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Cornell University Library 
BS440 .H35 1909 
Dictionary of the Bible, ed. by James Ha 

3 1924 029 271 223 
olln Overs 

Cornell University 

The original of this book is in 
the Cornell University Library. 

There are no known copyright restrictions in 
the United States on the use of the text. 
















CoPYKiaHT, 1909. ET 

Published January, 1909 


The Editor's aim has been to provide a complete and independent Dictionary op the Bible in 
a single volume and abreast of present-day scholarship. 

1. Complete. — The Dictionary gives an account of all the contents of the Bible, the articles 
being as numerous as in the largest dictionaries, but written to a different scale. The Index of 
the Dictionary of the Bible in five volumes by the same Editor has been taken as basis, and such 
additions made to it as the latest research has suggested. The persons, places, and important 
events in the Bible are described. There are articles on the Biblical theology and ethics, on 
the antiquities, and on the languages — English as well as Hebrew and Greek. The books of the 
Bible are carefully explained in their origin, authorship, and contents; and full account is taken 
of the results of literary criticism and archseological discovery. 

2. Independent. — The Dictionary is not a condensation of the five-volume Dictionary. It is 
not based upon it or upon any other dictionary. It is a new and independent work. All the signed, 
and most of the unsigned, articles are written afresh, and (with few exceptions) by different authors 
from those who treated the same subjects in the larger Dictionary. Even when the wording of the 
large Dictionary has been retained, as in the case, for example, of proper names of minor 
importance, every statement has been verified anew. The single-volume Dictionary wiU thus 
be found as fresh and full of life as the largest dictionaries are. 

3. In a single volume. — ^This is to bring the contents of the Bible, in accordance with present 
scholarship, within reach of those who have not the means to buy or the knowledge to use the Dic- 
tionary in five volumes. This Dictionary contains no Hebrew or Greek except in transliteration. 
It is however, a large volume, and it would have been larger had not the utmost care been taken 
to prevent overlapping. For the great subjects are not treated with that excessive brevity which 
makes single-volume dictionaries often so disappointing. The space has been so carefully hus- 
banded that it has been found possible to allow 24 pages to the article on Israel; 23 pages to the 
article on Jesus Christ; and half that number to a further article on the Person or Christ. 
There is another way in which space has been saved. The whole subject of Magic Divination and 
Sorcery for example, has been dealt with in a single article. That article includes many 
sub-topics each of which is found in its own place, with a cross-reference to this comprehensive 
article- and when the word occurs in this article it is printed in black type, so that no time may 
be lost in searching for it. 

4. Abreast of present Scholarship. — That is to say, of the average scholarship of its day. There 
are many reasons why a Dictionary of the Bible should not take up an extreme position on either 
side But the reason which has proved to be most conclusive, is the impossibility of getting the 
whole of the work done satisfactorily by either very advanced or very conservative scholars. 
They are not numerous enough. And there could be no satisfaction in entrusting work to men 
who were chosen for any other reason than their knowledge of the subject. 

* * The Editor would call attention to the Additional Note on the article Assyria and 
Babylonia, which will be found at the end of the volume. 



I. The Ancient East ........ Facing page xvi 

II. The Kingdoms of Judah and Israel ..... " 400 

III. Palestine in the Time op Christ ..... " 448 

IV. St. Paul's Journeys ........ " 688 


I. General 

Alex. = Alexandrian. 

Apoc.= Apocalypse, Apocalyptic. 

Apocr. = Apocrypha, Apocryphal. 

Aq. =Aqulla. 

Arab. = Arabic. 

Aram. =Aramaic. 

Assyr. = Assyrian. 

AV= Authorized Version. 

AVm = Authorized Version margin. 

Bab. = Babylonian. 

c=circa, about. 

cf. = compare; c<.= contrast. 

D =Deuteronomist. 


edd. = editions or editors. 

EV =English Version. 

f. =and following verse or page: as Ac 10'"-. 

fl. =and following verses or pages: as Mt ll^ss.. 

H =Law of Holiness. 

Hex. = Hexateuch. 

J = Jahwist. 

J" = Jahweh. 

Jos. =Josephus. 

LXX — Septuagint. 

MT=Massoretio Text. 

n. =note. 

NT = New Testament. 

0T=01d Testament. 

P= Priestly Narrative. 

Pr. Bk. — Prayer Book. 

R =Redactor. 

RV=Revised Version. 

RVm = Revised Version margin. 

TR=Textus Receptus. 

tr. =translate or translation. 

VSS -Versions. 

Vulg. = Vulgate. 

WH =Westcott and Hort's text. 

II. Books of the Bible 

Old Testament. 

Gn = Genesis. 

Ex = Exodus. 

Lv= Leviticus. 

Nu —Numbers. 

Dt = Deuteronomy. 

Jos = Joshua. 

Jg = Judges. 

Ru =Ruth. 

1 S, 2 S = 1 and 2 Samuel. 

1 K, 2 K = 1 and 2 Kings. 

1 Ch, 2 Ch=l and 2 

Ezr =Ezra. 
Neh =Nehemiah. 
Est = Esther. 

Ps= Psalms. 
Pr = Proverbs. 
Ec =Ecclesiastes. 

Ca= Canticles. 
Is = Isaiah. 
Jer = Jeremiah. 
La = Lamentations. 
Dn= Daniel. 
Jl = Joel. 
Am = Amos. 
Jon —Jonah. 
Hab =Habakkuk. 
Zeph =Zephaniah. 
Zee =Zechariah. 


1 Es, 2 E3=l and 2 To=Tobit. 
Esdras. Jth = Judith. 

Ad. Est = Additions to Sus=Susanna. 

Wis = Wisdom. 
Sir =Sirach or Ecclesi- 

Three =Song of the Three 


Bel =Bel and the Dragon. 
Pr. Man = Prayer of 

1 Mac, 2 Mac = l and 2 


New Testament. 

Mt= Matthew. 
Mk = Mark. 
Lk = Luke. 
Jn = John. 
Ac = Acts. 
Ro =:Romans. 
1 Co, 2 Co = l and 2 Co- 
Gal =Galatians. 
Eph — Ephesians. 
Col =Colossians. 

1 Th, 2 Th = l and 2 

Tit. =Titus. 
Philem = Philemon. 
He = Hebrews. 
Ja = James. 

IP, 2 P = l and 2 Peter. 
1 Jn, 2 Jn, 3 Jn = l, 2, 

and 3 John. 
Rev =Bevelation. 

III. For the Literatdre 

.<lflT= Ancient Hebrew Tradition. 
XJrA= American Journal of Theology. 
AT=Altes Testament. 
jBffP= Biblical Researches in Palestine. 
COT =Cuneiform Inscriptions and the OT, 

DB= Dictionary of the Bible. 

DCG —Dictionary of Christ and the Gospels. 

EBi = Encyclopaedia Biblica. 

EBr -"Encyclopsedia Britannica. 

EGT =Expositor's Greek Testament. 


JBipr =Exposltory Times. 

G4P =Geographie des alten Paiastina. 

GGA =Gottingische Gelehrte Anzeigen. 

GGAT =Nachrichten der konigl. Gesellschaft der 
Wissenschaften zu GOttingen. 

C/y =Geschiohte des JUdischen Volkes. 

Gr/=Geschiehte des Volkes Israel. 

ifCJlf= Higher Criticism and the Monuments. 

HGHL —Historical Geography of Holy Land. 

H/P=History of the Jewish People. 

HPN = Hebrew Proper Names. 

HWB =HandwOrterbuch. 

/CC= International Critical Commentary. 

JAOS = Journ. of the Amer. Oriental Society. 

JBI,=Journ. of Biblical Literatm'e. 

./£= Jewish Encyclopedia. 

JOK= Jewish Quarterly Review. 

JThSt = Journal of Theological Studies. 

KAT='D\e Keilinschriften und das Alte Testament. 

KIB =Keilinschriftliche Bibliothek. 

LB =The Land and the Book. 

iOr-Introd. to the Literature of the Old Testa- 

JlfiVDP7 = Mittheil. u. Nachrichten d. Deutch. Pal.- 

Or^C =The Old Test, in the Jewish Church. 
PB -Polychrome Bible. 
jPfii? —Palestine Exploration Fund. 
PBFSi -Quarterly Statement of the same. 
PSBA -Proceedings of Soc. of Bibl. Archeology. 
PRE =Real-Encykl. far protest. Theol. und Kirche 
KB —Revue Biblique, 
RE -Realencyklopadie. 
REJ —Revue des £tudes Juives. 
iJP- Records of the Past. 
RS —Religion of the Semites. 
RWB -RealwOrterbuch. 
5507" -Sacred Books of Old Testament. 
5P— Sinai and Palestine. 

SH'P— Memoirs of the Survey of W. Palestine, 
rs —Texts and Studies. 

TSBA -Transactions of Soc. of Bibl. Archjeology. 
T U — Texte und Untersuchungen. 
If A/ —Western Asiatic Inscriptions. 
Z^riT-Zeitschrift far die Alttest. Wissenschaft. 
ZiVriT-Zeitschrift fUr die Neutest. Wissenschaft. 

A small superior number designates the particular edition of the work referred to: as KAT^, LOT'. 



Rev. Walter Frederick Adenet, D.D., Principal 
of ttie Lancashire College, Manchester. 

Rev. John S. Banks, D.D., Professor of Theology in 
the Headingley College, Leeds. 

Rev. George A. Barton, A.M., Ph.D., Professor of 
Biblical Literature and Semitic Languages in Bryn 
Mawr College, 

Rev. William Henry Bennett, D.D., Litt.D., Pro- 
fessor of Old Testament Exegesis in Hackney College 
and New College, London. 

Rev. George Ricker Berry, D.D., Professor of Semitic 
Languages in Colgate University, New York. 

Rev. A. W. F. Blunt, M.A., Fellow of Exeter College, 

Rev. George Herbert Box, M.A., Late Hebrew 
Master at Merchant Taylors' School, London, Incum- 
bent of Linton, Ross. 

Ph.D., Minister at 

Rev. William F. Boyd, M.A., 
Methlick, Aberdeenshire. 

Rev. A. E. Burn, M.A., D.D., Rector and Rural Dean 
of Handsworth, Birmingham, and Prebendary of 

Rev. Ernest De Witt Burton, D.D., Professor of 
New Testament Interpretation in the University of 

Rev. George G. Cameron. D.D., Professor of Hebrew 
in the United Free Church College, Aberdeen. 

Rev. John S. Clemens, B.A., B.D., Principal of Ran- 
moor College, Shefiield. 

Rev. William F. Cobb, D.D., Rector of the Church of 
St. Ethelburga the Virgin, London. 

Rev. H. F. B. Compston, M.A., Hebrew Lecturer and 
Tutor in King's College, London; Member of the 
Theological Board of Studies in the University of 

Rev. James A. Ckaiq, D.D., Professor of Old Testament 
Interpretation in the University of Michigan. 

Rev. T. Witton Davies, B.A., Ph.D., Professor of 
Hebrew in Bangor College. 

Rev. W. T. Davison, M.A., D.D., Professor of Theology 
in Richmond Theological College, Surrey. 

Adolf Deissmann, D.Th., D.D., Ord. Professor of New 
Testament Exegesis in the University of Berlin. 

Rev. S. R. Driver, D.D., Litt.D., Professor of Hebrew 
in the University of Oxford, and Canon of Christ 

Rev. E. A. Edghill, M.A., B.D., College of St. Saviour, 

Rev. Cyril W. Emmet, M.A., Vicar of West Hendred, 

Rev. W. Ewing, M.A., Minister at Edinburgh. 

Rev. Robert A. Falconer, D. Litt., D.D., President of 
the University of Toronto. 

Rev. George G. Findlay, M.A., D.D., Professor of 
Biblical Literature in the Headingley College, Leeds. 

Rev. Henry Thatcher Fowler, D.D., Professor of 
Biblical Literature and History in Brown University, 

Rev. Kemper Fullerton, D.D., Professor of Old 
Testament Language and Literature in Oberlin 
College, Ohio. 

Rev. Alfred E. Garvie, M.A., D.D., Principal of New 
College, London. 

Rev. Owen H. Gates, Ph.D., Librarian and Instructor 
in Hebrew in Andover Theological Seminary. 

Rev. James Giijsoy, D.D., Professor of Hebrew in the 
University of Aberdeen. 

Rev. G. Buchanan Gray, M.A., D.D., Professor of 
Hebrew in Mansfield College, Oxford. 

Rev. S. W. Green, M. A., Professor of Hebrew in Regent's 
Park College, London. 

Rev. Charles T. P. Grierson, M.A., B.D., Canon of 
Down, and Rector of Seapatrick, Banbridge. 

F. Ll. Griffith, M.A., F.S.A., Reader in Egyptology 
in the University of Oxford. 

Rev. H. M. GwATKiN, M.A., D.D., Dixey Professor of 
Ecclesiastical History in the University of Cambridge. 

Rev. G. H. GwiLLiAM, B.D., Rector of Remenham, 

Rev. D. A. Hayes, Ph.D., S.T.D., LL.D., Professor of 
New Testament Exegesis in Garrett Biblical Institute, 
Northwestern University, Evanston, 111. 

Henderson, B.A., Principal of Bristol 

Rev. W. J. 

G. F. Hill, M.A., Assistant Keeper of the Department 
of Coins and Medals in the British Museum, London. 


Rev. A. E. HiLLARD, M.A., D.D., High Master of St. 
Paul's School, London. 

Rev. F. R. Montgomery Hitchcock, B.D., Rector 
ot Kinnitty, King's Co. 

Rev. C. H. W. Johns, M.A., Fellow of Queens' College, 

Rev. D. M. Kay, M.A., D.D., Professor of Hebrew in 
the University of St. Andrews. 

Rev. James A. Kelso, D.D., Professor of Old Testa- 
ment Exegesis in the Western Theological Seminary, 

Rev. A. R. S. Kennedy, D.D., Professor of Hebrew in 
the University of Edinburgli. 

F. G. Kenyon, M.A., D.Litt., Ph.D., of the Depart- 
ment of Manuscripts in the British Museum, London, 
Late Fellow of Magdalen College, Oxford. 

Leonard W. King, M.A., F.S.A., of the Department of 
Egyptian and Assyrian Antiquities in the British 
Museum, London. 

Rev. G. A. Frank Knight, M.A., F.R.S.E., Minister 
at Perth. 

Nicholas Koenio, M.A., University Fellow in Semitic 
Languages, Columbia University, New Yorli. 

Rev. J. C. Lambert, M.A., D.D., Fenwick, Assistant 
Editor of the Dictionary of Christ and the Gospels. 

Rev. H. C. O. Lanchester, M.A., Fellow of Pembroke 
College, Cambridge. i 

R. A. Stewart Macalister, M.A., F.S.A., Director of 
Excavations for the Palestine Exploration Fund. 

Rev. J. Frederic McCurdy, Ph.D., LL.D., Professor 
of Oriental Languages in the University of Toronto. 

Rev.WiLLiAM M. Macdonald, M. a.. Minister at Foveran, 

Rev. George M. Mackie, M.A., D.D., Chaplain to the 
Church of Scotland at Beyrout, Syria. 

Rev. Hugh R. Mackintosh, M.A., D.Phil., D.D., Pro- 
fessor of Systematic Theology in New College, Edin- 

Right Rev. Arthur John Maclean, M.A., D.D., Bishop 
of Moray and Ross. 

Rev. A. H. McNeile, B.D., Fellow and Dean of Sidney 
Sussex College, Cambridge. 

Rev. D. S. Makgoliouth, M.A., D.Litt., Laudian 
Professor of Arabic in the University of Oxford. 

Rev. John T. Marshall, M.A., D.D., Principal of the 
Baptist College, Manchester. 

E. W. GuRNEY Masterman, M.D., F.R.G.S., Jerusalem, 

Rev. J. Howard B. Masterman, M.A., Professor of 
History in the University of Birmingham, and Hon. 
Canon of Birmingham. 

Rev. Shailer Mathews, D.D., Professor of Theology 
and Dean of the Divinity School in the University 
of Chicago. 

Rev. J. H. Maude, M.A., Rector ot Hilgay, Downham 

Rev. R. Waddy Moss, M.A., D.D., Professor of System- 
atic Theology in Didsbury College, Manchester. 

Rev. James Hope Moulton, M.A., D.Litt., Greenwood 
Professor of Hellenistic Greek in the Victoria Uni- 
versity of Manchester. 

Rev. Wilfrid J. Moulton, M.A., Professor of Old 
Testament Languages and Literature in Headingley 
College, Leeds. 

Rev. T. Allen Moxon, M.A., Vicar of Alfreton, Derby- 

Rev. Henry S. Nash, D.D., Professor in the Episcopal 
Theological School, Cambridge, Mass. 

Rev. W. M. Nesbit, M.A., B.D., Fellow ot Drew Theo- 
logical Seminary. 

Theodor Noldeke, Ph.D., LL.D., Professor Emeritus 
in the University of Strassburg. 

Rev. W. O. E. Oesterley, D.D.-, Organizing Secretary 
to the Parochial Missions to the Jews, and Lecturer 
to the Palestine Exploration Fund. 

Rev. James Orr, D.D., Professor of Apologetics and 
Theology in the United Free Church College, Glasgow. 

Rev. William P. Paterson, D.D., Professor of Divinity 
in the University of Edinburgh. 

Rev. James Patrick, M.A., B.D., B.Sc, Minister at 

T. G. Pinches, LL.D., M.R.A.S., Lecturer in Assyrian 
at University College, London. 

Rev. Ira M. Price, M.A., B.D., Ph.D., Professor of 
Semitic Languages and Literature in the University 
of Chicago. 

Late Rev. H. A. Redpath, M.A., Litt.D., Rector of 
St. Dunstan's in the East, London. 

Rev. Frank Edward Robinson, B.A., Professor of 
Hebrew and Church History in the Baptist College, 

Rev. George L. Robinson, Ph.D., D.D., Professor of 
Old Testament Literature in McCormick Theological 
Seminary, Chicago. 

Miss Ethel G. Romanes, Lady Margaret Hall, 

Rev. A. H. Sayoe, D.D., Litt.D., LL.D., Professor of 
Assyriology in the University of Oxford. 

Rev. C. Anderson Scott, M.A., Professor of New 
Testament Literature in Westminster College, Cam- 

Rev. James G. Simpson, M.A., Principal of the Clergy 
School, Leeds. 

Rev. John Skinner, M.A., D.D., Principal ot West- 
minster College, Cambridge. 

Rev. David Smith, M.A., D.D., Minister at Blairgowrie. 

Rev. Henry P. Smith, M.A., D.D., LL.D., Professor 
of Old Testament Literature in Meadville Theological 

Rev. John Merlin Powis Smith, D.D., Professor in 
the University of Chicago. 

W. Taylor Smith, B.A., Sevenoaks, Kent. 

Alexander Souter, M.A., Litt.D,, Professor of New 
Testament Exegesis in Mansfield College, Oxford. 

Rev. J. H. Stevenson, D.D., Professor in Vanderbilt 

University, Nashville. 

Rev. MoRLEY Stevenson, M.A., Principal of Warrington 
Training College, and Canon of Liverpool. 

Rev. Alexander Stewart, M.A., D.D., Principal ot 
St. Mary's College, and Professor of Systematic 
Theology in the University of St. Andrews. 


Rev. Robert H. Strachan, M.A., Minister at Elie. 

Rev. A. W. Streane, D.D., Formerly Dean and Hebrew 
and Divinity Lecturer in Corpus Christl College, 

Rev. John G. Tasker, D.D., Professor of Biblical 
Literature and Exegesis in Handsworth College, 

Rev. John Taylor, M. A., D.Litt., Vicar of Winchcombe. 

Rev. R. Brtjce Taylor, M.A., Minister of St. John's 
Wood Presbyterian Church, London. 

Rev. Milton Spencer Terry, D.D., LL.D., Professor 
of Christian Doctrine in the Garrett Biblical Institute, 
Northwestern University, Evanston, 111. 

Rev. W. H. Griffith Thomas, D.D., Principal of Wycliffe 
Hall, Oxford. 

Rev. G. W. Wade, D.D., Professor and Senior Tutor in 
St. David's College, Lampeter. 

Rev. A. C. Welch, M.A., B.D., Minister at Glasgow. 

Rev.H. L. WiLLETT, D.D., Dean of the Disciples' Divinity 
House in the University of Chicago. 

Rev. J. R. Willis, B.D., Rector of Preban and Moyne, 
Co. Wicldow. 

Herbert G. Wood, M.A., Fellow of Jesus College, 

Rev. F. H. Woods, B.D., Rector of Bainton, Late 
Fellow and Theological Lecturer of St. John's College, 


It will be generally agreed that some uniformity in the pronunciation of Scripture Proper Names 
is extremely desirable. One hears in church and elsewhere, not only what are obvious and demon- 
strable mispronunciations, but such variety in the mode of pronouncing many names as causes 
irritation and bewilderment. It is impossible to tell whether a speaker or reader is simply blundering 
along, or whether he is prepared to justify his pronunciation by reference to some authority, or to 
base it upon some intelligible principle. If after hearing a name pronounced in a way widely 
different from that to which we have been accustomed, we refer to some accessible authority, it is 
by no means improbable that it will be found to support the accentuation or enunciation of which 
we should previously have been inclined to disapprove. 

It is less easy to see how the uniformity desiderated is to be brought about. A committee con- 
sisting of representative Biblical and Englisn scholars might draw out a list which would be accepted 
as a standard, on the assumption that individuals were prepared, for the sake of the desired uni- 
formity, to give up their own personal habits or preferences. It is certain that no authority less 
distinguished would be recognized. It has therefore been, no doubt, a wise decision on the part 
■of the Editor of the present work not to indicate, as was at one time contemplated, the pronunciation 
of each proper name as it occurred, at any rate when any difficulty was likely to be experienced. 
This would simply have been to add another to the numerous, and too often discordant, authorities 
already existing. Instead, it has been thought better to prepare the way, in some degree, for an 
authoritative list by discussing briefly some of the principles which should govern its construction. 

1. Divergence of authorities. — it may be well at the outset to illustrate that divergence of 
accessible authorities to which allusion has been made. For this purpose we shall select the four 
following lists: — (1) That of Professor T. K. Cheyne, D.D., of Oxford, originally contributed to 
the Queen's Printers' Teachers' Bible of 1877 (Eyre & Spottiswoode); (2) that contributed by 
Professor W. B. Stevenson, B.D., now of Glasgow, to the Supplementary Volume to Dr. Young's 
Analytical Concordance (George Adam Young & Co.); (3) that contained in the Appendix to Cassell's 
English Dictionary, edited by John Williams, M.A. (Cassell & Co.); (4) that contained in the 
Illustrated Bible Treasury, edited by Wm. Wright, D.D. (Nelson & Sons). The following names are 
thus given: — 






















































Ba'al Per'azim 






Habak'kuk and Hab'akkuk 




































* As it is not stated by whom the lists in Xelson's and Cassell's publications were drawn up, the Editora' names 
are given as responsible for them. 


These examples might be greatly multiplied, particularly in the case of what might be termed 
more familiar names in regard to which there are two ruling modes of accentuation, as Aga'bus and 
Ag'abus, Ahime'lech and Ahim'elech, Bahu'rim and Bah'urim, Bath'sheba and Bathshe'ba, Ced'ron 
and Ce'dron, Mag'dalene and Magdale'ne, Peni'el and Pen'iel, Rehob'oam and Rehobo'am, Thaddae'us 
and Thad'daeus. An examination of the lists will show the very considerable extent of the variation 
which exists even among those who may be regarded as guides in the matter, and it will show also 
that a great part of the variation may be accounted for by the degree to which the Editors of the 
respective lists are disposed to give weight to the forms of the word in the original, or to what may 
be considered the popular and current pronunciation. This is indeed the crux of the matter. 

2. Principles adopted. — In what follows we shall keep in view especially the contributions of 
Professor Cheyne and Professor Stevenson, each of whom explains in an introduction the principles 
on which he has sought to solve the problem presented; and perhaps we may be allowed once for 
all to acknowledge our obligations to these able and scholarly discussions. In reference to the 
point just referred to. Professor Cheyne says: — 

' Strict accuracy is no doubt unattainable. In some cases (e.g. Moses, Aaron, Solomon, Isaac, Samuel, Jeremiah) 
the forms adopted by the Authorized Version are borrowed from the Septuagint through the medium of the Vulgate. 
Here the correct pronunciation would require an alteration of familiar names which would be quite intolerable. But 
even where the current forms are derived from the Hebrew, a strictly accurate pronunciation would offend by intro- 
ducing a dissonance into the rude but real harmony of our English speech. Besides, that quickness of ear which is 
necessary for reproducing foreign sounds is conspicuously wanting to most natives of England. Still, the prevalent 
system of pronouncing Biblical names seems unnecessarily wide of the mark. There is no occasion to offend so gratui- 
tously against the laws of Hebrew sound and composition asjwe do at present. Not a few of our mispronunciations of 
Hebrew names impede the comprehension of their meaning, especially in the case of names of religious significance, 
when the meaning is most fully fraught with instruction. A working compromise between pedantic precision and 
persistent mispronunciation is surely feasible.' 

Professor Stevenson remarks, with reference to his list of Scripture Proper Names, that — 

' It does not offer an absolute standard, for no such standard exists. The supreme authority in pronunciation is 
prevalent usage (among educated people). But the weakness of such an authority is specially clear in the case of 
Scripture names. Even names not uncommon are variously pronounced, and many are so unfamiliar that there is no 
' ' usage " by which to decide. ... In actual speech unfamiliar words are pronounced as analogy suggests, uncon- 
sciously it may be. . . . There is no single court of appeal. In particular, the original pronunciation is not the only, 
nor perhaps the chief, influence. If it were better understood how impossible it is to pronounce Hebrew names as 
the ancient Hebrews did, there would be less temptation to lay stress on the original as the best guide. On the other 
hand, the closer the incorporation of Scripture names into English, the better; and this also is a consideration entitled 
to influence. . . . The principles here adopted are those which seem to express the English treatment of ancient foreign 
names which have become common property in the language.' 

(1) New Testament. — ^The case is no doubt widely different with regard to the Old Testament 
as compared with the New. In the New Testament the Greek form of the name (including the 
transliteration of Hebrew names) may almost invariably be followed; thus, Aristobu'lus, Ar'temas, 
Diot'rephes, Epe'netus, Proch'orus, Tab'itha. The diphthong of the Authorized and Revised 
Versions justifies Thaddae'us rather than Thad'daeus. Cheyne and Stevenson both spell the name 
Thaddeus, the former accenting the first, and the latter the second, syllable. It is desirable to follow 
the Greek sometimes even in the face of fairly common usage, as by making Bethsa'-i-da a word of 
four syllables, and Ja-i'-rus a word of three. There are some peculiarities which have to be noticed, 
e.g. that final e is sounded in Bethphage, Gethsemane, Magdalene, but not in Nazarene, or Urbane. 
For Phcenice the R.V. reads Phoenix. Sos'thenes, again, is a word of three syllables. With some 
attention to these principles, of which the above are merely examples, the pronunciation of New 
Testament names should present little difficulty. 

(2) Old Testament. — When we turn to the Old Testament we find ourselves in presence of a much 
more complicated problem. Here it is impossible to conform our pronunciation to that of the 
original language; yet if we are not to pronounce at haphazard, and follow each his own taste and 
habit, we must reflect upon the conditions, and frame at least general rules for our guidance. In the 
absence of a standard list of pronunciations constructed by experts of such authority that we might 
waive in favour of their dicta our personal predilections, there will, at the best, be considerable room 
for individual judgment. We do not aim, therefore, at doing more in the following observations than 
aid such judgment by showing the alternatives before it, and indicating the limits within which it 
may be profitably exercised. 

'The supreme authority in pronunciation,' says Professor Stevenson, 'is prevalent usage (among 
educated people).' The difficulty in many cases is to determine what is prevalent usage and how 
far the education which is presumed to guide it has included the elements which would make it 
reliable in such a connexion. Prevalent usage itself may be educated and corrected, and the question 
is where the line shall be drawn between 'pedantic precision' and 'persistent mispronunciation' (to 
use Professor Cheyne's phrase), how much shall be conceded to a regard for the methods of the ancient 
Hebrews on the one side, and for those of the modem Britons on the other? This question is the more 


difficult to answer because the training and environment of even highly educated people differ so 
widely, and because what is prevalent in one circle is almost or altogether unknown in another. 

Professor Cheyne suggests, as a guiding principle, the giving of some attention to the religious 
significance of proper names, particularly those which 'contain in some form the proper name of 
God in Hebrew.' With this laudable object, he, as a rule, shifts the accent in such names so as to 
bring their religious significance prominently before the reader. The practice, however, brings him 
into conflict with many undoubted cases of established usage. Professor Stevenson holds that the 
influences 'which must affect the treatment of Scripture names are — (1) The original pronunciation; 
(2) the characteristic tendencies of purely English speech; (3) the fixed customary pronunciation of 
certain words resembling others less common.' In applying the second of these principles — ^the 
characteristic tendencies of English speech — he appeals chiefly to analogy: — 

' People naturally pronounce according to the analogy of other words which are familiar, and the practice supplies 
a rule of treatment. Doubtful or unfamiliar words should be pronounced in harmony with the general tendencies of 
the language, or in a way similar to other words which strikingly resemble them. Scripture names are borrowed from 
the foreign languages Greek and Hebrew. They are, therefore, to be compared specially with words of similar origin, 
such as the names of classical antiquity.' He admits, however, that ' conflict of analogies cannot be wholly avoided. 
If one is not in itself stronger than another, the most ' ' desirable " result in each case should be preferred. Ease of 
pronunciation is one test of desirability. The principle of pronunciation according to sense has also been used by the 

It is needless to say that he carries out these principles with great care and consistency. The 
weak point of the position is that the analogies founded on by one scholar wiU not be equally familiar, 
or commend themselves to the same extent, to another; and it may well appear to many that 
Professor Stevenson in his list of proper names concedes too much to popular usage, and would in 
some cases attain a more desirable result by approximating more closely to the form of the original. 

3. Points for consideration. — ^We shall now present for the consideration of the reader who desires 
to achieve as great a degree of correctness as the matter admits of, some of the more important 
points which he will have to decide for himself, assuming that when he has once adopted a rule he 
will foUow it as consistently as possible, or be able to give a reason for any deviation. 

(1) Shall we adopt what may be called the Continental pronunciation of the vowels— a.= ah, e=eh, 
i=ee, u=oo? — In many instances we may be strongly tempted to do so; to one who knows Hebrew 
it is more natural, and the effect is finer — Mesopotamia is a grander word than Mesopotamia. But 
it is only in the less familiar words that this could be done. The first syllables of Canaan, Pharaoh, 
Balaam, must have the a as in fate or fair. 

(2) Is the Hebrew J to be pronounced like j in judge, or like y? — It would probably be impossible 
to foUow the latter mode in the large number of names beginning with J, such as Jericho, Joash, &c., 
and it would be intolerable in the case of Jesus; but there are instances in which it would impart an 
added dignity — e.g. Jehovah-jireh is far finer if the j be sounded as y, and the i as ee. In the middle 
of words, especially in words containing the Divine name Jah, the matter has already been settled 
for us, as it in most cases appears as iah, Ahaziah, Isaiah, Shemaiah. The question here arises 
whether the i is to be treated as consonant or vowel, and if the latter, whether it should ever be 
accented. Professor Cheyne, in order to bring out more prominently the Divine name, would treat 
the iah=]'ah always as a separate word — Ahaz'iah, Isa'iah, Shema'iah. Except for this considera^- 
tion the rule would probably be, that where it follows a consonant the i is not only treated as a 
vowel but also accented — Jeremi'ah; when it follows a vowel it is assimilated with that vowel as 
in the two examples given above, which also illustrate the way in which one or other vowel may give 
place, Isaiah (Isar-ah), Shemaiah (Shemi-ah), though some woiild render the former also Isi'ah. 

(3) The question often arises in the case of names of three or more syllables, especially when 
the last two are significant in the original, whether the accent should be placed on the penultimate or 
thrown farther back in accordance with general English practice. Professor Stevenson says: — 'The 
English stress accent in ancient foreign names is determined, with limitations, by the original length 
of the vowels, not by the original stress.' But in the case of words in familiar and frequently read 
passages of Scripture, the ' hmitations ' are extensive, and must be allowed to override considerations 
based on length of vowel. Where Cheyne prefers Abime'lech, Ahitho'phel, Jocheb'ed, Joha'nan, 
Stevenson gives Abim'elech, Ahith'ophel, Joch'ebed, Jo'hanan. On the other hand, Cheyne gives 
Am'raphel and A'holiab', where Stevenson accentuates Amra'phel and Aholi'ab. Nor is it an English 
trait to have too much regard for significant parts of words. We do not say philosoph'y, biolog'y, 
Deuteronom'y (though this is heard occasionally), but the stress is laid on the connecting syllable. 
So, if Abim'elech and the class of names ruled by it be allowed, a great deal might be said for 
Abin'adab, Abi'athar, and similar words being pronounced thus, instead of Abina'dab, Abia'thar, 
etc., notwithstanding the length of the penultimate in the original. Here, again, views will differ 
according to the ' educated usage ' to which we have access, and the deference we may be inclined to 
pay to the peculiarities of English speech. With reference to Jochebed and Johanan in the examples 
quoted above, it should be noted that Stevenson makes an exception to the rule of the penultimate 


accent in favour of names in which the first element is some form of the Divine name. The accent, 
he says, rests in such cases on this first element. It may be doubtful if this reason is the one con- 
sciously adopted in regard to these names. Jo'hanan seems to us uimatural, and for Jehon'adab we 
prefer the explanation given in the former part of this paragraph. 

(4) Professor Stevenson is doubtless right in saying that the established pronunciation of familiar 
names determines that of others in the same form that are less familiar. Dan'iel and Is'rael are the 
key to one class of such names, unless, as he points out, Penu'el be accented on the second syllable, 
and determine other words in — ^uel. Phil'ippi (accent on the first) is due to the analogy of Philip, and 
Ene'as 'to the analogy of Virgil's hero.' 

These may serve as examples of the kind of difficulty which surrounds the subject, and the extent 
to which individual judgment may be exercised. There are general principles which may be adopted 
and usually observed, though perfect consistency in their application may not be attainable or 
desirable. Let the reader ascertain in all doubtful cases the form and pronunciation of the naine 
in the original,* and compare it with those suggested by the best authorities within his reach. He will 
then be able to follow the method which most commends itself to his ear and judgment. Though 
the student may not always adopt the pronunciation given in Professor Stevenson's list, nothing 
but good can result from a careful pondering of his explanations. Let us be sure that, though we 
are told that 'De minimis non curat lex,' it is worth our while to be as careful as we can even about 
'little things.' 

Alexander Stewart. 

* These are given in all cases by Professor Stevenson in Roman letters, according to a system of transliterationwhich he 
explains in his mtroduction. They are thus made accessible to English readers. 




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AARON. — In examining the Biblical account of 
Aaron, we must deal separately with the different 
'sources' of the Hexateuch. 

1. In J, Aaron plays a very subordinate part. He, 
Nadab and Abihu, along with 70 elders, accompanied 
Moses up Mt. Sinai (Ex 19« 24»). In the former 
passage he is distinguished from the priests, who are for- 
bidden to come up ; he would seem , therefore, to have been 
an elder or sheikh, perhaps somewhat superior to the 70. 
In 32» Aaron 'let the people loose for a derision among 
their enemies.' What this refers to is not known; it was 
not the making of the golden bull, which in the eyes of 
the surrounding nations would be only an act of piety. 

In other passages, which cannot be assigned either to 
E or P, the mention of A^ron is probably due to a later 
hand. In 4'^-" Moses is allowed to nave Aaron as a spokes- 
man. But 'the Levite' (v.") is suspicious: for Moses 
was also of the tribe of Levi, and the description is super- 
fluous. The verses probably belong to a time when ' Levite ' 
bad become a technical term for one tiained in priestly 
functions, and when such priestly officials traced their 
descent from Aaron. In the narratives of the plagues Aaron 
is a silent figure, merely sununoned with Moses four times 
when Fhaiuoh entreats for the removal of the plagues 
(gB. 25 927 1016). jn each case Moses alone answers, and in 
the last three he alone departs. In 10^ Moses and Aaron 
went in to announce the plague, but Moses alone ' turned 
and went out' (v.*). The occurrence of Aaron's name 
seems to be due, in each case, to later redaction. 

2. In E, Aaron is the brother of Miriam (IS^"). He 
was sent to meet Moses in the wilderness, and together 
they performed signs before the people (4"-"). They 
demanded release from Pharaoh, and'on his refusal the 
people murmured (5'- '■ *■ ""■). Little of E has sur- 
vived in the narrative of the plagues, and Aaron is not 
mentioned. In 171"- '^ he and Hur held up Moses' 
hands, in order that the staff might be lifted up, dur- 
ing the fight with Amalek. And while Moses was on 
the mountain, the same two were left in temporary 
authority over the people (24"'). Aaron is related to 
have abused this authority, in making the golden bull 
(321-6. 21-24). [xhe narrative is composite, and in its 
present form must be later than E. It has some con- 
nexion with the story of 1 K l2»-'», for Jeroboam's 
words, which are suitable in reference to two bulls, are 
placed in Aaron's mouth. 1 In 18'^ Aaron, with the 
elders, was called to Jethro's sacrifice — an incident 
which must be placed at the end of the stay at Horeb. 
In Nu 12 Aaron and Miriam claimed that they, no less 
than Moses, received Divine revelations; only Miriam, 
however, was punished. In Jos 24> there is a general 
reference to the part played by Aaron in the Exodus. 

It is noteworthy that there is not a word so far 
either in J or E, which suggests that Aaron was a priest. 

But it is probable that by the time of E the belief hsul 
begun to grow up that Aaron was the founder of an 
hereditary priesthood. Dt lO' occurs in a parenthesis 
which seriously interrupts the narrative, and which 
was perhaps derived from E (cf. Jos 24"). 

3. In D, Aaron was probably not mentioned. Dt IC 
has been referred to; 32"' is from P; and the only 
remaining passage (9^°) appears to be a later insertion. 

4. Outside the Hexateuch, two early passages (1 S 
126 8_ Mic 6') refer to Aaron merely as taking a lead- 
ing part in the Exodus. 

5. In P, the process by which the tradition grew up 
that Moses delegated his priesthood to Aaron is not 
known. But the effect of it was that the great majority 
of ' Levites,' i.e. trained official priests, at local sanctuaries 
throughout the country traced their descent to Aaron. 
The priests of Jerusalem, on the other hand, were de- 
scendants of Zadok (1 KV 2^'); and when local 
sanctuaries were abolished by Josiah's reforms, and the 
country priests came up to seek a liveUhood at Je- 
rusalem (see Dt 186-s), the Zadokite priests charged 
them with image-worship, and allowed them only an 
inferior position as servants (see 2 K 23', Ezk 44'-"). 
But at the Exile the priests who were in Jerusalem were 
carried off, leaving room in the city for many country 
(Aaronite) priests, who would establish themselves 
firmly in ofScial prestige with the meagre remnant of 
the population. Thus, when the Zadokite priests re- 
turned from Babylon, they would find it advisable to 
trace their descent from Aaron (see Ezr 2"'). But 
by their superiority in culture and social standing they 
regained their ascendancy, and the country priests were 
once more reduced, under the ancient title of 'Levites,' 
to an inferior position. 

This explains the great importance assigned to Aaron 
in the priestly portions of the Hexateuch. Reference 
must be made to other articles for his consecration, 
his purely priestly functions, and his relation to the 
Levites (see articles Pribsis and LEViTEa, Sackifice, 
Tabernacle). But he also plays a considerable part 
in the narrative of the Exodus and the wanderings. 
His family relationships are stated in Ex e^"- 23. 25_ 
Lv 10*. He became Moses' spokesman, not to the 
people but to Pharaoh (7i) , in whose presence he changed 
the staff into a 'reptile' (contrast 'serpent' in 4* J). 
P relates the 2nd plague (combined with J), the 3rd 
and the 6th, in each of which Aaron is conspicuous. 
Aaron as well as Moses suffered from the murmurings 
of the people (Ex IB", Nu 14^ IS'- " 20'); both were 
consulted by the people (Nu 96 15**); and to both 
were addressed many of God's commands (Ex 9'-"i 
121- •', Lv 111 131 ^433 151, Nu 2'). Aaron stayed a 


plague by offering incense (Nu 16"-*'). [On tlie com- 
bined narratives in chs. 16. 17 see Aaron's Rod, Kokah]. 
At Meribah-kadesh he, with Moses, sinned against 
J" (Nu 20'-"), but the nature of the sin is obscure 
(see Gray, Com. p. 262 f.)- He was consequently tor- 
bidden to enter Canaan, and died on Mt. Hor, aged 
123, Eleazar his son being clothed in the priestly gar- 
ments (Nu 20»-2» 33'" , Dt 32*"). 

6. In the NT: Lk 1', Ac 7", He 5* 7" 9*. 

A. H. M'Neile. 

AASON'S ROD. — In a very complicated section of 
the Hexateuch (Nu 16-18), dealing with various revolts 
against the constituted authorities in the wilderness 
period, the exclusive right of the tribe of Levi to the 
duties and privileges of the priesthood is miraculously 
attested by the blossoming and fruit-bearing of Aaron's 
rod. As representing his tribe, it had been deposited 
by Divine command before the ark along with 12 other 
rods representing the 12 secular tribes, in order that the 
will of J" in this matter might be visibly made known 
(see Nu 16'-" with G. B. Gray's Com.). The rod was 
thereafter ordered to be laid up in perpetuity 'before 
the (ark of the) testimony for a token against the rebels' 
(17'"). Later Jewish tradition, however, transferred 
it, along with the pot of manna, to a place within the 
ark (He 9«). A. R. S. Kennedy. 

AB.— See Time. 

ABACUC . — The form of the name HabaKkuk in 2 Es 1". 

ASADDON'. — A word pecuUar to the later Heb. 
(esp. 'Wisdom') and Judaistic literature; sometimes 
synonymous with Sheol, more particularly, however, 
signifying that lowest division of Sheol devoted to the 
punishment of sinners (see Sheol). Properly, its Gr. 
equivalent would be apSleia ('destruction'), as found 
in the LXX. In Rev 9'i Abaddon is personified, and 
is said to be the equivalent of Apollyon ('destroyer'). 
Abaddon differs from Gehenna in that it represents 
the negative element of supreme loss rather than that 
of positive suffering. Shailee Mathews. 

ABADIAS (1 Es 8»«).— An exile who returned with 
Ezra; called Obadiah, Ezr 8'. 

ABAGTHA (Est l").— One of the seven chamberlains 
or eunuchs sent by Ahasuerus (Xerxes) to fetch the 
queen, Vashti, to his banquet. 

ABANAH. — The river of Damascus mentioned by 
Naaman, 2 K 5'^. It is identified with the Barada, a 
river rising on the eastern slope of the Anti-Lebanon, 
which runs first southward, then westward, through 
the Wady Barada and the plain of Damascus. About 
18 miles from Damascus, after dividing fan-wise into 
a number of branches, it flows into the Meadow Lakes. 
R. A. S. Macalister. 

ABARIM ('the parts beyond'). — A term used to 
describe the whole east-Jordan land as viewed from 
Western Palestine. From there the land beyond Jordan 
rises as a great mountain chain to a height of 3000 feet 
and more from the Jordan valley. Hence Abarim is 
joined with 'mount' (Nu 2712, Dt 32") and 'moun- 
tains' (Nu 33"); also with 'lyye, 'heaps of (Nu 21"). 
See also Jer 22™ and Ezk 39" (RV; AV 'passages'). 
E. W. G. Masteeman. 

ABBA is the 'emphatic' form of the Aram, word for 
'father.' It is found in the Gr. and Eng. text of Mk 14w, 
Ro 8", and Gal i' (in each case Abba, ho paOr, ' Abba, 
Father'). Aram, has no article, and the 'emphatic' 
afiBx a is usually the equivalent of the Heb. article. 
Both can represent the vocative case (for Hebrew 
see Davidson's Syntax, § 21 f.); and abba occurs in the 
Pesh. of Lk 22« 23=* for pater. The ' articular nomina- 
tive' is found in NT sixty times for the vocative; and 
so we have ho paOr for B pater (Moulton, Gram, of NT 
Greek, p. 70). Jesus often addressed God as 'Father' 
or 'my Father.' In both cases He would probably use 
'Abba'; for 'abba may be used for 'abl (Targ. on 


Gn 19"). In Mk 14", ho palSr is perhaps a gloss addei 
by the Evangelist, as in Mk 5" 7"- " he adds a 
explanation of the Aram.: but in Ro 8" and Gal^ 
the Gentile Christians had learned for importunit: 
to use the Aram, word Abba; as the Jews in praye 
borrowed Kyrie mou ('my Lord') from the Greek, an 
used it along with Heb. words for 'my master,' 'm 
father' (Schattgen, Har. Heb. 252). J. T. Marshall. 

ABDA ('servant,' sc. of the Lord). — 1. Father ( 
Adoniram, master of Solomon's forced levy (1 K 4' 
2. A Levlte (Neh 11"); called Obadiah in 1 Ch 9'". 

ABDEEL.— Father of Shelemiah (Jer 36'»),one of thoi 
ordered by Jehoiakim to arrest Jeremiah and Baruch. 

ABDI.— 1. Grandfather of Ethan, ICh 6". 2.Fath( 
of Kish, 2 Ch 2912. 3. A Jew who had married a foreig 
wife, Ezr 10»=Oabdius, 1 Es 9". 

ABDIAS (2 Es 1*9).— Obadiah the prophet. 

ABDIEL ('servant of God').— Son of Guni (1 Ch 5« 

ABDOM ('servile').— 1. The last of the minor judge 
Jg 12'5-». 2. A family of Benjamites, 1 Ch «^. 3. 
Gibeonite family, 1 Ch 8»° 926. 4. A courtier of Josia 
2 Ch 34"; in 2 K 22'2 called Achbor. 5. A Levitic 
city ot Asher (Jos 212", 1 ch 6"), perhaps (v. d. Veld 
'Abdeh E. of Achzib on the hills. 

ABEDNEGO. — Dn 1', etc.; probably a corruption 
Abed-ne6o, i.e. 'servant of Nebo.' 

ABEL.— Gn 42-'". The Heb. form Hebhel denot 
'vapour' or 'breath' (cf. Ec 1', EV 'vanity'), whi( 
is suggestive as the name of a son of Adam (' man 
But it is perhaps to be connected with the Assyr. apl 
'son.' Abel was a son of Adam and Eve, and broth 
of Cain. But the narrative presupposes a long peril 
to have elapsed in human history since the primiti 
condition of the first pair. The difference betwei 
pastoral and agricultural lite has come to be recognize 
for Abel was a keeper of sheep, but Cain was a tiller 
the ground (see Cain). The account, as we have 
is mutilated: in v.* Heb. has 'and Cain said unto Al 
his brother' (not as AV and RV). LXX supplies t: 
words 'Let us pass through into the plain,' but tl; 
may be a mere gloss, and it cannot be known how mui 
ot the story is lost. 

Nothing is said in Gn. of Abel's moral character, 
of the reason why his offering excelled Cain's in the ey 
of J"; cereal offerings were as fully in accord with Hebrc 
law and custom as animal offerings. He 11* gives ' fait 
as the reason. In He 12*' the 'blood ot sprinklin 
'speaketh something better than the blood of Abe 
in that the latter cried for vengeance (Gn 4'°). 

In Mt 233s II Lk 11" Abel is named as the first of t 
true martyrs whose blood had been shed during t 
period covered by the OT, the last being Zacharii 
(wh. see) . In Jn 8" it is possible that Jesus was thinki: 
of the story of Abel when He spoke of the devil as 
murderer from the beginning,' i.e. the instigator 
murder as he is of lies. A. H. M'Neile. 

ABEL. — A word meaning 'meadow,' and entering 
an element into several place-names. In 1 S 6'* 
reference in AV to 'Abel' is in the RV corrected 
' great stone.' Elsewhere the name is found only wi 
qualifying epithets. R. A. S. Macalistee. 

ABEL (OF) BETH-MAACAH.— Where Sheba to 
refuge from Joab (2 S 2011-18); it was captured 1 
Ben-hadad (1 K IS^"), and by Tiglath-pileser (2 K 152 
corresponding to the modern Abil, west ot Tell d-Kai 
and north of Lake Huleh. R. a, S. Macalistee 

ABEL-OHERAMIM ('meadow ot the vineyards') 
The limit ot Jephthah's defeat ot the Midianites (Jg 11' 
Site unknown. r. a. S. Macalistee. 

ABEL-MAim ('meadow ot waters'). — An alternati 

name for Abel ot Beth-maacah, found in 2 Ch li 

which corresponds to 1 K 15", quoted under that hea 

R. A. S. Macalistee. 


ABEL - ItlEHOLAH (' meadow of the dance or 
circle'). — A place in the Jordan valley, the limit of 
Gideon's pursuit of the Midianites (Jg 7^); in the 
administrative district of Taanach and Megiddo under 
Solomon (1 K 4"); the native place of Adriel, husband 
of Merab, Saul's daughter (1 S 18"), and ot Elisha 
(1 K 19"). The suggested identifications are uncertain. 
See Moore's Judges, p. 212. R. A. S. Macalistbk. 

ABEL-MIZRAIM ('meadow of the Egyptians').— 
The scene ot the mourning tor Jacob (Gn 60"). The 
only clue to its situation is its being ' beyond Jordan.' 

ABEL-SHITTIM ('meadow of the acacias').— In the 
plains of Moab (Nu 33"); otherwise Shittim, the last 
(Jos 3') trans-Jordanic stage where the Israelites en- 
camped. Identified with Ghor es-Seisaban, east of the 
Jordan, opposite Jericho. It was the scene of the 
offence of Baal-peor (Nu 25'). Hence Joshua sent his 
spies (Jos 2'). R. A. S. Macalister. 

ABI. — The name of a queen-mother of the 8th cent. 
(2 K 18'), called Abijah in the parallel passage 2 Ch 29>. 
'The reading in Kings is the more probable. 

ABIAH.— See Abijah. 

ABI-ALBON.— See Abiel. 

ABIASAPH ( = 'tather has gathered'). Ex 6!" = 
EBIASAPH ( = ' father has increased'), 1 Ch 6»- s? 9i8._ 
The name of a division of the Korahite Levites, men- 
tioned only in the genealogies ot P and the Chronicler. 
According to 1 Ch 9" 26' (in the latter passage read 
Ebiasaph for Asaph), a section ot the division acted as 

ABIATHAR. — Son of Ahimelech, who was head ot 
the family of priests in charge of the sanctuary at 
Nob (1 S 21'). All except Abiathar were massacred by 
Saul (1 S 222"). -When the rest obeyed the king's 
summons, he may have remained at home to officiate. 
On hearing of the slaughter he took refuge with David, 
carrying with him the oracular ephod (1 S 23"; see 
also 1 S 23' 30'). Abiathar and Zadok accompanied 
the outlaw in his prolonged wanderings. During 
Absalom's rebellion they and their sons rendered 
yeoman service to the old king (2 S 15"). At 2 S 8" 
(so also 1 Ch 18'5 [where, moreover, ' Atimelech ' should 
be Ahimelech] 24") the names of Abiathar and his father 
have been transposed. Abiathar's adhesion to Adonijah 
(1 K 1'- 19- 25) was of great importance, not only because 
ot his position as priest, but also owing to his long 
friendship with king David. Solomon, therefore, as soon 
as he could safely do it, deposed Abiathar from the 
priesthood, warned him that any future misconduct 
would entail capital punishment, and relegated him to 
the seclusion of Anathoth (1 K 2»). His sons (2 S 8") 
lost the priestly office along with their father (1 K 2''; 
cf. 1 S 2^'-^). At Mk 2» the erroneous mention of 
Abiathar is due to his having been so intimately associ- 
ated with the king in days subsequent to the one 
mentioned. J. Taylok. 

ABIB (the 'green ear' month. Ex 13* etc.). — See Time. 

ABIDA ('father hath knowledge'). — A son of Midian 
(Gn 25S 1 Ch 1*!). 

ABIDAD' ('father is judge'). — Representative of the 
tribe of Benjamin at the census and on certain other 
occasions, Nu 1" 2=2 7»"- » 10^. 

ABIEL. — 1. Father of Kish and Ner, and grand- 
father ot Saul (1 S 9' 1461). The latter passage should 
run, ' Kish, the fathei of Saul, and Ner the father of 
Abner, were sons of Abiel.' 2. One of David's heroes 
(1 Ch 11'2), from Beth-arabah in the wilderness of 
Judah (Jos 15«- " 18«). Abi-albon (2 S 23") is a trans- 
scriber's error, the eye having fallen on albon below: 
some codices of the LXX have Abiel: possibly the 
original was Abibaal. J. Tatlor. 

ABIEZER ('father is help'). — 1. The name occurs 
also in the abbreviated form Jezer. He is called the 


son of Hammolecheth, sister ot Machlr, the son of 
Manasseh (1 Ch 7"). His descendants formed one of 
the smallest clans belonging to the Gileadite branch of 
the tribe ot Manasseh, the best known member ot which 
was Gideon. According to Jg 6^ 8'^, the Abiezrites 
were settled at Ophrah; they were the first to obey the 
summons of Joshua to fight against the Midianites. — 

2. An Anathothite, one of David's thirty-seven chief 
heroes, who had command of the army during the ninth 
month (2 S 232', i ch 2712). W. O. E. Oesterley. 

ABIGAIL, or ABIGAL.— 1. Wife of Nabal (1 S 25"). 
She dissuaded David from avenging himself on the surly 
farmer, and soon after the latter's death married David 
(1 S 25^'-"), and accom'pariied him to Gath and Ziklag 
(1 S 27' 30'- 1'). At Hebron she bore him a son, whose 
name may have been Chileab (2 S 3'), or Daniel (1 Ch 3i), 
or Dodiel (the LXX at 2 S 3' has Daluya). 2. Step-sister 
of David, mother of Amasa (2 S 1726, 1 Ch 2'"). 

J. Taylor. 

ABIHAIL ('father is might'). — 1. As the name of 
a man it occurs (o) in 1 Ch 5" as that of a Gadite who 
dwelt in the land of Bashan. (6) It was also the name 
of Esther's father, the uncle of Mordecai (Est 2i6 9''). 

2. As the name ot a woman it occurs three times: 
(a) 1 Ch 22S, the wife ot Abishur, of the tribe of Judah; 
this is its only occurrence in pre-exilic writings. (6) 
Nu 3^, a daughter of the sons of Merari, of the tribe of 
Levi, the mother of Zuriel, a ' prince ' among the families 
of Merari. (c) 2 Ch llis, the mother of Rehoboam's wife, 
Mahalath, and daughter of Eliab, David 's eldest brother. 

It is a woman's name in Minaean (South Arabian) 
inscriptions, where it occurs in the form Ili-hail. 

W. O. E. Oesterley. 

ABIHU ('he is father'). — Second son of Aaron 
(Ex 623, Nu 32 26«», 1 Ch 6^ 24'); accompanied Moses 
to the top of Sinai (Ex 241 • '); admitted to the priest's 
office (Ex 28'); slain along with his brother Nadab for 
offering strange fire (Lv lOi- 2, Nu 3< 26", 1 Ch 242). 

ABIHUD (' father is majesty ').—ABenjamite (1 Ch 8'). 

ABUAH. — 1. Son and successor of Rehoboam (2 Ch 
13'), also called Abijam (1 K 14"). The accounts of 
him in the Books of Kings and Chronicles are discrepant. 
The difference begins with the name of his mother, 
which 2 Ch. gives as Micaiah, daughter of Uriel of Gibeah, 
while 1 K. makes her to have been Maacah, daughter of 
Abishalom. As the latter is also the name of Asa's 
mother (1 K 15'°, 2 Ch 16"), there is probably some 
confusion in the text. Beyond this, the Book ot Kings 
tells us only that he reigned three years, that he walked 
in the sins of his father, and that he had war with 
Jeroboam, king of Israel. 2. Samuel's second son 
(1 S 82). The RV retains the spelling Abiah in 1 Ch 628. 

3. A son of Jeroboam I. who died in childhood (1 K 14). 

4. One ot the 'heads ot fathers' houses' of the sons of 
Eleazar, who gave his name to the 8th of the 24 courses 
ot priests (1 Ch 24»- '», 2 Ch 8"). To this course 
Zacharias, the father of John the Baptist, belonged 
(Lk 1'). The name occurs also in the lists of priests who 
'went up with Zerubbabel' (Neh 12*), and of those who 
' sealed unto the covenant ' in the'timejot Nehemiah(lO'). 

5. A son of Becher, son of Benjamin, 1 Ch 7*. 6. Wife 
of Hezron, eldest son of Perez, son of Judah, 1 Ch 22", 
RV Abiah. 7. Wife of Ahaz, and mother of Hezekiah 
(2 Ch 29'), named Abi in 2 K 18'. H. P. Smith. 

ABILENE. — Mentioned in Lk 3', and also in several 
references in Josephus, as a tetrarchy of Lysanias 
[wh. see]. It was situated in the Anti-Lebanon, and 
its capital was Abila, a town whose ruins are found 
to-day on the northern bank of the river Barada, near 
a village called Suk Wady Barada. It is one of the 
most picturesque spots on the railroad to Damascus. 
The ancient name is to-day preserved in a Latin in- 
scription on a deep rock-cutting high up above the rail- 
way. By a worthless Moslem tradition, Abel is said 
to have been buried here. E. W. G. Mastebman. 


ABILITT. — In AV 'ability' is either material (Lv 278, 
Ezr 2"', Ac 11^') or personal (Dn 1', Mt 25'') capacity. 
The mod. meaning (' mental power ') is not found in AV. 

ABIMAEL (perhaps = 'father is God'). — One of the 
Joktanids or S. Arabians (see art. Joktan), Gn lO^s (J), 

1 Ch 122. 

ABIMELEOH ('father is Idng' or perhaps 'Melech 
isfather'). — 1. KingofGerar. According to E (Gn 20) 
he took Sarah into his harem, but on learning that she 
was Abraham's wife, restored her uninjured and made 
ample amends. Subsequently he entered into a covenant 
with Abraham (21»ff). J (12»i'ff- 26'<') gives two variants 
of the same tradition. The Book of Jubilees, in the 
section parallel to 12"'*-, exonerates Abraham from 
blame, and omits the other two narratives! 2. The son 
of Gideon. His mother belonged to one of the leading 
Canaanite families in Shechem, although Jg 8" calls 
her a concubine, and Jotham (9") brands her as a maid- 
servant. On Gideon's decease, Abimelech, backed by 
his maternal relatives, gathered a band of mercenaries, 
murdered his seventy half-brothers 'on one stone,' 
and was accepted as king by the mixed Canaanite and 
Israelite population of Shechem and the neighbourhood. 
But Jotham sowed the seeds of dissension between the 
new ruler and his subjects, and the latter soon took 
offence because the king did not reside among them. 
At the end of three years they were ripe for revolt, and 
found a leader in Gaal, son of Ebed. Abimelech de- 
feated him, took the city, and sowed the site with salt, 
in token that it should not again be built upon. Thebez, 
the next town attacked by him, fell into his hands, but 
he was mortally wounded by a woman whilst assaulting 
the citadel (Jg 9'»-m, 2 S ll^i). His significance in 
the history of Israel consists in the fact that his short- 
lived monarchy was the precursor of the durable one 
founded soon after. 3. 1 Ch 18'": read Ahimdech. 
4. Ps 34 (title): read jlcftisft (of. IS 2113). j. Taylor. 

ABINADAB ('father is generous'). — 1. The second 
son of Jesse (1 S 168 lyia, i ch 2"). 2. A son of Saul 
slain in the battle of Mt. Gilboa (1 S 312=1 Ch 10^). 
3. Owner of the house whither the ark was brought by 
the men of Kiriath-jearim (1 S 7'), whence it was sub- 
sequently removed by David (2 S 6"-, 1 Ch 13'). 

ABIKOAM ('father is pleasantness'). — The father of 
Barak (Jg 4«- " S'^). 

ABIRAM ('father is the Exalted One').— 1. A 
Reubenite, who with Dathan conspired against Moses 
(Nu 161 etc., Dt 11», Ps lOB"). See art. Korah. 
2. The firstborn son of Hiel the Bethelite, who died 
when his father rebuilt Jericho (1 K 16"). 

ABISHAG. — A beautiful young Shunammitess who 
attended upon David in his extreme old age (1 K 1^^ ■ i'). 
After David's death, Abishag was asked in marriage 
by Adonijah; the request cost him his life (1 K 218-25). 

ABISHAI. — Son of Zeruiah, David's step-sister 
(2 S 1726, 1 Ch 2i«). His brothers were Joab and 
Asahel (2 S 21*). He was a hot-tempered, ruthless 
soldier. Accompanying David into Saul's camp, he 
would fain have killed the sleeper (1 S 26'). An 
editorial addition (2 S 38") associates him with Joab in 
the blood-revenge taken on Abner. Abishai was second 
in command of the army (2 S 10. 18), and if we make a 
slight necessary correction at 2 S 23i8'-, we find that he 
was first of the famous thirty. He is credited with 
the slaughter of three hundred foes, and David once 
owed his life to Abishai's interposition (2 S 231* 21i"). 
Notwithstanding their relationship and their usefulness, 
there was a natural antipathy between the king and 
the two brothers (2 S 3"). J. Taylor. 

ABISHALOM.— See Absalom. 

ABISHUA.— 1. Son of Phinehas and father of Bukki 
(1 Ch 6«- 8», Ezr 7'); called in 1 Es 82 Abisue, and in 

2 Es 12 Abissei. 2. A Benjamite (1 Ch 8«; cf. Nu 2688«). 


ABISHUR ('father is a wall').— A Jerahmeelii 
(1 Ch 228t.). 

ABISSEI.— See Abishua, No. 1. 

ABISUE.— See Abishua, No. 1. 

ABITAL ('father is dew').— Wife of David an 
mother of Shephatiah (2 S 3i = 1 Ch 38). 

ABITTJB.— A Benjamite (1 Ch 8"). 

ABIUD (i.e. Abihud).— An ancestor of Jesus (Mt 1" 

ABJECT. — In Ps 351* 'abject' occurs as a noun, as i 
Herbert's Temple — 'Servants and abjects flout me.' 

ABNER.— Saul's cousin (1 S Qi 14") and commander-ii 
chief (1 S 17« 268). He set Ish-bosheth on his father 
throne, and fought long and bravely against David 
general, Joab (2 S 2). After a severe defeat, he kille 
Asahel in self-defence (2 S 22'). He behaved arrogant! 
towards the puppet-king, especially in taking possessic 
of one of Saul's concubines (2 S 3'). Resenting bitter: 
the remonstrances of Ish-bosheth, he entered ini 
negotiations with David (2 S 38-12), and then, on David 
behalf, with the elders of Israel (2 S 31'). Dreading tl 
loss of his own position, and thirsting for revenge, Joa 
murdered him at Hebron (2 S 328'). David gave hi) 
a public funeral, dissociated himself from Joab's ai 
(2 S 381-8'), and afterwards charged Solomon to avenj 
it (1 K 28). Abner was destitute of all lofty ideas ( 
morality or religion (2 S 38- is), but was the only capab 
person on the side of Saul's family. J. Taylor. 

ABOMINATION.— Four Hebrew words from thrf 
different roots are rendered in EV by 'abominatioi 
and, occasionally, 'abominable thing.' In almost a 
cases (for exceptions see Gn 4382 468*) the reference 
to objects and practices abhorrent to J", and oppose 
to the moral requirements and ritual of His religioi 
Among the objects so described are heathen deiti( 
such as Ashtoreth (Astarte), Chemosh, Milcora, tl 
' abominations ' of the Zidonlans (Phoenicians) , Moabite 
and Ammonites respectively (2 K 23i8); images an 
other paraphernalia of the forbidden cults (Dt 728 27' 
and often in Ezk. ) ; and the flesh of animals ritually tabc 
(see esp. Lv lli»«- and art. Clean and Unclean 
Some of the practices that are an ' abomination unto J" 
are the worship of heathen deities and of the heavenl 
bodies (Dt 13" 17* and often), the practice of witchcra 
and kindred arts (Dt 18!2), gross acts of immoralit 
(Lv 18229 • ) , falsification of weights and measures (Pr Hi 
and 'evil devices' generally (Pr 1528 RV). 

One of the four words above referred to {piggU 
occurs only as a 'technical term for stale sacrifioii 
flesh, which has not been eaten within the prescribe 
time' (Driver, who would render 'refuse meat' i 
Lv 71B 19', Ezk 4», Is 65«). A. R. S. Kennedy. 

only in Mk 13" and its parallel Mt 24". It is obvious! 
derived, as St. Matthew indicates, from Dn II81 12' 
cf. 92'. In these passages the most natural referem 
is to the desecration of the Temple under Antiochi 
Epiphanes, when an altar to Olympian Zeus was erecte 
on the altar of burnt sacrifices. As interpreted in tl 
revision by St. Luke (2120), the reference in the Gosp 
is to the encompassing of Jerusalem by the Roma 
army. It is very diflScult, however, to adjust th 
interpretation to the expression of Mk. ' standing whei 
he ought not,' and that of Mt. 'standing in the hoi 
place.' Other interpretations would be: (1) tl 
threatened erection of the statue of Caligula in tl 
Temple; or (2) the desecration of the Temple area t 
the Zealots, who during the siege made it a fortres 
or (3) the desecration of the Temple by the presen( 
of Titus after its capture by that general. While 
is impossible to reach any final choice between the 
different interpretations, it seems probable that tl 
reference of Mk 13" is prior to the destruction 1 
Jerusalem, because of its insistence that the appearan( 
of the ' abomination of desolation' (or the ' abomlnatic 



that makes desolate') is to be taken as a warning for 
tliose who are in Judsea to flee to the mountains. It 
would seem to follow, therefore, that the reference is to 
some event, portending the fall of Jerusalem, which 
might also be Interpreted by the Christians as a premoni- 
tion of the Parousia (2 Th 2i -12). It would seem natural 
to see this event in the coming of the Romans (Lk 212°), 
or in the seizure of the Temple by the Zealots under John 
of Gisoala, before the city was completely invested by 
the Romans. A measure of probability is given to the 
latter conjecture by the tradition (Eusebius, HE iii. v. 3) 
that the Jewish Christians, because of a Divine oracle, 
fled from Jerusalem during the early course of the siege. 
Shailer Mathews. 

ABRAHAM. — Abram and Abraham are the two 
forms in which the name of the flrst patriarch was 
handed down in Hebrew tradition. The change of 
name recorded in Gn 17'' (P) is a harmonistic theory, 
which involves an impossible etymology, and cannot 
be regarded as historical. Of Abraham no better ex- 
planation has been suggested than that it is possibly 
a dialectic or orthographic variation of Abram, which 
in the fuller forms Abiram and Aburamu is found as a 
personal name both in Heb. and Babylonian. The 
history of Abraham (Gn ll''-2S'*) consists of a number 
of legendary narratives, which have been somewhat 
loosely strung together into a semblance of biographical 
continuity. These narratives (with the exception of 
ch. 14, which is assigned to a special source) are appor- 
tioned by critics to the three main documents of Genesis, 
J, E, and P; and the analysis shows that the biographic 
arrangement is not due solely to the compUer of the 
Pent., but existed in the separate sources. In them 
we can recognize, amidst much diversity, the outlines 
of a fairly solid and consistent tradition, which may 
be assumed to have taken shape at different centres, 
such as the sanctuaries of Hebron and Beersheba. 

1. The account of J opens with the Divine call to 
Abraham, in obedience to which he separates himself 
from his kindred and migrates to Canaan (12'-*). 

In the proper Jahwistic tradition the starting-point of the 
Exodus was Harran in Mesopotamia, but in ll^aff. (cf. 15') 
we find combined with this another view, according to which 
Abraham came from Ur of the Chaldees in S. Babylonia. 
In passing we may note the remarkable fact that both 
traditions alike connect the patriarch with famous centres 
of Babylonian moon-worship. 

Arrived in Canaan, Abraham builds altars at Shechem, 
where he receives the flrst promise of the land, and 
Bethel, where the separation from Lot takes place; 
after which Abraham resumes his southern journey 
and takes up his abode at Hebron (ch. 13). This con- 
nexion is broken in 1211-2" by the episode of Abraham's 
sojourn in Egypt, which probably belongs to an older 
stratum of Jahwistic tradition representing him as 
leading a nomadic life in the Negeb. To the same 
cycle we may assign the story of Hagar's flight and 
the prophecy regarding Ishmael, in ch. 16: here, too, 
the home of Abraham is apparently located in the 
Negeb. In ch. 18 we find Abraham at Hebron, where 
In a theophany he receives the promise of a son to be 
born to Sarah, and also an intimation of the doom 
impending over the guilty cities of the Plain. The 
destruction of Sodom and Gomorrah, and the deliver- 
ance of Lot, are graphically described in ch. 19, which 
closes with an account of the shameful origins of Moab 
and Ammon. Passing over some fragmentary notices 
in ch. 21, which have been amalgamated with the fuller 
narrative of E, we come to the last scene of J's record, 
the mission of Abraham's servant to seek a bride for 
Isaac, told with such dramatic power in ch. 24. It 
would seem that the death of Abraham, of which J's 
account has nowhere been preserved, must have taken 
place before the servant returned. A note is appended 
in 25'*- as to the descent of 16 Arabian tribes from 
Abraham and Keturah. 

2. Of E's narrative the first traces appear in ch. 1.5, 

a composite and difiicult chapter, whose kernel probably 
belongs rather to this document than to J. In its 
present form it narrates the renewal to Abraham of 
the two great promises on which his faith rested — the 
promise of a seed and of the land of Canaan — and the 
confirmation of the latter by an impressive ceremony 
in which God entered into a covenant with the patriarch. 
The main body of Elohistic tradition, however, is found 
in chs. 20-22. We have here a notice of Abraham's 
arrival in the Negeb, followed by a sojourn in Gerar, 
where Sarah's honour is compromised by the deliberate 
concealment of the fact that she is married (ch. 20) — 
a variant form of the Jahwistic legend of 121° -'i. 'The 
expulsion of Hagar, recorded in 21'>-2i, is an equally 
obvious parallel to J's account of the flight of Hagar 
in ch. 16, although in E the incident follows, while in J 
it precedes, the births of both Ishmael and Isaac. The 
latter part of ch. 21 is occupied with the narrative of 
Abraham's adventures in -the Negeb — especially his 
covenant with Abimelech of Gerar — which leads up 
to the consecration of the sanctuary of Beersheba to 
the worship of Jahweh. Here the narrative has been 
supplemented by extracts from a Jahwistic recension 
of the same tradition. To E, finally, we are indebted 
for the fascinating story of the sacrifice of Isaac in 
ch. 22, which may be fairly described as the gem of 
this collection. 

3. In P, the biography of Abraham is mostly reduced 
to a chronological epitome, based on the narrative of 
J, and supplying some gaps left by the compiler in the 
older document. There are just two places where the 
meagre chronicle expands into elaborately circumstantial 
description. The first is the account, in ch. 17, of the 
institution of circumcision as the sign of the covenant 
between God and Abraham, round which are gathered 
all the promises which in the earlier documents are 
connected with various experiences in the patriarch's 
lite. The second incident is the purchase of the cave 
of Machpelah after the death of Sarah, recorded at great 
length in ch. 23: this is peculiar to P, and was evidently 
of importance to that writer as a guarantee of Israel's 
perpetual tenure of the land of Canaan. 

4. Such is, in outline, the history of Abraham as 
transmitted through the recognized literary channels 
of the national tradition. We have yet to mention an 
episode, concerning which there is great diversity of 
opinion, — the story of Abraham's victory over the four 
kings, and his interview with Melchizedek, in ch. 14. 
It is maintained by some that this chapter bears internal 
marks of authenticity not possessed by the rest of the 
Abrahamic tradition, and affords a firm foothold for 
the belief that Abraham is a historic personage of the 
3rd millennium B.C., contemporary with Hammurabi 
(Amraphel?) of Babylon (c. 2300). Others take a 
diametrically opposite view, holding that it is a late 
Jewish romance, founded on imperfectly understood 
data derived from cuneiform sources. The arguments 
on either side cannot be given here: it must suffice to 
remark that, even if convincing proof of the historicity 
of ch. 14 could be produced, it would still be a question 
whether that judgment could be extended to the very 
different material of the undisputed Hebrew tradition. 
It is much more important to inquire what is the 
historical value of the tradition which lies immediately 
behind the more popular narratives in which the religious 
significance of Abraham's character is expressed. That 
these are history in the strict sense of the word is a 
proposition to which no competent scholar would 
assent. They are legends which had circulated orally 
for an indefinite time, and had assumed varied forms, 
before they were collected and reduced to writing. 
The only question of practical moment is whether the 
legends have clustered round the name of a historic 
personality, the leader of an immigration of Arameean 
tribes into Palestine, and at the same time the recipient 
of a new revelation of God which prepared the way 



for the unique religious history and mission of Israel. 
It cannot be said that this view of Abraham has as 
yet obtained any direct confirmation from discoveries 
in Assyrioiogy or archaeology, though it is perhaps 
true that recent developments of these sciences render 
the conception more intelligible than it formerly was. 
And there is nothing, either in the tradition itself or 
in our knowledge of the background against which it 
is set, that is inconsistent with the supposition that 
to the extent just indicated the figure of Abraham is 
historical. If it be the essence of legend, as distinct 
from myth, that it originates in the impression made 
by a commanding personality on his contemporaries, we 
may well believe that the story of Abraham, bearing as 
it does the stamp of ethical character and individuality, 
is a true legend, and therefore has grown up around 
some nucleus of historic fact. 

5. From the religious point of view, the Ufe of Abraham 
has a surprising inner unity as a record of the progressive 
trial and strengthening of faith. It is a life of unclouded 
earthly prosperity, broken by no reverse of fortune; 
yet it is rooted in fellowship with the unseen. 'He 
goes through life,' it has been well said, ' listening for 
the true ISra, which is not shut up in formal precepts, 
but revealed from time to time to the conscience; and 
this leaning upon God's word is declared to be in 
Jahweh's sight a proof of genuine righteousness.' He is 
the Father of the faithful, and the Friend of God. And 
that inward attitude of spirit is reflected in a character 
of singular loftiness and magnanimity, an unworldly 
and disinterested disposition which reveals no moral 
struggle, but is nevertheless the fruit of habitual con- 
verse with God. The few narratives which present the 
patriarch in a less admirable light only throw into 
bolder relief those ideal features of character in virtue 
of which Abraham stands in the pages of Scripture as 
one of the noblest types of Hebrew piety. 

J. Skinner. 

ABRAHAM'S BOSOM.— It was natural for the Jews 
to represent Abraham as welcoming his righteous 
descendants to the bliss of heaven. It was, also, not 
unusual for them to represent the state of the righteous 
as a feast. In the parable of Lk 16'™- Jesus uses these 
figures to represent the blessedness of the dead Lazarus. 
He was reclining at the feast next to Abraham (cf. 
Mt 8"). A Rabbi of the third century, Adda Bar Ahaba, 
uses precisely this expression as a synonym for entering 
Paradise. Other Jewish writings occasionally represent 
Abraham as in a way overseeing the entrance of souls 
into Paradise. ' Abraham's Bosom,' therefore, may very 
fairly be said to be a synonym for Paradise, where 
the righteous dead live in eternal bliss. There is no 
clear evidence that the Jews of Jesus' day believed in 
an intermediate state, and it is unsafe to see in the term 
any reference to such a belief. Shailer Mathews. 

ABRECH. — A word of doubtful signification, tr. 
'Bow the knee,' in AV and RV (Gn 41" 'then he 
made him [Joseph] to ride in the second chariot which 
he had; and they cried before him, Bow the knee; 
and he set him over all the land of Egypt'). The 
word should be either Hebrew or Egyptian. An Assyr. 
etymology has been proposed, viz. abarakku, the title 
of one of the highest officials in the Assyrian Empire, 
but no such borrowings from Assyria are known in 
Egypt. Hebrew affords no likely explanation. Egyp- 
tian hitherto has furnished two that are possible: 

(1) 'Praisel' but the word is rare and doubtful; 

(2) abrak, apparently meaning 'Attention!' 'Have a 
carer (Spiegelberg). The last seems the least im- 
probable. F. Ll. Griffith. 

ABRONAH .—A station in the journeyings (Nu333* ■=') . 

ABSALOM ('father is peace'). — Third son of David, 
by Maacah, daughter of Talmai, king of Geshur (2 S 3'). 
His sister Tamar having been wronged by her half- 
brother Amnon, and David having failed to punish the 



criminal, Absalom assassinated Amnon and fled to 
Geshur, where he spent three years (ch. 13). Joab 
procured his recall, but he was not admitted into his 
father's presence. In his usual imperious fashion he 
next compelled Joab to briBg about his full restoration 
( X429a . ) . Then he assumed the position of heir-apparent 
(151; cf. 1 S 8", 1 K 15), and began undermining the 
loyalty of the people. Four (not 'forty') years after 
his return he set up the standard of rebellion at Hebron, 
a town which was well-aflected towards him because it 
was his birthplace, and aggrieved against David because 
it was no longer the metropoUs. The old king was 
taken by surprise, and fled to the east of the Jordan. 
On entering Jerusalem, Absalom publicly appropriated 
the royal harem, thus proclaiming the supersession of 
his father. By the insidious counsel of Hushai time was 
wasted in collecting a large army. But time was on 
David's side. His veterans rallied round him; his 
seasoned captains were by his side. When Absalom 
offered battle, near Mahanaim, the king's only anxiety^ 
was lest his son should be slain. This really happened, 
through Joab's agency. The father's natural, but 
unseasonable, lamentation was cut short by the soldier's 
blunt remonstrance (2 S 19»*). On the face of the 
history it is clear that, if Absalom lacked capacity, he 
possessed charm. His physical beauty contributed to 
this: 2 S 1425-2' is probably a gloss, but certainly rests 
on a reliable tradition; the polling of the hair was a 
religious act. According to 2 S 18", Absalom had no 
son: this is more reliable than the statement in 2 S 14^'. 
It is said that later generations, following Pr 10', always 
avoided the name Absalom, preferring tiie form Abi- 
shalom (which appears in 1 K IS*- 1"). J. Taylor. 

ABSALOM (IN Apocr.).— 1. The father of Mattathias, 
one of the captains who stood by Jonathan at Hazor 
(1 Mac ll"' = Jos. Ant. xiii. v. 7). It is perhaps the 
same Absalom whose son Jonathan was sent by Simon 
to secure Joppa (1 Mac.l3" = Jos. Ant. xm. vi. i). 
2. An envoy sent by the jews to Lysias (2 Mac 11"). 

ABUBTJS. — Father of Ptolemy the murderer of Simon 
the Maccabee (1 Mac 16" ■ '5). 

ABYSS.— The Jewish eschatology of the time of Christ 
conceived of the abode of departed spirits as a great 
abyss, in the midst of which was a lake of fire, intended 
primarily as a place of punishment for the angels and 
giants, and accordingly tor sinners. The abyss existed 
before the creation, and was the home of the various 
enemies of God, such as the dragon and the beast. In 
the NT it is used only in Apocalypse (AV 'bottomless 
pit') and in Ro 10' and Lk S^i (AV 'deep '). 

Shailer Mathews. 

ACACIA. — See Shittim Tree. 

ACCABA, 1 Es Ss»=Hagab, Ezr 2«. 

ACCEPTANCE denotes the being in favour with 
any one. In EV the noun is found only in Is 60', but 
'accept' and 'acceptable' are used frequently both in 
OT and NT to express the acceptance of one man with 
another (Gn 322", Lk i^), but above all the acceptance 
of man with God. In OT the conditions of acceptance 
with God are sometimes ceremonial (Ex 28'*, Ps 20'). 
But of themselves these are insufficient (Gn 4' ■ ', Am S^^i 
Jer &'" 1411- 12), and only moral uprightness (Pr 21^, 
Job 428) and the sacrifices of a sincere heart (Ps 19" 
H9i»8; cf. 405ff. 51i5«) are recognized as truly accept- 
able with God. In NT the grounds of the Divine 
acceptance are never ceremonial, but always spiritual 
(Ro 121, ph 418, 1 P 25). Jesus Christ is the type of 
perfect acceptance (Mk lii||. He los"). In Him as 
' the Beloved,' and through Him as the Mediator, men 
secure their reUgious standing and fundamental accept- 
ance with God (Eph 1«). In serving Him (Ro 14i8), 
and following His example (1 P Z">- «), they become 
morally acceptable in the Father's sight. 

J. C. Lambert. 


ACCESS (Gr. prosagSgl). — The word occurs only in 
Ro S', Eph 218 312, and the question (regarding which 
commentators are much divided) is whether it ought 
to be understood in the trans, sense as 'introduction,' 
the being brought near by another, or in the intrans. 
sense as 'access' or personal approach. The trans, 
sense is most in keeping with the ordinary use of the vb. 
prosagS in classical Gr. (cf. its use in 1 P 31^ 'that he 
might bring us to God') — the idea suggested being that 
of a formal introduction into a royal presence. ' Access,' 
moreover, does not so well express the tact that we 
cannot approach God in our own right, but need Christ to 
introduce us; cf. 'by [RV 'through'] whom' (Ro 5'), 
'through him' (Eph 2i»), 'in whom' (3"). The word 
'access' does not occur in Hebrews, but the writer has 
much to say on the subject of our approach to God 
through Christ, esp. for the purpose of prayer (4i'^) 
and worship (IQi'"')- J- C. Lambert. 

ACCO.— Jg 1». See Ptolemais. 

ACCOS (1 Mac S").— Grandfather of one of the 
envoys sent to Rome by Judas Maccabseus in B.C. 161. 
Accos represents the Heb. Hakkoz, the name of a priestly 
family (1 Ch 24i», Ezr 2"). 

ACCURSED.— See Ban. 

ACELDAMA.— See Akeldama. 

ACHAIA. — This name was originally applied to a 
strip of land on the N. coast of the Peloponnese. On 
annexing Greece and Macedonia as a province in b.c. 
146, the Romans applied the name Achaia to the whole 
of that country. In b.c. 27 two provinces were formed, 
Macedonia and Achaia; and the latter included Thessaly, 
.ffitolia, Acarnania, and some part of Epirus, with 
Euboea and most of the Cyclades. It was governed 
In St. Paul's time by a proconsul of the second grade, 
with headquarters at Corinth (Ac ISi^). 'Hellas' 
(Ac 20') is the native Greek name corresponding to the 
Roman 'Achaia.' There were Jewish settlements in 
this province, at Corinth, Athens, etc. (Ac 17" IS'- '), 
and the work of St. Paul began amongst them and was 
carried on by Apollos (1 and 2 Cor. passim, Ac 17"«- 

18. 191). A. SODTEE. 

ACHAICUS.— The name of a member of the Church 
at Corinth. He was with Stephanas and Fortunatua 
(1 Co 16'") when they visited St. Paul at Ephesus 
and 'refreshed his spirit.' Nothing more is certainly 
known of him. As slaves were often named from the 
country of their birth, it is a probable conjecture that 
he was a slave, born in Achaia. J. G. Taskek. 

ACHAN. — Son of Carmi, of the tribe of Judah (Jos 7'). 
It is brought home to Joshua (Jos T-") that the defeat 
at Ai was due to the fact of Jahweh's covenant hav- 
ing been transgressed. An inquiry is instituted, and 
Achan is singled out as the transgressor. He confesses 
that after the capture of Jericho he had hidden part of 
the spoil, the whole of which had been placed under the 
ban (cherem), i.e. devoted to Jahweh, and was therefore 
unlawful for man to touch. According to the usage of 
the times, both he and his family are stoned, and their 
dead bodies burned — the latter an even more terrible 
punishment in the eyes of ancient Israel. The sentence 
is carried out in the valley of Achor ('troubling'). 
According to Jos T^- *», this valley was so called after 
Achan, the 'troubler' of Israel. Later his name was 
changed to Achar to correspond more closely with the 
name of the valley (1 Ch 2'). W. O. E. Oesteelby. 

ACHAR.— See Achan. 

ACHBOR ('mouse' or 'jerboa'). — 1. An Edomite 
(Gn 36«»). 2. A courtier under Josiah, son of Micaiah 
(2 K 2212- "), and father of Elnathan (Jer 26^ om. 
LXX, 3612). Called Abdon (2 Ch 34"). 

ACHIACHARTJS, the nephew of Tobit, was governor 
under Sarchedonus = Esarhaddon (To l^i etc.). The 
nearest Hebrew name is Ahihud (1 Ch 8'). 


AOHIAS.— An ancestor of Ezra (2 Es l"), omitted 
in Ezr. and 1 Es. 

ACHIM (perhaps a shortened form of Jehoiachim), 
an ancestor of our Lord (Mt 1"). 

ACHIOB ('brother of light').— A general of the Am- 
monites (Jtli 5' etc.), afterwards converted to Judaism 
(ch. 14). 

ACHIFHA (1 Es 6").— His children were among the 
'temple servants' or Nethinim who returned with 
Zerubbabel; called Hakupha, Ezr 2«i, Neh 7^'. 

ACmSH.— The king of Gath to whom David fled for 
refuge after the massacre of the priests at Nob (1 S 211"). 
In 1 S 272 he is called 'the son of Maoch' (possibly = 
'son of Maacah,' 1 K 2''). He received David with his 
band of 600 men, and assigned him the city of Ziklag 
in the S. of Judah. Despite the wishes of Achish, the 
other Phil, princes refused to let David take part in the 
final campaign against Saul. ['Achish' should be read 
for ' Abimelech' in Ps 34 (title).] 

ACHMETHA.— The Ecbatana of the Greeks and 
Romans, modern Hamadan. It was the capital of 
Media (in Old Persian Haghmatana). It is mentioned 
but once in the canonical books (Ezr 6^), as the place 
where the archives of the reign of Cyrus were deposited. 
It is several times mentioned in the Apocrypha (2 Mac 9'. 
To 3' 6' 14i3f-, Jth 11"). J. F. McCuEDY. 

ACHOR Cemeq'akhBr, 'Vale of Grief ').— Here Achan 
(wh. see), with his famUy, was stoned to death. It 
lay on the boundary between Judah and Benjamin 
(Jos 15' etc.). Guthe identifies it with the plain south 
of Jericho, between the mountains on the west, and 
Jordan and the Dead Sea on the east. Wady Kelt, a 
tremendous gorge which breaks down from th^'ijipuntain 
W. of Jericho, probably formed the boundary between 
Judah and Benjamin. In the mouth of this valley, it 
seems likely, the execution took place. W. Ewing. 

ACHSAH (1 Ch 2", AV Achsa).— The daughter of 
Caleb. Her father promised her in marriage to the 
man who should capture Debir or Kiriath-sepher — a feat 
accomplished by Othniel, the brother of Caleb. Her 
dowry of a south land (Negeb) was increased by the 
grant of 'the upper springs and the nether springs' 
(Jos 151= -1', Jg l?-i5). 

ACHSHAPH.— About 17 miles E. of Tyre, now called 
Iksaf or Kesaf, on N.E. border of territory assigned to 
Asher (Jos 19^). Its king joined Jabin's confederacy, 
which was defeated by Joshua, and the ruler of Achshaph 
was amongst the slain (Jos lli 122°). J. Tayloe. 

AOHZIB.— 1. A town in Asher (Jos 192'), from which 
the natives could not be dislodged (Jg I'l): it lay on the 
coast between Acre and Tyre. The early geographers 
called it Ekdippa; now ez-Zib. 2. In the S. of the 
Shephelah (Jos IS"), near Mareshah. Mic 1" predicts 
that Achzib shall be to the kings of Judah achzab 
('deceptive'), a stream whose' waters fail when most 
needed (cf. Jer 15"). J. Tayloe. 

ACRA. — See Jeeusalem, I. 3, II. 2. 

ACRE. — See Weights and Measures. 

ACROSTIC. — Acrostic poems, i.e. poems in which 
initial letters recurring at regular intervals follow some 
definite arrangement, occur to the number of 14 in the 
OT; another instance is Sir 511'-"°. All these are of 
a simple type, and are so planned that the initials re- 
curring at fixed intervals follow the order of the Hebrew 
alphabet; thus the first section of the poem begins 
with the first letter of the Hebrew alphabet, aleph; the 
second with the second letter, beth; and so on down to the 
twenty-second and last letter, taw. The interval between 
the several letters consists of a regular number of lines. 
In Pss 111. 112 this interval is one line; in Pss 25. 34. 
145, Pr 31'«-8i, Sir 51is-«», and in the fragment, which 
does not clearly extend beyond the thirteenth letter, 
contained in Nah 1, the interval Is 2 lines; in La 4 it is 


2 longer lines, In chs. 1 and 2 it is 3 longer lines; in 
Pss 9 and 10 (a single continuous poem), and in Ps 37, 
it is 4 lines. In La 3, where the interval between each 
successive letter o( the alphabet is 3 long lines, each of 
each set of three lines begins with the same letter; 
and similarly in Ps 119, where the interval is 16 lines, 
each alternate line within each set of 16 begins with 
the same letter. 

Certainly in La 2. 3 and 4, and, according to the order of 
the verses in theLXX, inPrSl .probablj^ also in Ps 34(where 
the sense seems to require the transposition of v. ^^ and v. '^) 
and in Ps 9, the sixteenth and seventeenth letters of the 
Hebrew alphabet occupy respectively the seventeenth and 
sixteenth places in the acrostic scheme. The reason for 
this is unknown. 

Comparatively few of these poems have comedown 
to us intact. They have suffered from accidental errors 
of textual transmission, and probably also from editorial 
alterations. In some cases an entire strophe has dropped 
out of the text; thus the sixth strophe (of 2 lines) has 
fallen out between v.6 and v.7inPs34, and the fourteenth 
between v.'s and v." of Ps 145, though in the latter 
case it still stood in the Hebrew MS from which the 
Greek version was made. Occasionally lines have been 
inserted, as, apparently, in more than one place in 
Ps 37, and in Nah 1^. But such corruption of the text 
is really serious only in Ps 9 f., Nah 1, and Sir SI''-™. 

The earliest of these fifteen poems are probably La 2 
and 4, which may have been written in the earlier half 
of the 6th cent, b.c; but the custom of writing such 
poems may have been much more ancient. Perhaps the 
latest of the poems is Sir si''-'" (about b.c. 180), but the 
Jews continued to compose such poems long after this. 

The English reader will find the strophes clearly dis- 
tinguished, and the initial Hebrew letters with their 
names in English letters indicated, in the RV of Ps 119. 
Unfortunately the RV does not give the initials in 
the other poems; but they will be found, in the case of 
the Psalms, in (for example) Kirkpatrick's Psalms 
(Cambridge Bible), Cheyne's Book of Psalms, Driver's 
Parallel Psalter. For La 2 and 4 see Expositor, 1906 
(April) [G. A. Smith]; for Nah 1, Expositor, 1898 
(Sept.), pp. 207-220 [G. B. Gray], or Driver, Century 
Bible, p. 26 f. Common though it is in other litera- 
tures and with such mediaeval Jewish poets as Ibn Ezra, 
no decisive instance of the type of acrostic in which 
the initial letters compose a name, has been found in the 
OT, though some have detected the name Simeon (or 
Simon) thus given in Ps 110. Pss 25 and 34 contain 
each an additional strophe at the close of the alphabetic 
strophes; in each case the first word of the verse is a 
part of the Hebrew verb pSid&h, ' to redeem,' and it has 
been suggested that the author or a copyist has thus left 
us a clue to his name — Pedahd; but interesting as this 
suggestion is, it is for several reasons doubtful. 

G. B. Gray. 

ACTS OP THE APOSTLES.— 1. Summary of con- 
tents. — The fifth book of our NT gives the history 
of the Church from the Ascension till c. a.d. 61. It 
may be divided into two parts, one of which describes 
the early history ('Acts of Peter' and 'Acts of the 
Hellenists'), and the other the life of St. Paul (' Acts of 
Paul') from his conversion to his imprisonment at 
Rome. The two parts overlap each other; yet a clear 
division occurs at 13S from which point forwards the 
Pauline journeys are described by one who for a con- 
siderable part of them was a fellow-traveller. The 
parallelism between Peter and Paul is very striking, 
corresponding deeds and events being related of each; 
and this peculiarity was thought by the Tubingen 
school to betray a fictitious author, who composed his 
narrative so as to show the equality of Peter and Paul. 
Though this conclusion is arbitrary, the paralleUsm 
shows us that the author, whoever he was, selected his 
facts with great care and with a set purpose. 

2. Unity of authorship.^From 16i» onwards, the 
writer, who never names himself, frequently betrays 



his presence as a fellow-traveller by using the pronoun 
'we.' It is generally conceded that these 'we' sections 
are genuine notes of a companion of St. Paul. But 
some assert that the author of Acts was a later writer 
who incorporated in his work extracts from a diary 
contemporary with the events described. These critics 
see in the book traces of four strata, and assert .that it 
is a compilation of the same nature as the Pentateuch, 
the Book of Enoch, and the Apostolic Constitutions. 
Now no doubt our author used sources, in some parts 
of his book written sources. But if he were a 2nd cent, 
compiler, we ought to be able to detect interpolations 
from differences of style (as we do in Apost. Const.), 
and often from anachronisms. Moreover, seeing that 
he was at least a man of great literary ability, it is 
remarkable that he was so clumsy as to retain the 
pronoun 'we' if he was a late writer copying a 1st 
cent, source. His style is the same throughout, and 
no anachronisms have been really brought home to 
him; his interests are those of the 1st, not of the 2nd 
century (§ 8). Further, the Third Gospel is clearly, from 
identity of style and the express claim in Ac 1' (cf. 
Lk 13), by our author, and yet the Gospel is now gener- 
ally admitted to have been written by c. a.d. 80. Thus 
we may, with Harnack, dismiss the compilation theory. 
3. The author. — Internal evidence, if the unity of 
authorship be admitted, shows that the writer was a 
close companion of St. Paul. Now, if we take the 
names of the Apostle's companions given in the Epistles, 
we shall find that all but four must be excluded, whether 
as having joined him after his arrival at Rome (for the 
author made the voyage with him, 27'), or as being 
mentioned in Acts in a manner inconsistent with author- 
ship (so, e.g., Timothy, Tychicus, Aristarchus, Mark, 
Prisca, Aquila, Trophimus must be excluded), or as 
having deserted him, or as being Roman Christians 
and recent friends. Two of the four (Crescens and 
Jesus Justus) are insignificant, and had no specially 
intimate connexion with the Apostle. We have only 
Titus and Luke left. Neither is mentioned in Acts; 
both were important persons. But for 2 Ti 4""- we 
must have conjectured that these were two names for 
the same person. We have then to choose between 
them, and Patristic evidence (§ 4) leads us to choose 
Luke. But why is Titus not mentioned in Acts? 
It cannot be (as Lightfoot suggests) that he was 
unimportant (cf. 2 Co. passim), but perhaps Luke's 
silence is due to Titus being his near relation 
(Ramsay); cf. Exp. T. Jfvm. [1907] 285, 335, 380. 

Tjje author was a Gentile, not a Jew (Col 4i<"- "), a con- 
clusion to which a consideration of his interests would lead 
us (5 8; see also Ac 1" 'in their language'). He was a 
physician (Col 4»), and had quite probably studied at the 
University of Athens, where he seems quite at home though 
not present at the Athenian scenes he describes (Ac l?""-). 
His native country is disputed. A Preface to Inike, thought 
to be not later than the 3rd cent., says that he was 'by 
nation a Syrian of Antioch'; and Eusebius (.HE in. 4), 
using a vague phrase, says that he was, ' according to birth, 
of those from Antioch' ; while later writers like Jerome follow 
Eusebius. Certainly we should never have guessed this 
from the cold way in which the Syrian Antioch is mentioned 
inActs. Some(Rackham, Rendall)conjecturethatPisidian 
Antioch is really meant, as the scenes in the neighbourhood 
of that city are so vivid that the description might well be 
by an eye-witness. But the 'we' sections had not yet 
begun, and this seems decisive against the writer having 
been present. Others (Ramsay, Renan) believe the writer 
to have been a Macedonian of Philippi, since he took so 
great anmterest in the claims otthat colony(16i2). Indeed. 
Ramsay (S(.Po«Z, p. 202 ft.) propounds the ingenious oon- 
',1o^n™i* ,j "''?',''*'"P8 met Paul at Troas accidentally 
(16'"; It could not have been by appointment, as Paul had 
not meant to go there) , was the ' certain man of Macedonia' 
who appearedin the vision (16») ; it must have been some one 
whom the Apostle knew by sight, for otherwise he could 
not have told that he was a Macedonian. This is a very 
tempting conjecture. Luke need not have been a new 
convert at that time. On the other hand, it must be said 
that against his having been a native of Philippi are the 


facts that he had no home there, but went to lodge with 
Lydia (16^^), and that he only supposed that there was a 
Jewish place of prayer at Philippi (I612 RV). His interest 
in Philippi may rather be accounted for by his having been 
left in charge of the Church there (17' 20*; in the interval 
between St. Paul's leaving Philippi and his return there the 
pronoun 'they' is used). Yet he was quite probably a 
Macedonian [Ac 27^ is not against this], of a Greek family 
once settled at Antioch; he was a Gentile not without 
some contempt for the Jews, and certainly not a Roman 
citizen like St. Paul. His Greek nationality shows itself 
in his calling the Maltese ' barbarians ' (28^), i.e. non-Greek 
speaking, and in many other ways. 

4. Patristic testimony. — There are probable refer- 
ences to Acts in Clement of Rome (c. a.d. 95), who seems 
to refer to 13^2 20^ etc.; and in Ignatius (c. a.d. 110), 
who apparently refers to 4"; also in Polycarp (c. Ill); 
almost certainly in the Martyrdom of Polycarp (c. a.d. 
155); and full quotations are found at the end of the 
2nd cent, in TertuIUan, Clement of Alexandria, and 
Irenaeus, all of whom ascribe the book to Luke. So 
also the Muratorian Fragment (c. a.d. 200). Moreover, 
the apocryphal Acts, some of them of the 2nd cent., 
are built on our canonical Acts, and their authors must 
have known the latter. 

