
If, then. He is gratified and won over by libations
and sacrifices, it would not be just that while all men
make the same requests they should obtain different
answers to their prayers. But if there is nothing that
God desires less than this, while he delights only in
the purification of the mind, which every man can
attain of his own free choice, what injustice could
there be ? But if the divine nature delights in
both kinds of service, it should receive honour by
sacred rites according to each man's power, and by
the thoughts of his mind even beyond that power.
It is not wrong to pray to God, since ingratitude
is a grievous wrong.

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TO MARC ELLA

24. No god is in fault for a man's wiclcedness,
but the man who has chosen it for himself. The
prayer which is accompanied by base actions is im-
pure, and therefore not acceptable to God 5 but that
which is accompanied by noble actions is pure, and
at the same time acceptable.

There are four first principles that must be up-
held concerning God — faith, truth, love, hope. We
must have faith that our only salvation is in turning
to God. And having faith, we must strive with
all our might to know the truth about God. And
when we know this, we must love Him we do
know. And when we love Him we must nourish
our souls on good hopes for our life, for it is by
their good hopes good men are superior to bad
ones. Let then these four principles be firmly
held.

25. Next let these three laws be distinguished.
First, the law of God ; second, the law of human
nature ; third, that which is laid down for nations
and states. The law of nature fixes the limits of
bodily needs, and shows what is necessary to these,
and condemns all striving after what is needless and
superfluous. Now that which is established and
laid down for States regulates by fixed agreements
the common relations of men, by their mutual
observance of the covenants laid down. But the
divine law is implanted by the mind, for their

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PORPHYRY THE PHILOSOPHER

•welfare, in the thoughts of reasoning souls, and
it is found truthfully inscribed therein. The
law of humanity is transgressed by him who
through vain opinions knows it not, owing to his
excessive love for the pleasures of the body. And
it is broken and despised by those who, even for the
tody's sake, gain the mastery over the body. But
the conventional law is subject to expediency, and
is differently laid down at different times according
to the arbitrary will of the prevailing government.
It punishes him who transgresses it, but it cannot
reach a man's secret thoughts and intentions.

26. The divine law is unknown to the soul that
folly and intemperance have rendered impure, but
it shines forth in self-control and wisdom. -It is
impossible to transgress this, for there is nothing in
man that can transcend it. Nor can it be despised,
for it cannot shine forth in a man who will despise
it. Nor is it moved by chances of fortune, because
it is in truth superior to chance and stronger than
any form of violence. Mind alone knows it, and
diligently pursues the search thereafter, and finds
it imprinted in itself, and supplies from it food to
the soul as to its own body. We must regard the
rational soul as the body of the mind, which the
mind nourishes by bringing into recognition,
through the light that is in it, the thoughts
within, which mind imprinted and engraved in the
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TO MARCELLA

soul in accordance with the truth of the divine law.
Thus mind is become teacher and saviour, nurse,
guardian and leader, speaking the truth in silence,
unfolding and giving forth the divine law ; and
looking on the impressions thereof in itself it
beholds them implanted in the soul from all
eternity.

27. You must therefore first understand the law
of nature, and then proceed to the divine law, by
which also the natural law hath been prescribed.
And if you make these your starting-point you
shall never fear the written law. For written laws
are made for the benefit of good men, not that they
may do no wrong, but that they may not suffer it.
Natural wealth is limited, and it is easy to attain.
But the wealth desired of vain opinions has no
limits, and is hard to attain. The true philosopher
therefore, following nature and not vain opinions,
is self-sufficing in all things ; for in the light of
the requirements of nature every possession is
some wealth, but in the light of unlimited desires
even the greatest wealth is but poverty. Truly
it is no uncommon thing to find a man who
is rich if tried by the standard at which
nature aims, but poor by the standard of vain
opinions. No fool is satisfied with what he pos-
sesses ; he rather mourns for what he has not. Just
as men in a fever are always thirsty through the
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PORPHYRY THE PHILOSOPHER

grievous nature of their malady, and desire things
quite opposed to one another, so men whose souls
are ill-regulated are ever in want of all things, and
experience ever-varying desires through their greed.

28. Wherefore the gods, too, have commanded us
to purify ourselves by abstaining from food and
from love, bringing those who follow after piety
within the law of that nature which they them-
selves have formed, since everything which trans-
gresses this law is loathsome and deadly. The
multitude, however, fearing simplicity in their mode
of life, because of this fear, turn to the pursuits
that can best procure riches. And many have
attained wealth, and yet not found release from
their troubles, but have exchanged them for greater
ones. Wherefore philosophers say that pothing is
so necessary as to know thoroughly what is un-
necessary, and moreover that to be self-sufficing is
the greatest of all wealth, and that it is honourable
not to ask anything of any man. Wherefore, too,
they exhort us to strive, not to acquire some
necessary thing, but rather to remain of good cheer
if we have not acquired it.