5. Style. — The book is not a chronological biography; 
there are few indications of time (11"*' 24^'; cf. Lk 3'), 
yet the writer often uses vague phrases like ' after some 
days,' which may indicate intervals of days, months, 
or years. He seizes critical features, and passes over 
unessential details. Thus he does not relate the events 
of the years spent by St. Paul in Tarsus (9^"), probably 
as being years of education in which no striking event 
occurred. So he tells us practically nothing of the 
missionary journey through Cyprus (13'), though much 
work must have been done among the Jews then; 
while great space is given to the epoch-making interview 
with Sergius Paulus. The writer leaves a good deal 
to be understood ; he states facts, and leaves the reader 
to deduce the causes or inferences; he reports directions 
or intentions, and leaves it to be inferred that they 
were carried into effect, e.g. 13» (no reason given for 
Elymas' opposition, it is not explicitly said that Paul 
preached to the proconsul), 13" (the reason for Mark's 
departure not stated, nor yet for Paul and Barnabas 
going to Pisidian Antioch), IQ^ (no reason given for the 
Philippi praetors' change of attitude), 17'* (not said 
that the injunction was obeyed, but from 1 Th 3' we 
see that Timothy had rejoined Paul at Athens and 
was sent away again to Macedonia, whence he came in 
Ac 18' to Corinth), 20" (not stated that they arrived 
In time for Pentecost, but it must be understood), 27" 
(it must be inferred that the injunction was obeyed). 

6. Crises in the history. — These may be briefly 
indicated. They include the Day of Pentecost (the 
birthday of the Church); the appointment of the Seven 
(among them Nicholas, a 'proselyte of righteousness, 
i.e. a Gentile who had become a circumcised Jew); 
the conversion of St. Paul; the episode .of Cornelius 
(who was only a ' proselyte of the gate,' or ' God-fearing,' 
one who was brought into relation with the Jews by 
obejring certain elementary rules, such, probably, as 
those of 15^', but not circumcised [this is disputed; 
see Nicolas); this means, therefore, a further step 
towards Pauline Christianity); the first meeting of 
Paul and Barnabas with a Roman ofBcial in the 
person of Sergius Paulus in Cyprus, the initial step in 
the great plan of St. Paul to make Christianity the 
religion of the Roman Empire (see § 7 ; henceforward 
the author calls Saul of Tarsus by his Roman name, 
one which he must have borne all along, for the purposes 
of his Roman citizenship); the Council of Jerusalem, 
the vindication of Pauline teaching by the Church; 
the call to Macedonia, not as being a passing from one 
continent to another, for the Romans had not this 
geographical idea, nor yet as a passing over to a strange 
people, but partly as a step forwards in the great plan, 
the entering into a new Roman province, and especially 


the association for the first time with the author (§ 3) ; 
the residence at Corinth, the great city on the Roman 
highway to the East, where Gallio's action paved the 
way for the appeal to Csesar; and the apprehension at 
Jerusalem. These are related at length. Another 
crisis is probably hinted at, the acquittal of St. Paul; 
tor even it the book were written before that took place 
(§ 9), the release must have become fairly obvious to aU 
towards the end of the two years' sojourn at Rome 
(cf. Ph 2M). 

7. Missionary plan of St. Paul. — (a) The author 
describes the Apostle as beginning new missionary 
work by seeking out the Jews first; only when they 
would not listen he turned to the Gentiles, 13'- " 14^ 
16'' (no synagogue at Philippi, only a ' place of prayer') 
17"- (the words 'as his custom was' are decisive) 
1710. i6f. 184. a. 19 igsf. 28"; we may perhaps understand 
the same at places where it is not expressly mentioned, 
147. n. 25_ or the Jews may "have been weak and without 
a synagogue in those places. — (&) St. Paul utilizes the 
Roman Empire to spread the gospel along its lines of 
communication. He was justifiably proud of his 
Roman citizenship (16" 22Kff- etc.; cf. Ph V [RVm] 3», 
Eph 2"). He seems to have formed the great idea of 
Christianity being the reUgion of the Roman Empire, 
though not confined to it. Hence may be understood 
his zeal for Gentile liberty, and his breaking away from 
the idea of Jewish exclusiveness. In his missionary 
journeys he confines himself (if the South Galatian 
theory be accepted; see art. Galatians [Epistles to 
the]) to the great roads of traffic in the Empire. He 
utilizes the Greek language to spread Christian influence, 
just as the Roman Empire used it to spread its civiliza^ 
tion in the far East, where it never attempted to force 
Latin (for even the Roman colonies in the East spoke 
Greek, keeping Latin for state occasions). Paul and 
Barnabas, then, preached in Greek; they clearly did not 
know Lycaonian (cf. Ac 14" with 14'<). The Scriptures 
were not translated into the languages of Asia Minor, 
which were probably not written languages, nor even 
into Latin till a later age. 

Following thesame idea, the author represents the Roman 
officials in the colonies as more favourable to St. Paul than 
the magistrates of the ordinary Greek cities. Contrast 
the account of the conduct of the Greek magistrates_ at 
Iconium and Thessalonica who were active against him, 
or of the Court of the Areopagus at Athens who were con- 
temptuous, with the silence about the action of the Roman 
magistrates of Pisidian Antioch and Lystra, or the explicit 
statements about Sergius Paulus, Gallio, Felix, Festus, 
(Claudius Lysiaa and Julius the centurion, who were more 
or less fair or friendly. Even the prsetors at Plylippi ended 
byapologizingprofusely when they discovered Paul s status. 

8 . The writer's interests. — It is interesting to observe 
these, as they wUl lead us to an approximate date 
for the work. There is no better test than such an 
inquiry for the detectfon of a forgerjr or of a com- 
pilation. The principal interest is obviously St. Paul 
and his mission. To this the preliminary history of 
the Twelve and of the beginnings of Christianity leads 
up. The writer emphasizes especially St. Paul's dealings 
with Roman offlcials. Of minor interests we notice 
medicine, as we should expect from 'the beloved 
physician ' ; and the rival science of sorcery ; the position 
and influence of women (1'* 8s- 12 92 13=° 16" 17<- '2- « 
216. 9 22' etc.; in Asia Minor women had a much more 
prominent position than in Greece proper) ; the organiza- 
tion of the Church (2«'«- 4"ff- 6'«- 8sk- IS^"- 19'a- etc.); 
Divine intervention to overrule human projects (note 
especially the remarkable way in which St. Paul was 
led to Troas, 16'-*); and navigation. This last interest 
cannot but strike the most cursory reader. The voyages 
and harbours are described minutely and vividly, 
while the land journeys are only just mentioned. Yet 
the writer was clearly no professional sailor. He de- 
scribes the drifting in 27" as a zigzag course when it 
must have been straight ; he is surprised at their passing 
Cyprus on a different side when going westward from 


that on which they had passed it going eastward 
(27' 21S), though that was, and is, the normal course in 
autumn for sailing vessels (Ramsay, St. Paul, p. 317). 
It has been truly remarked by Ramsay (ib. p. 22) 
that the writer's interests and views are incompatible 
with the idea ol a 2nd cent, compiler; e.g. the view 
oi the Roman officials, and the optimistic tone, would 
be impossible after the persecution of Domitian — or 
even (we may add) after that of Nero. 

9. Date. — -From the reasoning of §§ 2, 8 (see also 
§ 12) we must reject the idea of a 2nd cent, compiler, 
and decide between a date at the end of the two years 
at Rome, 28*°'- (Blass, Salmon, Headlam, Rackham), 
and a later date 70-80 a.d. (Ramsay, Sanday, Harnack, 
and most of those who ascribe the book to Luke). — 
(a) For the former date we note that there is no reference 
to anything after the Roman imprisonment, to the 
martyrdom of James the Lord's brother in a.d. 62, 
or to the Neronian persecution in a.d. 64, or to the 
death of Peter and Paul (contrast the allusion to Peter's 
death in Jn 21"), or to the Fall of Jerusalem in a.d. 
70. Also there is good reason to believe from the 
Pastoral Epistles, from Eccle.siastical history, and from 
a priori reasons, that St. Paul was released soon after 
the two years; but we should gather that our author 
did not know for certain the result of the appeal 
to Ceesar. He could hardly have known that the 
Apostle's expectation that he would not again see the 
Ephesian elders was falsified, or he would not have 
left 20'8 without remark [but see Paul, i. 4 (d)]. The 
optimistic tone (§ 8), contrasting so greatly with that of 
the Apocalypse, points in the same direction; as also 
does the absence of any reference to the Pauline Epistles, 
which we should expect if 15 or 20 years had elapsed 
since they were wjitten; and of any explanation of the 
apparent contradiction between Galatians and Acts 
(see art. Galatians [Epistle to the]). On the other 
hand, it is quite likely that a close companion of St. Paul 
would be the last to have, as long as he was with him, 
a copy of his correspondence. — (6) For the later date, 
A.D. 70-80, it is suggested that Luke contemplated a 
third volume, and so ended his second abruptly (cf. 1', 
properly 'first treatise,' not 'former'; but in late 
Greek comparatives and superlatives were frequently 
confused, cf. 1 Co 13'= RVm). It is also thought that 
Lk 2V must have been written after the taking of 
Jerusalem, and that a fortiori Acts must be later; 
and that the atmosphere of the Flavian period may 
be detected in it. For an alleged borrowing of Acts 
from Josephus, and for further remarks on the date, 
see artt. Luke [Gospel acc. to] and Theudas. To 
the present writer the earlier date given above seems 
the more probable. 

10. Sources. — The author had exceptional oppor- 
tunities of getting information. For the last part of 
the book he was his own informant, or he had access 
to St. Paul. John Mark would tell him of the deliverance 
of St. Peter and of the mission to Cyprus (12i-13i'). 
For the 'Acts of the Hellenists' (chs. 6-8) and for the 
Cornelius episode he would have Philip the Evangelist 
as an authority, for he spent two years at Caesarea; 
and perhaps also Cornelius himself. He had perhaps 
visited the Syrian Antioch, and could get from the 
leaders of the Church there (e.g. Manaen) informa- 
tion about the events which happened there. The first 
five chapters remain. Here he had to depend entirely 
on others; he may have used written documents 
similar to those mentioned in Lk 1', though he may 
also have questioned those at Jerusalem who had 
witnessed the events. Dr. Blass thinks that Luke here 
used an Aramaic document by Mark; this is pure conjec- 
ture, and it is quite uncertain if Luke knew Aramaic. 

11. The Bezan codex. — This great Uncial MS (D, now at 
CJambridge) , supported by some MSSof the OldLatin Version , 
presents a strikingly different text from that of the other 
great CJreek MSS, and has also many additions, especially 



in Acts. Dr. Blass' theory is that the variations in Acts 
come from Luke's having made two drafts of the book, 
though he would admit that some of the readings of D are 
interpolations. He thinks that the ' Bezan ' Acts represents 
the first draft, the 'Bezan' Luke the second draft, cut 
the Bezan text of Acta is too smooth, and its readings are 
too often obviously added to ease a rough phrase, for it to 
be original. It is more probable that it represents a revision 
made in Asia Minor in the 2nd cent, by one who was very 
familiar with the localities described. Many scholars, 
however, think that it preserves a large number of true 
and authentic readings which have been lost in the other 
great MSS; but this seems doubtful. — In 11™ this MS 
(supported by Augustine), by inserting 'we,' makes the 
writer to have been present at Syrian Antioch when Agabus 

12. Accuracy of Acts. — This is most important, as 
it would be almost impossible for a late writer to avoid 
pitfalls when covering so large a ground. Instances 
of remarkable accuracy are: (o) the proconsul in 
Cyprus (13'), which had only been under the rule of 
the Senate for a short time when St. Paul came there, 
and afterwards ceased to be so governed — otherwise 
the governor would have been a 'proprsetor.' An 
inscription in Cyprus is dated ' in the proconsulship of 
Paulus.' (6) So the proconsul in Achaia (18'^); this 
province had been off and on united to Macedonia. 
At one time separated and governed by a propraetor 
and then united, a few years before St. Paul's visit it 
had been again separated and governed by a proconsul, 
(c) The 'first men' at Pisidian Antioch (13'"), i.e. the 
Duumviri and the 'First Ten.' This last title was 
only given (as here) to a board of magistrates in Greek 
cities of the East ; in Roman colonies in Italy the name 
was given to those who stood first on the Senate roll. 
(,d) The ' first man ' in Malta (28') and (e) the ' polit- 
archs' ('rulers of the city') at Thessalonica (17'; prob- 
ably a local Macedonian title), are both attested by 
inscriptions, (f) The old Court of the Areopagus at 
Athens (17"), which really ruled the city, — though it 
was a 'free city,' — as the demos or popular assembly 
had lost its authority. ((/) The 'Asiarchs' at Ephesus 
(19'' RVm), the presidents of the 'Common Council' 
of the province in cities where there was a temple of 
Rome and the Emperor; they superintended the worship 
of the Emperor. Their friendliness to St. Paul is a 
sure sign of an early date, for the book could only have 
been written while the Imperial policy was still neutral 
to Christianity, or at least while the memory of that 
time was stUl green. Contrast the enmity between 
Christianity and this Rome worship depicted in Rev 2" 
13" etc. No 2nd cent, author could have written thus. 
(h) The details of the last voyage, thoroughly tested 
by Mr. Smith of Jordanhill, who sailed over the whole 
course. — Against all this it is alleged that there are 
contradictions between Acts and Galatians (see art. 
on that Epistle); but these vanish on examination, 
especially if we accept the 'South Galatian' theory. 
Instances of minute accuracy such as those given above 
show that we have in Acts a history of great importance 
and one that is most trustworthy. The accuracy can 
only come from the book being a genuine contem- 
porary record. a. J. Maclean. 

ACUE (1 Es 5").— His sons were among the 'temple 
servants' who returned with Zerubbabel. Called Bak- 
buk, Ezr 25', Neh 7". 

ACUD (1 Es 6™).— His sons were among the 'temple 
servants' who returned from captivity with Zerubbabel. 
Called Akkub, Ezr 2«; omitted in Neh 7. 

ADADAH (Jos IS^^).— A city of Judah in the Negeb; 
perhaps a corrupt reading for Ararah, i.e. Aroer oi 
1 S 30^8. 

ADAH.— 1. One of the two wives of Lamech, and 
mother of Jabal and Jubal (Gn 4'9- 20). The name pos- 
sibly means 'brightness' (cf. Arab, ghadat), Lamech's 
other wife being named 'Zillah' = 'shadow,' 'darkness ' 
2. Daughter of Elon, a Hittite, and one of the wives 



of Esau (Gn 36'). In Gn 26" (P) the daughter of 
Elon the Hittlte, whom Esau takes to wife, is named 
Basemath (wb. see). 

ADAIAH ('Jehovah has adorned'). — 1. The 
maternal grandfather of Josiah, 2 K 22'. 2. A Levlte, 
1 Ch 6", called Iddo in v.". 3. A son of Shimei (In 
v.'s Shema) the Benjaraite, 1 Ch 8". 4. The son of 
Jeroham, a priest, and head of a family in Jerusalem, 
1 Ch 912. 5. The father of Maaseiah, a captain who 
helped to overthrow the usurpation of Athaliah, 2 Ch 23'. 
6. One of the family of Bani, who took a strange wife 
during the Exile, Ezr 10". 7. Another of a different 
family of Bani, who had committed the same offence, 
Ezr 10". 8. A descendant of Judah by Pharez, Neh 
11=. 9. A Levite of the family of Aaron, Neb 11'^'; 
probably the same as No. 4. 

ADAUA (Est 98). — The fifth of the sons of Haman, 
put to death by the Jews. 

ADAM. — The derivation is doubtful. The most 
plausible is that which connects it with the Assyr. 
adamu, 'make,' 'produce'; man is thus a 'creature' — 
one made or produced. Some derive it from a root 
signifying 'red' (cf. Edom, Gn 25*°), men being of a 
ruddy colour in the district where the word originated. 
The Biblical writer (Gn 2') explains it, according to hia 
frequent practice, by a play on the word 'adamSh, 
'ground'; but that is itself derived from the same 
root ' red.' The word occurs in the Heb. 31 times in 
Gn l'-5=. In most of these it is not a proper name, 
and the RV has rightly substituted 'man' or 'the 
man' in some verses where AV has 'Adam.' But 
since the name signifies 'mankind,' homo, Mensch, not 
' a man, ' vir, Mann (see 5'), the narrative appears to be 
a description, not of particular historical events in the 
life of an individual, but of the beginnings of human life 
(ch. 2), human sin (ch. 3), human genealogical descent 
(41. a 51 -B). In a few passages, if the text is sound, the 
writer slips into the use of Adam as a proper name, but 
only in 5'-' does it stand unmistakably for an individual. 

1. The creation of man is related twice, IM-2' (P) 
and 2' (J). The former passage is the result of philo- 
sophical and theological reflexion of a late date, which 
had taught the writer that man is the climax of creation 
because his personality partakes of the Divine (and in 
53 this prerogative is handed on to his offspring) ; but 
the latter is written from the naive and primitive stand- 
point of legendary tradition, which dealt only with 
man's reception of physical life (see next article). 

2. Man's primitive condition, 2=-'* (J). The story 
teaches: that man has work to do in life (2i'); that he 
needs a counterpart, a help who shall be 'meet for 
him' (vv."- ^'■^); that man is supreme over the beasts 
in the intellectual ability, and therefore in the authority, 
which he possesses to assign to them their several 
names (vv."- '"); that man, in his primitive condition, 
was far from being morally or socially perfect; he was 
simply in a state of savagery, but from a moral stand- 
point innocent, because he had not yet learned the mean- 
ing of right and wrong (v.^s) ; and this blissful ignorance 
is also portrayed by the pleasures of a luxuriant garden 
or park (vv.s-"). 

3. The Fall, 2>»'- 3 (J). But there came a point in 
human evolution when man became conscious of a 
command — the earliest germ of a recognition of an 
'ought' (2'"- 3'); and this at once caused a stress 
and strain between his lower animal nature, pictured 
as a serpent, and his higher aspirations after obedience 
(31 -') [N.B. — The serpent is nowhere, in the OT, identified 
with the devil; the idea is not found till Wis 2^']; by a 
deliberate following of the lower nature against which 
he had begun to strive, man first caused sin to exist 
ly.'y, with the instant result of a feeling of shame (v.'), 
and the world-wide consequence of pain, trouble, and 
death (vv."-"), and the cessation for ever of the former 
state of innocent ignorance and bliss (vv.'^-m). 

On the Babylonian affinities with the story of Adam, 
see Creation, Eden. A. H. M'Neile. 

ADAM IN THE NT.— A. In the Gospels.— 1. In 

Mt ig^-s II Mk 10" -8 Jesus refers to Gn 1«. His answer 
to the Pharisees is intended to show that the provision 
made for divorce in the Mosaic law (Dt 24') was only a 
concession to the hardness of men's hearts. The truer 
and deeper view of marriage must be based on a morality 
which takes its stand upon the primeval nature of man 
and woman. And with His quotation He couples one 
from Gn 2^ (see also Eph S"). The same result is 
reached in Mt., but with a transposition of the two parts 
of the argument. 

2. In Lk 3'* the ancestry of Jesus is traced up to 
Adam. As a Gentile writing for Gentiles, St. Luke took 
every opportunity of insisting upon the universal power 
of the gospel. Jesus is not, as in St. Matthew's Gospel, 
a descendant of Abraham only, but of the man to whom 
all mankind trace their origin. But further, the same 
Evangelist who relates the fact of the Virgin-birth, and 
records that Christ was, in His own proper Person, 
'Son of God' (l**), claims, by the closing words of the 
genealogy, that the first man, and hence every human 
being, is 'son of God.' As Jesus is both human and 
Divine, so the genealogy preserves the truth that all 
mankind partake of this twofold nature. 

B. In the Epistles. — The truth taught by St. Luke is 
treated in its redemptive aspect by his master St. Paul. 

1. 1 Co 15^. The solidarity of mankind in their 
physical union with Adam, and in their spiritual union 
with Christ, involves respectively universal death and 
life as a consequence of Adam's sin and of Christ's 

2. In Ro 512-21 this is treated more fully.— (a) 
VV.12-U. There is a parallelism between Adam and 
Christ. Both had a universal effect upon mankind — in 
the case of Adam by a transmission of guilt, and there- 
fore of death; the corresponding statement concerning 
Christ is postponed till v.", because St. Paul intervenes 
with a parenthesis dealing with those who lived before 
any specific commands were given in the Mosaic law, 
and yet who sinned, owing to the transmitted effects 
of Adam's fall, and therefore died. The Apostle, without 
attempting fully to reconcile them, places side by side 
the two aspects of the truth — the hereditary trans- 
mission of guilt, and moral responsibility; 'and thus 
death made its way to all men, because all sinned.' — 
(6) VV.18 -1'. The contrast is far greater than the similarity ; 
in quality (v.«), in quantity (v."), in character and 
consequences (v."). — (c) Summary of the argument 


3. 1 Co IS'"-*'. In the foregoing passages St. Paul 
deals with the practical moral results of union with 
Adam and Christ respectively. These verses (o) go 
behind that, and show that there is a radical difference 
between the nature of each; (6) look forward, and show 
that this difference has a vital bearing on the truth 
of man's resurrection. 

(a) w.™-". It is shown, by Illustrations from 
nature, that it is reasonable to believe man to 
exist in two different states, one far higher than the 
other. In vv."i>- « St. Paul adapts Gn 2' (LXX), and 
reads into the words the doctrinal significance that the 
body of the first repre.sentative man became the vehicle 
of a 'psychical' nature, while the body of the Second 
is the organ of a ' pneumatical ' nature. The second 
half of his statement — 'the last Adam became a lite- 
giving spirit ' — appears to be based on a reminiscence of 
Messianic passages which speak of the work of the 
Divine Spirit, e.g. Is lli- 2, Jl 2?>-''. 

(6) But as the living soul (psyche) preceded the life- 
giving spirit (pneuma), so it is with the development of 
mankind (v."). As the first man had a nature in 
conformity with his origin from clay, while the Second 
has His origin 'from heaven' (v."), so the nature of 



some men remains earthy, while that ot some has 
become heavenly (v."). But further, in his present 
state man is the exact counterpart ot the first man, 
because of his corporate union with him; but the time 
is coming when he shall become the exact counterpart 
ot the Second Man (cf. Gn 22«f ■), because of our spiritual 
union with Him (v."). 

4. In Ph 2' there is an implied contrast between 
'Christ Jesus, who . . . deemed it not a thing to be 
snatched at to be on an equahty with God,' and Adam, 
who took fruit from the tree of knowledge of good and 
evil, which God said had made him 'as one of us' 
(Gn 322). 

6. On 1 Ti 2'"- see Eve; and on Jude » see Enoch. 

A. H. M'Neile. 

ADAM (city). — A city in the Jordan valley, 'beside 
Zarethan' (Jos 3"); usually identified with Jisr ed- 
Damieh, near the confluence of the Jabbok and the 
Jordan, where there was once a bridge. Hiram, Solo- 
mon's worker in brass, may have had his furnace here 
(cf. 1 K 7«). G. L. Robinson. 

ADAMAH.— A fortified city of Naphtali (Jos 19*1); 
identified by Conder with 'Admah on the plateau north 
of Bethshean; placed by the Palestine explorers at 
ed-Damieh, 5 miles S.W. of Tiberias. See Adami-nekeb 

ADAMAKT is twice (Ezk 3», Zee 712) used in AV and 
RV as tr. of Shamir, which is elsewhere rendered either 
'brier' (Is 58 7«- »■ ^ Q" 10" 27'i 32'3) or 'diamond' 
(Jer 17'). 'Diamond,' which arose from 'adamant' 
by a variety of spelling ('adamant,' or 'adimant,' then 
'diamant' or 'diamond'), has displaced 'adamant' as 
the name of the precious stone, 'adamant' being now 
used rhetorically to express extreme hardness. 

ADAMI-NEKEB.— 'The pass Adami' (Jos 19=3), 
on the border of Naphtali. Neubauer and G. A. Smith 
identify it with ed-Damieh, 5 miles S.W. of Tiberias. 
See Adamah. G. L. Robinbon. 

ADAR (Ezr 61', Est 3'- " 812 9i- «"•, 1 Mac 7"- ", 
2 Mac 15'«, Est lO"^ 136 i6zo)._The 12th month in the 
later Jewish Calendar. See Time. 

ADASA. — A town near Bethhoron (1 Mac 7"- ", 
Jos. Ant. XII. X. 6), now the ruin 'Adaseh near Gibeon. 

ADBEEL.— The third son of Ishmael (Gn 25", 
1 Ch 1^'), eponym of the N. Arab, tribe, which appears 
in cuneiform inscrip. as Idiba'il or Idibi'al, and which 
had its settlements S.W. of the Dead Sea. 

ADDAN (1 Es 5=6).— Some of the inhabitants of this 
place returned with Zerubbabel, but were unable to 
prove their true Isr. descent by showing to what clan 
or family they belonged (Ezr 269). The name does not 
appear in the later lists in Ezr 10, Neh 10. In Neh 76' 
it appears as Addon. 

ADDAR. — 1. A town on the border of Judah south of 
Beersheba (Jos 156). The site is unknown. 2. See Akd. 

ADDER.— See Sebpent. 

ADDI. — An ancestor of Jesus, Lk 3". 

ADDO. — The grandfather of the prophet Zeehariah 
(1 Bs 6'). See Iddo. 

ADDON.— Neh 7"^. See Addan. 

ADDUS.— 1. His 'sons 'returned with Zerub. (lEs56<); 
omitted in the parallel lists in Ezr 2, Neh 7. 2. See 

ADIDA. — A town in the Shephelah (Jos. Ant. xiii. 
vi. 5) fortified by Simon the Hasmonaean (1 Mac 1268 
13"). See Hadid. 

ADIEL ('ornament of God'). — 1. A Simeonite prince, 
1 Ch 466ff- 2. A priest, 1 Ch 9'^. 3. The father of 
Azmaveth, David's treasurer, 1 Ch 27^6. 

ADIN (Ezr 2i6 8«, Neh T" 10", 1 Es 5"m 862).— See 

ADINA.— A Reubenite chief, 1 Ch 11«. 

ADINO. — The present Heb. text of 2 S 23^ is corrupt. 


the true reading being preserved in the parallel passage 
1 Ch ll'i 'Jashobeam, the son of a Hachmonite, he 
lifted up his spear.' The last clause, hn ' Brer eth-hanltho, 
was corrupted into hu 'adlnS ha'elsnl, and then taken 
erroneously as a proper name, being treated as an alter- 
native to the preceding ' Josheb-basshebeth, a Tahche- 
monite' (see Jashobeam). 

ADINTJ (1 Es 5", called Adiu in S"). — His descendants 
returned with Zerub. to the number of 454 (1 Es 5", 
Ezr 216) or 655 (Neh T"). A second party of 61 (Ezr 86) 
or 251 (1 Es 862) accompanied Ezra. They are men- 
tioned among 'the chiefs of the people' who sealed the 
covenant (Neh 10"). 

ADITHAIM (Jos 1566).— A town of Judah in the She- 
phelah. The site is unknown. 

ADLAI. — The father of Shaphat, one of David's 
herdsmen, 1 Ch 272'. 

ADMAH (Gn 10" 142- s, Dt 2925, jjos 11').- One of 
the cities of the Ciccar or 'Round.' It is not noticed 
as overthrown in the account of the destruction of 
Sodom and Gomorrah (Gn 19), but is included in their 
catastrophe in the two later passages. 

ADMATHA (Est 1"). — One of the seven wise men or 
counsellors of Ahasuerus, who were granted admittance 
to the king's presence (cf. 2 K 25"). 

ADMIRATION. — This word in AV means no more 
than wonder, as Rev 17" ' I wondered with great 
admiration' (RV 'with a great wonder'). 

ADNA ('pleasure'). — 1. A contemporary of Ezra, 
who married a foreign wife (Ezr lO""). 2. The head of 
the priestly house of Harim (Neh 12"). 

ADNAH. — 1 . A Manassite officer of Saul who deserted 
toDavidatZiklag(lCh 122"). 2. An ofiicer in Jehosha- 
phat's army (2 Ch 17"). 

ADONI-BEZEK (perhaps a corrupted form of Adoni- 
zedek, Jos 10' -2'). — A king of Bezek (a different 
place from that mentioned in 1 S 11'), who was de- 
feated by Simeon and Judah. The mutilation inflicted 
upon him — the cutting off ot the thumbs and great 
toes — was in order to render him harmless, while re- 
taining him as a trophy; but he died on reaching 
Jerusalem. Adoni-bezek boasted of having mutilated 
seventy kings in a similar manner. The passage (Jg 16-') 
which speaks of Adoni-bezek does not appear to be 
intact; the original form probably gave more details. 
W. O. E. Oestemley. 

ADONUAH CJah is Lord').— 1. The fourth of the 
six sons of David who were born in Hebron; his mother 
was Haggith, a name which is possibly of Philistine 
origin (2 S 3''). The story ot Adonijah (typical of 
many an Oriental court intrigue) is recorded in 1 K 1. 
2' -66; as here recounted it permits of more than one 
interpretation, for that this passage has been subjected 
to an 'editorial' process can scarcely be doubted, 
and, in. face of the difficulties of interpretation brought 
about by this, we are forced to reconstruct the course 
ot events to some extent. 

After the death of Absalom, Adonijah became the 
rightful heir to the throne; there was no sort of doubt 
about his right, it was taken for granted both by himself 
and by the people at large (1 K 2"). But Bathsheba, 
it appears, was anxious to secure the succession for 
her son, Solomon; with this object in view, she, assisted 
by the prophet Nathan, heads a party at the court 
inimical to the claims of Adonijah. It would not 
have been long before the friends of Adonijah discovered 
the intrigue that was on foot; and Adonijah, learning 
the peril he was in of losing his rightful succession, 
concerts means for counteracting the machinations of 
his enemies. The old, trusted servants of the kingdom, 
Joab and Abiathar, rally round him, as one would 
expect; he gathers his friends together at the stone 
of Zoheleth, and by the visible act of sacrificing, pro- 
claims his kingship; this last was, however, an act of 



unwisdom, as it gave a handle to liis enemies, for king 
David was still alive. These, naturally on the alert, 
represent the gathering to David, now very aged, as an 
attempt to usurp the throne while he is yet alive; 
Bathsheba reminds David ot his promise that Solomon, 
her son, should succeed him on the throne (1") [this 
may or may not have been the case; there is no refer- 
ence to it elsewhere, and it certainly does not accord 
with what we read in 1" 2"]; David, remembering 
perhaps the rebellion of Absalom (whom Adonijah 
seems to have resembled in temperament as well as 
in outward appearance), is easily prevailed upon to 
transfer the succession to Solomon (l""). Even so it is 
very doubtful whether Bathsheba would have succeeded 
in her plan had it not been that she was enabled to 
, gain Benaiah to her side; as captain of the king's 
body-guard (the Cherethites and Pelethites), Benaiah 
was the man upon whom the issue really depended, 
for he commanded the only armed troops that were 
Immediately available. In an emergency such as this, 
everything would depend upon who could strike the 
first decisive blow. Had the old commander-in-chief 
Joab had time to assemble his forces, no doubt the 
issue would have been different; but Bathsheba and 
her friends had laid their plans too well, and they won 
the day. Adonijah is 'pardoned' (l^^- m); it would 
nave been dangerous, owing to the attitude of the people 
(2"), to put him to death until Solomon was secure on 
the throne; but as he was rightful heir, the safety of 
Solomon's throne could never be guaranteed as long as 
Adonijah was alive. Bathsheba was not the woman to 
be oblivious of this fact, accordingly she recommences 
her intrigues; she represents to Solomon that Adonijah 
is desirous of marrying Abishag the Shunammite, the 
maiden who was brought to David in his old age (.!'■ *), 
and who, according to Oriental ideas, was regarded as one 
of the royal wives. Such a desire was naturally inter- 
preted by Solomon as an intention of seeking the kingdom 
(222), and self-preservation compelled him to decree 
Adonijah's death, a sentence which was carried out 
by Benaiah (v.^s). 

Theabove is not in entire accordwiththeBiblical account, 
which in its present form gives rise to a number of serious 
difficulties. We shall mention but two of these. The 
request which Adonijah aalcs Bathsheba to convey (2'^) 
was the most grievous insult that could have been offered 
to the king; Adonijah would have known precisely what 
the result would be, viz. death to himself, unless supported 
by an army; but there is no hint that he contemplated an 
armed rising. Secondly, Bathsheba is quite the last person 
he would have asked to prefer this request; as mother of 
the king, andp rime mover mthesuccessful conspiracy which 
had robbed him of his succession, he would know better 
than to place himself so gratuitously within her power. 

Adonijah is one of those men whose cruel fate and 
tragic death, both undeserved, must call forth deep 
sympathy and commiseration. 

2. Perhaps =Adonikam, one of those that sealed the 
covenant (Neh 9" 10"). 

3. One of those sent, in the third year of Jehosha- 
phat, to teach the Law in the cities of Judah (2 Ch 17'-»). 

W. O. E. Oesterley. 

ADONIKAM ('my Lord has arisen'), Ezr 2" 8'=, 
Neh 7'8, 1 Es 5" 8»9.— The head of a Jewish family after 
the Exile; apparently called in Neh 10'" Adonijah. 

ADONntAM, ADORAM.— The latter name occurs 
2 S 202«, 1 K 12i«, and is probably a corruption of 
Adoniram. Adoniram superintended the levies employed 
in the public works during the reigns of David, Solomon, 
and Rehoboam. He was stoned to death by the 
rebellious Israelites when sent to them by Rehoboam 
(1 K 12>«). 

ADOHIS.— The phrase rendered by EV 'pleasant 
plants,' and by RVm 'plantings of Adonis' (Is 17'<i), 
alludes to the miniature gardens whose rapid decUne 
symbolized the death of this god, or rather the spring 
verdure of which he Is a personification. This phase of 


the myth, which the Greeks obtained from the Semitic 
Tammuz cult, through the Phoenicians, where the god 
was worshipped under the title of Adon ('lord'), is 
used by Isaiah to depict tlie fading hope of Israel. See 
Tammuz. N. Koenig. 

ADONl-ZEDEK.— King of Jerusalem at the time 
of the invasion of Canaan by the Israelites under 
Joshua. After the Gibeonites had succeeded in making 
a league with Israel, he induced four other kings to 
unite with him against the invaders. Joshua came 
unexpectedly upon the allied kings, and utterly routed 
them. They were discovered in a cave at Makkedah, 
and brought before Joshua, who ordered them to be 
slain. Their bodies were hung up until the evening, 
when they were taken down and flung into the cave 
where they had hid themselves. The mouth of the cave 
was filled up with great stones (Jos IQi-^'). Some have 
identified Adonl-zedek with Adoni-bezek of Jg 1'. 

ADOPTION.— The term 'adoption' is found five 
times in St. Paul's letters (Ro S'*- ^ 9*, Gal #, Eph 1'), 
and not elsewhere in the NT. In Ro 9' reference is 
made to the favoured position of the Jews as the chosen 
people. To them belonged the adoption, the position 
of sons (Ex 422). In the remaining passages St. Paul 
uses the word to describe the privileges of the Christian 
as opposed to the unbeliever. He is trying, as a rule, 
to bring home to Gentile readers the great change 
wrought by the coming of Christ. Though W. M. 
Ramsay has attempted to identify peculiarities of 
Syro-Greek law in Gal 4, and though it is true that 
'no word is more common in Greek inscriptions of 
Hellenistic times: the idea like the word is native 
Greek,' yet St. Paul's use of the term seems to be based 
on Roman law. See Hastings' ERE, s.v. 

Adoption in Roman law.could be effected by a modified 
form of the method of sale known as mancipation. 
' The Roman Mancipation required the presence, first, of 
all of the parties, the vendor and the vendee. . . . There 
were also no less than five witnesses; and an anomalous 
personage, the libripens, who brought with him a pair 
of scales to weigh the uncoined copper money of Rome. 
Certain formal gestures were made and sentences pro- 
nounced. The (purchaser) simulated the payment of 
a price by striking the scales with a piece of money, and 
the (vendor) ratified what had been done in a set form 
of words' (Maine, Ancient Law, vi.). The witnesses 
were necessary, especially in the age before written 
documents, to vouch for the regularity of the procedure, 
and to ensure the genuineness of the transaction. 

Some of the details of the procedure are said to be reflected 
in the language of St. Paul. 'To redeem those under the 
law' (Gal45) suggests that God's action in sending His Son to 
buyout mankind from slavery to the Law, may be illustrated 
by the adopting parent's purchase of ason from his natural 

Again, Dr. W. E. Ball {Contemp. Rev., 1891) has pointed 
out that the work of the Spirit (Ro 8") is parallel to the 
place of the five witnesses in the process of adoption. The 
reality of God's adoption is assured by the Spirit's witness. 
Dr. Ball brings out the general force of the metaphor 
thus. Any one who was made a son by adoption, severed 
all his former ties. Even his debts appear to have been 
cancelled. 'The adopted person became in the eyes of the 
law a new creature. He was bom again into a new family. 
By the aid of this figure, the Gentile convert waa enabled 
to realize in a vivid manner the fatherhood of God, brother' 
hood of the faithful, the obliteration of past penalties, the 
right to the mystic inheritance.' The figure of adoption 
describes clearly the effect of God's revelation of Himself aa 

St. Paul speaks of adoption, as both present (Ro 8"') 
and future (v.^s). With Pfieiderer we must distinguish 
three moments in adoption. It involves here and now, 
freedom from the Law, and the possession of the spirit 
of adoption which enables us to address God as our 
Father. Adoption wUl be completed by the redemption 
of our body, the inheritance with Christ in glory. ' Be- 
lievers have this blessing (adoption) already, but only 



in an inward relation and as Divine right, with which, 
however, the objective and real state does not yet corre- 
spond' (Meyer on Ro 8»). With St. Paul's view of 
adoption now and adoption hereafter compare 1 Jn S^- 
In Eph 15 adoption seems to mean that conforming 
to the character of Christ which begins here and is to be 
perfected in the future. 

That the word ' adoption ' does not represent believers 
as children of God by nature, is undeniable. But it 
would be a mistake to press the term as giving a complete 
account of St. Paul's views of the relations of God to 
man. Roman law afforded St. Paul illustrations rather 
than theories. It is not clear whether in Ro 8" he 
conceives the spirit of sonship which cries 'Abba, Father,' 
to be received in baptism or at conversion, or on the 
other hand to be the natural cry of the human heart. 
But in any case, he has found the love of God in Christ, 
and the change in his life is such that the complete 
change produced in a man's condition by adoption 
is only a pale reflex of the Apostle's experience. See, 
further. Inheritance. H. G. Wood. 

ADORA (1 Mac IS^").— The same as Adoraim. 
ADORAIM (2 Ch H').— A city of Judah fortified by' 
Rehoboam on the S.W. of his mountain kingdom; now 
Dura, a small village at the edge of the mountains W. 
ot Hebron. 
ADORAM. — See Adoniram. 

ADORATION.— The word is not found in AV or RV, 
and even for the verb RV substitutes 'worship' in 
Bel *; but both the idea and its expression in act are 

Amongst the Hebrews the postures and gestures 
expressive of adoration underwent slight change in the 
course of time. Kissing the statue of a god (1 K 19", 
Hos 13'; cf. Job 31") was an early Arab custom, and 
became a technical meaning of adoratio amongst the 
Romans; but in this usage the sense is identical with 
that of worship. Adoration proper was expressed by 
prostration to the ground, or even by lying prone 
with the face touching the ground (Gn 17', Jos S", 
Job 1™, Ps 95= 99', Dn 3*). As elsewhere, this posture 
was not at first confined to intercourse with God. As 
an act of special courtesy it was adopted towards kings 
(2 S 14«), towards strangers of mysterious quality (Gn 
18'), as an expression of close and respectful attach- 
ment (1 S 20"), or with the design to conciliate (Gn 33', 
1 S 252', Est 8', Mt 1828), or to honour (2 K 4"). 'Sat 
before the Lord' (2 S 7'') may refer to a special and 
solemn mode of sitting, as in 1 K 18"; the Arabs are 
said to have sat during a part of their worship in such 
a way that the head could easily be bent forward and 
made to touch the ground. 

Outside the Christian sphere, prostration continued 
in the East to be a mark of submission and homage, 
rendered to such men as were for any reason or even 
by convention invested in thought with Divine qualities 
or powers. The NT, by example and less frequently 
by precept, confines this fullest mode of worship to 
God, and protests against its use towards men. Jairus' 
act (Mk 5^, Lk 8'") was prompted by intense yearning, 
a father's self-abandonment in the sore sickness of his 
child, and must not be taken as implying a full recogni- 
tion of Christ's Divinity. Like Mary's posture at 
Bethany (Jn 11''), it was a preparation for the attitude 
of the disciples after their visit to the empty tomb 
(Mt 28'). Whatever Cornelius intended (Ac 10»'), 
Peter found an opportunity to lay down the rule that 
no man under any circumstances is an appropriate 
object of adoration; and John repeats that rule twice 
not far from the end of Scripture (Rev 19i» 228'-). 
The attempt to alienate from God His peculiar honours 
is a work of Satan (Mt 4«); and adoration naturally 
follows a conviction of the presence of God (1 Co 1425). 

R. W. Moss. 
ADRAIKQIELECH. — 1. Adrammelech and Anamme- 



lech (wh. see), the gods of Sepharvaim to whom the 
colonists, brought to Samaria from Sepharvaim, burnt 
their children in the fire (2 K 17")- There is no good 
explanation of the name: it was once supposed to be 
for Adar-malik, 'Adar the prince.' But Adar is not 
known to be a Babylonian god, and compound Divine 
names are practically unknown, nor were human sacri- 
fices offered to Babylonian gods. 

2. Adrammelech and Sharezer (wh. see) are given 
in 2 K 19" as the sons of Sennacherib who murdered 
their father. [The Kethibh of Kings omits 'his sons']. 
The Babylonian Chronicle says: 'On the 20th of Tebet, 
Sennacherib, king of Assyria, was killed by his son in 
an insurrection'; and all other native sources agree 
in ascribing the murder to one son, but do not name 
him. Adrammelech is impossible as an Assyrian 
personal name, and probably arises here from some 
corruption of the text. The sons of Sennacherib known 
to us are Ashur-nadin-shum, king of Babylon, B.C. 
700-694; Esarhaddon, who succeeded his father, 
B.C. 681; Ardi-Belit, Crown Prince, B.C. 694; Ashur- 
shum-ushabshi, for whom Sennacherib built a palace 
in Tarbisi ; Ashur-ilu-muballitsu, for whom Sennacherib 
built a palace in Asshur ; and Shar-etir- Ashur. Possibly 
Ardi-Belit is intended. C. H. W. Johns. 

ADRAMYTTIUM.— Atownof Mysia (in the Roman 
province of Asia) on the Adramyttene Gulf, originally 
a native State, and only later Hellenlzed by the Delians, 
who had been driven away from home by the Athenians 
(422 B.C.). In Roman times it was a place of consider- 
able importance both politically and intellectually. It 
possessed a harbour, and a ship belonging to the place 
carried St. Paul from Caesarea by Sidon and Cyprus to 
Myra (Ac 27'-^). A. Souter. 

ADRIA (more correctly Hadria). — The name was at 
first confined to the northern part ot what we call the 
Adriatic Sea, or to a stretch of land near that, and was 
derived from a once important Etruscan city. Atria, 
situated at the mouth of the Po. The rest of what we 
call the Adriatic Sea appears to have been at that 
time included in the term Ionian Sea or Ionian Gulf. 
It was only later, with the growth of the Syracusan 
colonies on the coasts of Italy and Illyria, that the 
name 'Hadria' came to include the whole Adriatic, 
and even then, at first, it was the practice to call the 
southernmost part the Ionian Sea. This reduction of 
the Ionian Sea to a part of Hadria led, when the name 
' Ionian Sea ' was transferred to the Sicilian Sea in the 
W. of Greece, to a misuse of the term ' Hadria.' It was 
extended to include the Tarentine Gulf, the Sicilian 
Sea, the Corinthian Gulf, and even the waters between 
Crete and Malta, as in Ac 27''. A. Soutek. 

ADRIEL.— Son of Barzillai, the Meholathite. He 
married Merab, the eldest daughter of Saul, who should 
have been given to David as the slayer of Goliath 
(1 S 18", 2 S 218 [in the latter 'Michal' is a mistake 
for 'Merab']). 

ADUEL.— An ancestor of Tobit, To 1'; a variant 
form of Adiel, 1 Ch i^. 

ADULLAM.— A city in the Shephelah, assigned to 
Judah; named between Jarrauth and Socoh (Jos 15»5 
etc.). It is probably the modern 'Id el-Ma' , about 8 
miles N.W. of Beit Jibrln. Rehoboam fortified it 
(2 Ch 11'), and the children of Judah returned to it 
after the captivity (Neh ll'o). The Cave of Adullam, 
the refuge of David (1 S 22' etc.), must have been one 
of those m the adjoining valley. Adullamite (Gn 38' 
etc.) =an inhabitant of Adullam. w. Ewinq 

ADULTERY.— See Chimes, Marriage. 

ADTHSDHIM. The Ascent of (Jos 15' 18") is the 
steep pass in which the road ascends from Jericho to 
Jerusalem. Its modern name, Tal'al ed-Dumm 'the 
ascent of blood' or 'red,' is most probably due to the 
red mart which is so distinctive a feature of the pass 


In this pass, notorious for robberies and murders, la the 
traditional 'inn' of Lli 10". 

ADVENT.— See Pabousia. 

ADVERTISE.— Ru i' 'I thought to advertise thee,' 
i.e. ini!orm thee; so Nu 24". 

ADVOCATE (Gr. paraUStos). — The word occurs only 
in the writings ot St. John: four times in his Gospel 
(1416. 26 1526 167) of the Holy Spirit, and once in his 
1st Epistle (2') of Jesus. It is unfortunate that our 
English Versions have rendered it in the former ' Com- 
forter' (RVm 'or Advocate, or Helper, Gr. Paradete') 
and in the latter 'Advocate' (RVm 'or Comforter, or 
Helper, Gr. Paraclete'). 

' Comforter,' though a true and beautiful designation 
of the Holy Spirit, is an impossible rendering. It is 
true that parakalein means, either 'comfort' (Mt 5*, 
2 Co 1* 7") or ' caU to one's side' (Ac 28™). but paraUltos 
must be associated with the latter signification. It is 
a passive form, and denotes not 'one who comforts 
(parakaleiy but 'onewboiscalledintoaid (parakaieitai).' 
It was a forensic term, signifying the counsel for the 
defence and corresponding exactly to our 'advocate' 
(Lat. advocatus) . Singularly enough, the Greeli-speaking 
Fathers mostly took the word in the impossible sense 
of 'Comforter,' influenced perhaps by the false analogy 
of Menahem {Consolalar), a Jewish name for the Messiah. 
Cf. Cyril of Jerusalem, Cat. xvi. 20: 'He is called 
Parakletos because He comforts (parakalei) and consoles 
and helps our infirmity.' Were it understood in its 
Uteral sense of ' Strengthener' (Cora/'orfaior), 'Comforter' 
would be a fair rendering; but as a matter of fact it 
originated in an error; nor does it suggest the true idea 
to the English reader. It should be observed that 
' comfortless' in Jn 14i8 lends it no support. RV gives 
'desolate'; literally, as in the margin of both Versions, 
' orphans.' 

The substitution of 'Advocate' for 'Comforter' 
reveals a wealth ot meaning in our Lord's address to 
the Eleven on that night in which He was betrayed. 
During His eartlily ministry He had been God's Advocate 
with men, pleading God's cause with them and seeking 
to win them for Him. He was going away, but God 
would not be left without an Advocate on the earth. 
' I will pray the Fatheri and another Advocate he will 
give you, that he may be with you for ever — the Spirit 
of Truth.' Not received, because unrecognized, by the 
unspiritual world, the Advocate would be recognized 
and welcomed by believers (Jn 14"- ". 25. 26). ^nd He 
would testify to them about Jesus, the unseen Lord, 
and they would repeat His testimony to the world 
(1626. 27). And He would make their testimony effective, 
'convicting the world regarding sin, righteousness, 
and judgment' (168-"). 

Jesus told the Eleven that it was 'expedient for 
them that he should go away,' since His departure 
was the condition of the advent of the Advocate (167); 
and 1 Jn 2' furnishes a profound commentary on this 
declaration. Jesus in the days of His flesh was God's 
Advocate on the earth, pleading with men for God. 
The Holy Spirit has taken His place, and performs this 
office. But Jesus is still an Advocate. He is the 
Advocate of sinners up in heaven, pleading their cause 
with God, and, in the language of St. Paul (Ro 8^), 
'making intercession for them.' 

And thus it was expedient for us that He should 
go away, that we might enjoy a double advocacy — the 
Holy Spirit's here, pleading with us for God; and that 
of Jesus in the court of heaven, pleading with God 
for us. There are three dispensations in the history 
of redemption, each richer and fuller than the last: 
(1) The OT dispensation, under which men knew only 
of God in high heaven; (2) that of the Incarnation, 
under which the Father came near to men in Jesus 
Christ and by His gracious advocacy appealed to their 
hearts; (3) that of the Holy Spirit, under which the 


Holy Spirit is the Father's Advocate here, and Jesus 
'our Advocate above, our Friend before the throne 
of love.' David Smith. 

AEDIAS (1 Es 9").— One of those who agreed to put 
away their 'strange' wives. The name is probably a 
corruption for Elijah of Ezr 102». 

.SINEAS. — The name of a paralytic at Lydda who was 
cured by Peter (Ac 9'3- »). 

JESOIX. — Jn 32', meaning 'springs'; a site near 
Salim [wh. see]. 

.ffiSORA (Jth i*). — An unknown Samaritan town, 
possibly mod. Asireh, N.E. of Shechem. 

ACrABUS. — A Christian prophet of Jerusalem 
(Ac ll27£f . 2I11"), whose prediction of a famine over the 
(civilized) world occasioned the sending of alms from 
Antioch to Jerusalem. The famine happened, not 
simultaneously in all countries, in Claudius' reign 
(Suetonius, Tacitus). Agabus also foretold St. Paul's 
imprisonment, by binding his feet and hands with 
the Apostle's girdle (cf. Jer IS'"). A. J. Maclean. 

AG-ADE (formerly but erroneously read Agane). — A 
city of Northern Babylonia and the capital of Sargon, 
the founder of the first Semitic empire (c. B.C. 3800). 
As was first discovered by George Smith, Agade was the 
Semitic Akkadu (see Akkad). It stood near Sippara or 
Sepharvaim (wh. see), and may have been in later times 
a suburb of the latter town. A. H. Sayce. 

A6AG. — 1. Nu 24', probably a copyist's error: 
LXX has Gog. 2. 1 S IS, the king of Amalek, whom 
Saul defeated and spared; some Gr. MSS name his 
father Aser (15"). Whetfier he met his fate bravely 
or timidly cannot be determined from the extant text 
(v.32) Samuel considered him to be under the ban of 
extermination, and therefore killed him as a religious 
act (V.3S). J. Taylor. 

AGAGITE.— The designation of Haman (Est 3i- " 
83. 6 924). Josephus (Ant. xi. vi. 5) calls him an 
Amalekite. The epithet in Esther indicates that, as 
Agag was Saul's adversary, so Haman was the foe of this 
other Benjamite. The LXX reads Bugaios, 3' 8=, omits 
at 31", and at 9'" IB'" has Macedonian, a word of evil 
connotation after Antiochus Epiphanes. J. Taylor. 

AGAIN. — The Eng. word 'again' means in AV either 
'a second time,' as Ph 4's, 'ye sent once and again'; or 
'back,' as in Mt 11* 'go and show John again those 
things which ye do hear' (i.e. 'go back and show John'). 

AGAPE.— See Love Feast. 

AGAR. — The sons of Agar are mentioned in Bar S'^; 
they are called Hagarenes in Ps 838, and Hagrites in 

1 Ch 5"- 2" 2731. Their country lay east of Gilead. 
AGATE. — See Jewels and Pheciods Stones. 
AGE, AGED, OLD AGE.— In the OT advancing age is 

represented by words of different root-meanings. The 
aged man is zagren, perhaps 'grey-bearded' (Gn 48'", 

2 S 19*2, Job 122" 32», Ps 71i8, Jer 6"); 'old age' is 
also sebhah, i.e. 'hoary-headedness' (Gn 15'^, 1 K 14'; 
cf. Gn 4238, Ps 711S). According to the Mishna (Ab. 
V. 21) the latter word implies a greater age (70) than 
the former (60). But in Job 15'° (cf. 29^) yashlsh, i.e. 
'very aged,' marks a further advance in years, of which 
the sign is a withering of strength. Ps 90'" is the only 
passage in which a definite period is fixed for human 
life. The idea that 'hale old age' (kelach) is a blessing 
is expressed in Job S"; the contrast is furnished by 
the gloomy picture (30^) of the ' fathers ' whose old age 
lacks vigour. 

The wisdom of the old was proverbial (Job 12i2 
327), though there were exceptions (Job 32' Ps 119'™). 
The experience of the older men fitted them for positions 
of trust and authority; hence by a natural transition 
of thought 'elders' became an oflBcial title Ex 3". 
Ac 11"). Respect is to be shown to the old (Lv \%'\ 
Pr 2322), and the decay of reverence for age is an evil 



omen {Dt 28", 1 K 12', Is 47»). It was to the grand- 
mother of Obed that the Hebrew women said ' he shall 
be ... a nourisher of thine old age' (Ru 4"); the 
dutiful affection of children's children illumined the 
gracious message of Israel's God: 'even to old age I 
am he, and even to hoar hairs will I carry you' (Is 46<). 

J. G. Tasker. 

AGEE. — The father of Shammah, one of 'the Three' 
(2 S 23"). 

AGGABA (1 Es 5").— In Ezr 2« Hagabah, Neh 7" 

AGG^US.— The form used in 1 Es 6i V and 2 Es 1" 
for Haggai (wh. see). 

AGIA (1 Es 53<).— In Ezr 2", Neh 7" Hattil. 

AGONY (Lk 22«) is not a translation but a trans- 
literation of the Greek agSnia, equivalent to St. 
Matthew's 'sorrowful and sore troubled' (26") and 
St. Mark's 'greatly amazed and sore troubled' (14^3). 
The word does not mean ' agony ' in the English sense. 
Agon was 'a contest,' and agonia the trepidation of a 
combatant about to enter the Usts. Christ's Agony 
in Gethsemane was the horror which overwhelmed 
Him as He faced the final ordeal. David Smith. 

AGBAFHA. — See Unwritten Satinqs. 

AGRICULTURE.— Throughout the whole period of 
their national existence, agriculture was the principal 
occupation of the Hebrews. According to the priestly 
theory, the land was the property of J"; His people 
enjoyed the usufruct (Lv 25^). In actual practice, 
the bulk of the land was owned by the towns and village 
communities, each free husbandman having his allotted 
portion of the common lands. The remainder included 
the Crown lands and the estates of the nobility, at least 
under the monarchy. Husbandry — the Biblical term 
for agriculture (2 Oh 26") — was highly esteemed, and 
was regarded as dating from the very earliest times 
(Gn 42). It was J" Himself who taught the husbandman 
his art (Is 28»). "> 

Of the wide range of topics embraced by agriculture 
in the wider significance of the term, some of the more 
important wiU be treated in separate articles, such as 
Cart, Flax, Food, Garden, Olive, Ox, Thorns, Vine, 
etc. The present article will deal only with the more 
restricted field of the cultivation of the principal cereals. 
These were, in the first rank, wheat and barley: less 
important were the crops of millet and spelt, and those 
of the pulse family — lentils, beans, and the like. 

1. The agricultural year began in the latter half of 
October, with the advent of the early rains, which soften 
the ground baked by the summer heat. Then the 
husbandman began to prepare his fields for the winter 
seed by means of the plough. From the details given 
in post-Biblical literature, it is evident that the Hebrew 
plough differed but little from its modern Syrian counter- 
part (see PEFSt, 1891). The essential part or 'body' 
of the latter, corresponding in position to the modern 
plough-tail or 'stilt,' consists of a piece of tough wood 
bent and pointed at the foot to receive an iron sheath 
or share (1 S 13^"), the upper end being furnished with 
a short cross-piece to serve as a handle. The pole is 
usually in two parts: one stout and curved, through 
the lower end of which the ' body ' is passed just above 
the share; at the other end is attached the lighter part 
of the pole, through the upper end of which a stout 
pin is passed to serve as attachment for the yoke. The 
plough was usually drawn by two or more oxen (Am 6i'), 
or by asses (Is 30^), but the employment of one of each 
kind was forbidden (Dt 22i"). The yoke is a short piece 
of wood— the bar of Lv 26" (RV)— fitted with two pairs 
of converging pegs, the lower ends connected by thongs, 
to receive the necks of the draught animals. Two smaller 
pegs in the middle of the upper side hold in position 
a ring of willow, rope, or other material, which is passed 
over the end of the pole and kept in position by the 



pin above mentioned. As the ploughman required but 
one hand to guide the plough, the other was free to wield 
the ox -goad, a light wooden pole shod at one end with 
an iron spike wherewith to prick the oxen (cf. Ac 9=), 
and having at the other a small spade with which to 
clean the plough-share. Gardens, vineyards (Is 5« RV), 
and parts too difficult to plough were worked with the 
hoe or mattock (Is 7^). 

The prevailing mode of sowing was by hand, as in 
the parable of the Sower, the seed being Immediately 
ploughed in. It was possible, however, to combine 
both operations by fixing a seed-box to the plough-tail. 
The seed passed through an aperture at the bottom 
of the box and was conducted by a pipe along the tail. 
It thus fell into the drill behind the share and was 
immediately covered in. The patriarch Abraham was 
credited by Jewish legend with the invention of this form 
of seeding-plough (Bk. of Jubilees ll^ss). This mode 
of sowing is probably referred to in Is 28'* (' the wheat 
in rows' RV). There is no evidence that harrows were 
used for covering in the seed. 

2. During the period of growth the crops were exposed 
to a variety of risks, such as the delay or scanty fall 
of the spring rains (the 'latter rain' of the OT, Am 4'), 
blasting by the hot sirocco wind, mildew, hail — these 
three are named together in Hag 2"; cf. Dt 28*^, Am 4' 
— and worst of all a visitation of locusts. The pro- 
ductiveness of the soil naturally varied greatly (cf. 
Mt 138). Under favourable conditions, as in the Hauran, 
wheat is said to yield a hundredfold return. 

3. Owing to the wide range of climatic conditions in 
Palestine, the time of the harvest was not uniform, 
being earliest in the semi-tropical Jordan valley, and 
latest in the uplands of Galilee. The average harvest 
period, reckoned by the Hebrew legislation (Lv 23i5, 
Dt 16') to cover seven weeks, may be set down as from 
the middle of April to the beginning of June, the barley 
ripening about a fortnight sooner than the wheat. 

The standing corn was reaped with the sickle (Dt 16' 
RV), the stalks being cut considerably higher up than 
with us. The handfuls of ears were gathered into 
sheaves, and these into heaps (not into shocks) for 
transportation to the threshing-floor. The corners of 
the field were left to be reaped, and the fallen ears to 
be gleaned, by the poor and the stranger (Lv 19"-, 
Dt 2419, Ru 221I). 

For small quantities the ears were stripped by beating 
with a stick (Ru 2", Jg 6" RV), otherwise the threshing 
was done at the village threshing-floor. This was a 
large, specially prepared (Jer 51^3 RV) space on an 
elevated situation. Hither the corn was brought on 
asses or on a cart (Am 2"), and piled in heaps. Enough 
sheaves were drawn out to form a layer, 6 to 8 ft. wide, 
all round the heap. Over this layer several oxen, un- 
muzzled according to law (Dt 25*), and harnessed 
together as represented on the Egyptian monuments, 
might be driven. More effective work, however, was got 
from the threshing -drag and the threshing -wagon, both 
still in use in the East, the former being the favourite 
in Syria, the latter in Egypt. The former consists of 
two or three thick wooden planks held together by a 
couple of cross-pieces, the whole measuring from 5 to 
7 ft. in length by 3 to 4 ft. in breadth. The under- 
side of the drag is set with sharp pieces of hardstone 
(cf. Is 4115), which strip the ears as the drag, on which 
the driver sits or stands, is driven over the sheaves, 
and at the same time cut up the stalks into small lengths. 
The threshing-wagon is simply a wooden frame con- 
taining three or more rollers set with parallel metal 
discs, and supporting a seat for the driver. The former 
instrument was used by Araunah the Jebusite (2 S 24^), 
while the latter is probably referred to in ' the threshing 
wheel' of Pr 2025 (RV). Both are mentioned together 
in the original of Is 28". 

After the threshing came the winnowing. By means 
of a five- or six-pronged fork, the ' fan' of the OT and 


NT, the mass of grain, chaS, and chopped straw is 
tossed into the air in the western evening breeze. The 
chaff is carried farthest away (Ps 1*), the light morsels 
of straw to a shorter distance, while the heavy grains 
of wheat or barley fall at the winnower's feet. After 
being thoroughly sifted with a variety of sieves (Am 9», 
Is 302S), the grain was stored in jars for immediate 
use, and in cisterns (Jer 418), or in specially constructed 
granaries, the 'bams' of Mt e*". 

4. Of several important matters, such as irrigation, 
the terracing of slopes, manuring of the fields, the 
conditions of lease, etc. — regarding which Vogelstein's 
treatise Die Landwirtschaft in PalUstCia is a mine of 
information tor the Roman period — there is little direct 
evidence in Scripture. Agriculture, as is natural, bulks 
largely in the legislative codes of the Pentateuch. 
Some of the provisions have already been cited. To 
these may be added the solemn injunction against 
removing a neighbour's 'landmarks,' the upright stones 
marking the boundaries of his fields (Dt 19". 27"), the 
humanitarian provision regarding strayed cattle (Ex 23*, 
Dt 221"), the law that every field must lie fallow for 
one year in seven (Ex 23'°'-; see, for later development. 
Sabbatical Yeah), the law forbidding the breeding of 
hybrids and the sowing of a field with two kinds of 
seed (Lv 19" RV), and the far-reaching provision as to 
the inalienability of the land CLv 258*). 

The fact that no department of human activity has 
enriched the language of Scripture, and in consequence 
the language of the spiritual life in all after ages, with so 
many appropriate figures of speech, is a striking testi- 
mony to the place occupied by agriculture in the life and 
thought of the Hebrew people. A. R. S. Kennedy. 

AGRIPPA.— See Herod, Nos. 6. 7. 

AGUE. — See Medicine. 

AGUB. — Son of Jakeh; author ot the whole or part 
of Pr 30, one of the latest sections of the book. His 
name may signify 'hireling' or 'assembler'; cf. Vulg. 
' Verba, Congregantis filii Vomentis.' Some have thought 
that massa (AV 'the prophecy,' RV 'the oracle'), 
which otherwise is out of place, is the name of his country 
(Gn 25"). J. Taylob. 

AHAB. — 1. Son of Omri, and the most noted member 
of his dynasty, king of Israel from about 875 to about 
853 B.C. The account of him in our Book of Kings is 
drawn from two separate sources, one of which views 
him more favourably than the other. From the secular 
point of view he was an able and energetic prince; 
from the religious point of view he was a dangerous 
innovator, and a patron of foreign gods. His alliance 
with the Phoenicians was cemented by hisimarriage with 
Jezebel, daughter of Ethbaal, king of Tyre (1 K le^i), 
who was also, if we may trust .josephus, priest of Astarte. 
At a later date Ahab entered into alliance with Judah, 
giving his daughter Athaliah in marriage to Jehoram, 
son of Jehoshaphat (2 K 8"). His wealth is indicated 
by the ivory palace which he built (1 K 21' 22"). 

The reign of Ahab was marked by frequent wars with 
the Syrian kingdom of Damascus. Benhadad, the king 
of that country, was so successful that he claimed 
suzerainty over Israel — a clafm which Ahab was at 
first disposed to admit (1 K 202«). But when Benhadad 
went so far as to threaten Samaria with indiscriminate 
plunder, Ahab resisted. In two campaigns he defeated 
the invaders, even taking their haughty leader prisoner. 
Contrary to the advice of the prophetic party, he treated 
his captive magnanimously, and concluded an alliance 
with him, stipulating only that the cities formerly taken 
from Israel should be restored. The alliance was one 
for trade and commerce, each party having bazaars 
assigned him in the capital of the other (1 K 20«). It 
is not improbable also that common measures of defence 
were planned against the Assyrians, who were showing 
hostile intentions in the region of the Lebanon. In the 
battle of Karkar, which was fought against these invaders 

B 17 


in the year 854, Ahab was present with ten thousand 
troops. This we learn from the Assyrian inscriptions. 

The reUgious innovation for which Ahab is held 
responsible by the Hebrew writers, was the introduction 
of the Phoenician Baal as one of the gods of Israel. It 
is clear that Ahab had no idea of displacing Jahweh 
altogether, for he gave his children names which indi- 
cated his devotion to Him. But to please his wife he 
allowed her to introduce and foster the worship of her 
own divinities. Her thought was that with the religion 
of her own country she would introduce its more 
advanced civiUzation. The champion of Jahweh's 
exclusive right to the worship of Israel was Elijah. 
This prophet, by his bold challenge to the priests of 
Baal, roused the anger of Jezebel, and was obliged to flee 
the country (1 K 17-19). Other prophets do not seem to 
have been disturbed, for we find them at the court of 
Ahab in the last year of his life (22"). These, however, 
were subservient to the crown, while Elijah was not only 
a protestant against religious changes, but the champion 
of the common people, whose rights were so signally 
violated in the case of Naboth. 

Ahab died fighting for his people. The Syrian war 
had again broken out — apparently because Benhadad 
had not kept his agreement. Ahab therefore tried to 
recover Ramoth-gilead, being assisted by Jehoshaphat 
of Judah. In the first encounter Ahab was slain, his 
reputationforcourage being vindicated by thedirection of 
his adversary to his soldiers — ' Fight neither with small 
nor with great, but only with the king ot Israel' 
(1 K 2231). 

2. A false prophet 'roasted in the fire' by the king 
of Babylon (Jer 2921'). H. P. Smith. 

AHARAH.— See Ahibam. 

AHARHEL.— A descendant of Judah (1 Ch 48). 

AHASBAI.— Father of EUphelet (2 S 238<), and a 
member ot the family of Maacah, settled at Beth- 
maacah (20"), or a native of the Syrian kingdom of 
Maacah (10«- »). 

AHASUERUS (old Pers. KhshayarsM).—'rhe Persian 
king (B.C. 485-465) known to Greek history as Xerxes. 
Complaints against the Jews were addressed to him 
(Ezr 4«). It is he who figures in the Book of Esther; 
Dn 91 erroneously makes him father of Darius the 
Mede, confusing the latter with Darius Hystaspis, the 
father of Xerxes. The Ahasuerus of To 14is is Cyaxares. 

J. Taylor. 

AHAVA was a settlement in Babylonia lying along 
a stream of the same name, probably a large canal 
near the Euphrates. None of the conjectures as to 
the exact locality can be verified. It was here that 
Ezra mustered his people before their departure for 
Jerusalem (Ezr Si^- 21. ai). Some district north or 
north-west of Babylon, near the northern boundary of 
Babylonia, is most probable. J. F. McCurdy. 

AHAZ, son and successor of Jotham, king of Judah, 
came to the throne about B.C. 734. The only notable 
event of his reign,' so far as we know, was the invasion 
made by his northern neighbours, Pekah of Israel and 
Rezln of Damascus. These two kings had made an • 
alliance against the Assyrians, and were trying to compel 
Ahaz to join the coalition. His refusal so exasperated 
them that they planned Ms deposition and the appoint- 
ment of a creature of their own to the throne. Ahaz 
did not venture to take the field, but shut himself up in 
Jerusalem and strengthened its fortifications. It was 
perhaps at this time of need that he sacrificed his son 
as a burnt-offering to Jahweh. Isaiah tried to encourage 
the faint-hearted king, pointing out that his enemies 
had no prospect of success or even of long existence. 
But Ahaz had more faith in political measures than in 
the prophetic word. He sent a message to Tiglath- 
pileser, king of Assyria, submitting himself unreservedly 
to him. The embassy carried substantial evidence of 



vassalage in the shape of all the gold and silver from the 
palace treasury and from the Temple (2 K 16, Is 7). 

Tiglath-pileser was already on the march, and at once 
laid siege to Damascus, thus freeing Jerusalem from its 
enemies. Two years later the Assyrian king entered 
Damascus, and was visited there by Ahaz. The result 
of the visit was the construction of a new altar for the 
Temple at Jerusalem, and apparently the introduction 
of Assyrian divinities (2 K 16'»ff). H. P. Smith. 

AHAZIAH. — Two kings of this name are mentioned 
in the OT, one in each of the Israelite kingdoms. 

1. Ahazlah of Israel was the son of Ahab, and ruled 
after him only two years or parts of years. He is said 
to have been a worshipper of Baal, that is, to have 
continued the religious policy of his father. By a fall 
from a window of his palace he was seriously injured, 
and, after lingering awhile, died from the accident. The 
Moabites, who had been subject to Israel, took this 
opportunity to revolt. Ahaziah is accused of sending 
messengers to inquire of the celebrated oracle at Ekron, 
and is said unexpectedly to have received his answer 
from Elijah (2 K 1). 

2. Ahaziah of Judah was son of Jehoram and grandson 
of Jehoshaphat. Under the influence of his mother, 
who was a daughter of Ahab and Jezebel, it is not 
surprising to read that he walked in the ways of Ahab. 
All that we know of him is that he continued the league 
with Israel, and that, going to visit his uncle Jehoram 
in Jezreel, he was involved in his fate at the revolt of 
Jehu (2 K 9"). H. P. Smith. 

AHBAN,— A Judahite, son of Abishur (1 Ch 2"). 

AHER ('another').— A Benjamite (1 Ch T'^). 

AHI ('brother').—!. A Gadite (1 Ch 5"). 2. An 
Asherite (1 Ch 7"). But the reading is in neither case 
free from doubt. 

AHIAH.— See Ahijah. 

AHIAM.— One of David's heroes (1 Ch 11»). 

AHIAN ('fraternal'). — A Manassite, described as 
'son of Shemida' (1 Ch 7"); but the name is scarcely 
that of an individual ; note in the context Abiezer and 
Shechem, and cf. Nu 263«- 

AHIEZER ('brother is help').— 1. Son of Ammi- 
shaddai, one of the tribal princes who represented Dan 
at the census and on certain other occasions (Nu 1'^ 22« 
756. 71 1026 (p)). 2. The chief of the Benjamite archers 
who joined David at Ziklag (1 Ch 12' -3). 

AHIHUD ('brotheris majesty'). — 1. The prince of the 
tribe of Asher (Nu 34." (P)). 2. A Benjamite (1 Ch 8«- '). 

AHUAH.— 1. 1 S 142- 18 (AV Ahiah), a priest, son 
of Ahitub, who had charge of the oracular ephod and 
consulted it for Saul [read 'ephod' for 'ark' at v.'*]. 
Ahijah is probably to be identified with Ahimelech (21>). 
2. 1 K 4', one of Solomon's secretaries, who conducted 
the king's correspondence and wrote out his decrees. 
His father Shlsha seems to have held the same office 
under David. 3. 1 K liw- 12is, 2 Ch 10", a prophet 
of Shiloh, who foretold the division of the kingdom and 
the elevation of Jeroboam. Subsequently he predicted 
.the death of Jeroboam's son (IK 142«). 4. IK IS"", 
father of Baasha. 5. 1 Ch 2^ has an Ahijah, son of 
Jerahmeel, but is hopelessly corrupt. The LXX gets 
rid of the name. 6. 1 Ch 8' (AV Ahiah), son of Ehud, 
a Benjamite: at v.' Ahoah, but LXX Ahijah, 7. 1 Ch 
112», one of David's heroes, from Palon, an unknown 
locality: perhaps Giloh should be read, seeing that 
Palon has already been mentioned (v.^'). 8. 1 Ch 262", 
a Levite, overseer of the Temple treasures. But we 
ought probably to substitute the words, ' their brethren.' 
9. Neh IC (RV Ahiah), a layman who joined Nehemiah 
in signing the covenant. J. Taylok. 

AHIKAM. — One of the deputation sent by king 
Josiah to Huldah the prophetess (2 K 22i2- ", 2 Ch 342°). 
Later he used his influence to protect Jeremiah from the 

violence of the populace during the reign of Jehoiakim 
(Jer 26"). 

AHILTTD. — 1. Father of Jehoshaphat, the chronicler 
under David and Solomon (2 S 8" 202«, 1 K 4M Ch 18«). 
2. Father of Baana, one of Solomon's twelve commis- 
sariat ofiicers (1 K 412). 

AHIMAAZ.- 1. Saul's father-in-law (1 S 14so). 
2. Son of Zadok. He and Jonathan were stationed 
outside Jerusalem to learn Absalom's plans; after an 
adventurous journey they succeeded in warning David 
(2 S 15"- " 17"-^'). Ahimaaz was eager to carry the 
tidings of Absalom's defeat; but Joab preferred to send 
by an Ethiopian slave the unwelcome news of the 
prince's death. Obtaining leave to follow, Ahimaaz 
outstripped this man, was recognized by the watchman 
through the style of his running, but left the Ethiopian 
to disclose the worst (2 S 18"-'^). It may be the same 
person who appears later as Solomon's son-in-law and 
commissioner in Naphtali (1 K 4"). J. Taylor. 

AHUVIAN'. — 1. One of the sons of Anak, at Hebron 
(Nu 1322): the three clans, of which this was one, were 
either destroyed by Judah (Jg l'"), or expelled by the clan 
Caleb (Jos 15"). 2. A family of Levites who had charge 
of that gate of the Temple through which the king 
entered (1 Oh 9"'). J. Taylor. 

AHIMELECH.— 1. Son of Ahitub, and grandson of 
Phinehas. He either succeeded his brother Ahijah in 
the priesthood, or more probably was the same person 
under another name (1 S 142- 18). por his fate see 
DoEQ. In 2 S 8" and 1 Ch 18i« 24« the names of 
ADiathar and Ahimelech have been transposed. 2. A 
Hittite, who joined David when a fugitive (1 S 26"). 

AHIMOTH.— A Kohathite Levite (1 Ch 6^). 

AHINADAp . — Son of Iddo, one of the 12 commissariat 
ofiicers appointed by Solomon (1 K 4"). 

AHTWOAM. — 1. Daughter of Ahimaaz and wife of 
Saul (1 S 145"). 2. A Jezreelitess whom David married 
after Michal had been taken from him. She was the 
mother of David's firstborn, Amnon (1 S 25" 27= 30', 
2 S 22 32, 1 Ch 31). 

AHIO. — 1. Son of Abinadab (No. 3), and brother of 
Uzzah. He helped to drive the cart on which the ark 
was placed when removed from Abinadab's house 
(2 S 6'- \ 1 Ch 13'). 2. A son of Jeiel, and brother of 
Kish, the father of Saul (1 Ch S'l 9"). 3. A Benjamite 
(1 Ch 8"). 

AHIBA. — Prince of NaphtaU, named at the census and 
on certain other occasions (Nu I's 223 7"- ^ 102' (P)). 

AHIRAM. — The eponym of a Benjamite family — the 
Ahiramites, Nu 2688 (P). The name occurs in the corrupt 
forms Ehi in Gn 462i (P), and Aharah in 1 Ch 8'. 

AHI8AHACH.— A Danite, father of OhoUab (Ex 31« 

3531 3823 (P)). 

AHISHAHAE.— A Benjamite (1 Ch 7i»). 

AHISHAR.— Superintendent of Solomon's household 
(1 K 4«). 

AHITHOPHEL.— David's counsellor (2 S IS", 1 Ch 
2783), whose advice was deemed infallible (2 S 162'). 
Being Bathsheba's grandfather, he had been alienated 
by David's criminal conduct (lis 238«), and readily 
joined Absalom (15'2). Ahithophel advised the prince 
to take possession of the royal harem, thus declar- 
ing his father's deposition, and begged for a body of 
men with whom he might at once overtake and destroy 
the fugitive monarch (17' -8). Hushai thwarted this 
move (17"). Disgusted at the collapse of his influ- 
ence, and foreseeing that this lack of enterprise meant 
the failure of the insurrection, Ahithophel withdrew, 
set his affairs in order, and hanged himself (1728). 

J. Taylor. 

AHITOB (1 Es 82).— An ancestor of Ezra, son of 
Amarias and father of Sadduk. See Ahitub, No. 3. 



AHITUB.— 1. Son of Phinehas and grandson of Ell, 
the father of Ahimeleoh or Ahijah, the priest who was 
put to death by Saul (1 S 14s 22»- «»). 2. Ace. to 
2 S 8" ( = 1 Ch 1818) the father, ace. to 1 Ch 9>', Neh 11" 
the grandfather, of Zadok the priest who was eon- 
temporary with David and Solomon. It is very doubtful, 
however, whether the name Ahitub here is not due to a 
copyist's error. The text of 2 S 8" should probably 
run: 'and Zadok and Abiathar the son of Ahimelech, 
the son of Ahitub.' 3. Even more doubt attaches to 
another Ahitub, father of another Zadok (1 Ch 6"- «; 
cf. 1 Es S\ 2 Es !•). 4. An ancestor of Judith, Jth 8'. 

AHLAB.— A city of Asher (Jg 1»). The site has been 
identified with the later Gush Halab or Giscala, now el- 
Jish in Upper Galilee; but this is, of course, uncertain. 

AHLAI.— 1. The daughter (?) of Sheshan (1 Ch 2", 
cf. v.M). 2. The father of Zabad, one of David's mighty 
men (1 Ch 11"). 

AHOAH.— Son of Bela, a Benjamite (1 Ch 8'). See 
Ahijah (6) . The patronymic Ahohite occurs in 2 S 23". 

— The forms in AV of the correct RV Oholah, Oholiab, 
Oholibah, Oholibamah (wh. see). 

AHUMAI.— A descendant of Judah (1 Ch i'). 

AHUZZAM.— A man of Judah (1 Ch 4=). 

AHUZZATH.— 'The friend' of Ahimelech, the Philis- 
tine of Gerar, mentioned on the occasion when the latter 
made a league with Isaac at Beersheba (Gn 26^). The 
position of 'king's friend' may possibly have been an 
official one, and the title a technical one (cf. 1 K 4^, 1 Ch 
27^) . The rendering of the LXX gives a different concep- 
tion, that of 'pronubus,' or friend of the bridegroom. 

AHZAI.— A priest (Neh lli')=Jahzerah (1 Ch 9''). 

AI. — 1. A place between which and Bethel Abraham 
was stationed before (Gn 12') and after (13') his sojourn 
in Egypt. The repulse of the Israelite attempt on the 
city (Jos 7'-') led to the exposure of the crime of Achan; 
when that was expiated, the city was captured and 
destroyed (8'-^') by a ruse. It never reappears in 
history, though it continued to be inhabited: it is the 
Aiath in Isaiah's description of the march of the Assyrian 
(lOM), and the Afja of Neh ll". In 1 Ch 7^' 'Azzah. 
enumerated among the cities of Ephraim, is in many 
MSS 'Ayyah, which is another form of the name. This, 
however, cannot in any case be the same place, which 
was within the tribe of Benjamin (Jos 18^', where Awim 
is possibly a corruption for the name of this city). 
After the Exile, Ai and Bethel between them supplied 
a contingent of 223 to the number that returned 
(Ezr 228), and the city was once more settled by Benja- 
mites (Neh 11"). That the city was insignificant is 
definitely stated in Jos T, and indicated by the fact 
that in the list of captured cities it is almost the only 
one of which the situation is specified (Jos 12'). Its 
capture, however, made a deep impression on the 
Canaanltes (Jos 9' 10'). As to its identification, the 
only indication to guide us is its proximity to Bethel 
(agreed by all to be Beitin), on the east of that place 
(as follows from Gn 128). Various sites have been 
proposed — Turmus 'Aya (which contains an element 
resembling the name, but the situation is impossible) ; 
Khurbet Hayan (which also has a similar name, but 
the antiquities of the place are not known to be old 
enough); Deir Diwan (which is in the right place, but 
also possibly not an old enough site); and et-Tell (a 
mound whose name has the same meaning as the word 
Ai 1' heap ']. Possibly this last is the most likely site. 

2. A wholly distinct place, mentioned in a prophecy 
against the Ammonites, Jer 49' (perh. a clerical error 
for Ar). R. A. S. Macalistbk. 

ATAIT —1 Son of Zibeon (Gn ZB'*, 1 Ch 1"). 2. Father 
of Rizpah, Saul's concubine (2 S 3' 21«- "■ "). 

AIATH, Is 10^8; AUA, Neh 11".— See Ai, No. 1. 


AUALON.— 1. A city allotted to, but not occupied 
by, Dan (Jos 19«, Jg 188). We find it in the hands of 
Rehoboam (2 Ch ll"); later the Philistines took it 
(2 Ch 28'8). It may be the modern Yaio, 3 miles N.E. 
of Latmn, 14 miles from Jerusalem. 2. An unknown 
town in Zebulun (Jg 12'!). W. Ewing. 

AIJELETH HASH-SHAHAR, Ps 22 (title).— See 

AIN. — 1. A town in the neighbourhood of Riblah 
(Nu 34"), probably the modern el-'Ain near the source 
of the Orontes. 2. A town in Judah (Jos IS''), or 
Simeon (Jos 19'), where Ain and Rimmon should be 
taken together. It is probably Umm, er-Ramamln, to 
the N. of Beersheba. W. Ewing. 

AIN. — The sixteenth letter of the Heb. alphabet, 
and so used to introduce the sixteenth part of Ps. 119. 

AKAN. — A descendant of Esau (Gn 36"); called in 
1 Ch 1" Jakan. 

AKATAN (1 Es 8").— Father of Joannes, who returned 
with Ezra; called Hakkatan in Ezr 8''. 

AKELDAMA (AV Aceldama).— The name of the 
'potter's field' (Ac 1"), purchased for the burial of 
strangers with the blood-money returned by Judas (Mt 
27'). The traditional site is at the E. side of the Wady 
er-Rababi (the so-called 'Valley of Hinnom') on the S. 
side of the valley. It is still known as Hakk ed-Dumm 
(' field of blood'), which represents the old name in sound 
and meaning. The identification fias not been traced 
earlier than the Crusaders, who erected here a charnel- 
house, the ruins of which still remain — a vault about 
70 feet long and 20 feet wide (internal dimensions) 
erected over and covering the entrance to some of the 
ancient rock-cut tombs which abound in the valley. 
The skulls and bones which once thickly strewed the fioor 
of this charnel-house have all been removed to a modern 
Greek monastery adjacent. There is no evidence 
recoverable connecting this site with the work of 
potters. R. A. S. Macalistee. 

the Semitic equivalent of the Sumerian Agadd, the 
capital of the founder of the first Semitic empire. It 
was probably in consequence of this that it gave its 
name to Northern Babylonia, the Semitic language of 
which came to be known as Akkadu or 'Akkadian.' 
In the early days of cuneiform decipherment 'Akkadian' 
was the name usually applied tothe non-Semitic language 
of primitive Babylonia, but some cuneiform texts 
published by Bezold in 1889 (ZA p. 434) showed that 
this was called by the Babylonians themselves 'the 
language of Sumer' or Southern Babylonia, while a 
text recently published by Messerschmidt (.Orient. 
Ltztg. 1905, p. 268) states that Akkadu was the name of 
the Semitic 'translation.' When Babylonia became a 
united monarchy, its rulers took the title of 'kings of 
Sumer and Akkad' in Semitic, 'Kengl and Uri' in 
Sumerian, where Uri seems to have signified ' the upper 
region.' In Gn 10'° Accad is the city, not the country 
to which it gave its name. A. H. Sayce. 

AEEOS (AV Accoz), 1 Es 5'8.— See Hakkoz. 

AKKUB.— 1. A son of Elioenai (1 Ch 32*). 2. A 
Levite, one of the porters at the E. gate of the Temple; 
the eponym of a family that returned from the Exile 
(1 Ch 9", Ezr 2«, Neh 7« ii" 12»); called in 1 Es S" 
Dacubi. 3. The name of a family of Nethinim (Ezr 2«) ; 
called in 1 Es 5" Acud. 4. A Levite who helped to ex- 
pound the Law (Neh 8') ; called in 1 Es 9" Jacubus. 

AKRABATTINE (1 Mac 5').— The region in Idumsea 
near Akrabbim. 

AKRABBIM (less correctly Acrabbim Jos 15' AV, 
'Scorpion Pass'). — The name given to an ascent on the 
south side of the Dead Sea, a very barren region. 

ALABASTER. — See Jewels and PRECions Stones. 

ALAMOTH, Ps 46 (title), 1 Ch 15™.— See Psalms. 



ALBEIT. — Albeit is a contraction tor 'all be it,' and 
means ' although it be.' It occurs in Ezk 13', Philem ", 
and in the Apocrypha. 

ALCIMTTS (the Greeli for ' valiant,' suggested by the 
Hebrew Ellakim, 'God sets up') was son or nephew of 
Jose ben-Joeser, pupil to Antigonus of Socho (b.c. 190). 
Antiochus v. (Eupator), king of Syria, appointed him 
high priest (b.c. 162). Either because he was not of high 
priestly family (though of the stock of Aaron, 1 Mac 7"), 
or, more probably, from his Hellenizing tendencies, his 
appointment was stoutly opposed by Judas Maccabseus, 
and received but scanty recognition at Jerusalem. 
Demetrius Soter, cousin and successor to Antiochus, 
in response to Alcimus's solicitations, reinstated him 
by the means of Nicanor, the Syrian general. He now 
received, moreover, considerable local support from the 
Hellenizing party. It was not, however, till the defeat 
and death of Judas at Elasa that he was in a position 
to commence his Hellenizing measures, and shortly after- 
wards he died of paralysis (B.C. 160). A. W. Streane. 

ALCOVE.— RVm (Nu 2S») for RV 'pavilion,' AV 
'tent.' See Pavilion. 

ALEMA (1 Mac S^*). — A city in Gilead; site unknown. 

ALEMETH. — 1. A son of Becher the Benjamite 
(1 Ch 7»). 2. A descendant of Saul (1 Ch 8»» 9«). 

ALEPH. — First letter of Heb. alphabet, and so used 
to introduce the first part of Ps 119. 

ALEXANDER.— 1. Son of Simon of Cyrene; like 
his brother Rufus, evidently a well-known man (Mk 15'' 
only). 2. One of the high-priestly family (Ac i'). 
3. The would-be spokesman of the Jews in the riot 
at Ephesus, which endangered them as well as the 
Christians (Ac 19^); not improbably the same as the 
coppersmith (2 Ti 4") who did St. Paul 'much evil,' 
and who was probably an Ephesian Jew; possibly 
the same as the Alexander of 1 Ti 1'° (see HvMEN^ns), 
in which case we may regard him as an apostate Christian 
who had relapsed into Judaism. A. J. Maclean. 

ALEXANDER THE GREAT.— A Jewish tradition, 
reported by Josephus and the Talmud, relates that whilst 
the renowned Macedonian conqueror was besieging Tyre 
(B.C. 333), rival embassies from the Jews and the 
Samaritans solicited his protection. At the close of 
the siege he set out for Jerusalem, and was met outside 
by the entire population, with the high priest at their 
head. Recognizing the latter as the person who had 
appeared to him in a dream and promised him victory, 
the king prostrated himself. He then entered the city, 
offered sacrifice, was shown the passages in Daniel 
relating to himself, granted the people unmolested use of 
their customs, promised to befriend their eastern settle- 
ments, and welcomed Jews to his army (,Ant. xi. viii.). 
The objections to this story are: (1) that although there 
are references to Alexander and his successors in Daniel 
(24off. 77 g6. 8. 21 1131), tjiey were not written till the 
2nd cent. B.C.; and (2) that the accounts given by 
Arrian and Curtius do not mention these events. It is 
also most likely that when Josephus declares that Alex- 
ander gave to the Jews in Alexandria equal privileges 
with the Macedonians (c. Ap. ii. 4), he is anticipating by 
some years what happened under the Ptolemys. 

The deep impression made by Alexander's successes is 
evinced by the numerous legends connected with his 
name in later Jewish literature. But his real importance 
to the Biblical student consists in this — he brought the 
Jews into contact with Greek literature and life. 

J. Tatlob. 

ALEXABDER BALAS.— A low-born youth called 
Balas, living in Smyrna, was put forward by the enemies 
of Demetrius i. as son of Antiochus iv., king of Syria. 
In their struggle for the throne the rivals sought to out- 
bid each other for the support of Jonathan Maccabaeus, 
who elected to side with Alexander, and was appointed 
high priest by him (b.c. 153). Jonathan defeated 



Apollonius, one of the generals of Demetrius, and received 
still further honours (1 Mac 10). But Alexander Balas 
cared more for sensual pleasures than for kingly duties : 
his father-in-law Ptolemy turned against him, and 
Alexander, fleeing to Arabia, was assassinated there 
(1 Mac 11"). J. Taylor. 

ALEXANDRIA was founded (b.c. 332) by Alex- 
ander the Great after his conquest of Egypt. Recog- 
nizing the inconvenience caused by the want of a harbour 
for 600 miles along the shore, he selected as the site of 
a new port the village of Rhacotis, lying on a strip of 
land between Lake Mareotis and the sea. This he 
united to the little island of Pharos by a huge mole 
about a mile long, and thus he formed two splendid 
havens, which speedily became the commercial meeting- 
place of Africa, Asia, and Europe. The city was laid 
out in shape Uke the outspread cloak of a Macedonian 
soldier; in circumference about 15 miles: and it was 
divided into quarters by a magnificent street nearly 
5 miles long, and 100 feet wide, running from E. to W., 
and crossed by another of somewhat lesser dimensions 
from N. to S. One of these quarters (Soma, ' the body ') 
received the corpse of Alexander, and preserved it 
embalmed in the Royal Mausoleum. The Ptolemys, 
who succeeded to the Egyptian portion of Alexander's 
divided empire, made Alexandria their capital, and by 
their extensive building operations rendered the city 
famous for the magnificence and beauty of its public 
edifices. Besides the Royal Palace, the Royal 
Mausoleum, the Temple of Neptune, the Great Theatre, 
the Gymnasium, and the vast Necropolis, Alexandria 
possessed three other structures for which it was cele- 
brated. (1) The Museum, which was not a place where 
collections were laid out for instruction, but a spot 
where the fine arts, science, and literature were studied. 
The Museum of Alexandria became in course of time 
practically the centre of the intellectual life of the 
world. It answered very largely to what we associate 
with the idea of a great modern university. It had its 
staff of State-paid professors, its professorial dining-hall, 
its shaded cloisters, where eager students from all parts 
of the world walked to and fro, listening to lectures 
from men like Euclid, Eratosthenes, and Hipparchus. 
(2) The Library, which was the greatest treasure of the 
city, was founded by the first Ptolemy. His successors 
increased the number of volumes till the collection 
embraced upwards of 700,000 MSS, in which were 
inscribed the intellectual efforts of Greece, Rome, 
Asia Minor, Palestine, and even India. The value of 
this unrivalled collection was immense. The Library 
was in two portions; and, in the siege of Alexandria by 
Julius Caesar, the part stored in the Museum was burned; 
a loss, however, which was largely made up by the 
presentation to Cleopatra, by Mark Antony, of the Royal 
Library of Pergamum. The other portion was stored in 
the Serapeum, which in 1895 was discovered to have 
been situated where 'Pompey's Pillar' now stands. 
History is undecided as to whether this celebrated 
Library was destroyed in a.d. 391 by Bishop Theophilus 
or by the Caliph Omar in a.d. 641. (3) The third 
structure which attracted the attention of the world 
to Alexandria was the Pharos (Lighthouse), erected by 
Ptol. II. Philadelphus.on the island which had been joined 
to the mainland by Alexander. Rising in storeys of 
decreasing dimensions to a height of 450-490 ft., adorned 
with white marble columns, balustrades, and statues, 
it was justly reckoned one of the 'Seven Wonders of 
the World.' Though it was destroyed by an earth- 
quake in A.D. 1303, it has nevertheless exercised a 
permanent infiuence on mankind. The idea of humanity 
to the mariner which it embodied was accepted by 
almost every civilized nation, and the thousands of 
lighthouses throughout the world to-day can all be 
traced to the gracious thoughtfulness which was dis- 
played in the costly erection of this first Pharos. 



In its times of greatest prosperity, Alexandria tiad a 
population of between 800,000 and 1,000,000. Trade, 
amusement, and learning attracted to it inhabitants 
from every quarter. It was an amalgam of East and 
West. The alertness and versatility of the Greek 
were here united with the gravity, conservativeness, 
and dreaminess of the Oriental. Alexandria became, 
next to Rome, the largest and most splendid city in the 
world. Amongst its polyglot community, the Jews 
formed no inconsiderable portion. Jewish colonists 
had settled in Egypt in large numbers after the destruc- 
tion of Jerusalem (Jer 42'"), and during the Persian 
period their numbers greatly increased. The Ptolemys, 
with one exception, favoured them, and assigned a 
special quarter of the city to them. More than an 
eighth of the population of Egypt was Jewish. Their 
business instincts brought to them the bulk of the trade 
of the country. They practically controlled the vast 
export of wheat. Some had great ships with which they 
traded over all the Mediterranean. St. Paul twice 
sailed in a ship of Alexandria (Ac 27' 28"). The Jews 
were under their own governor or 'Alabarch,' and 
observed their own domestic and religious customs. 
Their great central synagogue was an immense and 
most imposing structure, where all the trade guilds 
sat together, and the 70 elders were accommodated in 
70 splendidly bejewelled chairs of state. 

It was in Alexandria that one of the most important 
events in the history of religion took place, when. the 
Hebrew Scriptures were translated into the Greek 
tongue. The legendary tales narrated by Josephus re- 
garding the accomplishment of this task may be dis- 
missed as baseless. But it is undisputed that during 
the reigns of the earlier LagidEe (somewhere between 
B.C. 250 and 132) the ' Septuagint ' made its appearance. 
It is certainly not the product of a syndicate of trans- 
lators working harmoniously, as Jewish tradition 
asserted. The work is of very unequal merit, the Penta- 
teuch being the best done, while some of the later books 
are wretchedly translated. The translation was re- 
garded by the Jews with mingled feelings, — execrated 
by one section as the grossest desecration of the holy 
oracles, extolled by another section as the means by 
which the beauties of the Law and the Prophets could 
be appreciated for the first time by the Greek-speaking 
Gentile world. The LXX became, under God's provi- 
dence, a most valuable preparation for the truths of 
Christianity. It familiarized the heathen nations with 
the God of righteousness as He had been revealed to the 
Jewish race. It paved the way for the gospel. It 
formed the Bible of the early Church. In the Eastern 
Church to-day it is the only orthodox text of the OT. 

The wars of the Ptolemys with the Seieucidae at 
Antioch are described in Dn 11. Ptolemyii. Philaddphus 
left his mark on Palestine in the cities of Philadelphia 
( = Rabbath-ammon, Dt 3"), Ptolemais (Ac 21' = Aceo, 
Jg 1''), Philoteria, etc. Under Ptolemy iii. Euergetes i. 
(B.C. 247-222) the famous 'stele of Canopus' was in- 
scribed. With Ptolemy iv. Philopatar the dynasty began 
to decline, and his oppressions of the Jews (largely 
mythical) are narrated in 3 Maccabees. Under Ptolemy 
V. Epiphanes the Alexandrian supremacy over Palestine 
was exchanged for that of Antiochus in. the Great 
(Dn 11"-"). In his reign the celebrated ' Rosetta stone' 
was erected. The ten succeeding Ptolemys were dis- 
tinguished for almost nothing but their effeminacy, 
folly, luxury, and cruelty. The city increased in wealth, 
but sank more and more in political power. Julius Caesar 
stormed Alexandria in B.C. 47, and after a brief spell of 
false splendour under Cleopatra, it fell after the battle 
of Actium into the hands of the Romans, and its fortunes 
were henceforth merged with those of the Empire. 

But while its political power was thus passing away. 
It was developing an intellectual greatness destined to 
exercise a profound influence through succeeding 
centuries. Among its Jewish population there had 

arisen a new school which sought to amalgamate Hebrew 
tradition and Greek philosophy, and to make the OT 
yield up Platonic and Stoic doctrines. This attempted 
fusion of Hebraism and Hellenism was begun by 
Aristobulus, and reached its climax in Philo, a contem- 
porary of Jesus Christ. The Jews found in the Gentile 
writings many beautiful and excellent thoughts. They 
could logically defend their own proud claim to be the 
sole depositaries and custodians of Divine truth only by 
asserting that every rich and luminous Greek expres- 
sion was borrowed from their Scriptures. Plato and 
Pythagoras, they declared, were deeply in debt to Moses. 
The Greeks were merely reproducers of Hebrew ethics, 
and Hebrew religious and moral conceptions. The next 
step was to re-write their own Scriptures in terms of 
Greek philosophy, and the most simple way of doing 
this was by an elaborate system of allegory. Philo 
carried the allegorizing of the OT to such an extent that 
he was able to deduce all the spurious philosophy he 
required from the most matter-of-fact narratives of 
the patriarchs and their wives. But it was a false issue. 
It was based on a logical figment, and Philo's voluminous 
works, gifted and learned though he was, merely reveal 
that there was no hope either for Greek philosophy or 
for Hebrew religious development along these lines. 
The results of the allegorical method of interpretation, 
however, were seen in Christian Church history. We 
read of a ' synagogue of the Alexandrians ' in Jerusalem, 
furiously hostile to St. Stephen with his plain declara- 
tion of facts (Ac 6'). Apollos of Alexandria (Ac IS''-^^) 
needed to be ' more accurately instructed ' in Christian 
doctrine, though we have no direct evidence that he 
was a disciple of Philo. The Ep. to the Hebrews shows 
traces of Alexandrian influence, and there are evidences 
that St. Paul was not unfamiliar with Alexandrian 
hermeneutics and terminology (cf. Gal 4w-'i). But 
there is no proof that St. Paul ever visited Alex- 
andria. He seems to have refrained from going thither 
because the gospel had already reached the city (cf. 
Ro 15^°). Eusebius credits St. Mark with the intro- 
duction of Christianity into Egypt. In the 2nd and 
3rd cents. Alexandria was the intellectual capital of 
Christendom. The Alexandrian school of theology was 
made lustrous by the names of Pantaenus, Clement, and 
especially Origen, who, while continuing the allegorical 
tradition, strove to show that Christian doctrine en- 
shrined and realized the dreams and yearnings of Greek 
philosophy. The evil tendencies of the method found 
expression in the teachings of the Alexandrian heretics, 
Basilides and Valentinian. Alexandria became more and 
more the stronghold of the Christian faith. Here 
Athanasius defended contra mundum the true Divinity 
of Christ in the Nieene controversy, and the city's 
influence on Christian theology has been profound. 
In A.D. 641, Alexandria fell before Amrou; in the 7th 
cent, it began to decline. The creation of Cairo was 
another blow, and the discovery in 1497 of the new 
route to the East via the Cape of Good Hope almost 
destroyed its trade. At the beginning of the 19th cent. 
Alexandria was a mere village. To-day it is again a large 
and flourishing city, with a rapidly increasing population 
of over 200,000, and its port is one of the busiest on the 
Mediterranean shore. G. A. Frank Knight. 

ALGUM.— See Almug. 

ALIAH.— A 'duke' of Edom (1 Ch 1"); called in 
Gn 36" Alvah. 

ALIAN.— A descendant of Esau (1 Ch 1"); called in 
Gn 3623 Alvan. 

ALIEN. — See Nations, Stbangek. 

ALLAMMELECH.— A town of Asher, probably near 
Acco (Jos 1926). Site unidentifled. 

ALLAB (1 Es 6^).— One of the leaders of those Jews 
who could not show their pedigree as Israelites at the 
return from captivity under Zerubbabel. The name 



seems to correspond to Immer in Ezr 2", Neh 7", one of 
the places from which these Jews returned. In 1 Es 
'Cherub, Addan, and Immer' appear as ' Gharaathalan 
leading them and Allar.' 

ALLEGORY.— See Pakable. 

ALLELUIA. — See Hallelujah. 

ALLEMETH, AV Alemeth.l Ch 6«»; Almon, Jos 21i».— 
A Levltical city of Benjamin. It is the present 'Almit 
on the hills N. of Anathoth. 

ALLIANCE . — In the patriarchal age alliances between 
the Chosen People and foreign nations were frequent. 
Many of the agreements between individuals recorded 
in Genesis implied, or really were, treaties between the 
tribes or clans represented (Gn 21^''- 31"^). 'During 
the period of the Judges confederations between the 
more or less isolated units of which the nation was 
composed were often made under the pressure of a 
common danger (Jg 4'" 6^). When Israel became 
consolidated under the monarchy, alliances with 
foreigners were of a more formal character, e.g. Solomon's 
treaty with Hiram (1 K S. 9). His marriage with 
Pharaoh's daughter probably had a political significance 
(31 918) The policy of alliance between Israel and 
Phcenicia was continued by Omri and Ahab (16"); 
Am 1' speaks of it as a 'covenant of brethren'; it 
rested, no doubt, on reciprocal commercial interests 
(cf. Ac 12™). Asa and Baasha contended for alliance 
with Benhadad (1 K 15"), and Judah and Israel them- 
selves are allied during the reigns of Jehoshaphat and 
Ahab. Such a friendship is denounced in 2 Ch 25. 
Pekah and Rezin are united against Judah (2 K 16', 
Is 7). With the appearance of Assyria, relations with 
foreign nations become important and complicated. 
The temptation is to stave off the danger from the east 
by alUance with Damascus or Egypt. Sennacherib 
assumes that this will be the policy of Hezekiah (2 K 
1821. 24). The prophets from the first set their faces 
against it (Dt 17«, Hos 8», Is 20. 30, Jer 2"- »). It is 
' the hiring of lovers ' in place of J", leading to sin and 
idolatry (2 K 16), and is politically unsound, resting 'on 
a broken reed.' The parties being so unequal, the ally 
easily becomes the tributary (16'). After the Return, 
Ezra and Nehemiah oppose any alliance with ' the people 
of the land.' In later times, for a short period only, 
did the nation gain sufficient independence to make an 
alliance; in this case it was with Rome (1 Mac 8" 15"). 

C. W. Emmet. 

ALLOTS. — 1 . The head of a family of ' Solomon's ser- 
vants' (1 Es 5"). He may be the same as Ami (Ezr 2*'), 
or Amon (Neh 7"). 2. A Simeonlte prince (1 Ch 4"). 

ALLON BACUTH ('oak of weeping').— The place 
where Deborah, Rebekah's nurse, was buried; it was 
near Bethel (Gn 35»). 

ALL TO BREAK.— This phrase (Jg 9") means 
altogether broke. The 'all' is used for altogether, as in 
1 K 14'° 'till it be all gone'; and the 'to' is not the 
sign of the infin., but an adverb like Germ, zer, meaning 
thoroughly. Thus, ' His brest to-broken with his sadil 
bowe' — Chaucer, Knight's Tale, 2759. The correct spell- 
ing (as in the original ed. of AV) is 'all to brake.' 

ALLOW, — To 'allow' generally means in AV 'to 
approve,' as Ro 7i' 'that which I do I allow not.' But 
in Ac 24" it has the mod. sense, admit. 

ALLOY.— RVm (Is 1^) for EV 'tin.' See Mining 
and Metals. 

ALMIGHTY is the regular rendering of Shaddai, 
which occurs altogether 45 times in the OT; 6 times 
qualifying El (God) and 39 times [31 of these in Job) 
standing by itself. In the Hexateuch its use is almost 
confined to P, according to which source it is the name 
by which God revealed Himself to the patriarchs (Ex 6^ 
cf. Gn 17' 35"). The meaning and derivation are 
aUke obscure. The LXX usually render by PantokratBr 
('Almighty'); 6 times by a fanciful derivation they 



paraphrase by 'He that is sufficient.' But in Gn. 
Bl Shaddai is always represented in the LXX by a 
pronoun, 'my (or thy) God'; in Ezk 10» it is merely 
transUterated. Other suggested renderings are 'the 
Destroyer," i.e. 'the Storm-God,' 'the Pourer,' i.e. 
'the Rain-God,' 'the Mountain' (cf. 'Rock' as a 
title of God in Dt 32«- 's- "'■ "), or 'Lord.' The last 
two have the most probability on their side, and it 
is hard to choose between them; but the fact that 
in Babylonian 'the Great Mountain' ^shadu rabu) is 
a common title of Bel seems to turn the scale in 
favour of the former of the two meanings proposed: 
some slight confirmation is perhaps afforded by 1 K 20^'. 
In composition the word occurs in two personal names: 
Zurishaddai (Nu 1*) and Ammishaddai (Nu 1'^); per- 
haps also in Shedeur (Nu 1'). The first ('Shaddai is 
my Rock') is specially interesting if the meaning given 
above is correct. 

In the NT, with the exception of 2 Co 6" (a quotation 
from 2 S 7"), the name is confined to the Apocalypse. 
That it renders Shaddai rather than Sabaoth seems 
proved (in spite of 4* from Is 6') by the fact that it 
always either stands alone or qualifies 'God,' never 
'Lord.' The writer is fond of piling up the titles or 
attributes of God, and among them his favourite is that 
ancient title which carries him back to the patriarchal 
age, the title El Shaddai. H. C. O. Lanchester. 

AL-MODAD was, according to Gn 10« (1 Ch l^"), the 
oldest son of Joktan (wh. see). Joktan is the eponym 
of the tribes and peoples of eastern and southern 
Arabia. From the position of Al-modad in the list of 
'sons,' it would appear that he is to be located in the 
south of the peninsula. As yet the name can neither 
be explained nor identified with any known region. 


ALMON. — See Allemeth. 

ALMON-DIBLATHAIM.— A station in the journey- 
ings (Nu 33«- "), prob. identical with Beth-diblathaim 
(Jer 48^2). The meaning of Diblathaim is a double cake 
of figs; its application to a town may indicate the 
appearance of the place or neighbourhood. 

ALMOND (shaqed). —Tiie fruit in Gn 43", Ex 2535- « 
37i9-2o_ Nu 178; the tree in Ec 12*, Jer 1". Luz 
(Gn 30^'), mistranslated ' hazel,' is certainly the almond; 
it is the name of the almond in modern Arabic. The 
almond (Amygdalus communis) is in Palestine the earliest 
harbinger of spring, bursting into beautiful white 
blossom late in January in Jerusalem, before its leaves 
appear. Hence its name and symbolism: shdged means 
to waken or watch, and in Jer 1"- " there is a play 
on the word 'almond' (shaqM), and 'I will hasten' 
{shbqM). Probably the whiteness of the blossom from 
a little distance — the delicate pink at the bases of the 
petals being visible only on closer inspection — suggested 
its comparison to the white hair of age (Ec 12'). The 
fruit is a great favourite. It is eaten green before the 
shell hardens, especially by children, and the ripe 
kernels are eaten by themselves or with nuts and pud- 
dings, and are also made into sweetmeats with sugar, 
both as ' almond icing ' and ' burnt almonds. ' A present 
of Palestine almonds would be sure to be appreciated 
in Egypt (Gn 43"), as they did not grow in the latter 
country. e. W. G. Mastebman. 

ALMS, ALMSGIVING.— 'An alms' (Ac 3^) is some- 
thing freely given, in money or in kind, to the needy, 
from motives of love and pity for the recipient, and of 
gratitude to the Giver of all. Hence what is given or 
paid to the poor under the authority and compulsion 
of la,w, as the modern poor rate, is not alms. For such 
legal provision in OT times see Poor. Much might 

V, f' . ?l the humane spirit which pervades the 
whole of the Hebrew legislation, and in particular the 
legislation of Dt, of which, in this respect, 15i mav be 
taken as the epitome: 'Thou shalt surely open thine 
hand unto thy brother, to thy needy and to thy poor' 



(RV). The writings of the prophets, also, are full of 
generous advocacy ot the rights of the poor. In the 
later pre-Christian centuries almsgiving became one of 
the most prominent of religious duties (Ps 112', Pr 14» 
19" 312", Job 29'"). The sentiment of the 2nd cent. 
B.C. — by which time it is signiflcant that the Hebrew 
word for 'righteousness' had acquired the special sense 
of almsgiving as in the true text of Mt 6' (see RV) — is 
fully reflected in the Books of Sirach (7>» 17« 29"« ) and 
Tobit (see esp. 4'-"). From this time onwards, indeed, 
almsgiving was considered to possess an atoning or 
redemptive efficacy (Sir 38« 'alms (RV 'almsgiving'] 
maketh an atonement for sins,' To 4'° 12' 'alms de- 
livereth from death,' cf. Dn 4"). After the cessation 
of sacrifice, almsgiving appears to have ranked among 
the Jews as the first of religious duties, more meritorious 
even than prayer and fasting. Arrangements were 
made by the Jewish authorities for the systematic 
collection and distribution of the alms of the people. 
An offertory for the poor also formed a recognized part 
of the synagogue service. 

Almsgiving occupies a prominent place in the teaching 
of our Lord, who rebukes the ostentatious charity of 
His day (Mt 6'-<), emphasizes the blessedness of giving 
(Ac 20»), its opportunities (Mt 25'"'-). and its highest 
motive, 'in my name' (Mk 9"). In the early Christian 
community of Jerusalem the needs of the poor were 
effectively supplied, for its members 'had all things 
common, neither was there among them any that 
lacked' (Ac i^- "). The need for careful distribution 
of the Church's alms led to the institution of the diaconate 
(Ac 6'S). The provision of a poor's fund for the behoof 
of the mother Church was much in the thoughts of the 
Apostle of the Gentiles (1 Co IS'"-, 2 Co 9'ff), and until 
a period wittun living memory the care of God's poor 
continued to be the almost exclusive privilege of the 
Christian Church. A. R. S. Kennedy. 

ALMTTG, or ALGITM (1 K 10"- 12, 2 Ch 2' Q"- >'; 

the two names are probably variants of the same word, 
caused by transposition of letters, as is common in Heb. 
and Arabic). — This tree was imported by Solomon 
from Ophir (1 K 10"- i^) and from Lebanon (2 Ch 28) 
for staircases, balustrades, and musical instruments. 
There is nothing certain known of the nature of this 
wood, but as Jewish tradition states that it was a red 
wood, red sandal wood (.Pterocarpus santalinus) — now 
used chiefly for its colouring properties — has been very 
generally accepted. E. W. G. Masterman. 

ALOES i'ahmim, Pr 7", Nu 24« ['lign aloes']; 
'ahaloth, Ps 45«, Ca 4"; also alol, Jn 19^"). — This is 
the modern eagle-wood (a name derived from the Skr. 
aguTu); it has nothing to do with the familiar bitter 
aloes of medicine, or with the American aloe, now 
much cultivated in gardens in Palestine, but a recent 
importation. This eagle-wood is obtained from plants 
of the order Aquilariaceae, but the fragrant parts are 
those which are diseased; the odoriferous qualities are 
due to the infiltration with resin, and the best kinds sink 
when placed in water. The development of this change 
in the wood is hastened by burying it in the ground. 
A trade in this wood has gone on from early times; it 
comes from India, the Malay Peninsula, etc., and has 
long been a favourite with the Arabs, who call it el 'ud. 

The use of the word (translated 'lign aloes,' Nu 24») 
by Balaam creates a difficulty. Either he must have 
referred to the tree '^om mere hearsay, or some other 
plant of the same name may at that time have grown 
in the Jordan valley, or, as seems most probable, the 
Heb. word has been wrongly transcribed. Both ' palms ' 
and 'terebinths' have been suggested as suitable 
alternatives. E. W. G. Mastehman. 

ALPHA AND OMEGA.— A title of God in Rev 
1' 21«, of Jesus in 22" [its presence in 1" AV is not 
Justified by the MSS]. Alpha was the first, and Omega 
the last letter of the Greek, as Aleph and Taw were the 

first and the last of the Hebrew alphabet. In the Tal- 
mud, 'From Aleph to Taw' meant 'From first to last,' 
including all between. Cf. Shabb. 51. 1 (on Ezk 9"): 
'Do not read "My Sanctuary," but "My saints," 
who are the sons of men who have kept the whole Law 
from Aleph to Taw.' 

This explains the title. In each instance St. John 
defines it. Rev 1' 'I am the Alpha and the Omega, 
saith the Lord God, which is, and which was, and which 
is to come, the Almighty' (AV 'the beginning and the 
ending' is an interpolation from 21« 22"), i.e. the 
Eternal, the Contemporary ot every generation. Rev 21» 
'I am the Alpha and the Omega, the beginning and 
the end'; 22'^ 'I am the Alpha and the Omega, the 
first and the last (cf. Is 44« 48'^), the beginning and the 
end,' i.e. He who comprehends and embraces ail things, 
from whom all come and to whom all return, the tons 
et clausula, the starting-point and the goal of history 
(cf. Col 1"). The ascription of this title to Jesus as 
well as to God in a writing so early as the Apocalypse 
strikingly attests the view of our Lord's Person which 
prevailed in the primitive Church. 

Aurelius Prudentius makes fine use of the title in his 
hymn on The Lard's Nativity (' Corde natus ex parentis '), 
thus rendered by Neale: 

'Of the Father's love begotten 
Ere the worlds began to be, 
He is Alpha and Omega, 

He the source, the ending He, 
Of the things that are, that have been. 
And that future yeara shall see, 
Evermore and evermore,' 

David Smith. 

ALPHABET.— See Whiting. 

ALPHfflUS.— 1. The father of James the Apostle 
(Mt 10s=Mk 3>8=Lk 6i5 = Ac I's), commonly identified 
with James the Little, son of Mary and brother of Joses 
or Joseph (Mk 15"=Mt 27"). The identification is 
confirmed by Jn W^, if it be allowed that Clopas is 
the same name as Alphaeus. And this is most likely. 
Both names probably represent the Aramaic Chaiphai 
(cf. 1 Mac 11'°). St. John's 'Clopas' is almost a trans- 
literation, while 'Alphseus' is the name in a Greek 
dress, the disguise being more apparent if it be written, 
with WH, ' Halphasus.' 

2. The father of Levi the tax-gatherer (Mk 2"), after- 
wards Matthew the Apostle and Evangelist (Mt 9' 
10*). It is remarkable that in Mk 2» Codex Bezae and 
some cursives read James for Levi, and there is a 
tradition (Chrysost. in Matih. xxxiii.) that the Apostles 
Matthew and James had both been tax-gatherers. It 
is perhaps possible that Alphseus the father of James 
was identical with Alphaeus the father of Levi, and that 
the two tax-gatherer Apostles were brothers. Nothing 
is recorded of Alphaeus; yet, if these identifications be 
allowed, great was his glory. He was evidently himself 
a believer; his son Joses, though undistinguished, was 
evidently a believer also; his son James was an Apostle; 
his son Matthew was an Apostle and an Evangelist; 
and his wife Mary was one of the faithful women who 
stood by the Cross and visited the Sepulchre (Mk 18'). 

David Smith. 

ALTAB. — 1. The original purpose of an altar was to 
serve as a means by which the blood of an animal offered 
in sacrifice might be brought into contact with, or other- 
wise transferred to, the deity of the worshipper. For 
this purpose in the earliest period a single stone sufficed. 
Either the blood was poured over this stone, which 
was regarded as the temporary abode of the deity, 
or the stone was anointed with part, and the rest 
poured out at its base. The introduction of flre to 
consume the flesh in whole or in part belongs to a 
later stage in the history of sacrifice (wh. see). But 
even when this stage had long been reached, necessity 
might compel a temporary reversion to the earlier 
modus operandi, as we learn from Saul's procedure in 
1 S 14"'- From the altar of a single 'great stone' 



(1 S 6») the transition was easy to an altar built of 
unhewn stones (Ex 20^5, Dt 27"- RV), which continued 
to be the normal type of Hebrew altar to the end (see 
1 Mac 4"; Jos. BJ V. v. 6). 

2. Another type of pre-historic altar, to which much 
less attention has been paid, had its origin in the primitive 
conception of sacrifice as the food of the gods. As such 
it was appropriately presented on a table. Now the 
nearest analogy to the disc of leather spread on the 
ground,which was and is the table of the Semitic nomad, 
was the smooth face of the native rock, such as that on 
which Manoah spread his offering (Jg 13i"-, of. 6^"). 
The well-known rock-surfaces, in Palestine and else- 
where, with their mysterious cup-marks — typical speci- 
mens are iUustrated PEFSt, 1900, 32 ff., 249— to 
receive the sacrificial blood, can scarcely be other than 
pre-historic table-altars. The similarly marked table- 
stones of Syrian dolmens also belong here. A further 
stage in the evolution of the table altar is seen in the 
elaborate structures recently discovered within the 
West-Semitic area. In these the rock Is cut away so 
as to leave the altar standing free, to which rock-cut 
steps lead up, an arrangement forbidden, from motives 
of decency, by the earliest legislation (Ex 20^, with which 
cf. 28"'- and parall. from a later date). The uppermost 
step served as a platform for the ofiiciating priest. 
Some show cup-hollows for libations of blood (see illust. 
in Moore's 'Judges' in SBOT p. 83), while that first 
discovered at Petra has a depression for the altar- 
hearth {PEFSt, raOO, 350 ff. with sketch; see also Ariel). 
Its dimensions are 9 ft. by 6, with a height above the 
platform of 3 ft. The altars of the more important 
sanctuaries under*the debrew monarchy, such as Bethel, 
were probably of a similar nature. A description of 
'the altar of burnt-offering' of the Tabernacle will be 
given under Tabeknacle ; for the corresponding altars 
of the Temple of Solomon and its successors, and of 
Ezekiel's sketch, see Temple. 

3. A third variety of primitive altar is the mound 
of earth (Ex 20^^), a copy in miniature of the hill-tops 
which were at all times favourite places of worship 
(see High Place). 

4. All the types of altar above described were intended 
for the ordinary open-air sacrificial service, details of 
which will be found under Sacrifice. There is no clear 
reference earlier than Jeremiah to the use of incense, 
and no reference at all to any altar of incense in the 
legitimate worship before the Exile, for 1 K 7*' in its 
present form is admittedly late, and the altar of 1 K e^" 
must be the table of shewbread (see Temple, Shew- 

5. From what has already been said, it is evident that 
an altar was the indispensable requisite of every place 
of worship. It was not until the 7th cent. b.c. that 
Josiah succeeded in abolishing 'the high places' and 
destroying or desecrating their altars (2 K 23'ff), in 
accordance with the fundamental demand of the 
Deuteronomic law-code (Dt la'"). In the older his- 
torical and prophetical writings, however, and even in 
the earliest legislation (see Ex 202* RV), the legitimacy 
of the local altars is never called in question. On the 
contrary, religious leaders such as Samuel and Elijah 
show their zeal for the worship of J" by the erection and 
repair of altars. 

6. As altars to which a special interest attaches may 
be mentioned that erected by David on the threshing 
floor of Araunah (2 S 24"" ■), the site of which is marked 
by the present mosque of ' the Dome of the Rock ' ; the 
altar erected by Ahaz after the model of one seen by him 
at Damascus (2 K W^'^); the sacrificial and incense 
altars to the host of heaven in the courts and probalbly 
even on the roof of the Temple (2 K 23", Jer 19'') ; and 
finally, the altar to Olympian Zeus placed by Antiochus 
Epiphanea on the top of the altar of burnt-offering 
(1 Mac 1"). 

7. Reference must also be made to altars as places of 


refuge for certain classes of criminals, attested both by 
legislation (Ex 21'".) and history (1 K 1" 2^«; see more 
fully, Refuge [Cities of]). The origin and precise 
significance of the horns of the altar, of which the refugee 
laid hold (1 K !!.cc.), and which played anlmportant part 
in the ritual (Ex 2912, Lv 4'«-), have not yet received a 
satisfactory explanation. A small Umestone altar, show- 
ing the horns in the form of rounded knobs at the four 
corners, has just been discovered at Gezer (PEFSt, 
1907, p. 196, with illust.). A. R. S. Kennedy. 

AL-TASHHETH.— Pss 57. 58. 69. 65. (titles). See 

ALXJSH.— A station in the journeyings (Nu 33"- "). 

ALVAN.— Son of Shobal, a Horite (Gn 36»); called 
in 1 Ch 1" Aliau, in Gn 36" Alvah, 1 Ch 1" Aliah, one 
of the 'dukes' of Edom. 

AMAD (Jos 19*8 only).— A city of Asher. The site 
is doubtful; there are several ruins called 'Amud in 
this region. 

AKIADATHUS (Est 126 leio. n).— See Hammedatha. 

AMAL.— A descendant of Asher (1 Ch 7=*). 

AMALEK, AMALEKITES.— A tribe which roamed, 
from the days of the Exodus till the time of king Saul, 
over the region from the southern boundary of Judah 
to the Egyptian frontier and the peninsula of Sinai. 
They are not counted among the kindred of the Israelites, 
and probably were among the inhabitants of the region 
whom the Hebrew and Aramsean immigrants found 
already in the land. With this agrees the statement 
of a poem quoted in Nu 242» 'Amalek was the first of 
the nations.' 

Israel first met with the Amalekites in the region 
near Sinai, when Amalek naturally tried to prevent 
the entrance of a new tribe into the region (cf . Ex 17'-"). 
The battle which ensued produced such a profound im- 
pression, that one of the few things which the Pentateuch 
claims that Moses wrote is the ban of Jahweh upon 
Amalek (Ex 17"). It appears from Dt 25"-" that 
Amalek made other attacks upon Israel, harassing 
her rear. On the southern border of Palestine the 
Amalekites also helped at a later time to prevent Israel's 
entrance from Kadesh (Nu 13" 142*). 

During the period of the Judges, Amalekites aided 
the Moabites in raiding Israel (Jg 3"), and at a later 
time they helped the Midianites to do the same thing 
(63. 33 712). This kept alive the old enmity. King 
Saul attempted to shatter their force, and captured 
their king, whom Samuel afterwards slew (IS 15). 
Although Saul is said to have taken much spoil, the 
Amalekites were still there for David to raid during 
that part of Saul's reign when David was an outlaw 
(1 S 27'). The boundaries of the habitat of the 
Amalekites at this time are said to have been from 
Telem, one of the southern cities of Judah (Jos 15^), 
to Shur on the way to Egypt (1 S 15*). Most modern 
critics also read Telem for Havilah in 1 S 15', and 
for 'of old' in 1 S 27'. 

It was formerly supposed, on the basis of Jg 5" and 
12", that there was at one time a settlement of Amale- 
kites farther north, in the hill country of Ephraim. 
That is, however, improbable,, for in both passages the 
text seems to be corrupt. In 5" ' Amalek' is corrupted 
from the Hebrew for 'valley,' and in 12" from 
the proper name 'Shalim.' Individual Amalekites, 
nevertheless, sojourned in Israel (2 S 1'- "). 

In 1 Ch 4«B- there is a remarkable statement that a 
remnant of the Amalekites had escaped and dwelt in 
Edom, and that 600 Simeonites attacked and smote 
them. Perhaps this accounts for the priestly genealogies 
which make Amalek a descendant of Esau and a sub- 
ordinate Edomite. tribe (cf. Gn 36i2- " and 1 Ch l») 


Perhaps here we learn how the powerful Amalek of 
the earlier time faded away. Pa 83'— a late composition 
—refers to the Amalekites as still aiding Israel 's enemies • 



but this is probably a poetical imitation of ancient 

On their close kindred, the Kenites, see Kenites. 
George A. Barton. 

AMAM (Jos IS" only). — An unknown city of Judah, 
in the desert south of Beersheba. 

AWATT — 1. The persecutor of Achiacharus (To 14i»). 
2. Est 12» 16'»- ". See Haman. 

AMASA (Ca 4»). — Probably the mountains near the 
river Abana or Amana, being connected with Hermon and 
Lebanon; or else Mount Amanus In the north of Syria. 

AMABIAH CJ" said' or 'promised').— 1. Zeph li, 
great-grandfather of the prophet Zephaniah, and son of 
a Hezekiah who may be the king. This is the only 
instance of the name that is certainly pre-exilic. 2. 

1 Ch 6'- 52, grandfather of Zadok the priest. 3. 1 Ch 
2319 24», a Levlte in David's time. 4. 1 Ch 6", 
Ezr 7' (Amarias, l Es 8^, 2 Es 1"), son of Azariah, who is 
said to have ministered in Solomon's temple. The 
lists in which 2 and 4 occur are very uncertain, and 
the name may refer to the same person in both. 6. 

2 Ch 19", a high priest in the reign of Jehoshaphat. 

6. 2 Ch 31>', a Levite, a gate-porter, in Hezekiah's time. 

7. Neh 122- 15 10>, a priestly clan which returned to 
Jerusalem, and sealed the covenant under Nehemiah 
(probably the same as Immer, 1 Oh 24", Ezr 2" lO^", 
Neh 7" [Meruth, 1 Es S"]). 8. Ezr ICH^, a Judahite, 
one of the sons of Bani (v.*", of. 1 Ch 9*) who had taken 
strange wives. 9. Neh 11', a Judahite who offered to 
dwell in Jerusalem. 10. Neh la'^, where Ueraiah is 
probably a corruption of Amariah (which is found in 
Syr. and Luc). A. H. M'Neile. 

A1WAB.TAS (1 Es 8'). — An ancestor of Ezra, called 
Amariah in Ezr T. 

AMASA. — 1. The son of Ithra an Ishmaelite, and of 
Abigail the sister of king David. He commanded the 
army of the rebel Absalom (2 S IT^); but was completely 
routed by Joab in the forest of Ephraim (18*-*). David 
not only pardoned him, but gave him the command of 
the army in place of Joab (19''). He was treacherously 
slain by Joab at 'the great stone of Gibeon' (2 S aO'-'^). 
2. An Ephraimite who opposed the bringing into 
Samaria of the Jewish prisoners, whom Pekah, king of 
Israel, had taken in his campaign against Ahaz (2 Ch 28>2) . 

AMASAI.— 1. A Kohathite (1 Ch e^s- »); theeponym 
of a family (2 Ch 29'^). 2. One of the priests who blew 
trumpets on the occasion of David's bringing the ark to 
Jerus. (1 Ch 15"). 3. One of David's officers at Ziklag 
(1 Ch 1218), possibly to be identified with Amasa, No. 1. 

AMASHSAI (Neh 11").— A priest of the family of 

AHASIAH. — One of Jehoshaphat's commanders 
(2 Ch 1716). 

AWAZTAH. — 1. Son of Jehoash of Judah. He came 
to the throne after the assassination of his father. It is 
recorded in his favour (2 K 4") that although he put the 
murderers of his father to death he spared their children 
— something unheard of up to that time, we infer. Our 
sources know of a successful campaign of his against 
Edom, and an unsuccessful one against Israel. In this 
he seems to have been the aggressor; and after refusing 
to hear the advice of Jehoash, whom he had challenged 
to a trial of strength, he had the mortification of seeing 
his own capital plundered. The conspiracy by which 
he perished may have been prompted by his conduct in 
this war. In the matter of religion he receives qualified 
praise from the author of Kings (2 K 14"), while the 
Chronicler accuses him of gross apostasy (2 Ch 25i"'). 
2. The priest at Bethel who opposed the prophet Amos 
(Am 7i»ff). 3. A Simeonite (1 Ch 4"). 4. A Merarite 
(1 Ch 6«). H. P. Smith. 

AMBASSADOR, AMBASSAGE.— As diplomatic agents 
of sovereigns or other persons in high authority, ambas- 

sadors are frequently mentioned in OT and Apocrypha 
from the days of Moses (see below) to those of the 
Maccabees (1 Mac 9'" 11» 142' 15"). Insult to their 
persons was a sufficient casus belli (2 S lO*"). In 
several passages (.e.g. Nu 20" 2121, Dt 2?>, Jg ll"- i», 
2 S 511, 2 K 19») the 'messengers' of EV are practically 
'ambassadors,' as the Heb. word is elsewhere rendered 
(2 Ch 352', Is 30<, Ezk 1715). Jos 9<, however, should 
be read as in RVm. The ambassador of Jer 49" 
( = Obi) is probably an angel. In NT the word is used 
only metaphorically (2 Co 6'", Eph 6^'). 

'Ambassage,' the mission of an ambassador (2 Mac 4" 
RV), is used also as a collective for ambassadors them- 
selves (Lk 14=2 19" RV). In 1 Mac 142= read with 
RV 'the copy of their words.' A. R. S. Kennedy. 

AMBER (chashmcU, Ezk !'■ 27 82)._The translation 
'amber' is much questioned, a metallic substance 
being generally considered more probable. Prof. 
Ridgeway {Bncyc. BiU., s.v.) has, however, shown that 
amber may well have been known to Ezekiel. The 
amber commonly seen is the opaque yellow variety 
from the Baltic, a resinous substance changed by long 
submersion in the sea. It is a favourite ornament, 
in necklaces and bracelets, in the Orient, especially 
among Jewesses, and is credited with medicinal virtues. 
E. W. G. Mastekman. 

AMBUSH.— See War. 

AMEK. — A Hebrew form of affirmation usually trans- 
lated in the LXX by an equivalent Greek expression 
(Nu 522, Dt 27" 'so be it,' Jer 28« (36«) 'truly'), 
but sometimes transliterated (1 Ch 16^) as in English. 
It is an indication of solemn assent, chiefly in prayer, 
to the words of another, on the part either of an 
individual (Nu 522) or of an assembly (Dt 271'); 
sometimes reduplicated (Ps 41"), sometimes accom- 
panied by a rubrical direction (Ps 106"). From the 
synagogue it passed into the liturgical use of Christian 
congregations, and is so referred to in 1 Co 14" — ' the 
(customary) Amen at thy giving of thanks ' (?Eucharist). 
The use peculiar to the NT is that ascribed to our Lord 
in the Gospels, where the word — ' verily ' followed by 
'I say' — introduces statements which He desires to 
invest with special authority (Mt 51s, Mk 32', Lk 4?* 
etc.) as worthy of unquestioning trust. The Fourth 
Gospel reduplicates — a form which, though Christ may 
Himself have varied the phrase in this manner, is never- 
theless stereotyped by this Evangelist (Jn I'l and 24 
other places), and marks the peculiar solemnity of the 
utterances it introduces. The impression created by 
this idiom may have influenced the title of 'the Amen' 
given to the Lord in the Epistle to Laodicea (Rev 3"). 
A strikingly similar phrase is used by St. Paul in 2 Co 12" 
— 'through him (i.e. Jesus Christ as preached) is the 
Amen' — the seal of God's promises. Its use in 
doxologies is frequent. J. G. Simpson. 

AMETHYST. — See Jewels and Precious Stones. 

AMI. — The head of a family of ' Solomon's servants ' 
(Ezr 2"); called in Neh 7" Amon. 

AMITTAI ('true').— Father of the prophet Jonah 
(2 K 1426, Jon H). 

AMMAH (2 S 22* only).— A hill near Giah, in the 
wilderness of Gibeon. Site unknown. 

AMMI ('my people'). — The name to be applied to 
Israel in the time of restoration. It is to take the place 
of Lo-ammi ( = 'not my people'), the name given in the 
first instance by Hosea to Gomer's third child, but in 
the prophetic fragment, Hos l'-" [in Heb 2i-'], referred 
to the people of Israel. 

AMMIDIOI. — One of the families that returned with 
Zerubbabel (1 Es 52»); omitted in the parallel lists 
(Ezr 2=Neh 7). 

AMMIEL ('kinsman is God'). — 1. Son of Gemalli, 
and spy of the tribe of Dan (Nu 1312 (P)). 2. Father of 
Machir (2 S 9"- I72'). 3. The sixth son of Obed-edom, 



who with his family constituted one of the courses of 
doorkeepers In the time of David ; to them was allotted 
charge of the S. gate (of the Temple) and the storehouse 
(1 Ch 26, esp. vv.s- "). 4. See Eliam, 1. 

AiynVTlHUD (' kinsman is majesty '). — 1. An Ephraim- 
ite, father of Elishama (Nu l" 2»» 7". ss lozz (p)). 2. A 
Simeonite, father of Shemuel (Nu 3420 (P)). 3. A 
NaphtaUte, father of Pedahel (Nu 34" (P)). 4. Accord- 
ing to the Qeri of 2 S 13" and the AV, the name of the 
father of the Geshurite king Talmai {Kethibh and RV 
Ammihur). 5. Sonot Omri, fatherof Uthai (1 Ch9'). 

AMMIHUB.— See Ammihud, No. 4. 

AlVnvriH'ADAB .—1 . Son of Ram and father of Nahshon 
(Ru 4i»'- = l Ch 2i», Mt 11; Nu V 2= 7" 10"); father-in- 
law of Aaron (Ex 6"). 2. Son of Kohath and father 
of Korah (1 Ch 6'^). 3. A chief of a Levitical house 
(1 Ch 15""). 

AMMINADIB occurs in AV and R Vm of a very obscure 
passage, Ca 6^2^ 'my goul made me like the chariots of 
Amminadib.' RV and AVm do not regard the term as a 
proper name, but render ' my soul set me on (RV 'among') 
the chariots of my willing (RV 'princely') people.' 

AKIMISHADDAI.— A Danlte, father of Ahiezer 
(Nu 1" 22s 7M- n 1025 (P)). 

AMMIZABAD.— Son of Benaiah (1 Ch 27«). 

AMMON, AMMONITES.— A people inhabiting the 
territory between the tribe of Gad and the Arabian 
desert, from the Israelitish conquest of Palestine to 
the 4th cent. B.C., and perhaps till the 1st cent. a.d. 

In Gn 19" the Ammonites are said to have descended 
from a certain Ben-Ammi, but in the Assyrian inscrip- 
tions Shalmaneser 11., Tiglath-pileser in., and Sennach- 
erib call them Beth-Ammon, placing the determinative 
for 'man' before Ammon. Except in Ps 83', which is 
late, the people are never called 'Ammon' in the Hebrew 
OT, but the 'children of Ammon,' or 'Ammonites.' 

The really important feature of the story of Gn 19 
is that it reveals a consciousness that the Israelites 
regarded the Ammonites as their kindred. The proper 
names of individual Ammonites, so far as they are 
known to us, confirm this view. Probably, therefore, 
the Ammonites formed a part of that wave of Aramaean 
migration which brought the Hebrews into Palestine. 
Perhaps, like the Hebrews, they adopted the language 
of the people in whose land they settled, thus later 
speaking a Canaanite dialect. The genealogy which 
traces their descent from Lot probably signifies that 
■ they settled in the land of Lot, or Lotan, called by the 
Egyptians Ruten, which lay to the east of the Dead 
Sea and the Jordan. 

In Dt 22" the Ammonites are said to have displaced 
the Z ^mzumm im, a semi-mythical people, of whom we 
""Eilow nothing. Jg 1112-23 represents Ammon as having 
conquered all the land between the Jabbok and the 
Arnon, and a king of Ammon is said to have reproved 
Israel for taking it from them. The statement is late, 
and of doubtful authority. Israel found the Amorites in 
this territory at the time of the conquest, and we have 
no good reason to suppose that the Ammonites ever 
possessed it. Their habitat was in the north-eastern 
portion of this region, around the sources of the Jabbok. 
Rabbah (modern 'Amman) was its capital and centre. 

At the time of the conquest the Gadite Israelites 
did not disturb the Ammonites (Nu 212*, Dt 2?'), or 
attempt to conquer their territory. During the period 
of the Judges the Ammonites assisted Eglon of Moab 
in his invasion of Israel (Jg 3"), and attempted to 
conquer Gilead, but were driven back by Jephthah 
the judge (ll'-s- s"-" 12^-'). Later, Nahash, their 
king, oppressed the town of Jabesh in Gilead, and 
it was the victory which delivered this city from the 
Ammonites that made Saul Israel's king (1 S ll). 
Saul and Nahash thus became enemies. Consequently, 
later, Nahash befriended David, apparently to. weaken 



the growing power of Israel. When David succeeded 
Saul in power, Hanun, the son of Nahash, provoked 
him to war, with the result that Rabbah, the Ammonite 
capital, was stormed and taken, the Ammonites were re- 
duced to vassalage, and terrible vengeance was wreaked 
upon them (2 S 10-12). Afterwards, during Absalom's 
rebellion, a son of Nahash rendered David assistance at 
Mahanaim (2 S I72'). Zelek, an Ammonite, was among 
David's heroes (2 S 23"). These friendly relations 
continued through the reign of Solomon, who took as 
one of his wives the Ammonite princess Naamah, who 
became the mother of Rehoboam, the next king (1 K 11' 
1421. 31), After the reign of Solomon the Ammonites 
appear to have gained their independence. 

In the reign of Ahab, Ba'sa, son of Rehob, the Am- 
monite, was a member of the confederacy which opposed 
the progress of Shalmaneser into the West (cf. KA T' 
42). According to 2 Ch 20', the Ammonites joined 
with Moab and Edom in invading Judah in the reign 
of Jehoshaphat. Before the reign of Jeroboam 11. 
the Ammonites had made another attempt to get 
possession of Gilead, and their barbarities in warfare 
excited the indignation of the prophet Amos (Am 
113-15). Chronicles represents them as beaten a little 
later by Jotham of Judah, and as paying tribute to 
Uzziah (2 Ch 26* 27'). When next we hear of the 
Ammonites, Nebuchadnezzar of Babylon is employing 
them to harass the refractory Judsean king Jehoiakim 
(2 K242). Perhaps it was at this period that the Ammon- 
ites occupied the territory of Gad (Jer 49'^). Later, 
the domination of the Babylonian compelled Ammon and 
Israel to become friends, for Ammon conspired with King 
Zedekiah against Nebuchadnezzar (Jer 27'), and during 
the sieges of Jerusalem many Judeeans had migrated 
to Ammon (Jer 40"). The Babylonian king regarded 
both Ammon and Judah as rebels, for Ezekiel represents 
him as casting lots to see whether he should first attack 
Rabbah or Jerusalem (Ezk 212oif-, cf. Zeph 28- »). 

Perhaps there was a settlement of Ammonites in 
IsraeUtish territory, for Dt 23'»- recognizes the danger 
of mixture with Ammonites, while Jos IS'* seems to 
indicate that there was in post-exilic times a village 
in Benjamin Called 'the village of the Ammonites.' 

After the destruction of Jerusalem, Baalis, king of 
Ammon, sent a man to assassinate Gedaliah, whom 
Nebuchadnezzar had made governor of Judah (Jer 40"). 
Again, 140 years later, the Ammonites did everything 
in their power to prevent the rebuilding of the walls of 
Jerusalem by Nehemiah (Neh 2'°- " 4'- '). Nehemiah 
and Ezra fomented this enmity by making illegal 
the marriages of Ammonitish women with Israelitish 
peasantry who had remained in Judah (Neh 132s). 

Between the time of Nehemiah and Alexander the 
Great the country east of the Jordan was overrun by 
the NabatEsans. Perhaps the Ammonites lost their 
identity at this time: for, though their name appears 
later, many scholars think it is used of these Arabs. 
Thus in 1 Mac S"^- Judas Maccabsus is said to have 
defeated the Ammonites; Ps 83' reckons them among 
Israel's enemies; while Justin Martyr (^Dial. Tryph. 19) 
says the Ammonites were numerous in his day. As 
Josephus (Ant. i. xi. 5) uses the same language of 
the Moabites and Ammonites, though elsewhere (xiv. 
i. 4) he seems to call them Arabians, it is possible that 
the Ammonites had lost their identity at the time of 
the Nabatsean invasion. Their capital, Rabbah, was 
rebuilt in the Greek style by Ptolemy Philadelphus of 
Egypt in the 3rd cent. b.c. and named Philadelphia. Its 
ruins amid the modern town of 'Amman are impressive. 
The god of the Ammonites is called in the OT Milcom, 
a variation of Mdek, 'king.' When the Jews, just 
before the Exile, to avert national disaster, performed 
child-sacrifice to Jawheh as Melek or 'king,' the 
prophets stamped this ritual as of foreign or Ammonite 
origin on account of the similarity of the name, though 
perhaps it was introduced from Phoenicia (cf. G. F 



Moore in Encyc. Bibl. iil. 3188 tl.). The Ammonites 
appear to have been a ruthless, semi-sayage people. 
Such a rite may have been practised by them too; 
it so, it is all that we know o£ their civilization. 

George A. Barton. 

AMNON. — 1. Eldest son of David by Ahinoam the 
Jezreelitess. He dishonoured his half-sister Tamar, 
and was, on that account, slain by her brother Absalom 
(2 S 32 13"). 2. Son of Shimon (1 Ch 4"). 

AJffiOK. — A priestly family in the time of Zerubbabel 
and of Joiakim (Neh 12'- '»). 

AMOMUM.— Rev 18" RVm. See Spict. 

ASIOS. — 1. Son and successor of Manasseh king of 
Judah. He reigned two years or parts of years. Our 
Biblical books know only that he carried on the religious 
practices of his father. He was put to death by a 
palace conspiracy, but the assassins were punished by the 
populace, who placed Josiah on the throne (2 K 21""). 
It has been suggested that his name is that of the 
Egyptian sun-god (see next art.). 2. A governor of 
Samaria (1 K 2228). 3, gee Ami. H. P. Smith. 

AMON (Gr. Axrimon, Egyp. AmUn). — An Egyptian 
divinity, who, primarily worshipped as the god of 
fertility, and later as Amen-ra-setn-nteru ('Amon, the 
sun-god, the king of the gods'), was the local deity of 
Thebes. With the subjugation of the petty princes 
of lower Egypt by Aahmes i. of Thebes (c. b.c. 1700), 
he became the Egyptian national god. His supremacy, 
recognized for 1100 years by all Egyptian rulers with 
the exception of Amenophis iv. (c. B.C. 1450), came 
to an end with Esarhaddon's invasion of Egypt (b.c. 670 ; 
cf. Jer 462*') and the destruction of Thebes by Ashur- 
banipal (c. b.c. 662; cf. Nah 3'). After these events 
he was relegated to the ranks of the local gods. See 


AMOBITES. — An ancient people whose presence can 
be traced in Palestine and Syria and also in Babylonia. 
From Dt 3' it appears that their language differed only 
dialectically from Canaanite, which was Hebrew. This 
view is confirmed by many proper names from the 
monuments. They were accordingly of the same race 
as the Ganaanites. Contract tablets of the time of 
Hammurabi (b.c. 2250) show that Amorites were in 
Babylonia at that time (cf . Meissner, Altbab. Privairechi, 
No. 42). At this period their country was designated 
by the ideogram MAR-TU. It has long been known 
that this ideogram stood for Palestine and Syria. At 
that time, then, the Amorites were already in the West. 

Becauseoftheidentityoftheirpropernamea, it is believed 
that the Amorites were identical in race with that Semitic 
wave of immigration into Babylonia which produced the 
first dynasty of Babylon, the dynasty of Hammurabi 
(cf . Paton, Syria and Palestine, 25-29). Paton holds that 
an Amoritic wave of migration overran Babylonia and the 
Mediterranean coast about B.C. 2500, but Johns (Expos., 
April, 1906, p. 341) holds it probable, also on the basis of 
proper names, that the Amorites were in both Babylonia 
and the West before the time of Sargon, b.c. 3800. 

About B.C. 1400 we learn from the el-Amarna tablets 
that the great valley between the Lebanon and Anti- 
Lebanon ranges, which was afterwards called Coele- 
Syria, was inhabited by Amorites, whose prince was 
Aziru (cf. KIB, v. Nos. 42, 44, and SO). At some time 
they seem to have overrun Palestine also, for in the 
E document they are regarded as the pre-Israelitish 
inhabitants of the mountain-land of Palestine, whom 
the Hebrews conquered (cf. Nu 13^9, Jos 248- "). This 
was also the view of the prophet Amos (2'- ">), and, in 
part, of Ezekiel (16». «). The J document, on the 
other hand, regards the Ganaanites (wh. see) as the 
original inhabitants of the country. As the J document 
originated in the southern kingdom and the E docu- 
ment in the northern, some have inferred that the 
Amorites were especially strong in Northern Palestine; 
but even the J document (Jg l^*- ") recognizes that 
the Amorites were strong in the Valley of Aijalon. In 

Jg 1» 'Amorites' is probably a corruption of 'Edom- 
ites.' (So G. F. Moore in SBOT.) Both J (Nu 323») 
and E (Nu 21") represent the trans-Jordanic kingdom 
of king Sihon, the capital of which was at Heshbon, 
and wliich extended from the Amon to the Jabbok, 
as Amoritic, and several later Biblical writers reflect 
this view. This kingdom was overcome by the IsraeUtes 
when they invaded Canaan. After the Israelitish con- 
quest the Amorites disappear from our view. 

George A. Barton. 

AMOS.— 1. Theman.— Araos,theearliestoftheproph- 
ets whose writings have come down to us, and the 
initiator of one of the greatest movements in spiritual 
history, was a herdsman, or small sheep-farmer, in 
Tekoa, a small town lying on the uplands some six 
miles south of Bethlehem. He combined two occupa- 
tions. The sheep he reared produced a particularly 
fine kind of wool, the sale of which doubtless took him 
from one market to another. But he was also a ' pincher 
of sycomores.' The fruit of this tree was hastened 
in its ripening process by being bruised or pinched: 
and as the sycomore does not grow at so great a height 
as Tekoa, this subsidiary occupation would bring Amos 
into touch with other political and religious circles. 
The simple life of the uplands, the isolation from the 
dissipation of a wealthier civilization, the aloofness 
from all priestly or prophetic guilds, had doubtless 
much to do with the directness of his vision and speech, 
and with the spiritual independence which found in 
him so noble an utterance. While he was thus a native 
of the kingdom of Judah, his prophetic activity awoke 
in the kingdom of Israel. Of this awakening he gives 
a most vivid picture in the account of his interview 
with Amaziah, the priest of Bethel {7'°-"). He had 
gone to Bethel to some great religious feast, which was 
also a business market. The direct call from God to 
testify against the unrighteousness of., both kingdoms 
had probably come to him not long before; and amidst 
the throng at Bethel he proclaimed his vision of Jehovah 
standing with a plumb-line to measure the deflection 
of Israel, and prepared to punish the iniquity of the 
house of Jeroboam 11. The northern kingdom had 
no pleasant memories of another prophet who had de- 
clared the judgment of God upon sin (2 K Q^"-); and 
Amaziah, the priest, thinking that Amos was one of 
a prophetic and ofScial guild, contemptuously bade 
him begone to Judah, where he could prophesy for 
hire. (7"). The answer came flashing back. Amos 
disclaimed all connexion with the hireling prophets 
whose ' word ' was dictated by the immediate political 
and personal interest. He was something better and 
more honest — no prophet, neither a prophet's son, but 
a herdsman and a dresser of sycomores, called by 
God to prophesy to Israel. Herein Ues much of his 
distinctiveness. The earher prophetic impulse which 
had been embodied in the prophetic guilds had become / 
professional and insincere. Amos brought prophecy / 
back again into the line of direct inspiration. 

2. The time in which he lived. — Am l' may not be 
part of the original prophecy, but there is no reason 
to doubt its essential accuracy. Amos was prophesying 
in those years in which Uzziah and Jeroboam 11. were 
reigning contemporaneously, b.c. 775-750. This date - 
is of great importance, because few prophetic writings 
are so interpenetrated by the historical situation as 
those of Amos. For nearly 100 years prior to his time 
Israel had suffered severely from the attacks of Syria. 
She had lost the whole of her territory east of Jordan 
(2 K 10'2'); she had been made hke 'dust in threshing' 
(13'). But now Syria had more than enough to do 
to defend herself from the southward pressure of Assyria; 
and the result was that Israel once more began to be 
prosperous and to regain her lost territories. Under 
Jeroboam 11. this prosperity reached its climax. The 
people revelled in it, giving no thought to any further 
danger. Even Assyria was not feared, because she 



was busy with the settlement of internal affairs, re- 
bellion and pestilence. Amos, however, knew that the 
relaxation of pressure could be but temporary. He 
saw that the Assyrian would eventually push past 
Damascus down into Palestine, and bring in the day 
of account; and although he nowhere names Assyria 
as the agent of God's anger, the references are unmis- 
takable (5" 6'- " 7"). 

It is this careless prosperity with its accompanying 
unrighteousness and forgetfulness of God that is never 
out of the prophet's thoughts. The book is short, 
but the picture of a time of moral anarchy is complete. 
The outward religious observances are kept up, and 
the temples are thronged with worshippers (5' 9'); 
tithes and voluntary offerings are duly paid (4'- ' 5^'). 
But religion has divorced itself from morality, the 
stated worship of God from reverence for the character 
of God (2*). The rich have their winter houses and 
their summer houses (3'*), houses built of hewn stone 
(5"). and panelled with ivory (3"). They drink wine 
by the bowlful (6^), and the fines unjustly extorted 
from the defenceless are spent in the purchase of wine 
for the so-called religious feast (2*). Lazy, pampered 
women, 'kine of Bashan,' are foremost in this unholy 
oppression (4i). There is no such thing as justice; 
the very semblance of it is the oppression of the weak 
by the strong. The righteous are sold for silver, and 
the poor for a pair of shoes (2') ; the houses of the great 
are stored with the spoils of robbery (3'°); bribery 
and corruption, the besetting sins of the East, are 
rampant (S'^). Commerce shares in the prevailing 
evil; weights are falsified and food is adulterated (8'- '). 
Immorality is open and shameless (2'). Small wonder 
that the prophet declares as the word of the Lord, ' I 
hate, I despise your feasts, and I will take no delight 
in your solemn assemblies' (S'''). While the observ- 
ances of religion are maintained, the soul of religion 
has fled. Those who are responsible for the evil con- 
dition of things 'are not grieved for the a£Qiction of 
Joseph' (6«). 

3. Contents of the book. — The book is framed upon 
a definite plan, which is clearer in the opening section 
than in those which follow. 

(i) 12-215 treats of the judgment upon the nations 
tor their sins. Damascus, Gaza, Tyre, Edom, Ammon, 
Moab, Judah, and Israel are all passed under review. 
The assumption is that each people is subject to the 
dominion of Jehovah. Punishment will be visited 
upon each for the violation of some broad and univer- 
sally recognized principle of humanity. 

(ii) Chs. 3. 4. S, three threatening discourses, each 
introduced by 'Hear ye this word.' 

(iii) 7-91°, a series of five visions, interrupted in 
710-17 by the account of Amaziah's attempt to intimidate 
Amos. The visions are (a) the devouring locusts (71 -s) ; 
(6) the consuming fire (7*-=); (c) the plumb-line (7'-»); 
(,d) the basket of summer fruit (8'-'); (e) the smitten 
sanctuary, and destruction of the worshippers (91-'"). 

911 -16 ia in striking contrast to the tone of the rest of the 
book. Insteadof threatenings there are now promises. 
The line of David will be restored to its former splendour; 
the waste cities shall be built up; the settled agricultural 
life shall be resumed, ,'rhis Epilogue is generally acknowl- 
edged to be a late addition to the prophecy. It contains 
no moral feature, no repentance, no new righteousness. It 
tells only of a people satisfied with vineyards and gardens. 
'These are legitimate hopes; but they are hopes of a genera- 
tion of other conditions and of other deserts than the genera- 
tion of Amos' (G. A. Smith, Twelve Prophets, i. 195). 

4. Theology of Amos. — In his rehgious outlook Amos 
had many successors, but he had no forerunner. His 
originality is complete. 

(i) His view of JeJimah. — Hitherto Jehovah had been 
thought of as a Deity whose power over His own people 
was absolute, but who ceased to have influence when re- 
moved from certain geographical surroundings (1 K 20»i). 
The existence of other gods had not been questioned I 



even by the most pious of the Israelites; they denied 
only that these other gods had any claim over the 
fife of the people of Jehovah. But Amos will not hear 
of the existence of other gods. Jehovah is the God 
of the whole earth. His supreme claim is righteous- 
ness, and where that is not conceded He will punish. 
He rules over Syria and Caphtor, Moab and Ammon, 
just as truly as over Israel or Judah (1. 2. 6" 9'). 
Nature too is under His rule. Every natural calamity 
and scourge are traced to the direct exercise of His will. 
Amos therefore lays down a great philosophy of history. 
God is all-righteous. All events and all peoples are in 
His hands. Political and natural catastrophes have 
religious significance (6»). 

(ii) The relationship of Jehovah to Israel. — Amos, in 
common with his countrymen, considered the relation 
of Jehovah to Israel to be a special one. But while 
they had regarded it as an indissoluble relationship of 
privilege, a bond that could not be broken provided 
the stated sacrifices were maintained, Amos declared 
not only that it could be broken, but that the very 
existence of such a bond would lay Israel under heavier 
moral responsibilities than if she had been one of the 
Gentile nations (3^). As her opportunities had been 
greater, so too would her punishment for wasting them 
be proportionately severe. Jehovah's first demands 
were morality and justice and kindliness, and any 
sacrificial system that removed the emphasis from 
these things and placed it on the observance of ritual 
was an abomination (5^"-^). 

(iii) The inevitable judgment. — It is his certainty of 
the moral character of God that makes Amos so sure 
of the coming catastrophe. For the first time in Hebrew 
literature he uses the expression ' the day of the Lord ' — 
a phrase that may already have been current in a more 
genial and privileged sense to indicate the day that 
will utterly destroy the nations (2"-'« 3'2-« 4^- '■ "). 
With this broad view of history, a view from which the 
idea of special privilege is excluded, he sees in the 
northern power the instrument of iehovah's anger 
(5" 6"); a power that even in its self-aggrandisement 
is working out Jehovah's purpose. 

5. Style. — It was the custom for many a century to 
accept the verdict of Jerome, that the prophet was 
rustic and unskilled in speech. That, however, is 
anything but the case. The arrangement of the book 
is clear; the Hebrew is pure; and the knowledge of 
the outside world is remarkable. The survey of the 
nations with which the prophecy opens is full of precise 
detaU. Amos knows, too, that the Aramaeans migrated 
from Kir, and the Philistines from Caphtor (9'); he has 
heard of the sweUings of the Nile (88 gs), and regards 
the fact with a curious dread. He has been a close 
observer of the social conditions in Israel. Much of 
his imagery is drawn from nature:— earthquakes and 
the eclipse of the sun, the cedars and the oaks, the 
roaring of the Uon, the snaring of birds, the bite of 
the viper; once only does he draw a comparison from 
shepherd life (.3"). 

6. Religious significance.— Amos' true significance 
in rehgious history is that with him prophecy breaks 
away on its true Une, individual, direct, responsible 
to none save God. The word of the Lord had come 
to Amos and he could not but speak (38). Such a 
cause produced an inevitable effect. In that direct 
vision of Jehovah, Amos learned the truths which he 
was the first to proclaim to the wortd:— that Jehovah 
was the God of the whole earth; that the nations were 
m His keeping; that justice and righteousness were His 
great demands; that privilege, if it meant opportunity, 
meant likewise responsibility and Uability to the doom 
of those who have seen and have not believed. 

iwrnrr „ . ^- BhUCE TaYLOR. 

AMOZ C^mSte).— Father of the prophet Isaiah (2 K 
19^ Is 11 etc.), to be carefully distinguished from Amos 
( AmBs) the prophet. 



AMPHIPOLIS. — A town in a part of Macedonia 
formerly reckoned to Thrace, on the river Strymon, 
about 3 miles from its mouth, where the harbour Eion 
was situated. It was a place of great strategic and 
mercantile importance. It underwent various vicis- 
situdes, but retained its importance based on its abundant 
supplies of excellent wine, figs, oil, and wood, its silver 
and gold mines, its woollen fabrics. The Romans raised 
it to the rank of a free town and the chief town of the 
first district of the province Macedonia; through it the 
Via Egnatia passed. The verb in the Greek (Ac 17') 
seems to indicate that St. Paul passed through it without 
preaching there. A. Souter. 

AMPLIATUS (AV Amplias).— Greeted by St. Paul 
(Ro 16'), perhaps of the imperial household (Lightfoot 
on Ph 4^), and a prominent Christian (Sanday-Head- 
1am). The name, a common slave designation, is 
found inscribed in the catacombs. A. J. Maclean. 

AMRAHI. — 1. A Levite, son of Kohath and grandson 
of Levi (Nu 3i'-is, 1 Ch e^- >■ 'S). He married Jochebed 
his father's sister, by whom he begat Aaron and Moses 
(Ex 6i8-i"i) and Miriam (Nu26", lCh6'). The Amramites 
are mentioned in Nu 3", 1 Ch 262'. 2. A son of Bani 
who had contracted a foreign marriage (Ezr 10"). 

AMRAPHEL.— The king of Shinar (Gn 14i). He has 
^been identified (by Schrader and usually) with Hammu- 
rabi, king of Babylonia, but apart from the difficulties 
due to differences of spelling, there is no evidence that 
Hammurabi was ever allied with a king of Elam and a 
king of Larsa to invade the West. Boscawen suggests 
Amah-Pal, the ideographic writing of Sinmuballit, the 
father of Hammurabi, for whom such an alliance is more 
likely. See Chedorlaomer. C. H. W. Johns. 

AMULETS AND CHARMS.— 1. The custom of 
wearing amulets (amvZetum from Arab . root = ' to carry ' ) 
as charms to protect the wearer against the malign 
influence of evil spirits, and in particular against 'the 
evil eye,' is almost as wide-spread as the human race 
itself. Children and domestic animals are supposed to 
be specially subject to such influence, and to-day 'in 
the Arabic border lands there is hardly a child, or almost 
an animal, which is not defended from the evil eye by 
a charm' (Doughty). The Jews were in this respect 
like the rest of the world, and in the Talmud it is said 
that ninety-nine deaths occur from the evil eye to 
one from natural causes (see Magic Divination and 

2. RV has substituted 'amulets' for AV 'ear-rings' 
in Is 32", the Heb. word being elsewhere associated 
with serpent-charming. There is nothing to indicate 
their precise nature or shape. Our knowledge of early 
Palestinian amulets has been greatly increased by the 
recent excavations at Gezer, Taanach, and Megiddo. 
These have brought to light hundreds of amulets, 
bewildering in their variety of substance and form — 
beads of various colours (the blue variety is the favourite 
amulet at the present day), pendants of slate, pieces 
of coral, bronze beUs (cf. Ex 28'' 39^), a tiny ebony 
fish from the Maccabsean period, a yellow glass pendant 
with ' good luck to the wearer' in reoersed Greek letters 
(PEFSt, 1904, illust. p. 354), a small round silver box 
with blue enamel (ib. 1903, illust. p. 303), etc. The 
influence of Egypt, where amulets were worn by men 
and gods, by the living and the dead, is shown by the 
great number of scarabs and 'Horus eyes' unearthed 
at Gezer and Taanach. 

3. The 'consecrated tokens' (2 Mac 12" RV) found 
by Judas Maccabaeus on the bodies of his soldiers were 
heathen charms against death in battle, the peculiar 
Gr. word being a tr. of the Aram, word for 'amulet.' 
The Mishna (c. a.d. 200) shows that in NT times a 
favourite charm (gemia' , whence our ' cameo ') consisted 
of a piece of parchment inscribed with sacred or ca- 
balistic writing, and suspended from the neck in a 
leather capsule. In this connexion it may be noted 


that 'phylactery' signifies an amulet, and like the 
mezuzah or door-post symbol, was often so regarded. 

4. In antiquity jewels were worn quite as much for 
protective as for decorative purposes, being supposed 
to draw the attention of the spirit from the wearer. 
A popular form of jewel-amulet was the moon-shaped 
crescent in gold and silver, like those worn by the 
Jerusalem ladies (Is 3" RV), and the 'crescents and 
pendants' worn by the Midianite chiefs and hung 
from the necks of their camels (Jg 8"- " RV). The 
ear-rings of Gn 35', also, were evidently more than 
mere ornaments, so that AV and RV may both be right 
in their renderings — 'ear-rings,' 'amulets' — of Is 3^°. 

For the amulets worn by the heathen Arabs see 
Wellhausen, Beste Arab. Heidenthums (1887), 143 ft., 
and for modern Jewish amulets the art. 'Amulet' in 
Hastings' DB. A. R. S. Kennedy. 

AMUSEMENTS.— See Games. 

AMZI.— 1. A Merarite (1 Ch 6"). 2. A priest in the 
second Temple (Neh 11'^). 

ANAB.— A city of Judah in the Negeb hills (Jos lia 
15'°), inhabited first by the Anakim. Now the ruin 
'Anab near Debir. 

ANAEL. — Brother of Tobit and father of Achiacharus 
(To 12'). 

ANAH. — 1. A daughter of Zibeon, and mother of 
Oholibamah, one of Esau's wives (Gn 362- "• >'• 26 (R)). 
Some ancient authorities (including LXX. Sam. Pesh.) 
read son instead of daughter, which would identify this 
Anahwith— 2. Asonof Zibeon(Gn362* (R), 1 Ch I"-"). 
3. A Horite 'duke,' brother of Zibeon (Gn 362»- 2' (R), 
1 Ch 1"). If we take Anah as an eponym rather than 
a personal name, and think of relationships between 
clans rather than individuals, it is quite possible to 
reduce the above three references to one. In regard to 
No. 2 the note is appended, 'This is Anah who found 
the hot springs (AV wrongly 'the mules') in the wilder- 
ness, as he fed the asses of Zibeon his father' (Gn 362<). 

ANAHARATH (Jos 19"), mentioned with Shion and 
Rabbith on the east side of the Plain of Esdraelon in 
Issachar. It is perhaps the modern en^Na'urah in the 
Valley of Jezreel. 

ANATAH CJ" hath answered').— 1. A Levite (Neh 
8<), called Ananias in 1 Es 9". 2. One of those who 
sealed the covenant (Neh IO22). 

ANAK, ANAKIM.— Eariy inhabitants of the high 
levels of Judah, whom tradition credited with colossal 
height. The word Anak is properly a race-name, and, 
being often used with the article, it is really an appel- 
lative, probably meaning ' the long-necked (people).' In 
the genealogizing narrative of Jos 15"- " there were 
three sons or clans of Anak; Sheshai, Ahiman, and 
Talmai. These were all driven out by Caleb (cf. Jg 12°). 
Jos 112' gives them a wider Jiabitat, as scattered over 
the hill-country of Palestine generally, whence they 
were exterminated by Joshua. In Gaza, Gath, and 
Ashdod some remnants were to be found after Joshua's 
time (1122). See also Arba. J. F. McCurdy. 

ANAMIM. — A people, not yet identified, named in 
Gn 10" (1 Ch 1") among the descendants of Mizraim, 
and therefore to be found somewhere in Egypt. 

J. F. McCdedy. 

ANAMMELECH. — A god worshipped by captives 
transplanted from Sepharvaim to Samaria by the 
Assyrians (2 K 172*). As human sacrifice (v.") was 
the most prominent rite connected with the god's 
worship, the name, which might be interpreted as 
meaning 'Anu is prince,' in all probabihty owes its 
origin to a scribal endeavour to identify the god with 
Molech, in whose cult a similar practice existed. See 
also Adraaimelech. N. Koeniq. 

ANAN. — 1. One of those who sealed the covenant 
(Neh 102»). 2. 1 Es 5'»=Hanan, Ezr 2", Neh 7". 


ANAKI.— A son of Elioenai (1 Ch 3"). 

AirANIAH.— 1. Neh 3'K the father of Maaseiah, and 
grandfather of Azariah, who took part in rebuilding 
the walls of Jerusalem. 2. A town inhabited by Ben- 
jamites after the Captivity (Neh 11'^). Possibly the 
modern Beit Hanina, a village 2 miles N. of Jerusalem. 

AIUDIAS. — This name occurs several times in the 
Apocrypha: in 1 Es Q^'- ^s- «■ '8 (representing 'Hanani' 
and 'Hananiah' of Ezr lO^"- 2', 'Anaiah' and 'Hanan' 
of Neh 8<- ') and in To S'"-, Jth 8'. It is the name of 
three persons in NT. 1 . The husband of Sapphira, who 
in the voluntary communism of the early Church sold 
'a possession' and kept part of the price for himself, 
pretending that he had given the whole (Ac 6'^). The 
sudden death of husband and wife, predicted by St. 
Peter, was the signal proof of God's anger on this 
Judas-like hypocrisy. 2. A 'devout man according 
to the law' at Damascus, a disciple who instructed and 
baptized Saul of Tarsus after his conversion, restoring 
to him his sight by imposition of hands; he had been 
warned by the Lord in a vision (Ac 9"'"'- 22™). 3. 
The high priest at the time when St. Paul was arrested 
at Jerusalem (Ac 232"), a Sadducee, son of Nedebaeus, 
and a rapacious oppressor. He had been in trouble at 
Rome, but was acquitted, and was now at the height of 
his power. He pressed the prosecution against St. Paul at 
Csesarea (Ac 2V^). In the Jewish war he was murdered 
by his countrymen in Jerusalem, out of revenge for his 
pro-Roman tendencies. A. J. Maclean. 

ANANIEL.— One of the ancestors of Tobit (To l'). 

ANATH.— The father of Shamgar (Jg S'l 5=). 'Anat is 
the name of a goddess worshipped in Pal. (cf. Jg 1", 
Jos 15", Is 102°); it is found on Egyptian monuments 
from the 18th dynasty. 

ANATHEMA.— See Ban. 

ANATHOTH.— 1. A town in Benjamin given to the 
Levites (Jos 21'8); the modern ' Anata, 2i miles N. of 
Jerusalem, an insignificant village with considerable 
ruins. It was the home of Abiathar (1 K 2^*) and of 
Jeremiah (Jer 1'); re-occupied after the exile (Neh 
7" 10"). 2. ABenjainite, sonof Becher(lCh7»). 


ANCESTOR -WORSHIP. —Every people whose re- 
ligious beliefs have been investigated appears to have 
passed through the stage of Animism, the stage in 
which it was believed that the spirits of those recently 
dead were potent to hurt those they had left behind 
on earth. The rites observed to-day at an Irish wake 
have their origin in this fear that the spirit of the dead 
may injure the living. There are several traces of a 
similar belief in the OT. When a death took place in 
a tent or house, every vessel which happened to be 
open at the time was counted unclean (Nu 19'5). It 
remained clean only if it had a covering tied over 
it. The idea was that the spirit of the dead person, 
escaping from the body, might take up its abode in 
some open vessel instead of entering the gloomy realms 
of Sheol. Many mourning customs find their explana- 
tion in this same dread of the spirit but lately set free 
from its human home. The shaving of the head and 
beard, the cutting of the face and breast, the tearing 
of the garments — apparently a survival of the time 
when the mourner stripped off all his clothes — are due 
to the effort of the survivor to make himself unrecog- 
nizable by the spirit. 

But to admit that the OT contains traces of Animism 
is not the same as to declare that at one stage the 
Israelites practised Ancestor-worship. Scholars are 
divided into two groups on the subject. Some (Stade, 
GVI i. 451; Smend, AUtest. Relig. 112 f.) affirm that 
Ancestor-worship was of the very substance of the 
primitive religion of Israel. Others do not at all admit 
this position (Kautzsch, in Hastings' DB, Extra Vol. 
614»; W. P. Paterson, ib. ii. 4451"). The evidence 


adduced for Ancestor-worship as a stage in the religious 
development of Israel proceeds on these lines: 

(a) Sacrifices were offered at Hebron to Abraham, 
and at Shechem to Joseph, long before these places 
were associated with the worship of Jehovah. When 
a purer faith took possession of men's hearts, the old 
sacred spots retained their sanctity, but new associations 
were attached to them. A theophany was now declared 
to be the fact underlying the sacredness; and the 
connexion with the famous dead was thus broken. 
In the same way sacred trees and stones, associated 
with the old Canaanitish worship, had their evil associa- 
tions removed by being linked with some great event 
in the history of Israel. But this existence of sacred 
places connected with the burial of a great tribal or 
national hero does not at all prove Ancestor-worship. 
It is possible to keep fresh a great man's memory without 
believing that he can either help or hinder the life of 
those on earth. 

(6) Evidence from mourning customs. It is held 
that the cutting and wounding (Jer 16' 41'), the cover- 
ing of the head (Ezk 24", Jer 14'), the rending of the 
garments (2 S 1" 3'i), the wearing of sackcloth (2 S 21", 
Is 15'), are to be explained as a personal dedication 
to the spirit of the dead. But all this, as we have seen, 
can be explained as the effort so to alter the familiar 
appearance that the spirit, on returning to work harm, 
will not recognize the objects of its spite. Then the 
customs that had to do with food, the fasting for the 
dead (1 S 31", 2 S 3'')— the breaking of the fast by a 
funeral feast after sundown (Hos 9«, 2 S 3'*, Jer 16'), 
the placing of food upon the grave (Dt 26") — do not 
prove that Ancestor-worship was a custom of the 
Hebrews. They only show that the attempt was made 
to appease the spirit of the dead, and that this was 
done by a sacrifice, which, Uke all primitive sacrifices, 
was afterwards eaten by the worshippers themselves. 
When these funeral rites were forbidden, it was because 
they were heathenish and unfitting for a people that 
worshipped the true God. 

(c) The terapMm, it is said, were some form of house- 
hold god, shaped in human form (1 S 19"- "), carried 
about as one of the most precious possessions of the 
home (Gn 31), consulted in divination (Ezk 21"), 
presumably as representing the forefathers of the family. 
But nothing is known with certainty regarding the 
teraphim. That they were of human form is a very 
bold inference from the evidence afforded by 1 S 
1913. 15. The variety of derivations given by the Jews 
of the word teraphim shows that there was complete 
ignorance as to their origin and appearance. 

(.d) In 1 S 28" the spirit of Samuel, called up by the 
witch of Endor, is called elohim. But it is very pre- 
carious to build on an obscure passage of this kind, 
especially as the use of the word cIoMm is so wide (appUed 
to God, angels, and possibly even judges or kings) that 
no inference can be drawn from this passage. 

(c) It is argued that the object of the levirate marriage 
(Dt 25'«) was to prevent any deceased person being 
left in Sheol without some one on earth to offer him 
worship. But the motive stated in v.s, ' that his name 
be not put out in Israel,' is so sufflcient that the con- 
nexion of the levirate marriage with Ancestor-worship 
seems forced. 

The case for the existence of Ancestor-worship among 
the Hebrews has not been made out. As a branch of 
the Semitic stock, the Hebrews were, of course, heirs 
of the common Semitic tradition. And while that 
tradition did contain much that was superstitious 
with regard to the power of the dead to work evil on 
the living, it does not appear that the worship of 
ancestors, which in other races was so often associated 
with the stage of Animism, had a place in Hebrew 
religion. R. Bkucb Taylob. 

ANCHOR.— See Ships and Boats. 



ANCIENT OF DAYS occurs 3 times in Daniel (7*' 
u. 22) as a title of God in His capacity as Judge of 
the world. In the Vision of the Great Assizes He is 
depicted as a very old and majestic figure, with white 
hair and white raiment, seated on a fiery throne, and 
having the books ot the records of man opened before 
Him. The picture is no doubt suggested by the contrast 
between the Eternal God (Ps 55") and the new-fangled 
deities which were from time to time introduced (Jg 5', 
Dt 32"), rather than, as Hippolytus (quoted by Behr- 
mann, Das Buck Danid, p. 46) suggests, by the idea 
of God as making the ages old without turning old 
Himself. In the troublous times which are represented 
by the Book of Daniel, It was at once a comfort and a 
warning to remember that above the fieeting phases 
of life there sat One who remained eternally the same 
(Ps 901-' 102«-"). At the same time it is worth re- 
membering that the phrase in itself has no mystical 
significance, but, by an idiom common in Hebrew as 
in other languages, is merely a paraphrase for 'an 
old man.' H. C. O. Lanohesteb. 

ANDREW.— One of the twelve Apostles, Simon 
Peter's brother (Jn 1"). He belonged to Bethsaida 
of GaUlee (v."), the harbour-town of Capernaum (see 
Bethsaida), and was a fisherman on the lake in com- 
pany with Simon (Mt 4i8=Mk 1"), whose home he also 
shared (Mk l^s). Ere he knew Jesus he had been 
influenced by the preaching of John the Baptist, and 
became his disciple, and it was on hearing the Baptist's 
testimony that he attached himself to Jesus (Jn l^-*"). 
He brought his brother Simon to the newly found 
Messiah (v."), thus earning the distinction of being the 
first missionary of the Kingdom of heaven; and it 
seems that, like the favoured three, he enjoyed a special 
intimacy with the Master (Mk 13'). Tradition adds 
that he was crucified at Patrae in Achaia, and hung 
alive on the cross for two days, exhorting the spectators 
all the while. David Smith. 

ANDRONICUS.— A Christian greeted by St. Paul 
(Ro 16') as a 'kinsman,' i.e. as a fellow-countryman 
(cf. H.0 9' 16"- 21), who had been imprisoned for Christ; 
distinguished as an Apostle (in the largest sense of the 
name), and a believer from early days, having perhaps 
come to Rome after the persecution of Ac 11"). 

A. J. Maclean. 

ANEM (1 Ch 6" only). — A town of Issachar, noticed 
with Ramoth. It appears to answer to En-gazmim 
(wh. see) in the parallel Ust (Jos 212'). 

ANER. — 1. One of the three Amorite chieftains, the 
other two being Mamre.'and Eshcol, who were in covenant 
with Abraham (Gn W^- '*). As Mamre is an old name 
for Hebron (Gn 232), and Eshcol is the name of a 
valley not far from Hebron (Nu 1323), it is natural to 
suppose that Aner also was the name of a locality which 
gave its name to a clan. 2. (1 Ch 6'" only). — A town of 
Manasseh, west of Jordan. The site is doubtful. 

ANGEL. — 1 . Old Testament.— That in the OT the ex- 
istence of angels is taken for granted, and that therefore 
no account ot their origin is given, is to be explained 
by the fact that belief in them is based upon an earlier 
Animism,* such as is common to all races in the pre- 
polytheistic stage ot culture. The whole material for 
the development ot Israelite angelology was at hand 
ready to be used. It must therefore not cause surprise 
if we find that in its earlier stages the differentiation 
between Jahweh and angels should be one of degree 
rather than of kind (see Angel of the Lohd). This 
is clearly brought out in the earUest of the Biblical 
documents (J), e.g. in Gn 18; here Jahweh is one of 
three who are represented as companions, Jahweh 
taking the leading position, though equal honour is 
shown to all ; that the two men with Jahweh are angels 
is directly asserted in 19', where we are told that they 

* This view is supported by the various names in the 
OT for angels, and their varied functions (see below). 


went to Sodom, after it had been said in 18" that 
Jahweh 'went his way.' Moreover, Jahweh's original 
identity with an angel, according to the early Hebrew 
conception, is distinctly seen by comparing, for example, 
such la passage as Ex 3^ with v.'; in the former it Is 
the 'angel of the Lord' who appears in the burning 
bush, in the latter it is God; there is, furthermore, 
direct Identification in Gn IB'"- " 21"«- In the 
earUest document in which angels are mentioned (J) 
they appear only by twos or threes, in the later docu- 
ment (E) they appear in greater numbers (Gn 28" 
32' ■ '); this is just what is to be expected, for J, the 
earlier document, represents Jahweh in a less exalted 
form, who Himself comes down to earth, and personally 
carries out His purposes; by degrees, however, more 
exalted conceptions of Him obtain, especially as the 
conception of His characteristic of holiness becomes 
reaUzed, so that His presence among men comes to 
appear incongruous and unfitting, and His activity 
is delegated to His messengers or angels (see Anqel 


(a) The English word 'angel' is too specific for the 
Hebrew (mal'akh) for which it is the usual equivalent ; 
for in the Hebrew it is used in reference to men {e.g. 
Gn 32* W, Dt 22«, Jg 6», Is 33', Mai 1'), as weU as to 
superhuman beings. Besides the word mal'akh there 
are several other expressions used for what would come 
under the category of angels, viz.: 'sons of God' 
(.bene 'elohim),* Gn 6'- *; 'sons of the mighty' (bene 
'elim), Ps 89' »> 29'; 'mighty ones' (gibborim), Jl 4" 
(3" EV); 'the holy ones' (qedoshim). Zee 14'; 'keepers' 
(shBmerim), Is 62=; 'watchers' ('irim), Dn 4" ("). 
There are also the three expressions: 'the host of 
Jahweh' (zeba' Jahweh), Jos 5"; 'the host of the height' 
(zeba' marom). Is 24^'; 'the host of heaven' (zeba' 
shamaim), Dt 17' (see also Cherubim, Sehaphim). 

(6) Angels are represented as appearing in human 
form, and as having many human characteristics: they 
speak like men (1 K ig'); they eat (Gn 18«); they 
fight (Gn 32', Jl 4" (3»), cf. 2 S 5"); they possess 
wisdom, with which that of men is compared (2 S 14"- 20) ; 
they have imperfections (Job 4'*). On the other hand, 
they can become Invisible (2 K 6", Ps 104'), and they 
can fly, it, as appears to be the case, seraphim are to be 
included under the category of angels (Is 6'). 

(c) The functions ot angels may be briefly summarized 
thus: they guide men, e.g. an angel guides the children 
of Israel on their way to the promised land (Ex 232™-, 
see below), and it is by the guidance of an angel that 
Abraham's servant goes in quest of a wife for Isaac 
(Gn 24'- <»); in Job 3323 an angel guides a man in what 
is right ;t they are more especially the guides of the 
prophets (1 K 13" IQ'"-, 2 K l'- '», Zee 1»); they bring 
evil and destruction upon men (2 S 24i»- ", 2 K 19^, 
Ps 35« 78", Job 3322; in Pr 16" the wrath of a king 
is Ukened to angels of death) ; on the other hand, they 
are the protectors of men (Ps 34' W 91»), and save 
them from destruction (Gn IG'""); their power is super- 
human (2 K 6", t cf. Zee 12'); they report to God what 
is going on upon the earth (Job 1^ 2'), for which purpose 
they are represented as riding on horseback (Zee l'-'", 
cf. Ps 18" u°). Is 191 5); their chief duty above is that 
of praising God (Gn 28", Ps 1032»). AngeUc beings 
seem to be referred to as 'watchmen' in Is 62' and 
Dn 4" ("). An early mythological element regarding 
angels is perhaps re-echoed in such passages as Jg 52°, 
Is 402'- 26, and elsewhere. 

(d) In Ezekiel, angels, under this designation, are 
never mentioned, though the angelology of this book 

* Cf. the analogous expression 'sons of the prophets' 
(bene nebi'im). 

t The word used in this passage is not the usual one for 
angel, though its sense of messenger' (mellz) is the same 
as that of mal'dkh. 

X Though not specifically stated, angels are obviously 
referred to here. 

5 Cf . the WalkuTe in Teutonic mythology. 



shows considerable development; other names are 
given to them, but their main function, viz. messengers 
of God, is the same as in the earlier books; for example, 
in 2' it is a 'spirit,' instead of an 'angel,' who acts as 
an intermediary being, see, too, 3"^- 11'^-; in 8"- 40' 
a vision is attributed to 'the hand of the Lord'; in 
40'ff- it is a 'man' of a supernatural kind who instructs 
the prophet; and again, in Q**- 'men,' though clearly 
not of human kind (see v."), destroy the wicked in 
Jerusalem. In Ezk., as well as in Zee., angels take up 
a very definite position of intermediate beings between 
God and man, one of their chief functions being that 
of interpreting visions which Divine action creates in 
the mind of men; in both these books angels are called 
'men,' and in both the earlier idea of the 'Angel of 
the Lord ' has its counterpart in the prominent position 
taken up by some particular angel who is the inter- 
preter of visions. In Zee. different orders of angels are 
for the first time mentioned (23- * 31-' 4'). In Daniel 
there is a further development ; the angels are termed 
'watchers' (.i"- "), and 'princes' (10'=); they have 
names, e.g. Michael (10" 12'), ^Gabriel (8'"), and there 
are special angels ('princes') who fight for special 
nations (lO^"- *')• As in Zee. so in Daniel there are 
different orders among the angels, but in the latter 
book the different categories are more fully developed. 

In the attitude taken up in these later books we 
may see the link between the earlier belief and its 
development in post-Biblical Jewish literature. The 
main factors which contributed to this development 
were, firstly, Babylon; during the Captivity, Babylonian 
influence upon the Jews asserted itself in this as well 
as in other respects; according to Jewish tradition the 
names of the angels came from Babylon. Secondly, 
Persian influence was of a marked character in post- 
exilic times; the Zoroastrian belief that Ormuzd had 
a host of pure angels of light who surrounded him and 
fulfilled his commands, was a ready-made development 
of the Jewish belief, handed down from much earlier 
times, that angels were the messengers of Jahweh. 
Later still, a certain amount of Greek influence was also 
exercised upon Jewish angelology. 

2. The Apocrypha. — Some of the characteristics of 
angels here are identical with some of those found in 
the OT, viz.: they appear in human form (2 Es l'"), 
they speak like men (To 6«*-)i they guide men (v.^'), 
they bring destruction upon men (1 Mac 7^'- ^^); on 
the other hand, they heal men (To 3"), their power is 
superhuman (12", Bel ^''■, Three '«), and they praise 
God (2 Es 821, Three "). The angelology of the Apoc- 
rypha is, however, far more closely allied to that of 
Ezk., Zee., and Daniel than the angelology of these to 
that of the rest of the OT; this will be clearly seen 
by enumerating briefly the main characteristics of 
angels as portrayed in the Apocrypha. 

In 2 Esdras an angel frequently appears as an in- 
structor of heavenly things; thus in lO^s an angel causes 
Esdras to fall into a trance in order to receive instruction 
in spiritual matters; in Z'', after an angel has instructed 
Esdras, the latter is commanded to tell others what 
he had learned; sometimes an angel is identified with 
God, e.g. in S^"- " 7=, but usually there is very distinct 
differentiation; sometimes the angel seems almost to 
be the alter ego of Esdras, arguing with himself (of. S^'- ^ 
12"'-). In To 12» -" there are some important details, — 
here an angel instructs in manner of life, but more 
striking is the teaching that he brings to remembrance 
before God the prayers of the faithful, and that 
he superintends the burial of the dead ; ■* he has a 
name, Raphael,-^ and is one of the seven holy angels 
( ' archangels ') who present the prayers of the saints, and 
who go constantly in and out before the presence of God ; 

* (3f ., in Egyptian belief, the similar functions of Isis and 

f Names of angels occur also in 2 Esdras, viz.: Jeremiel 
(4««), PhaUid (5"), and Urid (lO^s). 



that there are ranks among the angels is thus taught 
here more categorically than in the later Biblical books. 
Further, the idea of guardian-angels is characteristic of 
the Apocrypha; that individuals have their guardian- 
angels is clearly impUed in To 5", that armies have 
such is taught in 2 Mac 11« 15a, while in 2 Mac 3»»- 
occurs a Jewish counterpart of the Roman legend of 
Castor and Pollux; there is possibly, in Sir 17", an 
indication that nations also have their guardian-angels; * 
if so, it would be the lineal descendant of the early 
Israelite belief in national gods. The dealings of angels 
with men are of a very varied character, for besides 
the details already enumerated, we have these further 
points: in Bar 6'"- an angel is to be the means whereby 
the Israelites in Babylon shall be helped to withstand 
the temptation to worship the false gods of the land; 
in To 6'- ■■■ " an angel describes a method whereby 
an evil spirit may be driven away; in v.* an angel 
gives a remedy for healing blindness; in Bel ^s- an 
angel takes the prophet Habakkuk by the hair and 
carries him from Judah to Babylonia, in order that he 
may share his dinner with Daniel in the lion's den; 
and, once more, in Three ^- 27 an angel smites the 
flame of the furnace into which the three heroes had 
been cast, and makes a cool wind to blow in its place 
(cf. Dn 323ff.). 

It will thus be seen that the activities of angels are, 
according to the Apocrypha, of a very varied character. 
One further important tact remains to be noted: they 
are almost invariably the benefactors of man, their 
power far transcends that of man, sometimes an angel 
is identified with God, yet in spite of this, with one 
possible exception, 2 Mac 4"' -", no worship is ever offered 
to them; this is true also of the OT, excepting when 
an angel is identified with Jahweh ; in the NT there is at 
least one case of the worship of an angel, Rev 22'- ', 
cf. Col 2". The angelology of the Apocrypha is ex- 
panded to an almost unlimited extent in later Jewish 
writings, more especially in the Book of Enoch, in the 
Targums, and in the Talmud; but with these we are 
not concerned here. 

3. New Testament. — (a) In the Gospeis it is necessary 
to differentiate between what is said by Christ Himself 
on the subject and what is narrated by the Evangelists. 
Christ's teaching regarding angels may be summed up 
thus: Their dwelling-place is in heaven (Mt IS", 
Lk 12*- », Jn 1"); they are superior to men, but in the 
world to come the righteous shall be on an equaUty 
with them (Lk 20»); they carry away the souls of the 
righteous to a place of rest (Lk I622); they are (as 
seems to be implied) of neither sex (Mt 22'"); they are 
very numerous (Mt 26==); they will appear with Christ 
at His second coming [it is in connexion with this that 
most of Christ's references to angels are made Mt: 13'« 
1627 2431 25'i, Mk S's, Lk 92«, cf. Jn 16>]; there are 
bad as well as good angels (Mt 25"), though it is usually 
of the latter that mention is made; they are Umited 
in knowledge (Mt 24s«); there are guardian-angels of 
children (Mt 18'°); they rejoice at the triumph of good 
(Lk IS"). Turning to the Evangelists, we find that 
the main function of angels is to deUver God's messages 
to men {.e.g. Mt l^" 2'" 28=, Lk l^s 2423). on only 
one occasion are angels brought into direct contact 
with Christ (Mt 4", with ttie parallel passage Mkl"), 
and it is noteworthy that in the corresponding verse 
in the Third Gospel (Lk 4'=) there is no mention of 
angels. Thus the main differences between Christ's 
teaching on angels and that which went before are 
that they are not active among men, their abode and 
their work are rather in the realms above; they are 
not the intermediaries between God and men, for it is 
either Christ Himself, or the Holy Spirit, who speaks 
directly to men; much emphasis is laid on their presence 
with Christ at His second coming. On the other hand, 

* Cf . this idea in the case of the Angel of the Lord (which 


the earlier belief is reflected in the Gospel angelophanies, 
which are a marked characteristic of the Nativity and 
Resurrection narratives; though here, too, a distinct 
and significant difference is found in that the angel 
is always clearly differentiated from God. 

(i>) In the Acts there seems to be a return to the 
earlier beliefs, angelic appearances to men being fre- 
quently mentioned (5" 7=° ll'» 12' etc.); their activity 
in the affairs of men is in somewhat startUng contrast 
with the silence of Christ on the subject. It is possible 
that most of the references in the Acts will permit 
of an explanation in the direction of the angelical ap- 
pearances being subjective visions (e.g. 8* 10' 2723- "); 
but such occurrences as are recorded in 5"- '" 12' 
(both belonging to the Petrine ministry) would require 
a different explanation; while that mentioned in 12» 
would seem to be the popular explanation of an event 
which could easily be accounted for now in other ways. 
The mention, in 12'5, of what is called St. Peter's ' angel ' 
gives some insight into the current popular views con- 
cerning angels; it seems clear that a distinction was 
made between an angel and a spirit (Ac 23*- '). 

(c) In the Pauline Epistles the origin of angels is 
stated to be their creation by Christ (Col 1") ; as in the 
Acts, they are concerned with the affairs of men (1 Co 4« 
lli», Ro 8'8, 1 Ti 5»); at the same time St. Paul em- 
phasizes the teaching of Christ that God speaks to men 
directly, and not through the intermediacy of angels 
(Gal 1'^, cf. Ac 9*); in Col 2" a warning against the 
worshipping of angels is uttered, with which compare 
the worshipping of demons in 1 Co lO^i; in accordance 
with Christ's teaching St. Paul speaks of the presence 
of angels at the Second Coming (2 Th 1'). 

(d) In the Ep. to the Hebrews the standpoint, as 
would be expected, is that of the OT, while in the 
Apocalypse the angelology is that common to other 
apocalyptic literature (cf. also the archangel of Jude >). 

w/ ^\ T? dTPSTPUT PY 

ANGEL OF THE LORD (JAHWEH), called also the 
'Angel of God.' — He occupies a special and unique 
position; he is not merely one among the angels, albeit 
a great one, but one sui generis, in a special way Jahweh's 
representative among men. He may be regarded as in 
some sense the guardian-angel of the nation of Israel, 
in that he appears to be the nation's representative 
at important crises (e.g. Gn 22"- ««-, Ex 3^ 14" 2Z'^, 
Nu 22«, Jg 6", 2 K 13, Zee 1»). 

He appears in human form, and most of the char- 
acteristics of angels generally are his. The main diffi- 
culty with regard to him is that while in some passages 
he is identified with Jahweh Himself (e.g. Gn 48"- ", 
Jg 6"-^), in others there is a distinct differentiation, 
(e.g. Gn 16" 21" 24'; in this last he is spoken of as 
having been sent from Jahweh); this differentiation 
becomes more and more marked in the later books 
(e.g. Zee V^). The contradiction here presented can 
be adequately explained only on the supposition that 
the evolution of thought on the subject must have run 
somewhat on the following lines. From the earliest 
angelology of the Hebrews, itself the offspring of still 
earlier Animisticconceptions (see Angel), there emerged 
the figure of Jahweh; originally, i.e. long before the 
time of Moses, Jahweh must, in the popular mind, 
have been regarded as belonging to the angelic host, 
and by degrees He assumed a more and more exalted 
position; as subjective revelation increased, the more 
fully did the personality of Jahweh become realized, 
and His superiority to the angels recognized, though 
in the process it was inevitable that the differentiation 
should not always be complete. When ultimately, 
under the Mosaic dispensation, the holy character and 
the real nature of Jahweh began to be apprehended, 
the belief that He personally appeared among men 
necessarily became more and more untenable; hence, 
while Jahweh Himself receded further from men. His 
messenger, or angel, appeared in His stead, and became 

C 33 


His representative in all His dealings with men. What 
must have been such a revolution in the time-honoured 
faith would meet with many retrograde movements 
before it finally triumphed, as is shown by such passages 
as Jg e""- Some such process must be predicated 
in order to understand the otherwise unaccountable 
contradiction referred to above. 

The angel of the Lord spoken of in the NT (e.g. Mt V, 
Lk 2°) must not be confounded with the OT 'Angel 
of Jahweh'; an OT parallel is to be found rather in 
such a passage as Zee 3'- ', where the angel is one of 
a kind, not the only one of his kind. 

W. O. E. Oestebley. 

— 1 . According to one set of opinions, these angels were 
men, and the majority of writers have held them to be 
(1) the presiding presbyters or bishops of their respective 
churches. But while this view is attractive and popular, 
the reasons against it are strong. Human officials 
could hardly be made responsible for their churches 
as these angels are. A bishop might be called an angel, 
i.e. a messenger, of God or of Christ (cf. Hag 1", Mai 2', 
2 Co 6*"), but would he be called 'the angel of the 
church ' ? Above all, it is certain that at the early 
date to which the Apocalypse is now generally assigned 
a settled episcopate was unknown. (2) Others have 
supposed that the angels were congregational repre- 
sentatives, church messengers or deputies (which would 
be in harmony with the proper meaning of the word 
'angel'), or even the person who acted as 'Reader' to 
the assembled church (notice ' he that readeth ' in v.'). 
But if the responsibility put upon the angels is too great 
for bishops, it is much too great for any lesser function- 
aries. Besides, the glory and dignity assigned to them 
as the stars of the churches (1^°) is inconsistent with 
a position like that of a mere Reader or deputy. 

2. A good many have held that 'angels' is to be 
understood in its ordinary Scriptural application, not 
to men, but to celestial beings. In support of this 
are — (1) the fact that throughout the rest of the book 
the Gr. word, which is of very frequent occurrence, is 
invariably used in this sense; (2) our Lord's utterance 
in Mt 18'°, which suggests a doctrine of angelic guardian- 
ship; (3) the fact that in Daniel, to which the Apocalypse 
is so closely related, the guardianship of angels is 
extended to nations (12'). The objections, however, 
are serious. No definite Scriptural teaching can be 
adduced in favour of the idea that churches have their 
guardian-angels. Messages intended for churches 
would hardly be addressed to celestial beings. Moreover, 
it is scarcely conceivable that such beings would be 
identified with particular churches in all their infidelities 
and shortcomings and transgressions, as these angels 
are (see, e.g., 3'- ""■). 

3. The most probable view, accordingly, is that the 
angels are personifications of their churches — not actual 
persons either on earth or in heaven, but ideal repre- 
sentatives. It is the church, of course, that receives 
the letter, the 'Thou' of address having manifestly a 
collective force, and it is to the church itself that the 
letter is sent (cf. 1", where there is no mention of the 
angels). The idea of angels was suggested, no doubt, 
by the later Jewish beliefs on the subject, but it is used 
in a figurative manner which suits the whole figurative 
treatment, where the glorified Jesus walks among the 
golden candlesticks, and sends to the churches messages 
that are couched in highly metaphorical language. It 
might seem to be against this ideal view that the seven 
churches, as candlesticks, are definitely distinguished 
from the seven angels, as stars (l'^- "■ 'i). But it is quite 
in keeping with the inevitable distinction between an 
actual and an ideal ^urch that they should be thus 
contrasted as a lamp and a star. J. C. Lambert. 

ANGER. — In OT 'anger' represents about a dozen 
Heb. roots, which occur as nouns, vbs. (once ' angered ' 


is used transitively, Ps 106''), and adjs. By tar the 
most frequent words are anaph (lit. 'to snort') and its 
deriv. noun aph, wliich is used of the anger both of men 
(Gn 27« 302, bx lis 3219 etc.) and God (Ex 4" 3222, 
Ps 6' 7« etc.). In NT 'anger' is of much less frequent 
occurrence, and represents only 2 roots: (1) the noun 
orgs (wh., however, is usually tr. 'wrath'), the vb. 
orgizomai, the adj. orgilos (only in Tit 1'), and the trans. 
vb. parorgizd (Ro 10", the only case of a trans, use of 
'anger' in NT); (2) the vb. cholaB (lit. 'to be full of 
bile,' fr. choli, 'bile'), used only in Jn T' to express 
the bitter anger of 'the Jews' against Jesus. With 
regard to the distinction between orge and the synon. 
thumos, it is to be noted that while orgi is very often 
tr. 'wrath,' thumos is never tr. 'anger,' and when the 
two words occur together, thumos in each case is ' wrath ' 
(Ro 2», Eph 451, Col 38) and orge 'anger'(Eph 43', Col 3^) 
or 'indignation' (Ro 2^). Thumos is the more violent 
word, denoting anger as a strong passion or emotion, 
while orgB points rather to a settled moral indignation. 
Thus orge is used of the sorrowful anger of Jesus (Mk 3') ; 
thumos of the rage of His enemies (Lk 428; cf. Ac 1928). 
And, outside of the Apocalypse, thmnos is applied 
almost exclusively to the wrath of men (the only excep- 
tion being Ro 2*), while orgl in the great majority of 
cases (Mt 3', Jn 3s«, Ro 1" etc.) denotes the righteous 
indignation of God. J. C. Lambert. 

ANGER (WEATH) OP GOD.— It might seem that 
the idea of the Divine anger, manifesting itself in judg- 
ments of destruction, belongs to an early and anthro- 
pomorphic stage of religion. Yet, on the whole, the 
Biblical conception will be found consistent and pro- 
foundly ethical. God is holy — a term which seems 
to unite all the unapproachable perfections of Deity, 
especially His majesty and awful purity. He is the 
' Holy One of Israel,' in covenant relation with a nation 
to whom He has revealed Himself as holy, and whom 
He will fashion with slow redemptive purpose into ' an 
holy people.' Moreover, God is righteous, a moral 
governor and lawgiver, demanding obedience and 
punishing transgression of His commands. The Divine 
holiness Is not an element in an abstract conception 
of Deity: it is not a passive perfection, but an active 
attribute of a self-revealing and redeeming God. It 
follows that one side of this activity is necessarily a 
reaction against, a repudiation of, what is unholy and 
unrighteous in His creatures. This disposition towards 
sin is the anger or wrath of God. In the history of 
Israel it appears as a terrible factor in the discipline 
of the nation to righteousness: the ungrateful, the 
rebellious, and especially the idolatrous, are destroyed by 
fire and sword, pestilence and famine (Ps 78, Dt 32"-"). 
So 'jealous' is God for His holiness, that even accidental 
profanation of its symbol, the Ark, is visited by extreme 
penalty (1 S 6"- 20, 2 S 6'). But the anger of the Lord, 
though fierce, is also just: it is 'provoked' by moral 
causes and for moral ends, and is averted by penitence 
and moral acquiescence in the righteousness of His 
judgments (Ex 32, Lv 10«, Nu 25", Dt 13"). Psalmist 
and Prophet dwell upon the subordination of the Divine 
anger to the Divine mercy. God is 'slow to anger' 
(Ps 1038 1458, ji 218, Jon 42, Nah 18), and His anger 
passes away (Ps 30', Is 12i, Jer 312, Mic 7"). 

Yet the wrath of God remains an essential element 
of His revelation through the prophets, a real Divine 
attribute, conplementary, not antithetic to the Divine 
mercy (Is li8-2» 526 422* 548). in the NT, although 
the stress has shifted to the love of God revealed to 
the world in Jesus Christ, the anger of God still holds 
place. The teaching of Jesus, while refusing to see in 
all physical ills the Divine displeasure against sin (Lk I31-8, 
Jn 98),contains impressive warning of the terrible reality 
of God's judgments (Lk IS'-', Mt 258»- ■", Lk 12=). In 
St. Paul's writings this conception of judgment, held in 
reserve against unrepentant sin, is expressed in the 


phrase 'the wrath of God,' or, more simply, 'the wrath' 
(Ro 118, Eph 6', Col 38, Ro 28 5'). There is a coming 
'day of wrath' (Ro 2', cf. Mt 3'); sinful man unre- 
deemed by Christ is necessarily a 'vessel of wrath,' 
a 'child of wrath' (Ro 922, Eph 2'). 