29. Neither let us accuse our flesh as the cause
of great evils, nor attribute our troubles to outward
things. Rather let us seek the cause of these things
in our souls, and casting away every vain striving
and hope for fleeting joys, let us become completely
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TO MARCELLA

masters of ourselves. For a man is unhappy either
through fear or through unlimited and empty desire.
Yet if he bridle these, he can attain to a happy mind.
But in as far as thou art in want, it is through forget-
fulness of thy nature that thou feelest the want.
For hereby thou causest to thyself vague fears and
desires. And it were better for thee to be content
and lie on a bed of rushes than to be troubled
though thou hast a golden couch and a luxurious
table acquired by labour and sorrow. Whilst the
pile of wealth is growing bigger, life is growing
wretched.

30. Do not think it unnatural that when the
flesh cries out for anything, the soul should cry out
too. The cry of the flesh is, " Let me not hunger,
or thirst, or shiver," and 'tis hard for the soul to
restrain these desires. 'Tis hard, too, for it by
help of its own natural self-sufiicing to disregard
day by day the exhortations of nature, and to teach
it to esteem the concerns of life as of little account.
And when we enjoy good fortune, to learn to bear
ill fortune, and when we are unfortunate not to
hold of great account the possessions of those who
enjoy good fortune. And to receive with a calm
mind the good gifts of fortune, and to stand firm
against her seeming ills. Yea, all that the many
hold good is but a fleeting thing.

31. But wisdom and knowledge have no part in

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PORPHYRY THE PHILOSOPHER

chance. It is not painful to lack the gifts of chance,
but rather to endure the unprofitable trouble of vain
ambition. For every disturbance and unprofitable
desire is removed by the love of true philosophy.
Vain is the word of that philosopher who can ease
no mortal trouble. As there is no profit in the
physician's art unless it cure the diseases of the
body, so there is none in philosophy, unless it expel
the troubles of the soul. These and other like
<;ommands are laid on us by the law of our nature.

32. Now the divine law cries aloud in the pure
region of the mind : " Unless thou consider that
thy body is joined to thee as the outer covering to
the child in the womb and the stalk to the
sprouting corn, thou canst not know thyself." Nor
can any one know himself who does not hold this
opinion. As the outer covering grows with the
child, and the stalk with the corn, yet, when they
come to maturity, both are cast away, thus too
the body which is fastened to the soul at birth
is not a part of the man. But as the outer
covering was formed along with the child that it
may come to being in the womb, so likewise the
body was yoked to the man that he may come to
being on earth. In as far as a man turns to
the mortal part of himself, in so far he makes his
mind incommensurate with immortality. And
in as far as he refrains from sharing the feelings
76

TO MARCELLA

of the body, in such a measure does he approach
the divine. The wise man who is beloved of G od
strives and toils as much for the good of his soul
as others do for the good of their body. He deems-
that he cannot become self-sufficing merely by
remembering what he has heard, but strives
by practising it to hasten on towards his
duty.

33. Naked was he sent into the world, and
naked shall he call on Him that sent him. For
God listens only to those who are not weighed
down by alien things, guarding those who are pure
from corruption. Consider it a great help towards
the blessed life if the captive in the thralls of nature
takes his captor captive. For we are bound in the
chains that nature has cast around us, by the belly,
the throat and the other parts of the body, and by
the use of these and the pleasant sensations that
arise therefrom and the fears they occasion. But if
we rise superior to their witchcraft, and avoid the
snares laid by them, we have led our captor captive.
Neither trouble thyself much whether thou be male
or female in body, nor look on thyself as a woman,,
for I did not approach thee as such. Flee all that
is womanish in the soul, as though thou hadst a
man's body about thee. For what is born from
a virgin soul and a pure mind is most blessed,
since imperishable springs from imperishable. But

n

PORPHYRY THE PHILOSOPHER

what the body produces is held corrupt by all the
gods.

34. It is a great proof of wisdom to hold the
body in thrall. Often men cast ofF certain parts of
the body ; be thou ready for the soul's safety to
cast away the whole body. Hesitate not to die for
that for whose sake thou art willing to live. Let
reason then direct all our impulses, and banish from
us tyrannous and godless masters. For the rule of
the passions is harder than that of tyrants, since it is
impossible for a man to be free who is governed by
his passions. As many as are the passions of the
soul, so many cruel masters have we.

35. Strive not to wrong thy slaves nor to correct
them when thou art angry. And before correcting
them, prove to them that thou dost this for their
good, and give them an opportunity for excuse.
When purchasing slaves, avoid the stubborn ones.
Accustom thyself to do many things thyself, for
our own labour is simple and easy. And men
should use each limb for the purpose for which
nature intended it to be used. Nature needs no
more. Th^ who do not use their own bodies,
but make excessive use of others, commit a
twofold wrong, and are ungrateful to nature that
has given them these parts. Never use thy
bodily parts merely for the sake of pleasure, for it is
far better to die than to obscure thy soul by in-

78

TO MARCELLA

temperance .... correct the vice of thy nature.
.... If thou give aught to thy slaves, distinguish
the better ones by a share of honour .... for it is
impossible that he who does w^rong to man should
honour God. But look on the love of mankind as
the foundation of thy piety. And ....

[here the MS. ENDS ABRUPTLY.]

Printed ty Ballantyne, Hanson & Co.
London and Edinburgh.