It is true that the NT references to God's anger are 
mainly eschatological and contain figurative elements 
(see esp. Rev 6i» 'the wrath of the Lamb,' llis 14i» 16i» 
I918). But for the significance of the Divine wrath 
as an ethical necessity in God, though His fundamental 
attribute is love, it may be noted that (1) the writer 
through whom the revelation of the Divine love attains 
its culminating expression ('God is love,' 1 Jn 48) 
declares also of him that obeys not the Son, 'the 
wrath of God abideth on him ' (Jn 3'»). (2) The Epistle 
which shows how in Christ the aloofness and terror of 
Israel's worship are done away in favour of full and free 
access to a 'throne of grace,' has, as the cUmax to its 
glowing description of Christian privilege, the solemn 
warning 'our God is a consuming fire' (He 12i8-2s). 

S. W. Green. 

AlfGLE. — Is 198, Hab l". The same Heb. word is 
translated 'hook' in Job 41i. 

ANIAM. — A man of Manasseh (1 Ch 71'). 

ANIM (Jos 156" only). — A town of Judah, in the 
mountains near Eshtemoh. It seems probable that 
it is the present double ruin of Ghuwein, west of 

ANISE (RV 'dill,' Mt 2328) is the familiar plant 
Anethum graveolens, one of the Umbelliferee. It is 
indigenous in Palestine, and is extensively used both 
in cooking and in the form of ' dill water ' as a domestic 
remedy for flatulence. It is expressly stated in Jewish 
writers that the dill was subject to tithe. 

E. W. G. Masterman. 

ANKLE-CHAIHS, ANKLETS.— See Ornaments, § 1. 

ANNA (the Greek form of Heb. Hannah, which means 
'grace'). — The name of an aged prophetess (Lk 2'8-38), 
one of the godly remnant in Israel who in the dark days 
which preceded the Messiah's advent were looking for 
the dayspring from on high and waiting for the con- 
solation of Israel. She was the daughter of Phanuel, 
and belonged to the ancient tribe of Asher, whose 
women were celebrated for their beauty, which fitted 
them for wedding with high priests and kings. She 
had attained a great age, upwards of a hundred years, 
since she had been a wife for seven years and a widow 
for eighty-four (see RV) . She had given herself to a life of 
devotion, frequenting the Temple and ' worshipping with 
fastings and supplications night and day' (cf. 1 Ti 5'). 
At the Presentation of the Infant Messiah (Lk 222-2*) 
she entered the sacred court, and, hearing Simeon's 
benediction and prophecy, took up the refrain of praise 
and talked about the Holy Child to her godly intimates, 
quickening their hope and preparing a welcome for the 
Saviour when He should by and by be manifested unto 
Israel. David Smith. 

ANNAS. — 1. High priest from a.d. 6 to 15, an astute 
and powerful ecclesiastical statesman. At the time of 
our Lord's trial he was merely high priest emeritus, 
and his son-in-law Caiaphas, the acting high priest, 
presided ex ofllcio over the meeting of the Sanhedrin 
(Jn 182«, Mt 26"). Nevertheless, since the high priest 
emeritus retained not only his title (cf. Jn IS", is. is. 22, 
Ac 48), but all his obligations and many of his preroga- 
tives, it is not surprising that the masterful Annas took 
an active and independent part in the proceedings. 
After Jesus' arrest at dead of night, 'they led him to 
Annas first' (Jn IS"). The Sanhedrin might not meet 
until daybreak, and the interval seemed well employed 
in a preUminary examination of the prisoner by the 
skilful veteran (Jn 18i2- 19-28). Subsequently he took 
part also in the trial,of Peter and John (Ac 4«). 2. 1 Es 
9'2=Ezr lO'iHarim. David Smith. 



ANNIS. — The eponym of a, family that returned with 
Zerubbabel (1 Es S'«). Omitted in Ear. and Neh. 

ANNUS.— A Levite (1 Es 9"=Neh 8' Bani). 

ANNUTJS (1 Es 8").— The name does not occur in 
Ezr 8>». 

ANOINTING, ANOINTED.— 1. The Hebrews dis- 
tinguished between anointing with oil in the sense of 
its application to the body in ordinary lite (suk), and 
anointing by pouring sacred oil on the head as a rite 
of consecration (mdshach). As regards the former, olive 
oil, alone or mixed with perfumes, was largely used in 
the everyday toilet of the Hebrews, although among 
the poor its use would be reserved tor special occasions 
(Ru 3*). To abstain from anointing in this sense was 
one of the tokens of mourning (2 S 14^), its resumption 
a sign that mourning was at an end (12''°)- Honour 
was shown to a guest by anointing his head with oil 
(Ps 23^, Lk T^), and still more by anointing his feet 
(Lk 7'*). For medicinal anointing see Oil. 

2. Anointing as a religious rite was applied to both 
persons and things. Kings in particular were conse- 
crated for their high office by having oil poured upon 
their heads, a practice which seems to have originated 
in Egypt. Though first met with in OT in the case of 
Saul (1 S 10', cf. David, 2 S 2'' 5', Solomon, 1 K 1" 
etc.), the rite was practised in Canaan long before the 
Hebrew conquest. By the pouring of the consecrated 
oil upon the head (see 2 K 9'), there was effected a 
transference to the person anointed of part of the 
essential hohness and virtue of the deity in whose name 
and by whose representative the rite was performed. 
By the Hebrews the rite was also believed to impart 
a special endowment of the spirit of J" (1 S 16", cf. 
Is 61'). Hence the sacrosanct character of the king 
as 'the Lord's anointed' (Heb. meshiach IJahweh], 
which became in Greek messias or, translated, christos 
— both 'Messiah' and 'Christ,' therefore, signifying 
'the anointed'). The application of this honorific title 
to kings alone in the oldest literature makes it probable 
that the similar consecration of the priesthood (Ex 29' 
4013 -is^ Lv 8'-") was a later extension of the rite. Only 
one exceptional instance is recorded of the anointing 
of a prophet (1 K 19" — Is 61' is metaphorical). 

In the case of inanimate objects, we find early mention 
of the primitive and wide-spread custom of anointing 
sacred stones (Gn 28" etc., see Pillar), and in the 
Priests' Code tiie tabernacle and its furniture were 
similarly consecrated (Ex ao"«- 40»). For 2 S l^' see 
War. See also Mary, No. 2. A. R. S. Kennedy. 

ANON. — A contraction for 'in one (moment),' 'anon' 
means at once, as Mt IS^o 'he that received the seed 
into stony places, the same is he that heareth the word, 
and anon (RV 'straightway') with joy receiveth it.' 

ANOS.— 1 Es 9''=Vaniah, Ezr 102«. 

ANSWER, — An answer is (1) an apology or defence, 
as 2 Tl 41" ' at my first answer no man stood by me ' ; 
so perhaps 1 P 321 ' the answer of a good conscience ' ; 
(2) oracle. Divine response, as Ro 11* 'what saith the 
answer of God?' 

ANT inermlSli, Arab, namlah). — Ants are exceed- 
ingly abundant all over Palestine, where, through their 
vast numbers, they perform a most important r61e, 
by continually changing the surface soil in the way 
earthworms do in northern countries. No more afit 
illustration of diUgence (Pr 6'-8) could be found than 
these little insects, which, in all but the wettest weather, 
can be seen scurrying backwards and forwards on the 
long tracks they have made. Some common varieties 
of Palestine ants (Aphcenogasier barbara, A. structor 
and Pheidole megacephaia) store up great quantities 
of various kinds of seeds, which they are able, in some 
unknown way, to prevent germinating and make use of 
as food (Pr 30^). Whole troops of these little insects may 
be seen carrying seeds, often many times their own size 


and weight, from a distant garden or corn-field. The 
writer has even seen a procession of ants carrying their 
harvest under the thickness of a broad mud wall which 
bounded the corn-field, and then across a wide and 
frequented road. The stores of seeds so collected have 
been found so great that the Mishna laid down rules 
in regard to their ownership. If they were discovered 
in the field before reaping, they belonged to the owner, 
but if afterwards, they were all or in part for the poor. 
The sagacity of the ant in this and other respects is 
widely recognized both in Oriental lore — as in Pr 302* . 2s 
— and even more forcibly by the modern naturalist. 
E. W. G. Masteeman. 

ANTELOPE (RV).— A doubtful translation of te'B, 
Dt 14' and Is 51^". Tradition, our only guide here, is in 
favour of 'ox' [wh. see]. E. W. G. Masterman. 

ANTHOTHIJAH.— A man of Benjamin (1 Oh 8f). 

ANTICHRIST. — The great opponent and counterpart 
of Christ, by whom he is finally to be conquered. The 
word appears only in the NT (1 Jn 2i«-22 i', 2 Jn '), but 
the idea was present in Judaism and developed with the 
growth of the Messianic hope. 

1 . The origin of the conception. — While the precise 
term 'Antichrist' is lacking in Jewish literature, the 
idea of an opponent who persecutes God's people and 
is ultimately to be conquered by the Messiah, is an 
integral part of that general hope, born in Prophetism, 
which developed into Messianism in the NT period. As 
in the case of so many elements of Messianism, the 
beginning of the ' opponent ' idea may fairly be said to 
have been Dn ll'' (cf. also Zee 12-14), where the 
reference is to Antiochus i v. ; but it would be a mistake 
to see in the Antichrist conception of the Johannine 
literature an unprecedented description of distinct 
personalities. There seems to have been rather a 
gradually developing anti-Messianic scheme, which at 
many points duplicated the developing Messianic hope. 
This general conception, which played an important r61e 
in early Christianity, was probably due to the synthesis 
of at least five factors, each independent in origin. 

(o) The historical opponents of the Jews, such as 
Antiochus iv., Pompey, and the Roman Empire in 
general (cf. the position of Gog in Prophetic thought). 
These naturally aroused the most intense hatred on the 
part of the Jews, particularly those under the influence of 
Pharisaism. Their hostility was regarded as extending 
not only to the Jews as a nation, but as heathen, to 
Jehovah himself, and particularly to His plans for the 
Jewish people. This political hatred of the Pharisees 
entered into the Antichrist expectation, just as their 
political hope went into the Messianic programme. 
Both alike tended to grow transcendental. 

(6) The dualism of Babylonia and Persia, especially as 
it was expressed by the dragon, between whom and the 
agents of righteousness there was to be a fight to the 
death. This dragon conception may with much proba- 
bility be seen not only in the identification of the serpent 
of the Temptation with the devil, but also in the beast of 
the Johannine Apocalypse, the great opponent of the 
Christ, and in the sea monster of Rabbinism. 

(c) The Beliar (or Belial) myth, which underlies the NT 
thought (cf. 2 Co 6"), as well as Jewish fears. The first 
reference to Beliar seems to have been in Jubilees 1'°, 
but the myth is not unlike that of the Babylonian Tiamat, 
queen of the abyss, who was conquered by Marduk. 
Subsequently he was identified with Satan, who was also 
identified with the dragon (cf. Ascens. Is 4'- ', Rev 12"'). 
This identification was the first step towards the fully 
developed expectation of the Talmud, of a confiict 
between God and the devil. 

(d) Belief in the return from death of the persecuting 
Emperor Nero. — This expectation seems to have been 
widely diffused throughout the Roman Empire in the 
latter part of the first Christian century (Si6. Or. iv. 
119-150, v. 363 ff.), and lies behind the figures of Rev 13. 



16. and 17. He is apparently to return with the kings 
of Parthia, but he is also, in Rev 17«-", identified with 
the beast of the abyss (cf. Sib. Or. v. 28-34). 

(e) The myth of Simon Magus, or that of the false 
prophet. — This myth seems to have been common in 
Christian circles, and Simon Magus (wh. see) became 
the typical (Jewish) prophet and magician who opposed 

2. Synthesis of the elements. — These variouselements 
possess so much in common that it was inevitable that 
they should be combined in the figure of the Satanic 
opponent whom the Christ would utterly destroy as a 
pre-condition of establishing His Kingdom of God. A 
study of the Book of Revelation, as well as of other NT 
writings (e.j. 2 Th 2' -'2, 2 Co 6'K 1 Jn 2"-« 43, 2 Jn ', 
Rev ll'-i2 13' -18 17. 19" -2', Mk 13»-2»), will show that 
there was always present in the minds of the writers of 
the NT a superhuman figure, Satanic in power and 
character, who was to be the head of opposition both 
to the people of Christ and to the Christ Himself. This 
person is represented in Assumption of Moses (ch. 8), 
Ascension of Isaiah (ch. 4), as well as in other Jewish 
writings, as one who possessed the Satanic supremacy 
over the army of devils. He was not a general tendency, 
but a definite personality. As such it was easy to see 
his counterpart or incarnation in historical characters. 
Indeed, the entire anti-Messianic programme was em- 
ployed to characterize historical situations. We must 
think similarly of the use of ' the man of lawlessness ' of 
St. Paul (2 Th 2^; see Man of Sin) and the various 
opponents of Christ in the Apocalypse. Transcendental 
pictures and current esohatology set forth the Chris- 
tian's fear on the one hand of the Roman Emperor or 
Empire as a persecuting power, and on the other of 
Jewish fanaticism. Just which historical persons were 
in the mind of the writers It is now impossible to say with 
accuracy, but Nero and Domitian are not unlikely. 

In the Patristic period the eschatological aspects of the 
anti-Messianic hope were developed, but again as a 
mystical picture of historical conditions either existing 
or expected. In Ephraera Syrus we have the fall of the 
Roman Empire attributed to Antichrist. He is also by 
the early Church writers sometimes identified with the 
false Jewish Messiah, who was to work miracles, rebuild 
the Temple, and establish a great empire with demons 
as his agents. Under the inspiration of the two Witnesses 
(Elijah and Enoch) the Messianic revolt against the 
Antichrist was to begin, the Book of Revelation being 
interpreted Uterally at this point. The saints were to be 
exposed to the miseries that the book describes, but the 
Messiah was to slay Antichrist with the breath of His 
mouth, and establish the Judgment and the conditions 
of eternity. 

Thus in Christian literature that fusion of the elements 
of the Antichrist idea which were present in Judaism and 
later Christianity is completed by the addition of the 
traits of the false prophet, and extended under the 
influence of the current polemic against Jewish Messian- 
ism. The figure of Antichrist, Satanic, Neronic, falsely 
prophetic, the enemy of God and His Kingdom, moves 
out into theological history, to be identified by successive 
ages with nearly every great opponent of the Church and 
its doctrines, whether persecutor or heretic. 

Shailer Mathews. 

ANTILIBANUS,— Jth 1'. See Lebanon. 

ANTIMONY.— Is 54u RVm. See Eye. 

ANTIOCH (Syrian).— By the issue of the battle of 
Ipsus, Seleucus Nikator (b.c. 312-280) secured the rule 
over most of Alexander the Great's Asiatic empire, which 
stretched from the Hellespont and the Mediterranean 
on the one side to the Jaxartes and Indus on the other. 
The Seleucid dynasty, which he founded, lasted for 247 
years. Possessed with a mania for building cities and 
calling them after himself or his relatives, he founded 
no fewer than 37, of which 4 are mentioned in the NT — 



(1) Antioch of Syria (Ac 11"), (2) Seleucia (Ac 13<), 
(3) Antioch of Pisidia (Ac 13" I421, 2 Ti 3"), and (4) 
Laodicea (Col 413-16, Rey 1" 3"). The most famous of 
the 16 Antioohs, which he built and named after his 
father Antiochus, was Antioch on the Orontes in Syria. 
The spot was carefully chosen, and religious sanction 
given to it by the invention of a story that sacred birds 
had revealed the site while he watched their flight from 
a neighbouring eminence. It was poUtically of advantage 
that the seat of empire should be removed from the 
Euphrates valley to a locality nearer the Mediterranean. 
The new city lay in the deep bend of the Levant, about 
300 miles N. of Jerusalem. Though 14 miles from the 
sea, the navigable river Orontes, on whose left bank 
it was built, united it with Seleucia and its splendid 
harbour. Connected thus by the main caravan roads 
with the commerce of Babylon, Persia, and India, and 
with a seaport keeping it in touch with the great world 
to the W., Antioch speedily fell heir to that vast trade 
which had once been the monopoly of Tyre. Its 
seaport Seleucia was a great fortress, like Gibraltar or 
Sebastopol. Seleucus attracted to his new capital 
thousands of Jews, by offering them equal rights of 
citizenship with all the other inhabitants. The citizens 
were divided into 18 wards, and each commune attended 
to its own municipal affairs. 

His successor, Antiochus i., Soter (e.g. 280-261), 
introduced an abundant water supply into the city, so 
that every private house had its own pipe, and every 
public spot its graceful fountain. He further strove 
to render Antioch the intellectual rival of Alexandria, 
by inviting to his court scholars, such as Aratus the 
astronomer, and by superintending the translation into 
Greek of learned works in foreign tongues. In this 
way the invaluable history of Babylon by Berosus, the 
Chaldsean priest, has been rescued from oblivion. 

The succession of wars which now broke out between 
the Seleucidse and the Ptolemys is described in Dn 11. 
The fortunes of the war varied greatly. Under the next 
king but one, Seleucus 11., Kallinikus (b.c. 246-226), 
Ptolemy Euergetes captured Seleucia, installed an 
Egyptian garrison in it, and harried the Seleucid empire 
as far as Susiana and Bactria, carrying off to Egypt an 
immense spoil. Worsted on the field, KalUnikus devoted 
himself to the embellishment of his royal city. As 
founded by S. Nikator, Antioch had consisted of a single 
quarter. Antiochus i., Soter, had added a second, but 
Kallinikus now included a third, by annexing to the city 
the island in the river and connecting it to the mainland 
by five bridges. In this new area the streets were all at 
right angles, and at the intersection of the two principal 
roads the way was spanned by a tetrapylon, a covered 
colonnade with four gates. The city was further adorned 
with costly temples, porticoes, and statues. But the 
most remarkable engineering feat begun in this reign 
was the excavation of the great dock at Seleucia, the 
building of the protecting moles, and the cutting of a 
canal inland through high masses of soUd rock. The 
canal is successively a cutting and a tunnel, the parts 
open to the sky aggregating in all 1869 ft., in some places 
cut to the depth of 120 ft., while the portions excavated 
as tunnels (usually 24 ft. high) amount in all to 395 ft. 

With Antiochus iii., the Great (b.c. 223-187), the 
fortunes of the city revived. He drove out the Egyptian 
garrison from Seleucia, ended the Ptolemaic sovereignty 
over Judffia, reduced all Palestine and nearly all Asia 
Minor to his sway, until his might was finally shattered 
by the Romans in the irretrievable defeat of Magnesia 
(B.C. 190). After the assassination of his son Seleucus iv., 
PhUopator (b.c. 187-175), who was occupied mostly in 
repairing the flnancial losses his kingdom had sustained, 
the brilliant but wholly unprincipled youth Antiochus iv 
Epiphanes (b.c. 175-164), succeeded to the throne. With 
the buffoonery of a Caligula and the vice of a Nero, he 
united the genius for architecture and Greek culture 
which he inherited from his race. In his dreams Antioch 



was to be a metropolis, second to none for beauty, and 
Greek art and Greek religion were to be the uniform rule 
throughout all his dominions. To the three quarters 
already existing he added a fourth, which earned for 
Antioch the title ' Tetrapolis.' Here he erected a Senate 
House, a temple to Jupiter Capitolinus on one of the 
eminences of Mt. Silpius, and a strong citadel on another 
spur of the mountains that surround the city. From 
B. to W. of Antioch he laid out a splendid corso with 
double colonnades, which ran for 5 miles in a straight 
line. In wet weather the populace could walk from end 
to end under cover. Trees, flowers, and fountains 
adorned the promenade; and poets sang of the beauty 
of the statue of Apollo and of the Nymphaeum which he 
erected near the river. To avert the anger of the gods 
during a season of pestilence, he ordered the sculptor 
Leios to hew Mt. Silpius into one vast statue of Charon, 
the infernal ferryman. It frowned over the city, and 
was named the Charonlum. Epiphanes' policy of 
Hellenizing Palestine evoked the determined opposition 
of the Maccabees, and in the wars whicli ensued his forces 
suffered many defeats, though the injuries and atrocities 
he committed in Jerusalem were unspeakable. With 
Antiochus Epiphanes died the grandeur of the Syrian 

Succeeding princes exercised only a very moderate 
influence over the fortunes of Palestine, and the palmy 
days of Antioch as a centre of political power were gone 
for ever. The city was the scene of many a bloody 
conflict in the years of the later Seleucidse, as usurper 
after usurper tried to wade through blood to the throne, 
and was shortly after overcome by some rival. In 
several of these struggles the Jews took part, and as the 
power of Antioch waned, the strength and practical in- 
dependence of the Jewish Hasmonaean princes increased. 
In B.C. 83 all Syria passed into the hands of Tigranes, 
king of Armenia, who remained master of Antioch for 14 
years. When Tigranes was overwhelmed by the Romans, 
Pompey put an end to the Seleucid dynasty, and the 
line of Antiochene monarchs expired in b.c. 65. The 
strong Pax Romana gave new vigour to the city. Antioch 
was made a free city, and became the seat of the prefect 
and the capital of the Roman province of Syria. Mark 
Antony ordered the release of all the Jews in it enslaved 
during the recent disturbances, and the restoration of 
their property. As a reward for Antioch's fidelity to 
him, Julius Csesar built a splendid basilica, the Ccesareum, 
and gave, besides, a new aqueduct, theatre, and public 
baths. Augustus, Agrippa, Herod the Great, Tiberius, 
and, later, Antoninus Pius, all greatly embellished the 
city, contributing many new and striking architectural 
features. The ancient walls were rebuilt to the height 
of 50-60 ft., with a thickness at the top of 8 ft., and 
surmounted by gigantic towers. The vast rampart was 
carried across ravines up the mountain slope to the very 
summit of the hills which overlook the city. Antioch 
seemed thus to be defended by a mountainous bulwark, 
7 miles in circuit. Earthquakes have in later ages 
demolished these walls, though some of the Roman 
castles are still standing. 

When Christianity reached Antioch, it was a great city 
of over 500,000 inhabitants, called the 'Queen of the 
East,' the 'Third Metropolis of the Roman Empire.' 
In ' Antioch the Beautiful ' there was to be found every- 
thing which Italian wealth, Greek sstheticism, and 
Oriental luxury could produce. The ancient writers, 
however, are unanimous in describing the city as one of 
the foulest and most depraved in the world. Cosmo- 
politan in disposition, the citizens acted as if they were 
emancipated from every law, human or Divine. Licen- 
tiousness, superstition, quackery, indecency, every fierce 
and base passion, were displayed by the populace; their 
skill in coining scurrilous verses was notorious, their 
sordid, fickle, turbulent, and insolent ways rendered the 
name of Antioch a byword for all that was wicked. Their 
brilliance and energy, so praised by Cicero, were balanced 

by an incurable levity and shameless disregard for the 
first principles of morality. So infamous was the grove 
of Daphne, five miles out of the city, filled with shrines 
to Apollo, Venus, Isis, etc., and crowded with theatres, 
baths, taverns, and dancing saloons, that soldiers de- 
tected there were punished and dismissed the Imperial 
service, 'Daphnic morals' became a proverb. Juvenal 
could find no more forcible way of describing the pollu- 
tions of Rome than by saying, ' The Orontes has flowed 
into the Tiber.' In this Vanity Fair the Jews were 
resident in large numbers, yet they exerted little or no 
Influence on the morals of the city. We hear, however, 
of one Nicolas, a proselyte of Antioch (Ac 6'), and there 
may have been more. But after the death of St. Stephen, 
Christian fugitives from persecution fled as far north as 
Antioch, began to preach to the Greeks there (Ac 11"), 
and a great number believed. So great was the work 
that the Jerus. Church sent Barnabas to assist, who, 
finding that more help was needed, sought out and 
fetched Saul from Tarsus. There they continued a year, 
and built up a strong Church. Antioch had the honour 
of being the birthplace of (1) the name 'Christian' 
(Ac ll'*), and (2) of foreign missions. From this city 
Paul and Barnabas started on their first missionary 
journey (Ac 13i-i), and to Antioch they returned at the 
end of the tour (Ac 14™). The second journey was 
begun from and ended at Antioch (Ac 15^-" 18"); 
and the city was again the starting-point of the third 
tour (Ac IS'!^). The Antiochene Church contributed 
liberally to the poor saints in Jerus. during the famine 
(Ac ll^'-'D). Here also the dispute regarding the 
circumcision of Gentile converts broke out (Ac 15'-"), 
and here Paul withstood Peter for his inconsistency 
(Gal 2" -21). After the fall of Jerusalem, Antioch became 
the true centre of Christianity. A gate still bears the 
name of 'St. Paul's Gate.' It was from Antioch that 
Ignatius set out on his march to martyrdom at Rome. 
The city claimed as its natives John Chrysostom, 
Ammianus Marcellinus, Evagrius, and Libanius. From 
A. D. 252-380 Antioch wasthesceneof ten Church Councils. 
The Patriarch of Antioch took precedence of those of 
Rome, Constantinople, Jerusalem, and Alexandria. 
Antioch was captured in a.d. 260 by Sapor of Persia; 
in A.D. 538 it was burned by Chosroes; rebuilt by 
Justinian, it again fell before the Saracens in a.d. 636. 
Nicephorus Phocas recovered it in a.d. 909, but in 
A.D. 1084 it fell to the Seljuk Turks. The first Crusaders 
retook it in 1098 after a celebrated siege, signalized by the 
'invention of the Holy Lance'; but in 1268 it passed 
finally into the hands of the Turks. Earthquakes have 
added to the ruining hand of man. Those of b.c. 184, 
A.D. 37, 115, 457, and esp. 526 (when 200,000 persons 
perished), 528, 1170, and 1872 have been the most 
disastrous. The once vast city has shrunk into a small, 
ignoble, and dirty town of 6,000 inhabitants, still, how- 
ever, bearing the name of Antaki (Turkish) orAnlakiyah 
(Arabic). It is again the centre of a Christian mission, 
and the Church of Antioch, as of old, is seeking to 
enlighten the surrounding darkness. 

G. A. Frank Knight. 
ANTIOCH (Pisidian). — The expression 'Antioch of 
Pisidia' or 'Antioch in Pisidia' is incorrect, as the 
town was not in Pisidia. Its official title was ' Antioch 
near Pisidia,' and as it existed for the sake of Pisidia, 
the adjective ' Pisidian' was sometimes loosely attached 
to it. It was actually in the ethnic district of Phrygia, 
and in the Roman province of Galatia (that region of 
it called Phrygia Galatica). Founded by the inhabitants 
of Magnesia, it was made a free town by the Romans, 
and a colonia was established there by the emperor 
Augustus to keep the barbarians of the neighbourhood 
in check. The municipal government became Roman, 
and the official language Latin. St. Paul visited it 
four times (Ac 13" 14" 16s 18"), and it is one of the 
churches addressed in the Epistle to the Galatians. 




ANTIOCHIANS (2 Mac 4S- >9).— The efforts of An- 
tiochus Epiphanes to spread Gr. culture and Gr. customs 
throughout his dominions were diligently furthered by 
a section of, the Jews. The leader of this Hellenizing 
party, Jason, brother of the high priest Onias in., 
offered a large sum of money to Antiochus to induce the 
king to allow the inhabitants of Jerusalem 'to be 
enrolled as Antiochians.' Antiochus acceded to the 
proposal, and shortly afterwards a party of ' Antioch- 
ians ' from Jerusalem was sent by him with a contribu- 
tion of money for the festival of Heracles at Tyre. 

ANTIOCHIS (2 Mac 43"). — A concubine of Antiochus 
Epiphanes, who assigned to her the revenues of the two 
Cilician cities, Tarsus and Mallus. 

ANTIOCHUS (1 Mac 12« 14»; cf. Jos. Ant. xm. 
V. 8). — The father of Numenius, who was one of the 
envoys sent (c. B.C. 144) by Jonathan the Maccabee 
to renew the covenant made by Judas with the 
Romans, and to enter into friendly relations with the 

ANTIOCHUS. — A name borne by a number of the 
kings of Syria subsequent to the period of Alexander the 

1. Antiochus I. (b.c. 280-261) was the son of Seleucus 
Nikator, the chiliarch under Perdiccas who was regent 
immediately after the death of Alexander. On the 
murder of his father he came into possession of practically 
the entire region of Asia Minor as far east as the provinces 
beyond Mesopotamia. The most important fact of his 
reign was his defeat of the Celts, who, after devastating 
Macedonia and Thrace, swarmed into Asia Minor and 
estabUshed a kingdom which was subsequently known 
as Galatia. The date and place of the victory are un- 
known, but it won him the name of Soler ('Saviour'). 
His capital was Antioch in Syria, but he was never able 
to bring his vast empire into complete subjection. He 
was a friend of literature and art, and it is possible 
that under him the beginning was made for the Greek 
translation of the Pentateuch. 

2. Antiochus H., Theos (b.c. 261-246). — Son of the 
foregoing, essentially a warrior, carrying on interminable 
struggles both with the free Greek cities of his own 
territory, to which he finally gave something like demo- 
cratic rights, and with Ptolemy Philadelphus of Egypt. 
Under him, however, the Jews of Asia Minor gained 
many civic rights. 

3. Antiochus m., the Great. — He ascended the throne 
when only 15 years of age, and he reigned from b.c. 223 
to 187. Along with Antiochus i. and Antiochus ii. 
he may be referred to in the early portions of Dn 11. 
His reign, like that of most of his contemporaries, was 
one of constant war, particularly with Egypt. In the 
course of these wars he gained possession of Palestine 
through the battle of Banias (b.c. 198), and established 
the Syrian administration over Judsea, although for 
a time he ruled the province jointly with Ptolemy 
Epiphanes of Egypt. Like Antiochus i., he was a 
great colonizer, and induced 2000 Jewish families to go. 
from Mesopotamia into Lydia and Phrygia, thus laying 
the foundation for the influential Jewish Dispersion in 
those regions. So warlike a monarch could not fail to 
come into conflict sooner or later with Rome. He was 
defeated in the battle of Magnesia in b.c. 190, and three 
years later was killed, according to some authorities, 
while plundering a temple at Elymais. 

4. Antiochus IV., Epiphanes ('the Illustrious'; 
also nicknamed Epimanes, 'the Madman'). — The son 
of the preceding, who had been sent as a hostage to 
Rome. In b.c. 175 he seized the Syrian throne, and 
began a series of conquests which bade fair to rival his 
father's. While in Egypt, however, he was ordered by 
the Romans to leave that country, and thus found 
himself forced to limit his energies to Syria. In the 
course of his conflict with Egypt he had becomesuspicious 
of Judaea, and determined to force that country into 



complete subjection to his will. His motives were 
probably more political than religious, but as a part 
of his programme he undertook to compel the Jews to 
worship heathen gods as well as, if not in place of, 
Jehovah. His plans were first put into active operation 
probably towards the end of b.c. 170, when he returned 
from Egypt, although the chronology at this point is very 
obscure and it may have been a couple of years later. 
He plundered the Temple of some of its treasures, 
including the seven-branch candlestick, the altar of 
incense, and the table of shewbread. He also placed 
a garrison in the citadel of Jerusalem, and set about 
the complete Hellenizing of Judaea. Circumcision and 
the observance of the Sabbath were forbidden under 
penalty of death. Pagan sacrifices were ordered in 
every town in Judeea, and every month a search was 
made to discover whether any Jew possessed a copy of 
the Law or had circumcised his children. In December 
168 B.C. a pagan altar, probably to Olympian Zeus, was 
erected on the altar of burnt-offering, and the entire 
Jewish worship seemed threatened with extinction. 
This probability was increased by the apostasy of the 
high priest. 

This excess of zeal on the part of Antiochus led to the 
reaction, which, under the Chasidim and Mattathias, the 
founder of the Maccabsean house, ultimately brought 
about the release of Judaea from Syrian control. The 
events of this period of persecution are related in detail,— 
though with a large element of legend, — in 2 Maccabees, 
and reference is to be found to them also in Dn ll^'-". 
Antiochus finally died on an expedition against the 
Parthians in b.c. 164. (For an account of the struggle 
of Mattathias and Judas against Antiochus, see 

5. Antiochus V., Eupalor. — Son of the preceding; 
began to reign at the death of his father, when a mere 
boy of 9 (or 12) years. He was left by his father 
under the control of Lysias, his chief representative in 
Palestine, and with him was present at the victory of 
Beth-zacharias, b.c. 163, when Judas Maccabseus was 
defeated (1 Mac 6^2-17). xhe complete conquest of 
Judaea was prevented by the rise of the pretender Philip, 
who, however, was conquered. In the midst of their 
success, both young Antiochus and Lysias were assas- 
sinated by Demetrius i. (b.c 162). Their death reacted 
favourably on the circumstances surrounding the rising 
Maccabaean house. 

6. Antiochus VI., — Son of Alexander Balas. Trypho, 
one of the generals of Alexander Balas, at first championed 
the cause of this boy after his father had been killed in 
Arabia. After a few months, however, he caused the 
assassination of Antiochus by the physicians of the court, 
and reigned in his stead (1 Mac 13"'). 

7. Antiochus VH., Sidetes (b.c. 138-128), the last of 
the energetic Syrian monarchs, came to the throne 
during the imprisonment of Demetrius 11. After defeat- 
ing Trypho, he undertook to establish his sovereignty 
over the Jews. Simon partially won his favour by 
presents and by furnishing auxiliary troojw, but at 
last refused to meet his excessive demands for permitting 
such independence as Judaea had come to enjoy under 
theweakpredecessorof Antiochus. Thereupon Antiochus 
sent his generals into Judaea, but they were defeated by 
the sons of Simon (1 Mac 15. 16). He himself came 
during the first year of John Hyrcanus (135-134), and 
after devastating Judaea shut up Hyrcanus in Jerusalem. 
He was about to capture the city through starvation 
when he unexpectedly made terms with Hyrcanus, 
probably because of the interference of the Romans. 
These terms laid very heavy demands upon the Jews, 
and included the destruction of the fortifications of the 
city. UntU b.c. 129-128 Judffia was again subject to the 
Syrian State, but at the end of that year Antiochus 
was killed in a campaign against the Parthians, and 
Hyrcanus was enabled to reassert his independence. See 
Maccabees. Shailee Mathews. 



ANTIPAS.— 1. See Heeod, No. 3.-2. A martyr of 
the church of Pergamum, mentioned only in Rev 2", 
unless some credit is to be given to the late accounts of 
his martyrdom. According to these, he was roasted 
to death in a brazen bowl in the days of Domitian. 
Cures of toothache were believed to be accomplished at 
his tomb. Shailek Mathbwb. 

ANTIPATEB. — Son of Jason, one of two ambassadors 
sent by Jonathan to the Romans and to the Spartans 
to renew 'the friendship and the confederacy' (1 Mac 

1216 1422). 

ANTIPATRIS.— Hither St. Paul was conducted by 
night on the way from Jerusalem to Csesarea (Ac 23")- 
It was founded by Herod the Great, and probably stood 
at the head of the river 'Aujeh (now Ras el-'Ain). 
Here are the remains of a large castle of the Crusaders, 
probably to be identified with Mirabel, 

R. A. S. Macalister. 

ANTONIA.— See Jekusalem. 

AMTJB.— A man of Judah (1 Ch 4s). 
___ANvili. — See Akts and Chatts, 2. 

APACE in AV means 'at a quick pace,' as Ps 68" 
'kings of armies did flee apace.' 

APAME. — Daughter of Bartacus, and concubine of 
Darius i. (1 Es 42'). 

APE. — Apes were imported along with peacocks from 
Ophlr by Solomon (1 K 10^2, 2 Ch 9^'). In importing 
monkeys, Solomon here imitated the custom of the 
Assyrian and Egyptian monarchs, as we now know by 
the monuments. No kind of monkey is Indigenous in 
Palestine. E. W. G. Mastehman. 

APELLES. — The name of a Christian who is greeted 
by St. Paul in Ro IB'", and who is described as the 
'approved in Christ.' It was the name borne by a 
distinguished tragic actor, and by members of the 
household. ' 

AFHMKEMA (1 Mac 11M).— A district taken from 
Samaria and added to Judaaa by Demetrius Soter (.Ant. 
xin. iv. 9). See Eprhaim, No. 1. 

APHARSACHITES.— See next article. 

APHARSATHCHITES (probably the same as the 
Apharsachites, Ezr 5' 6«). — A colony of the Assyrians 
in Samaria; an eastern people subject to the Assyrians. 

APHABSITES (Ezr 4').— One of the nations trans- 
ported to Samaria by the Assyrians. Otherwise un- 
known. The text is doubtful. 

APHEK. — 1. An unidentified city in the plain of 
Sharon (Jos 12"). It may be the same as Aphek of 
1 S 41, and of Jos BJ 11. xlx. 1. 2. A city which Asher 
failed to take (Jos 13* 19^, Jg I'l). It may be Afqa, on 
Nahr Ibrahim. 3. Some authorities identify this (1 S 
291) with No. 1, and make the Philistines advance upon 
Jezreel from the S.W. But if they approached from 
Shunem (28'), Aphek must have been in Esdraelon in 
the neighbourhood of d-Fuleh. 4. The place where 
Ahab defeated Benhadad (1 K 20!»- »»), in the MlshSr, 
probably the modern Fig, or Aflg, on the brow of the 
plateau, overlooking the Sea of Galilee. Possibly Joash 
smote the Syrians here (2 K 13"ff). W. Ewing. 

APHEKAH (Jos 155').— Probably same as Aphek, 1. 

APHEBRA (1 Es 5"). — His descendants were among 
the 'sons of Solomon's servants' who returned with 
Zerubbabel; omitted in the parallel lists (Ezr. and Neh.). 

APHTAH. — One of Saul's ancestors (1 S 9'). 

APHIK. — A city of Asher (Jg 1"), the same aa 
Aphek, 2. 

APHRAH. — See Beth-le-Ajphrah. 

APOCALYPSE.— See Revelation [Book of]. 

as a literary form of Jewish literature first appears 
during the Hellenistic period. Its origin is to a con- 

siderable degree in dispute, but is involved in the 
general development of the period. Among the 
Hebrews its forerunner was the description of the Day 
of Jehovah. On that day, the prophets taught, 
Jehovah was to punish the enemies of Israel and to 
establish His people as a world power. In the course of 
time this conception was supplemented by the further 
expectation of a judgment for Jews as well as for 
heathen (Am 2»-» Sn-" S'"-" Zee l^-" 2'-«, Jl 2^^-", 
Ezk 302'). The first approach to the apocalyptic 
method is probably to be seen in Zee 9-14. It was in 
the same period that the tendencies towards the sesthetic 
conceptions which had been inherited from the Baby- 
lonian exile were beginning to be realized under the in- 
fluence of Hellenistic culture. Because of their reUgion, 
literature was the only form of sesthetic expression 
(except music) which was open to the art impulses of 
the Jews. In the apocalypse we thus can see a union 
of the symbolism and myths of Babylonia with the 
religious faith of the Jews, under the influence of 
Hellenistic culture. By its very origin it was the 
literary means of setting forth by the use of symbols the 
certainty of Divine judgment and the equal certainty 
of Divine deliverance. The symbols are usually 
animals of various sorts, but frequently composite 
creatures whose various parts represented certain 
quaUties of the animals from which they were derived. 

Apocalyptic is akin to prophecy. Its purpose was 
fundamentally to encourage faith in Jehovah on the 
part of those who were in distress, by 'revealing' the 
future. Between genuine prophetism and apocalyptic 
there existed, however, certain differences not always 
easy to formulate, but appreciable to students of the 
two types of religious instruction, (a) The prophet, 
taking a stand in the present, so interprets current 
history as to disclose Divine forces at work therein, 
and the inevitable outcome of a certain course of 
conduct. The writers of the apocalypses, however, 
seem to have had little spiritual insight into the prov- 
idential ordering of existing conditions, and could see 
only present misery and miraculous deliverance. (6) 
Assuming the name of some worthy long since dead, the 
apocalyptist re-wrote the past in terms of prophecy in 
the name of some hero or seer of Hebrew history. On 
the strength of the fulfilment of this alleged prophecy, 
he forecast, though in very general terms, the future, 
(c) Prophecy made use of symbol in literature as 
a means of enforcing or making intelligible its 
Divinely inspired message. The apocalyptlsts em- 
ployed allegorically an elaborate machinery of symbol, 
chief among which were sheep, bulls, birds, as well as 
mythological beings Uke Beliar and the Antichrist. 

The parent of apocalyptic is the book of Daniel, 
which, by the almost unanimous consensus of scholars, 
appeared in the Maccabsean period (see Daniel [Bk. of]). 
From the time of this book until the end of the 1st 
cent. A.D., and indeed even later, we find a continuous 
stream of apocalypses, each marked by a strange 
combination of pessimism as to the present and hope 
as to the future yet to be miraculously established. 
These works are the output of one phase of Pharisaism, 
which, while elevating both Torah and the Oral Law, 
was not content with bald legalism, but dared trust in 
the realization of its reUgious hopes. The authors 
of the various works are utterly unknown. In this, as 
in other respects, the apocalypses constitute a unique 
national Uterature. Chief among apocalyptic literature 
are the following: — 

1. The Enoch Literature. — The Enoch literature has 
reached us in two forms: (o) The Ethiopic Enoch; (6) The 
Slavonic Book of the Secrets of Enoch. The two books 
are independent, and indicate the wide-spread tendency 
to utilize the story of the patriarch in apocalyptic 

(a) The Ethiopic Book of Enoch is a collection of 
apocalypses and other material written during the last 



two centuries before Christ. It was probably written In 
Hebrew or Aramaic, and then translated into Greek, 
and from that into Ethiopic and Latin. As it now 
exists, the collection is a survival of a wide-spread 
Enoch Uterature, and its constituent sections have 
been to a considerable extent edited by both Jews and 
Christians. Critics, while varying as to details, are 
fairly well agreed as to the main component sources, 
each probably representing a different author or school. 

(i.) The original ground-work of the present book is to 
be found in chs. 1-36 and 72-104, in the midst of which are, 
however, numerous interpolations (see iv. below). These 
chapters were probably written befores.c. 100. Chs. 1-36 
deal chiefly with the portrayal of the punishment to be 
awarded the enemies of the Jews and sinners generally on 
the Day of Judgment. The esohatology of these chapters 
is somewhat sensuous as regards both the resurrection and 
rewards and punishments. In them we have probably the 
oldest piece of Jewish literature touching the general resur- 
rection of Israel and representing Gehenna as a place of 
final punishment (see Gehenna). 

The dream visions (chs. 83-90) were probably written 
in the time of Judas Maccabaeus or John Hyrcanus. By 
the use of symbolic animals — sheep, rams, wild beasts — 
Hebrew history is traced to the days of the Hasmonsean 
revolt. The years of misery are represented by a flock 
under seventy shepherds, who, in the new age about to 
dawn, are to be east with the evil men and angels into an 
abyss of fire. The Messiah is then to appear, although his 
function is not definitely described. In en. 91 the future is 
somewhat more trauscendentally described. 

In the later chapters of this oldest section the new escha- 
tology is more apparent. In them are to be found repre- 
sentations of the sleep of the righteous, the resurrection 
of the spirit of the Messiah, though human, as God's Son 
(1052), the Day of Judgment, and the punishment of the 
wicked in hell. 

(ii.) Whether ornotthesecondgroupof chapters (37-71), 
or the Similitudes, is post- or pre-Christian has been thoroughly 
discussed. The general consensus of recent critics, however, 
is that the Similitudes were probably written somewhere 
between B.C. 94 and 64: at all events, before the time of 
Herod. The most remarkable characteristic of these 
Similitudes is the use of the term 'Son of Man' for the 
Messiah. But it is not possible to see in the use of this 
term any reference to the historical Jesus. More likely 
it marks a stage in the development of the term from the 
general symbolic usage of Dn V^ to the strictly Messianic 
content of the NT. In the Similitudes we find described 
the judgment of all men, both alive and dead, as well as of 
angels. Yet the future is still to some extent sensuous, 
although transcendental influences are very evident in the 
section. The Messiah pre-exists and is more than a man. 
The share which he has m the reorganization of the world is 
more prominent than in the older sections. 

(iii.) Interspersed throughout the book are sections which 
Charles calls the book of celestial physics.' These sections 
are one of the curiosities of scientific literature, and may 
be taken as a fair representative of the astronomical and 
meteorological beliefs of the Palestinian Jews about the 
time of Christ. 

(iv.) Interpolations from the so-called Book of Noah, 
which are very largely the work of the last part of the pre- 
Christian era, although it is not possible to state accurately 
the date of their composition. 

The importance of Enoch is great for the understand- 
ing of the eschatology of the NT and the methods of 

(6) The (Slavonic) Secrets of Enoch probably had a 
pre-Christian original, and further, presupposes the 
existence of the Ethiopic Enoch. It could not, there- 
fore, have been written much prior to the time of Herod, 
and, as the Temple is still standing, must have been 
written before a.d. 70. The author (or authors) was 
probably a Hellenistic Jew living in the first half of the 
1st cent. A.D. The book is particularly interesting in 
that in it is to be found the first reference to the 
millennium (xxxii. 2-xxxiii. 2), which is derived from a 
combination of the seven creative days and Ps 90'. At 
the close of the six thousand years, the new day, or 
Sabbath of the thousand years, was to begin. The Secrets 
of Enoch is a highly developed picture of the coming 
age and of the structure of the heaven, which, it holds, 
is seven-fold. Here, too, are the Judgment, though of 



individuals rather than of nations, the two seons, the 
complete renovation or destruction of the earth. There 
is no mention of a resurrection, and the righteous are 
upon death to go immediately to Paradise. 

2. The Book of Jubilees is a Haggadist commentary 
on Genesis, and was probably written in the Maccabsean 
period, although its date is exceedingly uncertain, and 
may possibly be placed in the latter half of the last cent. 
B.C. In this writing angelology and demonology are well 
developed. While there is no mention of the Messiah, 
the members of the Messianic age are to live a thousand 
years, and are to be free from the influence or control of 
Satan. The book contains no doctrine of the res- 
urrection; but spirits are immortal. While there is 
punishment of the wicked, and particularly of evil 
spirits and the enemies of Israel, the Judgment is not 
thoroughly correlated with a general eschatological 
scheme. The chief object of the book is to incite the 
Jews to a greater devotion to the Law, and the book is 
legalistic — rather than idealistic. 

The 'new age' was to be inaugurated by wide-spread 
study of the Law, to which the Jews would be forced 
by terrible suffering. Certain passages would seem to 
imply a resurrection of the dead and a renewing of all 
creation along with the endless punishment of the 

3. The Psalms o£ Solomon — a group of noble songs, 
written by a Pharisee (or Pharisees) probably between 
B.C. 70 and 40, the dates being fixed by reference to the 
Roman conquest of Jerusalem and the death of Pompey 
(Ps-Sol ii. 30, 31). The collection is primarily a 
justification of the downfall of the Maccabiean house 
because of its sins. Its author (or authors) was opposed 
to monarchy as such, and looked forward to the time 
when the Messiah would really be king of Judaea. The 
picture of this king as set forth in Psalms xvii-xviii is 
one of the noblest in Jewish literature. He is to be 
neither sufferer nor teacher, pre-existent nor miracu- 
lously born. He is not to be a priest, or warrior. He is 
to be sinless, strong through the Holy Spirit, gaining 
his wisdom from God, conquering the entire heathen 
world without war, 'by the word of his mouth,' and to 
establish the capital of the world at Jerusalem. AU 
the members of the new kingdom, which, like the 
Messiah, is miraculous, are to be 'sons of God.' These 
two Psalms are not of a kin with the ordinary apocalyptic 
literature like the Enoch literature, and probably 
represent a tendency more religious than apocalyptic. 
At the same time, the influence of the apocalyptic is not 
wanting in them. 

4. The Assumption of Moses was probably written in 
the opening years of the 1st cent, a.d., and narrates 
in terms of prophecy the history of the world from 
the time of Moses until the time of its composition, 
ending in an eschatological picture of the future. As it 
now stands, the writing is hardly more than a fragment 
of a much larger work, and exists only in an old Latin 
translation. The most striking characteristic is the 
importance given to Satan as the opponent of God, as 
well as the rather elaborate portrayal of the end of the 
age it narrates. The Judgment is to be extended to the 
Gentiles, but no Messiah is mentioned, the Messianic 
kingdom rather than He being central. Further, the 
writer, evidently in fear of revolutionary tendencies 
among his people, says distinctly that God alone-is to be 
judge of the Gentiles. 

5. The Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs is a com- 
posite work purporting to preserve the last words of the 
twelve sons of Jacob. It was probably written during 
the first two centuries of the Christian era, although 
some of its material may be earlier. As it now stands, 
it is full of Christian interpolations, and it has little 
apocalyptic material, being rather of the nature of 
homilies illustrated with much legendary matter, 
including eschatological pictures and references to 
demons and their king Beliar. The new age is not 



distinctly described, but apparently involves only 
earthly relationships. God's judgment on wicked men 
and demons is, however, elaborately pictured, some- 
times in terms hard to reconcile with the less transcen- 
dental accounts of the blessings assured to the Jewish 
nation. Each of the patriarchs is represented as 
dealing with that particular virtue or vice with which 
the Biblical account associates him, and also as fore- 
telling appropriate blessings or curses. The work is 
preserved in Greek and Armenian translations. 

6. The Ascension of Isaiah is a composite book which 
circulated largely among the Christian heretics of the 
3rd century. At its basis lies a group of legends 
of uncertain origin, dealing with the Antichrist and 
Beliar. These in turn are identified with the expecta- 
tion that Nero would return after death. The book, 
therefore, in its present shape is probably of Christian 
origin, and is not older than the 2nd cent., or possibly 
the latter part of the 1st. The Isaiah literature, how- 
ever, was common in the 1st cent., and the book is a 
valuable monument of the eschatological tendencies 
and beliefs of at least certain groups of the early 
Christians. Particularly important is it as throwing 
light upon the development of the Antichrist doctrines. 
It exists to-day in four recensions — Greek, Ethiopic, 
Latin, and Slavonic. 

7. The Apocalypse of Ezra (Second Esdras), written 
about the time of the destruction of Jerusalem. It is 
the most complete expression of Pharisaic pessimism. 
Written in the midst of national misery, it is not able 
to see any relief except in the creation of a new world. 
The age was coming to an end, and the new age which was 
to belong to Israel would presently come. The udg- 
ment of Israel's enemies was presently to be established, 
but not until the number of the righteous was complete. 
The book is no doubt closely related to the Apocalypse 
of Baruch, and both apparently reproduce the same 
originally Jewish material. It has been considerably 
affected by Christian hopes. Both for this reason and 
because of its emphasis on generic human misery and 
sin, with the consequent need of something more than 
a merely national deliverance, it gives a prominent 
position to the Messiah, who is represented as dying. 
As Second Esdras the book has become part of the 
Apocrypha of the OT, and has had considerable in- 
fluence in the formation of Christian eschatology. In 
vll. 30-98 is an elaborate account of the general 
Resurrection, Judgment, and the condition of souls 
after death; and it is this material quite as much as 
the Messianic prediction of chs. xii-xiv that make it of 
particular interest to the student. It is possessed, 
however, of no complete unity in point of view, and 
passes repeatedly from the national to the ethical 
(individual) need and deliverance. The separation of 
these two views is, however, more than a critical matter. 
As in Mk 13, the two illustrate each other. 

8. The ApocalypseofBaruchisacompositework which 
embodies in itself a ground-work which is distinctly 
Jewish, and certain sections of which were probably 
written before the destruction of Jerusalem. Criticism, 
however, has not arrived at any complete consensus of 
opinion as regards its composition, but there can be 
little doubt that it represents the same apocalyptic 
tendencies and much of the material which are to be 
seen in Second Esdras. Just what are the relations 
between the two writings, however, has not yet been 
clearly shown. The probability is that the Apocalypse 
of Baruch, as it now stands, was written in the second 
half of the 1st cent, a.d., and has come under the in- 
fluence of Christianity (see esp. chs. xlix-li). Like 
Second Esdras, it is marked by a despair of the existing 
age, and looks forward to a transcendental reign of 
the Messiah, in which the Jews are to be supremely 
fortunate. It exists to-day in Greek and Syriac 
versions, with a strong probability that both are derived 
from original Hebrew writing. This apocalypse, both 

from its probable origin and general characteristics, is 
of particular value as a document for understanding 
the NT literature. In both the Apocalypse of Baruch 
and Second Esdras we have the most systematized 
eschatological picture that has come down to us 
from Pharisaism. 

9. The Sibylline Oracles are the most important 
illustration of the extra-Palestinian-Hellenistic apoca- 
lyptic hope. As the work now exists, it is a collection 
of various writings dealing with the historical and 
future conditions of the Jewish people. The most 
important apocalyptic section is in Book iii. 97-828, 
written in Maccabaean times. In it the punishment of 
the enemies of the Jews is elaborately foretold, as are 
also the future and the Messianic Judgment. This 
third book was probably edited in the middle of the 
2nd century by a Christian. In general, however, this 
Sibylline literature, although of great extent, gives us 
no such distinct pictures of the future as those to be 
found in the Ezra-Baruch apocalypses. 

Shaileb Mathews. 

APOCRYPHA.— The term 'Apocrypha' is applied to 
a body of literature that has come down to us in close 
connexion with the canonical books of the Bible, and 
yet is not of them. This term (Gr. apokrypkos, ' hidden') 
seems to have been used to specify certain documents 
or writings that were purposely hidden from general 
public contact, either because of their supposed sacred- 
ness, or to retain within the precincts of a certain sect 
their secret wisdom and knowledge. The name was 
given either by those who hid the books or by those 
from whom they were hidden. 

All such books bore, as their alleged authors, the names 
of notable men in Hebrew history. These names were 
not sufficient of themselves to carry the books over 
into the canonical collection of the Bible. The term 
applied to them as 'apocryphal,' that is, withheld from 
public gaze and use, was at first rather complimentary 
to their character. But their rejection by the Jewish 
Palestinian body of worshippers, as well as by the 
larger proportion of the early Church, gradually stamped 
the name ' apocryphal ' as a term of reproach, indicating 
inferiority in content and a spurious authorship. Hence- 
forth such books lost their early sacredness, and became 
embodied in a collection that remained entirely out- 
side the Hebrew Bible, though in general found in the 
Septuagint and the Vulgate. 

The word 'Apocrypha,' as used by Protestant Chris- 
tians, signifies the books found in the Latin Vulgate 
as over and above those of the Hebrew OT. Jerome 
incorporated in his revision and translation, in the 
main as he found them in the Old Latin Version, certain 
books not found in the Hebrew canonical writings. 
These books had been carried over into the Old Latin 
from the Septuagint. 

The real external differences, then, between the Prot- 
estant and Rom. Cath. Bibles to-day are to be traced to 
the different ideas of the Canon on the part of the Jews 
of Palestine, where the Hebrew Bible was on its native 
soil, and on the part of the Jews of Alexandria who 
translated that same Hebrew Bible into Greek. With 
this translation, and other books later called the Apoc- 
rypha, they constructed a Greek Bible now called the 
Septuagint (the Seventy). 

In the transfer of the works from the Septuagint to 
the Old Latin and to the Vulgate, there is some con- 
fusion both as to their names and their order. 

These so-called Apocryphal books may be roughly 
classified as follows: — 

1. Historical: Firat and Second Maccabees, and First 
Esdras [Third Esdras in Vulgate] . 

2. Legendary: Additions to Esther, History of Susanna, 
Songof the Three Holy Children, Bel and the Dragon, Tobit, 

3. Prophetical: Baruch (ch. 6 being the 'Epistle of 
Jeremy'), Prayer of Manasses. 



4. Apoealypiical: Second Esdras [Fourth Esdraa in 

5. Didactic: Sirach, Wisdom of Solomon. 

In some classifications Third and Fourth Maccabees are 

Most of these books are found in their original form 
in Greek, with the exceptions noted below, and not in 
the Hebrew; therefore the Jewish religious leaders 
did not regard them as inspired. Furthermore, some 
of their writers (1 Mac 4« 9", 2 Mac 2") disclaim 
inspiration as the Jews understood it. The NT writers 
do not quote these books, nor do they definitely refer 
to them. Their existence in the Greek Bible of the 
times of Christ does not seem to have given them any 
prestige for the Jewish authorities of that day. The 
Church Fathers made some use of them, by quotation 
and allusion, but were not so emphatic in their favour 
as to secure their incorporation in the regular canonical 
books of the Bible. 

Jerome, in his revision of the Old Latin Bible, found 
the Apocryphal books therein, as carried over from 
the Septuagint; but in his translation of the OT he 
was careful not to include in the OT proper any books 
not found in the Hebrew Canon. In fact, he regarded 
his time as too valuable to be spent in revising or trans- 
lating these uninspired books. 

It was not until the Council of Trent, April 15, 1546, 
that the Roman Catholic Church publicly set its seal 
of authority on eleven of the fourteen or sixteen (in- 
cluding 3 and 4 Mac.) Apocryphal books. This Council 
names as canonical the following books and parts of 
books: First and Second Maccabees, Additions to 
Esther, History of Susanna, Song of the Three Holy 
Children, Bel and the Dragon, Tobit, Judith, Baruch, 
Sirach, and Wisdom of Solomon; omitting from the 
above list the Prayer of Manasses, First and Second 
Esdras [Vulgate Third and Fourth Esdras]. 

The Council of Trent settled the Canon of Scripture 
for the Roman Catholic Church, and decreed an ana- 
thema against any one who did not agree with its state- 
ment. Even before the meeting of that famous Council, 
Coverdale, in 1535, had introduced the Apocrypha into 
the English Bible edited by himself. It was published 
in the first edition of the AV in 1611, but began to be 
left out as early as 1629'. It was inserted between the 
OT and NT. As a result of a controversy in 1826, it was 
excluded from all the Bibles published by the British 
and Foreign Bible Society. 

In our discussion of the character and contents of 
these books, we must keep in mind the tact that the 
word 'Apocrypha' is used in the Protestant sense as 
inclusive of the fourteen books given in the RV of 1895, 
eleven of which are regarded as canonical by the Roman 
Catholic Church. 

The general character and the contents of these books 
are as follows: — 

1. First Maccabees. —This is a historical work of rare 
value on the Jewish war of independence against the 
encroachments and invasions of Antiochus Epiphanes 
(B.C. 168-164). Its author is unknown, though thought 
to have been a Jew of Palestine, who wrote between 
B.C. 105 and 64. The book is known in a Greek original, 
though it was translated, according to Jerome, from a 
Hebrew original that was current in his day (end of 
4th cent.). 

2. Second Maccabees is an abridgment of a five- 
volume work by Jason of Cyrene {2'^). It is prefaced 
by two letters said to have been sent from the Jews of 
Jerusalem to the Jews of Egypt. This book deals with 
the history of the Jews from the reign of Seleucus iv. (b.c. 
176) to the death of Nicanor (b.c. 161). The multi- 
plication of the marvellous and miraculous in the narra- 
tive discounts the value of the material as a source of 
historical data. The book was written somewhere 
between b.c. 125 and the fall of Jerusalem in a.d. 70. 
It is extant in Greek. 



3. First Esdras (Third in the Vulgate) is the canonical 
book of Ezra in Greek, which in reconstructed form 
tells the story of the decline and fall of the kingdom of 
Judah from the time of Josiah. It recites the over- 
throw of Jerusalem, the Babylonian exile, the return 
under Zerubbabel, and Ezra's part in the reorganization 
of the Jewish State. Josephus refers to the legend 
regarding the three courtiers contained in this book. 
Its author is unknown. The Council of Trent placed it 
in an appendix to the NT as Third Esdras, and not 
among their regular canonical books. 

4. Additions to Esther. — The canonical Esther con- 
cludes with IQS; this chapter is filled out by the addition 
of seven verses, and the book concludes with six addi- 
tional chapters (11-16). The regular text of the book 
is occasionally interpolated and amplified by some 
writer or writers, to give the story a fuller narrative and 
make the teUing of it more effective. These additions 
sometimes contradict the Hebrew, and add nothing new 
of any value. This editorial work is thought to have 
been done by an Egyptian Jew somewhere in the reign 
of Ptolemy Philometor (b.c. 181-145). 

6. The History of Susanna is an account of Daniel's 
discovery of a malicious slander against the good woman 
Susanna. The story is prefixed to the book of Daniel. 
It is found in the Greek, and was prepared by an un- 
known author at an unknown date. 

6. The Song of the Three Holy Children is found in- 
serted between v.^ and v.'* of Dn 3. Its author and 
date are unknown. 

7. The Story of Bel and the Dragon follows Dn 12. 
It is a proof by Daniel that the priests of Bel and their 
families ate the food set before the idol. Daniel slays 
the dragon, and is a second time thrown into the lions' 
den. The origin of this story is unknown, though it is 
by some attributed to Habakkuk. The three preceding 
stories are found in the Septuagint of Daniel, and a 
MS of No. 6 has recently been found. 

8. Tobit is a romantic story of the time of Israel's 
captivity. Tobit is a pious son of Naphtali who becomes 
blind. He sends his son Tobias to Rages in Media to 
collect a debt. An angel leads him to Ecbatana, where 
he romantically marries a widow who was still a virgin 
though she had had seven husbands. Each of the 
seven had been slain on their wedding-day by Asmodseus, 
the evil spirit. On the inspiration of the angel, Tobias 
marries the widow, and, by burning the inner parts of 
a fish, puts the spirit to flight by the offensive smoke. 
The blindness of Tobit is healed by using the gall of 
the fish, the burning of whose entrails had saved the 
lite of Tobias. The book is found in an Aramaic version, 
three Greek, and three Old Latin versions, and also in 
two Hebrew texts. Its date is uncertain, though it 
doubtless appeared before the 1st cent. b.c. 

9. Judith is a thrilling tale of how Judith, a 
Jewish widow, secured the confidence of Holofernes, 
an Assyrian commander who was besieging Bethulia. 
Stealthily in the night time she approached him in his 
tent, already overcome with heavy drinking, took his 
own scimitar and cut off his head, and fled with it to the 
besieged city. This valorous act saved the distressed 
Israelites. The story bristles with absurdities in names, 
dates, and geographical material.- It seems to have 
imitated in one respect Jael's murder of Sisera (Jg 4"-^). 
It may have been written some time about b.c. 100, 
so long after the life of Nebuchadrezzar as to have made 
him king of Nineveh, instead of Babylon. The original 
text is Greek. 

10. Baruch. — This is a pseudepigraphical book 
attributed to Baruch, the scribe of Jeremiah. Its 
purpose seems to have been (1) to quiet the souls of 
the Jews in exile by telling them that they would soon 
return to their native land; and (2) to admonish them 
to flee the idolatry that was everywhere prevalent 
in Babylonia. Bar 6 is called the ' Epistle of Jeremy ' 
and is nominally a letter of that prophet, warning the 



exiles against worsliipping idols. Tills book is thouglit 
to have originated sometime about b.c. 320. Its original 
language is Greek, tiiougli ttiere is reason for believing 
that l'-38 was first written in Hebrew. 

11. Prayer of Manasses, king of Judah, when he was 
a captive of Ashurbanipal in the city of Babylon {2 Ch 
3312. 13). It probably originated in some of the legends 
current regarding this notable king, and may have been 
intended for insertion in the narrative of 2 Ch 33". 
Its original is Greek. It is not a part of the Vulgate 
adopted at the Council of Trent, but is in the appendix 

12. Second Esdras [yu l& - Fourth Esdras. If First 
Esdras is the reconstructed Ezra, and the canonical Ezra 
and Nehemiah are taken as one book, then this is Third 
Esdras (as in the Septuagint). If Ezra and Nehemiah 
are left out of account, this book is Second Esdras (as 
in the Apocrypha of BV). It, as in the Vulgate, Ezra 
is reckoned as First Esdras, and Nehemiah^ as Second 
Esdras, and the reconstructed Ezra as TMrC Esdras, 
then this book is Fourth Esdras]-: This work is a peculiar 
combination of matter. It is not history at all, but 
rather a religious document imitative of the Hebrew 
prophets, and apocalyptic in character. Its Greek 
original, if it had one, has been lost, and the work is 
extant in Latin, Syriac, Arabic, Ethiopic, and Armenian. 
It is attributed to at least two different dates, the 2nd 
and 3rd cents, a.d. The character of the matter shows 
that some Christian interpolated the original to give it 
a Christian colouring. This matter does not appear, 
however, in the Arabic and Ethiopic texts. It stands 
in the appendix to the NT of the Vulgate. 

13. Ecclesiasticus, or. The Wisdom of Jesus the Son 
of Sirach, — This is one of the most valuable of the 
Apocryphal books. It resembles the books of Proverbs, 
Ecclesiastes, and Job in its ethical characteristics. It 
was written by a Jew called Jesus, son of Sirach, prob- 
ably early in the 3rd cent., though the Greek translation 
was issued about b.c. 132. The book was originally 
written in Hebrew, and in this language about one half 
of it has recently been discovered in Egypt and^published. 
It is one of the works that give us a vivid idea of the 
Wisdom literature produced in the centuries preceding 
the Christian era. 

14 . Wisdom of Solomon lauds wisdom and a righteous 
life, but condemns idolatry and wickedness. The 
author employs, in the main, illustrations from the 
Pentateuch. He purports to be Solomon, and makes 
just such claims as one would imagine Solomon would 
have done if he had been the author. He is thought 
to have lived anywhere between b.c. ISO and b.c. SO, 
and to have been a Jew of Alexandria. The book 
possesses some valuable literary features, though in its 
present form it seems to be incomplete. Its original 
text was Greek. 

If we should include Third and Fourth Maccabees in 
this list, as is done by some writers (but not by the 
Vulgate), we find these peculiarities: 

15. ThirdMaccabees describes anattempt to massacre 
the Jews in the reign of Ptolemy Philopator (b.c. 222- 
205), and a notable deliverance from death. The work 
is extant in Greek (in LXX), but not in the Vulgate. 

16. Fourth Maccabees is a discussion of the conquest 
of matter by the mind illustratively, by the use of the 
story of the martyrdom of the seven Maccabees, their 
mother and Eleazar. The work is found in the Alex- 
andrian MS of the Septuagint, and in Syriac. 

In addition to these Apocryphal books, but not in- 
cluded either in the Septuagint, the Vulgate, or the RV, 
there is an ever-increasing list of works that scholars 
have chosen to call pseudepigrapha. These were written 
at various periods, but mainly just before, during, and 
just after the times of Christ. Many of them deal 
with the doctrinal discussions of their day, and present 
revelations to the author under strange and even weird 
conditions. These writers attached to their books as 

a rule the name of some famous personage, not by way 
of deception, but to court favour for the views set forth. 
It would carry us too far afield to take up these works 
one by one. Merely the titles of some of them can 
be mentioned. As a piece of lyrical work the Psalms 
of Solomon is the best example in this group. Of 
apocalyptical and prophetical works, there are the 
Book of Enoch, quoted in Jude, the Assumption of 
Moses, the Apocalypse of Baruch, the Testaments of 
the Twelve Patriarchs. Legendary works are the Book 
of Jubilees and the Ascension of Isaiah. One of the 
curious cases of mixed material is that of the Sibylline 
Oracles. See Apocalyptic Literature. 

To these might be added scores of lesser lights that 
appeared in that period of theological and doctrinal 
unrest, many of which are now published, and others 
are being discovered in some out-of-the-way place 
almost yearly. Their value Ues in the revelations that 
they give us of the methods adopted and the doctrines 
promulgated in the early centuries of the Christian 
era, by means of such works. Ira Maurice Price. 

APOCBTPHAL GOSPELS.— See Gospels [Apocry- 

APOLLONIA (Ac IT').— Paul and Silas passed 
through this town on the way from Amphipolis to 
Thessalonica. It is known that it was on the im- 
portant Egnatian road which ran between Dyr- 
rhachium (mod. Durazzo) and Thessalonica, but its 
exact site lias not yet been discovered. It was about 
half-way between AmphipoUs and Thessalonica, and 
lay between the rivers Axius and Strymon. 


APOLLONIUS.— 1. A governor of Ccele-Syria and 
Phoenicia under Seleucus iv. (2 Mac 4<), who suggested 
the abortive attempt of Heliodorus on the Temple- 
treasury. To this he probably owes the title mysarches 
(2 Mac S'"), which the Vulg. renders odiosum principem, 
AV 'detestable ringleader,' RV 'lord of pollutions.' 
In B.C. 168-167 he was sent to Hellenize Jerusalem, and 
he initiated the great persecution with a cruel massacre 
on the Sabbath (2 Mac 5^-^). Judas Maccabeeus 
defeated and slew him, wearing his sword ever after 
(1 Mac 3'»''-, Jos. A»«. XII. vii. 7). 2. An envoy sent to 
Egypt by Antiochus iv., b.c. 173 (2 Mac 4='). 3. An 
ofiicial under Antiochus v. who molested the Jews (2 Mac 
12^). 4. A governor of Coele-Syria who fought against 
the Jews (b.c 147) on the side of Demetrius (1 Mac 
IQss-ss; Jos. Ant. xiii. iv. 3 f. is in error). From 
Jamnia he sent a pompous defiance to Jonathan Mac- 
cabaeus, who, however, captured Joppa and defeated 
Apollonius. J. Taylor. 

APOLLOPHANES (2 Mac 10").— A Syrian killed at 
the taking of Gazara by Judas Maccabaeus. 

APOLLOS (a pet name, abbreviated from Apollonius, 
which appears in D text of Ac 18*i). — Apart from a 
doubtful reference in Tit 3", we derive our knowledge 
of Apollos from 1 Cor. and Ac 18"-^*. In Acts he 
is described as an Alexandrian Jew, an eloquent man, 
with an effective knowledge of the OT. He came to 
Ephesus before St. Paul sojourned there, and, having 
been instructed in the way of the Lord, he zealously 
proclaimed his views in the synagogue, where Priscilla 
and Aquila heard him. What exactly his views were, 
it is not easy to decide. Ac 18® suggests that he was a 
Christian in some sense, that he knew the story of 
Jesus, believed in Him as Messiah, but did not know 
of the coming of the Holy Ghost. The disciples men- 
tioned in Ac ig'"-, who are clearly in a parallel position, 
do not seem to know even so much as this; and 'in- 
structed in the way of the Lord ' need not mean Christi- 
anity, while even the phrase 'the things concerning 
Jesus' may refer simply to the Messianic prophecies 
(cf. Lk 24", and see art. 'Apollos' by J. H. A. Hart in 
JThS, Oct. 1905). In Ephesus, Apollos may have 



pleached only John's baptism of repentance. But 
Priscilla and AquUa made him a full Christian. 

Later on Apollos worlced in Corinth, with great success. 
His eloquence and PhUonic culture won him a name for 
wisdom, and made his preaching attractive, so that 
many declared themselves his special followers (1 Co 1'^). 
ApoUos' teaching in Corinth may have been marked by 
allegorical interpretation, insistence on Divine knowl- 
edge, and on the need of living according to nature 
(see St. Paul's sarcastic reference to 'nature' in 1 Co 
11"). But the party-strife at Corinth was not of 
his intending. Apollos and Paul were agreed in their 
gospel (1 Co 3«) — a fact the Corinthians overlooked. 
Apollos refused the request of the Corinthians for a 
speedy second visit (1 Co IB'^). St. Paul apparently 
speaks of Apollos as an Apostle (1 Co 4'). We have 
no certain records of Apollos' teaching, but it has been 
suggested that he wrote the Wisdom of Solomon before, 
and the letter to the Hebrews after, his conversion. 

H. G. Wood. 

APOLLYON (' the Destroyer').— The Greek equivalent 
In Bev 9" of Abaddon, the angel of the bottomless pit, 
who was also the king of the locusts (see Abaddon). 
The word does not appear in its Greek form in later 
Babbinic writings, and only here in the NT. As an angel 
Apollyon seems to have been regarded as equivalent 
to Asmodaeus, king of demons, in Judaistic mythology; 
but our data are too few to warrant precise statements. 
Shailer Mathews. 

APOPLEXY.— See Medicine. 

APOSTASY.— A defection from the tenets of some 
religious community. In Ac 212' it describes the 
charge brought against St. Paul by the Jews, viz., that 
he taught that the Jews should abandon Mosaism. In 
2 Th 2' it describes the defection of Christians which 
was to accompany the 'man of lawlessness'; i.e. the 
Antichrist. This expectation is an illustration of whaA 
seems to have been a common belief — that the return of 
the Christ to establish His Kingdom would be preceded 
by exceptional activity on the part of His superhuman 
opponent, and that this would result in an abandon- 
ment of Christian faith on the part of many of those 
nominally Christian. Shailer Mathews. 

APOSTLES. — Apostle, 'one commissioned,' represents 
a Heb. word which signified not merely a messenger 
but a delegate, bearing a commission, and, so far as his 
commission extended, wielding his commissioner's 
authority. 'The Apostle of any one,' says the Talmud, 
'is even as the man himself by whom he is deputed.' 
The term was applied by Jesus to the twelve disciples 
whom He attached to Himself to aid Him in His ministry 
and to be trained by the discipline of His example and 
precept for carrying it on after His departure (Lk 6", 
Mt 102). Cf. Jn 171' 'Even as thou didst commission 
me unto the world, I also commissioned them unto the 
world' (where 'commission' is the verb cognate to 

Jesus appointed twelve Apostles corresponding to the 
twelve tribes, thus intimating that their mission was 
meanwhile to Israel (cf. Mt 10'- "); but by and by, 
when He was setting out on His last Journey to Jerusalem, 
He 'appointed other seventy and commissioned them' 
(Lk 10'), thus intimating the universality of His gospel, 
inasmuch as, according to Jewish reckoning, mankind 
was composed of seventy nations. 

After the Lord's departure the Twelve were the 
Apostles par excellence (cf. Ac 6^- •). They were the 
men who had been with Jesus, and their peculiar function 
was to testify of Him, and especially of His Resurrection 
(Ac 121- «; cf. V.8 and Lk 24"). But they were not 
the only Apostles. The title was given to Barnabas 
(Ac 14*- », 1 Co 9'- ') and Andronicus and Junias 
(Ro 16'). It may be that it was extended to men 
of Apostolic character, but then why was it withheld 
from one like Timothy (2 Co 1', Col 1>)? If 



Barnabas, as tradition declares, and Andronicus and 
Junias, as Origen suggests, belonged to the order of the 
Seventy, it may well be that those others besides the 
Twelve who were styled 'Apostles' were the Seventy. 
It is true the title is given to James the Lord's brother 
(Gal 1", 1 Co IS') and to Paul, who belonged neither to 
the Twelve nor to the Seventy. But theirs were ex- 
ceptional cases. It was natural that James, who was 
recognized as the head of the Church at Jerusalem, 
should be accorded the dignity of Apostleship, as well 
for his extreme sanctity as tor his relationship to Jesus. 
And as for Paul, his Apostolic title was bitterly con- 
tested; and he triumphantly defended it on the double 
ground that, though he had not companied with Jesus 
in the days of His flesh, he had seen Him after His 
glorification on the road to Damascus (1 Co 9'), and 
though he was not one of the original Apostles, his 
Apostleship had the Lord's own sanction (1 Co 92, 
2 Co 12>2). Perhaps it was his example that em- 
boldened others outside the ranks of the Twelve and 
the Seventy to claim Apostleship on the score of 
Apostolic gifts, real or supposed (2 Co 11", Rev 2'). 
See also Disciples. David Smith. 

APOTHECARY.— In aU the 8 occurrences of this 
word in OT and Apocr. we should render 'perfumer,' 
as does BV in half of these (Ex 30=s- 3s 37S9_ ec 10'); 
elsewhere the former is retained (2 Ch 16", Neh .3* 
(cf. marg.), Sir 388 491). see Perfumer. 

A. R. S. Kennedy. 

APPAIM.— A man of Judah (1 Ch 23»- ='). 

APPAREL.— See Dress. 

APPARITION.- In RV of Mt 1428 and Mk 6" for AV 
'spirit.' The Gr. word (phantasma) differs from the 
usual word for 'spirit' ipneuma). It occurs only in 
these passages. 

APPEAL.— See Justice. 

AFPHIA. — A Christian lady of Colossi, a member of 
the household of Philemon, probably his wife (Philem 2). 

APPHUS (1 Mac 28).— The surname of Jonathan the 
Maccabee. The name is usually thought to mean 
'dissembler'; and some suppose that it was given to 
Jonathan for his stratagem against the tribe of the 
Jambri, who had killed his brother John (1 Mac 98'-"). 

APPII FORUM.— Ac 28'6 AV; RV 'The Market of 
Appius.' See next article. 

APPIUS, MARKET OF.— A market-town (without 
city rights) on the Appian Way, 10 Roman miles from 
Tres Taberncs (Three Taverns), near the modern railway 
station, Foro Appio. As the Appian Way was the 
main road from Rome to the south and east of the 
Roman Empire, it was traversed by nearly all travellers 
from or to those parts (Ac 28'8). A Souteh. 

APPLE.— That the apple (tappuah) of the OT is the 
fruit known by that name to-day is extremely doubtful. 
It is true that the tree in size and foliage would answer 
to the reference in Ca 88, Jl 112; the fruit too in its 
sweetness (Ca 28) and its smell (Ca ?») is very appropriate. 
It is also suggestive that Heb. tappuah closely resembles 
the Arabic for 'apple,' tuff ah. On the other hand, it 
is a substantial difBculty that the apple does not grow 
well in Palestine proper, as distinguished from the 
Lebanon. The native fruit is small and wanting in 
sweetness; almost all eatable apples are imported from 
the North. In consequence of tliis, several fruits which 
to-day are found in Palestine have been suggested. The 
citron, a favourite with the Jews on account of its smell 
and golden colour, is certainly a more recent introduction 
The apricot, suggested by Tristram, which flourishes in 
parts of Palestine in greater profusion than any other 
fruit, would seem to answer to the references well. It 
IS dehciously sweet, with a pleasant smell, and, when 
npe, of a briUiant golden colour. The tree is one of 
the most beautiful in the land, and when loaded with ' 
Its golden fruit might well suggest the expression ' apples 


of gold in pictures of silver' (Pr 25"). Unfortunately 
there is considerable doubt whether this tree, a native 
of China, was known in Palestine much before the 
Christian era. A fourth fruit has been suggested, 
namely, the quince. This is certainly a native of the 
land, and is common all over Palestine. The fruit, 
when ripe, though smelling pleasantly, is not 'sweet' 
according to our ideas, but even to-day is much appre- 
ciated. It is a great favourite when cooked, and is 
extensively used for making a delicious confection. 
The quince, along with the true apple, was sacred to 
Aphrodite, the goddess of love. 

E. W. G. Mastehman. 

APPLE OF THE EYE (Ut. 'child or daughter of the 
eye,' i.e. that which is most precious [the organ of 
sight], and most carefully guarded [by the projecting 
bone, protecting it as far as possible from injury]). — A 
figure of God's care of His people (Dt 32'", Ps IT*, 
Zee 28), and of the preciousness of the Divine law (Pr T). 
In La 2" it is the source of tears. C. W. Emmet. 

APRON.— See Dress. 

AQITILA AMD PEISOIILA.— The names of a married 
couple first mentioned by St. Paul in 1 Co 16", and by 
St. Luke in Ac 18^. Only in these passages do the names 
occur in this order; in later references the order is 
always 'Priscilla and Aquila' (Ac 18"- ^e^ rq 16', 
2 11 4"). A natural inference from this fact is that 
Priscilla was a more active worker in the Christian 
Church than her husband. In favour of this view is the 
statement of Chrysostom (i. 306 D, 177 A, iii. 176 B, C) 
that it was Priscilla's careful expositions of ' the way of 
God' (Ac 182«) that proved so helpful to Apollos. On 
this testimony Harnack bases his ingenious but doubtful 
theory that Priscilla was the author of the Epistle to 
the Hebrews. From the prominence given in Roman 
inscriptions and legends to the name Prisca (St. Paul) 
or its diminutive Priscilla (St. Luke), Hort concludes 
that she belonged to a distinguished Roman family 
(Rom. and Eph. p. 12 ft.). Aquila was a Jew of Eastern 
origin — 'a man of Pontus by race' (Ac 18^). 

From Rome, Aquila and PrisciUa were driven by the 
edict of Claudius (a.d. 52). As the unrest among the 
Jews, which led to their expulsion, arose ' through the 
instigation of Chrestus,' it is not improbable that Aquila 
and Priscilla were at least sympathizers with Christianity 
before they met St. Paul. On this supposition their 
ready welcome of the Apostle to their home at Corinth 
is most easily explained. Their hospitality had a rich 
reward; both in private and in public they were privi- 
leged to listen to St. Paul's persuasive reasonings (Ads'"). 
Nor was the advantage all on one side; from these 
' fellow- workers in Christ Jesus' (Ro 16') it is probable, 
as Ramsay suggests (Hastings' DB i. p. 482), that the 
Apostle of the Gentiles learnt ' the central importance 
of Rome in the development of the Church. . . . We 
may fairly associate with this friendship the maturing 
of St. Paul's plan for evangelizing Rome and the West, 
which we find already fully arranged a little later (Ac 
19", Ro 15«).' 

At the close of St. Paul's eighteen months' residence 
in Corinth, Aquila and Priscilla accompanied him to 
Ephesus. At their house Christians assembled for 
worship, and, according to an early gloss (DG ai) on 
1 Co 16", the Apostle again lodged with them. At 
Ephesus they remained whilst St. Paul visited Jerusalem ; 
there Apollos, the eloquent Alexandrian, profited greatly 
from their ripe Christian experience, and learnt, from 
one or both of them, the secret of power in ministering 
the gospel of grace (Ac 18^^); there also it is probable 
that they made 'the churches of the Gentiles' their 
debtors by risking their lives in defence of St. Paul. 
The allusion to this courageous deed is in Ro 16', and 
from this passage we learn that Aquila and Priscilla 
sojourned for a while in Borne, where once more their 
hospitable home became a rendezvous for Christians. 


This statement affords no ground for disputing the 
integrity of the Epistle. Their former connexion with 
Rome, their interest in the Church of Christ in the 
imperial city, and their migratory habits, rather furnish 
presumptive evidence in favour of such a visit. From 
these trusted friends St. Paul may have received the 
encouraging tidings which made him 'long to see' his 
fellow-beUevers in Rome (Ro 1"). The last NT ref- 
erence to this devoted pair shows that they returned 
to Ephesus (2 Ti 4"); their fellowship with Timothy 
would, doubtless, tend to his strengthening 'in the 
grace that is in Christ Jesus' (2'). J. G. Taskeb. 

AQUILA'S VERSION.— See Gbeek Vehsions. 

AR. — A city on the Arnon, the border between Moab 
and the Amorites (Nu 21'', Dt 2=), now Wady MBjib. 
It is called Ar Moab (Nu 212«, Is 15'), '/ Moab (Nu 22»), 
and 'the city that is in the valley' (Dt 2'» etc.). It is 
possibly the ruin seen by Burckhardt in the valley below 
the junction of the Lejjnn and the MSjib. 


ARA.— A descendant of Asher (1 Ch 7'*). 

ARAB (Jos 15*2). — A city of Judah in the mountains 
near Dumah. Perhaps the ruin er-Rabiyah near Domeh. 

ARABAH. — The name given by the Hebrews to the 
whole of the great depression from the Sea of Galilee 
to the Gulf of Akabah. (For the part N. of the Dead 
Sea, see Johdan.) The name is now applied only to 
the southern part, extending from a line of white cliffs 
that cross the valley a few miles S. of the Dead Sea. 
The floor of the valley, about 10 miles broad at the N. 
end, gradually rises towards the S., and grows narrower, 
until, at a height of 2000 feet above the Dead Sea, 
nearly opposite Mt. Hor, the width is only about i mile. 
The average width thence to Akabah is about 5 miles. 
The surface is formed of loose gravel, stones, sand, 
with patches of mud. Up to the level of the Red Sea 
everything indicates that we are traversing an old sea- 
bottom. Apart from stunted desert shrub and an 
occasional acacia, the only greenery to be seen is around 
the springs on the edges of the valley, and in the wadys 
which carry the water from the adjoining mountains 
into the Wady el-Jaib, down which it flows to the Dead 
Sea. The great limestone plateau, et- Tlh, the Wilderness 
of Paran, forms the western boundary, and the naked 
crags of Edom the eastern. Israel traversed the 
Arabah when they went to Kadesh-barnea, and again 
when they returned to the south to avoid passing 
through the land of Edom (Nu 20» 21S Dt 2»). 


APABTa, ARABS. — In the present article ws have 
to do not with the part played by the Arabs in history, 
or with the geography of the Arabian peninsula, but 
only with the emergence of the Arab name and people 
in Bible times. 

'Arab (for which we should have expected rather 
'SrSb) is scarcely at first a proper name, but stands 
merely for 'waste,' 'desolation.' So in Is 21" (which 
may really belong to Isaiah himself, but should perhaps 
be ascribed to a later hand): 'Bivouac in the copse 
(made up of thorn-bushes, something like an Italian 
macchia], in the waste, ye caravans of Dedan.' In this 
passage the title massd ba'rab, which in any case is late 
and wanting in the ancient Gr. version, incorrectly takes 
' arab as a proper name [we need not stop to notice the 
false interpretation of this word adopted by the LXX 
here and in other passages]. More commonly the word 
used for 'waste' is the fem. form 'arabah (e.g. Is 
35', Job 246 396 etc.), which, preceded by the art. 
(.hd-'ArdbHh), stands for the deep gorge which, com- 
mencing to the north of the Dead Sea and including the 
latter, stretches to the Red Sea (Dt 2« etc.). Whether 
'araftl in Is IS^" and Jer 3^ means simply an inhabitant 
of the desert, or should be taken as a proper name, is 



uncertain; but at bottom this distinction has no im- 
portance, for the two notions of 'Bedouin' (BadavM, 
which also =' inhabitant of the desert') and 'Arab' 
were pretty much identical in the mind of civilized 
peoples. It may be noted that here the Massoretes 
appear to assume the appellative sense, since they point 
' arabl, whereas for ' Arab ' they use the form more akin 
to Aramaic than Hebrew, 'arM (Neh 2" 6"). The 
plural 'arblm in Neh 21'^ 22' and 2 Ch 26' Qerg, from 
'arM'im (Kethibh of the last passage) may also be justified 
from the standpoint of Hebrew usage. The form in 
2 Ch 17" can hardly be original ; it is due to attraction 
from the following metii'im. 'Arab is certainly a gentilic 
name In we'eih kol malice 'Arab of Jer 26'' [the following 
words we~eth kol malki ha-'ereb, which are wanting in the 
LXX, are of course a pure dittography; for, although 
the Massoretes, for the sake of distinction, point in the 
second instance hd-'ereb, this has no value] and in Ezk 
27^'. In these passages 'Arab can hardly be taken as 
the name of a single clan quite distinct from Dedan and 
the rest. The prophetic authors do not speak with the 
exactness of a prose narrator, and in point of fact were 
perhaps not very well Informed about the various 
branches of the Bedouins, of whose territory the Israelite 
peasant and townsman thought only with a shudder. 
It is possible, indeed, that the rise of the name ' Arab' 
among the Hebrews (c. B.C. 700) is connected with the 
circumstance that the ancient clans of Ishmael, Midian, 
Amalek, etc., had by that time disappeared or at least 
lost all significance. In the desert there goes on a 
constant, if for the most part a slow, interchange in 
the rise and fall of tribes and tribal names. A brave 
tribe may be weakened by famine or defeat ; it may be 
compelled to migrate or to adopt a settled mode of life, 
and thus its name becomes lost among a peasant popu- 
lation; or it may become otherwise broken up and its 
fragments attached to other tribes, so that small clans by 
assimilating foreign elements become great tribes. So it 
was millenniums ago; so it is still. 

The Assyrian sources name the Arabs as early as the 
9th cent. B.C. (see the passages cited by Bezold in his 
Catalogue, vol. v. 1964). King Darius i., in his in- 
scriptions, enumerates ArabSya among the countries 
subject to him. The name always follows Babylonia, 
Assyria (which as a province included Mesopotamia 
proper and also probably N. Syria), and precedes Egypt. 
"We shall have to understand by this name the great 
desert region not only of Syria, but also of Mesopotamia 
as well as the peninsula of Sinai. About this same time 
at the latest the name of the Arabs became known also 
to the Greeks. iBschylus (Persce, 316) names an Arab as 
fighting in the battle of Salamis, and his contemporary, 
from whom Herodotus borrowed his description of the 
host of Xerxes, enumerated Arab archers as forming 
part of the latter (Herod, vii. 69). But while ^schylus 
(Prom. 422) has quite fabulous nations about the dwell- 
ing-places of the Arabs, Herodotus is well acquainted 
with them. His account of the situation of the Arabian 
peninsula is approximately correct, but he has specially 
in view those Arabs who inhabit the region lying between 
Syria and Egypt, i.e. the desert lands with whose in- 
habitants the ancient Israelites had frequeht relations, 
peaceful or warlike. Xenophon appears to use the term 
'Arabia' in essentially the same sense as King Darius. 
He too gives this name to the desert to the east of the 
Euphrates, the desert which separates Babylonia from 
Mesopotamia proper (Anab. vii. viii. 25), — the same 
region which was still called 'Arab by the later Syrians. 
This tract of country, so far as we can learn, has always 
been peopled by Arab tribes. 

In the 5th cent. b.o. we find, in the above-cited 
passages from the Memoirs of Nehemiah, repeated 
mention of an Arabian — Geshem or Gashmu, whose real 
name may have been GushamS — who gave Nehemiah no 
little trouble. About this time, perhaps, the Arab 
tribe of Nabataeans had already pressed their way 


from the south and driven the Edomites from their 
ancient seats. Towards the end of the 4th cent, they 
were firmly estabUshed at least in the ancient Edomite 
capital, Petra; and they gradually extended their 
dominion widely. The First Book of Maccabees clearly 
distinguishes the Nabataeans from other Arabs, whereas 
the Second Book simply calls them ' Arabs' (2 Mac 5"), 
as do also other Greek and Latin writers. The Nabatsean 
kingdom counted, indeed, for so much with Westerns 
that they could regard it as ' the Arabs ' par excellence. 
The Apostle Paul (Gal i^), like profane writers, reckons 
the Sinaitic peninsula, which was part of the Nabataean 
kingdom, as belonging to Arabia. Again, the part of 
Arabia to which he withdrew after his conversion 
(Gal 1") must have been a desert region not far from 
Damascus, which then also was under the sway of the 
king of the Nabataeans. By the ' Arabians' mentioned 
in Ac 2", in connexion with the miracle of Pentecost, the 
author probably meant Jews from the same kingdom, 
which, it is true, had in his time (7) become the Roman 
province of Arabia (a.d. 105), 

We do not know whether the name 'Arab originated 
with the Arabs themselves or was first applied to them 
by outsiders. In any case, it first extended itself 
gradually over the northern regions and the great 
peninsula. Uncivilized and much divided peoples 
recognize their national unity only with difficulty, 
whereas this is more readily perceived by their neigh- 
bours. In the first case a man knows only his own tribe, 
and regards even the neighbouring tribe, which speaks 
the same language, as strange. But the wide wanderings 
of the Arab nomads, due to the nature of their country, 
brought them readily into contact with peoples of 
other language and other customs, and this could 
awaken in them the consciousness of their own nation- 
ality. Perhaps the recognition of Arab unity was 
favoured also by the trading journeys of the civilized 
Arabs of the south and of other parts of Arabia. But 
be that as it may, the ancient Arab epitaph of Namara 
to the S.E. of Damascus, dating from the year a.d. 328, 
concerns Maralqais, 'king of all Arabs.' And from the 
oldest documents of classical Arabic that have come 
down to us it is a sure inference that at that time 
(i.e. in the 6th cent, a.d.) 'Arab had been for an incon- 
ceivably long period known as their national designation. 
But the close connexion between this common name 
and the meaning 'desert' still reveals itself in the 
circumstance that the plural form 'Arab (later more 
freq. 'Urban) stands especially for the Bedouins as 
opposed to Arabs who live in towns, and that after- 
wards in common speech, as had been the case even 
in the Sabsean Inscriptions, 'Arab is often used simply 
for 'Bedouin,' 'inhabitant of the desert.' 

Th. Noldeke. 

ABAD. — 1. A city in the Negeb, the king of which 
provoked Israel (Nu 21') and was slain by Joshua 
(Jos 12"). In its vicinity the Kenites settled (Jg 1"). 
It is probably Tell 'Arad, 16 miles S. of Hebron. 2. A 
Benjamite (1 Ch 8"). W. Ewinq. 

ARADUS (1 Mac 15").— See Akvad. 

ARAH.— 1. In the genealogy of Asher (1 Ch 7"). 
2. His family returned with Zerubbabel (Ezr 2«, Neh 6" 
71", 1 Es 5i»mg.). 

ARAM.— 1. A grandson of Nahor (Gn 22"). 2. An 
Asherite (1 Ch 7"). 3. AV of Mt is, Lk 3^. See Akni, 

ARAM, ARAMfflANS (often in AV and RV ' Syrians '). 
— A number of scattered but kindred tribes 
which made their appearance in the Euphrates valley 
about B.C. 1300 and rapidly pushed westward. Their 
chief habitat stretched from Harran, east of the 
Euphrates, south-westward to the Hauran. The 
north-eastern part of this region was called ' Aram 
of the rivers' (Aram-naharaim, Ps 60, title). The 
Aramaeans are first mentioned by Shalmaneser i. of 



Assyria about B.C. 1300 {WAl iii. 4, No. 1). About 
the same time their name occurs in an inscription of 
Rameses ii. (cf. MQUer, Asien und Europa, 222, 234). 
Tiglath-pileser i. (c. b.c. 1110) mentions Ararateans 
(KIB i. 33) as dwelling east of the Euphrates, and in 
this same region they were later (885-824) conquered 
by Ashurnazirpal and Shalmaneser ii. Many of them 
continued to live in the Euphrates valley, where their 
language spread to such an extent that, in the reign of 
Sennacherib, Aramaic glosses begin to make their 
appearance on Babylonian contracts. In Nippur 
many similar documents from the Persian period have 
been found. They indicate that the use of Aramaic 
was spreading among the common people of Babylonia. 
It probably came into general use here, as the Babylonian 
Talmud is written in it. 

The Aramseans pushed into the West in large num- 
bers shortly after b.c. 1300. In course of time they 
occupied Damascus and a part of the country to the 
south as far as the Hauran, some of them mingling 
with tribes still farther to the south and becoming 
the Ammonites, Moabites, and Israelites. A part of 
the Aramaeans also displaced the Hittites in Hamath. 
Damascus became the leading Arameean State (cf. 
Am 1' and Is 7'), but other independent Aramsean 
kingdoms were Aram-Geshur, and Aiam-Maacah in the 
Hauran to the north of Bashan; Aram-Zobah, farther 
north towards Damascus; and Aram-Rehob, near the 
town of Dan (Nu 132', Jg IS'S), conjecturally identified 
with Banias (Moore, Com. on Judges, 399). 

King David married a daughter of the king of Geshur, 
and she became the mother of Absalom (2 S 3'), who 
afterwards fled thither (13'*). Damascus was con- 
quered by David (8'), who also made Zobab, Rehob, 
and Maacah tributary (ch. 10). Zobah is mentioned 
by Ashurbanipal three centuries later as Subiti. 

After the death of David, Damascus regained its 
independence. In the reigns of Baasha and Asa it 
was an ally now of Israel and now of Judah (1 K 15"). 
During the century from Ahab to Jehoash of Israd, 
Damascus and Israel were frequently at war, and 
Damascus held much of Israel's trans-Jordanic territory. 
After this the Aramaean kingdom became weaker, but 
in the reign of Ahaz it made an attempt on Judah 
(Is 7). It was finally subdued by Tiglath-pileser m. 
of Assyria in b.c. 732. 

The Aramaeans continued to form the basis of 
population in the region from Aleppo to the Euphrates 
and beyond. Early in the Christian era this region 
became Christian, and in that Aramaic dialect called 
Syriac a large Christian literature exists. 

George A. Barton. 

ABAUITESS. — A feminine form which occurs in 
both AV and RV of 1 Ch 7", for the elsewhere frequent 
term Syrian. 


ARAN.— Son of Dishanthe Horite (Gn 36", 1 Ch 1«), 
a descendant of Esau. The name denotes ' a wild goat,' 
and Dishan 'an antelope' or 'gazelle'; while Seir the 
ancestor is 'the he-goat.' 

ARARAT (Gn 8', 2 K 193' [||Isa 37"], Jer 51") is the 
Hebrew form of the Assyrian Urartu, which on the 
monuments from the 9th cent, downwards designates 
a kingdom in the N. of thelater Armenia. Theextension 
of the name naturally varied with the political limits 
of this State; but properly it seems to have denoted a 
small district on the middle Araxes, of which the native 
name Ayraral is thought to be preserved in the Alarodioi 
of Herodotus (iii. 94, vii. 79). Jerome describes it as 'a 
level region of Armenia, through which the Araxes flows, 
of incredible fertility, at the foot of the Taurus range, 
which extends thus far.' The Araxes (or Aras), on its 
way to the Caspian Sea, forms a great elbow to the S. ; 


and at the upper part of this, on the right (or S.W.) bank 
of the river, the lofty snowclad summit of Massis (called 
by the Persians the 'mountain of Noah') rises to a 
height of nearly 17,000 ft. above sea-level. This is the 
traditional landing-place of the ark; and, through a 
misunderstanding of Gn 8< (' in [one of) the mountains 
of Ararat '), the name was transferred from the surround- 
ing district to the two peaks of this mountain. Great 
Ararat and Little Ararat, — the latter about 7 m. distant 
and 4000 ft. lower. 

Whether this is the site contemplated by the writer in 
Genesis (P) is not quite certain. 'The Syrian and Moham- 
medan tradition places itat JebelJudi, a striking mountain 
considerably S. oi Lake Van, commanding a wide view over 
the Atesopotamian plain. It is just possible that this might 
be included among the 'mountains of Ararat' in the wider 
sense of the term. This seems the view of Josephus (Ant. i. 
iii. 5, 6), who is unconscious of any discrepancy between 
' Armenia ' and the ' Kordytean ' mountain of Berosus. His 
statement about relics of the ark being shown in his time 
appeara to be borrowed from Berosiis, and applies to 
wiatever mountain that writer had in mind — possibly Jebel 
Jddt I 'The Targums and Peshitta, however, which are in- 
fiuencedbythis tradition, read XardS (Kurdistan), in verbal 
agreement with Berosus. The cuneiform Flood-legend puts 
it much farther S., at the 'mountain of Nisir,' probably in 
one of the ranges E. of the Tigris and S. of 'the Lesser Zab. 
This, of course, is quite beyond any imaginable extension of 
the name Ararat. Assuming, therefore, tnatthe Biblical and 
Babylonian narratives have a common origin, the landing- 
place of the ark would seem to have been pushed gradually 
northward, the natural tendency of such a tradition being 
to attach itself to the highest mountain known at the time. 
On this principle the ultimate selection of the imposing 
Mount Massis would be almost inevitable; and it is probable 
that this is the view of Gn 8^, although the alternative 
hypothesis that Jebel JOdi is meant has still some claim to 
be considered. The suggestion of Noldeke, that Ararat is a 
late substitution for Kardt^ in the original text of Genesis, 
has nothing to recommend it. J. Skinner. 

ABARTTE (2 S 23^'> RV).— See Habarite, No. 2. 

ABATHES, formerly called Mithridates, was king of 
Cappadocia b.c. 163-130. In b.c. 139 the Romans 
wrote letters to Arathes and certain other eastern 
sovereigns in favour of the Jews (1 Mac 15^). 

ARAUNAH (2 S 24i8; called in 1 Ch 21«, 2 Ch 3" 
Oman). — A Jebusite who owned a threshing-floor on 
Mount Moriah. This spot was indicated by the prophet 
Gad as the place where an altar should be erected to 
J", because the plague, which followed David's number- 
ing of the people, had been stayed. David bought the 
threshing-floor and oxen for SO shekels of silver. The 
price paid is given in 1 Ch 21" as 600 shekels of gold — a 
characteristic deviation from the earlier account. 

ABBA is named 'the father of the Anak' in Jos 14f 
(so read also 21", of. 15"). This means simply that he 
was the founder of the city which bore his name; that 
is Kiriath-arba, later Hebron (wh. see), where was a 
chief seat of the Anakim. J. F. McCuhdy. 

ARBATHITE (2 S 23").— 'Analtiveof Beth-arabah,' 
a town in the wilderness of Judah (Jos 15«- " 182^). 

ARBATTA (AV Arbattis), 1 Mac 5».— A district in 
Palestine. The situation is doubtful. It may be a 
corruption for Akrabattis — the toparchy of Samaria 
near 'Akrabeh E. of Shechem. 

ARBELA. — The discrepancy between 1 Mac 9 and 
Jos. Ant. XII. xi. 1, our only authorities, makes un- 
certain the route of Bacchides in his march on Jerusalem. 
Josephus makes him pitch his camp at Arbela in Galilee: 
1 Mac. brings him 'by the way that leadeth to Gilgal,' 
to 'Mesaloth which is in Arbela.' His course thence 
points to JUfUia as Gilgal, about 5 miles N. of Blr ez- 
Zeit, where the battle was fought with Judas. Uesaloth 
might then be sought in Meselieh, about 3 miles S.E. of 
Dothan. But no name resembling Arbela, either of 
town or district, is found in the neighbourhood; although 
Eusebius ( Onomasticon) seems to have known an Arbela 
not far from Lejjun. On the other hand, Arbela in 



Galilee survives in the modern Irbil or Irbid, a ruin on 
the S. lip of the gorge, Wady Hamam, which breaks 
westward troin Gennesaret. There is, however, no 
trace of a Mesaloth here, unless indeed Robinson's 
ingenious suggestion is right, that it may be the Heb. 
mesUllth, referring to the famous caverned cliffs in the 
gorge, whence Bacchides extirpated the refugees. 


AKBITE.— The LXX (2 S 23=5) apparently reads ' the 
Archite,' cf. Jos 16^ and ' Hushai the Arohite,' 2 S 15'=; 
but a place 'Arab, in the S. of Judah, is mentioned 
Jos 1552. In the parallel passage 1 Ch 11" we find 'the 
son of Ezbai,' a reading which is supported by several 
MSS of the LXX in 2 Sam. I.e., and is probably correct. 

AEB0NAI(Jth2^). — A torrent apparently near Cilicia. 
It cannot be represented by the modern Nahr Ibrahim, 
since the ancient name of that river was the Adonis. 

ARCH. — It is usually stated that the Hebrews were 
unacquainted with the architectural principle of the 
arch, but in view of the extreme antiquity of the arch in 
Babylonian mason work, as e.g. at Nippur, of the dis- 
covery of early arches by recent explorers, and of the 
vaulted roofs of later Jewish tombs, this view is now 
seen to be erroneous, although the arch is not mentioned 
in Scripture. The word 'arch' does, indeed, occur in 
the EV of Ezk 40"''-, but this is a mistake for 'porch,' 
'porches.' See Temple. A. R. S. Kennedy. 

ARCHANGEL.— See Angel. 

ARCHELA0S.— Mt 2». See Herod, No. 2. 

ARCHER. — See Ahmouh, Armt. 

ARCHEVITES.— 'The people of Erech' (wh. see). 
Some of the inhabitants of Erech were deported as 
colonists to Samaria by king Ashurbanipal (668-626). 
Their name is mentioned in Ezr 4= along with dwellers in 
Babylon; and the deportation of Archevites most 
probably indicates that Erech sided with Babylon in 
the revolt of Samas-sum-ukin against the Assyr. king. 

ARCHIPPUS (Philem «, Col 4") was evidently a 
member of the household of Philemon of Colossae, 
probably his son. He shared his spirit, since St. Paul, 
referring doubtless to his aid in missionary operations 
in those parts, styles him ' our fellow-soldier.' He had 
been entrusted with some important office in the 
Church, whether at ColossEe, or, as Lightfoot, in view of 
the preceding context, more probably supposes, at the 
neighbouring town of Laodicea; and, considering the 
spiritual atmosphere of the place (Rev 3"-"), one is not 
surprised that the Apostle should have thought it 
needful to exhort him to zeal in his ministry. 

David Smith. 

ARCHITE. — The native of a town [in Jos 16' read 
'the Archites,' not 'Archi' as in AV] situated on the 
north border of Benjamin, possibly the modern 'Ain 
'Arii:, west of Bethel. Hushai, David's friend (2 8 153'), 
belonged to this town. 

ARCHITECTURE.— The Hebrews never developed 
a native style of architecture. The genius of the people 
lay elsewhere. Alike in civil, religious, and funerary 
architecture, they were content to follow alien models. 
David's palace in his new capital was probably the first 
building since the conquest which gave scope for archi- 
tectural display, and in this case workmen, plans, and 
decorative materials were all Phoenician (2 S 5"). The 
palace and temple of Solomon were likewise the work of 
Phoenician architects, and the former doubtless supplied 
the model for the more ambitious private buildings under 
the monarchy. Late Egyptian influence has been 
traced in the tombs of the Valley of Jehoshaphat, but 
the prevailing Influence from the beginning of the 3rd 
cent, onwards was undoubtedly Greek (cf. 1 Mac 1", 
2 Mac 4''). The many magnificent buildings of Herod, 
for example, including the colonnades and gates of the 
Temple, were entirely built in the prevailing Grseco- 
Roman style. When the excavations at Gezer, — where 


Mr. Macalister claims to have discovered, with much 
else of architectural interest, the palace of Simon 
MaccabsBus (1 Mac 13"), — Taanach, and Megiddo are 
finished and the results published in final form, and still 
more when other historical sites, such as Samaria (cf. 
Am 315, 1 K 2289), ghall have been similarly laid bare, 
it may be possible to write a history of Palestinian, 
including pre-Israelite or Amorite architecture, but that 
day is not yet. See, further. Fortification, Palace, 
Temple, Tomb. a. R. S. Kennedy. 

ARCHIVES.— The 'house of the archives' (Ezr 6' 
RV; AV 'rolls') was a part of the 'treasure house' 
(5") of the Persian kings at Babylon, in which important 
State documents were preserved. 

ARCTURUS.— See Stabs. 

ARD. — Benjamin's son in Gn 46", but his grand- 
son in Nu 26" = 1 Ch 8= (Addar). Patronymic Ardites 
(Nu 26"). 

ARDAT (2 Es QM AV Ardath).— 'A field' in an 
unknown situation. 

ARDITES.— Nu 26". See Ard. 

ARDON.— A son of Caleb (1 Ch 2i8). 

ARELI.— A son of Gad (Gn 46", Nu 26"). Pat- 
ronymic Arelites (Nu 26"). 

AREOPAGUS. — This is a compound name, which 
means ' Hill of Ares,' that is. Hill sacred to (or connected 
with) Ares, the Greek god of war, who corresponded to 
the Latin Mars. The hill referred to is a bare, shapeless 
mass of rock in Athens, about 380 feet high. It is due 
west of the Acropolis, and separated from it only by a 
ridge. From the earliest times known to us this hill was 
associated with murder trials, and a court known as 
the ' Council from the Areopagus ' met on or near it to 
try such cases. In the account in Acts (17"- ^) it is not 
the hill, but the ' Council ' itself that is referred to, the 
name of the hill being often used for the Council which 
met there. In Roman times the Council had power to 
appoint lecturers at Athens, and St. Paul appears before 
them to have his aptitude tested. The proceedings were 
audible to the surrounding crowd. St. Paul's claim 
was rejected, and only one member of the Council, 
Dionysius 'the Areopagite' (.17"), was convinced by 
his teaching. A. Souter. 

ARES (1 Es 51").— 756 of his descendants returned with 
Zerub.: they correspond to the 775 (Ezr 2') or 652 
(Neh 7i») chUdren of Arah. 

ARETAS, — This is the dynastic name (Aram. 
Chareihath) of several kings of the Nabatsean Arabs 
whose capital was Petra (Sela), and whose language 
for purposes of writing and commerce was an Aramaic 
dialect, as is seen from the existing inscriptions. (Cooke, 
N. Semitic Inscr. p. 214 B.). The first of the line is 
mentioned in 2 Mac 5»; the fourth (whose personal 
name was jEneas) in 2 Co ll^s, where his 'ethnarch' 
is said to have ' guarded the city of the Damascenes in 
order to take' St. Paul; but the Apostle escaped. This 
was within three years after his conversion (Gal 1'"-, 
Ac 923ff). There is a difficulty here, for Damascus was 
ordinarily in the Roman province of Syria. Aretas in. 
had held it in B.C. 85; the Roman coins of Damascus 
end a.d. 34 and begin again a.d. 62-3. It has been 
supposed that the Nabatseans held the city during this 
interval. Yet before the death of Tiberius (a.d. 37) 
there could hardly have been any regular occupancy by 
them, as Vitellius, propraetor of Syria, was sent by that 
emperor to punish Aretas iv. for the vengeance that 
the latter had taken on Herod Antipas for divorcing 
his sister in favour of Herodias. It has therefore been 
thought that a.d. 37 is the earliest possible date for St. 
Paul's escape; and this will somewhat modify our 
view of Pauline chronology (see art. Paul the Apostle, 
§ 4). Yet the allusion in 2 Co ll'''- does not necessarily 
imply anything like a permanent tenure of Damascus 




by Aretas' ethnarch. A temporary occupancy may 
well have taken place in Aretas' war against Herod 
Antipas or afterwards; and it would be unsafe to build 
any chronological theory on this passage. The reign 
of Aretas iv. lasted from b.c. 9 to a.d. 40-, inscriptions 
(at el-Hejra) and coins are dated in his 48th year (Cooke, 
I.e.). A. J. Maclean. 

ARGOB. — 1. Argob and Arieh were guards of Peka- 
hiah (2 K 15^), who fell by the hands of Pekah along 
with their master. 2, A district in the kingdom of 
Og, abounding in strong cities and unwalled towns. 
It was subdued by ' Jair son of Manasseh,' and became 
the possession of his tribe (Dt 3»- '\ 1 K 4" etc.). It 
is called 'the Argob' (Dt 3"). This, together with the 
fact that chebel, 'measured area,' always precedes the 
name, seems to indicate a definitely marked district. 
This would apply admirably to the great lava field 
of el-Leja, N.W. of Jebel Hauran. Within this forbidding 
tract the present writer collected the names of 71 ruined 
sites. Had Gesenius rightly translated 'a heap of 
stones,' the identification would be almost certain. But 
the name seems to mean 'arable land' (re!7c6='clod,' 
Job 21'^ 38'*). Argob must therefore be sought else- 
where. The W. slopes of the mountain (now Jebel ed- 
Druze) would always form a clearly defined district. 
They abound in ruins of antiquity; while the rich soil, 
now turned to good account by the Druzes, would 
amply justify the name of Argob. W. Ewing. 

ABIDAI (Est 9'). — The ninth of Haman's sons, put 
to death by the Jews. 

ARIDATHA (Est 9«). — The sixth son of Haman, 
put to death by the Jews. 

ARIEH ('the lion'). — Mentioned with Argob in a 
very obscure passage (2 K 15^). 

ARIEL. — 1. One of Ezra's chief men (Ezr 8i«). 
2. The name of a Moabite (according to EV of 2 S 23", 
1 Ch 11^2) whose two sons were slain by Benaiah. 3. A 
name of uncertain meaning, perhaps = ' God's altar- 
hearth,' given to Jerusalem by Isaiah (29'«). It has 
recently been proposed to read XJri^el ('city of God ') as 
a paronomasia or play of words on Uru-saiim, the earliest 
recorded form of the name 'Jerusalem.' 

A. R. S. Kennedy. 

ARIMATHaiA (Mt 27", Mk 15«, Lk 23", Jn 19=8). 
— A place known only in connexion with Joseph. It 
was probably near Lydda. 

ARIOCH .—1 . The king of EUasar (Gn 14>) . It has been 
suggested by Schrader that Arioch is the transcription 
of Eri-a-ku, the Sumerian writing of the name Rim- 
Sin of the king of Larsa, son of Kudur-Mabug, an Ela- 
mite, who ruled Southern Babylonia till conquered by 
Hammurabi. See Chedorlaomer. 2. The captain of 
the king's guard in the time of Nebuchadrezzar (Dn 
2"). 3. King of the Elym^ans (Jth !«). 

C. H. W. Johns. 

ARISAI (Est 9'). — The eighth son of Haman, put to 
death by the Jews. 

ARISTARCHUS.— The name of one of St. Paul's 
companions in travel. He was ' a Macedonian of Thes- 
salonica' (Ac IQ^' 27'), and a convert from Judaism 
(Col 41"'). From Troas, Aristarchus accompanied St. 
Paul on his departure for Jerusalem at the close of the 
third missionary journey (Ac 20*); he also embarked 
with the Apostle on his voyage to Rome (27^). In 
Col 41" he is called St. Paul's 'fellow-prisoner' (cf. 
Philem 23, where Epaphras, not Aristarchus, is styled 
'my fellow-prisoner in Christ Jesus'). The expression 
probably refers not to a spiritual captivity, but 
either to a short imprisonment arising out of the turmoil 
described in Ac 19^', or to a voluntary sharing of the 
Apostle's captivity by Aristarchus and Epaphras. 

J. G. Tabker. 

ARISTOBTJLTJS.— 1. The name of a son and of a 
grandson of Herod the Great. The grandson lived as 

a private individual at Rome, and was a friend of the 
Emperor Claudius; those greeted by St. Paul in Ro 16"i 
were probably some of his slaves. It he was then dead, 
they might have become members of the Imperial house- 
hold, but would still retain Aristobulus' name. 2. The 
teacher of Ptolemy (2 Mac 1'"). A. J. Maclean. 

ARIUS (1 Mac 12'- ''«).— A king of Sparta, grandson 
and successor of Cleomenes 11. His reign lasted from 
B.C. 309 to B.C. 265, and he was contemporary with 
the high priest Onias i., the successor of Jaddua. 
Friendly letters were interchanged between Arius and 
Onlas (probably about b.c. 300); and Jonathan 
Maccabteus refers to these communications in a letter 
which he sent by his ambassadors to Sparta (c. b.c. 
144), 1 Mac 12"'- "«• AV Darius in v.' is due to 
corrupt text. 

ARK. — This word, from Lat. area, 'a chest,' is the 
rendering of two Hebrew words, of which one {febhah, 
probably a loan-word) is applied both to the basket of 
bulrushes in which the infant Moses was exposed, and 
to the ark built by Noah (see DELnoE). The other 
('orSn, the native word for box or chest, 2 K 12""), is 
used tor a mummy-case or coffin (Gn 50^), and in 
particular for the sacred ark of the Hebrews. 

Ark ot the Covenant. — 1. Names of the ark. — Apart 
from the simple designation 'the ark' found in all 
periods of Heb. literature, the names of the ark, more 
than twenty in number, fall into three groups, which are 
characteristic (a) of the oldest literary sources, viz. 
Samuel and the prophetical narratives of the Hexateuch ; 
(6) of Deuteronomy and the writers influenced by Dt. ; 
and (c) of the Priests' Code and subsequent writings. In 
(o) we find chiefly ' the ark of J", ' doubtless the oldest 
name of all, and 'the ark of God'; in (6) the char- 
acteristic title is 'the ark of the covenant' — alone or 
with the additions 'of J",' 'of God,' etc. — a contraction 
for 'the ark or chest containing the tables of the 
covenant' (Dt g""), and therefore practically 'the ark 
of the Decalogue ' ; in (c) the same conception of the ark 
prevails (see below), but as the Decalogue is by P termed 
'the testimony,' the ark becomes 'the ark of the testi- 
mony.' All other designations are expansions of one or 
other of the above. 

2. History of the ark. — The oldest Pentateuch sources 
(J, E) are now silent as to the origin of the ark, but since 
the author of Dt lO'-^ had one or both of these before 
him, it may be assumed that its construction was there 
also assigned to Moses in obedience to a Divine command . 
It certainly played an important part in the wanderings 
(Nu lO'sff. 14"), and in the conquest of Canaan (Jos 3"^- 
6"), and finally found a resting-place in the temple of 
Shiloh under the care of a priestly family claiming descent 
from Moses (1 S 3=). After its capture by the Philistines 
and subsequent restoration, it remained at Kiriath- 
jearim (1 S 4i-7'). until removed by David, first to 
the house of Obed-edom, and thereafter to a specially 
erected tent in his new capital (2 S e'""). Its final 
home was the inner sanctuary of the Temple of Solomon 
(1 K 8'"). Strangely enough, there is no further 
mention of the ark in the historical books. Whether it 
was among 'the treasures of the house of the Lord' 
carried off by Shishak (c. B.C. 930), or whether it was 
still in its place in the days of Jeremiah (3'") and was 
ultimately destroyed by the soldiers of Nebuchadrezzar 
(587 B.C.), it is impossible to say. There was no ark in 
the Temples of Zerubbabel and Herod. 

3. The significance of the ark. — In attempting a 
solution of this difficult problem, we must, as in the 
foregoing section, leave out of account the late theoretical 
conception of the ark to be found in the Priests' Code 
(see Tabernacle), and confine our attention to the 
oldest sources. In these the ark — a simple chest of 
acacia wood, according to Dt 10' — is associated chiefly 
with the operations of war, in which it is the repre- 
sentative of J", the God of the armies of Israel. Its 



presence on the field of battle is the warrant of victory 
(1 S 4SB-, cf. 2 S 11"). as Its absence is the explanation 
of defeat (Nu 14"). Its issue to and return from battle 
are those of J" Himself (Nu 10»'). So closely, indeed, 
is the ark identified with the personal presence of J" in 
the oldest narratives (see, besides the above, 1 S 6^°, 
2 S 6'"- "), that one is tempted to identify it with that 
mysterious 'presence' of J" which, as a fuller mani- 
festation of the Deity than even the 'angel of J",' was 
Israel's supreme guide in the wilderness wanderings 
(Ex 32M 332 compared with v.'"-, Dt 4*', and Is 63', 
where read ' neither a messenger nor an angel, but his 
presence delivered them'). The ark was thus a substitute 
for that still more complete Presence (EV 'face') which 
no man can see and live. 

Under the prophetic teaching Israel gradually outgrew 
this naive and primitive, not to say fetish-like, concep- 
tion, and in the 7th cent, we first find the ark spoken of as 
the receptacle for the tables of the Decalogue (Dt lO^"). 
Apart from other difficulties attending this tradition, it 
is quite inadequate to explain the extreme reverence and, 
to us, superstitious dread with which the afk is regarded 
in the narratives of Samuel. Hence many modern 
scholars are of opinion that the stone tables of the 
Deuteronomio tradition have taken the place of actual 
fetish stones, a view which it is impossible to reconcile 
with the lofty teaching of the founder of Israel's religion. 
A. R. S. Kennedy. 

ARKITE is used (Gn 10", 1 Ch I'S) tor the people of 
Arka, a town and district of Phcenicia about 12 miles 
north of Tripolis. It was taken by Tlglath-pileser iii. in 
B.C. 738. As the birthplace of the Emperor Alexander 
Severus, it was later called Caesarea Libani. It Is 
probably mentioned, under the form Irkata, in the 
Amarna Letters. J. F. McCukdt. 

ABM. — Part of the insignia of royalty amongst 
Oriental peoples was a bracelet worn on the arm (2 S !">; 
cf. W. R. Smith's reading of 2 K ll'* where, agreeing 
with Wellhausen, he would substitute 'bracelet' for 
'testimony' lOTJC^Sll n.]). The importance attached 
to the functions discharged by this organ are incident- 
ally referred to by Job in his solemn repudiation of con- 
scious wrong-doing ('Let my shoulder fall from the 
shoulder-blade, and mine arm be broken from the bone' 
Sl22). The heart was said to be situated 'between the 
arms,' and, therefore, in the murder of Joram, the 
deadly aim of Jehu resulted in the instantaneous death 
of the former (2 K 9^"). It is interesting to recall here 
the means by which Jeremiah escaped the vengeance of 
his political enemies, especially as the narrative reveals 
the affection inspired by the prophet amongst some of 
the courtiers (Jer 38'^). A note of vividness is intro- 
duced into the narratives telling of St. Paul's method 
of bespeaking attention from a crowd which he was 
anxious to address (Ac 13" 21", cf. 12"). There is in 
the Gospels no more beautiful picture than the two 
presented by St. Mark, in which the tenderness of Jesus 
to little children is emphasized. In each of them is 
pointed out the startling method by which His teaching 
was often enforced objectively on His hearers' attention 
(Mk 9» 10», cf. Lk 228). 

Besides this literal use, there is also an extensive 
employment of the word in a metaphorical or a spiritual 
sense. Sometimes we find it used to denote the strength 
of the ungodly and their power to commit acts of cruel 
tyranny on God's people (cf . Ps 10", Job 38", Ezk 302"- ; 
cf. 'arm of flesh,' 2 Ch 32', Jer 17'). Sometimes the 
word expresses the might of God's ceaseless activity 
either on behalf of His chosen (Dt 33", Ps 44', Is 33^ 
63'2, Ac 13"), or in breaking the power of His enemies 
(Ex 6«, Dt 5", Ezk 21' 322'), or again in upholding the 
movements and harmony of His creation, ruling in 
justice with unswerving sternness (Ezk 202>'-, Job 40', 
Is 40'» 515, Jer 27' 32"). The doom pronounced on 
the house of Eli contains this word to express the 



removal of that latent vitality which shows itself 
in prolonged hereditary strength and activity (1 S 2'K 
cf. Zee 11"). 

The cognate verb is also used not only literally, to 
furnish arms for the purposes of war (Gn 14", Nu 31'- '), 
but also in a spiritual sense, to procure and make use of 
those graces and helps which are meant as weapons, 
offensive and defensive, of the soul against sin (1 P 4', 
cf. Eph 6"). J. R. Willis. 

ARMAGEDDON.— See Har-Magedon. 
ARMENIA.— See Ararat. 
ARMLET.— See Ornaments, § 4. 
ARMONI.— Son of Saul by Rizpah (2 S 218). 

ARMOUR, ARMS.— The soldier's arms, offensive 
and defensive, are never so termed in our EV ; ' armour,' 
'whole armour' (Eph 6" [Gr. panopUa], the 'harness' 
of 2 Mac 15^8^ j{,v 'full armour'), and more frequently 
'weapons of war' are the terms employed. In RV 
' harness ' in this sense has in most cases given place 
to 'armour.' 

1. Offensive arms. — In a familiar representation from 
an Egyptian tomb of date c. B.C. 1895, a band of Semitic 
nomads are depicted with the primitive arms of their 
race— the short spear, the bow, and the throw-stick — 
the last perhaps the handstaves of Ezk 39«. In OT 
the principal arms of attack are the sword, the spear, 
the javelin, the bow, and the sling, (a) The spear 
cltaims precedence as an oWer weapon than the sword. 
The normal Hebrew form, the chanith, had a stout 
wooden shaft with a flint, bronze, or iron (1 S 13") 
head, according to the period. Like the spear of the 
modern Bedouin sheikh, it figures as a symbol of leader- 
ship in the case of Saul (1 S 22= 26', cf. 18i»ff- RV). 
The rBmach appears to have been a lighter form of 
spear, a lance, and to have largely supplanted the 
heavier spear or pike in later times (Neh 4i8- ", Jl 310). 
Both are rendered 'spear' in EV. (6) The Hdonvi&s 
shorter and lighter than either of the above, and was 
used as a missile, and may be rendered javelin (Jos 
818. 26 E.V, Job 4128 RV 'the rushing of the javelin') 
or dart. The latter term is used as the rendering of 
several missile weapons, of which the precise nature is 

(c) The sword had a comparatively short, straight 
blade of iron (1 S 1321, Is 2*), and was occasionally two- 
edged (Ps 1498, He i"). Ehud's weapon, only 18 inches 
long, was rather a dagger (Jg 3>8 AV, RV 'sword'). 
The sword was worn on the left side in a leather or 
metal sheath (1 S 17"), attached to a waist-belt or 
girdle (1 S 17" 2518, 2 S 208 rv). It occurs frequently 
in symbol and metaphor in both OT and NT. It is 
appropriately the symbol of war, as the plough-share 
is of peace (Is 2<, Mic 4', Jl 3'8). In NT the word of 
God is described as a two-edged sword (He 412), and 
by St. Paul as the 'sword of the Spirit' (Eph 6"). 

(d) The bow is common to civil (Gn 2120) and military 
life, and vies in antiquity with the spear. It was made 
of tough, elastic wood, sometimes mounted with bronze 
(Ps 188' RV, Job 20M). Horn also was used for bows 
in ancient times, and those with the double curve seem 
to have been modelled on the horns of oxen. The bow- 
string was usually of px-gut, the arrows of reed or light 
wood tipped with fiint, bronze, or iron. The battle 
bows (Zee 918 10<), at least, must have been of con- 
siderable size — the Egyptian bow measured about 
5 ft. — since they were strung by pressing the foot on the 
lower end, while the upper end was bent down to receive 
the string into a notch. Hence the Heb. expressions 
'to tread (= string) the bow,' and ' bow-treaders ' for 
archers (Jer 50"- 2»). The arrows, 'the sons of the 
quiver' (La S", RV shafts), were carried in the quiver, 
which was either placed on the back or slung on the 
left side by a belt over the right shoulder. 

(c) The sling was the shepherd's defence against wild 


beasts (1 S 17*°), as well as a military weapon (2 K 3" 
and often). The Hebrew sling, lilce those of the Egyptians 
and Assyrians, doubtless consisted of a long narrow 
strip of leather, widening in the middle to receive the 
stone, and tapering to both ends. At one end was a 
loop by which the sUng was held as the slinger swung 
it round his head, while the other end was released as 
the stone was thrown. The Benjamites were specially 
noted for the accuracy of their aim (Jg 20"). 

(t) The battle axe (Jer SI", RVm maul; cf. Pr 25"), 
lit. 'shatterer' (no doubt identical with the 'weapon 
of his shattering,' Ezk 9^ [RVm 'battle axe'l), was 
probably, as the etymology suggests, a club or mace 
of hard wood, studded with iron spikes, such as was 
carried by the Assyrians in the army of Xerxes (Herod, 
vii. 63). See Rich, Diet, of Ant., s.v. 'Clava.' 

2. Defensive arms. — (a) First among the arms of 
defence must be placed the shield, of which two main 
varieties are common to all periods, the small shield 
or buckler (magen), and the large shield (.sinnah), the 
target of 1 K lO'si'-. The distinction between these 
is rarely preserved in our EV (.e.g. Jer 4T — in Ps 35^, 
Ezk 23''* they are reversed), but the relative sizes of the 
two kinds may be seen in the passage of 1 Kings just 
cited, where the targets or large shields each required 
four times as much gold as the smaller buckler. 'These, 
however, were only for state processions and the like 
(14=«, but cf. 1 Mac 6"). The mOgen was the ordinary 
Ught round shield of the ancient world, ^he Roman 
clypeus] the zinnah was the scutum or kirge ODlong 
shield which more effectively protected Its bearer 
against the risks of battle. The normal type of both 
was most probably made of layers of leather stretched 
on a frame of wood or wickerwork, since 'both the 
shields and the bucklers' might be burned (Ezk 39'). 
The shield, as a figure of God's protecting care, is a 
favourite with the reUgious poets of Israel (Psalms, 
passim). St. Paul also in His great military allegory 
introduces the large Grieco-Roman shield (Eph 6"). 

(6) Of the shapes of the Hebrew helmets we have no 
information. Kings and other notables wore helmets 
of bronze (1 S 17'- "), but those prepared by Uzziah 
for 'air the host' (2 Ch 26» RV) were more probably 
of leather, such as the monuments show to have been 
worn by the rank and file of other armies until supplanted 
in the Greek age by bronze, for the elite of the infantry 
at least (1 Mac 6»). 

(c) The same difference of material — ^bronze for the 
leaders, leather for the common soldier — holds good for 
the cuirass or coat of mail (1 S 17'"- »'). The latter 
term takes the place in RV of the antiquated habergeon 
(2 Ch 26", Neh 4"), and brigandine (Jer 46* Sl»). The 
cuirass, which protected both back and front, is also 
intended by the breastplate of Is 59" (RVm 'coat of 
mail'), 1 Mac 3", 1 Th 5», Eph 6". Goliath's coat of 
mail was composed of scales of bronze, and probably 
resembled the Egyptian style of cuirass described and 
illustrated by Wilkinson (.Anc. Egyp. [1878] i. 219 ff.). 
This detail is not given for Saul's cuirass (1 S 17'«). 
Ahab's 'harness' consisted of a cuirass which ended 
in 'tassels' or flaps, the 'lower armour' of 1 K 22" 
RVm. The Syrian war-elephants were protected by 
breastplates (1 Mac 6*^), and probably also the horses 
of the Egyptian cavalry (Jer 46*). 

(d) Greaves of bronze to protect the legs are mentioned 
only in connexion with Goliath (1 S 17'). The military 
boot is perhaps referred to in Is 9' (RVm). 

The armourbearer is met with as early as the time of 
Abimelech ( Jg 9** ) , and later in cormexion with Jonathan, 
Saul, and Goliath, and with Joab, who had several 
(2 S 18"). TMs office was held by a young man, like 
the squire of medieeval knighthood, who carried the 
shield (1 S 17'), cuirass, the reserve of darts (2 S 18"), 
and other weapons of his chief, and gave the coup de 
grace to those whom the latter had struck down 
(1 S 14"). 


An armoury for the storage of material of war is 
mentioned by Nehemiah (3"), but that this was built 
by David can scarcely be inferred from the difficult 
text of Ca 4*. Solomon's armoury was 'the house of 
the forest of Lebanon' (1 K 10", Is 22«). The Temple 
also seems to have been used for this purpose (2 K 11'°). 
See further the articles Aemy, Fortification and 



ABUT. — 1. In default of a strong central authority; 
an army in the sense of a permanently organized and 
disciplined body of troops was an impossibility among 
the Hebrews before the establishment of the monarchy. 
The bands that followed a Gideon or a Jephthah were 
hastily improvised levies from his own and neighbour- 
ing clans, whose members returned with their share of 
the spoil to their ordinary occupations when the fray 
was at an end. The first step towards a more permanent 
arrangement was taken by Saul in his operations 
against the Philistines (1 S 13^, cf. 14'^). David, 
however, was the first to establish the nucleus of a 
standing army, by retaining as a permanent bodyguard 
600 'mighty men' (their official title) who had gathered 
round him in his exUe (1 S 23" 30», 2 S 10' 16°). To 
these were added the mercenary corps of the Cherethites 
and Pelethites (wh. see), and a company of 600 Gittites 
(2 S 15'°). Apart from these, David's armies were 
raised by levy as before, but now from the whole 
nation, hence the technical use of 'the people' in the 
sense of 'the army' (2 S 20" and often). Solomon's 
organization of his kingdom into administrative dis- 
tricts (1 K 4"') doubtless included matters of army 
administration (cf. v.^s 9'° 10»). 

2. The organization of the Hebrew army was by units 
of thousands, originally associated with the civil di- 
visions of the same name, with subdivisions of hundreds, 
fifties, and tens (1 S S'^ 17" 22', 2 K 1°*- 11*), an arrange- 
ment which continued into the Maccabsean period 
(1 Mac 3"). Each of these divisions had its special 
'captain.' The whole was under the supreme com- 
mand of the 'captain of the host.' The relative 
positions and duties of the shOterlm (AV 'officers') 
and other military officials are quite uncertain. The 
former appear to have been charged with keeping and 
checking the lists of the quotas to be furnished by the 
various districts (Dt 20'''-). 

3. The army wa;S composed in early times entirely, 
and at all times chiefiy, of infantry, the bulk of whom 
were armed with the spear or pike and the large shield 
or target (see Armour). The archers carried a sword 
and buckler (1 Ch 5'°), and with the slingers (2 Ch 26") 
made up the .light Infantry. Chariots, although long 
before a vital part of the forces of the surrounding 
nations, were first introduced into the Hebrew army 
by Solomon (1 K 4» 9^ lO""-; see Chariot, Horse). 

4. The period during which a citizen was liable for 
military service extended from his twentieth (Nu 1', 
2 Ch 25°) to his fiftieth year (Jos. Ant. ni. xii. 4). Ex- 
emption was granted in the cases specified in Dt 20'^-, 
at least under the Maccabees (1 Mac 3°°), and to the 
members of the priestly caste (Nu 2"). 

6. As regards maintenance, each city and district 
had doubtless to supply its own quota with provisions, 
in so far as these were not drawn from the enemy's 
country. The soldier's recompense consisted In his 
share of the loot, the division of which was regulated 
by the precedent of 1 S 30^. The first mention 
of regular pay is in connexion with the army of 
Simon Maccabseus (1 Mac 14»). Foreign mercenaries 
figure largely in the armies of the later Maccabeean 
princes and of Herod. No reference has been made 
to the numbers of the Hebrew armies, since these 
have in so many cases been greatly corrupted in 

For methods of mobilization, tactics, etc., see War, 



also Fortification and Siegecbaft; and for the 
Koman army in NT times see Legion. 

A. R. S. Kennedy. 

ARNA. — One of tlie ancestors of Ezra (2 Es l^), 
corresponding apparently to Zerahiah of Ezr 7* and 
Zaraias of 1 Es S". 

ARNAN.— A descendant of David (1 Ch 3M). 

ARNI (AV Aram).— An ancestor of Jesus (Lk 33=), 
called in Mt l^- ' Ram (RV). Cf. Ru 4", 1 Ch 23- ". 

ARNON. — A valley with a stream in its bed, now 
called Wadv d-Mojib, which gathers the waters from 
many tributary vales — the 'wadys' (AV 'brooks,' 
RV 'valleys'! of Arnon (Nu 21") — as it flows westward 
to the Dead Sea. It was the N. border of Moab. cutting 
it off from the land of the Amorites in old time (Nu21i3 
etc.), and later, from that of the Eastern tribes (Oos 
121 etc.). It is named in Is 16^ ('the fords of Arnon') 
and Jer 482" (where the reference may be to the in- 
habitants of the valley, or to a city of that name now 
unknown). Mesha made the 'high way in Arnon,' 
and built (possibly 'fortified') Aroer (Moabite Stone). 
This ' high way ' probably followed the line of the Roman 
road, traces of which still remain, with indications of a 
bridge, some distance W. of Aroer — the modern 'Ar'air, 
or 'Ar'ar, which stands on the N. bank. W. Ewing. 

AROD.— A son of Gad (Nu 26i')=Arodi Gn 46i«. 
Patronymic Arodites (Nu 26"). 

AROER. — Three distinct places. 1. 'Aroer which 
is by the brink of the river Arnon' (Dt 2'=) is probably 
the ruin 'Ara'ir, on the north~bank of the Wady Mojib 
(Arnon). In such a position it necessarily became a 
frontier town, and as such is mentioned (cf. Dt 2^, 2 K 
103' etc.). It was captured by Sihon, king of the 
Amorites (Dt 2^ 4", Jos 12! and 13», Jg W); when 
conquered by.Israel it was assigned to Reuben (Dt S'^) ; 
it was taken by Hazael, king of Syria (2 K 10=^), and 
apparently later on by Moab (Jer 48"). 2. A city of 
Judah (1 S 3C), perhaps the ruin ' Ar'ara, 12 miles 
east of Beersheba. 3. A city of Gad near Rabbah, i.e. 
'Amman (Jos 13^=, Jg ll'»). The site is unknown. 

E. W. G. Masterman. 

AROM (1 Es 5'*). — His descendants are mentioned 
among those who returned with Zerubbabel. The 
name has no parallel in the lists of Ezr. and Neh., unless 
it represents Hashum in Ezr 2". 

ARFAGHSHAD was, according to Gn 10*!, the third 
son of Shem, and, according to ll^", he was the second 
in the line of descent from Shem to Abraham. Gn W^ 
is an enumeration of peoples (or countries) descended 
from Shem , from which Babylonia or Chaidsea is absent 
in the present text. The latter portion of the word 
furnishes Chesed (cf. Gn 22''!), which is the singular 
form of Chasdim (Chaldees). Probably two words in 
the original of lO^^ were combined into one, the latter 
being Chesed and the former Arpach, which is a region 
south-west of Assyria, possibly the same as the Arra- 
pachitis of Ptolemy. The mistaken reading in Iff'! was 
then taken as the basis of ll'""-. J. F. McCurdy. 

ARPAD .— A city of Syria north-west of Aleppo (2 K 18^ 
1915, Is 109 36U 3713, Jer 4928). Now the ruin TeU Erfud. 

ARPHAXAD.— 1. A king of the Medes (Jth l'*). 
He reigned at Ecbatana, which he strongljf fortified. 
Nebuchadrezzar, king of Assyria, made war upon him, 
defeated him, and put him to death. 2. The spelling 
of Arpachshad in AV, and at Lk 3" by RV also. See 

ARROW. — See Armottb, and Magic Divination, etc. 

ARROWSNAKE (Is 34i5 RV).— See Owl, Serpent. 

ARSACES. — A king of Parthia (known also as Mith- 
ridates i.). When opposed by Demetrius Nikator, who 
thought the people would rise in his favour and after- 
wards assist him against Tryphon, he deceived Deme- 
trius by a pretence of negotiations, and in b.c. iSs took 



him prisoner (1 Mac 14i-s; Justin, xxxvi. 1). In 1 Mao 
1522 Arsaces is mentioned among the kings to whom 
was sent an edict (Jos. Ant. xiv. viii. 5) from Rome 
forbidding the persecution of the Jews. 

ARSIPHTTRITH (AV Azephurith), 1 Es 5".— 112 of 
his sons returned with Zerubbabel. The corresponding 
name in Ezr 2i8 is Jorah; and in Neh 7^ Hariph. 

ART. — Among the Hebrews the fine arts, with the 
possible exception of music, were not seriously culti- 
vated (cf. Architecture). The law of Ex 20< con- 
stituted an effective bar to the development of the 
plastic art in particular. As to the nature and work- 
manship of the early ephods (Jg 8^ 17') and teraphim 
(Gn 31", Jg 17>, 1 S 19" RV), as of the 'graven images' 
and the later ' molten images,' we can only speculate. 
Sculpture in wood, but of Phoenician workmanship, both 
in relief (1 Km- ") and in the round (v.^"), found a 
place in the 'Temple of Solomon. The only specimens 
yet discovered of 'genuine Israelite' sculpture (accord- 
ing to the discoverer. Professor Sellin) are the beardless 
human heads (cherubim ?), foreparts of lions and other 
motifs that adorn the unique altar of incense from 
Taanach (illust. PEFSt, 1904, 390). 

Of painting there is no trace in OT. The coloured 
representations which Ezekiel saw with abhorrence on 
the Temple walls were not true paintings, but, as the 
original implies, figures chiselled in outline, with the 
contours filled in with vermilion (Ezk 23"'-, cf. 8'°). 
The* decorative work on pure Hebrew pottery was 
practically confined to geometrical designs. Of the 
minor arts, gem-engraving must have attained con- 
siderable development (Ex 28"). The finest product 
of modern excavation in Palestine in the domain of 
art is probably the Hebrew seal with the lion marchant 
found at Megiddo (see Seals). Mention may also be 
made of the filigree and other gold work implied in 
such passages as Ex 28"'-. The products of the Hebrew • 
looms must also have shown considerable artistic merit 
(Ex 261). gee, further, Jewels, Music, Seals, Temple, 
Spinning and Weaving. A. R. S. Kennedy. 

ARTAXERXES is the Greek form of the Old Persian 
Artakhshatra, the Hebrew being ArtachshasUS). The 
Artaxerxes of the Bible is Artax. Longimanus (b.c. 465- 
424),sonof Xerxes (Bibl. Ahasuerus). ByhimEzrawas 
permitted to go to Jerusalem from Babylon and restore 
the affairs of the Jewish community (Ezr 7iff- S'). 
He also favoured the similar mission of his cup-bearer 
Nehemiah thirteen years later (Neh 2' 5" 136). The 
events narrated in Ezr 4'ff- and said to have occurred 
in the time of Artaxerxes must have taken place during 
an earlier reign, probably that of Cambyses, unless, 
indeed, they are to be regarded as unhlstorical. His 
regime was more important for Israel than that of any 
other king of Persia except Cyrus the Liberator. 


AiRTEMAS.— A trusted companion of St. Paul, in the 
later part of his life (Tit 3>2). There is no evidence for 
the statements of Dorotheus (^Bibl. Maxima, Lugd.1677, 
iii. p. 429) that he had been one of the 70 disciples, and 
was afterwards bishop of Lystra. 

ARTEMIS.— Ac 1924- " RVra. See Diana. 

ARTIFICER.— See Arts and Crafts. 

ARTILLERY.— 1 S 20" AV (in obsol. sense, of 
Jonathan's Bow and arrows; RV 'weapons'); 1 Mac 
6"'- (see Fortification, § 7). 

ARTS AND CRAFTS.— One of the most characteristic 
distinctions between the Hebraic and the Hellenic 
views of Ufe is found in the attitude of the two races 
to manual labour. By the Greek it was regarded as 
unworthy of a free citizen; by the Jew it was held in 
the highest esteem, as many Talmudic aphorisms bear 
witness. The general term in OT for craftsman (2 K 24", 
Jer 241 RV), artificer (1 Ch 29'), or skilled artizan is 
charash, from a root meaning "to cut.' Most Irequently, 


however, it Is qualified by tlie name of the material. 
This suggests the following divisions. [In RV 'craft' 
has been displaced by the more modern 'trade']. 

1 . Workers in wood. — The productions of the ' worker 
in timber' (1 Ch 22"), elsewhere in OT carpenter 
(also Mt 13", Mk 6^), probably surpassed in variety 
those of any other craftsman, for they comprised not 
only those of the modern carpenter and cabinetmaker, 
but also of the ploughwrlght, woodcarver, and other 
specialized arts and crafts of to-day. His tools cannot 
have differed much from the tools of his Egyptian 
contemporaries described and illustrated by Wilkinson 
(Anc. Egyp., see Index). Various axes are named in OT. 
For one variety the text distinguishes between the 
iron head and the wooden helve (Dt 19'). Another 
is from the context probably an adze (Jer 10*), while a 
third appears as a hatchet in Ps 74» RV. The carpenter's 
hammer (Jer 10') was rather a wooden mallet (cf Jg 4^1) ; 
his saw (Is 10«), to judge from analogy and from the 
excavations, was single-handed, and of bronze in the 
earlier period at least. Holes were bored with a drill 
worked as in the present day by a bow and string. In 
Is 441' are further named the measuring line (AV 
'rule'), the sharp metal pencil (AV 'line') oi stylus 
for outlining the work, the planes, which were more 
probably chisels, and the compasses (RV). 

2. Workers in metal. — The principal metals of OT 
times are enumerated in Nu 31^. The 'brass' of OT, 
however, is probably always bronze, i.e. copper with an 
alloy of tin, except where pure copper is intended, as 
Dt 8'. The excavations have shown that iron makes 
its appearance in Palestine about the beginning of the 
monarchy (c. b.c. 1000), although bronze continued in 
use for several centuries, and was ' not fully conquered 
tillthe period of the captivity' (PEFSt, 1904, 122). The 
coppersmith (2 Ti 4"), 'artificer in brass' (Gn i^ AV), 
'worker in brass' (1 K 7"), as he is variously termed, 
was thus the chief metal worker of the earlier period. 
For the more artistic handling of copper the Hebrews 
were at first dependent on PhcEnician craftsmen (1 K 
7"''). Later, as we have seen, the ironsmith (1 S 13"), 
or 'worker in iron' (2 Ch 24'^), supplanted the copper- 
smith. The tools of both were the hammer (Is 4412) 
and the anvil (Is 41', Sir 38'')— the latter probably 
then as now ' a boot-shaped piece of metal inserted in a 
section of an oak or walnut log' — the tongs (Is 44'^) 
and the bellows (Jer 6'"). For the goldsmith and the 
silversmith see Mining and Metals, s.w. 'Gold' and 
'Silver.' The smiths carried away by Nebuchadnezzar 
(2 K 24", Jer 24') were probably those specially skilled 
in the manufacture of weapons of war. 

3. Workers in stone. — From the far-off palaeolithic days 
man has been a 'worker in stone,' a term confined in 
OT to those who cut and dressed stone for building 
purposes (1 Ch 22"). The more usual rendering is 
masons (2 S 5", 1 Ch 14i). References are given to 
various processes, such as the ' hewing out '(IKS" RV) 
of the stones in the quarry (6' RV), the 'hewing' of 
wine-vats (Is 5^ RV) and tombs (22") in the solid rock, 
the cutting and dressing of 'hewn stones' for various 
constructions (Ex 202=, 1 K 5", 2 K 2", Am 5"). The 
stone-squarers of 1 K 5" ( AV) were rather men from the 
Phoenician city of Gebal (RV 'Gebalites'), experts in 
this branch of industry. The builders (Ps 118«) worked 
from a prepared plan or model (Ex 25', 1 Ch 28", 
EV pattern), using the measumig-reed (Ezk 40') and 
the plumbline (Am 7') or plummet (2 K 21", Zee 4"). 
The large hammer used in quarrying ( Jer 23'' ) is different 
from the smaller hammer of the stone-cutter (1 K 6'). 
The axe of the last passage is rather the pick for stone- 
dressing, and was the tool used in cutting in the Siloam 
tunnel as the workmen tell us in their famous inscription. 
For the ' engraver in stone ' of Ex 28" see Seals. 

4. Workers in clay. — Clay, not stone, was the ordinary 
building material among the Hebrews (see House). 
Brickmaking, however, was too simple an operation to 



attain the dignity of a special craft in OT times, as was 
also ' plaisteriug ' with clay (Lv li") or lime (Dn 5', 
cf. Mt 23" and Ac 23' 'whited wall'). It was other- 
wise with the potter and his work, perhaps the oldest 
of all crafts, for which see Pottehy. 

5. Workers in leather. — First among these is the 
tanner (Ac 9"), who prepared the leather from the skins 
of domestic and other animals, including the marine 
dugong (Ex 25', RV 'seal,' AV 'badger'). The hair 
was removed by means of lime, or the acrid juices of 
plants, applied to the skins after they had been soaked 
for some time in water. Owing to their uncleanly accom- 
paniments, the tanner and his trade were regarded by 
the Jews with much disfavour. Like the fuller, he was 
forbidden to carry on his work within the city, which 
explains the situation of Simon's tannery ' by the sea 
side (Ac IC). In early times the tanner not only 
supplied the material but probably actually manu- 
factured the leather shields and helmets required by 
soldiers, while the making of shoes, girdles, and other 
articles of leather (Lv 13"), and the preparation of skins 
for water, wine, and milk (see Bottle) were long matters 
of purely domestic economy. 

6. Trades connected with dress. — The closing words of 
the preceding paragraph apply equally to the making 
of the ordinary dress of the Hebrews (cf. 1 S 2"). The 
tailor first appears in the Mishna. Certain of the process- 
es, however, gradually developed into separate crafts, 
such as that of the weaver (Ex 35", 1 S 17'; see Spin- 
ning AND Weaving), the embroiderer (Ex I.e.), whose 
designs were sewed upon the finished fabric, the dyer 
and the fuller. From the Mishna it is evident that in 
NT times the dyers were a numerous body in Jerusalem. 
The wool was usually dyed before or after being spun 
(Ex 3525). Both animal and vegetable dyes were 
employed (see Coloubs). The work of the fuller (Is 7', 
Mai 32, Mk 9') was of two kinds, according as he dealt 
with the web fresh from the loom, or with soiled 
garments that had already been worn. The latter he 
cleaned by steeping and treading in water mixed with 
an alkaline substance (rendered soap in Mai 3') and 
fuller's earth. The new web — the 'undressed cloth' 
of Mt 9", Mk 2'i RV— on the other hand, after being 
thoroughly steeped in a similar mixture, was stamped 
and felted, then bleached with fumes of sulphur, and 
finally pressed in the fuller's press. FulUng, like tanning, 
was carried on outside the towns, but the precise situation 
of the 'fuller's field' of Isaiah's day (Is 7') is still un- 
certain. Here may be mentioned the barber (Ezk 5") 
and the perfumer (AV 'apothecary,' 'confectionary'), 
for whom see Hair and Peefumbe respectively. 

7. EmploymentsconnectediirUhtood. — Cooks, asaspecial 
class, were to be found only in the houses of the wealthy 
(see Food). The Hebrew name shows that they killed 
as well as cooked the animals. The shambles of 1 Co 10'', 
however, are not, as in modern English, the slaughter- 
house, but the provision-market of Corinth, where meat 
and other provisions were sold. The bakers were 
numerous enough to give their name to a street of the 
capital in Jeremiah's day (Jer 37"); for their work see 
Bread. PubUc mills employing millers appear late, 
but are implied in the rendering 'great millstone' of 
Mt 18' RV (cf. marg. and see Mill). The well-known 
Tyropceonor Cheesemakers' valley in Jerusalem received 
its name from the industry carried on there (Jos BJ 
v. iv. 1). 

8. Employments connected with the land. — Most of 
these are noticed in other connexions; see Agricul- 
TUEE, Sheep, Vine, etc. The prophet Amos describes 
himself as 'a dresser of sycomore trees' (Am 7" RV), 
for which see Amos, ad init. 

9. Miscellaneous employments. — If to the above there 
be added the tentmaker, representing the craft (RV 
' trade') of St. Paul and his friends Aquila and Prisoilla 
(Ac 18', see Tent), and the fisherman (see Nets), no 
trade or manual employment of importance will, it is 


hoped, have been overlooked. Most of the remaining 
employments will be found under their own (e.g. Re- 
corder, Scribe) or kindred titles, as 'merchant' under 
Trade, 'physician' under Medicine, etc. 

10. Two general characteristics. — This article may 
fitly close with a brief reference to two characteristics 
of all the more important handicrafts and employments. 
The first is still a feature of Eastern cities, namely, the 
grouping of the members of the same craft in one street 
or quarter of the city, to which they gave their name. 
Thus we find in Jerusalem, as has been noted, 'the 
bakers' street,' 'the fullers' field,' and 'the cheese- 
makers' valley,' to which should perhaps be added ' the 
valley of craftsmen' CNeh W^). Josephus mentions 
a smiths' bazaar, a wool-market, and a clothes-market 
In the Jerusalem of his day (BJ v. viii. 1). 

The second point to be noted is the evidence that 
the members of the various crafts had already formed 
themselves into associations or guilds. Thus we read 
in Nehemiah of a ' son of the apothecaries,' i.e. a member 
of the guild of perfumers (3"), and of 'a son of the gold- 
smiths' (3"). Cf. Ezr 2" 'the sons of the porters' and 
the familiar ' sons of the prophets.' In 1 Ch 4siff • there 
is mention of similar associations of linenweavers and 
potters, for which see Macalister, 'The Craftsmen's 
Guild,' etc. PEFSt, 1905, 243 ff. • The expression ' sons 
of to denote membership of an association goes back 
to the days when trades were hereditary in particular 
families. A guild of silversmiths is attested for 
Ephesus (Ac 19^). For the probable earnings of 
artizans among the Jews see Wages. 

A. R. S. Kennedy. 

ARUBBOTH. — An unknown district, probably in 
S.W. Palestine (1 K 4'"). 

ABtnSAH. — The place of refuge of Abimelech (Jg 9"), 
perhaps el-'Ormeh, 6 miles S.E. of NaUus (Shechem). 
E. W. G. Masterman. 

ARVAD (modern (RuwSd) was the most important 
of the northerly cities of Phoenicia. It was built on 
an island 70 miles north of Beyrout — a sort of second 
Tyre, with another town on the mainland opposite. 
In Ezk 27'- " it is named as furnishing oarsmen for 
the galleys of Tyre and warriors for its defence. In the 
ethnological list of Gn 10" (1 Ch l'«) it is mentioned 
among the chief settlements of the Canaanites or 
Phoenicians. Throughout antiquity it was a place of 
renown for trade and general enterprise, ranking next 
to Tyre and Sidon. It is the Aradus of 1 Mac 12". 

J. F. McCurdy. 

ABZA. — Prefect of the palace at Tirzah, in whose 
house King Elah was assassinated by Zimri at a carouse 
(1 K 16»). 

ARZAEETH (2 Es 13«).— A region beyond the river 
from which the ten tribes are to return. It became the 
subject of many later Jewish legends concerning the 
Sabbatic River beyond which the lost tribes were to be 
found — variously identified with the Oxus and the 

ASA . — 1 . The third king of Judah after the disruption, 
succeeding Abijah. Since his mother's name is given 
as the same with that of Abijah's mother, some have 
supposed the two kings to have been brothers. But 
there may be some mistake in the text. Asa is praised 
by the Biblical writer for his reUgious zeal, which led 
him to reform the worship, and even to depose his 
mother from her place of influence at court because of 
her idolatrous practices. Politically he took a mistaken 
course when he submitted to Benhadad of Damascus to 
secure his aid against Baasha of Israel, who had captured 
Ramah. The Temple treasures were sent to Benhadad, 
who thereupon invaded Israel, and Baasha was com- 
pelled to evacuate the threatening fortress (1 K 15'"). 
The Chronicler (2 Ch 149^) credits Asa with a victory 
over an enormous force of Ethiopians. 2. A Levite 
(1 Ch 9'=). H. P. Smith. 


ASADIAS (' J" is kind,' cf. 1 Ch 3M).— An ancestor of 
Baruch (Bar 1>). 

A8AHEL. — 1. The youngest son of Zeruiah, David's 
sister, and the brother of Joab and Abishai. He was 
famous for his swiftness of foot, a much valued gift in 
ancient times. He was one of David's thirty heroes, 
probably the third of the second three (2 S 23^"). He 
was also commander of a division in David's army 
(1 Ch 27'). He was slain by Abner (2 S 2^»-^). 2. A 
Levite, who taught the peoplein the reign of Jehoshaphat 
(2 Ch 17"). 3. A subordinate collector of offerings and 
tithes in the reign of Hezekiah (2 Ch 31"). 4. Father 
of Jonathan, who opposed Ezra's action in connexion 
with the divorce of foreign wives (Ezr lO's). 

ASAIAH (' J" hath made'). — 1. One of the deputation 
sent by Josiah to consult Huldah the prophetess, 2 K 
2212" (AVAsahiah), 2Ch342». 2. Oneof theSimeonite 
princes who attacked the shepherds of Gedor, 1 Ch i". 
3. A Merarite who took part in bringing the ark to Jeru- 
salem, 1 Ch 65» 156". 4. The first-born of the Shilonites, 
1 Ch gs; called in Neh 11' Maaseiah. 

ASANA (1 Es 5''). — His descendants were among the 
'temple servants' or Nethinim who returned with 
Zerubbabel; called Asnah in Ezr 2^° [Neh. omits]. 

ASAPH ('gatherer').—!. The father of Joah, the 
'recorder' or chronicler at the court of Hezekiah (2 K 
18i>- " etc.). 2. The 'keeper of the king's forest,' to 
whom king Artaxerxes addressed a letter directing him 
tosupply Nehemiah with timber (Neh 2'). 3. AKorah- 
ite (1 Ch 26'), same as Abiasaph (wh. see). 4. The 
eponym of one of the three guilds which conducted the 
musical services of the Temple in the time of the Chron- 
icler (1 Ch 15 '6f- etc.). The latter traces this arrange- 
ment to the appointment of David, in whose reign Asaph, 
who is called ' the seer' (2 Ch 29'"), is supposed to have 
lived. At first the Asaphites alone seemed to have 
formed the Temple choir, and in the time of Ezra and 
Nehemiah (wherever we have the memoirs of the latter 
in their original form) they are not yet reckoned among 
the Lemtes. At a later period they share the musical 
service with the 'sons of Korah' (see Kobahites). 
Pss 50 and 73-83 have the superscription le-Asaph, 
which means in all probability that they once belonged 
to the hymn-book of the Asaphite choir (see Psalms). 

ASABA (1 Es 5^'). — His sons were among the Temple 
servants or Nethinim who returned under Zerubbabel: 
omitted in the parallel lists in Ezr. and Neh. 

ASABAMEL (AV Saramel). — A name whose meaning 
Is quite uncertain (1 Mac 1428). See RVm. 

ASAREL (AV Asareel).— A son of Jehallelel (1 Ch 4"). 

ASBASABETH (1 Es 56').— A king of Assyria, prob- 
ably a corrupt form of the name Eearhaddon, which 
is found in the parallel passage Ezr 4?. The AV form 
Azbazareth comes from the Vulgate. 

ASCALON. — See Ashkelon. 

ASCENSION.— The fact of our Lord's Ascension is 
treated very scantily in the Synoptic Gospels. From 
Mt. it is entirely omitted. In the appendix to Mk. the 
words in which it is stated are rather the formula of a 
creed than the narrative of an event (Mk 16"). Lk. 
is somewhat more circumstantial, and, though the 
chronology is uncertain, mentions the journey to the 
neighbourhood of Bethany and the disappearance of 
Christ in the act of blessing, together with the return 
of the disciples to Jerusalem (Lk 24si'-«2). The 
narrative, meagre as it is, is not Inconsistent with, and 
may even presuppose, the events recorded at greater 
length in Acts (l»-'2). Here we learn that the scene 
was more precisely the Mount of Olives (v."); that 
the final conversation, to which allusion is possibly 
made in Mk 16", concerned the promise of the Holy 
Spirit (vv.'-') ; and that the Ascension, so far as it was 
an event and therefore a subject of testimony, took the 



lorm of the uplifting of the bodily form of Jesus from 
the earth till it disappeared In a cloud (vv.'- '"). 
Whether this experience involved more than the separa- 
tion of Christ from immediate contact with the earth, 
and included His gradual recession into the upper air, 
there is nothing directly to show. The general form 
of the narrative recalls the Transfiguration (Lk 9''-"||). 
The words of the 'two men in white apparel' (v.") 
suggest that the final Impression was that of disappear- 
ance above the heads of the onlookers (v."). It will 
be noticed that, while the Markan appendix and Luke, 
unless the latter narrative is interpolated, blend fact 
and figure (Mk 16" 'received up [fact] into heaven 
[partly fact, partly figure], and sat down at the right 
hand of God [figure]'; Lk 24" 'he parted from them 
[fact], and was carried up into heaven [partly fact, 
partly figure; but see RVm], ' as must necessarily be the 
case where the doctrine of the Ascension is concerned; 
Acts, on the other hand, which purports to describe 
an event, rigidly keeps within the Umits of testimony. 

There are certain anticipations of the Ascension in 
the Gospels which must be regarded as part of their 
witness to it. Thus Lk. introduces the account of our 
Lord's last journey to Jerusalem with the words ' when 
the days were being fulfilled that he should be received 
up' (Lk 9" RVm). It is probable that the Ascension 
is here delicately blended with the Crucifixion, as 
apparently by Christ Himself in Jn 12**. Again, the 
word exodos in Luke's account of the Transfiguration, 
rendered in the text of RV 'decease,' but marg. 'de- 
parture,' seems to have the same double reference 
(Lk 9"). Our Lord's predictions of the Second Coming 
'on the clouds' (Mt 243" 26"; cf. 1 Th 4i6, Rev 1') 
almost necessarily Imply the Ascension. The Fourth 
Gospel, while in its accustomed manner omitting the 
story of the Ascension, probably regarded as known, 
introduces definite references to it on the part of Christ 
both before and after the Resurrection (Jn e^* 7^ 14"- '» 
1628 20" etc.). And if we compare statements in the 
Epistles (Eph 4=, He 1' 4") with the Ascension narrative, 
it is scarcely possible to doubt that the writers accepted 
the historic fact as the basis of their teaching. To this 
must be added all those passages which speak of Jesus 
as exalted to the right hand or throne of God (Ro S^, 
Eph 1^°, He 10'' etc.), and as returning to earth in the 
glory of the Father (Mt 25", Mk 8'', Ph 3" etc.). In 
connexion with the Session, St. Peter, after mentioning 
the Resurrection, uses the expression 'having gone 
his way into heaven' (1 P 3», cf. Jn 14^). Nor can 
we omit such considerations as arise out of the fact of 
the Resurrection itself, which are satisfied only by an 
event that puts a definite period to the earthly mani- 
festation of the incarnate Christ. 

From what has been said it will appear that the 
Ascension stands on a somewhat different level from the 
Resurrection as an attested fact. Like the Virgin- 
birth, it did not form a part of the primitive preaching, 
nor does it belong to the evidences of Christianity. The 
fragment of what is thought to be a primitive hymn 
quoted in 1 Ti S" somewhat curiously places ' preached 
among the nations' before 'received up in glory.' But 
it is nevertheless a fact which came within the experi- 
ence of the Apostles, and can therefore claim a measure 
of historical testimony. The Resurrection is itself 
the strongest witness to the reality of the Ascension, as 
of the Virgin-birth, nor would either in the nature of the 
case have been capable of winning its way to acceptance 
apart from the central faith that Jesus actually rose 
from the dead. But neither the fact itself nor its impor- 
tance to the Christian believer depends upon the produc- 
tion of evidence for its occurrence. It will not be 
seriously disputed by those who accept the Apostolic 
gospel. On the other hand, the fact that the Ascension 
was accepted in the primitive Church as the event which 
put a term to the earthly manifestation of Christ brings 
out the Resurrection in striking reUef as in the full sense 


of the word a fact of history. It is the Ascension, 
represented as it is in Scripture not only historically but 
mystically, and not the Resurrection, which might be 
viewed as an apotheosis or idealization of Jesus. That 
' Jesus is now living at the right hand of God ' (Harnack) 
is not a sufficient account of the Christian belief in the 
Resurrection in view of the Ascension narrative, which, 
even if Keim and others are right in regarding it as a 
materialization of the doctrine of the eternal Session as 
set forth in the Epistles, becomes necessary only when 
the Resurrection is accepted in the most Uteral sense. 

The Ascension is the point of contact between the 
man Jesus Christ of the Gospels and the mystical Christ 
of the Epistles, preserving the historical character of the 
former and the universality of the latter in true con- 
tinuity. It enabled the disciples to identify the gift of 
Pentecost with the promise of the Holy Spirit, which 
had been specially connected with the withdrawal of 
Jesus from bodily sight and His return to the Father 
(Jn 16', cf. 7"). An eternal character is thus given 
to the sacrifice of the death of Christ, which becomes 
efficacious through the exaltation of His crucified and 
risen manhood (He 10"-"- '^-^). J. G. Simpson. 

ASCENSION OF ISAIAH. See Apoc. Lit., p. 41*' 

ASCENT OP BLOOD (Jos IS', RV 'ascent of Adum- 
mim'). — The steep road from Jericho to Jerusalem, 
so called, according to Jerome, from the deeds of the 
brigands who infested t (cf . Lk 10'°) ; but see Adummim, 

David Smith. 

ASEAS (1 Es 9*2).— One of the sons of Annas who 
agreed to put away his 'strange' wife; called Isshijah, 
Ezr lO'i. 

ASEBEBIAS (AV Asebebia).— A Levite who accom- 
panied Ezra to Jerusalem (1 Es S*'). 

ASEBIAS (AV Asebia).— A Levite who returned with 
Ezra (1 Es 8"). 

ASENATH. — Daughter of Potl-phera, priest of On, 
wife of Joseph and mother of Ephraim and Manasseh 
(Gn 41«- " 462"). The name, like the other Egyptian 
names in the story of Joseph, is of a well-known late 
type, prevalent from about B.C. 9S0; it should probably 
be vocalized Asneit or Esneit, meaning 'belonging to 
Neit.' Neit was the goddess of Sals, and her name 
was especially popular in names from the 26th (Saite) 
Dyn., c. B.C. 664, and onwards for some two centuries. 
_ Aaenath is the heroine of a remarkable Jewish and Chris- 
tian romance, in which she renounces her false gods before 
her marriage with Joseph; it can be traced back to the 5th 
cent. A.D., and is probably a good deal earlier. 

F. Li,. Griffith. 

ASH.— See Fm. 

ASHAN (Jos 15« 19', 1 Ch 4« 6").— Perhaps the 
same as Cor-ashan (wh. see). It was a town of 
Judah, near Libnah and Rimmon, belonging to Simeon, 
and not far from Debir. The site is doubtful. 

ASHARELAH (AV Asarelah).— An Asaphite (1 Cb 
25^=), called in vM jesharelah. 

ASHBEA occurs in an obscure passage (1 Ch 4" 
'house of A.') where it is uncertain whether it is the 
name of a place or of a man. 

ASHBEL (' man of Baal ' ). — ^The second son of Benjamin 
(1 Ch 8'; cf. Gn. 46", Nu 26'8). In Nu 26" Ashbelite, 
inhabitant of Ashbel, occurs. 

ASHDOD ('fortress'; Greek Azotus).— A city in the 
Philistine PentapoUs; not captured by Joshua (Jos 13'), 
and a refuge for the unslaughtered Anakim (Jos 11»); 
theoretically assigned to the tribe of Judah (Jos 15*'). 
Hither the Philistines brought the ark, and sent It 
thence to Gath, on account of an outbreak probably of 
bubonic plague (1 S S'-»). Uzziah attacked the city, 
destroyed its walls, and established settlements near 
it (2 Ch 266). The Ashdodites joined with Sanballat 
in opposing Nehemiah's restoration of Jerusalem (Neh 



4'), yet some of the Jews of the period married wives 
from Ashdod, and their children spolce in its dialect 
(Neh IS''- 21). It was captured by Sargon's commander- 
in-chief (Is 20')- Jeremiah, Amos, Zephaniah, and 
Zechariah speak denunciations against it. It was again 
captured by Judas Maccabzeus (1 Mac 6"), and again 
by Jonathan (10"*). The solitary reference to it in the 
NT is the record of Philip's departure thither after the 
baptism of the Ethiopian (Ac 8"). It is identified 
with the modern Bsdud, a village about two-thirds of 
the way from Jaffa to 'Askalan, and some 3 miles 
from the sea. It is on the slope of a hill, and at its 
entrance are the remains of a large mediaeval khan. 
There are fragments of ancient buildings to be found 
here and there in the modern walls. 

R. A. S. Macalister. 

ASHEB. — 1. A town on the S. border of Manasseh 
(Jos 17'). Site unknown. 2. To 12=Hazob, No. 1. 

ASHEB. — The eighth son of Jacob, by Zilpah, Leah's 
handmaid. Leah, joyful over his birth, named him 
'Happy' (Gn 30'"). This 'popular etymology' 
dominates J's thought in the ' Blessing of Jacob ' (Gn 492") 
and in the 'Blessing of Moses' (Dt 33^). Asher's 
territory was especially fertile and fitted to promote 
prosperity. Whether this fact operated in its naming, 
or whether the name was originally that of a divinity 
of a militant Canaanite clan mentioned frequently in 
the Tell el-Amarna letters as the MSri abd-Ashirti 
('Sons of the servant of Asherah'), or whether the 
Canaanite tribe 'Asaru, known from the inscriptions 
of the Egyptian king Seti i. (14th cent.), gave the name 
to the tribe, it is impossible to say. The two last theories 
imply an amalgamation of original inhabitants with 
a Hebrew clan or tribe, which, probably prior to the 
entrance of the southern tribes, had found its way into 
the North. A predominance of the Gentile element 
thus introduced would account, in a measure at least, 
for the non-participation of the Asherites in the war 
against Sisera, although they are said to have sent a 
contingent to the support of Gideon in his war with the 
Midianites (Jg B"* 7"), and, according to the Chronicler, 
went 40,000 strong to Hebron to aid David in his struggle 
for the kingship (1 Ch 123«). According to the earliest 
writing extant in the OT, viz., the Song of Deborah, 
the other northern tribes, Zebulun to the south and 
Naphtali to the east of it, flung themselves with fierce 
abandon against the army of Sisera, while ' Asher sat 
still at the haven of the sea' (Jg 5'"). Accordingto 
P's census, there were 41,500 males 'twenty years 
old and upward' at Sinai, and when they arrived in 
the plains of Moab they had increased to 53,400 (Nu l^' 

P gives also the territorial boundaries, including the 
names of 22 cities and their dependent villages, the 
majority of which are unidentified (Jos lO^i-ao; ct. 
Jg 1"- »^ and Jos 17" J). Asher's territory was 
gained by settlement, not by conquest (Jg 1"'). The 
tribe played an unimportant r61e in Israel. It is not 
mentioned in 1 Ch 27""'- , where the tribes are enumerated 
together with their respective leaders under David. 
For the genealogies see Gn 46", Nu 26", 1 Ch 7'™-. 
See also Tribes of Israel. James A. Craig. 

ASHERAH. — In RV Asherah (plur. Asherim, more 
rarely Asheroth) appears as the tr. of a Hebrew sub- 
stantive which AV, following the LXX and Vulgate, 
had mistakenly rendered grove. By OT writers the 
word is used in three distinct applications. 

1. The goddess Asherah. — In several places Asherah 
must be recognized as the name of a Canaanite deity. 
Thus in 1 K 18" we read of the prophets of Baal and of 
Asherah, in 15" ( = 2 Ch 15") of an abominable image,' 
and in 2 K 21' of 'a graven image' of Asherah, also of 
the sacrificial vessels used in her worship (23*), while 
Jg 3' speaks of the BaaUm and the Asheroth. These 
references, it must be allowed, are not all of equal value 


for the critical historian and some of our foremost 
authorities have hitherto decUned to admit the existence 
of a Canaanite goddess Asherah, regarding the name as 
a mere literary personification of the asherah or sacred 
pole (see § 3), or as due to a confusion with Astarte 
(cf. Jg 3' with 2"). 

In the last few years, however, a variety of monu- 
mental evidence has come to light (see Lagrange, iltudes 
sur les religions semitiques 2 (1905), 119 ff.) — the latest 
from the soil of Palestine itself in a cuneiform tablet 
found at Taanach — showing that a goddess Ashirat or 
Asherah was worshipped from a remote antiquity by 
the Western Semites. There need be no hesitation, 
therefore, in accepting the above passages as evidence of 
her worship in OT times, even within the Temple itself. 

The relation, as to name, history, and attributes, of 
this early Canaanite goddess to the powerful Semitic 
deity named Ishtar by the Babylonians, and Ashtart 
(OT 'Ashtoreth') by the Phoenicians, is still obscure 
(see KAT ', Index; Lagrange, op. cit.). The latter in 
any case gradually displaced the former in Canaan. 

2. An image of Asherah. — The graven image of 
Asherah set up by Manasseh in the Temple (2 K 21'), 
when destroyed by Josiah, is simply termed the asherah 
(2 K 23'). Like the idols described by the prophet 
of the Exile (Is 41' 44i2«.), it evidently consisted of a 
core of wood overlaid with precious metal, since it 
could be at once burned and 'stamped to powder' 
(cf. 2 Ch 15'" for the corresponding image of Maacah), 
and was periodically decorated with woven hangings 
(Luc. 'tunics') by the women votaries of Asherah 
(2 K 23'). There is therefore good warrant for seeing 
in the asherah which Ahab set up in the temple of Baal 
at Samaria (cf. 1 K 16"" with 2 K 10»)— according to 
the emended text of the latter passage it was burned 
by Jehu but was soon restored (13") — something of 
greater consequence than a mere post or pole. It must 
have been a celebrated image of the goddess. 

3. A symbol of Asherah. — In the remaining passages 
of OT the asherah is the name of a prominent, if not 
indispensable, object associated with the altar and the 
mazzebah (see Pillar) in the worship of the Canaanite 
high places. It was made of wood (Jg 6™), and could 
be planted in the ground (Dt 16^'), plucked up or cut 
down (Mic 5», Ex 34'"), and burned with fire (Dt 12"). 
Accordingly the asherah is now held to have been a 
wooden post or pole having symbolical significance in 
the Canaanite cults. How far it resembled the similar 
emblems figured in representations of Babylonian and 
Phoenician rites can only be conjectured. 

When the Hebrews occupied Canaan, the local 
sanctuaries became seats of the worship of J", at which 
the adjuncts of sacred pole and pilla'r continued as 
before. The disastrous results of this incorporation of 
heathen elements led to the denunciation of the asherahs 
by the prophetic exponents of Israel's reUgion (Ex 34'", 
Jer 172, Mic 5'"'-, and esp. Dt 7" 122ff- 16"), and to 
their ultimate abolition (2 K 18* 23*ff). 

4. Significance of the asherah. — The theory at present 
most in favour among OT scholars finds in the asherahs 
or sacred poles the substitutes of the sacred trees uni- 
versally revered by the early Semites. This theory, 
however, is not only improbable in view of the tact 
that the asherahs are found beside or under such sacred 
trees (Jer 17", 1 K 142", 2 K 17'»), but has been dis- 
credited by the proved existence of the goddess Asherah. 
In the earliest period of the Semitic occupation of 
Canaan (c. B.C. 2500-2000), this deity probably shared 
with Baal (cf. Jg 3' 6^ etc.) the chief worship of the 
immigrants, particularly as the goddess of fertility, in 
which aspect her place was later usurped by Astarte. 
In this early aniconic age, the wooden post was her 
symbol, as the stone pillar was of Baal. Bearing her 
name, it passed by gradual stages into the complete 
eikBn or anthropomorphic image of the deity as in 
Samaria and Jerusalem. A. R. S. Kennedy. 



ASHES . — Ashes on the head formed one of the ordinary 
tokens of raourningf or the dead (see Moukninq Customs 
as of private (2 S 13") and national humiliation (Neh 91, 
1 Mac 3"). The penitent and the afflicted might also 
sit (Job 28, Jon 36) or even wallow in ashes (Jer 6", 
Ezk 273"). In 1 K 2038. 11 ^e must, with RV, read 
'headband' (wh. see) for 'ashes.' 

In a figurative sense the term 'ashes' Is often used 
to signify evanescence, worthlessness, insignificance 
(Gn 18", Job 30"). 'Proverbs of ashes' (1312 RV) 
is Job's equivalent for the modern 'rot.' For the use 
ot ashes in the priestly ritual see Red Heifeh. 

A. R. S. Kennedy. 

ASHHUE (AV Ashur).— The 'father' of Tekoa (1 Ch 
2« 45). 

ASmnTA. — A god whose form of worship is unknown, 
and who has been identified with the Phoenician Eshraun 
and the Babylonian Tashmitu. As Hamath, the god's 
seat of worship (2 K 17"), was occupied by the Hittites, 
the deity was probably non-Semitic. N. Koenig. 

ASHKELON (Greek Ascalon).— A city of the PhUis- 
tine Pentapolis. It is mentioned several times in 
the Tell el-Amarna correspondence. According to Jos 
138, it was left uneonquered; but the interpolated 
passage, Jg 1'8, enumerates it among the places captured 
by Israel. It is doubtful whether Samson took the 
spoil with which he paid his wages (Jg 14") from this 
city, which is two days' journey from Timnath, or 
from a similarly styled village, much nearer at hand, 
now possibly represented in name by Khurbet 'Askalan, 
near Tell Zakariya. It is referred to in the story of 
the return of the ark (1 S 6"), and in David's lament 
(2 S 1'°), and with the other Philistine cities is made 
an object of denunciation by various prophets. Here 
Jonathan Maccabaeus was honourably received (1 Mac 
10" 11"), and it was the birthplace of Herod the Great. 
It was captured by the Crusaders, but recaptured by the 
Muslims after the battle of Hattiu. Extensive remains 
of ancient buildings still exist on the site, which retains 
the name of 'Askalan: numerous fragments of statues 
etc., are found by the natives from time to time. 

R. A. S. Macausteb. 

ASHKENAZ in Gn 10= (1 Ch l^) appears as a son of 
Gomer (wh. see), which means apparently that the 
name represents a people akin to the Cimmerians, an 
Indo-European people who made trouble for the Assyrians 
in and about Armenia in the later days of their empire, 
in the 7th cent. B.C. In Jer 51^' Ashkenaz is coupled 
with Ararat and Minnl. The view now generally 
accepted by scholars is that Ashkenaz in the Hebrew 
text is a slight misreading for AshkHz, an important 
tribe akin to the Cimmerians who had to do with 
Esarhaddon and Ashurbanipal, the last great kings of 
Assyria, the name appearing in the inscriptions as 
Ashguz. Further, it is probable that the Skythoi, 
'Scythians,' represent the same people and word. 


ASHNAH. — Two unknown sites of towns in Judah 
(Jos 1588 and 15*8). 

ASHPENAZ. — The chief of Nebuchadrezzar's eunuchs 
(Dn 18). 

ASHIAROTH.— This city (pi. of Ashtorelh [wh. see)), 
originally held by Og, king of Bashan (Dt i*, Jos 9" 
121 1318- 81), later captured by the Israelites and by 
them awarded to the Gershonites (Jos 218'Be-eshterah, 
'dwelling [or temple] of Ashtoreth'; cf. || 1 Ch. 6", 
which reads Ashtaroth), might, without contradicting 
Biblical records, be identified with Ashteroth-karnaim 
(wh. see). However, a statement found in Eusebius' 
Onomasticon favours the view that the names desig- 
nate two localities. Eusebius relates that there were 
at his time two villages of the same name, separated 
by a distance of 9 miles, lying between Adara (Edrei) 
and Abila; viz., (1) Ashtaroth, the ancient city of 
Og, 6 miles from Abila, and (2) Karnaim Ashtaroth, 



a village in the corner of Bashan, where Job's village 
is shown (of. Book ot Jubilees 29'»). Eusebius' 
Karnaim Ashtaroth evidently lay in the corner or 
angle formed by the rivers Nahr er-Bukkad and 
Shan'at d-Manadireh, in which vicinity tradition places 
Uz, Job's fatheriand. At long. 36° E., lat. 32° 50' N., on 
the Bashan plateau, stands Tell ('hill') 'Ashtara, whose 
strategical value, as shown by the ruins, was recognized 
in the Middle Ages. Its base is watered by the Moyel 
en-NeW, Ayyub (' stream of the prophet Job '). Following 
this rivulet's course for 2i miles N.N.E., passing through 
the Hammam AyyUb ('Job's bath'), is found its source, 
a spring said to have welled forth when Job in his 
impatience stamped upon the ground. In the immediate 
vicinity towards the S., Job's grave Is shown. Further- 
more, upon the hill at whose base these two places 
are situated lies the village of Sa'diyeh or Sheikh Sa'd, 
whose mosque contains the Sakhret AyyUb, a large 
basalt boulder against which Job is said to have leant 
while receiving his friends. Indeed, i of a mile S. of 
Sa dlyeh at el-Merkez, another grave (modern) of Job 
is shown, and a Der ('monastery') Ayyubt according 
to tradition built by the Ghassanide Amr i., is known 
to have existed. Eusebius' Ashtaroth must then have 
been in the proximity of Muzerib, 9i miles S. of Sa'diyeh, 
and 8 miles N.W. of Adara, almost the distance of the 
Onomasticon. Even Tell Ash'ari, 4J miles S. of Tell 
'Ashtara, protected on the one side by the Yarmuk, 
on the second by a chasm, and showing evidences of 
having been fortified by a triple wall on the third, is 
admirably situated for a royal stronghold. 

None of these modern place-names, with the excep- 
tion of Tell ' Ashtara, is linguistically related to the 
'Ashtaroth and 'Ashteroth-karnaim of the Bible and the 
Onomasticon. The description of 'Ashteroth-karnaim 
(2 Mac 1281'., cf. 1 Mac 5") as a place hard to besiege 
and difficult of access because of numerous passes 
leading to it, in whose territory a temple was situated, 
is applicable to Sa'diyeh or to Tell 'AshtarB, or even 
to Tdl Ash'ari, whose double peak at the S. summit 
is partly responsible for the translation of the name 
' Ashtaroth of (near) the double peak' (see Ashtobbth). 
The similarity of name between Tell 'Ashtara and 
'Ashteroth-karnaim, even though Tdl 'Ashtara does not 
lie directly between Adara and Abila, and lacks, with 
the other places, narrow passes, would favour the 
identification of 'Ashteroth-karnaim with Tell 'Ashtara, 
and hence, according to the distances of Eusebius, the 
location of 'Ashtaroth near Muzerib. However, until 
the ancient name of Muzerib is known, and the various 
sites excavated, a definite determination of the location 
of these cities, and even of the difference between them, 
must remain impossible. N. Koeniq. 

ASHTEROTH-KARNAIM.— The scene of Chedor- 
laomer's defeat of the Rephaim (Gn 14*). It is perhaps 
mentioned in Am 6I8 (EV 'Have we not taken to us 
horns (Karnaim) by our own strength?'). It is identical 
with Camion or Camain, after whose capture, in b.c. 164, 
Judas Maccabaeus destroyed the temple of Atargatis 
(wh. see), whither the inhabitants had fled for refuge 
(2 Mac 12"'-, cf. 1 Mac 5"f). For interpretation of 
name see Ashtoheth, and for location, Ashtaboth. 

N. Koenig. 

ASHTORETH.— This deity, especially known as the 
Sidonian goddess for whom Solomon erected a shrine, 
later destroyed by Josiah (1 K ll^- 88, 2 K 23i8), was 
worshipped by all Semitic nations. In her temple at 
Ashkelon, the Philistines hung the armour of Saul 
(1 S 31"). In Bashan, the cities Ashtaroth or Be-eshterah 
and Ashteroth-karnaim presumably derived their names 
from the fact that various Ashtoreth-cults were located 
there. At Ashteroth-karnaim ('horned Ashtaroth') one 
might even be justified in supposing from the name 
that 'Ashtoreth was represented with the horns of 
a cow or a ram. Mesha, king of Moab, dedicated his 


prisoners to a composite goddess ' Ashtar-Chemosh. 
Indeed, her existence in S. Arabia is evidenced by the 
probably equivalent male god 'Athtar. In Abyssinia, 
she was called Astar; in Assyria and Babylonia, Ishtar 
(used also in the pi. ishtaraii to denote 'goddesses,' 
cf. ' Ashtaroih, Jg 2" lOS 1 S 7" 12"); in Syria. 
' Athar, and in Phoenicia, ' Astart, whence the Hebrew 
'Ashtoreth, with the vowels of bosheth ('shameful 
thing') substituted for the original. See Molech, 

The character of this goddess, concerning which 
the OT makes no direct statement, is most clearly 
depicted in the Assyro-Babylonian literature. Here 
she appears as the goddess of fertility, productiveness, 
and love on the one hand, and of war, death, and decay 
on the other, a personification of the earth as it passes 
through the summer and winter seasons. To her the 
sixth month, Elul, the height of the summer, is sacred. 
In this month, through her powers, the ripening of 
vegetable hfe takes place, represented by Tammuz, 
whose coming is heralded by Ishtar's festival in Ab, 
the fifth month. From this period of the year, the 
crops and verdure gradually decay, and finally dis- 
appear in the winter. Thus, since Ishtar has failed 
to sustain the life which her powers had created, popular 
belief made her the cause of death and decay. She 
therefore became a destructive goddess, who visited 
with disease those who disobeyed her commands, and 
even a goddess of war (cf. 1 S 31'°). However, filled 
with remorse, because she had destroyed the vegetable 
life ( = Tammuz, the consort of her youth), she sets out 
to the lower world in search of healing waters to revive 
Tammuz. During this quest (winter) the propagation 
of all life ceases. Successful in her search, she brings 
forth the new verdure, and once more assumes the 
rflle of a merciful goddess, to whom all life is due. 

At a later period, when all gods had obtained a fixed 
position to each other and the necessity of assigning 
an abode to them was felt, the gods were identified 
with the heavenly bodies. Thus Ishtar was given the 
planet Venus, whose appearance at certain seasons 
as morning-star and at other times as evening-star 
paralleled the growth and decay of nature. Hence, 
in accordance with one theological school of the Baby- 
lonians, which considered Sin (moon) the ruler of the 
luminaries of the night, Ishtar was also known as the 
'daughter of Sin.' By others she was designated as 
'daughter of Anu (lord of heaven),' and even as the 
'sister of Shamash (sun),' since, as the evening-star 
Venus disappears in the west, and reappears in the 
east to be called the morning-star. 

The cults of this goddess were extant at various 
localities of Babylonia and Assyria. At some of these, 
both phases of her character were worshipped, side by 
side, with equality; at others, more importance was 
attached to one of her aspects. Thus at Uruk (Erech) 
in her temple E-Anna ('house of heaven') she was 
both a goddess of fertiUty and a martial deity in 
whose service were Kizreti, Ukhati, and Kharimati, the 
priestesses of Ishtar. At Agade, Calah, and Babylon 
greater stress seems to have been laid upon the milder 
aspect, and it is doubtless with the worship of this 
side of Ishtar's nature that the religious prostitution 
mentioned by Greek writers was connected (Hdt. i. 199 ; 
Strab. XVI. i. 20; Ep. Jerem. *'"■; Luc. de Dea Syr. 
6 f.). Among the Assyrians, three Ishtars, viz., Ishtar 
of Nineveh, Ishtar of Kidmuru (temple at Nineveh), 
and Ishtar of Arbela, were especially worshipped. This 
warrior-nation naturally dwelt upon the martial aspect 
of the deity almost to the exclusion of her milder side 
as a mother-goddess, and accorded to her a position 
next to Ashur, their national god. Indeed, Ishtar was 
even designated as his wife, and since he ruled over 
the Igigi (spirits of heaven), so she was said to be 
'mighty over the Anunnaki' (spirits of the earth). 

Thus Ishtar is the goddess whom Ashur-nazir-pal 


(B.C. 1800) aptly calls 'queen of the gods, into whose 
hands are delivered the commands of the great gods, 
lady of Nineveh, daughter of Sin, sister of Shamash, 
who rules all kingdoms, who determines decrees, the 
goddess of the universe, lady of heaven and earth, who 
hears petitions, heeds sighs; the merciful goddess who 
loves justice.' Equally does Esarhaddon's claim, that 
it was 'Ishtar, the lady of onslaught and battle,' who 
stood at his side and broke his enemies' bows, apply 
to this deity— a goddess, to whom the penitent in the 
anguish of his soul prays — 

'BesMes thee there is no guiding deity. 
I implore thee to look upon me and hear my aighs. 
Proclaim peace, and may thy soul be appeased. 
How long, O my Lady, till thy countenance be turned 

towards me. 
Like doves, I lament, I satiate myself with sighs.' 


ASHUBBANIPAL. — Son and successor of Esarhaddon 
on the throne of Assyria, b.c. 668-626. He is usually 
identified with Asnappar, Ezr. 4'°. He Included 
Manasseh of Judah among his tributaries, and kept an 
Assyrian garrison at Gezer. See Assyria, Osnappak. 

C. H. W. Johns. 

ASHUBITES. — One of the tribes over whom Ish- 
bosheth ruled (2 S 2'). The name is clearly corrupt, for 
neither the Assyrians (,Asshur) nor the Arabian tribe 
AsshuTim (Gn 25') can be intended. The Pesh. and 
Vulg. read 'the Geshurites,' whose territory bordered 
on that of Gilead (Jos 12* 13"), and who might there- 
fore be suitably included here. It has been urged, 
however, against this view, that Geshur was an inde- 
pendent kingdom at this time (cf. 2 S 3= 13"), so that 
Ishbosheth could not have exercised control over it. 
We should probably read hO-AshSri 'the Asherites,' 
i.e. the tribe of Asher (cf. Jg l'^). 

ASHVATH.— An Asherite (1 Ch 7='). 

ASIA. — In the NT this word invariably means the 
Roman province Asia, which embraced roughly the 
western third of the peninsula which we call Asia Minor. 
It was bounded on the N.E. by the province of Bithynia, 
on the E. by the province of Galatia, on the S. by the 
province of Lyoia, and had been ceded to the Romans 
by the will of the Pergamenian king Attains ni. in 
B.C. 133. The following ethnic districts were in this 
province — Mysia, Lydia, Western Phrygia, and Caria. 
The province was the richest, and, with the one excep- 
tion of Africa, its equal, the most important in the Roman 
Empire. It was governed by a proconsul of the higher 
grade, with three Jeffaii under him. Ephesus, Pergamum, 
and Smyrna were its principal cities. St. Paul's preach- 
ing in Ephesus was the most powerful cause of the 
spread of the gospel in this province, and the Epistle 
'to the Ephesians' is probably a circular letter to all 
the churches in it. Seven are enumerated in Rev 1-3, 
which is post-Pauline. A. Soutee. 

ASIARCH.— The form of the word is parallel with 
Lyciarch, Bithyniarch, etc., but the signification is by no 
means certain. The title of Asiarch could be held in 
conjunction with any civil office, and with the high 
priesthood of a particular city, but the high priest of 
Asia and the Asiarch were probably not identical; for 
there was only one high priest of Asia at a time, but 
there were a number of Asiarchs, as Ac 19'' shows, even 
in one city. The honour lasted one year, but re-election 
was possible. It was held in connexion with the Koinon 
(Council) of the province, the main duty of which was to 
regulate the worship of Rome and of the Emperor; and 
the Asiarchs were probably the deputies to the Council 
elected by the towns. A. Souter. 

ASIBIAS (1 Es 9W).— One of the sons of Phoros or 
Parosh who agreed to put away his 'strange' wife; 
answering to Malchijah (2) in Ezr 10^. 

ASIEL. — 1, Grandfather of Jehu a Simeonlte ' prince' 
(1 Ch 43S). 2. One of five writers employed by Ezra 



to transcribe the Law (2 Es 14»). 3. (AV Asael) An 
ancestor of Tobit (To 1'). 

ASIPHA (1 Es 529).— His sons were among the Temple 
servants who returned with Zerubbabel; called Hasu- 
pha, Ezr 2«, Neh 7«. 

ASMOD^TTS, the 'evil demon' of To 3. 6. 8, appears 
freely in the Talmud as Ashmedai, which popular 
etymology connected with shamad, 'to destroy.' It is 
fairly certain, however, that it is the Avestan Alsma 
daSva, 'fury demon,' conspicuous from the earliest to 
the latest parts of the Parsi scriptures. It would seem 
that the Book of Tobit is really a Median folk-story, 
adapted for edification by a Jew, with sundry uncom- 
prehended features of the original left unchanged. For 
these see ' Zoroastrianism ' in Hastings' DB, § 4. In 
the Talmud Ashmedai is king of the Shedin, demons 
supposed to be mortal, and of either sex. 

James Hope Modlton. 

ASNAH. — The head of a family of Nethinim which 
returned with Zerubbabel (Ezr 2'°, 1 Es S^'m). 

ASNAPPER.— See Osnappah. 

ASOU (1 Es 9"). His soils were among those who 
put away their 'strange' wives; called Hashum, 
Ezr 10«. 

ASP. — See Sekpent. 

ASFALATHUS (Sir 24'6). — The name of an aromatic 
associated with cinnamon in the passage cited, but 
impossible to identify. It is probable that there were 
two or more plants, and more than one vegetable product, 
known by this name. 

ASPATHA (Est 9'). — The third son of Raman, put 
to death by the Jews. 

ASPHALT.— See Bitumen. 

ASPHAR (1 Mac 9").— A pool in the desert of Tekoa, 
or Jeshimon, where Jonathan and Simon the Maccabees 
encamped. The site is not known with certainty, 
although it may plausibly be identified with the mod. 
Blr SelhUb, a reservoir 6 miles W.S.W. of Engedi. 

ASPHARASUS (1 Es 5').— One of the leaders of the 
return under Zerubbabel, called Mispar, Ezr 2', and 
Uispereth, Neh 7'. 

ASRIEL (in AV of 1 Ch 7" Ashriel).— A Manassite 
(Jos 17', Nu 26"; In the latter the patronymic Asrielite 

ASS (hamSr; 'she-ass,' 'athon [Gr. onos of both 
sexes]; 'young ass' or 'colt,' 'ayir [Gr. pBlos]; 'wild 
ass,' pere' and 'amdh). — The ass (Arab, hamar) is 
the most universally useful domesticated animal in 
Palestine. On it the fellah rides to his day's work, 
with it he ploughs his fields, threshes out his corn, and 
at last carries home the harvest (Neh 13"). Whole 
groups of donkeys traverse every road carrying corn 
(Gn 42«- 2'), fire-wood (Gn 22=), provisions (1 S 162»), 
skins of water or baskets full of sand, stone or refuse. 
A group of such animals are so accustomed to keep 
together that they would do so even if running away 
(1 g 93. 20). xhe little ass carrying the barley, which leads 
every train of camels, is a characteristic sight. When- 
ever the traveller Journeys through the land, the braying 
of the ass is as familiar a sound as the barking of the 
village dog. Themanof moderate means when j ourney- 
ing rides an ass, often astride his bedding and clothes, 
as doubtless was done by many a Scripture character 
(Nu 22»-», Jos I518, 1 S 252°-M, 2 S 17^' 19» etc.). 
A well-trained ass will get over the ground rapidly at a 
pace more comfortable than that of an ordinary horse; 
it is also very sure-footed. The man of position in the 
town, the sheikh of the mosque, lawyer or medical 
man — indeed, any peaceful citizen — is considered suit- 
ably mounted on donkey-back, especially if the animal is 
white (Jg 5'°). A well-bred white ass fetches a higher 
price than a fairly good horse. A she-ass (Arab, 'atar) 


is preferred (Nu 222i-«, 1 S 9', 2 K 4k-m, 1 Ch 27"), 
because quieter and more easily left tied up; a strong 
male is almost uncontrollable at times, and gives vent 
to the most dismal brays as he catches sight of female 
asses. The castrated animal is not often seen, because 
frequently wanting in 'go' and very timid. She-asses 
are also, when of valuable breed, prized for breeding 
purposes. The common ass is brown, sometimes 
almost black or grey. Skeletons of asses are not 
uncommon by the high-road sides, and the jawbone 
might be a not unhandy weapon in an emergency 
(Jg 15'=, where the play on the word 'ass' [hamBr] and 
'heap' (hamBr] should be noticed). Although the ass 
was forbidden food to the Jews, we read (2 K e'^) that 
'an ass's head was sold for fourscore pieces of silver' 
in the extremity of famine in besieged Samaria. In 
ploughing, the modern fellahm actually seem to prefer 
to yoke together an ox and an ass, or a camel and an 
ass (contrast Dt 22'°). The idea of the stupidity of the 
ass is the same in the East as in the West. 

The young ass (Is 30«- ») or colt (Job IV', Zee 9', 
Lk ig'' etc.), the Arab, jahsh, is referred to several 
times. Little colts of very tender age trot beside their 
mothers, and soon have small burdens put on them. 
They should not be regularly ridden for three years. 
The young asses in the Bible are all apparently old 
enough for riding or burden-bearing. 

Wild asses are not to-day found in Palestine, though, 
it is said, plentiful in the deserts to the East (Job 24'), 
where they roam in herds and run with extraordinary 
fieetness (Job 39'). Ishmael is compared in his wild- 
ness and freedom to a wild ass (Gn 16'^), while Issachar 
is a wild ass subdued (49"- i'). 

E. W. G. Mastbrman. 

ASSAIHAS (AV Assanias).— One of twelve priests 
entrusted with the holy vessels on the return to Je- 
rusalem, 1 Es 8". 

ASSAPHIOTH (AVAzaphion), 1 Es 5".— His descend- 
ants returned with Zerubbabel among the sons of 
Solomon's servants. Called Hassophereth, Ezr 2"; 
Sophereth, Neh 7". 

ASSASSINS, THE.— In the time of FeUx a band of 
robbers so named disturbed Judaea. They are 
mentioned in Ac 21^* (sicarii, AV 'murderers'). 
Josephus says that at Felix's suggestion they murdered 
Jonathan son of Ananus, the high priest (.4n«. xx. viii. 5) . 
They took a leading part in the Jewish War. See art. 
Egyptian [The]. A. J. Maclean. 

ASSEMBLY.— See Congregation. 

ASSHUR.— See Assyria. 

ASSHUKIM. — The Asshurim, Letushim, Leummim 
(Gn 25') were Arabian tribes, supposed to be descended 
from Abraham and Keturah through Dedan. By the 
Asshurim the Targum understood dwellers in encamp- 
ments to be meant. A tribe A'shur appears on two 
Minaean inscriptions. J. Taylor. 

ASSIDEANS.— See Habid^ans. 

ASSIR.— 1. A son of Korah (Ex 6^, 1 Ch 6»). 2. A 
son of Ebiasaph (1 Ch e^s s'). 3. A son of Jeeoniah 
(AV and RVm of 1 Ch 3"). It is probable, however, 
that RV correctly renders 'Jeeoniah the captive.' 

ASSOS. — A town over half a mile from the Gulf of 
Adramyttium (in Mysia, province of Asia), in a splendid 
position on a hill about 770 feet high at its highest 
point. The fortifications are amongst the most excellent 
of their kind. It passed through various hands before 
it was from e.g. 334-241 under Alexander the Great 
and his successors, and from e.g. 241-133 under the 
Pergamenian dynasty. At the last date it became 
Roman (see Asia). It was the birth-place of the Stoic 
Cleanthes. St. Paul went from Troas to Assos by the 
land-route on his last visit to Asia (Ac 20i"). 


ASSUMPTION OP MOSES.— See Apoc. Lit., p. 40''. 



ASStmANCE. — The word is used both in an objective 

and a subjective sense, according as it denotes the 
ground of confidence or the actual experience. When 
St. Paul declares at Athens (Ac 17") that God has 
appointed Christ to judge the world, and 'has given 
assurance' of this unto all men by raising Him from 
the dead, it is an objective assurance that he means, 
for he knew very well that all men were not personally 
assured of the fact of the Resurrection. In 2 Ti 3", 
again, Timothy's assurance of the things he has learned 
is identified with the outward authority of the person 
from whom he has received them. For the most part, 
however, 'assurance' in Scripture denotes not an 
objective authority or fact, but a reality of inward 
experience. The word occurs once in OT (Is 32" AV), 
and quite characteristically assurance is there repre- 
sented as the effect of righteousness. In NT assurance 
(pierophoria) is an accompaniment and result of the 
gospel (1 Th 1'). And the assurance produced by the 
gospel is not intellectual merely, or emotional merely, 
or practical merely, it fills and satisfies the whole inner 
man. There is a full assurance of understanding 
(Col 22), and a full assurance of faith (He 10^2; cf. 2 Ti 
1"), and a full assurance of hope (He 6"). [Cf. lli RV, 
where the last two forms of assurance run into each 
other — faith itself becoming the assurance (.hypostasis) 
or underlying ground of hope]. But there is also an 
assurance of love (1 Jn 3"); love being, however, not 
a mere feeling but a practical social faculty, a love of 
deed and truth that ministers in all good things to its 
brethren (vv. "-"). Thus on a higher plane — the 
plane of that Christian love which is the fulfilling of 
the Law — we come back to the prophetfc ideal of an 
inward peace and assurance which are the effects of 

In any doctrine of assurance a distinction must 
again be recognized between an objective and a sub- 
jective assurance. The grounds of Christian assurance 
as presented in the gospel are absolute, and it faith were 
merely intellectual assent, every believing man would 
be fully assured of his salvation. But, as a positive 
experience, assurance must be distinguished from 
saving faith (cf. 1 Co 9"). Yet the Spirit witnesses 
with our spirit that we are the children of God (Ro 8'") ; 
and those in whom the consciousness of that witness is 
dim and faint should seek with more diligence to grow 
in faith and hope and love and understanding also, that 
thereby they may make their calling and election sure 
(2 P l'»). J. C. Lambert. 

Natural features and Civilization. — Strictly speaking, 
Assyria was a small district bounded on the N. and E. by 
the mountains of Armenia and Kurdistan, on the W. 
by the Tigris, on the S. by the Upper Zab. The W. 
bank of the Tigris was early included, and the limits of 
the kingdom gradually extended till the Empire included 
all Mesopotamia, Syria, Palestine, and parts of Asia 
Minor and Egypt. The term 'Assyria,' therefore, was 
widely different in meaning at different periods. The 
earliest capital was Asshur, on the W. of the Tigris, 
between the mouths of the Upper and Lower Zab. The 
above-named district, a natural stronghold, was the 
nucleus of the country. For the most part hilly, with 
well-watered valleys and a wide plain along the 'Tigris, 
it was fertile and populous. The cities Calah at the . 
junction of the Upper Zab, Nineveh on the ChOser, 
Dur-Sargon to the N.E., Imgur-Bel S.E., Tarbis to the 
N.W., and Arbela between the rivers Zab, were the 
most noted in Assyria itself. 

The climate was temperate. The slopes of the hills 
were well wooded with oak, plane, and pine; the plains 
and valleys produced figs, olives, and vines. Wheat, 
barley, and millet were cultivated. In the days of the 
Empire the orchards were stocked with trees, among 
which have been recognized date palms, orange, lemon. 


pomegranate, apricot, mulberry, and other fruits. A 
great variety of vegetables were grown in the gardens, 
including beans, peas, cucumbers, onions, lentils. The 
hills furnished plenty of excellent building stone, the 
soft alabaster specially lent itself to the decoration of 
halls with sculptures in low relief, while fine marbles, 
hard limestone, conglomerate and basalt, were worked 
into stone vessels, pillars, altars, etc. Iron, lead, and 
copper were obtainable in the mountains near. The 
lion and wild ox, the boar, deer, gazelle, goat, and hare 
were hunted. The wild ass, mountain sheep, bear, fox, 
jackal, and many other less easily recognized animals are 
named. The eagle, bustard, crane, stork, wild goose, 
various ducks, partridge, plover, the dove, raven, 
swallow, are named; besides many other birds. Fish 
were plentiful. The Assyrians had domesticated oxen, 
asses, sheep, goats, and dogs. Camels and horses were 
introduced from abroad. 

The Assyrians belonged to the North Semitic group, 
being closely akin to the Aramceans, Phcenicians, and 
Hebrews. Like the other Mesopotamian States, Assyria 
early came under the predominating influence of 
Babylonia. According to Gn 10", Nimrod went out 
from the land of Shinar into Assyria and built Nineveh, 
etc. That Babylonian colonies settled in Assyria is prob- 
able, but it is not clear that they found a non-Semitic 
population there. The Assyrians of historic times were 
more robust, warlike, 'fierce' (Is 33"), than the mild, 
industrial Babylonians. This may have been due to 
the influence of climate and incessant warfare; but it 
may indicate a different race. The culture and religion 
of Assyria were essentially Babylonian, save for the 
predominance of the national god Ashur. The king was 
a despot at home, general of the army abroad, and he 
rarely missed an annual expedition to exact tribute 
or plunder some State. The whole organization of the 
State was essentially mUitary. The Uterature was 
borrowed from Babylonia, and to the library of the last 
great king, Ashurbanipal, we owe most of the Babylonian 
classics. The Assyrians were historians more than the 
Babylonians, and they invented a chronology which is 
the basis of all dating for Western Asia. They were a 
predatory race, and amassed the spoils of all Mesopotamia 
in their treasure-houses, but they at least learned to 
value what they had stolen. The enormous influx of 
manufactured articles from abroad and the military 
demands prevented a genuinely native industrial de- 
velopment, but the Assyrians made splendid use of 
foreign talent. In later times, the land became peopled 
by captives, while the drain upon the Assyrian army 
to conquer, garrison, colonize, and hold down the vast 
Empire probably robbed the country of resisting power. 

2. History. — The excavations conducted at Nineveh 
and Calah by Layard, 1845 to 1851; by Botta at 
Khorsabad, 1843-1845; continued by Rassam, G. 
Smith, and others up to the present time; the edition of 
the inscriptions by RawUnson, Norris, and Smith, and 
the decipherment of them by Rawlinson, Hincks, and 
Oppert, have rendered available for the history of 
Assyria a mass of material as yet only partially digested. 
Every year fresh evidence is discovered by explorers 
in the East, and the wide-spread influence of Assyria 
may be illustrated by the discovery of a stele of Sargon 
in Cyprus, a stele of Esarhaddon at Zinjerli on the 
borders of Cihcia, a letter from Ashur-uballit, king of 
Assyria, to Amenophis iv., king of Egypt, at Tell el- 
Amarna in Egypt, of statues of Assyrian kings at Nahr- 
el-Kelb near Beyrout. Besides this primary source of 
history, chiefly contemporaneous with the events it 
records, we have scattered incidental notices in the 
historical and prophetical books of the OT giving an 
important external view, and some records in the 
Greek and Latin classics, mostly too late and uncritical 
to be of direct value. Owing to the intimate connexion 
of Assyria and Babylonia, a great deal may be treated 
as common matter, but it will conduce to clearness to 



separate their history. Some of the common sources 
for history will be noticed here. 

(o) Chronology. — (a) Year-names. — The Babylonians 
gave each year a name. Thus the names of the first 
four years of the reign of Hammurabi are: (1) the 
year in which Hammurabi became king; (2) the year 
in which Hammurabi established the heart of the 
land in righteousness; (3) the year in which the throne 
of Nannar was made; (4) the year in which the wall 
of Malga was destroyed. These dates, or year-names, 
were decided upon and notice sent round to the prin- 
cipal districts, early each year. Thus we know that 
the date, or year-name, to be used tor the eighth year 
of Samsu-iluna was sent as far as the Lebanon, where 
the tablet giving the order was found. Until the new 
year-name was known, the year was dated 'the year 
after' the last known date. Thus the fourth year 
of Hammurabi would be called ' the year after that in 
which the throne of Nannar was made.' The scribes 
kept a record of these dates, and a long list of year- 
names, in two recensions, has been published, which, if 
perfect, would have given the year-names from Sumu-abi 
to the tenth year of Ammi-zaduga. It was natural that 
the same ideogram M U should denote ' year ' and ' name.' 
When, therefore, this Ust counts 43 ilf t/ to the reign 
of Hammurabi, we do not know that he reigned '43 
years,' but only that he used 43 year-names in his reign. 
We know that the same year was sometimes called by 
two different names. When, therefore, the King's List 
gives him a reign of 55 years, we may explain the dis- 
crepancy by supposing that the list of year-names 
gives only the number of separate names. As a year- 
name often mentions a campaign, it seems most unlikely 
that it could have been given at the beginning of the year, 
still more when it records such an event as the fall of a 
city. The list of year-names records some event, 
usually domestic, reUgious, or miUtary, for each year, 
and consequently has been called a 'chronicle.' This 
system of dating occurs as early as Sargon i. Its 
ambiguity for future generations is obvious. The 
kings of Larsa developed an era, the years being called 
the first, second, etc. (up to the 30th), 'after the capture 
of Isin.' In the third dynasty the method of dating by the 
year of the king's reign was introduced. If a king died 
in the 20th year of his reign, he is said to have reigned 
20 years. The remainder of the year was ' the accession 
year' of his successor, and his first year was that begin- 
■ning on the first of Nisan after his accession. Thus over 
a long series of years, the sum of the reigns is accurately 
the length in years, except for the margin at the beginning 
and end : it is exact to a year. 

(/3) Eponym Canon. — The Assyrians devised a modi- 
fication of the year-name which avoided all difficulty. 
They named each year after a particular official, who 
could be selected at the beginning of the year, which 
was called his limmu or eponymy. The particular 
oflicial for each year was originally selected by lot 
(pffiTTi), but later a fixed order was followed, the king, 
the Tartan, the chief of the levy, the chief scribe, etc., 
then the governors of the chief cities. As the Empire 
extended, the governors of such distant places as Car- 
chemish, Razappa, Kummuh, or even Samaria, became 
eponyms. Later still the order seems to be quite 
arbitrary, and may have been a royal choice. Lists of 
these officials, in their actual order of succession, known 
as the Eponym Canons, were drawn up, are fairly 
complete from b.c. 911 to e.g. 668, and can be restored 
to B.C. 648. This method of dating is at. least as early 
aa Arik-den-ilu, and was in use in Cappadocia, possibly 
much earUer. A very large number of names of Eponyms 
are known, which are not in the Canons, but as yet they 
can rarely be dated. 

(v) ChTonological statements. — This system, however, 
provided an accurate means of dating, and warrants 
great reliance on the statements of the kings as to the 
dates of events long before their times. Provided 


that they had access to earlier Eponym Canons than 
we possess, there is no reason why they should not be 
exact. Later kings were not disinclined to give such 
chronological statements. Thus Shalmaneser i. states 
that Erishum built the temple of Ashur, in Asshur, 
which Shamshi-Adad rebuilt 159 years later, but which 
was destroyed 580 years later by a fire and built afresh 
by him. The king does not state in which year of 
either of the reigns these events took place. Esar- 
haddon also states that the temple was built by Erishum, 
restored by Shamshi-Adad, son of Bel-kabi, and again 
by Shalmaneser i. 434 years later, and again by himself. 
The former statement may be preferred, as Shalmaneser 
I. was much nearer to the events, and it is easier to 
reconcile with other statements. Sennacherib's Bavian 
inscription states that he recovered the gods of Ekallati, 
which had been carried away by Marduk-nadin-ahe, 
king of Akkad, in the days of Tiglath-pileser i., 418 
years before, thus dating both Marduk-nadin-ahe and 
Tiglath-pileser i. at about B.C. 1107. Tiglath-pileser i. 
tells us that he rebuilt the temple of Ashur and Adad 
which had been pulled down by his great-grandfather 
Ashur-dan r., 60 years before, and had then stood 
641 years since its foundation by Shamshi-Adad, son 
of Ishme-Dagan. This puts Shamshi-Adad about b.c. 
1820 and Ashur-dan about 1170. Sennacherib also states 
that a seal captured from Babylon by Tukulti-Ninib i. 
had been carried away to Babylon again and was brought 
back by him 600 years later. This puts Tukulti-Ninib i. 
about B.C. 1289. Ashurbanipal states that on his 
capture of Susa he brought back the image of Nana, 
which had been carried off by Kudur-nanhundi, 1635 
years before. This puts an invasion of Babylon at 
B.C. 2275. A boundary stone dated in the 4th year 
of Bel-nadin-apU states that from Gulkishar, probably 
the sixth king of the second Babylonian Dynasty, to 
Nebuchadrezzar i. there were 696 years. This puts 
Gulkishar about b.c. 1820. Nabonidus states that he 
restored a temple in Sippara, which had not been restored 
since Shagarakti-shuriash, 800 years before. This puts 
that king about b.c. 1350. Further, that Naram-Sin, 
son of Sargon i., was 3200 years before him, which dates 
Naram-Sin about b.c. 3750. Further, that Hammurabi 
lived 700 years before Burna-buriash. This dates 
Hammurabi about b.c 2100, or b.c 2150, according as 
we understand Burna-buriash i. or ii. to be intended. 
It is evident that all such dates are vague. The numbers 
may be only approximate, 600 for 560 or 640, say. 
Further, we do not know from which year of the writer's 
reign to reckon, nor to which year of the king named. 
This may add a further margin of uncertainty. 

(6) The Kings' List, Ptolemy's Canon, Eponym. List. — 
The Babylonian Kings' List, if complete, would have 
given the names of the kings of Babylonia from the 
First Dynasty down to the last native ruler, Nabonidus, 
with the lengths of their reigns. It does furnish these 
particulars for long periods. The famous Canon of 
Ptolemy begins with Nabonassar, b.c 747, and gives 
the names of the kings, including the Assyrians Poros 
(Tiglath-pileser in.), Sargon, and Esarhaddon, with 
the dates of their reigns, down to Nabonidus, then the 
Achsemenids to Alexander the Great, the Ptolemys and 
Romans, so connecting with well-known dates. The 
Eponym Canon lists record the eclipse of b.c. 763, and 
their dates are thus fixed. So far as they overlap, the 
last three sources agree exactly. We may then trust 
the Eponym Canons to b.c. 911 and the Kings' List 
wherever preserved. 

(e) Genealogies, Date Documents. — The kings usually 
mention their father and grandfather by name; often 
an earlier ancestor, or predecessor, naming his father, 
and we are thus enabled to trace back a dynasty from 
father to son over long periods. Unfortunately we are 
rarely told by them how long a king reigned, but where 
we have documents dated by the year of his reign, 
we can say he reigned at least so many years. 



In both Assyrian and Babylonian history there are still 
wide gaps, but exploration is continually filling them up. 
The German explorations at Asshur added quite 20 new 
names to the list of Assyrian rulers. It is dangerous to 
argue that, because we do not know all the rulers in 
a certain period, it ought to be reduced in length. It is 
as yet impossible to reconcile all the data, because we 
are not sure of the Icings referred to. We already 
know five or six of the same name, and it may well be 
that we mistake the reference. 

(i) Synchronous History. — The so-called Synchronous 
History of Assyria and Babylonia dealt with the wars 
and rectification of boundaries between the two countries 
from B.C. 1400 to B.C. 1150 and B.C. 900 to B.C. 800; and 
the Babylonian Chronicle gave the names and lengths 
of reign of the kings of Assyria, Babylonia, and Elam 
from B.C. 744 to B.C. 668. These establish a number of 
synchronisms, besides making considerable contribu- 
tions to the history. 

The bulk of the history is derived from the inscriptions 
of the kings themselves. Here there is an often remarked 
difference between Assyrian and Babylonian usage. 
The former are usually very full concerning the wars 
of conquest, the latter almost entirely concerned with 
temple buildings or domestic affairs, such as palaces, 
walls, canals, etc. Many Assyrian kings arrange their 
campaigns in chronological order, forming what are 
called Annals. Others are content to sum up their con- 
quests in a list of lands subdued. We rarely have any- 
thing like Annals from Babylonia. 

The value to be attached to these inscriptions is very 
various. They are contemporary, and for geography 
Invaluable. A king would hardly boast of conquering 
a country which did not exist. The historical value is 


more open to question. A ' conquest ' meant little more 
than a raid successful in exacting tribute. The Assyrians, 
however, gradually learnt to consolidate their conquests. 
They planted colonies of Assyrian people; endowing 
them with conquered lands. They transported the 
people of a conquered State to some other part of the 
Empire, allotting them lands and houses, vineyards and 
gardens, even cattle, and so endeavoured to destroy 
national spirit and produce a blended population of one 
language and one civilization. The weakness of the 
plan lay in the heavy taxation which prevented loyal 
attachment. The population of the Empire had no 
objection to the substitution of one master for another. 
The demands on the subject States for men and supplies 
for the incessant wars weakened all without attaching 
any. The population of Assyria proper was insufficient 
to officer and garrison so large an empire, and every 
change of monarch was the signal for rebellion in all 
outlying parts. A new dynasty usually had to recon- 
quer most of the Empire. Civil war occurred several 
times, and always led to great weakness, finally rendering 
the Empire an easy prey to the invader. 

The following table of monarchs is compiled from 
the above-mentioned materials. Where the relation- 
ship of two kings is known, it is indicated by S for 
' son,' B for ' brother,' of the preceding king. When two 
kings are known to be contemporaries = is placed 
between their names. Probable dates of accession are 
given with a query, known dates without. Where a 
figure with + is placed after a name it indicates monu- 
mentally attested minimum length of reign, thus 25 + 
means 'at least 25 years.' The lengths of reigns in 
the Year List or Chronicle for the First Dynasty are 
given in brackets. 


I. First Dynasty of Babylon. 

Length of 

Patesis of Asshui 








Zabum, S 



Apil-Sin, S 



Sin-muballit, S 



Hammurabi, S 

55(43) = 

Shamahi-Adad I. 


Samsu-iluna, S 




Abeshu, S 




Ammi-satana, S 




Ammi-zaduga, S 


ShaUm-ahum, S 


Samsu-satana, S 


Ilu-shuma, S 

II. Dynasty of Ued-azao. 

Erishum, S 




Ikunum, S 




Shar-kenkate- Ashir 




Ishme-Dagan i. 




Ashur-nirari i. S 


Shushshi, B 






Shamshi-Adad ii. S 


Peshgal-daramash, S 


Shamshi-Adad iii. S 


A-dara-kalama, S 





Ishme-Dagan ii. 




Shamshi-Adad iv. S 




III. Kassite Dynasty. 

KxNGs OF Assyria. 






Agum I. S 


Bel-ibni S 






Adshi, S 





Ashur-rabi, S 


Ashur-nirari n. S 

Agum II. S 

Ashur-rim,-nishe8hu, S 

Kurigalzu i. S 
Melisnihu I. S 

Puzur-Ashur i. 

Marduk-apliddiua i. S 

Ashur-nirari iii. 

Kara-indash I. 


Ashur-bel-niaheshu, S 

Burna-buriash i. S 


Puzur-Ashur ii. 



Kara-indash ll. 

Erba-Adad i. S 

Kadashman-harbe i. 

Ashur-uballit i.S 



Kurigalzu ii. 


Ashur-ubaUit ii. S 





879 7 





III. Kassite Dtnastt — cont. 

of beion 

Buma-buriash ii. S 

25 -1- 

Kurigalzu III. S 


Nazi-maruttash, S 

24 + 


16 + 


6 + 


9 -1- 

Shagarakti-shuriash, S 
Bitiliashu, S 

23 -t- _ 




Kadashman-faarbe ii. 






Meliahihu ii. 


Marduk-apliddina ll. 






IV. Dynasty oe 




(Unknown name) 


Nabu-kudur-usur I. 


4 + 

10 + 



22 1 

Marduk .... 

li " 



Nabu-shum .... 


V. Dynasty of the 





5 mo. 



VI. Dynasty of 







3 mo. 

VII. Dynasty of 


An Elamite 


VIII. Dynasty of 





8 mo. 


Nabu-shum-ishkun i. 


31 + 

Marduk-shum-iddina, S 




Nabu-shum-ishkun n. 

8 H- 



2 -, 


42 days 

IX. Dynasty of Shasbi. 


Pulu Dynasty of Tinu 


Marduk-apliddina ni. 

12 -| 

Sharru-kenu n. 




1 mo. 

Marduk-apliddina m. (returned) 











7 -J 




X. CHAtDiEAN Dynasty. 



Nabu-kudur-usur n. S 


Amel-Marduk, S 





KiNos OF Assyria — coni. b. 

rBBl-nirari, S 
[_Arik-dgn-ilu, S 
Adad-nirari i. S 

Shulmanu-ashared i. S 
Tukulti-Ninib i. S 
Ashur-nazir-apli i. S 
-Ashur-nirari iv. 

Erba-Adad ii. 
-Ninib-apil-Esharra, S 
Ashur-dan i. S 

Mutakkil-Nusku, S 
Ashur-resh-ishi, S 

Tukulti-apil-Esharra i, 
Ashur-bel-kala, S 
Shamshi-Adad v. B 
Ashur-dan ll. B 
Adad-nirari ll. S 
Ashur-nazir-apli n. 

1310 7 

1289 7 

1107 7 


Adad-nirari in. 

Tukulti-apil-Esharra n. S 

Ashur-dan in. S 

Adad-nirari iv. S 

Tukulti-Ninib ii. S 
TAshur-nazir-apli in. S 
(_Shulmanu-ashared ll. S 

Shamshi-Adad vi, S 
• Adad-nirari v. S 

Shulmanu-ashared in. S 

Ashur-dan iv. 

Adad-nirari vi. S 

Ashur-nirari v. S 

Tukulti-apil-Eshana m. 

Shulmanu-ashared iv. 
Sharru-kenu n 

= Sin-ahe-erba, S 

Ashur-ahiddin, _S 
Ashur-bani-apii, S 
pAshur-etil-ilani. S, 4-H 

Sin-shar-ishkun, B, 7H- 

'-FaU of Nineveh 

914 7 



















Oct. 10, Fall of Babylon 




(6) Early traditions. — We may dismiss as mytliical 
the Assyrian claim that Nineveh was founded directly 
alter the Creation, but it points to a tradition of im- 
memorial antiquity. Sargon claimed to have been 
preceded on his throne by 350 rulers of Assyria; but 
even if he counted ancient Babylonian overlords of 
Assyria, we have no means of checking his figures. 
Sennacherib professed to trace his Uneage back to 
Gilgamesh, Eabani, and Humbaba, the heroes of the 
Babylonian National Epic, through such ancient 
rulers as Egiba, La'iti-Ashur, Ashur-gamiUa, Shamash- 
sululishu, etc., whose names are not otherwise known. 
The reference made by Gudea to his having built a 
temple for Nana ( = Ishtar) in Nineveh may be meant 
for the Babylonian city of the same name, and an 
inscription of Dungi found in Nineveh might have 
been carried there by Assyrian conquerors. 

(c) Earliest mention. — Hammurabi, however, in one 
of his letters refers to troops in Assyria, and in the 
prologue to his celebrated code of laws states that he 
' returned to Asshur its gracious protecting deity and 
made glorious the name of Ishtar in her temple at 
Nineveh.' As these benefactions are placed after the 
benefits conferred on the Babylonian cities, we may 
conclude that Asshur and Nineveh were subject to 
him, and that the deity referred to had been carried 
off by invaders, perhaps the Elamites, or Kassites. 
A contemporary letter mentions a defaulting debtor 
as having gone to Assyria. These are the earUest 
references to the country. 

(d) Earliest rulers. — The earhest rulers of Assyria 
styled themselves 'patesi of Asshur.' The title was 
that borne by the city rulers of Babylonia. Its Assyrian 
equivalent was ishshakku, and it often interchanges 
with shangU, 'priest.' It was still borne by the 
kings of Assyria, but while it designated them then 
as 'chief priest' of the nation, we may conclude 
that when used alone it implied that its bearer was 
subject to some king. Hence it has usually been 
supposed that the patesi of Asshur was subject to 
Babylonia. In the fourth year of Hammurabi one 
Shamshi-Adad is named in a way that suggests his 
being the paiesi of Asshur, subject to Hammurabi. We 
know the names of many of these rulers. Thus Ushpia 
was the founder of the temple of Ashur In the city of 
Asshur, and may be the earliest of all. Kikia, who may 
be the same as Kiki-Bel otherwise known, founded the 
city wall of Asshur, and may be as early, if not earlier. 
The title descended from father to son tor five genera- 
tions, of whom we put Erishum as early as B.C. 2000. 
Then we know some pairs, father and son, of whom the 
last Ishme-Dagan ii. and Shamshi-Adad iv. are about 
B.C. 1820. The order in which these groups are arranged 
is at present purely conjectural, and we know nothing 
of the intervals between them. Shamshi-Adad ii., 
son of Bel-kabi, should be some sixty years before 
Shamshi-Adad iv. 

(e) Early kings. — We do not know the exact date 
at which Assyria achieved her independence of Baby- 
lon, but it may well have synchronized with the Kassite 
conquest of Babylonia, or have contributed to it. A 
possible reference to the 'war of independence' ia 
contained in a tablet which names a great conflict 
between the king of Babylon and the prince of Assyria, 
to whom the title 'king' is not conceded, which 
ended in the spoils of Babylon being carried to Assyria; 
but we are given no names to date events. Esarhaddon 
traced his descent from Adasi, father of Bel-ibni, ' who 
founded the kingdom of Assyria.' If we credit this, 
Adasi or Bel-ibni was the first 'king.' Adad-nirari iir. 
states that B6l-kapkapi was an early king who Uved be- 
fore Sulilu. It is doubtful whether the group of three, 
Ashur-rabi, Ashur-nirariii., and Ashur-rim-nishSshu, the 
last of whom restored the city wall of Asshur, should 
not be put before the ' kings.' As Ashur-bel-nish?shu 
restored the wall of the 'Newtown' of Asshur, which a 


Puzur-Ashur had founded, we must put a Puzur-Ashur 
I. before him. The interval of time we do not know, 
but a city wall surely lasted years before the reign of 
Ashur-bel-nisheshu's father, Ashur-nirari iii. 

(f) Relations with Egypt and Babylonia. — About B.C. 
1500 an Assyrian ruler sent gifts to Thothmes rir., in his 
24th and 30th years; but we are not told which king. 
The synchronous history now comes to our aid. Ashur- 
bel-nisheshu made a treaty with Kara-indash i. as to 
the boundaries of the two countries: a few years later 
Puzur-Ashur ii. made a fresh treaty with Burna-buriash i. 
Ashur-uballit names Erba-Adad i. his father and Ashur- 
nadin-ahi his grandfather, in the inscription on the 
bricks of a well he made in Asshur. Adad-nirari i. 
names Puzur-Ashur, Ashur-bel-nisheshu, Erba-Adad 
and Adad . . . , in this order, as builders at the wall of 
' Newtown.' But the Ashur-uballit who wrote to Araeno- 
phis IV. in the Tell el-Amarna tablets says that his 
father Ashur-nadin-ahe was in friendly relationship 
with Araenophis in., and he was followed by his son 
Bel-nirari, whose son was Arik-den-ilu and grandson 
Adad-nirari i., who names this Adad. . . . He must 
therefore follow Ashur-uballit i. 

(fir) Extension to the West. — Ashur-uballit ii. gave his 
daughter Muballitat-Shertia to Burna-buriash i. to wife. 
Her son Kadashman-harbe i. succeeded to the throne 
of Babylon, but the Kassites rebelled against him, put 
him to death and set up a Kassite, Nazi-bugash. Ashur- 
uballit invaded Babylonia, deposed the pretender, and 
set Kurigalzu ii., another son of Burna-buriash, on the 
throne. With Asher-ubaUit also begins Assyrian history 
proper — the expansion to the W., which was so fateful 
for Palestine. In the time of the Tell el-Amarna tablets 
Egypt was the overlord of Palestine, but already Mitanni, 
the Hittites, and further to the east Assyria and Baby- 
lonia, were treating with Egypt on equal terms. Tush- 
ratta, king of Mitanni, offered to send Ishtar of Nineveh 
to Amenophis in. This has been taken to mean that 
Mitanni then ruled over Nineveh; it may mean only that 
Ishtar of Nineveh was worshipped in Mitanni. But 
Ashur-uballit wrested Melitia from Mitanni, and con- 
quered the Shubari to the N.W. of Assyria. Hence 
he probably ruled Nineveh also. Bel-nirari was attacked 
by Kurigalzu in. at Sugagu on the Zalzallat, but 
defeated him and made a fresh boundary settlement. 
Arik-den-ilu (often read Pudi-ilu) conquered N., E., and 
W., penetrating as far as Halah on the Habor, subduing 
Turuku, Nigimtu, Gutium, the Aramajans, Ahlami, and 
the Bedouin Stlti. Adad-nirari i. was, early in his reign, 
defeated by Kurigalzu in., and lost the southern con- 
quests of his predecessors, but later conquered Gutium, 
the Lullumi and Shubari, turned the tables by defeat- 
ing Nazi-maruttash, and rectified his boundary to the 
S. On the W. he extended his conquests over Haran 
to the Euphrates. Shalmaneser i. (Shulmanu-ashared) 
crossed the upper waters of the Tigris, placed Assyrian 
colonies among the tribes to the N., subdued the 
Aramaeans of Upper Mesopotamia, took Melitia, the 
capital of Hani, defeated the Hittites, Ahlami, Musri, 
and Suti, captured Haran and ravaged up to Carchemish. 
He made Calah his capital, and restored the temple of 
Ishtar at Nineveh. He first bore the title shar kishshUti, 
supposed to mark the conquest of Haran. 

(ft) Capture of Babylon. — Tukulti-Ninlb i. conquered 
Gutium, the Shubari, 40 kings of Nairi, the Ukumani, 
ElhQnia, Sharnida, Mehri, Kurhi, Kummuh, the Push- 
she, MUmme, Alzi, Madani, Nihani, Alaia, Arzi, Puru- 
kuzzi. His chief triumph, however, was over Babylon. 
He defeated and captured BitiUashu, and took him 
prisoner to Assyria, ruling Babylonia seven years by 
his nominees. The first, Bel-nadin-shum, ruled eighteen 
months. Elam now appeared on the scene, invaded 
Babylonia, and a Kassite, Kadashman-harbe n., was set 
up. After eighteen months more, Tukultl-Ninib i. took 
Babylon, slew its people with the sword and set up 
Adad-shum-iddina, who ruled six years. Tukulti-Ninlb 



deported the god Marduk to Assyria and carried off 
great spoil from Esaggila, his temple in Babylon. Among 
other things he carried off a seal of lapis lazuli, which 
had belonged to Shagarakti-shuriash, father of Bitiliashu, 
and engraved his own name and titles on it. It was 
afterwards carried back to Babylon, whence Sennacherib 
brought it once more 600 years later. We thus get a 
date B.C. 1289, which must fall either in Tukulti-Ninib's 
reign or in that of Ninib-tukulti-Ashur's, 16 (?) years 
later, when Marduk was carried back to Babylon. 
After Adad-shum-iddina had reigned six years, the 
Kassites and Babylonians set Adad-shum-usur on ' his 
father's throne." Tukulti-Ninib had built a city called 
Kar-Tukulti-Ninib, close to Asshur, which he intended 
for a new capital, but that evidently estranged his own 
people, for his son Ashur-nazir-apli i. rebelled against 
him, besieged him in a house in his new city, and finally 
killed him. Of the reign of the parricide we know 
nothing. Adad-shum-usur corresponded with two kings 
of Assyria, Ashur-nirari iv. and NabO-dan, who appear 
to be reigning both at the same time. Perhaps they 
were sons of Tukulti-Ninib i., or it may be another 
Adad-shum-usur who was their contemporary. They 
are usually placed here, but we know nothing further 
about them. It was Ninlb-tukulti-Ashur who carried 
back Marduk, and perhaps the seal above named, to 
Babylon. Possibly he took refuge from Ashur-shum- 
. lisbir. There is much doubt about this period, but 
Adad-shum-usur Uved to defeat and kill Bel-kudur-usur. 
Erba-Adad ii. is known only as father of Ninib-apil- 
Esharra, whom Tiglath-pileser i. calls ' a powerful king 
that truly shepherded the hosts of Assyria.' He was 
besieged by Adad-shum-usur in Asshur. Ashur-dan i. 
defeated Zamama-shum-iddina and captured several 
Babylonian cities, carrying off much spoil to Assyria. 
He had a long reign. We know little of Mutakkil- 
Nusku. Ashur-rgsh-lshi began to revive the military 
glories of Assyria, conquering the Ahlami, Gutiura and 
Lullumi. He then invaded Babylonia, and Nebuchad- 
rezzar I. attacked him in Assyria, but was defeated and 
lost his commander-in-chief. 

(i) Tiglath-pileser I., etc. — Tukulti-apil-Esharra (Tig- 
lath-pileser) I. has left us very full accounts of a long reign 
and series of conquests; chiefly in Upper Mesopotamia 
along the base of the Caucasus, Armenia, and W. to the 
N. E. corner of the Mediterranean, ' in all 42 countries 
with their princes.' The Bedouin SQti were driven 
back across the Euphrates. The Babylonian king 
Marduk-nadin-ahe invaded the S. of Assyria and carried 
off the gods of Ekallate, but, after two years' fighting, 
Tiglath-pileser defeated him and captured the chief 
cities of North Babylonia, including Sippara and 
Babylon itself. He was no less distinguished by his 
restorations of home cities, and he accUmatized all sorts of 
useful trees and plants. Ashur-bel-kala, Shamshl- Adad v. , 
and Ashur-dan ii. , sons of Tiglath-pileser, followed on the 
throne, but in what order is not known. Adad-nlrari ii. 
was son of Ashur-dan ii., and Ashur-nazir-apli ii. was 
son of Shamshi-Adad v. ; but beyond these relationships 
nothing much is known of them. Shalmaneser ii. tells 
us that he recaptured Pitru and Mitkunu on the far 
side of the Euphrates, which Tiglath-pileser had taken, 
but which were lost to Assyria in the reign of Ashur- 
kirbi. As Shalmaneser's six predecessors cannot be 
separated, it is usual to put Ashur-kirbi here. Whether 
the king Ilu-hirbe who set up his image near the Amanus, 
also named by Shalmaneser, be the same or an earlier 
and more successful conqueror, is not yet clear. The 
interval between Tiglath-pileser i. and Ashur-nirari iv., 
with whom accurate chronology begins, also contained 
Adad-nirari in., Tukulti-apil-Esharra ii., and Ashur-dan 
m., as known from genealogical notices, but as there is 
a gap of unknown extent at the commencement of the 
8th Dynasty of Babylon, we cannot tell its length or 
how many things are still unknown to us. Adad-nirari 
IV. warred with Shamash-mudammik and NabQ-shum- 


Ishkun of Babylon; Tukulti-Ninib ii. continued the 
subjugation of the mountaineers N. of Assyria, gradually 
winning back the Empire of Tiglath-pileser i. 

With Ashur-nazir-apli iir. began a fresh tide of 
Assyrian conquest, b.c. 885. He rebuilt Calah, and 
made it his capital. The small Aramaean State of Bit- 
Adini, between the Balih and Euphrates, held out 
against him, but he conquered the Mannai, KirrQr, 
and Zamua between Lake Van and Lake Urmia. Car- 
chemish, Unki (' Amk), or Hattin on the Orontes were 
raided, and the army reached the Lebanon. Tyre, 
Sidon, Gebal, Arvad, etc., were fain to buy off the 
conqueror. Ashur-nazir-apli had invaded the Baby- 
lonian sphere of influence, and NabQ-apli-iddina sent his 
brother Zabdanu to support his allies. Ashur-nazir-apli 
took Zabdanu and 3000 troops prisoners. 

(j) Shalmaneser II., etc. — The reign of Shalmaneser ii., 
his son and successor, was one long campaign. He 
records 33 separate expeditions, and began to annex his 
conquests by placing governors over the conquered 
districts. The Armenian Empire now began to bar 
Assyria's progress north. Assyria now first appeared on 
Israel's horizon as a threatening danger. Shalmaneser's 
celebrated bronzedoors at Balawat and the Black Obelisk 
give us pictures of scenes in his reign. They represent 
ambassadors from Girzan near Lake Urmia, from JahQa 
(Jehu) of Israel, from Musri, from Marduk-aplu-usur 
of Suhi, and from Karparunda of Hattin. This Musri 
is N.E. of Cilicia (1 K lO^s), whence Solomon brought his 
horses. Shalmaneser invaded Kue in Cilicia, and Tabal 
(Tubal), where he annexed the sUver, salt, and alabaster 
works. He reached Tarzl (Tarsus, the birthplace of 
St. Paul). To the N.E. he penetrated Parsua, the original 
Persia, In Babylonia, NabO-apli-iddina was deposed 
by his son, Marduk-shum-iddina, against whom arose 
his brother Marduk-bel-usate, who held the southern 
States of the Sealand, already peopled by the Chal- 
dasans. Shalmaneser invaded Babylonia, and, passing 
to the E., besieged Marduk-bel-usate in Me-turnat, 
drove lilm from one stronghold to another, and finally 
killed him and all his partisans. In the r61e of a friend 
of Babylon, Shalmaneser visited the chief cities and 
sacrificed to the gods, captured most of the southern 
States, and laid them under tribute. 

Shalmaneser's campaign against Hamath on the 
Orontes took place in b.c. 854. The fall of Bit-Adini 
had roused all N. Syria to make a stand. At Karkar 
the Assyrian army had against them a truly wonderful 

Chariots. Horsemen. Foot. 
Bir-idri of Damascus . 1200 1200 20,000 

Irhulini of Hamath . . 700 700 10,000 

Ahabbu of Sir'il . . 2000 .. 10,000 

The Gui (Kue) ■ . . . . . . 500 

Musri . . 1,000 

Irkanat ... 10 .. 10,000 

Matin-ba'al of Arvad . . . . . 200 

Uaanat . . 200 

Adunu-ba'al of Shiana .30 . . 10,000 

Ba'sa of Ammon .... . . 1,000 

Gindibu the Arab . . 1000 Camels. 

The presence of Ahab in this battle in which Shalmaneser 
claims to have won the victory is most interesting. 
The battle was not productive of any settled results, 
as Shalmaneser had to fight the same foes in b.c. 849 
and again in b.c. 846. In b.c. 842 Shalmaneser defeated 
Hazael, besieged him in Damascus, and carried off the 
spoils of Malaha, his residence. At this time he received 
tribute from Tyre, Sidon, and Jehu, 'of the house of 
Omri.' Jehu's tribute is interesting — it includes silver, 
gold, a vessel of gold, a ladle of gold, golden drinking 
cups, golden beakers, tin, a sceptre, and bedolach. 

Shalmaneser's last years were clouded by the rebellion 
of his son Ashur-danin-apli, who alienated more than 
half the Empire, and was not subdued by the successor 
to the throne, his brother Shamshi-Adad vi., till after 
eight years' struggle. He may be considered actual king 



for those eight years. Shamshi-Adad had to fight the 
Babylonian kings Bau-ah-iddina and Marduk-balatsu- 
ikbi. He warred in ChaldEea and advanced into Media 
as lar as Mt. Elvend to secure the Mannai and ParsQa 
against the rising power of Armenia. Adad-nirari v. 
penetrated Media right up to the Caspian Sea. Armenia 
had pushed W. and secured Hani-rabbat and Daieni, 
old conquests of Assyria. Adad-nirari v., however, 
fought several campaigns in the West. From the 
upper part of the Euphrates to the land of Hatti (N. 
Syria), Amurri (N. Palestine), Tyre, Sidon, the land of 
Omri (Israel), Udumu (Edom), and Palastu (Philistia), 
to the Mediterranean, he exacted tribute. He besieged 
Mari'a, king of Damascus, in his capital, captured it 
and carried off rich spoil. These expeditions may be 
placed in b.c. 804 and b.c. 797. 

(i) Tiglath-pUeser III. — Armenia was steadily rising 
in power, and Assyria gradually lost all its northern 
conquests in Upper Mesopotamia; under Ashur-nirari v. 
the dynasty fell and a new line came to the throne in 
Tiglath-pileser in., b.c. 745. The world of small States 
had given way to a few strong kingdoms ; the Chaldseans 
were strongly forcing their way into lower Babylonia; 
in the north, Armenia was powerful and ready to 
threaten W. Syria; Egypt was awaking and anxious 
to interfere in Palestine. Assyria and Babylonia bade 
fair to fall a prey to stronger nations, when Tiglath- 
pileser III. roused the old energy. The Aramaeans 
were pouring into Babylonia, filled the Tigris basin from 
the lower Zab to the Uknu, and held some of the most 
celebrated cities of Akkad. Tiglath-pileser scourged them 
into subjection, and deported multitudes to the N.E. 
hills. The Medes were set in order, and then Tiglath- 
pileser turned to the west. The new kingdom of Arpad 
was strongly supported by Armenia, and Tiglath-pileser 
swept to the right into Kummuh, and took the Armenians 
in the rear. He crushed them, and for the time was 
left to deal with the West. Arpad took three years to 
reduce: then gradually all N. Syria came into Assyrian 
hands, b.c. 740. Hamath allied itself with Azrijahu 
of laudi (Azariah of Judah?) and Panammu of Samal. 
Tiglath-pileser broke up the coalition, devastated 
Hamath, and made the district an Assyrian province. 
The Southern States hastened to avoid invasion by paying 
tribute. Menahem of Israel, Zabibi of Arabia, Razunnu 
(Eezon) of Damascus, Hiram of Tyre are noteworthy; 
but Gebal, Carchemish, Hamath, Militia, Tabal, KuUani 
(Calno, Is 109) also submitted, b.c. 738. In b.c. 734 
Hanno of Gaza was defeated. In b.c. 733-732 Damascus 
was besieged and taken, Israel was invaded, the whole 
of Naphtali taken, and Pekah had to pay heavy toll. 
In B.C.731 he was murdered, and Tiglath-pileser acknowl- 
edged Hosea as successor. Ammon, Moab, Ashkelon, 
Edom, and Ahaz of Judah paid tribute. Samsi, queen 
of the Arabians, was defeated, and the Sabeeans sent 
presents. This Tiglath-pileser is the Pul of 2 K 15"- ", 
who, after defeating the Chaldeean Ukln-zer, who had 
got himself made king of Babylon, in b.c. 728 was 
crowned king of Babylon, as Pulu. 

(.1) Sargon. — Shalmaneser iv. seems to have been 
son of Tiglath-pileser. He was king of Babylonia as 
Ululai, and succeeded to Tiglath-pileser' s Empire. In 
B.C. 724 he began the siege of Samaria, which fell after 
three years. We have no Assyrian accounts of this 
reign. Sargon at once succeeded him, but we have no 
knowledge of his title to the throne. He never mentions 
his immediate ancestors, nor does Sennacherib, but 
the latter evidently wished to claim ancient royal 
descent, and Esarhaddon claimed descent from an early 
king. That Sargon is called arku, 'the later," in his 
own inscriptions may be meant to distinguish him 
from the great Sargon of Akkad, whose reign he so 
closely reproduced, orfrom some early Assyrian monarch, 
Shar-ken (Shar-kenkate-Ashir?). Samaria fell almost 
immediately (b.c. 722), and the flower of the nation, 
to the number of 27,290 persons, was deported and 


settled about Halah on the Habor, in the province of 
Gozan and in Media (2 K n^), being replaced by Baby- 
lonians and Syrians. Merodach-baladan, a king of 
Bit lakin, a Chaldsan State in S. Babylonia, who had 
been tributary to Tiglath-pileser iii., had made himself 
master of Babylon, and was supported there by Elam. 
Sargon met the Elamites in a battle which he claimed 
as a victory, but he had to leave Merodach-baladan 
alone as king in Babylon for twelve years. This failure 
roused the West under laubidi of Hamath, who secured 
Arpad, Simirra, Damascus, and Samaria as allies, sup- 
ported by Hanno of Gaza and the N. Arabian Musri. 
Sargon in b.c. 720 set out to recover his power here. 
At Karkar, laubidi was defeated and captured, and 
the southern branch of the confederacy was crushed at 
Baphia. Hanno was carried to Assyria, 933 people 
deported, Shabi (Sibi, Sewe, So), the Tartan of Piru of 
Musri, fled, the Arabians submitted and paid tribute. 
Azuri of Ashdod, who began to intrigue with Egypt, 
was deposed and replaced by his brother, Ahimitl. 
A rebellion in Ashdod led to a pretender being installed, 
but Sargon sent his Tartan to Ashdod (Is 20'), the pre- 
tender fled, and Ashdod and Gath were reduced to Assyrian 
provinces. Judah, Edom, and Moab staved off vengeance 
by heavy toll. Sargon's heaviest task was the reduction 
of Armenia.. Rusa i. was able to enlist all Upper Meso- 
potamia, including Mita of Mushki, and it took ten years 
to subdue the foe. Sargon's efforts were clearly aided 
by the incursions of the Gimirri (Gomer) into N. Armenia. 
Having triumphed everywhere else, Sargon turned his 
veterans against Babylonia. The change of kings in 
Elam was a favourable opportunity for attacking Mero- 
dach-baladan, who was merely holding down the country 
by Chaldsean troops. Sargon marched down the Tigris, 
seized the chief posts on the east, screened off the 
Elamites and threatened Merodach-baladan's rear. 
He therefore abandoned Babylon and fell on Sargon's 
rear, but, meeting no support, retreated S. to his old 
kingdom and fortified it strongly. Sargon entered 
Babylon, welcomed as a deliverer, and in b.c. 709 became 
king of Babylon. The army stormed Bit lakin, but 
Merodach-baladan escaped over sea. Sargon then 
restored the ancient cities of Babylonia. His last years 
were crowned with the submission of far-off lands; 
seven kings of Cyprus sent presents, and Sargon set up 
a stele there in token of his supremacy. Dilmun, an 
island far down the Persian Gulf, did homage. Sargon 
founded a magnificent city, DUr Sargon, modern Khors- 
abad, to the N.E. of Nineveh. He died a violent death, 
but how or where Is now uncertain. 

(m) Sennacherib. — Sennacherib soon had to put down 
rebellion in S.E. and N.W., but his Empire was very 
well held together, and his chief wars were to meet 
the Intrigues of his neighbours, Elam and Egypt. Baby- 
lonia was split up into semi-independent States, peopled 
by Aramaeans, Chaldseans, and kindred folk, all restless 
and ambitious. Merodacli-baladan seized the throne of 
Babylon from Marduk-zakir-shum, Sargon's viceroy, b.c. 
704. The Aramseans and Elam supported him. Sennach- 
erib defeated him at Kish, b.c. 703, and drove him 
out of Babylon after nine months' reign. Sennacherib 
entered Babylon, spoiled the palace, swept out the 
Chaldaeans from the land, and carried off 208,000 people 
as captives. On the throne of Babylon he set Bel-ibnl, 
of the Babylonian seed royal, but educated at his court. 
Merodach-baladan had succeeded in stirring the W., 
where Tyre had widely extended its power, and Hezekiah 
of Judah had grown wealthy and ambitious, to revolt. 
Ammon, Moab, Edom, the Arabians joined the con- 
federacy, and Egypt encouraged. Padi, king of Ekron, 
a faithful vassal of Assyria, was overthrown by a rebellion 
in his city and sent in chains to Hezekiah. Sennach- 
erib, early in B.C. 701, appeared on the Mediterranean 
coast, received the submission of the Phoenician cities, 
isolated Tyre, and had tribute from Ammon, Moab, 
and Edom. Tyre he could not capture, so he made 



Itubal of Sidon overlord of Phoeuicia, and assailed 
Tyre with the allied fleet. Its king escaped to Cyprus, 
but the city held out. Sennacherib meanwhile passed 
down the coast, reduced Ashkelon, but was met at 
Eltekeh by the Arabians and Egyptians. He gained 
an easy victory, and captured Eltekeh, Timnath, and 
Ekron. Then he concentrated his attention upon 
Judah, captured 46 fortified cities, deported 200,150 
people, and shut up Hezekiah, 'like a bird in a cage,' 
in Jerusalem. He assigned the Judsean cities to the 
kings of Ashdod, Ekron, and Gaza, imposed fresh 
tribute, and received of Hezekiah thirty talents of gold, 
eight hundred talents of silver, precious stones, couches 
of ivory, thrones of ivory, precious woods, his daughters, 
his palace women, male and female singers, etc., an 
enormous spoil, which was carried to Nineveh. His 
siege of Lachish is depicted on his monuments. Before 
his campaign was over, Merodach-baladan had again 
appeared in Babylon. A difficulty has always been 
felt about the destruction of Sennacherib's army, 
because, if it took place after this campaign, he could 
hardly have been so successful in Babylonia. His 
inscriptions end with B.C. 689, but Esarhaddon's refer- 
ences to the conquests of his father in Arabia, and a 
fragmentary reference to Azekah, suggest that he 
invested Jerusalem again, on a second campaign, and 
that the destruction occurred then. The Biblical 
narrative suggests that Tirhakah, king of Ethiopia, 
had already appeared on the scene. This would date 
the event after B.C. 691. Further, it seems to have 
occurred soon before his death in B.C. 681. 

In Babylonia, Bel-ibni proved unfaithful and was 
recalled. Ashur-nadin-shum, Sennacherib's son, was 
installed as king, and reigned six years. Sennacherib 
devastated Bit lakin and defeated Shuzub, a Chaldsean 
king. He then employed Phoenician shipbuilders and 
Bailors to build ships at Til-barslp, on the Euphrates, 
and at Nineveh, on the Tigris. He floated his fleets 
down to the mouth of the rivers, shipped his army, and 
landed at the mouth of the KarQn, where the Chaldseans 
had taken refuge, B.C. 695. He sent the captives by 
ship to Assyria, and marched his army into S. Elam. 
The king of Elam, however, swooped down on Babylon 
and carried off Ashur-nadin-shum to Elam. Nergal- 
ushSzib was raised to the throne, and, aided by Elamite 
troops, proceeded to capture the Assyrian garrisons 
and cut off the southern army. Sennacherib retreated 
to Erech and awaited Nergal-ushSzib, who had occupied 
Nippur. He was defeated, captured, and taken to 
Assyria, B.C. 693. The Babylonians now made Shuzub, 
the Chaldaean, king under the name of Mushgzib-Marduk. 
A revolution in Elam tempted Sennacherib to invade 
that country, perhaps in hope of rescuing his son. He 
swept all before him, the Elamite king retreating to the 
mountains, but the severe winter forced Sennacherib 
to retreat, B.C. 692. Mushezib-Marduk and the Baby- 
lonians opened the treasury of Marduk to bribe the 
Elamites for support. A great army of Eiamites, 
Aramaeans, Chaldaeans, and Babylonians barred Sennach- 
erib's return at HalQle, on the E. of the Tigris, B.C. 691. 
Sennacherib claimed the victory, but had no power to 
do more, and left Mushezib-Marduk alone for the time. 
He came back to Babylonia in B.C. 690, and the new 
Elamite king being unable to assist, Babylon was taken, 
MushSzib-Marduk deposed and sent to Nineveh. Baby- 
lon was then sacked, fortifications and walls, temples 
and palaces razed to the ground, the inhabitants mas- 
sacred, the canals turned over the ruins, b.c. 689. 
Sennacherib made Babylonia an Assyrian province, and 
was king himself till his death (b.c. 681). Thereis reason 
to think that he appointed Esarhaddon regent of Baby- 
lonia; at any rate it seems that this prince began to 
rebuild Babylon before his father's death. 

Sennacherib chose Nineveh, which had become a 
second-rate city, as his capital, and, by his magnificent 
buildings and great fortifications, made it a formidable 


rival to Calah, Asshur, and even Babylon before Its 
destruction. His last few years are in obscurity, but he 
was murdered by his son or sons. See Adrammelech. 

(n) Esarhaddon came to the throne b.c 680, after a 
short struggle with the murderers of his father and their 
party. He had to repel an incursion of the Cimmerians 
in the beginning of his reign, and then conquered the 
Medes. In b.c 677 Sidon was in revolt, but was taken 
and destroyed, a new city called Kar-Esarhaddon being 
built to replace it and colonized with captives from 
Elam and Babylonia, Ezr 4^. In b.c 676, Esarhaddon 
marched into Arabia and conquered the eight kings of 
Bazu and Hazu (Buz and Huz of Gn 222'). in b.c ,674 
he invaded Egypt, and again in 673. In b.c. 670 he 
made his great effort to conquer Egypt, drove back the 
Egyptian army from the frontier to Memphis, winning 
three severe battles. Memphis surrendered, Tirhakah 
fled to Thebes, and Egypt was made an Assy rian province. 
In B.C. 668 it revolted, and on the march to reduce it 
Esarhaddon died. He divided the Empire between his 
two sons, Ashurbanipal being king of Assyria and the 
Empire, while Shamash-shura-ukin was king of Babylon 
as a vassal of his brother. 

(o) Ashurbanipal at once prosecuted his father's 
reduction of Egypt to submission. Tirhakah had drawn 
the Assyrian governors, some of them native Egyptians, 
as Necho, into a coalition against Assyria. Some re- 
mained faithful, and the rising was suppressed ; Tirhakah 
was driven back to Ethiopia, where he died b.c 664. 
Tantamon invaded Egypt again, and Ashurbanipal in 
B.C. 662 again suppressed a rising, drove the Ethiopian 
out, and captured Thebes. Ashurbanipal besieged Ba'al, 
king of Tyre, and although unable to capture the city, 
obtained its submission and that of Arvad, Tabal, and 
Cilicia. Gyges, king of Lydia, exchanged embassies, 
and sent Ashurbanipal two captive Cimmerians, but 
he afterwards allied himself with Psammetichus, son of 
Necho, and assisted him to throw off the Assyrian yoke. 
The Minni had been restless, and Ashurbanipal next 
reduced them. Elam was a more formidable foe. 
Allying himself with the Aramaeans and ChaldEeans, 
Urtaku, king of Elam, invaded Babylonia, but he was 
defeated and his throne seized by Teumman. Ashur- 
banipal took advantage of the revolution to Invade 
Elam and capture Susa; and after killing Teumman put 
Ummanigash and Tammaritu, two sons of Urtaku, on 
the thrones of two districts of Elam. He then took 
vengeance on the Aramasans, E. of the Tigris. His 
brother, Shamash-shum-ukin, now began to plot for 
independence. He enlisted the Chaldaeans, Aramaeans, 
and Ummanigash of Elam, Arabia, Ethiopia, and Egypt. 
A simultaneous rising took place, and Ashurbanipal 
seemed likely to lose his Empire. He invaded Baby- 
lonia. In Elam, Tammaritu put to death IJmmanigash 
and all his family, but was defeated by Indabigash, and 
had to flee to Assyria. Ashurbanipal defeated his 
opponents and laid siege to Babylon, Borsippa, Sippara, 
and Cutha, capturing one after the other. Shamash- 
shum-ukin burnt his palace over his head, and Babylon 
surrendered b.c. 648. The conquest of S. Babylonia and 
Chaldaea was followed by campaigns against Elam, 
culminating in the capture of Susa and its destruction. 
Ashurbanipal then punished the Arabians, who, in his 
enforced absence in Babylonia, had invaded Palestine, 
overrun Edom and Moab, and threatened Damascus. 
The inscriptions, however, do not come down below 
B.C. 646, and the last years of the reign are in obscurity. 
Ashurbanipal appears to have reigned over Babylon 
as Kandalanu. 

(p) Fall of Nineveh. — Ashurbanipal was succeeded by 
Ashur-etil-ilani, his son, who was succeeded by Sin-shar- 
ishkun, his brother. We do not know how long they 
reigned, but in b.c. 606 the Medes captured Nineveh 
and took the N. half of the Empire, while Nabopolassar, 
king of Babylon (since b.c 626?), took Babylonia. 

II. Babylonia.— 1. History.— The history of Baby. 



Ionia, as monumentally attested, falls naturally into 
periods: (a) the rise of the city-States and their struggle 
for supremacy; (6) the supremacy of Babylon and the 
First Babylonian Empire; (c) the Kassite supremacy 
and the rise of Assyria; (d) the contemporaneous 
kingdoms of Assyria and Babylonia ; (c) the supremacy 
of Assyria to its fall ; (/) the New Babylonian Empire. 

(a) The city-Staies. — The prehistoric remains of the 
earliest settlers in Babylonia are numerous, but they 
have received no systematic study. The existence of 
a non-Semitic race, the so-called Sumerians, is at least 
the most convenient assumption to account for the 
problems of the earUest history, but it is impossible to 
decide how early they were intermixed with Semitic 
folk. It is as yet difficult to decide whether these 
Semites entered from the S.W., or from the side of Elam, 
or from N. Mesopotamia. The earliest monuments we 
possess show a variety of towns, each of which served 
as a nucleus to a wide area of villages. As populations 
grew, the needs of pasture for an eminently pastoral 
people brought about disputes as to boundaries, and 
wars ensued. The States entered into keen rivalry in 
other directions, as commerce developed. As early as 
B.C. 5000 the condition of things may be aptly com- 
pared with that of England under the Heptarchy. 
Eridu, modern Abu Shahrein, lay on the Gulf and W. 
of the Euphrates mouth. As the seat of the worship of 
Ea, god of the waters, its business was rather on the 
sea than on the land, but it was always reverenced as the 
primitive home of civilization and religion. We have 
no evidence that it was ever the seat of a kingdom. 
Some 10 miles to the W. lay Ur, modern Mugheir, then 
also on the Gulf, the home of the worship of Sin, the 
moon-god. Across the Euphrates, 30 miles to N.E., lay 
Larsa, modern Senkereh, where Shamash, the sun-god, 
was chief god. Twelve miles to the N.W. was Uruk, 
modern Warka (Erech), with its Ishtar cult. To the N. 
was Mar, modern Tel Ede. From Mar, 35 miles to the E., 
on the Shatt-el-Hai canal from the Tigris to the Eu- 
phrates, was Shirpurla or Lagash, modern Telloh, with 
its god Ningirsu. These six cities form the group with 
whose fortunes most of the Telloh finds are concerned. 
Nippur, modern Niffer, lay halfway between the Tigris 
and Euphrates, 60 miles from the Gulf. Its god was 
the very ancient En-Ul, the old Bel, 'lord of mankind.' 

In the N. more than 50 miles N.W. of Nippur was 
Cutha, modern Tel Ibrahim, with its god Nergal, lord 
of the world of the dead. Further N., on the E. bank 
of the Euphrates, was Sippar, modern Abu Habba, with 
its sun-god Shamash. Near by must have been Agade. 
The monuments place here: Kulunu (Calneh); Uhki, 
later Opis; and Kish. Later, Babylon (wh. see) and 
its sister city Borsippa came into importance. la 
Upper Mesopotamia, Haran was probably not much 
later in its rise as a commercial capital and centre of 
the moon-god cult. 

The history of this period has many gaps, probably 
because systematic exploration has been carried out only 
at Telloh and Nippur. The evidence for other cities 
consists chiefly of references made by the rulers of these 
two cities, who either ruled over others or were ruled 
over by them. A king of Ur might leave offerings at 
Nippur, or order some building to be done there; or the 
rulers of Nippur might name the king of Ur as their over- 
lord. Out of such scattered references we must weave 
what history we can. About B.C. 4500 Enshagsagana, 
king of Kengi in S.W., offered to BSl of Nippur the spoils 
of Kish. Later, Mesilim, king of Kish, made Shirpurla 
a subject State. About B.C. 4200 Ur-Nina was able to 
call himself king of Shirpurla. Eannatum and Ente- 
mena of Shirpurla won several victories over other cities 
and imposed treaties upon them. Soon Lugalzaggisi, 
king of Uhki, about B.C. 4200, could call himself king of 
Erech, Ur, and Larsa. He was practically ruler of ,the 
First Babylonian Empire, from the Persian Gulf to the 
Mediterranean. About B.C. 3850, Alusharshid, king 


of Kish, conquered Elam and Bara'se, to N.E. and E. 
of Babylonia. 

Shargani-shar-all (Sargon i.), king of Agade, B.C. 3800, 
and his son Naram-Sin, b.c. 3750 according to Naboni- 
dus, were lords of Nippur, Shirpurla, Kish, Babylon, and 
Erech, and ruled, or at least levied tribute, from the 
Mediterranean N. into Armenia, over part of Elam, and 
S. into Arabia and the islands of the Persian Gulf. 
About B.C. 3500 Ur-Bau of Shirpurla ruled in peace, as 
a subject prince, or patesi. Gudea, about b.c. 3100, 
erected wonderful buildings, evidentlyhad great resources, 
and even conquered Anshan, in Elam, but was not a king. 
About B.C. 3000, Ur-GQr and his son Dungi, kings of Ur, 
built temples not only in Ur but in Kutha, Shirpurla, 
Nippur, and Erech. A dynasty of Erech and a dynasty 
of Isin later claimed authority over Nippur, Ur, Eridu, 
and other less noted cities. The next dynasty of Ur, 
founded by Gungunu, included Ine-Sin, Bur-Sin ii., 
Gamil-Sin, Dungi ii. and others, b.c. 2800-2500. They 
warred in Syria, Arabia, and Elam. 

(6) Supremacy of Babylon. — The First Dynasty of 
Babylon (b.c. 2396) was founded by Sumu-abi. But 
Larsa was under its own king Nur-Adad, who was 
followed by his son Sin-iddinam. The Eiamites invaded 
the land, and under Kudur-nanhundi carried off the 
goddess Nans from Erech about b.c. 2290. Larsa became 
the seat of an Elamite king, Rim-Sin, son of Kudur- 
mabuk, ruler of lamutbal in W. Elam. He ruled over 
Ur, Eridu, Nippur, Shirpurla, and Erech, and conquered 
Isin. He is thought by some to be Arioch of EUasar 
who with Chedorlaomer of Elam, Amraphel of Shinar, 
(Hammurabi?), Tidal of Goiim overthrew the kings 
of Sodom and Gomorrah (Gn 14). At any rate he was 
expelled from Larsa by Hammurabi in the 31st year of 
his reign. Hammurabi ruled all Mesopotamia, from the 
Mediterranean to the Persian Gulf. His reign was 
the climax of Babylonian civilization and culture. His 
successors maintained his Empire for a while, but then 
Babylonia had to submit to foreign conquest. His period 
is known to us by an enormous number of inscriptions 
and monuments, and deserves attention as characteristic 
of Old Babylonia at its best. 

The second dynasty has left remarkably few monu- 
ments in the districts hitherto explored, and beyond 
its existence we know little of it. 

(c, d, e) Kassite supremacy, and rise of Assyria, etc. — 
The third dynasty rose on the conquest of Babylonia 
by the Kassites, a mountaineer people from the N.E., 
of non-Semitic race, thought by many to be Cush in 
Gn 10*. The Kassites attempted an invasion as early 
as the 9th year of Samsu-iluna, but were driven back. 
They first established themselves in the South, giving 
the name of Karduniash to it. They adopted the royal 
titles, worshipped the ancient gods, and wrote in the 
Babylonian language. The first king of whom we have 
important inscriptions was Agum-kakrime (Agum ii.). 
He claims to rule over the Kashshu, the Akkadians, 
Babylonia, Ashnunak, Padan, Alman, and Gutium. He 
restored the images of Marduk and Zarpanit his consort, 
which had been carried away to Hani in N. Mesopotamia. 
Later we learn from the Tell el-Amarna letters that as 
early as the time of Araenophis in., king of Egypt, 
Kurigalzu of Babylon was in friendly relations with 
Egypt, and refused to support a Canaanite conspiracy 
against its rule. The relations with Assyria have been 
already dealt with. Kadashman-harbe co-operated with 
his grandfather in driving out the SQti, who robbed 
the caravans from the West and Egypt. Kurigalzu ii. 
waged successful war with Elam, captured the king 
Hurbatila with his own hands, and sacked Susa. With 
Melishihu and Marduk-apliddina i. Babylonian power 
revived, but fell again under their successors. The 
Kassites first gave Babylonia a national name and 
exalted the worship of BSl of Nippur. In their 
time. Babylonia had trade relations not only with 
Mesopotamia Syria, and Egypt, but with Bactria, 



and possibly China on the E., and with Euboea on the 

(f) New Babylonian Empire. — The new Babylonian 
dynasty was that of Pashe, or Isin, a native dynasty. 
Nebuchadrezzar i. was apparently its founder. He 
defeated the Elamites and wrested from them the 
provinces already occupied by them, and brought back 
the statue of BSl which they had captured. He also 
reconquered the West, and left his name on the rocks 
of the Nahr el-Kelb. His attempts upon Assyria were 
unsuccessful. Henceforth Babylonia was pent up by 
Assyria and Elam, and merely held its own. The fifth, 
sixth, seventh, and eighth dynasties yield but a few 
names, of whose exploits we know next to nothing. The 
Aramsean migration swallowed up Mesopotamia and 
drove back both Assyria and Babylonia. The Chaldseans 
followed the old route from Arabia by Ur, and estab- 
lished themselves firmly in the S. of Babylonia. Akkad 
was plundered by the Suti. Thus cut off from the West, 
the absence of Babylonian power allowed the rise of 
Fhilistia; Israel consolidated, Phoenicia grew into power. 
Hamath, Aleppo, Patin, Samal became independent 
States. Damascus became an Aramaean power. Egypt 
also was split up, and could infiuence Palestine but little. 
When Assyria revived under Adad-nirari, the whole W. 
was a new country and had to be reconquered. Baby- 
lonia had no hand in it. She was occupied in suppressing 
the Chaidseans and Aramsans on her borders; and had 
to call for Assyrian assistance in the time of Shalmaneser. 
Finally, Tiglath-pileser iii. became master of Babylonia, 
and after him it fell into the hands of the Chaidaean 
Merodach-baladan, till Sargon drove him out. Under 
Sennacherib it was a mere dependency of Assyria, till 
he destroyed Babylon. Under Esarhaddon and Ashur- 
banipal Babylonia revived somewhat, and under Nabo- 
polassar found in the weakness of Assyria and the fall 
of Nineveh a chance to recover. 

Nabopolassar reckoned his reign from B.C. 625, but 
during the early years of his rule some Southern Baby- 
lonian cities such as Erech continued to acknowledge 
Sin-shar-ishkun. According to classical writers, he allied 
himself with the Medo-Scythian hordes, who devastated 
Mesopotamia and captured Nineveh. He claims to have 
chased from Akkad the Assyrians, who from the days of 
old rilled over all peoples and with their heavy yoke 
wore out the nations, and to have broken their yoke. 
The Medes seem to have made no attempt to hold 
Mesopotamia, and Pharaoh Necho, who was advancing 
from Egypt to take Syria, was defeated at Carchemish 
B.C. 605 by Nebuchadrezzar. So Babylonia succeeded 
to the W. part of the Assyrian Empire. Beyond a few 
building inscriptions we know little of this reign. 

Nebuchadrezzar's inscriptions hardly mention any- 
thing but his buildings. He fortified Babylon, enriched 
it with temples and palaces; restored temples at Sippara, 
Larsa, Ur, Dilbat, Baz, Erech, Borsa, Kutha, Marad; 
cleaned out and walled with quays the Arahtu canal 
which ran through Babylon, and dug acanal N. of Sippara. 
He left an inscription on the rocks at Wady Brissa, a 
valley N. of the Lebanon Mountains and W. of the upper 
part of the Orontes; another on a rock N. of the Nahr el- 
Kelb, where the old road from Arvad passes S. to the 
cities of the coast. A fragment of his annals states that 
in his 37th year he fought in Egypt against Amasis. 

Amel-Marduk (Evil-Merodach), his son, was not 
acceptable to the priests, and was murdered by his 
brother-in-law Neriglissar, who had married a daughter 
of Nebuchadrezzar, and was son of BSl-shum-ishkun, 
the rubu-imga. He, too, was occupied chiefly with the 
temples of his land. Neriglissar was succeeded by his 
son Labashi-Marduk, a 'bad character,' whom the 
priests deposed, setting up Nabonidus, a Babylonian. 
He was an antiquary rather than a king. He rebuilt 
many of the oldest Babylonian temples, and in exploring 
their ruins found records which have helped to date early 
kings, as quoted above. For some reason he avoided 



Babylon and left the command of the army to his 
son Belshazzar. The Manda king, Astyages, invaded 
Mesopotamia, and was repelled only by the aid of Cyrus, 
king of Anshan, who a little later by his overthrow of 
Astyages became king of Persia, and then conquered 
Croesus of Lydia. On the 16th of Tammuz B.C. 539 
Cyrus entered Babylon without resistance. Nabonidus 
was spared and sent to Karmania. Belshazzar was killed. 
Cyrus was acceptable to the Babylonians, worshipped at 
the ancient shrines, glorified the gods who had given him 
leadership over their land and people, made Babylon 
a royal city, and took the old native titles, but the 
sceptre had departed from the Semitic world for ever. 

2 . Literature .^Babyloniawas very early in possession 
of a form of writing. The earliest specimens of which 
we know are little removed from pictorial writing; but 
the use of fiat pieces of soft clay, afterwards dried in the 
sun or baked hard in a furnace, as writing material, and 
strokes of a triangular reed, soon led to conventional 
forms of characters in which the curved lines of a picture 
were replaced by one or more short marks on the line. 
These were gradually reduced in number until the 
resultant group of strokes bore little resemblance to the 
original. The short pointed wedge-shaped 'dabs' of 
the reed have given rise to the name 'cuneiform.' The 
necessities of the engraver on stone led him to reproduce 
these wedges with an emphasized head that gives the 
appearance of nails, but all such graphic varieties make 
no essential difference. The signs denoted primarily 
ideas: thus the picture of a bull, or a bull's head, would 
symbolize 'power,' and all the words derived from the 
root 'to be powerful,' then from the word 'powerful' 
a syllabic value would be derived which might be used 
in spelling words. Thus the picture of a star might 
signify ' heaven,' the supreme god Anu, the idea ' above,' 
and be used to denote all things ' high, lofty, or divine ' ; 
its syllabic value being an it would be used in spelling 
wherever an had to be written. But, again, as ' god ' was 
ilu, it might be used in spelling for il. Thus many 
signs have more than one value, even as syllables; they 
may also denote ideas. The scribes, however, used not 
far short of 500 signs, and there is rarely any doubt of 
their meaning. The values attached to the signs in 
many cases are not derivable from the words which 
denote their ideas, and it has been concluded that the 
signs were adopted from a non-Semitic people called 
the Suznerians. Many Inscriptions cannot be read as 
Semitic, except by regarding them as a sort of halfway 
development of pictorial writing, and when read syllab- 
ically are supposed to be in the Sumerian language, 
which continued to be used, at any rate in certain phrases, 
to the last, much as Latin words and abbreviations 
(like £. s. d.) are used by us. There is still great obscurity 
about this subject, which can be solved only by the 
discovery of earlier or intermediate inscriptions. 

At any rate, we are now able to read with certainty, 
except for a few obscure expressions, inscriptions which 
possibly date back to b.c. 6000. The earliest inscriptions 
hitherto recovered have been from temple archives, and 
naturally relate to offerings to the gods or gifts to the 
temples. From very early times, however, contracts 
such as deeds of sale, dispositions of property, marriage 
settlements, etc., were preserved in the archives, and 
many families preserved large quantities of deeds, letters, 
business accounts, etc. Writing and reading were very 
widely diffused, even women being well educated in these 
respects, and we have enormous collections in our 
museums of material relating to the private life and 
customs of the people at almost all periods of the history. 

The Babylonians early drew up codes of laws, hymns, 
ritual texts, mythology, and made records of observa- 
tions in all directions of natural history. The supposed 
infiuence of the heavenly bodies led to works associating 
celestial phenomena with terrestrial events — the so-called 
astrological texts which recorded astronomical observa- 
tions from very early dates. A wonderful collection of 


extraordinary events, as births of monsters or abnormal 
beings, were regarded as ominous, and an attempt was 
made to connect them with events in national or private 
history. These 'omen tablets' also deal with morals, 
attaching to human acts consequences evincing royal 
or Divine displeasure. Evil conduct was thus placed 
under a ban, and the punishment of it was assigned to 
the 'hand of God or the king.' It was a very high 
morality that was so inculcated: to say yea with the lips 
and nay in the heart, to use false weights, to betray a 
friend, to estrange relations, to slander or backbite, are 
all forbidden. The conduct of a good king, of a good 
man, of a faithful son of his god, are set out with great 
care, and culminate in the precept, ' To him that does 
thee wrong return a gracious courtesy.' Medicine was 
extensively written upon, and the number of cases 
prescribed for is very great. We are not able, as a rule, 
to recognize either the ailment or the prescription; but 
it seems that magical spells were often used to drive out 
the demon supposed to be the cause of the disease. 

The Babylonians had some acquaintance with mathe- 
matics, so far as necessary for the calculation of areas, 
and they early drew up tables of squares and cubes, as 
well as of their measures of surface and capacity. To 
them we owe the division of time into hours, minutes, 
and seconds. Their measures still lack the funda- 
mental explanation which can be afforded only by 
finding some measured object with its Babylonian 
measure inscribed uponit, in a state allowing of accurate 
modern measures. See Weights and Measures. 

3. Religion. — The religion of Babylonia was a syn- 
cretic result of the union of a number of city and local 
cults. Consequently Shamash the sun-god; Sin the 
moon-god; Ishtar, Venus; Marduk the god of Babylon, 
Nabfl of Borsippa, Bel of Nippur, Nergal the god of 
pestilence, Nusku the new-moon crescent, and a host 
of others, were worshipped with equal reverence by 
both kings and people. Most men, however, were 
specially devoted to one god, determined for them 
by hereditary cult, or possibly personal choice: a man 
was 'son of his god ' and the god was his ' father.' In 
the course of time almost every god absorbed much 
of the attributes of every other god, so that, with 
the exception of such epithets as were peculiarly 
appropriate to him, Shamash could be addressed or 
hymned in much the same words as Marduk or Sin. 
By some teachers all the gods were said to be Marduk 
in one or other manifestation of his Divine activity. 
The whole pantheon became organized and simplified 
by the identification of deities originally distinct, as a 
result of political unification or theological system. 
The ideal of Divinity was high and pure, often very 
poetic and beautiful, but the Babylonian was tolerant 
of other gods, and indisposed to deny the right of others 
to call a god by another name than that which best 
summed up for him his own conception. 

Magic entered largely into the beliefs and practices 
of life, invading religion in spite of spiritual authority. 
The universe was peopled with spirits, good and bad, who 
had to be appeased or propitiated. Conjurations, magic 
spells, forecasts, omens were resorted to in order to bind or 
check the malign influences of demons. The augurs, con- 
jurers, magicians, soothsayers were a numerous class, and, 
though frowned upon by the priests and physicians, were 
usually called in whenever disease or fear suggested occult 
influence. The priest was devoted to the service of his 
god, and originally every head of a family was priest of 
the local god, the right to minister in the temple descend- 
ing in certain families to the latest times. The office 
was later much subdivided, and as the temple became 
an overwhelming factor in the city life, its officials and 
employees formed a large part of the population. A 
temple corresponded to a monastery in the Middle Ages, 
having lands, houses, tenants, and a host of dependants, 
as well as enormous wealth, which it employed on the 
whole in good deeds, and certainly threw its influence 


on the side of peace and security. Although distinct 
classes, the judges, scribes, physicians, and even skilled 
manufacturers were usually attached to the temple, and 
priests often exercised these functions. Originally the 
god, and soon his temple, were the visible embodiment 
of the city life. The king grew out of the high priest. 
He was the vicegerent of the god on earth, and retained 
his priestly power to the last, but he especially repre- 
sented its external aspect. He was ruler, leader of the 
army, chief judge, supreme builder of palaces and 
temples, guardian of right, defender of the weak and 
oppressed, accessible to the meanest subject. The 
expansion of city territory by force of arms, the growth 
of kingdoms and rise of empires, led to a military caste, 
rapacious lor foreign spoils, and domestic politics became 
a struggle for power between the war party of expansion 
and conquest and the party of peace and consolidation. 

The Babylonian Literature was extensive, and much 
of it has striking similarities to portions of the Bible (see 
Creation, Deluqe, etc.). It also seems to have had in- 
fluence upon classical mythology. 

N.B. — See Appendix note at end of volume. 

C. H. W. Johns. 

ASTAD, ASTATH.— 1322 or 3622 of Astad's descend- 
ants are mentioned as returning with Zerubbabel (1 Es 
5'^). He is called Azgad in the can. books; and 1222 
descendants are mentioned in the parallel list in Ezr 2", 
2322 in Neh 7". He appears as Astath, 1 Es 8'8, when 
a second detachment of 111 return under Ezra ( = Ezr 
8'^). Azgad appears among the leaders who sealed the 
covenant with Nehemiah (Neh 10"). 


ASTYAGES (Bel >) was the last king of Media. He 
was defeated and dethroned by Cyrus the Great in 
B.C. 550. J. F. MCCURDY. 

ASUPPDH.— 1 Ch 26i«- " AV; RV correctly ' store- 

ASUR (AV Assur). 1 Es 5^'.— His sons returned among 
the Temple servants under Zerubbabel; called Haihur, 
Ezr 2SI, Neh 7". 

ASYLUM. — See Altar, Kin [Next of]. Refuge 
[Cities of]. 

ASYNCRITUS (Ro 16").— A Christian greeted by 
St. Paul with four others 'and the brethren that are 
with them,' perhaps members of the same small com- 
munity. The name occurs in Rom. Ins. CIL vi. 12,565, 
of a freedman of Augustus. 

ATAD (Gn 50>»-").— A threshing-floor on the road to 
Hebron. The site is unknown. 

ATAR (AV Jatal). 1 Es 52s.— His sons were among 
the porters or door-keepers who returned with Zerub- 
babel; called Ater, Ezr 212, Neh 7«. 

ATARAH. — Wife of Jerahmeel and mother of Onam 
(1 Ch 22«). 

ATARGATIS (RV less correctly Atergatis).— In addi- 
tion to the sanctuary of this goddess ( = Gr. Derceto) 
at Camion (2 Mac 12"), other shrines were situated at 
Hierapolis and Ashkelon. Here sacred fish were kept, 
and at the latter place the goddess was represented as 
a mermaid, resembUng the supposed form of the Philistine 
Dagon (wh. see). Some expositors, because of the 
ancient name of Carnion, i.e. Ashteroth-karnaim, have 
identified the goddess with Astarte. The name, how- 
ever, a compound of 'Athar ( = PhcBn. 'Astart, Heb. 
'Ashtoreth [wh. see]) and of 'Atti or 'Allah, which 
latter term appears as a god's name upon inscriptions, 
shows her to be Astarte who has assimilated the functions 
of ' Atti. This etymology, together with her mermaid- 
form and the fact that flsh were sacred to her, apparently 
makes her a personification of the fertilizing powers of 
water. N. Koenig. 

ATAROTH.— 1. A town not far from Uibon (Nu 
323. 88)_ probably the modern Khirbet 'AimrUs, to the 



N.W. of Diman. 2. A town on the S. border of the 
territory of the children of Joseph (Jos 162), called 
Ataroth-addar in v. », probably identical with ed-Darlyeh, 
U mile S.W. of Bethhoron the Lower. 3. A town not 
identified, towards the E. end of the same border 
(Jos 16'). 4. The name of a family (1 Ch. 2", RV 
Atroth-beth-Joab). w. Ewinq. 

ATER. — 1. The ancestor of certain Temple porters 
who returned with Zerubbabel, Ezr 2i«- «, Neh T^'- «; 
of. Atar. 2. (AV Aterezias), l Es 5"; cf. Ezr 2i«. 
His sons returned with Zerubbabel. 

ATETA (AV Teta), 1 Es 528=Hatita, Ezr2«, Neh 7«. 

ATHACH, 1 S 30>».— Unknown town in the south of 

ATHAIAH. — A man of Judah dwelling In Jerusalem 
(Neh 11<). 

ATHALIAH. — 1. The only queen who occupied the 
throne of Judah. She was the daughter of Ahab and 
Jezebel, and was married to Jehoram, son of Jehoshaphat. 
On the accession of her son Ahaziah she became queen- 
mother, second only to the king in power and influence. 
When Ahaziah was slain by Jehu, she could not bring 
herself to take an inferior position, and seized the throne 
for herself, making it secure, as she supposed, by slaying 
all the male members of the house of David so far as they 
were within her reach. One infant was preserved, and 
was successfully concealed in the Temple six years. 
The persons active in this were Jehosheba, sister of 
Ahaziah, and her husband Jehoiada, the chief priest. 
The story of the young prince's coronation by the body- 
guard is one of the most dramatic in Hebrew history. 
The death of Atbaliah at the hands of the guard forms 
the logical conclusion of the incident. The destruction 
of the temple of Baal, which is spoken of in the same 
connexion, indicates that Athaliah was addicted to the 
worship of the Phoenloian Baal, introduced by her 
mother into Israel (2 K 11). 2. See Gotholias. 3. A 
Benjamite (1 Ch 8»). H. P. Smith. 

ATHARIH (Nu 21'). — Either a proper name of a 
place from which the route was named ; so RV ' the way 
of Atharim,' as LXX, — or, 'the way of tracks,' i.e. a 
regular caravan road. (The rendering of AV, ' way of 
the spies , ' follows Targ. and Syr.) The'way of Atharim' 
will then be that described in Nu. IS^'-^s. 

ATHENOBnTS (1 Mac IS^s-").— A friend of Antiochus 
VII. Sidetes. He was sent to Jerusalem toremonstrate with 
Simon Maccabieus for the occupation of Joppa, Gazara, 
the citadel of Jerusalem, and certain places outside 
Judeea. Simon refused the terms proposed, and Atheno- 
bius was obliged to return in indignation to the king. 

ATHENS. — In the earliest times, Athens, on the Gulf 
of iSgina, consisted of two settlements, the town on 
the plain and the citadel on the hill above, the Acropolis, 
where the population fled from invasion. Its name 
and the name of its patron-goddess Athene (Athenaia) 
are inextricably connected. She was the maiden 
goddess, the warlike defender of her people, the patroness 
of the arts. The city lies about 3 miles from the 
seacoast on a large plain. When Greece was free, 
during the period before B.C., 146 Athens was the capital 
of the district Attica, and developed a unique history 
in Greece. It first gained distinction by the repulse of 
the Persian invasions in b.c. 490 and 480, and afterwards 
had a brilliant career of political, commercial, literary, 
and artistic supremacy. It was in the 5th cent. b.c. the 
greatest of Greek democracies, and produced the greatest 
sculptures and literary works the world has ever seen. 
In the same century Socrates lived and taught there, 
as did later Plato and Aristotle. The conflict with 
Sparta, the effects of the Macedonian invasion, and 
ultimately the Roman conquest of Greece, which became 
a Roman province under the name 'Achaia' (wh. 
see), lessened the political importance of Athens, but 
as a State it received from Rome a position of freedom 



and consideration worthy of its undying merits. Athens 
remained supreme in philosophy and the arts, and was 
in St. Paul's time (Ac 17'»-18i, 1 Th 3') the seat of a 
famous university. A. Souter, 

ATHLAI. — A Jew who married a foreign wife 
(Ezr 10"; called in 1 Es 9'' Emmatheis). 

ATIPHA (1 Es 5'2).— See Hatipha. 

ATONEMENT.— The word 'atonement' (at-one- 
ment), in English, denotes thp making to be at one, 
or reconciling, of persons who have been at variance. 
In OT usage it signifies that by which sin is 'covered' 
or 'expiated,' or the wrath of God averted. Thus, in 
EV, of the Levitical sacrifices (Lv 1* 4"- "■ "■ "s etc.), 
of the half-shekel of ransomrmoney (Ex 30"' >«), of the 
intercession of Moses (Ex 32"), of the zeal of Phinehas 
(Nu 25"), etc. In the NT the word occurs once in 
AV as tr. of the Gr. word katallagi, ordinarily and in 
RV rendered 'reconciliation' (Ro S"). The 'recon- 
ciliation' here intended, however, as the expression 
'received,' and also v." ('reconciled to God through 
the death of his Son') show, is that made by the death 
of Christ on behalf of sinners (cf . Col l^" ' having made 
peace through the blood of his cross'). In both OT 
and NT the implication is that the 'reconciliation' or 
' making-at-one ' of mankind and God is effected through 
expiation or propitiation. In its theological use, there- 
fore, the word 'atonement' has come to denote, not 
the actual state of reconciliation into which believers 
are introduced through Christ, whose work is the means 
to this end, but the reconciling act itself — the work 
accomplished by Christ in His sufiferings and death 
for the salvation of the world. 

i. In the Old Testament. — In tracing the Scripture 
teaching on the subject of atonement, it is desirable 
to begin with the OT, in which the foundations of the 
NT doctrine are laid. Here several lines of preparation 
are to be distinguished, which, as OT revelation draws 
to its close, tend to unite. 

1. The most general, but indispensable, preparation 
in the OT lies in its doctrines of the holiness, righteous- 
ness, and grace of God ; also, of the sin and guilt of man . 
God's holiness (including in this His ethical purity, His 
awful elevation above the creature, and His zeal for 
His own honour) is the background of every doctrine 
of atonement. As holy, God abhors sin, and cannot 
but in righteousness eternally react against it. His 
grace shows itself in forgiveness (Ex 34»- '); but even 
forgiveness must be bestowed in such a way, and on 
such conditions, that the interest of holiness shall not 
be compromised, but shall be upheld and magnified. 
Hence the bestowal of forgiveness in connexion with 
intercession (Moses, etc.), with sacrificial atonements, 
with signal vindications of the Divine righteousness 
(Phinehas). On man's side sin is viewed as voluntary, 
as infinitely heinous, as entailing a Divine condemnation 
that needs to be removed. All the world has gone 
astray from God, and the connexion in which each indi- 
vidual stands with his family, nation, and race entaUs on 
him a corporate as well as an individual responsibility. 

2. A second important line of preparation in the OT 
is in the doctrine of sacrifice. Whatever the origins 
or ethnic associations of sacrifice, it is indisputable 
that sacrifice in the OT has a peculiar meaning, in 
accordance with the ideas of God and His holiness 
above indicated. From the beginning, sacrifice was 
the appointed means of approach to God. Whether, 
in the earliest narrative, the difference in the sacrifices 
of Cain and Abel had to do with the fact that the one 
was bloodless and the other an animal sacrifice (Gn 
4'-'), or lay solely in the disposition of the offerers (v.'), 
is not clear. Probably, however, from the commence- 
ment, a mystic virtue was attached to the shedding 
and presentation of the sacred element of the blood. 
Up to the Exodus, we have only the generic type of 
the burnt-offering; the Exodus itself gave birth to 


the Passover, in which blood sprinkled gave protection 
from destruction; at the ratification of the Covenant, 
peace-offerings appear with burnt-oflerings (Ex 20^ 
245); finally, the Levitical ritual provided a cultus in 
which the idea of atonement had a leading place. Critical 
questions as to the age of this legislation need not detain 
us, for there is an increasing tendency to recognize 
that, whatever the date of the final codification of the 
Levitical laws, the bulk of these laws rest on older 
usages. That the propitiatory idea in sacrifice goes 
back to early times may be seen in such pictures of 
patriarchal piety as Job is 42'- '; while an atoning 
virtue is expressly assumed as belonging to sacrifice 
in 1 S 3". Cf. also allusions to sin- and guilt-offerings, 
and to propitiatory rites In so old a stratum of laws as 
the 'Law of HoUness' (Lv 19»- » 23"), and in Hos 
4», Mic 66- ', Ezk 40^' 421' etc. 

It is in the Levitical system that all the ideas involved 
in OT sacrifice come to clearest expression. The Epistle 
to the Hebrews admirably seizes the idea of the system. 
It has absolutely nothing to do with the ideas that 
underlay heathen rites, but rests on a basis of its own. 
It provides a means by which the people, notwith- 
standing their sin, maintain their fellowship with God, 
and enjoy His favour. It rests in all its parts on the 
idea of the holiness of God, and is designed throughout 
to impress on the mind of the worshipper the sense 
of the separation which sin has made between him 
and God. Even with sacrifice the people could not 
. approach God directly, but only through the priesthood. 
The priests alone could enter the sacred enclosure; 
into the Most Holy Place even the priests were not 
permitted to enter, but only the high priest, and he 
but once a year, and then only with blood of sacrifice, 
offered first for himself and then for the people; all 
this signifying that ' the way into the holiest of all was 
not yet made manifest' (He 9'- *). 

The details of the sacrificial ritual must be sought 
elsewhere (see Sacrifice). It is to be noted generally 
that the animal sacrifices were of four kinds — the 
burnt-offering, the sin-offering, the guilt-offering (a 
species of sin-offering which included a money-com- 
pensation to the person injured), the peace-offering. 
The victims must be unblemished; the presentation 
was accompanied by imposition of hands (on meaning, 
cf. Lv 1621); the blood, after the victim was killed, 
was sprinkled on and about the altar: on the Day of 
Atonement it was taken also within the veil. The 
burnt-offering was wholly consumed; in the case of 
the peace-offering a feast was held with part of the 
flesh. No sacrifice was permitted for sins done 'pre- 
sumptuously,' or with 'a high hand' (Nu 15="). 

The design of all these sacrifices (even of the peace- 
offering, as features of the ritual show) was 'to make 
atonement' for the sin of the offerer, or of the con- 
gregation (Lv 1< 4M- 28. 31 5« 17" etc.). The 
word so translated means primarily 'to cover,' then 
'to propitiate' or 'expiate.' The atoning virtue is 
declared in Lv 17" to reside in the blood, as the vehicle 
of the soul or life. The effect of the offering was to 
'cover' the person or offence from the eyes of a holy 
God, i.e. to annul guilt and procure forgiveness. It 
'cleansed' from moral and ceremonial pollution. 

From this point theories take their origin as to the precise 
signification of sacrificial atonement. (1) Was the act purely 
symbolical — an expression of penitence, conf essioa.prayer, 
consecration, surrender of one's life to God? Hardly; 
for if, in oneway, the victim is identified with the offerer, 
in another it is distinguished from him as a creature through 
whose blood-shedding expiation is made for his sin. (2) la 
the Idea, then, as many hold, that the blood represents a 

fmre life put between the sinful soul and God — an innocent 
ife covenng a polluted one? In this case the death is 
held to be immaterial, and the manipulation of the blood, 
regarded as still fresh and living, is the one thing of import- 
ance. The theory comes short m not recognizing that, in 
any case, there is in the act the acknowledgment of God's 
righteous sentence upon sin — else why bring sacrifice of ■ 



atonement at all? It ia true that the blood represents 
the lite, but it is aurely not as life aimply, but as life taken 
—life given up in death — that the blood is presented on the 
altar aa a covering for sin. It would be hard otherwise to 
explain how in the NT" so much stress is alwaya laid on 
death, or the shedding of the blood, as the means of redemp- 
tion. (3) There remains the view that the victim is regarded 
aa expiating the guilt of the offerer by itself dying in hia 
room — yielding up ita life in his stead m acknowledgment 
of the judgment of God on his sin. This, which ia the older 
view, la probably still the truer. The theory of Ritachl, 
that the sacrifices had nothing to do with sin, but were 
simply a protection against the terrible 'majesty' of God, 
is generally allowed to be untenable. 

3. There is yet a third line of preparation for this 
doctrine in the OT, viz.: the prophetic. The prophets, 
at first sight, seem to take up a position altogether 
antagonistic to sacrifices. Seeing, however, that in 
many indirect ways they recognize its legitimacy, and 
even include it in their pictures of a restored theocracy 
(cf. Is 56«- ' 60' 66M, Jer 17^-2' 33"- 's etc.), their 
polemic must be regarded as against the abuse rather 
than the use. The proper prophetic preparation, 
however, lay along a different line from the sacrificial. 
The basis of it is in the idea of the Righteous Sufferer, 
which is seen shaping itself in the Prophets and the 
Psalms (cf. Ps 22). The righteous man, both through 
the persecutions he sustains and the national calamities 
arising from the people's sins which he shares, is a living 
exemplification of the law of the innocent suffering for 
the guilty. Such suffering, however, while giving 
weight to intercession, is not in itself atoning. But 
in the picture of the Servant of Jehovah in Is 53 a new 
idea emerges. The sufferings arising from the people's 
sins have, in this Holy One, become, through the spirit 
in which they are borne, and the Divine purpose in 
permitting them, sufferings for sin — vicarious, healing, 
expiatory. Their expiatory character is affirmed in 
the strongest manner in the successive verses, and 
sacrificial language is freely taken over upon the sufferer 
(vv.'- 6- 8. i»-i2). Here at length the ideas of prophecy 
and those of sacrificial law coincide, and, though there 
is no second instance of like clear and detailed por- 
traiture, it is not difficult to recognize the recurrence 
of the same ideas in later prophecies, e.g., in Zee 3' 12i° 
131- ', Dn 92i-2«. With such predictions on its lips 
OT prophecy closes, awaiting the time when, in Malachi's 
words, the Lord, whom mensought, would comesuddenly 
to His Temple (3i). 

ii. In the New Testament. — The period between 
the OT and the NT affords little for our purpose. It 
is certain that, in the time of our Lord, even it, as some 
think, there were partial exceptions, the great mass 
of the Jewish people had no idea of a suffering Messiah, 
or thought of any connexion between the Messiah and 
the sacrifices. If atonement was needed, it was to be 
sought for, apart from the sacrifices, in almsgiving and 
other good deeds; and the virtues of the righteous 
were regarded as in some degree availing for the wicked. 
It was a new departure when Jesus taught that 'the 
Christ should suffer' (cf. Mk 9i», Lk 24«). Yet in 
His own suffering and death He claimed to be fulfilling 
the Law and the Prophets (Lk 22^' 24"). 

1. Lite and Teaching of Jesus. — The main task of 
Jesus on earth was to reveal the Father, to disclose 
the true nature of the Kingdom of God and its righteous- 
ness, in opposition to false ideals, to lead men to the 
recognition of His Messiahship, to recover the lost, 
to attach a few faithful souls to Himself as the founda- 
tion of His new Kingdom, and prepare their minds for 
His death and resurrection, and for the after duty of 
spreading His gospel among mankind. The dependence 
of the Messianic salvation on His Person and activity 
is everywhere presupposed; but it was only in frag- 
mentary and partial utterances that He was able for 
a time to speak of its connexion with His death. Alike 
in the Synoptics and in John we see how this denouement 
is gradually led up to. At His birth it is declared of 


Him that 'he shall save his people from their sins' 
(Mt 1^'); He is the promised 'Saviour' of the house 
of David (Lk l^'-ss 2"); the Baptist announced Him, 
with probable reference to Is 53, as 'the Lamb of God, 
which taketh away the sin of the world ' (Jn 1", of. v.^). 
From the hour of His definite acceptance of His vocation 
of Messiahship in His baptism, and at the Temptation, 
combined as this was with the clear consciousness of 
a break with the ideals of His nation, Jesus could not 
but have been aware that His mission would cost Him 
His life. He who recalled the fate of all past prophets, 
and sent forth His disciples with predictions of persecu- 
tions and death (Mt 10), could be under no delusions 
as to His own fate at the hands of scribes and Pharisees 
(cf. Mt. 915). But it was not simply as a 'fate' that 
Jesus recognized the inevitableness of His death; there 
is abundant attestation that He saw in it a Divine 
ordination, the necessary fulfilment of prophecy, and 
an essential means to the salvation of the world. As 
early as the Judsean ministry, accordingly, we find 
Him speaking to Nicodemus of the Son of Man being 
lifted up, that whosoever believeth on Him should not 
perish (Jn 3'"). He sets Himself forth in the discourse 
at Capernaum as the Bread of Life, in terms which imply 
the surrender of His body to death for the life of the 
world (Jn 6^^). Later, He repeatedly speaks of the 
voluntary surrender of His life for His sheep (Jn 10 "■"• 
"■ " etc.). After Peter's great confession. He makes 
full announcement of His approaching sufferings and 
death, always coupling this with His after resurrec- 
tion (Mt 16" 17^- 2s 20"- " II). He dwells on the 
necessity of His death for the fulfilment of the Divine 
purpose, and is straitened till it is accomplished 
(Mk 1032, Lk 9" 125"). It was the subject of converse 
at the Transfiguration (Lk 9"). Yet clearer intimations 
were given. There is first the well-known announce- 
ment to the disciples, called forth by their disputes 
about pre-eminence: 'The Son of Man came not to 
be ministered unto, but to minister, and to give his 
life a ransom for many' (Mt 20^8 ||). Here Christ 
announces that His death was the purpose of His 
coming, and, further, that it was of the nature of 
a saving ransom. His life was given to redeem the 
lives of others. To the same effect are the solemn 
words at the Last Supper. Here Christ declares that 
His body, symboUzed by the broken bread, and His 
blood, symbolized by the poured-out wine, are given 
for His disciples for the remission of sins and the making 
of a New Covenant, and they -are invited to eat and 
drink of the spiritual food thus provided (Mt 262«''- ||, 
1 Co 1123*). n ig reasonable to infer from these utter- 
ances that Jesus attached a supreme importance and 
saving efficacy to His death, and that His death was 
a deliberate and voluntary surrender of Himself for 
the end of the salvation of the world. 

If we inquire, next, as to the nature of this connexion 
of Christ's death with human salvation, we can scarcely 
err if we assume Jesus to have understood it in the 
light of the great prophecy which we know to have been 
often in His thoughts (Is 63). Already at the commence- 
ment of His Galilaean ministry He publicly identified 
Himself with the Servant of Jehovah (Lk 4'6«); the 
words of Is 5312 were present to His mind as the last 
hour drew near (Lk 22^'). What prophecy of all He 
studied could be more instructive to Him as to the 
meaning of His sufferings and death? This yields the 
key to His utterances quoted above, and confirms 
the view we have taken of their meaning. Then came 
the crisis-hour itself. All the EvangeUsts dwell minutely 
on the scenes of the betrayal, Gethsemane, the trial, 
the mocking and scourging, the crucifixion. But how 
mysterious are many of the elements in these sufferings 
(e.g. Mk 1433«- IB", Jn 12"); how strange to see them 
submitted to by the Prince of Life; how awful the 
horror of great darkness in which the Christ passed 
away I Can we explain it on the hypothesis of a simple 



martyrdom? Do we not need the solution which the 
other passages suggest of a sin-bearing Redeemer? 
Finally, there is the crowning attestation to His Messiah- 
ship, and seal upon His work, in the Resurrection, 
and the commission given to the disciples to preach 
remission of sins in His name to all nations — a clear 
proof that through His death and resurrection a funda- 
mental change had been wrought in the relations of 
God to humanity (Mt 28'8-2», Lk 24", Jn 2021-2S). 

2. The Apostolic teaching. — The OT had spoken; 
the Son of Man had come and yielded up His life a 
ransom for many. He was now exalted, and had shed 
forth the Holy Spirit (Ac 2^- ^). There remained the 
task of putting these things together, and of definitely 
interpretingthe work Christ had accomplished, inthelight 
of the prophecies and symbols of the Old Covenant. This 
was the task of the Apostles, guided by the same Spirit 
that had inspired the prophets; and from it arose the 
Apostolic doctrine of the atonement. Varied in stand- 
points and in modes of representation, the Apostolic 
writings are singularly consentient in their testimony 
to the central fact of the propitiatory and redeeming 
efficacy of Christ's death. St. Paul states it as the 
common doctrine of the Church 'how that Christ died 
for our sins according to the Scriptures; and that he 
was buried; and that he hath been raised on the third 
day, according to the Scriptures' (1 Co IS^- <). St. 
Peter, St. Paul, St. John, the Epistle to the Hebrews, 
the Book of Revelation, are at one here. The class of 
expressions in which this idea is set forth is familiar: 
Christ 'bore our sins,' 'died for our sins,' 'suffered for 
sins, the righteous for the unrighteous,' 'was made 
sin for us,' was 'the propitiation for our sins,' was 
'a sin-offering,' 'reconciled us to God in the body of 
his flesh through death,' was our 'ransom,' procured 
for us 'forgiveness of sins through his blood,' etc. (cf. 

1 p 12. IS. 19 221- M 31s, Ro 3«. 26 58-11 g", 2 CO 5=1, 

Gal 1' 318 41, 6, Eph 1' 218-"- »» 52, Col 1"- 2«-22, 1 Ti 
2'- 8, Tit 2", He 18 2" T^- '" 92^-28 10i°-", 1 Jn V 
22 38 4'", Rev 18 58 etc.). It is customary to speak 
of the sacrificial terms employed as 'figures' borrowed 
from the older dispensation. The NT point of view 
rather is that the sacrifices of the Old Covenant are 
the figures, and Christ's perfect offering of Himself to 
God, once for all, for man's redemption, is the reality 
of which the earlier sacrifices were the shadows and types 
(He 10i«). 

Several things stand out clearly in the Apostolic 
doctrine of the atonement; each of them in harmony 
with what we have learned from our study of the subject 
in the OT. The presuppositions are the same— ^^he 
holiness, righteousness, and grace of God, and the sin 
and guilt of man, entailing on the individual and the 
race a Divine condemnation and exposure to wrath 
which man is unable of himself to remove (wrought 
out most fully by St. Paul, Ro 1" 3»- "-28, Gal 21' etc.). 
The atonement itself is represented (1) as the fruit, 
and not the cause of God's love (Ro 58, 1 Jn 41° etc.); 
(2) as a necessity for human salvation (Ro 3i»*-, He 
922); (3) as realizing perfectly what the ancient sacrifices 
did imperfectly and typically (He 9. 10); as an expia- 
tion, purging from guilt and cancelling condemnation 
(Ro 8'- 82. 3j_ He 18 911-", 1 Jn 1', Rev 1' etc.), and 
at the same time a 'propitiation,' averting wrath, and 
opening the way for a display of mercy (Ro 328, He 2", 
1 Jn 22 41°) ; (4) as containing in itself the most powerful 
ethical motive — to repentance, a new life, active godli- 
ness. Christian service, etc. (Ro en-, 1 Co 62», 2 Co 
5"- 18, Gal 220 6», Eph S'- 2, 1 p 121. 22, 1 Jn 4" etc.; 
with this is connected the work of the Holy Spirit, 
which operates these sanctifying changes in the soul); 
(5) as, therefore, effecting a true 'redemption,' both in 
respect of the magnitude of the price at which our salva- 
tion is bought (Ro 8'2, 1 Ti 28, He IO28, 1 P I's- " etc.), 
and the completeness of the deliverance accomplished 
—from wrath (Ro 5=, 1 Th l"), from the power of 


Indwelling sin (Ro 6'- '2-11 32 etc.), from bondage to 
Satan (Eph 22- ' 6'2, He 2»- " etc.), from the tyranny 
of the evil world (Gal 1< 6", Tit 2", 1 P 1" etc.), 
finally, from the effects of sin in death and all other 
evils (Ro 8», 1 Co IS^'ff- etc.). 

In the NT teaching, therefore, the sacrifice of Christ 
fulfils all that was prefigurative in the OT doctrine of 
atonement; yet, as the true and perfect sacrifice, it 
infinitely transcends, while it supersedes, all OT pre- 
figurations. The relation of the Christian atonement 
to that of the Law is, accordingly, as much one of contrast 
as of fulfilment. This is the thesis wrought out in the 
Epistle to the Hebrews, but its truth is recognized In 
all parts of the NT. The sacrifices of the OT were, in 
their very nature, incapable of really removing sin 
(He 10*). Their imperfection was shown in the irrational 
character of the victims, in their frequent repetition, 
in their multiplication, etc. (He 9'°). In Jesus, however, 
every character meets, qualifying Him to make atone- 
ment for humanity — Himself at once perfect priest 
and perfect sacrifice: Divine dignity as Son of God 
(Ro 1< 8^, He V- ' etc.); a perfect participation in 
human nature (Ro 1' 8=, Gal 4*, He 2»-'8 etc.); absolute 
sinlessness (2 Co 52', He 4", 1 P l" 2^, 1 Jn 3= etc.); 
entire human sympathy (Ro 8m, He 2" 4"-"); as 
regards God, undeviating obedience and surrender to 
the will of the Father (Ph 2'- «, He 48- ' 10s-i»). He 
is ' Jesus Christ the righteous' (1 Jn 2'), and His sacrificial 
death is the culmination of His obedience (Ro 5", Ph 2", 
He 10»- i»). 

iii. Rationale of the Atonement. — The way is 
now open to our last question — How was atonement 
for sin by Christ possible? And in what did Christ's 
atonement consist? The NT does not develop a theology 
of the atonement ; yet a theology would not be possible 
if the NT did not yield the principles, and lay down 
the lines, of at least a partial solution of this problem. 

A chief clue to an answer to the above questions 
lies in what is taught (1) of Christ's original, essential 
relation to the creation (cf. Jn l^- ', 1 Co 8", Eph 1", 
Col 115-2", He V, Rev 1" 3"); and (2), as arising out 
of that, of His archetypal, representative relation to the 
race He came to save (cf. Jn l*- s-h, Ro S'""-, 1 Co IS^'- 
K. ti-iT), This connects itself with what is said of 
Christ's Divine dignity. Deeper even than the value 
His Divine Sonship gives to His sacrifice is the original 
relation to humanity of the Creative Word which renders 
His unique representative relation to the race possible. 
It is not going beyond the representations of the NT 
to say, with Maurice and others, that He is the 'root 
of humanity.' In Him it is grounded; by Him it is 
sustained; from Him it derives all the powers of its 
development. While He condescends to take on Him 
the nature of created humanity, His personality is 
above humanity. Hence His generic relation to the 
race — ' Son of God ' — 'Son of Man. ' In this ' mystery 
of godliness' (1 Ti 3") lies the possibility of a repre- 
sentative atonement for the race. 

For this is the next point in the solution of our prob- 
lem ; Christ's identification of Himself with the race He 
came to save is complete. It is not merely 'federal' 
or 'legal'; it is vital, and this in every respect. His 
love is unbounded; His sympathy is complete; His 
purpose and desire to save are unfaltering. He identifies 
Himself with humanity, with a perfect consciousness 
(1) of what He is; (2) of what the race He came to save 
is and needs; (3) of what a perfect atonement involves 
(cf. Jn 8i«). Himself holy, the well-beloved Son, 
He knows with unerring clearness what sin is, and what 
the mind of God is about sin. He does not shrink 
from anything His identification with a sinful race 
entails upon Him, but freely accepts its position and 
responsibilities as His own. He is 'made under the 
law' (Gal 4-'); a law not merely preceptive, but broken 
and violated, and entailing 'curse.' Identifying Himself 
thus perfectly with the race of men as under sin on 



the one hand, and with the mind of God about sin on 
the other. He is the natural mediator between God 
and man, and is alone in the position to render to God 
whatever is necessary as atonement for sin. 

But what is necessary, and how did Christ render 
it? Here come in the 'theories' of atonement; most 
of them 'broken lights'; all needed to do full justice 
to the Divine reality. We would dismiss as infra- 
Scriptural all theories which afiirm that atonement — 
reparation to the violated law of righteousness — is not 
necessary. Christ's work, while bringing forgiveness, 
conserves holiness, magnifies law, vindicates righteous- 
ness (Ro 3"-"). Also defective are theories which 
seek the sole explanation of atonement in the ethical 
motive; purely moral theories. Atonement is taken 
here in the sense only of 'reconciliation' — the recon- 
ciliation of man to God. Scripture recognizes obstacles 
to salvation on the side of righteousness in God as 
well as in man's unwillingness, and atonement aims at 
the removal of both. It has the aspect of propitiation, 
of expiation, of restitutio in integrum, as well as of moral 
infiuence. It is an act of reconciliation, embracing 
God's relation to the world equally with the world's 
relation to God (cf. Ro Z^ 5"- ", 2 Co S's-^'). 

There remain two views, one finding the essence of 
Christ's atonement in the surrender of a holy will to 
God — in the obedience of Christ unto death, even the 
death of the Cross (Maurice and others). This assuredly 
is a vital element in atonement, but is it the whole? 
Does Scripture not recognize also the submission of 
Christ to the endurance of the actual penal evil of sin 
— specially to death — as that rests in the judgment of 
God upon our race? All that has preceded necessitates 
the answer that it does. The other, — the legal or forensic 
view, — accordingly, puts the essence of atonement in 
this penal endurance; in the substitutionary submission 
of Christ to the penalty due to us for sin. But this 
also is one-sided and unethical, if divorced from the 
other, and from the recognition of the fact that not 
simply endurance of evil, but the spirit in which the 
evil is endured, and the response made to the Divine 
mind in it, is the one acceptable thing to God (cf. J. 
M'Leod Campbell). It is here, therefore, that we must 
seek the inmost secret of atonement. The innocent 
suffering with and for the guilty is a law from which 
Jesus did not withdraw Himself. In His consciousness 
of solidarity with mankind, He freely submitted to 
those evils (shame, ignominy, suffering, temptation, 
death) which express the judgment of God on the sin 
of the world, and in the experience of them — peculiarly 
in the yielding up of His life — did such honour to all 
the principles of righteousness involved, rendered so 
inward and spiritual a response to the whole mind of 
God in His attitude to the sin of the world, as constituted 
a perfect atonement for that sin for such as believingly 
accept it, and make its spirit their own. ' By the which 
will we have been sanctified through the offering of 
the body of Jesus Christ once for all' (He 10'»). See 
Propitiation, Reconciliation, Redemption. 

James Orb. 

ATONEMENT, DAY OF.— The Day of Atonement, 
with its unique and impressive ritual, is the culmination 
and crown of, the sacrificial worship of the OT. The 
principal details are given in Lv 16, supplemented 
by 232S-", Nu 29'-", Ex 30i», all from the Priests' 
Code, though not all, as we shall see, from the oldest 
strata of the priestly legislation. The date was the 
10th day of the seventh month (Tishri) reckoning from 
evening to evening (Lv 16" 23"«). Not only was 
this day a 'sabbath of solemn rest,' on which no work 
of any sort was to be done, but its unique place among 
the religious festivals of the OT was emphasized by the 
strict observance of a fast. The rites peculiar to 'the 
Day' ( YBma), as it is termed in later literature, may 
be conveniently grouped in live stages. 

(a) In the preparatory stage (Lv 16»-'»), after the 


special morning sacrifices had been offered (Nu 29 '-"). 
tile higli priest selected the appointed sin- and burnt- 
offerings for himself and 'his house,' i.e. the priestly 
caste, then laid aside his usual ornate vestments, 
bathed, and robed in a simple white linen tunic and 
girdle. He next selected two he-goats and a ram for 
the people's offerings, and proceeded to ' cast lots upon 
the two goats; one lot for J", and the other lot for 
Azazel' (AV 'scapegoat,' see Azazel). These prep- 
arations completed, the proper expiatory rites were 
begun, and were accomplished in three successive stages. 
(6) In the first stage (vv."-") the high priest made 
atonement for himself and the priesthood. After 
slaying the bullock of the sin-offering, he took a censer 
filled with live charcoal from the altar of burnt-offering 
and a handful of incense, and entered the Most Holy 
Place. Here he cast the incense on the coals, producing 
a cloud of smoke, by which the dwelUng-place of the 
Most High between the Cherubim was hidden from 
mortal gaze (see Ex 332»). This done, he returned to 
the court, to enter immediately, for the second time, 
the inner sanctuary, carrying a basin with the blood of 
the bullock, which he sprinkled on the front of the 
mercy-seat once, and seven times on the ground before 
the ark. 

(c) In the second stage (vv.'s-") atonement was 
made in succession for the Most Holy Place, the Holy 
Place, and the outer court. The goat on which the 
lot 'for J"' had fallen was slain by the high priest, who 
then entered the Most Holy Place for the third time 
with its blood, which he manipulated as before. On 
his return through the Holy Place a similar ceremony 
was performed (v.^, cf. Ex 30'°), after which he pro- 
ceeded, as directed in w.'"-, to 'cleanse and hallow' 
the altar of burnt-offering, which stood in the outer 

(d) These all led up to the culminating rite in the 
third stage (vv.*"-^). Here the high priest, placing 
both hands on the head of the goat allotted to Azazel, 
made solemn confession — the tenor of which may still 
be read in the Mishnic treatise YOma — of all the nation's 
sins. By this ceremony these sins were conceived 
as not only symbolically but actually transferred to 
the head of the goat (w.^"-, see below), which was 
solemnly conducted to 'a solitary land' (RV), the 
supposed abode of the mysterious Azazel. In NT 
times the goat was led to a lofty precipice in the wilder- 
ness about 12 miles east of Jerusalem, over which it 
was thrown backwards, to be dashed in pieces on the 
rocks below (YSma, vi. 6 ff.). 

(c) We now reach the concluding stage of 'the Day's' 
ceremonial (w. 23-28). The fact that the essential 
part was now accomplished was strikingly shown by 
the high priest's retiring into the Holy Place to put 
off 'the holy garments' (vv. ^- '^), bathe, and resume 
his ordinary high-priestly vestments. Returning to 
the court, he offered the burnt-offerings for himself and 
the people, together with the fat of the sin-offering. 
The remaining verses (a-28) deal with details, the 
characteristic significance of which will be discussed 

Reasoning from the literary history of Lv 16, from the 
highly developed sense of sin, and from the unique promi- 
nence given to fasting, as well as on other grounds which 
cannot be fully set forth here, OT scholars are now practi- 
cally unanimous in regarding the Day of Atonement as an 
institution of the post-exilic age. There ia good reason for 
holding — although on this point there is not the same una- 
nimity — that it originated even later than the time of Ezra, 
by whom the main body of the Priests' Code was introduced. 
The nucleus from which the rites of Lv 16 were developed 
was probably the simpler ceremonial laid down by Ezekiel 
forthepurifioationoftnesanctuary 45"*). Other elements, 
such as the earlier provisions for the entry of the high priest 
into the Most Holy Place still found in the opening verses 
of Lv 16, and perhaps the desire to make an annual mstitu- 
tion of the great fast of Neh Q^-, contributed to the final 
development of the institution as it now appears in the 


Pentateuch. It is doubtless much older than the earliest 
reference in Sir 60^ (c. B.C. 180). In NT it is referred to 
as 'the Fast' (Ac 27^), and so occasionally by Josephus. 
To this day it remains the most solemn and moat largely 
attended religious celebration of the Jewish year. 

The dominating thought of Lv 16 is the awful reality 
and contagion of sin, which affects not only priest and 
people, but the sanctuary itself. Its correlate is the 
intense realization of the need of cleansing and pro- 
pitiation, as the indispensable condition of right relations 
with a holy God. The details of the ritual by which 
these relations were periodically renewed are of sur- 
passing interest, as showing how the loftiest religious 
thought may be associated with ritual elements belong- 
ing to the most primitive stages of religion. Thus, in 
the case before us, the efficacy of the blood, the universal 
medium of purification and atonement, is enhanced 
by cessation from labour and complete abstinence 
from food — the latter the outward accompaniment of 
inward penitence — and by the high priest's puWic and 
representative confession of the nation's sins. Yet 
alongside of these we find the antique conception of 
holiness and uncleanness as something material, and 
of the fatal consequences of unguarded contact with 
the one or the other. It is only on this plane of thought 
that one understands the need of the cleansing of the 
sanctuary, infected by the 'uncleannesses' of the 
people among whom it dwelt (16'« RV, cf. Ezk 45"*). 
The same primitive idea of the contagion of holiness 
underlies the prescribed change of garments on the part 
of the high priest. The 'holy garments' in which the 
essential parts of the rite were performed had to be 
deposited in the Holy Place; those who had been 
brought into contact with the sacrosanct animals 
(vv.28*) must bathe and wash their clothes, lest, as 
Ezekiel says in another connexion, 'they sanctify the 
people with their garments ' (44") , i.e. lest the mysterious 
contagion pass to the people with disastrous results. 
The most striking illustration of this transmissibility, 
however, is seen in the central rite by which the 
nation's sins are transferred to the head of 'the goat 
for Azazel,' the demonic spirit of the wilderness (cf. the 
similar rite, Lv 148'). 

These survivals from the earlier stages of the common 
Semitic religion should not blind the modern student 
to the profound conviction of sin to which the institu- 
tion bears witness, nor to the equally profound sense 
of the need of pardon and reconciliation, and of uninter- 
rupted approach to God. By its emphasis on these 
perennial needs of the soul the Day of Atonement played 
no unimportant part in the preparation of Judaism 
for the perfect atonement through Jesus Christ. The 
author of the Epistle to the Hebrews in a familiar 
passage contrasts the propitiatory work of the Jewish 
high priest on this day with the great propitiation of 
Him who, by virtue of His own atoning blood, ' entered 
in once for all into the holy place' (He 9'2 RV), even 
'into heaven itself,' where He remains, our great High 
Priest and Intercessor O^'-). A. R. S. Kennedy. 

ATROTH-BETH-JOAB.— See Ataboth, No. 4. 

ATROTH-SHOPHAN.— A town E. of Jordan, near 
Aroer and Jazer, fortified by Gad (Nu 32^). Some 
place it with Atareth 1. at 'AttSrUs. This is hardly 
possible. The site is unknown. W. Ewing. 

ATTAI.— 1. A Jerahmeelite (1 Ch 2»'). 2. A Gadite 
who Joined David at Ziklag (1 Ch 12"). 3. A son of 
Rehoboam (2 Ch IV). 

ATTAIN. — In Ac 27>2 'attain' has the literal meaning 
of reach a, place (so RV). Elsewhere it has the figurative 
sense still in use. 

ATTALIA (modern Adalia). — A town on the coast 
of Pamphylia, not far from the mouth of the river 
Catarrhactes, founded and named by Attalus 11. It 
was besieged in b.c. 79 by P. Seruilius Isauricus, when 
in possession of the pirates. In the Byzantine period 



it was of great Importance. It haa the best harbour 
on the coast. Paul and Barnabas came on there from 
Perga, and took ship for Antioch (Ac 14^5). 


ATTALUS.— King of Pergamum (b.c. 159-138). He 
was one of the Icings to whom the Roman Senate is 
said to have written in support of the Jews in the time 
of Simon the Maccabee (1 Mac 15^). 

ATTENDANCE. — In 1 Mac 15'^ 'attendance' is 
used for a king's retinue; while in 1 Ti 4'3 it is used 
in the obsolete sense of attention: 'Till I come give 
attendance (RV 'heed') to reading.' 

ATTHARATES (1 Es 9").— A corruption of the 
title tirshatha; cf. Neh 8' and art. Attharias. 

ATTHAEIAS (1 Es 5").— A corruption of the title 
tirshatha; cf. Ezr 2»' and art. Attharates. 

ATTIRE.— See Dress. 

ATTUS (AV Lettus).— Sonot Secheniaa (1 Es 8»); 
same as Hattush of 1 Ch 3^ and Ezr 8^. 

AUDIENCE. — From Lat. audientia; 'audience' 
means in AV the act of hearing, as Lk 20« 'in the 
audience of all the people.' Now it means the people 
gathered to hear. 

AUGIA. — A daughter of Zorzelleus or Barzillai 
(1 Es 538). 

AUGURY. — See Magic, Divinatton and Sorcery. 

(AV).— See Band. 

AUGUSTUS. — This name is Latin, and was a new 
name conferred (16th Jan. b.c. 27) by the Roman 
Senate on Caius Octavius, who, after his adoption by 
the dictator Caius Julius Caesar, bore the names Caius 
JuUua Caesar Octavianus. The word means 'worthy 
of reverence' (as a god), and was represented in Greek 
by Sebastos, which has the same signification, but 
was avoided by Lk 2' as impious. In official docu- 
ments Augustus appears as ' Imperator Caesar Augustus.' 
He was born in b.c. 63, was the first Roman emperor 
from B.C. 23, and died in a.d. 14. He was equally 
eminent as soldier and administrator, and the Empire 
was governed for centuries very much on the lines 
laid down by him. In Lk 2' he is mentioned as 
having issued a decree that all inhabitants of the 
Roman Empire should be enrolled (tor purposes of 
taxation). There is evidence for a 14-year cycle of 
enrolment in the Roman province of Egypt. 


AUTEAS.— A Levite (1 Es 9"); called in Neh S' 

AUTHORITY.— The capabihty, liberty, and right to 
perform what one wills. The word implies also the 
physical and mental ability for accomplishing the end 
desired. Authority refers especially to the right one 
has, by virtue of his office, position, or relationship, to 
command obedience. The centurion was ' a man under 
authority,' who knew what it meant to be subject to 
others higher in authority than himself, and who also 
himself exercised authority over the soldiers placed 
under him (Mt 8'- '). In like manner ' Herod's juris- 
diction' (Lk 23') was his authority over the province 
which he ruled. Hence the authority of any person 
accords with the nature of his office or position, so that 
we speak of the authority of a husband, a parent, an 
apostle, a judge, or of any civil ruler. The magistrates 
who are called in Ro 13' ' the higher powers,' are strictly 
the highly exalted and honoured authorities of the 
State, who are to be obeyed in all that is right, and 
reverenced as the 'ministers of God for good.' God 
is Himself the highest authority in heaven and on earth, 
but He has also given unto His Son ' authority on earth 
to forgive sins' (Mt 9*) and to execute judgment (Jn5"). 
After His resurrection Jesus Himself declared : ' All 
authority hath been given unto me in heaven and on 


earth" (Mt 28i»; cf. Col 2>», 1 P 3^). In the plural 
the word is used in Eph 2^ 3'" 6", Col 1" 2", to denote 
good and evil angels, who are supposed to hold various 
degrees and ranks of authority. See Dominion, Power. 

M. S. Terry. 
AUTHORIZED VERSION.- See English Versions. 
AVARAN ('pale'?). — Surname of Eleazar, a brother 
of Judas Maccabseus (1 Mac 2* 6"). 

AVEN.— An insulting substitute (in Ezk 30") for 
On (wh. see). 

AVENGER OF BLOOD.— The practice of blood- 
revenge has been very widely spread among societies 
in a certain stage of civilization, where there has been 
no central authority to enforce law and order, and 
where the certainty of retaliation has been the only 
guarantee for security of life. Among the Semites 
the custom was in full force from the earliest times, 
and it is still the only spring of order in Arabia. It 
depends for its maintenance upon the solidarity of 
the clan or tribe. All the members of the tribe, what- 
ever may be the immediate parental relationship, are 
counted as being of one blood; a wrong done to one 
is a wrong done to all, to be avenged if necessary by 
all the offended clan upon all the clan of the offender. 
The phrase used by the Arabs is, ' Our blood has been 

Of the form of blood-revenge that involved the whole 
clan or tribe in the murder of a single individual 
there are still traces in the OT (Jos 7«, 2 K 9^). 
Naturally, however, the duty of avenging the shedding 
of blood fell primarily upon him who was nearest of 
kin to the slaughtered man. This next of kin was 
called the gC'el. The word in Hebrew law was used in 
a wide sense for him whose duty it was to redeem the 
property or the person of an impoverished or enslaved 
relative (Lv 25^- "-«', Ru 4"i), but it came to 
be used specially of the man who had to perform 
this most tragic duty of kinship. The steady effort of 
Hebrew law was to limit this ancient custom so as to 
ensure that a blood feud should not perpetuate itself 
to the ruin of a whole clan, and that deliberate murder 
and accidental homicide should not come under the 
same penalty. It is possible to trace with some definite- 
ness the progress of this sentiment by which the gS'el 
was gradually transformed from being the, irresponsible 
murderer of a possibly blameless manslayer to being 
practically the executioner of a carefully considered 
sentence passed by the community. See Kin [Next of]. 

R. Bruce Taylor. 

AVITH.— A Moabite city (Gn 36=5); site unknown. 

AVOID. — This verb is used intransitively in 1 S 18" 
' David avoided out of his presence twice.' So Coverdale 
translates Mt 16^ ' Auoyde fro me, Sathan.' 

AVOUCH. — This word, now obsolete except in legal 
phrases, means to acknowledge. 

AWA, AWITES (2 K 17M- a)-- See Ivvah. 

AVVIM. — 1. The Avvim are spoken of in Dt 2'' (cf. 
Jos 134) as primitive inhabitants of S.W. Palestine near 
Gaza, who were absorbed by the immigrants from 
Caphtor (wh. see), i.e. the Philistines. 2. A Benjamite 
town (Jos 18^3); site unknown. J. F. McCurdy. 

AWAY WITH. — This phrase is used idiomatically 
with the force of a verb in Is 1" ' the calling of assemblies, 
I cannot away with,' i.e. tolerate. This verb is omitted 
( = 'get away with,' i.e. in mod. English 'get on with'). 

AWL. — A boring instrument, named only in con- 
nexion with the ceremony whereby a slave was bound 
to perpetual servitude (Ex 21«, Dt 16"). 

AWNING. — Correctly given by RV in Ezk 27' as tr. 
of Heb. mikstk, corrected from mekassek (AV 'that 
which covered thee'). 

AX, AXE. — See Arts and Crafts, 1, 3, 

AXLE, AXLE-TREES.- See Wheel. 



AYEPHIM.— RVm of 2 S 16», where the text is 

AZAEL. — Father of one of the commission appointed 
to investigate the foreign marriages (1 Es 9"); same 
as Asahel No. 4. 

AZAELUS. — One of those who put away their foreign 
wives (1 Es 9'»). 

AZALIAH.— Father of Shaphan the scribe (2 K 22', 
2 Ch 348). 

AZAMIAH.— A Levite (Neh 10»). 

AZARAIAS. — The father or, more probably, a more 
remote ancestor of Ezra (1 Es 8'); = Seraiah of Ezr 7'. 

AZAREL.— 1. A Korahite follower of David at Ziklag 
(1 Ch 126). 2. A son of Heman (1 Ch 2Si8; called in 
v.* Uzziel). 3. Prince of the tribe of Dan (1 Ch 2722). 
4. A son of Bani,who had married a foreign wife (Ezr ICH'). 
6. A priest (Neh 11"). 6. A Levite (Neh 12»). 

AZABIAH.— 1. Kingof Judah;seeUzziAH. 2. 2Ch 
22" for Ahaziah. 3. 2 Ch 15'-' a prophet, son of Oded, 
who met Asa's victorious army at Mareshah, and urged 
them to begin and persevere in a religious reform. 4. 
High priest in the reign of Solomon (1 K 4^). 5. 1 Ch 6i», 
Ezr 7', father of Amariah, who was high priest under 
Jehoshaphat. 6. High priest in the reign of Uzziah 
(2 Ch 26»-!»); he withstood and denounced the king 

' when he presumptuously attempted to usurp the priests' 
ofiBce of burning incense upon the altar. 7. High priest 
in the reign of Hezeklah (2 Ch S'"- "). 8. 1 Ch 6"- », 
Ezr 71 (Ezerias, 1 Es 8'; Azarias, 2 Es 1>), son of 
Hilklah the high priest. 9. 1 K 4', a son of Nathan, 
who 'was over the oBlcers' (v.'). 10. 1 Ch 2», son of 
Ethan whose wisdom was surpassed by that of Solomon 
(1 K 4"). 11. 1 Ch 2SS, a man of Judah who had 
Egyptian blood in his veins (v.'*). 12. 1 Ch 6»«, a 
Kohathite Levite (called Uzziah in 1 Ch 6^). 13. 14. 
2 Ch 21^, Azariah and Azariahu, two of the sons of 
Jehoshaphat. 16. 16. 2 Ch 23', Azariah and Azariahu, 
two of the five 'captains of hundreds' who assisted 
Jehoiada in the restoration of Joash. 17. 2 Ch 28'^, 
one of those who supported the prophet Oded when he 
rebuked the army of Israel for purposing to enslave the 
captives of Judah. 18. 19. 2 Ch 29'^, two Levites, a 
Kohathite and a Merarite. 20. Neh 3^, one of those 
who repaired the wall of Jerusalem. 21. Neh 7' (called 
Seraiah, Ezr 2^; Zacharias, 1 Es 5'), one of the twelve 
leaders of Israel who returned with Zerubbabel. 22. 
Neh 8' (Azarias, 1 Es 9"), one of those who helped the 
Levites to 'cause the people to understand the law.* 
23. Jer 43^, son of Hoshaiah (the Maacathite, 40'), 
also called Jezaniah (40' 42>) and Jaazaniah (2 K 
2522). He was one of the 'captains of the forces' who 
joined GedaUah at Mizpah. 24. The Heb. name of 
Abednego (Dn 1'- '• "• " 2"). 

AZARIAS.— 1. 1 Es 9"; called Uzziah, Ezr lO". 
2. 1 Es 9", one of those who stood beside Ezra at the 
reading of the Law. 3. 1 Es 9"=Azariah of Neh 8'. 

4. Name assumed by the angel Raphael (To 5'^ 
65. 13 78 92)_ 5, ^ captain of Judas Maccabaeus (1 Mac 
51s. ee. 60), 

AZABU. — Ancestor of a family which returned with 
Zerubbabel (1 Es 5"). 

AZAZ.— A Reubenite (1 Ch 5'). 

AZAZEL.— The name in Hebrew and RV of the desert 
spirit to whom one of the two goats was sent, laden 
with the sins of the people, in the ritual of the Day 
of Atonement (Lv 16'- '»• » RV, see Atonement [Day 
of]). Etymology, origin, and significance are still 
matters of conjecture. The AV designation scapegoat 
(i.e. the goat that is allowed to escape, which goes back 
to the caper emissarius of the Vulgate) obscures the 


fact that the word Azazel is a proper name in the original, 
and in particular the name of a powerful spirit or 
demon supposed to inhabit the wilderness or 'soUtary 
land' (1622 rv). The most plausible explanation of this 
strange element in the rite is that which connects Azazel 
with the illicit worship of field-spirits or satyrs (lit. 
'he-goats') of which mention is made in several OT 
passages (Lv 17', Is 13" etc.). It may have been the 
intention of the authors of Lv 16 in its present form to 
strike at the roots of this popular belief and practice by 
giving Azazel, probably regarded as the prince of the 
satyrs, a place in the recognized ritual. Christianity 
itself can supply many analogies to such a proceeding. 
The belief that sin, disease, and the like can be removed 
by being transferred to living creatures, beasts or birds, 
is not confined to the Semitic races, and has its analogy 
in Hebrew ritual, in the ceremony of the cleansing of 
the leper (Lv 14"). In the Book of Enoch (c. B.C. 180) 
Azazel appears as the prince of the fallen angels, the 
offspring of the unions described in On 6'«-. 

A. R. S. Kennedy. 

AZAZIAH.— 1. A Levite (1 Ch IS^'). 2. Father of 
Hoshea the prince of Ephraim (1 Ch 272"). 3. An over- 
seer of the Temple under Hezekiah (2 Ch 31"). 

AZBUK. — Father of Nehemiah, who took part in 
rebuilding the walls (Neh 3'6). 

AZEKAH.— A city of Judah (Jos lO'"-, 1 S 17', 
2 Ch 11», Neh 112"), near the Valley of Elah; inhabited 
by the Jews after the Captivity. Site unknown. 

AZEL. — 1. A descendant of Jonathan (1 Ch 8"' = 
9*"). 2. An unidentified site in the neighbourhood 
of Jerusalem (Zee 145). 

AZETAS.— Head of a family which returned with 
Zerubbabel (1 Es 5"). 

AZGAD.— See Abtad. 

AZIEI.— An ancestor of Ezra (2 Es l^); called 
Azariah, Ezr T, and Ozias, 1 Es 8'. 

AZIEL.— A Levite (1 Ch IS^"); called in v."Jaaziel— 
the full form of the name. 

AZIZA. — A Jew who had married a foreign wife 
(Ezr 10"); called in 1 Es 9^' Zardeus. 

AZMAVETH.— 1. A descendant of Saul (1 Ch 8»). 
2. One of David's mighty men (2 S 23", 1 Ch ll^s), 
probably identical with the Azmaveth of 1 Ch 12' 2725, 
whose sons joined David at Ziklag, and who was ' over 
the king's treasuries.' 3. A Benjamite town (1 Ch 12', 
Ezr 2^, Neh 72' [Beth-azmaveth], 1 Es 5" [Bethas- 
moth]); mod. Higmeh, S.E. of Gibeah. 

AZUON. — An unknown place on the border of Judah 
(Nu 34<, Jos. 1S<); called in Jos 15" 19' Ezem. 

AZNOTH-TABOB.— The lower slopes of Mt. Tabor, 
marking the S.W. corner of the portion of Naphtali 
(Jos 19"). 

AZOR.— An ancestor of Jesus (Mt 1"'). 

AZOTUS.— See Ashdod. 

AZRIEL. — 1. Head of a 'father's house' in the E. 
half tribe of Manasseh (1 Ch S^*). 2. A Naphtali te 
(1 Ch 27"). 3. Father of Seraiah (Jer 36a). 

AZBIKAM.— 1. Son of Neariah (1 Ch 3"). 2. A 
descendant of Jonathan (1 Ch 8" 9"). 3. A Levite 
(1 Ch 9'«, Neh 11"). 4. The 'ruler of the house' 
under Ahaz (2 Ch 28'). 

AZUBAH.— 1. Wife of Caleb (1 Ch 2'"). 2. Mother 
of Jehoshaphat (1 K 22« = 2 Ch 20"). 

AZZAN.— Father of Paltiel (Nu 34»). 

AZZUR. — 1. One of those who sealed the covenant 
(Neh 10"). 2. Father of Hananiah the false prophet 
(Jer 28'). 3. Father of Jaazaniah, one of the princes 
of the people (Ezk 11'). 





BAAL (BAALI, BAALIM) .—Used generally, the 
word ba'al means 'possessor,' 'inhabitant,' 'controller.' 
Thus, a married man is called 'possessor of a woman' 
(2 S 1125), a ram, 'possessor of horns,' and even the 
citizens of a locaUty are denoted by this word (Jg 9" 
20', 1 S 23"'-, 2 S 21"). With a similar meaning, it 
is applied to numerous Canaanitish local deities (pi. 
ba'aiim, Jg 2" 3' 8'3 lO", 1 S 7' 12'», 1 K 18"; coll. 
sing, ba'al. Jg 2i3, Jer H'^ etc.; cf. Baal-gad, Baalath- 
beer, and other compounds of this word). These gods 
were supposed to manifest themselves in the fertility, or 
in some startling natural formation, of the locality where 
they were worshipped. Such an animistic conception 
is evident from the fact that they were worshipped in 
high places and in groves, where such rites as prophecy 
(Jer 22"), fornication (Jer 7»), self-mutilation (1 K IS^'), 
and child-sacrifice (Jer 19') were practised under the 
guidance of kemarim or idolatrous priests (Zeph 1<). 
The same idea is also clear from the use of this word 
among the Arabs, who designate land irrigated by 
subterranean springs as 'Ba'l land,' i.e. land inhabited 
by a spirit. Gradually, however, some of these gods 
assimilated more abstract powers (cf. Baal-berith), and 
as their votaries extended their powers over a greater 
area, became the Baal par excellence, i.e. the con- 
troller of the destiny of his worshippers (cf. Jg 6^, 
1 K 1631 1826 1918 [in the last three passages, Melkart 
of Tyrel). 

So great a predilection for cults of such a nature 
was shown by the Israelites, from the time of their 
entrance into Canaan untU the fall of the monarchy, that 
Jahweh was given this title. Thus Saul, a zealous 
worshipper of Jahweh, names (1 Ch 8^) one of his sons 
Eshbaal, and one of David's heroes is called (1 Ch 12') 
Bealiah ('J" is Baal'); cf. also Meribbaal (1 Ch 9"), 
Beeliada (1 Ch 14'), Jerubbaal (Jg 8"*). A confusion, 
however, of Jahweh and the Canaanitish deities seems 
to have taken place, to avoid which, Hosea (2"- ") 
demands that Jahweh be no longer called Ba'aii (' my 
Baal'), but 'Ishi ('my husband'). Under the influence 
of such prophecies the Israelites abandoned the use of 
Baal for Jahweh, and in later times developed so great 
an antipathy to this word that later revisers substituted 
bBsheth ('shameful thing'), not only wherever Ba'al 
occurred for the Canaanitish deities (Hos 9", Jer 3'" 
11"), but also, forgetful of its former application to 
Jahweh, in some of the above names (see Ishbosheth), 
supposing them to allude to local gods. N. Koenig. 

BAAL.— 1. A Reubenite (1 Ch 5'). 2. A Gibeonite, 
granduncle of Saul (1 Ch 833=9™). 

BAAL, BAALAH.BAALATH.- l.=Kiriath-jearim 

(1 Ch 13«, Jos 159- 1"). 2. Baalath-beer (Jos 19^, l Ch 
433 [Baal)), a site in the Negeb. 3. A city in the S. of 
Judah (Jos 1529 193, 1 Ch i^'). i. Mount Baalah, 
between Ekron and Jabneel (Jos 15"), possibly, as 
M. Clermont-Ganneau has suggested, the river (not 
mountain) of Baal (now Nahr Rubin). 5. An unknown 
town of Dan (Jos 19^*). 6. An unknown town (1 K 
9" = 2 Ch 8»). E. W. G. Mastekman. 

BAAL-BERITH ('lord of the covenant').— The god 
of Shechem, where he had a temple (Jg 833 94). called 
also El-berith (9"). The 'covenant' may be that 
amongst the Canaanlte peoples or that between Canaan- 
ites and Israelites; or the title may be parallel to 
Zeus Horkios, the god who presides over covenants. 

BAAL-GAD (? 'Baal of fortune').— A place under 
Hermon, in the valley of Lebanon, referred to only 
as the northern limit of the country conquered by 
Joshua (Jos 11" 12' 13'). Various identifications 

have been suggested, all uncertain. Perhaps Banias 
is the most probable. See C^bakea Philippi. 

R. A. S. Macausteh. 

BAAL-HAMON. — The unknown site of Solomon's 
vineyard (Ca 8"). 

BAAL-HANAN.— 1. A king of Edom (Gn 3638'-, 
1 Ch 1"'). 2. A Gederite (1 Ch 27^8). 

BAAL-HAZOB. — Beside Ephraim, where were 
Absalom's sheep-shearers (2 S 13^3). Identified by 
Conder with Tell 'Asur, a mountain 4960 ft. above the 
sea, an hour's ride N.E. of Beitin. 

R. A. S. Macalister. 

BAAL-HERMON (Jg 38, 1 Ch 5^8).— See Hehmon. 

BAALE- JUDAH = Baalah, No. 1, i.e. Kiriath-jearim. 

BAALIS .-King of Ammon in time of Gedaliah ( Jer40" ) . 

BAAL-MEON. — A city of Moab assigned to Reuben. 
The name occurs in Nu 3238 as Baal-meon, but in Jos 13" 
as Beth-baal-meon ; both forms being found also on the 
Moabite Stone; cf. Ezk 25', 1 Ch 58; also Beth-meon of 
Jer 48^. It is to be identified with the modern Ma' in, 
about 5 miles S.W. of Medeba. G. L. Robinson. 

BAAL-PEOR.— The local deity of Mt. Peor (Dt 43i>, 
Nu 25'). In Dt 48'' and Hos 9"" it is perhaps the 
name of a place. 

BAAL-PERAZm. — An unidentified site near Jeru- 
salem (2 S 52», 1 Ch 14"). 

BAALSAKEUS (1 Es 9<8)=Maaseiah of Neb 8'. 

BAAL-SHALISHAH (2 K 4«).— An unknown site, 
probably somewhere in Mt. Ephraim. 

BAAL-TAMAR.— An unknown site near Bethel and 
Gibeah (Jg 4'). 

BAALZEBUB (BEELZEBUB).— A Philistine god wor- 
shipped at Ekron (2 K I*- s. 6. i6)_ whose name in 
the form of Beelzebul (AV and RV Beelzebub) has been 
applied to the 'prince of the devils' (Mt lO^s \2'", 
Mk 322, Lk ll"- "8. n). The OT form, 'Baal (controller, 
inhabiter) of flies,' indicates either that the god was 
thought to appear as a fly, or that, besides oracular 
powers, he possessed the ability to increase or destroy 
these insects. On the other hand, if the NT spelling, 
'Baal of the mansion (temple),' is to be preferred, it 
would seem to indicate that the OT form is a deliberate 
perversion originating with some pious scribe, who 
was perhaps offended at such a title being given to any 
other than Jahweh. Such an interpretation would 
account for the variation in spelling, and for its applica- 
tion to Satan, whose realm was called 'the house' 
par excellence among the Jews of the NT period. 


BAAL-ZEPHON.— Ex 14=, Nu 33'; the name of a 
place near the spot where the Israelites crossed the Red 
Sea, apparently a shrine of ' Baal of the north.' The 
corresponding goddess 'Baalit of the north' is named 
along with the god of Kesem (Goshen), in an Egyp. 
papyrus of the New Kingdom, as worshipped at 
Memphis. F. Ll. Griffith. 

BAADA. — 1. 2, Two of Solomon's commissariat 
officers (1 K 412. w). 3. Father of Zadok, one of those 
who rebuilt Jerusalem (Neh 3'). 4. One of the leaders 
who returned with Zerubbabel; possibly identical with 
the preceding, and with Baanah No. 3. 

BAANAH. — 1. One of the murderers of Ishbosheth 
(2 S 4'-i2). 2. A Netophathite (2 S 23=9, 1 Ch ll'"). 
3. One of those who returned with Zerubbabel (Ezr 2\ 
Neh 7' 10" [71). 

BAANI.— 1 Es 934 = Bani of Ezr 108*. 

BAARA.— Wife of a Benjamite (1 Ch S'). 


BAASEIAH.— A Kohathite (1 Ch 6"; prob. an error 
for Maaseiah). 

BAASHA, king o£ Israel, obtained tlie crown by- 
usurpation. He was an officer o£ the army under 
Nadab, son ot Jeroboam i., and while the army was 
besieging Gibbethon, a Philistine town, he slew his 
king and mounted the throne. The execution ot the 
whole house oJ Jeroboam followed. Baasha was a 
warlike ruler, and carried on war with Judah throughout 
his reign. The only incident preserved to us is his 
capture and fortification of Ramah, which led to the 
interference of Benhadad, as already recounted in the 
article Asa. Although Baasha died in his bed after a 
reign of twenty-tour years, his dynasty was extinguished 
two years after his death (1 K 15"-16»). 

H. P. Smith. 

BABBLER.— Ac 17is 'What will (RV 'would') this 
babbler say?' The Gr. word translated 'babbler' 
means one who picks up a precarious Uving, like a crow. 
' The language of such persons,' says Bp. Chase, ' was, 
and is, plentiful and (on occasion) low'; but it is 
possible that the Athenians applied the word to St. 
Paul not on account of his speech, but his looks. In 
that case the modern coinage 'carpet-bagger' would 
give the sense. 

BABE.— See Child. 

BABEL, TOWER OP.— See Towee of Babel. 

BABI. — Head of a family which returned with Ezra 
(1 Es 8='); called in Ezr 8" Bebai. 

BABYLON .—Babel is the Hebrew form of the native 
name Bab-ili, 'Gate of God.' It was also Tin-lir or 
'Seat of life,' and E or B-ki. It is likely that these 
names once denoted separate towns gradually incor- 
porated. Other quarters of Babylon were Shu-anna, 
Te, Shuppatu, and Litamu. According to the Heb. 
tradition (Gu 10'°), it was as old as Erech, Akkad, and 
Calneh. Native tradition makes it as old as Erech and 
Nippur, the latter being proved by excavations to date 
back to prehistoric times. Babylon is from BSb-Uani. 
It lay on the E. bank ot the Euphrates, part of its site 
being now occupied by Hillah, about 50 miles S. of 
Baghdad. The ruins extend for 5 miles N. to S. Babil, 
the N. ruin, covers 120,000 sq. ft. and is still 90 ft. high. 
It covers the remains ot the celebrated Esagila temple. 
The Mujellibeh is not much less in area, and 28 ft. high. 

The Kasr contains the ruins of Nebuchadrezzar's 
palace, along whose E. side ran the sacred procession 
street, decorated with enamelled tiles representing the 
dragon and the re'em, to the Istar-gate at the S.E. 
corner. The whole was enclosed within an irregular 
triangle, formed by two lines ot ramparts and the river, 
an area ot about 8 sq. miles. The city crossed the 
river to the W., where are remains of a palace of Neri- 
glissar. In later times it became coterminous with many 
other large cities, and Herodotus ascribes to it a circuit 
of 55 miles. The German excavations now being 
carried on may be expected to solve the many problems 
connected with the site. 

From the very earliest times the kings and rulers of 
Babylonia worked at the building of its temples, palaces, 
walls, bridges, quays, etc. Hammurabi first raised it 
to be the capital of all Babylonia. It was sacked by 
Sennacherib in B.C. 689', the chief palaces, temples, and 
city walls levelled with the ground, and the waters 
ot the Euphrates turned over it. Esarhaddon began 
to rebuild it, and it stood another long siege under his 
son, Ashurbanipal. Nabopolassar began its restoration; 
Nebuchadrezzar raised it to its height ot glory. Cyrus 
took it without resistance, and held his court there. 
Darius Hystaspis besieged, took it, and destroyed its 
walls. Xerxes plundered it. Alexander the Great 
planned to restore it. Antiochus Soter actually began 
the restoration of its great temple. The foundation 
ot Seleucia robbed it of its population, but the temple 


services continued to b.c. 29, at least. See, further, 
Assyria and Babylokia. C. H. W. Johns. 

BABYLON (in NT). — Babylon was apparently used 
by the early Church as a symbol for Rome. 1. In Rev. 
(148 1818 17s 182. 10. 21) its destruction is foretold, because 
of its sins, and particularly because of its persecution. 
Such identification is, however, somewhat uncertain, 
and rests ultimately on the improbability that the word 
in the connexion in which it appears can refer to the 
city of Mesopotamia (the word is so used in Mt 1" 12", 
Ac 7"). This basal probability is supported by the fact 
that Babylon is called ' mystery ' in Rev 17', is said to be 
seated on seven mountains (v. 9), and to be a centre of 
commerce and authority (IS'-" 17. 14«). Rome is 
apparently called Babylon in Sib. Or. v. 143, 158; 2 Es.; 
Apoc. Baruch. 

This identification of Babylon in Revelation with Rome 
dates at least from the time of Jerome. The attempt to 
identify it with an apostate Judah and Jerusalem can 
hardly De taken seriously. The fact that Revelation utilized 
the Jewiahapocalyp tic ma terialfurther makes it imperative 
that the term symboUze a powerwhichstood related both to 
Christians and Jews, in a way parallel with the relation of 
Babylon to the ancient Hebrew nation. 

2. The reference to Babylon in 1 P 5" has had three 
interpretations: (a) Babylon in Egypt, mentioned by 
Strabo and Epiphanius; (6) Babylon on the Euphrates; 
and (c) Rome. In view of the symbolic use ot the word 
'Babylon,' as mentioned in the foregoing, the last 
seems the most probable. Eusebius {HE 11. 15) so 
interprets the reference, and, in view ot the ancient and 
persistent tradition, there is nothing improbable in 
St. Peter's having been in Rome. This probability is 
strengthened by the reference to' the persecution to 
which Christians were being sub^^ed. Assyrian 
Babylon in the second half ot the 1st ciM. was in decay, 
and 1 Peter would be particularly appropriate if sent 
out from the seat ot a persecution, such as that of Nero, 
or possibly of Domitian. Shaileb Mathewb. 

BABYLONISH GARMENT ('addereth Shin'ar).— 
Stolen by Achan (Jos 72'); literally 'mantle of Shinar'; 
probably a cloak of embroidered stuff. Babylonia 
was famous in classical times for such costly garments, 
and the sculptures exhibit the most elaborately em- 
broidered dresses. The Babylonian inscriptions enumer- 
ate an almost endless variety of such garments, worked 
in many colours. C. H. W. Johns. 

BACA, VALLEY OF.— An allegorical place-name, 
found only in Ps 8#, where the RV renders ' Valley of 
Weeping.' Most probably it is no more an actual 
locality than is the 'Valley of the Shadow of Death' 
in Ps 23*. R. A. S. Macalistek. 

BACCHIDES. — Governor of Mesopotamia under 
Demetrius Soter; sent to establish Alcimus (wh. see) 
in the priesthood; defeated Jonathan the Maccabee, 
and at a later period besieged him in the fortress of 
Bethbasi; was finally compelled to entertain proposals 
for peace (1 Mac 7»-2» 9'-« 10>2; Jos. Ant. xii. x.-xiii. i.). 

BACCHUBUS. — A singer who put away his foreign 
wife (1 Es 92<). 

BACCHUS.— See Dionysus. 


BADGER.— Rock badger (Lv ll' RVm), i.e. Hyrax 
SyriacMS. See Coney. 

BADGERS' SKINS.— Mentioned (in AV) as the upper 
covering of the Tabernacle, etc. (Ex 25' 26" etc.), and 
materials for making sandals (Ezk 16'°). It is almost 
certain the word tahash is mistranslated 'badger,' as 
badgers, though found in Southern Palestine, are not 
common enough, nor are their skins suitable for such 
use to have been made ot them. The RV sealskins (mg. 
porpoise-skins) hardly eases the difiiculty zoologically, 
although having some support from etymology. De- 
litzsch, from the similarity of tahash to the Assyr.tahshan 
= ' wether,' thinks it probable that the word means 



the same in Hebrew. A recent suggestion that the 
Heb. word tahash is taken from the Egyp. ths, meaning 
'leather,' seems the most reasonable explanation. 

E. W. G. Mastebman. 

BJE&K. — The name of an unknown tribe destroyed 
by Judas Maccabaeus (1 Mac 5*). 

BAG, PUBSE, WALLET.— Several kinds of bags, etc. 
may be distinguished, (a) The shepherd's and traveller's 
wallet for carrying one or more days' provisions. Like 
most of the other OT bags, it was made of skin, generally 
undressed, and was slung across the shoulder. This is 
the scrip of Mt lO'" and parallels (RV "wallet'). The 
former is retained by our RV (but Araer. RV 'wallet') 
to render a unique word, which had to be explained even 
to Hebrew readers by the gloss 'the shepherd's bag' 
(1 S 17"). (b) A more finished article, the leather 
satchel which served as a purse (Lk IC, 123' aV here 
bag). For illust. see Rich, Diet, of Antiq. 217. The 
purse of Mt 10', Mk 6^, however, was merely the folds 
of the girdle (see RVm). (c) The merchant's bag, in 
which he kept his stone weights (Dt 25"), also served as 
a purse (Pr 1"). (d) The favourite bag for money and 
valuables — hence the beautiful figure 1 S 26'', where 
'the bundle of life'=life's jewel-case — was one which 
could be tied with a string (2 K 12i», Pr 7'", also Gn 42=5 
EV 'bundle'). If required, a seal could be put on the 
knot (Job 14"). (e) Another word is used both for a 
large bag, capable of holding a talent of silver (2 K S"), 
and for the dainty lady's satchel (Is S^ RV; AV crisp- 
ing pins). (/) The 'bag' which Judas carried (Jn. 12« 
13^') was rather a small box (RVm), originally used for 
holding the mouthpieces of wind-instruments. 

A. R. S. Kennedy. 

BAGO. — Th^jead of a family which returned with 
Ezra (1 Es 8<»Iira,lled in 1 Es 6" Bagoi, and in Ezr 2» 

BAGOAS. — A eunuch in the service of Holofernes 
(Jth 12"- "■ 16 13! 14H). 

BAGOI.— See Baqo. 

BAGPIPE.— See Music. 

BAHAEUMITE.— See Bahhrim. 

BAHURIM. — The place where Paltiel, son of Laish, 
was ordered to relinquish Michal (2 S 3'«); where 
Shimei dwelt, who cursed David in his flight (2 S 16'); 
where Ahimaaz and Jonathan hid in the well from 
' Absalom (2 S 17i'- ") ; and the home of Azmaveth, one 
of David's mighty men (1 Ch W, 2 S 23'', where 
Barhumite is written for Baharumite). It was in the 
tribe of Benjamin (cf. the passages relating to Shimei), 
and the account of David's flight, which supplies the 
only topographical indications, accords with the tradi- 
tional identification with Almit, N.E. from the Mount of 
Olives, and about a mile beyond 'Anata (Anathoth) 
from Jerusalem. R. A. S. Macalister. 

BAITEETJS.— The head of a family which returned 
with Zerubbabel (1 Es 5"). 

BAKBAKKAR.— A Levite (1 Ch 9'5). 

BAKBUK. — The ancestor of certain Nethinim who 
returned with Zerubbabel (Ezr 2*', Neh 7''); called 
Acub in 1 Es 5»i. 

BAKBUKIAH.— 1. A Levite (Neh 11"). 2. A porter 
(Neh 12!6). 


BAKING.— See Bread. 

BAKING-PAN.— See House, § 9. 

BALAAM is the subject of a remarkable and intricate 
narrative in Nu 22-24, connected with the arrival of 
Israel in the Promised Land, and the relationship of the 
chosen people to Moab and Ammon. Balaam was a 
soothsayer of Fethor on the Euphrates, called by Balak, 
king of Moab, to curse the Israelites, who were lying 
encamped in the Jordan valley. He had difficulty in 
undertaking the task, and he found, whenever he essayed 



to curse Israel, that the Lord had forbidden him to do 
so, and that his burden must be blessing instead. At 
the request of Balak he changed his position again and 
again on the heights above the Dead Sea, in the hope 
of obtaining a different oracle, but the message he had 
to deliver remained the same, and he foretold the future 
splendour of Israel (24'"). Sent away by Balak without 
the reward promised to him if he would deliver an oracle 
adverse to Israel, he returned to his own land. Accord- 
ing to one narrative, his end was full of shame. He 
was accused of having induced Israel to commit im- 
morality in connexion with religious worship, a feature 
common in the Semitic nature-cults. It was through 
this charge that he became known to subsequent ages, 
and his name became a name of infamy (Nu 31'- ", 
2 P 216, Rev 2"; Jos. Ant. vi. vi, 6). The inspiration 
of Balaam, contrasted with his subsequent sin and 
disgraceful death, his knowledge of the will of God, 
together with his intense desire to grasp the rewards 
of unrighteousness, have given rise to a notable sermon 
literature. Bishop Butler speaks of the self-deception 
by which he persuades himself that the sin he commits 
can be justified to conscience and to God; Newman 
regards him as an instance of the trouble that can come 
on a character, otherwise noble, when the thought of 
material advancement is always allowed to dwell with 
it; Arnold adduces him as an instance of the familiar 
truth that the purest form of religious belief may coexist 
with a standard of action immeasurably below it; 
F. W. Robertson makes him the text for a sermon on 
the perversion of gifts. 

This complexity of character is, however, greatly 
simplified by the recognition of the various strata in 
the narrative. It is clear that the account of P con- 
necting Balaam with Israel's uncleanness has nothing 
to do with the original narrative. This original narrative 
is contained in Nu 22-24. According to it, Balaam 
was a prophet of Pethor on the river Euphrates. His 
fame had spread across the wilderness, and, when 
Balak found himself in straits through the advance of 
Israel, he sent for Balaam to come and curse Israel. 
Balaam asked God whether he should go, and was refused 
permission. Balak therefore sent yet greater gifts, and 
once again Balaam asked counsel of God. This time 
permission was granted. So far there had been no 
indication of God's displeasure; but now follows (22>2-m) 
the story of the ass, through which God's anger at the 
refusal of the seer to accept His answer, given once and 
for all, is manifested. If, however, the reader will pass 
from 2221 to 22»i he will find that the narrative runs 
smoothly, and that he is still viewing Balaam's character 
from the same not unfavourable standpoint (22» [cf. 
VV.2I1- 21] is the effort to join up the threads of the story 
after the interpolation). When Balaam is brought in 
sight of Israel, he breaks out into a burst of praise 
(24B-8) which rouses the wrath of Balak. Balaam 
justifies himself by reminding the king that he had 
warned him of the constraint of the Lord (v."). He 
then utters another oracle predicting the glory of Israel 
and the destruction of Moab and Ammon (vv."-i»). 

This analysis leaves out of account 2222-3* and 23, which 
seem to belong to a narrative dealing with the same facts, 
but placing a more sinister interpretation on the conduct 
of Balaam. The story of the aas is plainly out of harmony 
with the narrative just outlined. It is a story belonging 
not to the wilderness, but to a land of vineyards. It ignores 
the embassy that has been sent to bring Balaam back across 
the wilderness (2216-21) ^forit represents Balaam aa travelling 
alone. It is also extremely unlikely that so long a journey 
as that from the Euphrates to Moab would be attempted 
upon an ass. Then ch. 23, with its elaborate buildingofUltars 
and offering of sacrifices, seems to belong to a later date; 
while the constant shifting of position in the effort to secure 
a more favourable oracle presents Balaam in a much more 
unfavourable light than oefore. Although the details of 
this analysis are not certain, we may take it that the original 
story proceeds from J, and that the second narrative, more 
comphcated both in psychology and ritual, is from E. 


The narrative of P ascribing the sin of Baal-peor to 
Balaam is out of touch with both the other narratives. 
According to it, Balaam was a Midianitish seer who tried 
to bring about the ruin of Israel, in default of other means, 
by persuading them to give way to lust (Nu 31*- "; 
Jos. Ant. VI. vi. 6). 'It has been conjectured that this 
story arose partly out of a difBculty on the part of the 
priestly narrator in conceiving of a heathen being an 
inspired prophet of God, partly from the need of ac- 
counting for the great sin of the IsraeUtes' (DB i. 233"). 
Balaam thus seems to have fallen in the estimation of 
Israel from being a seer of alien race, who distinguished 
himself by his faithfulness to the truth he knew, to 
becoming synonymous with temptation of a kind that 
was always especially insidious for Israel. 

R. Bhucb TArLOK. 

BALADAN. — See Meeodach-Bai.adan. 

BALAH (Jos 19'). — An unknown town of Simeon; 
perhaps identical with Bealoth (Jos 15^) and Bilhah 
(1 Ch 4"); called Baalah in Jos 15", where it is 
assigned to Judah. 

BALAK. — The king of Moab who hired Balaam, 
Nu 22-24. See Balaam. 

BALAMON. — A town near Dothaim (Jth 8»). 

BALANCB. — The Hebrew balances probably differed 
but little from those in use in Egypt as described by 
Wilkinson (Anc. Egyp. [1878], ii. 246 f.). The main 
parts were the beam with its support, and the scales 
which were hung by cords from the ends of the equal 
arms of the beam. The 'pair of scales' is used in OT 
by a figure for the balance as a whole ; only once is the 
beam so used (Is 46^). The 'weights were originally of 
stone and are always so termed. The moral necessity 
of a just balance and true weights and the iniquity of 
false ones are frequently emphasized by the prophets, 
moral teachers, and legislators of Israel; see Am 8^, 
'Mic 6", Pr 11' 16" ('a just balance and scales are the 
Lord's') 20'', Lv 19*=, Dt 26™.. 

A. R. S. Kennedy. 

BALD LOCUST.— See Locubt (8). 

BALDNESS. — See Cctttings in the Flesh, Hair. 

BALM.— A product of Gilead (On 37== 43"), cele- 
brated for its heaUng properties (Jer 8" 46" 61*), and 
an important article of commerce (Ezk 27"). Nothing 
is known for certain about the nature of this substance, 
but it is usually supposed to be some kind of aromatic 
gum or resin. There is now no plant in Gilead which 
produces any characteristic product of this nature. 
Mastich, a resin much used by the Arabs for flavouring 
coffee, sweets, etc., and as a chewing gum, is considered 
by many to be the eori of Gn 37^ (so RVm). It has 
been credited with healing properties. It is a product 
of the Pisiacia lentiscus, a plant common in Palestine. 
The so-called 'Balm of Gilead' of commerce, and the 
substance sold by the monks of Jericho to-day, this latter 
a product of the zakkUm tree, are neither of them serious 
claimants to be the genuine article. See also Spice. 
E. W. G. Mastekman. 

BALNU0S.— 1 Es 93i=Binnui of Ezr loa". 

BALSAM.— See Spice. 

BALTASAB.— The Gr. form of Belshazzar (Dn 5, etc.. 
Bar 1"'-) and of Belteshazzar (Dn 4, etc.). 

BAMAH (only Ezk 202') is the ordinary word for 
'high place,' but is here retained in its Hebrew form 
as the word 'manna' in the parallel case Ex 16", on 
account of the word-play: 'What (mah) is the ba-mah 
to which ye go (63)7' See, further. High Place. 

A. R. S. Kennedy. 

BAMOTH, BAMOTH-BAAL.— Bamoth is mentioned 
in Nu 21'"- as a station in the journey of Israel from 
the Arnon to the Jordan. It is prob. identical with 
Bamoth-baal of Nu 22" (RVm; AV and RV 'the 
high places of Baal'), to which Balaam was led by 


Balak. Bamoth-baal is mentioned as a Reubenite city 
in Jos 13". 

BAN. — The ban is an institution from remote anti- 
quity, which still survives in the Jewish and Christian 
Churches. Its earUer history has not yet received the 
systematic treatment which it merits. The original 
idea, common to all the Semitic languages, is that of 
withdrawing something from common use and setting 
it apart for the exclusive use of a deity. In Hebrew 
the verbal root acquired the more specialized meaning 
of devoting to J" His enemies and their belongings by 
means of fire and sword, and is usually rendered ' utterly 
destroy' (RVm adds 'Heb. devote'), while the cognate 
noun (chSrem, Gr. anathema) is 'accursed ( AV) or devoted 
(RV) thing.' In this brief treatment of a large subject 
we propose to distinguish between the war ban, the 
justice ban, and the private ban. 

1. The war ban, clearly the oldest form of the institu- 
tion, shows various degrees of severity. The war ban 
of the first degree, as it may be termed, involved the 
destruction not only of every man, woman, and child 
of the enemy, but also of their entire property of every 
description (see Dt 13i«). The treatment of the 
Amalekites in 1 S 16 is a famihar example. The case of 
Achan, after the ban and capture of Jericho, affords a 
striking illustration of the early ideas associated with 
the ban. Every 'devoted thing,' as henceforyj the 
inviolate property of J", and therefore taboo, became 
infected with the deadly contagion of holiness (note 
Lv 27^8 'most holy,' lit. 'holy of holies'). Hence by 
retaining part of the 'devoted thing' (cftSrem) in his 
tent Achan infected the whole 'camp of Israel,' with 
disastrous results (Jos 6" 7"'-, cf. Dt 7"i). More 
frequently we meet with a relaxed formof the war ban, 
which may be called the ban of the se^Bkdegree. In 
this case only the men, women, ancnjVdren of the 
doomed city were devoted, while the caftre and the rest 
of the spoil became the property of the victors (Dt 2"'- 
3"- y, Jos 11"). A still further relaxation, a ban of 
the third degree, is contemplated by the law of Dt 20i"'-, 
by which only the males are put to the ban, the women 
and children being spared as the perquisites of the 
besiegers. On the other hand, only virgins were to be 
spared in Nu 31"'- and Jg 21"«'-, for special reasons in 
the latter case. 

2. The justice ban differs from the other in being 
applicable only to members of the theocratic community. 
It appears in the oldest legislation as the punishment 
of the apostate Israelite (Ex 22^"), and is extended in 
the Deuteronomic code to the idolatrous city (Dt 13i"'). 
Here only the ban of the first degree was admissible. 
An important modification of the judicial ban is first 
met with in Ezr 10', where recalcitrant members of 
the community, instead of being put to death, are 
excommunicated, and only their 'substance forfeited' 
(RVm 'devoted') to the Temple treasury. This 
modified cherem became the starting-point of a long 
development. For these later Jewish and Christian 
bans see Excommunication, 

3. The attenuated form of ban found in the late 
passage Lv 27*' may be termed the private ban. The 
cases contemplated — 'man or beast or field' — are 
evidently those "of unusually solemn and inalienable 
dedications by private persons for religious purposes 
(cf. Nu 18", Ezk 44", and the NT 'corban'), as opposed 
to the redeemable dedications of the preceding verses. 
The latter are holy while the former are 'most holy.' 
The following verse, on the contrary, must refer to the 
justice ban. 

The ban was an institution of earlier date than the Hebrew 
conquest, and was practised by the Moabitea in its most 
rigorous form (see Mesha's inscription, II. 11-17), perhaps 
also by the Ammonites (2 Ch 29^). Instances of similar 
practices among many half-civilized races are noted by the 
anthropologists. The original motive of the ban is prob- 
ably reflected in Nu 21'''', where it is represented as the 
return made to J" for help against the enemy vouchsafed in 



terms of a preceding vow (of. devotio from devoveo). This 
has to be interpreted in the light of the primitive solidarity 
between a god and his clan. Even in Israel the wars of the 
Hebrews were the 'wars of J"' (Nu 21"). 'The religious 
element is found in the complete renunciation of any profit 
from the victory, and this renunciation is an expression of 
gratitude for the fact that the war-God has delivered the 
enemy, who is His enemy also, into the hands of the con- 
queror' (Kautzsch in Hastings' DB Ext. Vol. 619'>). The 
ban was thus the outcome of religious zeal in an age when 
the moral sense was less advanced than the religious. 

With regard to the wholesale appUcation of the war ban 
in the Deuteronomic sections of Joshua, modem criticism 
has taught us to see in these the ideal generalizations of the 
exilic age. The Hebrews of the conquest were in truth the 
children of their age, but such a stupendous holocaust as is 
implied in such passages as Jos ll^^- " must not be placed 
to their credit. The legislation of Dt., it must further be 
remembered, is the outcome of several centuries' experience 
of Ganaanite heathenism, the true character of which the 
soil of Palestine is only now revealing, and of its baneful 
influence on the religion of 3". In this legislation the 
antique institution of the ban was retained as a means of 
protecting the community against a serious menace to its 
religious life. Nevertheless the enactment of Dt 13'™- 
remained a dead letter till the age of the Maccabees (1 Mac 
5'«-). A. R. S. Kennedy. 

BAS. — The head of a family which could not trace 
its descent (1 Es 5", a corrupt passage). 

BANAIAS.— 1 Es 9'5 = Benaiah of Ezr 10". 
SssD. — This spelling represents three historically 
distinct English words: (1) 'Band' in the sense of 
that which binds — the rendering of a variety of Heb. 
words, some of which are also rendered by 'bond.' 
(2) 'Band' in the sense of ribbon (Ex 39^5 RV 'bind- 
ing'), or sash (Ex 28* etc. RV 'girdle'). (3) 'Band' 
in the sense of a company of soldiers, more or less 
organized, y^Mthe rendering of several Heb. words, 
some of thefl^Hlnged in RV into ' companies ' (Gn 32') 
or 'troop' (^ril") or 'hordes' (Ezk 38«- »). 

In NT ' band ' in this third sense renders speira, the 
Or. equivalent of the Roman cohors (for the Roman 
army in NT times see Legion). In the minor provinces 
such as Judsa the troops were entirely auxiliaries, of 
which the unit was the cohort of about 500, in certain 
cases 1000, men. The Roman garrison in Jerusalem 
consisted of such a cohort of provincials, probably 1000 
strong, the 'band' which figures prominently both in 
the Gospels and in the Acts (Mt 27", Mk 15", Ac 2VK 
and probably Jn 18'- '^ — RVra 'cohort' throughout). 
This cohort was under the command of a Roman prefect 
or of a military tribune, the 'captain' or 'chief captain' 
(Gr. chiliarch) of our EV. 

Another auxiliary cohort is probably that named 
the Augustan baud (Ac 27' — Gr. Sebaste; AV 'Augustus' 
band'). It has been much debated whether the name 
is a title of honour like our ' King's Own,' or a territorial 
designation signifying that the cohort in question was re- 
cruited from Samaria, then named Sebaste ( = Augusta) . 
SchUrer (GJ V ' i. 462) curiously would combine both 
these views. Ramsay, on the other hand, maintains 
that the Augustan band was a popular, not an official, 
name for a body of troops detailed for some special 
service by the emperor (.St. Paul the Traveller, p. 315). 
A similar uncertainty as to its place in the military 
organization of the time attaches to the Italian band 
in which Cornelius was a centurion (Ac 10'). The 
name merely shows that it was a cohort of Roman 
citizens, probably volunteers, from Italy, as opposed 
to the ordinary cohorts of provincials. 

A. R. S. Kennedy. 
BANI. — 1. A Gadite, one of David's heroes (2 S 23»«). 
2. 3. 4. Levites (1 Ch 6«, Neh 3", cf. 8' [ = Binnui of 
EzrSMandNehlO']). 5. A Judahite(lCh9i). 6. Head 
of a family of exiles that returned (Ezr 2" [ = Binnui of 
Neh 7"] 10", Neh 10"). 7. One of those who had 
married a foreign wife (Ezr 10^'). Cf. Binnui. 

BANIAS. — Ancestor of Salimoth, who returned with 
Ezra (1 Es 8"). 



BANISHMENT, — See Crimes and Punishments. 

BANK, — 1. A mound of earth in siegecraft, see 
Foetificateon and Sieqeoeaft. 2. The table of a 
money-changer or banker, see Monet-changees. 

B&SS&S.—A Levite who returned with Zerubbabel 
(1 Es 5M). 

BAMNEAS.— 1 Es 92»=Benaiah of Ezr 10«s. 

BANNER, ENSIGN.STAMDARD.— That the Hebrews, 

like the Egyptians (Wilkinson, Anc. Egyp. [1878] i. 195, 
illust.), Assyrians, and other ancient nations, possessed 
military ensigns is a safe inference from Nu 2', but not 
from the mention of the standard-bearer in Is 10" AV, 
which is to be rendered as RVm. Nothing certain, 
however, is known regarding them. In the former 
passage a distinction seems to be made — for another 
view see Gray's Com. in loc. — between the ensigns 
(lit. 'signs,' cf. Ps 74< where the reference is probably 
to the standards of Antiochus' army) of the 'fathers' 
houses,' and the standards (the banner of Ca 2f, cf . 6<' i°) 
of the four great divisions of the Hebrew tribes in the 
wilderness, according to the artificial theory of the 
priestly writer. 

Equally uncertain is the relation of these to the Ms, 
which was a wooden pole (Nu 21"- AV and RV ' standard ' 
cf. the parallelism with 'mast' Is 30" RVm), set up on 
an eminence as a signal for the mustering of the troops. 
This word is of frequent occurrence both in the original 
sense and in the figurative sense of a rallying point, in 
the prophetic announcements of the future (Is S" 11'", 
Jer 42' and often). The rendering alternates between 
'ensign' and 'banner.' A. R. S. Kennedy. 

BANNUS. — 1 Es Q'^—either Bani or Binnui of Ezr 

BANQUET. — In AV 'banquet' and 'banqueting' 
always mean wine-drinking, not feasting generally. 
Thus Ca 2< ' He brought me to the banqueting house ' 
(Heb. 'the house of wine'), 1 P 4' 'banquetings' 
(Gr. 'drinkings,' RV 'carousings'). See Meals. 

BAPTISM.— This term, which designates a NT rite, 
is confined to the vocabulary of the NT. It does 
not occur in the LXX, neither is the verb with which it 
is connected ever used of an initiatory ceremony. This 
verb is a derivative from one which means 'to dip' 
(Jn 132», Rev 19's), but itself has a wider meaning, = 
' to wash ' whether the whole or part of the body.whether 
by immersion or by the pouring of water (Mk 7<, Lk HM). 
The substantive is used (a) of Jewish ceremonial washings 
(Mk 7«, He 9i«); (b) in a metaphorical sense (Mk 10'=, 
Lk 125"; cf. 'plunged in calamity'); and (c) most 
commonly in the technical sense of a religious ceremony 
of initiation. 

1. The earliest use of the word 'baptism' to describe 
a religious and not merely ceremonial observance is 
in connexion with the preaching of John the Baptist, 
and the title which is given to him is probably an 
indication of the novelty of his procedure (Mt 3', Mk 
828, Lk 7"; cf. Mk 6"- «). He 'preached the baptism 
of repentance for the remission of sins' (Mk 1*), i.e. 
the result of his preaching was to induce men to seek 
baptism as an outward sign and pledge of inward 
repentance on their part, and of their forgiveness on the 
part of God. ' Baptism is related to repentance as the 
outward act in which the inward change finds expression. 
It has been disputed whether the practice of baptizing 
proselytes on their reception into the Jewish community 
was already established in the 1st cent. ; probably it was. 
But in any case the significance of their baptism was that 
of ceremonial cleansing; John employed it as a symbol 
and a seal of moral purification. But, according to the 
Gospel record, John recognized the incomplete and 
provisional character of the baptism administered by 
him: 'I indeed have baptized you with water; but he 
shall baptize you with the Holy Ghost' (Mk is). 

2. Jesus Himself accepted baptism at the hands of John 



(Mk 1"), overcoming the reluctance of the Baptist with 
a word of authority. That Jesus Himself baptized is 
nowhere suggested in the Synoptic Gospels, and is 
expressly denied in the Fourth Gospel (Jn 4'); but 
His disciples baptized, and it must have been with 
His authority, equivalent to baptism by Himself, 
and involving admission to the society of His 
disciples. On the other hand. His instructions to the 
Twelve and to the Seventy contain no command to 
baptize. Christian baptism was to be baptism 'with 
the Spirit,' and 'the Spirit was not yet given' (Jn ?'«). 
It is recorded in Acts (!') that the Risen Lord foretold 
that this promised baptism would be received after 
His departure, 'not many days hence.' 

3. Christian baptism, although it finds a formal analogy 
in the baptism of John, which in its turn represents 
a spiritualizing of ancient Jewish ideas of lustration, 
appears as in its essential character a new thing after the 
descent of the Holy Spirit. It is a phenomenon ' entirely 
unique, and in its inmost nature without any analogy, 
because it rises as an original fact from the soil of the 
Christian reUgion of revelation' (von DobschUtz). It 
has been customary to trace the institution of the 
practice to the words of Christ recorded in Mt 28". 
But the authenticity of this passage has been challenged 
on historical as well as on textual grounds. It must be 
acknowledged that the formula of the threefold name, 
which is here enjoined, does not appear to have been 
employed by the primitive Church, which, so tar as our 
information goes, baptized 'in' or 'into the name of 
Jesus' (or 'Jesus Christ' or 'the Lord Jesus': 
Ac 2'8 8'= 10" 195; cf. 1 Co l"- «), without reference 
to the Father or the Spirit. The difficulty hence arising 
may be met by assuming (a) that Baptism in the name 
of Jesus was equivalent to Baptism in the name of the 
Trinity, or (6) that the shorter phrase does not represent 
the formula used by the baptizer (which may have been 
the fuller one), but the profession made by the baptized, 
and the essential fact that he became a Christian — one 
of Christ's acknowledged followers. But it is better to 
infer the authority of Christ for the practice from the 
prompt and universal adoption of it by the Apostles 
and the infant Church, to which the opening chapters of 
Acts bear witness; and from the significance attached 
to the rite in the Epistles, and especially in those of St. 

4. That baptism was the normal, and probably the 
indispensable, condition of being recognized as a member 
of the Christian community appears from allusions in 
the Epistles (1 Co 12", Gal 3"), and abundantly from 
the evidence in Acts. The first preaching of the Spirit- 
filled Apostles on the day of Pentecost led to many being 
' pricked in their heart ' ; and in answer to their inquiry 
addressed to 'Peter and the rest of the apostles,' Peter 
said unto them: ' Repent ye, and be baptized every one 
of you in the name of the Lord Jesus Christ ' (Ac 2"- "). 
'They then that received his word were baptized' to 
the number of 'about three thousand souls.' At 
Samaria, 'when they believed Philip preaching the 
things concerning the kingdom of God, and the name of 
Jesus Christ, they were baptized, both men and women' 
(8''), — the earliest express statement that women were 
admitted to the rite. In this case the gift of the Spirit 
did not follow until Peter and John had come down from 
Jerusalem, and ' prayed for them that they might receive 
the Holy Ghost.' 'Then they laid their hands upon 
them, and they received the Holy Ghost' (8"). Saul 
was baptized by Ananias (9") in accordance with 
instructions recorded by himself (22'*), and that he 
might 'be filled with the Holy Ghost.' In these cases 
the gift followed upon baptism, with or without the 
laying-on of hands. In the case of Cornelius and his 
friends, the gift followed immediately upon the preaching 
of the word by Peter, and presumably its reception in 
the heart of those who heard ; and it was after that that 
the Apostle 'commanded them to be baptized in the 

name of the Lord ' (10"). It was on the ground of this 
previous communication of the Holy Spirit that Peter 
subsequently justified his action in admitting these 
persons to baptism (lli'-'s). 

5. The preaching of St. Paul, no less than that of St. 
Peter, led to the profession of faith through baptism, 
though the Apostle seems as a rule to have left the actual 
administration to others (1 Co l"-"): 'for Christ sent 
me not to baptize, but to preach the gospel.' At PhUippi 
Lydia was baptized 'and her household'; there also 
the jailor, ' and all that were his ' (Ac 16"- '') ; at Corinth, 
Crispus and Gaius, and 'the household of Stephanas' 
(1 Co !»■ "). 

6. The conditions antecedent to baptism are plainly 
set forth in Acts, viz. repentance and profession of faith 
in Jesus as Messiah or as 'the Lord,' following on the 
preaching of the word. The method of administration 
was baptizing with water in or into the name of Jesus. 
Immersion may have been employed when the presence 
of sufficient water made it convenient; but there is 
nothing to show that affusion or sprinkliiig was not 
regarded as equally vaUd. That baptism was 'in the 
name of Jesus ' signifies that it took place for the purpose 
of sealing the new relationship of belonging to. being 
committed to, His Personality. The blessing attached 
to the rite is commonly exhibited as the gift of the Holy 
Spirit; the due fulfilment of the condition of baptism 
involved ipso facto the due fulfilment of the condition 
of receiving the Spirit. In the Epistles, this, the normal 
consequence of Christian baptism, is analyzed into its 
various elements. These are in the main three: (a) the 
'remission of sins' (Ac 2^8, i Co 6"; cf. He lO'^, i p 3"). 
(6j In baptism the believer was to realize most vividly 
the total breach with his old Ufe involved in his new 
attitude to God through Christ, a breach comparable 
only with that effected by death (Ro e^-'. Col 2^'); 
he was to realize also that the consequences of this 
fellowship with Christ were not only death to sin, but a 
new life in righteousness as real as that which followed on 
resurrection (Ro 6''). (c) Baptism conferred incorpora- 
tion in the one body of Christ (1 Co 12"), and was thus 
adapted to serve as a symbol of the true unity of Christians 
(Eph 4'). The body with which the beUever is thus 
incorporated is conceived of sometimes as the corporate 
community of Christians, sometimes as the Personality 
of Christ; 'for as many of you as were baptized into 
Christ, did put on Christ' (Gal 3"). 

Conversely, as with the Sacrament of the Lord's 
Supper, all the elements both of qualification and of 
experience are sometimes summed up in a pregnant phrase 
and without regard to the order in which they emerge. 
Eph S» may find its best interpretation through com- 
parison with Jn 15' (cf. 17"), i.e. as referring to the 
continuous cleansing of the Church by the word; but 
if the reference is to baptism, then the phrase 'by the 
word * probably alludes to the profession of faith by the 
baptized, whether it took the form of 'Jesus is Lord' 
(Ro 4"'; cf. 1 Co 12=), or whether it expressed the con- 
tent of the faith more fully. In Tit 3', while baptism is 
the instrument by which salvation is realized, ' regenera- 
tion' and 'renewal' are both displayed as the work of 
the Holy Spirit. And here the Apostolic interpretation 
of the rite touches the anticipation of it in our Lord's 
words recorded in Jn 3'. Faith wrought by the Spirit 
and faith professed by the believer are alike necessary to 
entrance into the Kingdom of salvation (cf. Ro 10'- '"). 

In 1 Co 15^9 Paul refers to the practice of persons 
allowing themselves to be baptized on behalf of the 
dead. Such a practice appears to have had analogies 
in the Greek mysteries, from which it may have crept 
into the Christian Church. As such it may be regarded 
as 'a purely magical, and wholly superstitious, vicarious 
reception of the sacrament.' Of such a practice the 
Apostle expresses no approval, but 'simply meets his 
opponents with their own weapons without putting their 
validity to the proof (Rentdorff). 



7. The NT contains no explicit reference to the 
baptism ot infants or young children; but it does not 
follow that the Church of the 2nd cent, adopted an 
unauthorized innovation when it carried out the practice 
of infant baptism. There are good reasons for the 
silence of Scripture on the subject. The governing 
principle of St. Luke as the historian of the primitive 
Church is to narrate the advance of the Kingdom 
through the missionary preaching of the Apostles, and 
the conversion of adult men and women. The letters 
of the Apostles were similarly governed by the im- 
mediate occasion and purpose of their writing. We have 
neither a complete history, nor a complete account 
of the organization, of the primitive Church. But of 
one thing we may be sure: had the acceptance of 
Christianity involved anything so startling to the Jewish 
or the Gentile mind as a distinction between the religious 
standing of the father of a family and his children, the 
historian would have recorded it, or the Apostles would 
have found themselves called to explain and defend it. 
For such a distinction would have been in direct con- 
tradiction to the most deeply rooted convictions of Jew 
and of Gentile alike. From the time of Abraham 
onwards the Jew had felt it a solemn religious obligation 
to claim for his sons from their earliest infancy the same 
covenant relation with God as he himself stood in. 
There was sufficient parallelism between baptism and 
circumcision (of. Col 2") for the Jewish-Christian father 
to expect the baptism of his children to follow his own 
as a matter of course. The Apostle assumes as a fact 
beyond dispute that the children of believers are ' holy' 
(1 Co 7"), i.e. under the covenant with God, on the 
ground of their father's faith. And among Gentile 
converts a somewhat different but equally authoritative 
principle, that of patria potestas, would have the same 
result. In a home organized on this principle, which 
prevailed throughout the Roman Empire, it would be a 
thing inconceivable that the children could be severed 
from the father in their religious rights and duties, in 
the standing conferred by baptism. Thus it is because, 
to the mind of Jew and Gentile alike, the baptism of 
infants and children yet unable to supply the conditions 
for themselves was so natural, that St. Luke records so 
simply that when Lydia believed, she was baptized ' with 
her household'; when the Philippian jailor believed, he 
was baptized, and all those belonging to him. If there 
were children in these households, these children were 
baptized on the ground of the faith of their parents; 
if there were no children, then the principle took a still 
wider extension, which includes children; for it was the 
servants or slaves of the household who were 'added 
to the Church' by baptism on the ground of their 
master's faith. 

8. Baptism was a ceremony of initiation by which the 
baptized not only were admitted members of the visible 
society of the disciples of Christ, but also received the 
solemn attestation of the consequences of their faith. 
Hence there are three parties to it. The part of the 
baptized is mainly his profession of faith in Christ, his 
confession 'with his heart' that he is the Lord's. The 
second is the Christian community or Church (rather 
than the person who administers baptism, and who 
studiously keeps in the background). Their part is 
to hear the profession and to grant the human attestation. 
The third is the Head of the Church Himself, by whose 
authority the rite is practised, and who gives the inward 
attestation, as the experience of being baptized opens 
in the believing soul new avenues for the arrival of the 
Holy Spirit. C. A. Scott. 

BAB. — Aram, word for 'son'; used, especially in 
NT times, as the first component of personal names, 
such as Bar-abbas, Bar-jesus, Bar-jonah, etc. 

BARABBAS (Mt 27«-23 = Mk 15»-" = Lk 23is-2' = 
Jn 18'"°). — A brigand, probably one of those who 
infested the Ascent of Blood (wh. see). He had taken 


part in one of the insurrections so frequent during the 
procuratorship of Pontius Pilate; and, having been 
caught red-handed, was awaiting sentence when Jesus 
was arraigned. It was customary for the procurator, 
by way of gratifying the Jews, to release a prisoner at 
the Passover season, letting the people choose whom 
they would; and Pilate, reluctant to condemn an 
innocent man, yet afraid to withstand the clamour of 
the rulers, saw here a way to save Jesus. His artifice 
would probably have succeeded had not the malignant 
priests and elders incited the people to choose Barabbas. 

Barabbas, like Bartholomew and BaHimceus, is a patro- 
nymic, possibly = ' the son of the father' (i.e. the Rabbi). 
According to an ancient reading of Mt 27", the brigand's 
name was Jesus. If so, there is a dramatic adroitness 
in Pilate's presentation of the alternative to the multi- 
tude: ' Which of the two do ye wish me to release to you — 
tlesus the bar-Abba or Jesus that is called Messiah? ' 

David Smith. 

BAEACHEL.— Father ot Elihu, 'the Buzite' (Job 
322- «). 

BARACHIAH.— See Zachabiae. 

BABAK ('lightning'). — The son of Abinoam; he 
lived at a time when the Canaanite kingdom of Hazor, 
having recovered from its overthrow by Joshua (Jos 
llio-i5)_ was taking vengeance by oppressing Israel. 
He is called from his home in Kedesh-naphtali by 
Deborah to deliver Israel. He gathers an army of 
10,000 men from the tribes of Naphtali and Zebulun. 
With this force, accompanied by Deborah, without 
whom he refuses to go forward, he encamps on Mt. 
Tabor, while the enemy under Sisera lies in the plain 
on the banks of the Kishon. At the word of Deborah, 
Barak leads his men down to battle, and completely 
defeats Sisera. The latter flees; Barak pursues him, 
but on reaching his hiding-place find^ that he has been 
already slain by Jael, the wife of Heber. The glory 
of the victory, therefore, does not lie with Barak, but 
with Deborah, who was his guiding spirit, and with 
Jael who slew the enemy's leader (Jg 4. 5). 

W. O. E. Oestbrley. 

BARBARIAN.— The Eng. word is used in Ac 28« ', 
Ro 1", 1 Co 14", Col 3" to translate a Gr. word which 
does not at all connote savagery, but means simply 
'foreign,' 'speaking an unintelligible language.' The 
expression first arose among the Greeks in the days of 
their independence, and was applied by them to all who 
could not speak Greek. When Greece became subject 
to Rome, it was then extended to mean all except the 
Greeks and Romans. There may be a touch of con- 
tempt in St. Luke's use of it, but St. Paul uses it simply 
in the ordinary way; see esp. 1 Co 14". A. Souter. 

BARBER.— See Haih. 

BARCHUS.— 1 Es 532=Barkos of Ezr 2'3and Neh 7«. 

BARHUUnTE.- See Bahubim. 

BARIAH.— A son of Shemaiah (1 Ch 3»). 

BAR-JESnS. — The name of ' a certain Magian, a false 
prophet, a Jew' (Ac 13°) whom St. Paul, on his visit 
to Cyprus, found in the retinue of Sergius Paulus, the 
Roman proconsul. The title Elymas (v.*) is equivalent 
to Magus (v.°), and is probably derived from an Arabic 
root signifying 'wise.' The knowledge of the Magians 
was half-mystical, half-scientific; amongst them were 
some devout seekers after truth, but many were mere 
tricksters. In the Apostolic age such men often acquired 
great influence, and Bar-jesus represents, as Ramsay 
(St. Paul the Traveller, p. 79) says, 'the strongest in- 
fluence on the human will that existed in the Roman 
world, an influence which must destroy or be destroyed 
by Christianity, if the latter tried to conquer the Empire.' 
The narrative implies that the proconsul was too 
intelligent to be deceived by the Magian's pretensions, 
the motive of whose opposition to the Christian teachers 
is expressed in a Bezan addition to v.», which states that 
Sergius Paulus 'was listening with much pleasure to 



them.' In St. Paul's judgment on this false prophet (v.' °) 
there is a play upon words: Elymas was full of deceit and 
not of wisdom; Bar-jesus, i.e. 'son of Jesus.' had become 
a 'son of the devil.' This is Pauline (cf. Ph 3^). 

J. G. Taseeb. 

BAR-JONAH.— See Bab, and John (No. 6). 

BABKOS. — Ancestor of certain Nethinim who 
returned with Zerubbabel (Ezr 2", Neh 7"; called 
Barchus in 1 Es 5^). 

BARLEY (se'Sraft). — As in ancient times, so to-day 
barley (Arab, sha' ir) is the most plentiful cereal of Pales- 
tine. It is the chief food of horses (1 K 42'), mules, and 
donkeys, oats being practically unknown. It is still used 
by the poor for making bread (Jg 7", Jn &'■ " etc.) in 
the villages, but not in the cities. Barley was the special 
ritual offering for jealousy (Nu 5"). The barley harvest 
(Ru 1*2) precedes that of wheat: it begins around 
Jericho as early as March, and in Jerusalem and the 
neighbourhood at the end of May. 

E. W. G. Masterman. 

BARN. — See AOBicnLTUHE, 3, and Gaeneb. 

BARNABAS. — A surname given by the Apostles to 
Joseph, the Levite, whose first recorded deed (Ac 4'') 
was the selling of his property and the devotion of its 
proceeds to the needs of the Christian community. In 
this generous act St. Luke sees a proof that Barnabas is, 
in accordance with the popular etymology of his name, 
'a son of comfort.' His kindly introduction of Saul to 
the Christians at Jerusalem disarmed their fears (9^'); 
his broad sympathies made him quick to recognize the 
work of grace amongst the Greeks at Antioch (11^'), 
and to discern the fitness of his gifted friend for that 
important sphere of service (v.^s'). After a year's 
fellowship in work at Antioch, Barnabas and Saul were 
appointed to convey 'the relief sent thence to the 
brethren in Judaea (v.^"). From Jerusalem they brought 
back, as a helper, John Mark, the cousin of Barnabas 
(1212. a. cf. Col 410). 

The church at Antioch solemnly dedicated Barnabas 
and Saul to missionary service (13"); with John Mark 
the two friends sailed for Cyprus, and from this point, 
with three exceptions, their names occur in the order 
'Paul and Barnabas.' 

Hamack iPRE^ ii. 411) explains these three passages 
thus: 14" is accounted for by \.^\ and IS^^- 26 by the 
closer association of Barnabas with the Jerusalem church. 

At Lystra (14i2), as doubtless at other places, Paul 
was the chief speaker; he was also the more prominent 
figure at the Jerusalem conference (15^'-, Gal 2'-. See 
Paul). Between Paul and Barnabas 'there arose a 
sharp contention' concerning John Mark (15^" ), and 
they agreed to work apart; Gal 2" also records Paul's 
adverse judgment of Barnabas' attitude in regard to 
the circumcision controversy. But the interesting 
reference to Barnabas in 1 Co 9' affords welcome proof 
of St. Paul's familiarity with the work of his friend. 
AH that is definitely known of Barnabas after he bade 
Paul farewell is that with his cousin Mark he 'sailed 
away unto Cyprus' (Ac 15"). For the spurious Epistle 
attributed to Barnabas, see Canon of NT, § 2. 

J. G. Tabker. 

BAR0DI8.— A name occurring in 1 Es 5" (om. in 
Ezr. and Neh.). 

BARREL, 1 K 17'2- "• " 18".— The large earthen- 
ware jar (so Amer. RV) used for fetching water from 
the well, storing grain, etc., elsewhere rendered pitcher. 
See House, 9. 

BARRENNESS.— See Child. 

BARSABBAS.— See Joseph (in NT), 6. and Judas 
(in NT), 6. 

BARTACUS.— Father of Apame (1 Es 42>). 

BARTHOLOMEW.— One of the Twelve, mentioned 
only in the lists of the Apostles (Mt 10»= Mk 3'8=Lk 6"). 
Jerome says that he wrote a Gospel, preached to the 


Indians, and died at Albanopolis in Armenia. Bar- 
tholomew is really not a name, but a patronymic — Bar 
raimai='sonof Talmai' (cf. 2S13"). See Nathanael. 

David Smith. 

BARTIBMiirS (Mk 10").— A blind man whom Jesus, 
on His way to the last Passover, healed at the gate of 
Jericho — as He was leaving the city, according to 
Mt. (20") and Mk. (10<»), who condense the story of 
what befell at Jericho; as He approached, according to 
Lk. (la's), whose fuller narrative preserves the proper 
order of events. Bartimaeus is not a name but a 
patronymic (cf. Bartholomew), and St. Mark, for the 
benefit of his Gentile readers, gives the interpretation of 
it, 'the son of Timseus.' David Smith. 

BARUCH ('blessed').— 1. Son of Neriah, the son of 
Mahseiah and brother of Seraiah (Jer 51") ; known from 
Jer 36. 45. 32i2-i« 43'- «; by Jeremiah's side in the con- 
flict with Jehoiakim (b.c. 604), again during the last siege 
of Jerusalem (587-6), and again amongst the Judseans 
left behind after the Second Captivity. 'Baruch' 
the scribe, named in Jer 36^6 along with 'Jeremiah 
the prophet,' is already the recognized attendant and 
amanuensis of the latter; he seems to have rendered 
the prophet over twenty years of devoted service. He 
belonged to the order of 'princes,' among whom Jere- 
miah had influential friends (26" 362S); Baruch's rank 
probably secured for Jeremiah's objectionable 'roll' 
(ch. 36) the hearing that was refused to his spoken 
words. When he cast in his lot with Jeremiah, Baruch 
made a heavy sacrifice; he might have 'sought great 
things' for himself, and is warned against his natural 
ambition (45'-5). The promise that Baruch's 'life 
shall be given' him 'for a prey' wherever he goes, 
placed where it is (45'), suggests that he survived his 
master, to act as his literary executor. The Book of 
Jeremiah (see art.) owes much to this loyal secretary, 
though the final arrangement of the materials is far from 
satisfactory. Tradition adds nothing of any certainty 
to the references of Scripture; see, however, Jos. Ant. 
X. ix. 1, 7. For the Apocryphal writings attached to his 
name, see Apochypha and Apocalyptic Litebatube. 
2. One of the wall-builders (Neh S"). 3. A signatory 
to the covenant (10«). 4. A Judahite (ll"). 


BARZILLAI. — 1 . The name of a chieftain of Gilead 
who brought supplies to David and his army at Maha- 
naim (2 S 172™). After the death of Absalom, Barzillai 
went across Jordan with the king, but declined to go to 
court (19""). On his deathbed David charged Solomon 
to ' shew kindness to the sons of Barzillai' (1 K 2'). His 
descendants are mentioned in Ezr 2", Neh 7^'. 2. The 
Meholathite whose son Adriel is said (2 S 21') to have 
married Michal [read Merab, cf. I S 18"1, the daughter 
of Saul. J. G; Taskeb. 

BASALOTH.— 1 Es 53i=Bazluth of Ezr 2« or Baz- 
lith of Neh 7". 

BASGAUA. — An unknown town of Gilead (1 Mac 13«). 

BASE. — To be base is in mod. English to be morally 
bad, but in AV it is no more than to be of humble birth 
or lowly position. In the RV, however, the word is 
sometimes used in the sense of morally low, mean, as 
Dt 13". 

BASEMATH.— 1. One of the wives of Esau. In 
Gn 26" (P) she is called the daughter of Elon the Hittite, 
while in Gn 36* (prob. R) she is said to have beenlshmael's 
daughter, and sister of Nebaioth. But in Gn 28' (P) 
Esau is said to have taken Mahalath, the daughter of 
Ishmael, the sister of Nebaioth, to be his wife; and in 
Gn 36^ the first mentioned of Esau's wives is Adah, the 
daughter of Elon the Hittite. There is manifestly a 
confusion of names in the text, which cannot be satis- 
factorily explained. 2. A daughter of Solomon, who 
became the wife of Ahimaaz, one of the king's officers 
(1 K 4'5). 



BASHAIT. — The name ot the territory east of the Sea 
of Tiberias. It was the kingdom of Og, the Eephaite op- 
ponent ol Israel, and with his name the country is almost 
invariably associated (Nu 21^3, Dt 29', Neh 9« etc.). 
The territory was given to the halt-tribe of Manasseh, 
with a reservation of two cities, Golan and Be-eshterah 
(Ashtaroth in 1 Ch 6"), for the Gershonite Levites 
(Jos 2V). In the time of Jehu the country was smitten 
by Hazael (2 K lO^^). it was noted for mountains 
(Ps 68'5), lions (Dt 332^), oak trees (Is 2i3, Ezk 276, 
Zee 112), and especially cattle, both rams (Dt 32") and 
bullocks (Ezk 39^»); the bulls and kine of Bashan are 
typical of cruelty and oppression (Ps 221^, Am 4'). 
The extent of the territory denoted by this name cannot 
be exactly defined till some important identifications 
can be established, such as the exact meaning of 'the 
region of Argob ' (included in the kingdom of Og, Dt 3* 
etc.), where were threescore great cities with walls and 
brazen bars, administered for Solomon by Ben-geber of 
Ramoth-gilead (1 K 41a). It included Salecah (.Salkhat, 
on the borders of the desert), Edrei (ed-Der'at), 
Ashtaroth (perhaps Tell Ashareh), and Golan, one of the 
cities of refuge, the name of which may be preserved 
in the Jaulan, the region immediately east of the Sea 
of Tiberias. R. A. S. Macalistee. 

BASILISK.— See Serpent. 

BASKET. — The names of a round score of baskets in 
use in NT times are known from the Mishna (see Krengel, 
Das Hausgerat in der Mishnah, pp. 39-45). They were 
made of willow, rush, palm-leaf, and other materials, 
and used in an endless variety ot ways, for purely 
domestic purposes, in agriculture, in gathering and 
serving fruit, and for collecting the alms in kind for 
the poor, etc. Some had handles, others lids, some 
had both, others had neither. In OT times the com- 
monest basket was the sal, made, at least in later times, 
of peeled willows or palm-leaves. It was large and 
flat like the Roman canistrum, and, like it, was used for 
carrying bread (Gn 40"") and other articles of food 
(Jg 6"), and for presenting the meal-offerings at the 
sanctuary (Ex 29^). Another (dud), also of wicker- 
work, probably resembled the calalhus, which tapered 
towards the bottom, and was used in fruit-gathering 
(Jer 241). In what respect it differed from Amos' 
'basket of summer fruit' (Am 8') is unknown. A 
fourth and larger variety was employed for carrying 
home the produce of the fields (Dt 28' 'blessed shall 
be thy basket and thy kneading-trough,' RV), and for 
presenting the first-fruits (26"). 

In NT interest centres in the two varieties of basket 
distinguished consistently by the Evangelists in their 
accounts of the feeding of the SOOO and the 4000 re- 
spectively, the kophinos and the sphyris. The kophinos 
(Mt IV) is probably to be identified with the exceed- 
ingly popular kapha of the Mishna, which ' was provided 
with a cord for a handle by means of which it was 
usually carried on the back' (Krengel), with provisions, 
etc., and which, therefore, the disciples would naturally 
have with them. The Jews of Juvenal's day carried 
such a provision basket (cophinus). The sphyris or 
spyris (Mt 15^', Mk 8'), from its use in St. Paul's case 
(Ac 92*), must have been considerably larger than the 
other, and might for distinction be rendered 'hamper.' 
A. R. S. Kennedy. 

BASON (Amer. RV 'basin').— Chiefly the large bowl 
of bronze used by the priests to receive the blood of the 
sacrificial victims (Ex 27' 29", 1 K 7« etc.). It is 
only once found in secular use, if the text is correct 
(Am 6«, otherwise LXX, see Bowl). Similar bowls or 
basins of silver were presented by the princes of the 
congregation (Nu 7""-); those destined for Solomon's 
Temple were of gold (1 K 7"). The basins of Ex 12", 
2 S IT' were probably of earthenware. A special wash- 
basin was used by Jesus for washing the disciples' feet 
(Jn 13'). A. R. S. Kennedy. 


BASSAI (AV Baasa), 1 Es Si«=Bezai, Ezr 2", 

Neh 723. 

BASTHAI (AV Bastai), 1 Es 5"=Besai, Ezr 2*», 
Neh 7«. 

BAT Catalleph). — The bat is a familiar object in 
Palestine, where no fewer than seventeen varieties 
have been identified. The two commonest are the 
horse-shoe bat (Rhinolophus ferrum equinum) and the 
long-eared bat (Plecotus aurilus). All varieties in 
Palestine are insectivorous except one, the Xantharpyia 
mgyptiaca, which eats fruit. Bats flit about on noiseless 
wings by the score on warm summer evenings, especially 
in the Jordan Valley, and they are to be found in great 
numbers in ruins, old tombs, and caves all over the land, 
giving rise to many tales ot ghostly habitation (Is 2"). 
They are counted as unclean 'fowl,' though a little 
separate from the birds, in Lv ll'", Dt 14". 

E. W. G. Masterman. 

BATH. — A liquid measure; see Weights and 

BATH, BATHING.— The latter term is most frequently 
used in our EV in connexion with purification from 
ceremonial defilement — contact with holy things, with 
the dead, etc. (see article Clean and Unclean) — 
and in this sense denotes the washing of the body 
vyith water, not necessarily the total immersion of the 
body in water. Hence RV has rightly introduced 
'wash' in many cases for 'bathe.' Bathing in the 
modern and non-religious sense is rarely mentioned 
(Ex 25 Pharaoh's daughter, 2 S 11^ [RV] Bathsheba, 
and the curious case 1 K 2238). Public baths are first 
met with in the Greek period — they were included in 
the 'place of exercise' (1 Mac 1") — and remains of 
such buildings from the Roman period are fairly numer- 
ous. Recently a remarkable series of bath-chambers 
have been discovered at Gezer in connexion with a 
building, which is supposed to be the palace built by 
Simon Maocabseus (illust. in PEFSt, 1905, 294 t.). 

The Hebrews were well acquainted with the use of 
mineral and vegetable alkalis for increasing the cleansing 
properties of water (Jer 2^2, RV 'soap,' 'lye'). In the 
History of Susanna v." is a curious reference to ' washing- 
balls.' A. R. S. Kennedy. 

BATH-BABBIM ('daughter of multitudes').— The 
name of a gate of Heshbon, near which were pools, to 
which the Shulammite's eyes are compared (Ca 7'). 

R. A. S. Macalisteb. 

BATHSHEBA (1 Ch 3' Bathshua: this may be a 
mere textual error). — Wife of Uriah the Hittite, seduced 
by David (2 S ll^-i), and afterwards married to him 
(v."). The child died (12"), but another son, Solomon, 
was subsequently born (12*'). Bathsheba, instigated 
and supported by Nathan, successfully combated 
Adonijah's attempt to secure the throne (1 K 1"-"). 
Acting as Adonijah's intercessor in the matter of Abishag, 
she was most respectfully received b,y Solomon, but 
her unwise request was refused (1 K 2i3-2s). 

J. Taylor. 

BATHSHUA.— 1. See Bathsheba. 2. See Shua. 

BATTEEING-RAM.— See Fortification and Siege- 

BATTLE — See War, also names of places where the 
chief battles were fought. 

BATTLE AXE.— See Armour, 1 (f). 

BATTLE BOW.— See Armour, 1 (d). 

BATTLEMENT.— See Fortification, House. 

BAWAI.— The son of Henadad (Neh 3i«); rebuilt 
a portion ot the wall of Jerusalem; called In v.^* 

BAY. — See Colours, 3. 

BAYITH ('house'). — Occurs as a proper name la 
Is 152, but the true sense is uncertain. 



BAT-TREE CesrUch, Ps 37») is probably a mistrans- 
lation for 'a tree in its native soil' (RV). Many 
authorities, however, would here emend the Heb. text 
to read 'eree, 'cedar.' E. W. G. Mastehman. 

BAZLITH (Neh 7"), Bazluth (Ezr 2M=Basaloth, 
1 Es 5'')- — Founder of a family of Nethinim who re- 
turned with Zerubbabel. 

BDELLIUM.— The probably correct tr. of the Heb. 
bedslach, which in Gn 212 is classed with gold and onyx 
as a product of the land of Havilah, and in Nu 11' is 
described as characterizing the 'appearance' (RV) of 
manna. Bdellium is the fragrant yellow resin of the 
tree Balsamodendron mukul, growing in N.W. India, 
Afghanistan, Beluchistan, and at one time perhaps in 
Arabia. E. W. G. Masterman. 

BE. — To be is to exist, as in 'To be, or not to be, 
that is the question.' This primary meaning is found in 
Gn 5" 'Enoch walked with God; and he was not'; 
He 11° 'he that cometh to God must believe that he 
is.' The auxiliary use is later. In 1611 'be' and 
' are ' were interchangeable auxiliary forms in the pres. 
indie, plu., as Ps 107'° 'Then are they glad because 
they be quiet.' 

BEALIAH CJ" is lord'). — A Benjamite who joined 
David at Ziklag (1 Ch 12'). 

BEALOTH (Jos 15«).— An unknown town in the 
extreme south of Judah. See Balah. 

BEAM. — 1. A tree roughly trimmed serving as 
support of the flat roof of an Eastern house (2 K 6'- ', 
Ezr 6" RV, Mt 73«-, Lk 6"'), or more elaborately 
dressed (2 Ch 34" RV, Ca 1") and gilded (2 Ch 3'). 
See House, Mote. 2. The weaver's beam (see Spin- 
ning and Weaving). 3. See Balance. 

BEANS (,pdl, Arab. fffl). — A very common and popular 
vegetable in Palestine, used from ancient times; they 
are the seeds of the Vicia faba. The bean plant, which 
is sown in Oct. or Nov., is in blossom in early spring, 
when its sweet perfume fills the air. Beans are gathered 
young and eaten, pod and seed together, cooked with 
meat; or the fully mature beans are cooked with fat 
or oil. As the native of Palestine takes little meat, 
such leguminous plants are a necessary ingredient of 
his diet (2 S 17'*). In Ezk 4' we read of beans as being 
mixed with barley, lentils, millet, and fitches to make 
bread. E. W. G. Mastehman. 

BEAR (£(56). — The Syrian bear (Ursus syriacus, Arab. 
dubb) is still fairly common in Hermon and the Anti- 
L§banon, and is occasionally found in the Lebanon and 
east of the Jordan; it is practically extinct in Palestine. 
It is smaller and of a lighter colour than the brown bear 
iUrsus arctos). It is a somewhat solitary animal, eating 
vegetables, fruit, and honey, but, when hungry, attacking 
sheep (1 S 17*-'') and occasionally, but very rarely, 
to-day at any rate, human beings (2 K 2^). The fierce- 
ness of a bear robbed of her whelps (2 S 17', Pr I712, 
Hos 13") is well known. Next to the lion, the bear was 
considered the most dangerous of animals to encounter 
(Pr 28'*), and that it should be subdued was to be one 
of the wonders of the Messiah's kingdom (Is 11'). 

B. W. G. Mastehman. 

BEARD.— See Haih. 

BEAST.— 1. In OT (1) behSmah, commonly used for 
a quadruped, sometimes tr. 'cattle'; see Gn 6' 7*, 
Ex 9'- i"- 25, Lv 112 etc. (2) chayyah, used of animals 
in general but specially 'wild beasts'; see Gn 7" 8' 9' 
etc. (3) be'lr sometimes tr. 'beasts' and sometimes 
'cattle'; see Gn 45", Ex 22= etc. (4) ^z, 'wild beasts,' 
Ps 50" 8015. 

2. In NT (1) thSrion: Mk l'', Ac 28< (a viper). Tit I12, 
He 122", Ja 3', and over 30 times in Rev. (2) zBon, 
of the 'beasts' (AV), or 'hving creatures' (RV), round 
about the throne (Rev 5. 6. 8. 11, etc.). 

E. W. G. Mastehman. 


BEAST (in Apocalypse). — In Revelation, particularly 
ch. 23, are symbolic pictures of two beasts who are 
represented as the arch-opponents of the Christians. 
The first beast demands worship, and is said to have 
as his number 666 — a numerical symbol most easily 
referred to the Emperor Nero, or the Roman Empire. In 
the former case the reference would be undoubtedly 
to the myth of Nero redivivus, and this is, on the whole, 
the most probable interpretation. 

It instead of 666 we read with Zahn, O. Holtzmann, 
Spitta, and Erbes, 616, the number would be the equivalent 
of Gaius Csesar, who in a.d. 39 ordered the procurator 
Petronius to set up his statue in the 'Temple of Jerusalem. 
This view is, in a way, favoured not only by textual varia- 
tions, but by the fact that Revelation has used so much 
Jewishapocalyptic material. However this may be, it seems 
more probable that the reference in Rev 17'"-", as re-edited 
by the Christian writer, refers to Nero redivivus, the in- 
carnation of the persecuting Roman Empire, the two to- 
§ ether standing respectively as the Antichrist and his king- 
om over against tne Messiah and His kingdom. As in all 
apocalyptic writings, a definite historical ruler is a rep- 
resentative of an empire. Until the Messiah comes iUa 
subjects are at the mercy of His great enemy. 

The present dimculty in making the identification is 
due not only to the process of redaction, but also to the 
highly complex and, for the modem mind, all but unin- 
telligible fusion of the various elements of the Antichrist 
belief (see Antichbist). Shaileh Mathews. 

BEATING. — See Crimes and Punishments, § 9. 

BEATITUDES.— This word comes from the Latin 
abstract beatitudo, used in Vulg. of Ro 4", where David 
is said to 'pronounce the beatitude' or blessedness of 
the forgiven soul. Since the time of Ambrose the term 
has been used to describe the particular collection of 
sayings (oast in the form of which Ps 32' is an OT 
specimen) in which Christ depicts the qualities to be 
found in members of His kingdom — as an introduction 
to the discourse known as the Sermon on the Mount 
(Mt 5'-i2=Lk 62''-22). Each of these sayings follows 
the form 'Blessed (happy) are . . ., because . . .' 
Mt. records eight of these general declarations, with a 
special application of the last of them; Lk. has only 
four, to which are added four corresponding Woes. 
There is no guarantee that even Mt. gives all the Beati- 
tudes pronounced by Jesus on different occasions, or 
again that those he does give were all pronounced on 
that occasion. It is at least possible that in other 
parts of the NT we have quotations from sayings of 
the same kind. Thus 1 P 4w, Ja 1>2, Rev 1413 might 
easily be supposed to rest on words of Christ. 

According to the prevailing view of the history of our 
Gospels, the Beatitudes are derived from an early col- 
lection of Logia, or sayings of Jesus, in the original 
Aramaic language. To a very large extent the authors 
of Mt. and Lk. seem to have used identical translations 
of this document; but in the Beatitudes there is a con- 
siderable divergence, together with some significant 
agreements in phraseology. Putting aside Nos. 3, 5, 
6, 7 in Mt., which have no counterparts in Lk., we see 
the following main lines of difference — (1) Lk.'s are in 
the second person, Mt.'s in the third, except in the 
verses which apply No. 8 (5"- ''); (2) Lk.'s are ap- 
parently external: the poor, the hungry, those that 
weep, receive felicitation as such, instead of the com- 
miseration ('Woe') which the world would give them. 
But since in Lk. disciples are addressed, the divergence 
does not touch the real meaning. A theodicy is pro- 
claimed in which the hardships of the present, sanctified 
to the disciple as precious discipline, will be trans- 
formed into abiding blessedness. Such a reversal of 
the order of this life involves here, as elsewhere, the cast- 
ing down of those whom men count happy (cf . Is 65"- '*, 
Lk 152- ra 16", Jn 1&">, Ja 1»- ">). The paradoxical 
form of the sayings in Lk. produces a strong impression 
of originality, suggesting that here, as often elsewhere, 
Mt. has interpreted the words which Lk. has transcribed 
unchanged. Mt. has arranged them according to the 



form of Hebrew parallelism: observe how the first and 
last have the same refrain, the poem beginning and 
ending on the same note — cf. Ps 8. His No. 8 sums 
up in the form of the other Beatitudes the principle of 
the appendix w."- ^', which Lk 6^- ^ shows to be 
original: he then inserts this as a comment, much as 
he appends a sentence of comment to the Lord's Prayer 
(6"- 1'). It may perhaps be doubted whether the 
Beatitudes pecuUar to Mt. are in their original context. 
No. 3, proclaiming the triumph of those who do not 
'struggle to survive,' is quoted from Ps 37"; No. S is 
found as early as Clement of Rome, in the form ' Show 
mercy, that mercy be shown to you'; No. 6 reproduces 
the sense of Ps 24<; No. 7, echoed in Ja 3", may have 
been altered in form to fit the appropriate context. We 
seem to be justified in conjecturing that Lk. inserts 
all the Beatitudes he found in his source under the 
same context, and that he faithfully preserved the 
words as they stood: the Woes likewise belonged to the 
same discourse. (Note the support given to them by 
Ja 51, and the use of the commercial technical term 
'have received,' so characteristic of the Sermon; cf. 
Mt 62- '■ «). The gloss with which Mt. interprets the 
blessing on the poor was not apparently known to St. 
James (2*), whose very clear allusion to the Beatitude 
in its Lukan form determines the exegesis. The rich 
man could bring himself within the range of the blessing 
by accepting the 'humiliation' that Christian disciple- 
ship brought (Ja 1'°); so that Mt.'s interpretation is 
supported by the writer, who shows us most clearly 
that the exact words have not been preserved by him. 
In No. 2 Mt. seems to have slightly altered the original 
(Lk 6"), under the influence of Is 61' — the prophecy 
from which Jesus preached in the synagogue at Nazareth, 
and the obvious suggestive cause of the appearance of 
the poor at the opening of the Beatitudes. It should 
be observed, however, that all attempts to ascertain 
the original form of sayings of Jesus have at best so 
large a subjective element that we cannot afford to 
dogmatize. There are scholars of great weight, rein- 
forced most recently by Harnack, who regard Mt. as 
generally preserving the lost Loffio-coUection in a more 
exact form than Lk. Moreover, we must always allow 
for the probability that modifications introduced by 
Mt. or Lk. may often rest on early traditions, so that 
elements not included in the principal Gospel sources may 
nevertheless be derived from first-hand authority. 
James Hope Moulton. 


BEBAI. — 1. The eponym of a family of returning 
exiles (Ezr 2" 8" lO^s, Neh 7" IQi', 1 Es S's 9"). 
2. An unknown locality mentioned only in Jth 15'. 

BECHER.— 1. Son of Ephraim, Nu 26^5 = 1 Ch 7" 
where the name appears as Bered, Patronymic in Nu 
26=5 Becherites (AV Bachrites). 2. Son of Benjamin, 
Gn 46", 1 Ch 7«- ^ and implicitly in 1 Ch 8' where for 
Ms first-born, Ashbel we should probably read Becher 
aTid Ashbel. 

BECORATH.— Oneof Saul's ancestors (1 S 9', possibly 
same name as Becher of 1 Ch 7*). 

BECTILETH (Jth 22').— A plain between Nineveh and 
Cilicia. Perhaps the Bactiali of the Peutinger Tables, 
21 miles from Antioch. 

BED, BEDCHAIMBER.— See House, 8. 
BEDAD.— Father of Hadad, king of Edom (Gn 36m 
= 1 Oh 1«). 

BEDAN. — 1. Mentioned with Jerubbaal, Jephthah, 
and Samuel as one of the deliverers of Israel (1 S 12"). 
The name does not occur in Jg., and it is probably a 
corruption for Barak (so LXX and Pesh.). Chrono- 
logically Barak should precede Gideon, but the order 
cannot be pressed (cf. v.»). 2. A Manassite (1 Ch 7"). 

BEDEIAH.— One of those who had taken foreign 
wives (Ezr lO^s): in 1 Es 9" apparently Pedias. 


BEE (debdrah). — The bee (.Apis fasciata) is a very 
important insect of Palestine. Wild bees are common, 
and stores of their honey are often found by wandering 
Bedouin, especially, it is said, near the Dead Sea. Most 
of the honey consumed and exported In large quantities 
is made by domesticated bees. The vast numbers of 
flowers and especially of aromatic plants enable the 
skilled bee-keepertoproducethemostdelicatelyflavoured 
honey, e.ff. •' orange flower,' 'thyme,' etc.; he carries 
his hives to different parts according to the season. 
Many now keep bees in hives of European pattern, 
but the ordinary native still universally uses the primitive 
tube hive. This is like a wide drain-pipe of very rough 
earthenware, some 3 ft. long and about 8 in. in 
diameter, closed at the end with mud, leaving a hole for 
ingress and egress. A number of hives are piled one 
above the other. A few years ago, while the owner of 
several swarms of bees was transferring his brittle mud 
hives on donkey-back, one of the asses stumbled and 
in falling broke one of the hives. In a moment the 
whole swarm fell on the unfortunate animals and on 
a fine horse standing near. One donkey was quickly 
stung to death, and all the other animals were severely 
injured. Cf. Dt 1", Ps II812, and Is 718, where the hosts 
of Assyria are compared to such a swarm let loose. That 
a swarm of bees should settle in a carcass (Jg 14') is 
certainly an unusual occurrence, as indeed is suggested 
in the narrative, but the dried-up remains of animals, 
little but hide and ribs, so plentiful by the roadsides in 
Palestine, often suggest suitable places for such a settle- 
ment. Honey has probably always been plentiful in 
Palestine, but it is very doubtful whether 'a land 
flowing with milk and honey' could have meant the 
product of bees alone. See Honey and Vine. In 
the LXX there is an addition to Pr 6*, in which the bee 
is, like the ant, extolled for her diligence and wisdom. 
E. W. G. Masterman. 

BEELIADA ('Baal knows').— A son of David, 1 Ch 
14', changed in conformity with later usage (see Ish- 
bosheth) into Eliada ('El knows') in 2 S S'«. 

BEEISABUS (1 Es 5»).— One of the leaders of those 
Jews who returned to Jerus. with Zerub.; called Bil- 
shan, Ezr 2^, Neh 7'. 

BEELTETHMUS.— An officer of Artaxerxes residing 
in Pal., 1 Es 2W- a (LXX«- 21). It is not a proper name, 
but a title of Rehum, the name immediately preceding 
it in Ezr 48. It is a corruption of be' el te'em = ' lord of 
judgment,' and is rendered 'chancellor' by AV and 
RV in Ezr., 'story-writer' in 1 Es 2". 

BEELZEBUB.— See Baalzebub. 

BEER ('a well'). — 1. A station in the journey from 
Arnon to the Jordan, mentioned Nu 2V^, with a poetical 
extract commemorating the digging of a well at this spot. 
The context indicates the neighbourhood, but further 
identification is wanting. Perhaps the words translated 
'and from the wilderness,' which immediately follow 
this extract (Nu 21"), should be translated (following 
the LXX) 'and from Beer,' or 'the well." It is generally 
identified with Beer-eUm ('well of mighty raen'7), 
mentioned Is IS^, and in the second part of the com- 
pound nameit maybe conjectured that there is reference 
to the event commemorated in the song (Nu 21"- "). 
2. The place to which Jotham ran away after uttering 
his parable (Jg 9^1 ). Its position is unknown. 

BEERA.— A man of Asher (1 Ch 7"). 

BEERAH. — A Reubenite who was carried captive 
by Tiglath-pileser (1 Ch 5"). 

BEER-ELDH.— See Beer. 

BEEBI.— 1. The father of Judith, one of Esau's 
wives (Gn 26''), sometimes wrongly Identified with 
Anah (wh. see). 2. The father of the- prophet Hosea 
(Hos 1'). 

BEER-LATTAT-BOI ('The well of the Living One 
that seeth me'). — A well between Kadesh and Bered, 


where the fleeing Hagar was turned back (Gn 16"), 
where Isaac met his bride (24»2), and where he dwelt 
after Abraham's death (25"). 'Ain MuweUeh, about 
50 miles S.W of Beersheba, has been suggested as a not 
Impossible identilication. It is a station where there 
are several wells, on the caravan route from Syria to 
Egypt. R. A. S. Macalisteh. 

BEEROTH ('wells').— A Gibeoniteoity,usually coupled 
in enumeration with Chephirah and Kiriath-jearim (Jos 
9", Ezr 2K, Neh 7='9); assigned to the tribe of Benjamin 
(Jos 1825, 2 S 42); the home of Rechab, murderer of 
Ish-bosheth (2 S 42), and of Naharai, armour-bearer of 
Joab (2 S 23"). Bireh, about 10 miles from Jerusalem 
on the main road to the north, is the usual identification, 
and there seems no special reason for objecting thereto. 
The circumstances and date of the flight of the Beeroth- 
ites to Gittaim (2 S 4^) are not recorded. 

R. A. S. Macalisteh. 

BEEROTH-BEKE-JAAKAN.— Probably certain wells 
in the territory of some nomad Horite tribe (Gn 36^', 
1 Ch 1"), the Bene Jaakan; a halting-place in the 
IsraeUte wanderings, between Moseroth and Hor-haggid- 
gad (Nu 33"- », Dt 10»). The site is unknown. 

R. A. S. Macaljster. 

BEERSHEBA .—A halting-place of Abraham (Gn 2 l^i ) , 
where Hagar was sent away (Gn 21"), and where he made 
a covenant with Abimelech, from which the place is 
alleged to take its name (' well of the coyenant ,' according 
to one interpretation). Isaac after his disputes with 
the PhiUstines settled here (26^), and discovered the 
well Shibah, another etymological speculation (v.^'). 
Hence Jacob was sent away (28'°), and returned and 
sacrificed on his way to Egypt (46'). It was assigned 
to the tribe of Judah (Jos 15*'), but set apart for the 
Simeonites (19^). Here Samuel's sons were judges 
(1 S 82), and hither Elijah fled before Jezebel (1 K 19>). 
Zibiah, the mother of Joash, belonged to Beersheba 
(2 K 12'). It was an important holy place: here 
Abraham planted a sacred tree (Gn 21^), and theophanies 
were vouchsafed to Hagar (v."), to Isaac (.26^), to 
Jacob (462), and to Elijah (1 K 19'). Amos couples it 
with the shrines of Bethel and Gilgal (Am 5'), and oaths 
by its numen are denounced (8"). It is recognized as 
the southern boundary of Palestine in the frequent 
phrase ' from Dan unto Beersheba ',(Jg 20' etc.). Seven 
ancient wells exist here, and it has been suggested that 
these gave its name to the locality ; the suffixed numeral 
being perhaps due to the influence of the syntax of some 
pre-Semitic language, as in Kiriath-arba ('Tetrapolis'). 
The modem name is Sir es-Seba' , where are extensive 
remains of a Byzantine city; the ancient city is probably 
at Tell es-Seba' , about 2 miles to the east. Till recently 
the site was deserted by all but Bedouin; now a modern 
town has sprung up, built from the ruins of the ancient 
structures, and has been made the seat of a sub-governor. 
B. A. S. Macalisteh. 

BE-ESHTERAH (Jos 212').— See ashtahoth. 

BEETLE (.chargBD.—ln RV 'cricket' (Lv II22), prob- 
ably a grasshopper or locust. See Locust. 

E. W. G. Mastehman. 

BEFORE. — In Gn 112s 'Haran died before his father 
Terah,' the meaning is 'in the presence of as RV, 
literally 'before the face of.' 

BEHEADING. — See Chimes and Punishments, § 10. 

BEHEMOTH.— The hippopotamus (Job 40'5), as 
leviathan (41') is the crocodile. It has been suggested 
that the ancient Babylonian Creation-myth underlies 
the poet's description of the two animals (Gunkel, Schbpf. 
u. Chaos, 61 ff.). This is doubtful, but the myth un- 
doubtedly reappears in later Jewish literature: 'And 
in that day will two monsters be separated, a female 
named Leviathan to dwell in the abyss over the fountains 
of waters. But the male is called Behemoth, which 
occupies with its breast [7] an immeasurable desert 
named Dendain' (En 60'- *; cf. 2 Es 6"-6i, Apoc. Bar 


29*, Baba bathra 745). Behemoth is rendered by ' beasts' 
in Is 30«. This may be correct, but the oracle which 
follows says nothing about the 'beasts of the south'; 
either the text is corrupt or the title may have been 
prefixed because Rahab, another name for the chaos- 
monster, occurs in v.'. The psalmist confesses, 
' Behemoth was I with thee ' (Ps 7322) . The LXX under- 
stood this to be an abstract noun, 'Beast-Uke was I 
with thee'; others substitute the sing., and render 
'a beast,' etc. J. Taylor. 

BEKA (AV Bekah).— See Weights and Measures. 

BEL, originally one of the Bab. triad, but synonym, 
in OT and Apocr. with Merodach, 'the younger Bel,' 
the tutelary god of Babylon (Jer 502 51", Is 46', Bar 6"). 
See also Baal, Assyria and Babylonia, ' Bel and the 
Dragon' (in art. Apocrypha, § 7). 

BELA.— 1. A king of Edom (Gn 3632- s*, cf. 1 Ch l«t.). 
The close resemblance of this name to that of ' Balaam, 
the son of Beor,' the seer, is noteworthy, and has 
given rise to the Targum of Jonathan reading ' Balaam, 
the son of Beor' in Gn 36». 2. The eldest of the sons 
of Benjamin (Gn 462', Nu 26" [patronym. Belaites], 
1 Ch 75 8'). 3. A Reubenite who was a dweller in the 
Moabite territory (1 Ch 5"-). It is noteworthy that 
this Bela, like the Edomite king mentioned above, 
seems to have been traditionally connected with the 
Euphrates. 4. A name of Zoar (Gn 142- «). 

BELEMUS, 1 Es 2" («, LXX).— See Bishlam. 

BELIAL (BELIAB).— This word, rendered by AV 
and RV as a proper noun in the majority of the OT 
passages, is in reality a compound, meaning ' worthless- 
ness,' whence 'wickedness,' 'destruction,' and as such 
is construed with another noun. In the sense of ' wicked- 
ness,' it occurs in 1 S 1" 'daughter of wickedness,' 
i.e. 'a wicked woman' (cf. Dt 13'= 15', Jg 922 20", 
1 S 2'2 102' 25"- 26, 2 S 16' 20' 23», 1 K 21i»- 'a, 2 Ch 
13', Pr 6'2 162' 192s, for similar usage). As ' destruction,' 
it is -found in Ps 17= (cf. 2 S 22=) 418 and Nah 1"- " 
(note in Nah 1" independent use, 'man' understood; 
RV 'wicked one'; others, 'destroyer'). Having such 
a meaning, it is used by St. Paul as a name for Satan 
(personification of unclean heathenism, 2 Co 6"), the 
Greek text spelUng it 'Beliar' (AV and RV 'Belial'), 
a variation due to the harsh pronunciation of 'I' in 
Syriac. N. Koeniq. 

BELIEF. — Older Eng. (akin to lief and love) for the 
Lat.-French 'faith,' which displaced it in AV every- 
where except in 2 Th 2'=. RV follows AV except in 
Ro 10'«'-, where it restores ' belief, ' after Tindale, in 
continuity with 'beUeve.' 'UnbeUef held its ground 
as the antonym (Mt IS*', etc., Ro 3' etc.). In modern 
Eng., 'faith' signifies ethical, 'beUef intellectual, 
credence: 'faith,' trust in a person; 'belief,' recogni- 
tion of a fact or truth beyond the sphere of sensible 
observation or demonstrative proof. See Faith. 

G. G. Findlay. 

BELL. — A number of small bronze bells, both of the 
ordinary shape with clapper and of the 'bail and slit' 
form, have been found at Gezer (.PEFSt, 1904, 354, 
with illustt.). The bells of 'pure gold' (Ex 3925), which 
alternated with pomegranate ornaments on the skirt of 
the high priest's robe (28'" ), were doubtless of one or 
other of these forms. Their purpose is stated in v.", 
but the underlying idea is obscure (see the Comm.). 
The 'bells of the horses' of Zee 14^' represent another 
word akin to that rendered 'cymbals.' Whether these 
ornaments were really bells or, as is usually supposed, 
small metal discs (cf. the 'crescents' of Jg 82' RV) is 
uncertain. A. R. S. Kennedy. 

BELLOWS.— See Arts and Crafts, 2. 

BELMAIM (Jth 4* 7').- It seems to have lain south 
of Dothan, but the topography of Judith is very difficult. 
Bileam in Manasseh lay farther north than Dothan. 

BELOVED.— See Lovb. 


BELSHAZZAR. — Son of Nebuchadnezzar, last king 
of Babylon before its capture by Cyrus (Dn 5'). The 
name is somewhat variously given: Baltasar, Bar !"'• 
[so also LXX and Theod. in Daniel] ; and Josephus says 
he was son of Naboandelos. There is no doubt that Bel- 
shar-usur, son of Nabonidus, is meant. He was regent 
in Babylon during the latter part of his father's reign. 
It is probable that he was in command of Babylon 
on its surrender, as he had been in command of the 
army in Akkad till the 11th year of his father's reign. 

C. H. W. Johns. 

BELXESHAZZAR. — Nebuchadnezzar is said to have 
conferred this name on the youthful Daniel (Dn 1'). 
The Babylonian form would be BaJatsu-usur ('protect 
his life!') or, according to 4', Bel balatsu-umr. The 
LXX and Theodotion employ Baltasar both for it and 
for Belshazzar (ch. 5); and pseudo-Epiphanius repeats 
a legend that Nebuchadnezzar wished to make the two 
men co-heirs. J. Taylor. 

BEN ('son').— A Levite, 1 Ch IS's, omitted in 
parallel list in v." in both MT and LXX. The latter 
omits it also in the first-named passage. 

BEN-ABINADAB (AV 'son of Abinadab').— One of 
Solomon's commissariat officers (1 K 4"). 

BENAIAH ('Jah hath built').— 1. A brave soldier 
from Kabzeel in Judah (2 S 23™''-), captain of David's 
bodyguard (S's 20'^). He became a partisan of 
Solomon's and carried ' the mighty men,' ' the Cherethites 
and Pelethites,' with him (1 K !'■ «• '<>). He played 
an important r61e in the young king's coronation 
( "), and was subsequently ordered to dispatch 
.loab, whose place as commander-in-chief he then filled 
(228-85). 2. One of the thirty who formed the second 
class of David's heroes (2 S 23»). He came from 
Pirathon in Mt. Ephraim (2 S 238", cf. Jg 12"). 

1 Oh 27" assigns to him the command of the course 
for the eleventh month, with twenty-four thousand 
Ephraimites under him. 3. Some ten obscure persons 
of this name appear in 1 Ch 48« IS's- "■ » 166- «, 

2 Ch 20" 31'8, Ezr 1028- "■ "8- 9, Ezk 11>- ". 

J. Taylor. 

BEN-AMMI ('son of my blood-relative' or 'son of 
my father's kinsman'). — The story (Gn 19) purports to 
explain the name Ammon (v.88). Notwithstanding the 
fact that incestuous marriages were common amongst 
these people, it is most likely that the narrative is a 
product of the bitter hatred which was excited by pro- 
longed contests for the territory E. of Jordan. 

J. Taylor. 

BEN-DEKER ( AV ' son of Dekar ') .—One of Solomon's 
twelve commissariat officers (1 K 4«). 

BENE-BERAK. — A town in the territory of Dan 
(Jos 19«), identified with Ibn Ibraq, about 5 miles E. of 
Jaffa, on the N. of WMy Nusrah. W. Ewinq. 

BENEFACTOR.- Lk 2Z^ only, 'they that exercise 
authority over them (the Gentiles) are called benefactors.' 
The word is an exact tr. of the Gr. EuergetSs, a title of 
honour borne by two of the Gr. kings of Egypt before 
Christ's day, Ptolemy in. (b.c. 247-222) and Ptolemy 
VII. (IX.) (B.C. 147-117). Hence RV properly spells with 
a capital, 'Benefactors.' 

BENE-JAAKAN. — A station in the journeyings, 
mentioned Nu 33"- '^ (cf. Dt lO', and see Beeroth- 

BEN-GEBER (AV 'son of Geber ').— Patronymic of 
one of Solomon's twelve commissariat ofiicers who had 
charge of a district N.E. of the Jordan (1 K 4i8). 

BEN-HASAO. — The name of three kings of Damascus 
in the 9th cent. b.c. 

1 . Benhadad I., the son of Tab-rimmon of Damascus. 
At the instance of Asa of Judah he intervened against 
Baasha of Israel, and took from him valuable territory 
on his northern border. For this service Benhadad 


received from Asa costly treasures from the Temple and 
royal palace (1 K 15"-2»). 

2. Benhadad n., son of the preceding, was an able 
general and statesman. He was at the head of a league 
of western princes who successfully opposed the attempts 
of Shalmaneser ii. of Assyria to conquer southern 
Syria. At the battle of Karkar in b.c. 854 he had Ahab 
of Jsrael as one of his chief allies. In his time war 
with Israel was the rule, he being usually successful. 
But Ahab was more fortunate in the campaigns of 
856 and 855, which were followed by a treaty of peace 
with concessions to Israel (1 K 20). On the resumption 
of hostilities in the third year thereafter, Benhadad was 
victorious (1 K 22). He was assassinated by the usurper 
Hazael about b.c. 843 (2 K 8i8). 

3. Benhadad m., son of Hazael, probably the same 
as the Man' of the Assyrian inscriptions. Under him 
Damascus lost his father's conquests in Palestine 
(2 K 13^'-), and he also suffered heavily from the 
Assyrians. J. F. McCubdy. 

BEN-HAIL ('son of might'). — A prince sent by 
Jehoshaphat to teach in the cities of Judah (2 Ch 17'). 

BEN-HANAN ('son of a gracious one'). — A man of 
Judah (1 Ch 42»). 

BEN-HESED (AV 'son of Hesed' [-'kindness']).- 
One of Solomon's twelve commissariat officers who had 
charge of a district in Judah (1 K 4"). 

BEN-HITR (AV 'son of Hur').— One of Solomon's 
twelve commissariat ofiBcers (1 K 4*). 

BENINU (perhaps 'our son'). — One of those who 
sealed the covenant (Neh 10"). 

BENJAMIN. — 1 . The youngest son of Jacob by Rachel, 
and the only full brother of Joseph (Gn SO^^f. [JE] 35" 
[J] 35^ [P]). He alone of Jacob's sons was native- 
born. J (Gn 35") puts his birth near Ephrath in 
Benjamin. A later Interpolation identifies Ephrath 
with Bethlehem, but cf. 1 S 10^. P, however (Gn 35^-^), 
gives Paddan-aram as the birth-place of all Jacob's 
children. His mother, dying soon after he was born, 
named him Ben-oni ('son of my sorrow'). Jacob 
changed this ill-omened name to the more auspicious 
one Benjamin, which is usually interpreted ' son of my 
right hand,' the right hand being the place of honour 
as the right side was apparently the lucky side (cf. 
Gn 48"). Pressed by a famine, his ten brothers went 
down to Egypt, and Jacob, solicitous for his welfare, 
did not allow Benjamin to accompany them; but 
Joseph made it a condition of his giving them corn 
that they should bring him on their return. When 
Judah (Gn 439 J) or Reuben (428' E) gave surety for 
his safe return, Jacob yielded. Throughout the earlier 
documents Benjamin is a tender youth, the idol of his 
father and brothers. A late editor of P (Gn 46") 
makes him, when he entered Egypt, the father of ten 
sons, that is more than twice as many as Jacob's othei 
sons except Dan, who had seven. 

The question is, What is the historical significance of 
these conflicting traditions? Ydmin, ' right hand,' appears 
to have been used geographically for south,' ana Ben- 
ydmin may mean 'son(s) of the south,' i.e. the southern 
portion of Ephraim. Ben-oni may be connected with On 
m the tribe of Benjamin. The two names may point 
to the union of two related tribes, and the peraistence of 
the traditions that Benjamin was the full brother of Joseph, 
whereas the other Joseph tribes (Manasseh and Ephraim) 
are called sons, would indicate not only a close relationship 
to Joseph, but also a comparatively early development into 
an independent tribe. On the other hand, J E P all make 
Benjamin the youngest son, and P gives Canaan as his 
native land. This points to a traditional belief that the 
tribe was the last to develop. Thisand the fact that Shimei, 
a Benjamite, claims (2 S 19^0) to be ' of the house of Joseph,' 
suggest that the tribe was an offshoot of the latter. 

The limits of the tribal territory are given by P in 
Jos 18"-28. Within it lay Bethel (elsewhere assigned 
to Ephraim), Ophrah, Geba, Gibeon, Ramah, Mizpeh, 




Gibeah, all primitive seats of Canaanitish worship and 
important centres in the cultus of Israel (cf ., e.g., Bethel, 
Am 7""-). Jericho, where in early times there may 
have been a cult of the moon-god (jarSac/i = ' moon'), 
and Jerusalem are also assigned to Benjamin. Dt 33'2, 
as commonly but not universally interpreted, also assigns 
Jerusalem to Benjamin, though later it belonged to 
Judah. Anathoth, the birth-place of Jeremiah, also 
lay in Benjamin (Jos 21" [P]). In the Blessing of 
Jacob (Gn 49^') a fierce and warlike character is ascribed 
to Benjamin. The statement is all the more important, 
since in this ' Blessing ' we have certainly to deal with 
vaticinia post eventum. The rugged and unfriendly 
nature of the tribal territory doubtless contributed to 
martial hardihood. The tribe participated in the war 
against Sisera (Jg 5"). A late and composite story 
is found in Jg 19-21 of an almost complete annihilation 
of the tribe by the rest of the Israelites. Later the 
tribe gave to united Israel its first king, Saul of Gibeah. 
It had in Asa's army, according to 2 Ch 148, 280,000 
picked warriors — an exaggeration of course, but a very 
significant one in this connexion. Benjamin, under 
Sheba, a kinsman of Saul, led in the revolt against 
David when the quarrel provoked by David's partisan- 
ship broke out between Judah and the northern tribes 
(2 S 20'"). From the first the tribe was loyal to the 
house of Saul and violently opposed to David (cf . 2 S 16* 
202). In the revolt against the oppressions of Rehoboam 
it joined with the North (1 K 122°). a variant account 
joins it with Judah (122"), but this is only a refiexion 
of later times. The history of the tribe is unimportant 
after David. Besides Saul and Jeremiah, St. Paul also 
traced descent to this tribe (Ph 3'). See also Tribes. 
2. A great-grandson of Benjamin (1 Ch 7'°). 3. One 
of those who had married a foreign wife (Ezr lO'*; 
prob. also Neh 3^ 12«). James A. Craiq. 

BENJAMIN CrATE.— See Temple. 

BENO ('his son').— In both AV and RV a proper 
name in 1 Ch 24^- 27, but we should perhaps render, 
' of Jaaziah his son, even the sons of Merari by Jaaziah 
his son' (.Oxf. Heb. Lex. s.v.). 

BENONI. — See Benjamin. 

BEN-ZOHETH.— A man of Judah (1 Ch 42»). 

BEON (Nu 323).— Prob. =Baal-ineon (^h. see). 

BEOB.— 1. Father of Balaam, Nu 22= 24»- « J, 
Jos 24», also Nu 31», Dt 23S Jos 13k, Mic 6«, 2 P 2" 
(BOSOT, AV and RVm). 2. Father of Bela, king of 
Edom, Gn 36^ J, I Ch 1". 

BEBA. — King of Sodom at time of Chedorlaomer's 
invasion (Gn 142). 

BERACAH ('blessing').- 1. One of Saul's brethren 
who joined David at Ziklag (1 Ch 12'). 2. 'The vaUey 
of blessing,' where Jehoshaphat gave thanks for victory 
over the Ammonites, Moabites, and Edomites, who 
had marched from Engedi to 'Tekoa (vv.'- 20). The 
name survives at the ruin BeretkUt on the main road 
from Jerusalem to Hebron, west of Tekoa. 

BERAIAH.— A man of Benjamin (1 Ch 821). 

BEBEA (1 Mac 9<).— See Behcea, 3. 

BERECHIAH.— 1. Father of Asaph (1 Ch 6»9, AV 
Berachiah). 2. Son of Zerubbabel (1 Ch 32"). 3. 
Father of MeshuUam, one of Nehemiah's chiefs (Neh 3'' ™ 
618). 4. A Levite guard of the ark (1 Ch 9'» I523). 
6. Father of the prophet Zechariah (Zee 1'). 6. An 
Ephraimite chief (2 Ch 28i2). 

BERED. — 1. An unknown place, mentioned but once 

(Gn 16") as an indication fixing the site of Beer-lahai- 

roi. The identification with Halasah, which has been 

suggested, is mere guess-work. 2. See Becher, No. 1 , 

R. A. S. Macalister. 

BEBI. — A division of an Asherite clan (1 Ch 7"). 

BEBIAH.— 1. Son of Asher (Gn 46", Nu 26", 

1 Ch 7"»'). 2. Son of Ephraim, begotten in the days 
of mourning occasioned by the death of Ephraim's 
four sons, who were killed by the men of Gath whilst 
cattle-raiding; hence the false etymology, bera' ah = 
'in affliction' (1 Ch T^). 3. A Benjamite at Aijalon, 
who, with Shema, put the Gathites to flight (cf. No. 2). 
4. Son of the Levite Shimei (1 Ch 23ii"). He and his 
brother Jeush had not many sons, and therefore were 
counted as a single family. J. Taylor. 

BERIITES.— Descendants of Beriah, No. 1 (Nu 26"). 

BERITES.— 2 S 20". The reading Bichrites is sug- 
gested, though not actually given, by LXX and Vulg. 
See art. Sheba. 

BERNICE or BERENICE.- Sister of Agrippa 11. (Ac 
25" 23 2680), married to her uncle Herod, king of Chalcis. 

BERODACH-BALADAN.— See Merodach-baladan. 

BEB(EA, — 1. A town in the district of Macedonia 
called Emathia. The earliest certain reference to it 
occurs in an inscription of the end of the 4th cent. B.C. 
After the battle of Pydna (b.o. 168) it was the first city 
which surrendered to the Romans. In winter b.c. 49-48 
it was the headquarters of Pompey's infantry. In St. 
Paul's time there was a Jewish community there to 
which he preached the gospel with success (Ac 17"'' '' 
[Sopater, a native] 20*). It was a populous city, and 
is in modern times called Verria by Greeks, Karaferia 
by Turks, and Ber by Slavs. 

2. The place where Antiochus Eupator caused 
Menelaus, the ex-high priest, to be put to death (2 Mac 
13'). It is now the well-known HcUeb or Aleppo, 
with about 100,000 inhabitants. 

3. Mentioned 1 Mac 9', perhaps the same as Beeroth 
(Jos 9") or Beroth (1 Es 5"); modern Bireh, about 
10 miles N. of Jerusalem. A. Souteh. 

BEROTH.— 1 Es 6" = Beeroth of Ezr 22s. 

BEROTHAH, BEROTHAI.— A city of Syria, de- 
spoiled by David (2 S 8*), and named by Ezekiel as a 
Umiting point in his ideal restoration of the kingdom 
(Ezk 47'5). Ezekiel places it between Hamath and 
Damascus; the site is otherwise unknown. In 1 Ch 18', 
which is parallel to 2 S 88, for Berothai is substituted 
Cun. [Berothite in 1 Ch ll's is obviously meant for 
Beerothite. See Beeroth], R. A. S. Macalister. 

BERYL. — See Jewels and Precious Stones. 

BERZELUS.— See Zorzelleus. 

BESAI. — Nethinim who returned with Zerub. (Ezr 2" 
Neh 782; = Basthai, 1 Es &"■). 

BESODEIAH (Neh 38).— MeshuUam, the son of 
Besodeiah, took part in repairing the Old Gate. 

BESOM (lit. 'sweeper') occurs only fig. Is 1423, 'I will 
sweep it [Babylon] with the sweeper of destruction.' 
One such besom of twigs the writer remembers having 
seen in the museum of Egyptian antiquities in Cairo. 
A. R. S. Kennedy. 

BESOR (Brook). — A torrent-valley, apparently S. or 
S.W. of Ziklag (1 S 308- "■ 21). it is probably the modern 
Wady Ghuzzeh, which empties itself into the sea S.W. 
of Gaza, 

BESTIALITY. — See Crimes and Punishments, § 3. 

BETAH (2 S 88).— See Tibhath. 

BETANE (Jth 1»).— A place apparently south of 
Jerusalem, and not Bethany. It may be the same as 

BETEN (Jos 1928).- A town of Asher, noticed next 
to Achshaph. The site is doubtful. In the fourth 
century it was shown 8 Roman miles east of Ptolemais 
(Acco). It may be the present village el-B'aneh. 

BETH.— The second letter of the Heb. alphabet, and 
as such used in Ps 119 as the heading of the second 
part, each verse of which begins with this letter. 

BETHABARA.— Mentioned once only, Jn 128, as the 
scene of John's baptism; the principal codices, followed 



by the RV, here read Bethany. There ia no clue to the 
position of Bethabara, except that it was probably in 
or near Galilee (of. Mt 3'^). Identification with a ford 
named 'Ab&rah, about 12 miles south of the outlet of 
the Sea of Galilee, has with some plausibility been 
suggested. R. A. S. Macalistek. 

BETH-ANATH. — A town of NaphtaU, now the 
village ' Ainatha, in the mountains of Upper Galilee. 

BETH-ASOTH (Jos 15").— A town in the mountains 
of Judah near Gedor. It is the present Beit 'Ainnn, 
S.E. of Halhul. 

BETHANY. — A village about 15 stadia (2910 yards 
or about Ij mile) from Jerusalem (Jn ll'«) on the road 
from Jericho, close to Bethphage and on the Mount 
of Olives (Mk 11', Lk 19"). It was the lodging-place 
of Christ when in Jerusalem (Mk 11"). Here lived 
Lazarus and Martha and Mary (Jn 11'), and here He 
raised Lazarus from the dead (Jn 11). Here also He 
was entertained by Simon the leper, at the feast where 
the woman made her offering of ointment (Mt 26», 
Mk 14'). From 'over against' Bethany took place 
the Ascension (Lk 24'"). In this case the topographical 
indications agree exceptionally with the constant tradi- 
tion which fixes Bethany at the village of el-' Azariyeh, ■ 
on the S.E. of the Mount of Olives beside the Jericho 
road. The tomb of Lazarus and the house of Martha 
and Mary are definitely pointed out in the village, but 
of course without any historical authority. For a 
possible Bethany in Galilee, see Bethabaha. 

R. A. S. Macalistee. 

BETH-ARABAH ('place of the Arabah' [wh. see], 
Jos 15«- " 1822). — A place in the Jericho plain, appar- 
ently north of Beth-hoglah, in the 'wilderness.' The 
name has not been recovered. 

BETH-ARBEL (Hos 10" only).— The site is quite 
uncertain. It is said to have been spoiled by Shalman 
(perhaps Shalmaneser iii.), and may have been in Syria. 
■Two 'Places cafled Arbela exist in Palestine, one (now 
Irbid) west of the Sea of Galilee (Jos. Ant. xii. xi. 1), 
the other (.Irbid) in the extreme north of Gilead, both 
noticed in the 4th cent. a.d. (Onom. s.v. 'Arbela'). 

BETHASMOTH (lEsS's).- ForBethazmaveth. See 


BETH-AVEN ('house of iniquity,' or 'idolatry'?).— 
Close to Ai (Jos 7"), by the wilderness (18''), north-west 
of Michmash (1 S 13*), and on the way to Aijalon (14»), 
still inhabited in the 8th cent. B.C. (Hos 5»). The 
'calves of Bethaven' were probably those at Bethel 
close by (Hos 10'). Bethel is probably meant also in 
Hos 4>5 58 (see Am 5') 10' (Aven). 

BETH-AZMAVETH (Neh T^s).- See Azmaveth. 

BETH-BAAL-MEON (Jos 13").— See Baal-Meon. 

BETH-BARAH (Jg T^").- Near Jordan and the 
valley of Jezreel. Some suppose it to be the same as 
Bethabara, in which case the guttural has been lost in 

BETHBASI (1 Mac 9«- ").— Josephus reads Beth- 
hoglah. The name has not been recovered. 

BETH-BIRI (1 Ch 43i).— A town of Simeon, perhaps 
textual error for Beth-lebaoth, Jos 19»=Lebaoth, Jos 
15^2. The ruin Bireh on the west slopes of the Debir 
hills may be intended. 

BETH-CAR ('house of a lamb').— A place mentioned 
once only, 1 S 7", as the terminus of the pursuit of the 
Philistines under Samuel's guidance. The site is quite 
unknown, save that it must have been somewhere near 
Jerusalem, on the west. R. A. S. Macalistek. 

BETH-DAGON ('house of Dagon').— 1. A city of 
Judah (Jos 15*'), somewhere in the Shephelah. The 
name is preserved in the modern Beit Dejan, some 4 
miles S.E. of Jaffa. This, however, is quite a modern 
village. Near it is a Roman site, named Khurbet 
Dajun. The Biblical Beth-dagon is still to seek. 2. A 


border city in the tribe of Asher (Jos 19"), not yet 
discovered. R. A. S. MaCalister. 

BETH-DIBLATHAIM ('house of two fig-cakes'?).— 
In Jer 48^2 mentioned with Dibon and Nebo; the next 
camp to Dibon before Nebo (Nu 33«'). 

BETH-EDEN (Am 1' marg.).— See Eden [House or]. 

BETHEL.— 1. On a rocky knoll beside the great 
road to the north, about 12 miles from Jerusalem, 
stands the modern Beitin, a village of some 400 in- 
habitants, which represents the ancient Bethel. Four 
springs furnish good water, and in ancient times they 
were supplemented by a reservoir hewn in the rock, 
south of the town. Luz was the original name of the 
town. The name Bethel was first applied to the stone 
which Jacob set up and anointed (Gn 28"). See 
Pillar. But 'the place' (v." etc.) was evidently one 
with holy associations. It was visited by Abraham, 
who sacrificed here (12'). This may have Induced 
Jacob to come hither on his way to the north, and 
again on his return from Paddan-aram. From an 
eminence to the east almost the whole extent of the 
plains of Jericho is visible. This may have been the 
scene of Lot's selfish choice (Gn 13). 'Bethel' in the 
end prevailed over 'Luz,' and the town came to be 
known by the name of the sanctuary, the neighbourhood 
of which lent it distinction. 

Bethel, a royal Canaanite city_, (Jos 12"), fell to 
Benjamin in the division of the land (18^2), but he failed 
to make good his possession. It was finally taken by 
Ephraim (Jg 1!», 1 Ch 7^8). Hither the ark was brought 
from Gilgal (Jg 20i8 LXX), and Bethel was resorted to 
as a place of sacrifice (1 S 10'). The prophetess Deborah 
dwelt between Bethel and Ramah (Jg 4*). In judging 
Israel, Samuel went from year to year in circuit to 
Bethel (1 S 7'°). No doubt the ancient sanctity of the 
place led Jeroboam to choose Bethel as the site of the 
rival shrine, which he hoped might counteract the 
influence of the house of the Lord at Jerusalem (1 K 
122sff.). It became the great sanctuary of the Northern 
Kingdom, and the centre of the idolatrous priests who 
served in the high places (v.'^s). At Bethel, Jeroboam 
was denounced by the man of God out of Judah (13'»). 
It was one of the towns taken from Jeroboam by Abijah . 
king of Judah (2 Ch 13"). It is noteworthy that 
Elijah is silent regarding the calf-worship at Bethel; 
and that a school of the prophets, apparently in sym- 
pathy with him, flourished there (2 K 2"-). But the 
denunciations of Amos (3" 4'' 5' etc.) and Hosea (Hos 4" 
5* etc.) lack nothing in vehemence. The priest resided 
at Bethel, who was brought by the king of Assyria to 
teach the mixed peoples, who lived in the country during 
the Exile, the manner of the God of the land (2 K ly^s"). 
Bethel was reoccupied by the returning exiles (Ezr 2" 
etc.). We find it in the hands of Bacchides (1 Mac 9'°). 
It was one of the towns 'in the mountains' taken by 
Vespasian in his march on Jerusalem (Jos. BJ iv. ix. 9). 
2. A town in Judah, not identified, called in different 
places, Bethul, Bethel, and Bethuel (Jos 19', 1 S 30", 

1 Oh 430). yf EWING. 

BETH-EMEE ('house of the deep vaUey', Jos 19"). 
— A town of Zebulun in the border valley, east of Acco, 
apparently near Cabul. The name has not been 

BETHER (' mountains of cutting' — or 'of divisions,' 
Ca 2"). — If a proper name, the famous site of Bether, 
near Jerusalem, might be intended. Bether is celebrated 
for the resistance of the Jews to Hadrian under Bar 
Cochba in a.d. 135. The site was recognized by Canon 
Williams at Bittir, south-west of Jerusalem — a village 
on a cliff in a strong position, with a ruin near It called 
' Ruin of the Jews,' from a tradition of a great Jewish 
massacre at this place. See Malobathhon. 

BETHESDA. — A reservoir at Jerusalem, remarkable 
(according to a gloss inserted in the text in some authori- 




tatlve MSS) for a periodic disturbance of the water belonged to the latter (Jos 2122), and followed the 

which wasfsupposed to give it healing properties. Here 
were five porches. It was 'by the sheep-gate.' An 
impotent man, one of the many who waited tor the 
troubling of the water, was here healed by Christ (Jn 5'). 
The only body of water at Jerusalem that presents any 
analogous phenomenon is the intermittent spring known 
as the Virgin's Fountain, in the Kidron valley, but it is 
not near the Sheep-gate. There is little that can be 
said in favour of any other of the numerous identifica- 
tions that have been proposed for this pool. 

R. A. S. Macalister. 
BETH-EZEL (Mic !»).— Perhaps 'place near," see 
AVm: mentioned with Zaanan and Shaphir. It seems 
to have been a place in the Philistine plain, but the 
site is unknown. According to some it is=Azel of 
Zee 145. 

BETH-GADEB (1 Ch 2"), mentioned with Bethlehem 
and Kiriath-jearim. It may be the same as Geder, 
Jos 121s. 

BETH-GAMUL (Jer 48M).— A place in Moab, noticed 
with Dibon, Kiriathaim, and Beth-meon. It is now the 
ruin Vmm el-Jemal, towards the east of the plateau, 
south of Medeba. 

BETH-GILGAL (Neh 12", AV 'house of Gilgal'), 
perhaps identical with Gilgal to the east of Jericho. 

BETH-HACCHEREU ('place of the vineyard'), 
Neh 3", Jer 6'. — It appears to have had a commanding 
position for a beacon or ensign. Tradition fixed on 
Herodium south of Bethlehem, probably because it 
was a conspicuous site near Tekoa, with which it is 
noticed. A possible site is 'Ain Karim, west of Jeru- 
salem, where there are vineyards. 

BETH-HARAH was situated 'in the vaUey-plain of 
the Jordan' (Jos 13"). In Nu 323« Bethharan. Its 
site has been recovered at Teli Bameh at the mouth of 
the Wady Hesban, 6 miles east from the familiar 
bathing-place of pilgrims in the Jordan. It was rebuilt 
and fortified by Herod Antipas when he became tetrarch, 
and in honour of the Roman empress was called Livias 
or Libias. Merrill (East of the Jordan, p. 383) gives 
reasons for believing that it was in the palace here 
that Herod celebrated his birthday by the feast re- 
corded (Mt 14«-i2, Mk 621-28), and that the Baptist's head 
was brought hither from Machaerus, some 20 miles 

BETH-HABAN (Nu 32»).— See Beth-haeam. 

BETH-HOGLAH ('place of the partridge'), Jos 15« 
18". — In the Jericho plain. Now the large spring 
called 'Ain Hajlati, 'partridge spring,' south-east of 

BETH-HOBON. — The upper and nether, two towns 
represented by the villages Beit ' Ur el-foka and Beit 
' Ur et-tahta, said to have been buUt by Sheerah (1 Ch 7"). 
Their position, as commanding the ancient great high- 
road from the maritime plain into the heart of the 
mountains of Benjamin, made these places of great 
importance, and several celebrated battles occurred 
in their neighbourhood. Here Joshua defeated the 
Canaanites (Jos 10'°-"). Solomon fortified both these 
cities (2 Ch 8', 1 K 9"). By this road Shishak, king of 
Egypt, invaded Judah. Here Judas Maceabaeus defeated 
the Syrian general Seron (1 Mac 313-24) and five years 
afterwards Nicanor (7s»-"i); more than 200 years later 
the Jews at the same place beat back the Roman army 
under Cestius Gallus. In few places in Palestine can 
we with greater precision set history in its geographical 
setting; the whole ancient road, with abundant traces 
of Roman work, can be followed throughout, and the 
two Beit ' Urs, less than two miles apart, stand sentinel 
above the road as the two Beth-horons did in ancient 
times. The Beth-horons were on the frontier between 
Benjamin and Ephraira (Jos 16'-' and 18"- »). They 

Northern Kingdom. Possibly Sanballat the Horonite 
(Neh 2i») was from here. E. W. G. Masteeman. 

BETH-JESHIMOTH ('the place of the desert').— 
The S. limit of the encampment on 'the plains of Moab' 
at the close of the journeyings (Nu SS''). In Jos 12' 
it is mentioned as in the S. of the Arabah towards the 
Dead Sea. In 132" it is assigned to Reuben; and in 
Ezk 25° it is spoken of as belonging to Moab. Eusebius 
places it 10 miles S. of Jericho. Some ruins and a well 
at the N.E. end of the Dead Sea bear the name of 
Suwaimeh, which may be a modification of Jeshimoth; 
and this situation suits the Biblical narrative. 

BETH-LE-APHRAH (AV 'house of Aphrah').— The 
name of a town apparently in Phil, territory, whose 
site is quite unknown (Mic 11°). In the call ' at Beth-le- 
Aphrah roll thyself in the dust,' there is a double play 
upon words, 'Aphrah containing a punning allusion to 
'aphar (dust), and hithpallashi (roll thyself) to Pelishti 

BETH-LEBAOTH (Jos IQs 'house of lionesses'?).— 
A town of Simeon. See Beth-bibi. 

BETHLEHEM ('house of bread' or, according to 
some, 'of the god Lakhmu'). — The name of two places 
in Palestine. 

now represented by the town of Beit Lahm, 5 miles S. 
of Jerusalem. On the way thither Rachel was buried 
(Gn 361' 48'). Hence came the two Levites whose 
adventures are related in Jg 17. 19. It was the home 
of Elimelech, the father-in-law of Ruth (Ru li), and 
here Ruth settled with her second husband Boaz, and 
became the ancestress of the family of David, whose 
connexion with Bethlehem is emphasized throughout 
his history (1 S 16i-i« 1712 20» etc.). The Phihstines 
had here a garrison during David's outlawry (2 S 23", 
1 Ch lli«). Here Asahel was buried (2 S 2»2), and hence 
came Elhanan, one of the mighty men (2 S 2321, cf. 
21i»). Rehoboam fortified it (2 Ch 11«), and here the 
murderers of Gedaliah took refuge (Jer 41"). Whether 
the Salma referred to in 1 Ch 2"- " as 'father of 
Bethlehem' (whatever that expression may exactly 
mean) be the same as the Salmon who was father 
of Boaz (Ru 42") — a theory the Greek version seems to 
justify — is doubtful. The town had some sanctity, and 
is indicated (Ps 132°) as a suitable place for the Taber- 
nacle. The birth of the Messiah there is prophesied 
in Mic 62 (quoted Mt 2°, Jn 7"), a prophecy fulfilled 
by the birth of Christ (Mt 2i- », Lk 2*- 1°). Here Herod 
sent to seek the new-born Christ, and not finding Him 
ordered the massacre of the infants of the city (Mt 2'- "). 
The modern town, containing about 8000 inhabitants, 
is Christian and comparatively prosperous. Within 
it stands the basilica of the Nativity, founded by Con- 
stantine (about 330), and restored by Justinian (about 
650) and many later emperors. Within it are shown 
grottoes in which the various events of the Nativity 
are localized with the usual unreasoning definiteness. 

2. Bethlehem of Zebulun, a place named but once 
(Jos 19"), in enumerating the towns of that tribe. It 
is identified with Beit Lahm, 7 miles N.W. of Nazareth. 
It is probable that this was the home of Ibzan, the 
judge (Jg 12«-i»), as almost all the judges belonged 
to the northern tribes. R. A. S. Macalister. 

BETH-LOMON (1 Es 5").— For Bethlehem of Judah. 

BETH-MAAOAH.— A descriptive epithet of the city 
of Abel (2 S 20»- "), where ' Abel and B.' should be 
' Abel of b: (cf . 1 K 152°, 2 K 152°). See Abel (of) 

BETH-BIARCABOTH ('place of chariots' Jos 19^ 
1 Ch 4°i). — A city of Simeon in the southern plains, 
near Ziklag, deserted in David's time; site unknown. 

BETH-MEON.— See Baal-Meon. 



BETH-MERHAK (2 S 15" RV, for AV 'a place that 
was far off'; RVm 'the Far House').— Stade and others 
understand it to mean the last Jicmse of the city. No 
town so called is known between Jerusalem and Jericho. 

BETH-MILLO (Jg 9* RVm; 2 K 122" AVm, text 
'house of Millo'). — See Millo. 

BETH-NIMRAH (' place of the leopard," Nu 32» etc., 
called Nimrah v.', and, some think, Nimrim Is 15^, 
see Nimeim). — A town in the territory E. of Jordan 
allotted to Reuben. It is represented by the modern 
Tell Nimrin, 6 miles E. of the Jordan, about 10 miles 
N. of the Dead Sea, on the S. bank of Wady Shaib. 


BETH-PAZZEZ (Jos (192').— A town of Issachar 
near En-gannim and En-haddah. The name has not 
been recovered. 

BETH-PELET (RV; in AV Beth-palet, Jos 15", 
Beth-phelet, Neh 11M).— The Paltite, 2 S 23m, called 
by scribal error Pelonite in 1 Ch 11^' 27'°, was an in- 
habitant of this place. The site was south of Beer- 
sheba, but is unknown. 

BETH-PEOR.— A city belonging to Reuben (Jos13M), 
located most probably some four or five miles north of 
Mt. Nebo, near the Pisgah range. Just opposite to it, 
in the ravine (Wady HesbWn probably), the Israelites 
encamped (Dt 3^' 4"). Moses was buried in the valley 
'over against Beth-peor' (Dt 348). Conder suggests a 
site several miles to the S., near 'Ain el-Minyeh, but 
the impression given by Nu 26' -' is that the city was 
not so far distant from the plain of Shittim. 

G. L. Robinson. 

BETHPHAGE {'house of figs').— The place whence 
Christ, on the road from Jericho to Jerusalem, sent 
His disciples to fetch the ass (Mt 21', Mk 11', Lk 1928). 
It must have been close to Bethany, and is tradi- 
tionally identified with Abu Dis, a village that satisfies 
this condition. R. A. S. Macalister. 

BETH-RAPHA ('house of the giant'?). — An unknown 
place mentioned in 1 Ch 4'2. 

BETH-REHOB.— A town or district near Laish 
(Jg 1828), whose inhabitants joined the Ammonites 
against David (2 S 10"). Its site is unknown. 

R. A. S. Macalister. 

BETHSAIDA.— A place on the shore of the Sea of 
Galilee, whither Christ went after feeding the five 
thousand (Mk 6", cf. Lk 9'°), and where He healed a 
blind man (Mk 822); the home of PhiUp, Andrew, and 
Peter (Jn 1'* 122'). It was denounced by Christ for 
unbelief (Mt 112', Lk 10'=). The town was advanced 
by Philip the tetrarch from a village to the dignity of 
a city, and named Julias, in honour of Caesar's daughter. 
The situation is disputed, and, indeed, authorities differ 
as to whether or not there were two places of the same 
name, one east, one west of the Jordan. Et~Tell, on 
the northern shore of the sea, east of the Jordan, is 
generally identified with Bethsaida Julias: those who 
consider that the narrative of the crossings of the Lake 
(Mk 6") requires another site west of the Jordan, seek 
it usually at 'Ain el-Tabigha near Khan Minyeh. The 
latest writers, however, seem inclined to regard the 
hypothetical second Bethsaida as unnecessary (see 
Sanday, Sacred Sites of the Gospels, p. 41), and to regard 
et- Tell as the scene of all the incidents recorded about 
the town. R. A. S. Macalister. 

BETH-SHEAN, BETH-SHAN.— The site of this 
ancient stronghold, allotted to Manasseh, although in 
the territory of Issachar (Jos IT""-, Jg 12'), is marked 
by the great mound and village of Beisan, in the throat 
of the Vale of Jezreel, where it opens into the OhOr. 
Manasseh failed to eject the Oanaanites, but at a later 
date they were reduced to servitude. Here the 
Phihstines dishonoured the bodies of Saul and his sons 
(1 S 31's.). During the Greek period it was known as 
Scythopolis ; but the ancient name again prevailed in 


the form of Beisdn. After changes of fortune in the 
Maccabiean struggle, and in the time immediately 
succeeding, it attained considerable prosperity as a 
member of the Decapolis (1 Mac 12", Jos. Ant. xiv. v. 3, 
BJ III. iv. 7, etc.). There must always have been a 
strong admixture of heathen inhabitants (Jos. Vila, 6; 
Abkoda Zarah i. 4). It is now in the hands of a body 
of Circassians. W. Ewinq. 

BETH-SHEMESH (' house' or ' temple of the sun').— 
1. A town in Judah (Jos 15'» etc., called Ir-Shemesh in 
Jos 19") allotted to the children of Aaron (Jos 21"). 
Hither the ark was brought when sent back by the 
Philistines, and the inhabitants were smitten because 
of their profane curiosity (1 S 6). Here Amaziah was 
defeated and captured by Jehoash, king of Israel 
(2 K 14". "). It was one of the cities taken by the 
Philistines in the time of Ahaz (2 Ch 28'*). It is 
identified with the modern 'Ain Shems, on the S. slope 
of Wady es-Surar, 16 miles W. of Jerusalem. 2. A city 
in Issachar (Jos 1922), unidentified. 3. A city in 
Naphtali (Jos 19'8), unidentified. 4. A city in Egypt, 
a seat of heathen idolatry (Jer 43"), identified with the 
ancient Heliopohs, called 'Ain Stiems by the Arabs 
(Wallis Budge, T!ie Nile, 2Slf.). W. Ewinq. 

BETH-SHITTAH ('place of the acacia,' Jg 722).— 
In the vicinity of Abel-meholah. It is the present 
Shutta. a village on a knoll, in the Jezreel valley. 

BETHSUBA (1 Mac 429. "■ 6'. 25. si. <». to gsz iqu 
lies 147, 2 Mac 13"- 22). — The Greek form of Bethzur. 
In 2 Mac 11' Bethsuron. 

BETH-TAPPUAH ('place of apples.' Jos 15").— 
A town of Judah in the Hebron mountains (seeTappuah 
in 1 Ch 2"). Now the village Taffuh, west of Hebron. 

BETHUEL. — 1. The son of Nahor and Milcah, 
nephew of Abraham, and father of Laban and Rebekah 
(Gn 2225 24"- «■ "■ '« 252" 282. 6). in Qn 281^ (P) he"" 
is called 'Bethuel the Syrian.' 2. 1 Ch 4"; or Bethiil 
(Jos 19'i). See Bethel, 2. 

BETHUL (Jos 19').— See Bethel, No. 2. 

BETHULIA.— The locality of the scenes of the Book 
of Judith (Jth 4«. ' etc.). If not a synonym for Jeru- 
salem itself, it is an unknown site south of the plain 
of Jezreel. Mithilyah from the similarity of the name, 
SanuT from its commanding position, and even Shechem, 
have all been suggested as possible sites. 

E. W. G. Masterman. 

BETH-ZACHARIAS (1 Mac 6^- '').—A village on 
the mountain pass, south of Jerusalem and west of 
Bethlehem, now the ruin Beit Sakaria. It was the 
scene of the defeat of Judas MaccabEeus by Lysias. 

BETH-ZUB ('house of rock,' Jos 16", 1 S 30'' [in 
LXX), 1 Ch 2«, 2 Ch 11', Neh 3'«).— The Bethsura of 
1 Mac 428 etc. A town of Judah in the Hebron mountains, 
fortified by Rehoboam, and still important after the 
Captivity. Judas Maccabaeus here defeated the Greeks 
under Lysias in b.c. 165. It is the present ruined site, 
Beit Sur, on a cliff west of the Hebron road, near Halhul. 

BETOLION (AV Betolius, 1 Es 52'; in Ezr 2*8 
Bethel). — Fifty-two persons of this place returned from 
captivity with Zerubbabel. 

BETOMASTHAUa (Jth 15<, AV Betomasthem) ; 
BETOMESTHAIM (4', AVBetomestham).— Apparently 
N. of Bethulia and facing Dothan. There is a site 
called Deir Massin W. of the Dothan plain, but the 
antiquity of this name is doubtful. 

BETONIM (Jos 1328).— In N. Gilead. The name 
may survive in that of the Butein district, the extreme 
N. of Gilead. 

BETROTHING.— See Marriage. 

BETJLAH ('married' [of a wife)). — An allegorical 
name applied to Israel by the Deutero-Isaiah (Is 
62'- 1^). She was no longer to be a wife deserted by 
God, as she had been during the Captivity, but married 




(1) to God, (2) by a strange application of the figure, 
to her own sons. 

BEWITCH.— See Magic. 

BEWRAY.— To bewray (from Anglo-Saxon prefix 
he and v}regan, to accuse) is not the same as to betray 
(from be and Lat. tradere to deliver). To bewray, now 
obsolete, means in AV to make known, reveal, as Mt 
26" 'thy speech bewrayeth thee.' Adams (Works, 
ii. 328) distinguishes the two words thus: 'he . . . will 
not bewray his disease, lest he betray his credit.' Some- 
times, however, bewray is used in an evil sense, and is 
scarcely distinguishable from betray. Cf. bawrayer in 
2 Mao 41 ' a bewrayer of the money, and of his country.' 

BEZAANANNIM (Jos IQsa RVm).— See Zaanankim. 

BEZAI — 1 One of those who sealed the covenant 
(Neh 10>8). 2 The eponym of a family that returned 
with Zerub. (Ezr 2", Neh 72s)=Bassai of 1 Es 5«. 

BEZALEL.— 1. The chief architect of the Tabernacle. 
The name occurs only in P and in the Bk. of Chron. 
(1 Ch 22", 2 Ch 1'). It probably signifies "in the shadow 
(i.e. under the protection) of El.' According to P's 
representation, Bezalel was expressly called by J" 
(Ex 31') to superintend the erection of the 'tent of 
meeting,' and endowed with the special gifts required 
for the proper execution of his task (vv.^- '). He was 
also charged with the construction of the furniture 
for court and Tabernacle, as well as with the preparation 
of the priestly garments, and of the necessary oil and 
incense Among the gifts thus bestowed upon him, 
not the least was the gift of teaching the arts of which 
he was himself a master, to his subordinates (Ex 35^), 
the chief of whom was Oholiab (Ex 31» 35^ etc.). 2. 
One of the sons of Pahath-moab who had married 
foreign wives (Ezr 10'°). A. R. S. Kennedy. 

BEZEK. — Two places so called are perhaps to be 
distinguished in OT. 1. Jg 1'. A place attacked by 
Judah after Joshua's death, probably Bezkah, a ruin W. 
of Jerusalem, in the lower hills. 2. 1 S H*, where 
Saul gathered Israel before advancing on Jabesh- 
gilead The most Ukely site in this connexion is the 
ruin Ibzik, N.E. of Shechem, opposite Jabesh. 

BEZEB ('fortress').- 1. An Asherite (1 Ch 7"). 
2. A city belonging to Reuben, situated 'in the wilder- 
ness, on the mlshor,' or flat table-land, E. of Jordan 
(Dt 4". Jos 20"); a city of refuge allotted, according 
to P, to the Merarites (Jos 213«, whence 1 Ch 6'8 (ea)). 
It is mentioned also by Mesha' (Moab. Stone, 1. 27), 
as being in ruins in his day, and as having been rebuilt 
by him, after his revolt from Ahab, and expulsion of 
the Israelites from the territory N. of the Arnon. From 
its being described as being in the 'wilderness' (cf. 
Dt 2*) it may be inferred that it was situated towards 
the E. border of the Moabite table-land. The site has 
not yet been recovered. 

BEZETH. — An unknown site, apparently near 
Jerusalem (1 Mac 7'"). 

BIBLE.— 1. The Name.— The word 'Bible' strictly 
employed is the title of the Jewish and Christian 
Scriptures, though occasionally by a loose usage of the 
term it is applied to the sacred writings of pagan re- 
ligions. It is derived from a Greek word Biblia — origi- 
nating in biblos, the inner bark of papyrus (paper) — 
literally meaning ' Little Books ' ; but since the diminu- 
tive had come into common use in late popular Greek 
apart from its specific signification, the term really means 
simply 'books.' It is the Gr. tr. of the Heb. word for 
'books,' which is the oldest designation for the Jewish 
Scriptures as a collection (see Dn 9^). The title 'Holy 
Books' — equivalent to our 'Holy Scripture' — came 
later among the Jews (1 Mac 12', Ro 1\ 2 Ti 3"). 
The Greek word Biblia is first met with in this con- 
nexion in the Introduction to Sirach, written by the 
grandson of Sirach, the phrase 'the rest of the books' 
implying that the Law and the Prophets previously 


named, as well as those books subsequently known 
specially as 'the Writings,' are included. It is used 
in the Hebrew sense, for the OT, by the unknown author 
of the Christian homily in the 2nd cent, designated 
The Second Epistle of Clement (xiv. 2). It does not 
appear as a title of the whole Christian Scriptures 
before the 5th cent., when it was thus employed by 
Greek Church writers in lists of the canonical books. 
Thence it passed over into the West, and then the 
Greek word Biblia, really a neuter plural, came to be 
treated as a Latin singular noun, a significant gram- 
matical change that pointed to the growing sense of 
the unity of Scripture. The word cannot be traced 
in Anglo-Saxon literature, and we first have the English 
form of it in the 14th century. It occurs in Piers Plow- 
man and Chaucer. Its adoption by Wyclif secured it 
as the permanent English name for the Scriptures, as 
Luther's use of the corresponding German word fixed 
that for Continental Protestants. 

2. Contents and DiTisions. — The Jewish Bible is the 
OT; the Protestant Christian Bible consists of the 
OT and the NT, but with the Apocrypha included in 
some editions; the Roman Catholic Bible contains the 
OT and NT, and also the Apocrypha, the latter authori- 
tatively treated as Scripture since the Council of Trent. 
The main division is between the Jewish Scriptures 
and those which are exclusively Christian. These are 
known respectively as the OT and the NT. The title 
' Testament ' is unfortunate, since it really means a will. 
It appears to be derived from the Latin word testamentum, 
'a will,' which is the tr. of the Gr. word diathiki, itself 
in the classics also meaning 'a will.' But the LXX 
employs this Gr. word as the tr. of the Heb. berith, 
a word meaning 'covenant.' Therefore 'testament' 
in the Biblical sense really means 'covenant,' and the 
two parts of our Bible are the ' Old Covenant ' and the 
'New Covenant.' When we ask why the Gr. trans- 
lators used the word meaning 'will' while they had 
ready to hand another word meaning ' covenant ' (viz. 
syntheke), the answer has been proposed that they per- 
ceived the essential difference between God's covenants 
with men and men's covenants one with another. The 
latter are arranged on equal terms. But God's covenants 
are made and offered by God and accepted by men only 
on God's terms. A Divine covenant is like a will in 
which a man disposes of his property on whatever terms 
he thinks fit. On the other hand, however, it may be 
observed that the word diatMki is also used for a cove- 
nant betweenmanandman (e.g. Dt 7^). The origin of this 
term as applied by Christians to the two main divisions 
of Scripture is Jeremiah's promise of a New Covenant 
(Jer 31S1). endorsed by Christ (Mk 14^, l Co 11»), 
and enlarged upon in NT teaching (e.g. Gal i", He 8«). 
Here, however, the reference is to the Divine arrange- 
ments and pledges, not to the books of Scripture, and 
it is by a secondary usage that the books containing 
the two covenants have come to be themselves desig- 
nated Testaments, or Covenants. 

The Jewish division of the OT is into three parts known 
as (1) the Law, (2) the Prophets, and (3) the Writings, 
or the Sacred Writings (Hagiographa). "The ' Law ' con- 
sisted of the first 5 books of our Bible (Genesis, Exodus, 
Leviticus, Numbers, Deuteronomy), ascribed to Moses; 
and it was treated as peculiarly sacred, the most holy 
and authoritative portion of Scripture. It was the only 
part of the Hebrew Scriptures accepted by the Samari- 
tans, who worshipped the very document containing 
it almost as a fetish. But the name 'Law' (Heb. 
Torah, Gr. Nomos) is sometimes given to the whole 
Jewish Bible (e.g. Jn W«). The 'Prophets' included 
not only the utterances ascribed to inspired teachers 
of Israel, but also the chief historical books later than 
the Pentateuch. There were reckoned to be 8 books of 
the Prophets (Joshua, Judges, Samuel, Kings, Isaiah, 
Jeremiah, Ezekiel, and the Minor Prophets) and 11 of 
the Hagiographa (Psalms, Proverbs, Job, Song of 


Solomon, Ruth, Lamentations, Ecclesiastes, Esther, 
Daniel, Ezra, and Chronicles). Thus there were 
reckoned to be in all 24 books. Josephus reckoned 
22 — probably joining Judges to Ruth and Lamenta- 
tions to Jeremiah. The list was reduced to this number 
by taking Samuel, Kings, Ezra and Nehemiah, and 
Chronicles as one book each, and by making one 
book of the Minor Prophets. Ezra is not divided from 
Nehemiah in the Talmud or the Massora. 

The books now known as the Apocrypha were not 
in the Hebrew Bible, and were not used in the Palestinian 
synagogues. They were found in the LXX, which 
represents the enlarged Greek Canon of Alexandria. 
From this they passed into the Latin versions, and so 
into Jerome's revision, the Vulgate, which in time 
became the authorized Bible of the Roman Catholic 
Church. They were not accepted by the Protestants 
as Divinely inspired,[but were printed in some Protestant 
Bibles between the OT and the NT, not in their old 
places in the Septuagint and Vulgate versions, where 
they were interspersed with the OT books as though 
forming part of the OT itself. The Apocrypha consists 
of 14 books (1 and 2 Esdras, Tobit, Judith, The Rest of 
Esther, The Wisdom of Solomon, Sirach, Baruch with 
the Epistle of Jeremy, The Song of the Three Holy 
Children, The History of Susanna, Bel and the Dragon, 
The Prayer of Manasses, 1 and 2 Maccabees). 

The NT was slowly formed. Probably the first col- 
lection of any of its books was the bringing together 
of the Synoptic Gospels into one volume (called by 
Justin Martyr 'The Memoirs of the Apostles'). Subse- 
quently the Fourth Gospel was included in this volume; 
Tatian's Diatessaron is a witness to this fact. Meanwhile 
collections of St. Paul's Epistles were being made, and 
thus there came to be two] volumes known as ' The Gospel' 
and ' The Apostle.' The Apocalypse was early honoured 
as a prophetical book standing by itself. Gradu- 
ally the other NT books were gathered in — probably 
forming a third volume. Thus the NT — like the OT — 
consisted of three parts — the Four Gospels, the PauUne 
Writings, and the remaining books. The similarity may 
be traced a step further. In both cases the first of the 
three divisions held a primacy of honour — the Law 
among the Jews, the Gospels among the Christians. 
The complete NT consists of 27 books, viz. Four Gospels, 
Acts, 13 Epistles of St. Paul, Hebrews, James, 2 Epistles 
of St. Peter, 3 of St. John, Jude, Revelation. 

Within the books of the Bible there were originally 
no divisions, except in the case of the Psalms, which were 
always indicated as separate poems, and elsewhere in 
the case of definite statements of differences of contents, 
such as the Song of Miriam, the Song of Deborah, ' the 
words of Agur,' and 'the words of King Lemuel' 
(in Prov.). For convenience of reading in the syna- 
gogues, the Law was divided into sections (called 
Parashahs). Selections from the Prophets (called 
Haphtarahs) were made to go with the appointed sections 
of the Law. The first indications of divisions in the 
NT are ascribed to Tatian. They did not break into the 
text, but were inserted in the margins. The earliest 
divisions of the Gospels were known as ' titles ' ( Titloi) ; 
somewhat similar divisions were indicated in the 
Epistles by 'headings' or 'chapters' (Kephalaia), a 
form of which with more numerous divisions than the 
' titles' was also introduced into the Gospels. Eusebius 
based his harmony on the references of the sections said 
to have been arranged by Ammonius of Alexandria in 
the early part of the 3rd cent., and therefore known 
as the ' Ammonian Sections.' 'These are much shorter 
than our chapters. Thus in Matthew there were 68 
'titles' and 355 'Ammonian Sections'; in Mark the 
numbers were 48 and 236, in Luke 83 and 342, and in 
John 18 and 232 respectively. The chapters in the 
Acts and the Epistles are ascribed to Euthalius, a deacon 
of Alexandria (subsequently bishop of Sulci, in Sardinia) 
in the 6th century. These chapters nearly corresponded 


In length to the Gospel ' titles.' Thus there were 40 in 
Acts, 19 in Romans, etc. A still smaller division of 
the books of Scripture was that of the stichoi, or lines, 
a word used for a Une of poetry, and then for a similar 
length of prose, marked oft for the payment of copyists. 
Subsequently "it was employed for the piece of writing 
which a reader was supposed to render without taking 
breath, and the marks of the stichoi would be helps 
for the reader, indicating where he might pause. In 
Matthew there were 2560 stichoi; the same Gospel 
has 1071 modern verses. Scrivener calculates 19,241 
stichoi for the 7959 modern verses of the whole NT — 
giving an average of nearly 2i stichoi per verse. Cardinal 
Hugo de Sancto Caro is credited with having made our 
present chapter divisions about a.d. 1248 when preparing 
a Bible index. But it may be that he borrowed these 
divisions from an earlier scholar, possibly Lanfranc, or 
Stephen Langton. The Hebrew Bible was divided 
into verses by Rabbi Nathan in the 15th century. 
Henry Stephens states that his father Robert Stephens 
made verse divisions in the NT during the intervals of a 
journey on horseback from Paris to Lyons. Whether 
he actually invented these arrangements or copied 
them from some predecessor, they were first published 
in Stephens' Greek Testament of 1551. 

3. Historical Origin. — The Bible is not only a library, 
the books of which come from various writers in dif- 
ferent periods of time; many of these books may be 
said to be composed of successive literary strata, so 
that the authors of the most ancient parts of them 
belong to much earlier times than their final redactors. 
All the OT writers, and also all those of the NT with 
one exception (St. Luke), were Jews. The OT was 
nearly all written in the Holy Land; the only exceptions 
being in the case of books composed in the valley 
of the Euphrates during the Exile (Ezekiel, possibly 
Lamentations, Deutero-Isaiah, or part of it, perhaps 
some of the Psalms, a revision of the Law). The NT 
books were written in many places; most of the Epistles 
of St. Paul can be located; the Gospel and Epistles 
of St. John probably come from Ephesus or its neigh- 
bourhood; but the sites of the origin of all the other 
books are doubtful. 

Probably the oldest book of the Bible is Amos, 
written about B.C. 750. A little later in the great 
8th cent, we come to Hosea, Isaiah, and Micah. The 
7th cent, gives us Nahum, Zephaniah, Jeremiah, and 
Habakkuk among the prophets, also Deuteronomy, 
and at the beginning of this century we have the earliest 
complete historical books, Samuel and Judges. The 
end of this century or beginning of the 6th cent, gives 
us Kings. In the 6th cent, also we have Obadiah (?), 
Ezekiel, part, if not all, of the Deutero-Isaiah (40-50), 
Haggai, Zechariah (1-8), Lamentations, Ruth. The 
Sth cent, gives us the completed Pentateuch — or rather 
the Hexateuch, Joshua going with the 5 books of 
the Law, perhaps the latter part of the Deutero-Isaiah 
(51-60), Malachi, Books 1 and 2 of the Psalter. The 
4th cent, has Proverbs, Job, Book 3 of the Psalter, 
and the Prophets Joel and Jonah. From the 3rd cent, we 
have Chronicles, Ezra and Nehemiah, Zechariah (9-14), 
Ecclesiastes, Esther. Lastly, the 2nd cent, is credited 
with Daniel and Books 4 and 5 of the Psalter. Several 
of these later dates are more or less conjectural. More- 
over, they refer to the completion of works some of 
which are composite and contain elements which 
originated in much earlier times. Thus Proverbs 
and the 6 Books of the Psalms are all collections which, 
though probably made at the dates assigned to them, 
consist of materials many of which are considerably 
older. When we look to the analysis of the books, 
and inquire as to the dates of their constituent parts, 
we are carried back to pre-historic ages. The Hexateuch 
contains four principal parts, known as J (the Jahwistic 
prophetic narrative), E (the Elohistic prophetic narra- 
tive), D (Deuteronomy and Deuteronomic notes in 



other books), P (the Priestly Code, represented especially 
by Leviticus, the author of which revised the earlier 
parts of the Law-books and inserted additions into 
them). But J and E are closely intertwined — an 
indication that they have both been revised — and the 
result of this revision gives us the composite narra- 
tive known as JE. Thus we have now three main 
strata, viz. (1) JE, the prophetic element, written in 
the spirit of the prophets, dated about B.C. 700; (2) D, 
the moral and legal element, seen especially in Deuter- 
onomy, dated about B.C. 620; (3) P, the priestly element, 
dated about b.c. 444. The author of P appears to have 
revised the whole work and given it out as the complete 
Law. This may have been done by the Euphrates 
during the Exile, so that the Law-book brought up 
to Jerusalem would be the Pentateuch (or the Hexa- 
teuch), or it may have been after the Return, in which 
case the Law-book would be only P. But in any case 
the whole work after its completion underwent some 
further slight revision before it assumed its present 
form. See Hexateuch. 

If now we ask not what was the first complete book 
of the OT, but what was the first portion of the OT 
actually written, it is not easy to give a reply. The 
literature of most peoples begins with ballads. Possibly 
the Song of Deborah is a ballad which should have 
assigned to it the first place in the chronological order 
of Hebrew writings. Such a ballad would be handed 
down in tradition before it was put into writing. Then 
some of the laws in Exodus, those of the 'Book of the 
Covenant,' may have come down in tradition or even 
in writing, from a remote antiquity. The code of 
Hammurabi, king of Babylon, b.c. 2285-2242, was 
a written law nearly 1000 years earlier than the time 
of Moses. The striking resemblance between some 
of the laws of Israel and some of these Babylonian 
laws points to a certain measure of dependence. This 
might go back to patriarchal days; but, of course. 
It would have been possible for the Jews in the Exile 
to have access to this venerable code at the very time 
P was being constructed. 

There is much less range of question for the dates 
of the NT books. The earliest date possible for any 
of them is a.d. 44 for James; although, as Prof. Harnack 
holds, perhaps this is almost the latest written book 
of the NT. Laying aside the much disputed question 
of the date of James, we have 1 Thess. as apart from 
this the earliest written NT book. Following the 
usually accepted chronology, the date of this Epistle 
is A.D. S3 (Harnack, a.d. 49; Turner, a.d. 51). The 
latest written NT book is 2 Peter, which must be assigned 
to a late decade of the 2nd century. Apart from this 
Epistle, which stands quite by itself as a pseudonymous 
work, and James, which may be either the earliest 
or one of the latest NT books, the last written works 
are the Johannine writings, which cannot be earlier 
than near the end of the 1st century. Thus we have 
a period of about 50 years for the composition of the 
bulk of the NT writings, viz. the second half of the 
1st cent. A.D. 

4. Original Languages. — The bulk of the OT was 
written in Hebrew, and without vowel points. Hebrew 
is the Israelite dialect of the Canaanite language, which 
belongs to the Semitic family, and is closely allied 
to Aramaic. Some portions of the OT (viz. documents 
in Ezr 4'-6" and T'"-"", Dn 2<-7" and a few scattered 
words and phrases elsewhere) are in Aramaic, the 
language of Syria, which was widely known, being found 
in Babylonia, Egypt, and Arabia. After the Exile, since 
Aramaic! then became the everyday language of the 
Jews, Hebrew was relegated to a position of honour- 
able neglect as the language of literature and the Law, 
and Aramaic came into general use. Probably the 
earliest writings which are embodied in the NT were 
in this language. When Papias says that Matthew 
wrote 'the oracles of the Lord in the Hebrew dialect,' 


he would seem to mean Aramaic. Since Jesus taught 
in Aramaic, it is not likely that His discourses were 
translated into the more archaic language; it is more 
probable that they were written down in the very 
language in which they were spoken. Similarly, it is 
probable that the Gospel according to the Hebrews 
was in Aramaic. But, however far we may go with 
Dr. Marshall and Dr. Abbott in allowing that Aramaic 
writings are to be detected beneath and behind our 
Gospels, it cannot be held that any of these Gospels, 
or any other NT books, are translations from that 
language. Matthew, the most Jewish of the Gospels, 
contains quotations from the LXX as well as direct 
translations from the Hebrew OT, which shows that 
while its author — or at all events the author of one 
of its sources — knew Hebrew, the Gospel itself was 
a Greek composition. All the NT was originally 
written in Greek. It was long held that this Greek 
was a peculiar dialect, and as such it was named Hellen- 
istic Greek. But the discovery of contemporary 
inscriptions and papyri (especially the Oxyrhynchus 
papyri) shows that the colloquial Greek, used in com- 
merce and popular intercourse all round the Mediter- 
ranean during the 1st cent., has the same peculiar forms 
that we meet with in the NT, many of which had been 
attributed to Semitic influences. These discoveries 
necessitate the re-writing of grammars on the Greek 
of the NT, as Prof. Deissmann and Dr. J. H. Moulton 
have shown by their recent studies in the new field 
of research. It must still be admitted that a certain 
amount of Hebrew influence Is felt in the NT style. 
This is most apparent in the Gospels, especially Matthew 
and above all the earlier chapters of Luke (except 
the Preface), and also in the Apocalypse. The Preface 
of Luke is the nearest approach to classical Greek 
that we have in the NT. After this come Hebrews, 
the middle and latter part of the Gospel of Luke, and 
Acts. St. Paul's writings and the General Epistles take 
an intermediate position between the most Hebraistic 
and the least Hebraistic writings. The Fourth Gospel is 
written in good Greek; but the structure of the sentences 
indicates a mind accustomed to think in Hebrew or 
Aramaic. Nevertheless, in spite of these differences, 
it remains true that the grammar and style of the 
NT are in the main the grammar and style of contem- 
porary Greek throughout the Roman Empire. 

6, Translations. — The OT was first translated into 
Greek, for the benefit of Jews residing in Egypt, in the 
version known as the Septuagint (LXX), which was 
begun under Ptolemy ii. (b.c 285-247), and almost, 
if not quite, completed before the commencement of 
the Christian era. Another Greek version is ascribed 
to Aquila, who is said to have been a disciple of the 
famous Rabbi Akiba, and is by some even identified 
with Onkelos, the author of the Targum. This version, 
which is commonly dated about a.d. 150, is remarkable 
for its pedantic literalness, the Hebrew being rendered 
word for word into Greek, regardless of the essential 
differences between the two languages in grammar and 
construction. On the other hand, about the end of 
the 2nd cent, a.d., Symmachus, who, according to 
Epiphanius, was a Samaritan turned Jew, although 
Eusebius calls him an Ebionlte, produced a version 
the aim of which was' to render the original text into 
idiomatic Greek of good style, with the result, however, 
that in some places it became a paraphrase rather 
than a translation. Lastly may be mentioned the 
version of Theodotion, a Marcionite who went over to 
Judaism. This is really a revision of the LXX; it is 
assigned to about the year a.d. 185. Other versions 
of all or parts of the OT are known as the Quinta and 
the Sexta; there are doubtful references to a Septima. 

Oral paraphrases, the Targums, or 'interpretations,' 
were made in Aramaic for the benefit of Palestinian Jews; 
but the earliest written paraphrase is that known as the 
Targum of Onkelos — theofflclalTargum of thePentateuch 



— the compilation of which in whole or part is assigned 
to the 2nd or 3rd cent. a.d. Later, with indications 
at least as late as the 7th cent, a.d., in its present 
form is the Jerusalem Targum, known as the Targum 
of pseudo-Jonathan. This is more free and interpolated 
with ' Haggadistic ' elements. The oiBcial Targum of the 
Prophets also bears the name of Jonathan. Origina- 
ting in Palestine in the 3rd cent, a.d., it received Its 
final shaping in Babylon in the 5th century. The 
Targums of the Hagiographa are much later in date. 

The oldest versions of the NT are the Syriac and 
the Latin, both of which may be traced back in some 
form to the 2nd cent, a.d., but there is much difference 
of opinion as to the original text of the former. First, 
we have the Peshitta, literally, the 'simple' version, 
which has become the standard accepted text in the 
Syrian Church. There is no doubt that in its present 
form this text represents successive revisions down to a 
late Patristic age. Two other versions, or two forms 
of another version of the Gospels, were discovered in 
the 19th cent., viz. the Curetonian, edited by Cure- 
ton, and the Sinaitic, found in a MS at the monastery 
of St. Catherine on Mount Sinai. Lastly, there is the 
version represented by Tatian's Dialessaron, which may 
be distinct from either of these. While it is admitted 
that a primitive text underlying the Peshitta may be 
as ancient as any of these versions, scholars are fairly 
agreed that the Peshitta, as we know it, is considerably 
more recent than Tatian and the Sinaitic Gospels, both 
of which may be assigned to the 2nd cent. a.d. The 
earliest Latin Version appeared before the end of 
the 2nd cent, and probably in North Africa, where 
Latin was the language commonly used, while Greek 
was then the language of Christian literature at Rome. 
TertuUian knew the North African Latin Version. Some- 
what later several attempts were made in Italy to 
translate the NT into Latin. The confusion of text 
induced Damasus, bishop of Rome, to commit to Jerome 
(a.d. 382) the task of preparing a reliable Latin version 
of the Bible. This came to be known as the Vulgate, 
which for 1000 years was the Bible of the Western 
Church, and which, since the Council of Trent, has been 
honoured by Roman Catholics as an infallibly correct 
rendering of the true text of Scripture. Augustine 
refers to a version which he calls ' Itala,' but it has been 
shown that this was probably Jerome's version. The 
NT was early translated into Coptic, and it appeared 
in three dialects of that language. The Sahidic Version, 
in Upper Egypt, can be traced back to the 4th century. 
The Bohairic, formerly used at Alexandria, has been 
assigned to as early a date as the 2nd cent.; but Prof. 
Burkitt shows reasons for bringing it down to the 6th. 
It is the version now used ecclesiastically by the Copts. 
Lastly, there is the Fayumic Version, represented by 
MSS from the Fayum. The original Gothic Version 
was the work of Ulfilas in the 4th century. He had to 
invent an alphabet for it. This work may be considered 
the first literary product in a Teutonic language. The 
Ethiopic and Armenian Versions may be assigned to 
the 6th century. Subsequent ages saw the Georgian 
Version (6th), the Anglo-Saxon (8th to 1 1th) , the Slavonic 
(9th). The Reformation period — from Wyclif onwards — 
saw new translations into the vernacular; but the 
great age of Bible translation is the 19th century. The 
British and Foreign Bible Society now produces the 
Scriptures in over 400 languages and versions. 

W. F. Adeney. 

BICHRI. — 'Sheba the son of Bichri' (2 S 200 should 
rather be 'Sheba the Bichrite,' i.e. a descendant of 
Becher (Gn 462'). 

EIDKAR. — An officer of Ahab and afterwards of 
Jehu (2 K 925). 

BIER. — See Mourning Customs, Tomb. 

BIGTHA. — A eunuch of Ahasuerus (Est l"). 

BIGTHAN (Est 221), or BIGTHANA (62).— One of the 


two eunuchs whose plot against the life of Ahasuerus 
was discovered and foiled by Mordecai. 

BIGVAI.— 1. A companion of Zerubbabel (Ezr 2'= 
Neh 7'; cf. Ezr 2" [1 Es 5" Bagoi, 8" Bagol = Neh 7", 
Ezr 8"). 2. A signatory to the covenant (Neh 10"). 

BILDAD.— See Job. 

BILEAM (1 Ch 6"i).— A Levitical city of Manasseh, 
the same as Ibleam of Jos 17i', Jg 1", 2 K 9": prob. 
the mod. Bel'ame (see Moore on Jg 1"). 

BILGAH ('cheerfulness').—!. Head of the 15th 
course of priests (1 Ch 24"). 2. A priest who returned 
with Zerub. (Neh 125- is). The same as Bilgai (Neh lO^). 

BILGAI.— See Bilgah. 

BIIiHAH. — 1. A slave-girl given to Rachel by Laban 
(Gn 292» (P)), and by her to Jacob as a concubine 
(Gn 30'- * (JE)); the mother of Dan and Naphtali 
(Gn 304- » (JE) 35a (P) 46a (R), 1 Ch 7"). She was 
guilty of Incest with Reuben (Gn 3522 (P)). The ety- 
mology is uncertain. These narratives and genealogies 
probably embody early traditions as to the origin and 
mutual relations of the tribes, rather than personal 
history. Tribes are traced to a concubine ancestress, 
because they were' a late accession to Israel. 2. A 
Simeonite city (1 Ch 42») = Baalah (Jos 152=), Balah 
(Jos 19'), and, according to some, Baalath (Jos 19", 
1 K 9", 2 Ch 8»). Site uncertain. 

BILHAN.— 1 . A Horite chief, the son of Ezer (Gn 362' 
= 1 Ch 1<2). 2. A descendant of Benjamin, son of 
Jediael, and father of seven sons who were beads of 
houses in their tribe (1 Ch 7'°). 

BILL. — 1. In the parable of the Unjust Steward 
(Lk 16") 'bill,' RV better bond, renders the Gr. gram- 
mata, the equivalent of the contemporary Heb. legal 
term shetar (lit. 'writing'), an acknowledgment of goods 
or money received written and signed by the debtor 
himself (Baba bathra x. 8). Edersheim's statement 
(Life and Times of Jesus, ii. 272) that the Gr. word 
was adopted into Hebrew is based on a false reading. 
See, further, Debt. 2. Bill of divorce; see Mahriaqe. 
A. R. S. Kennedt. 

BniSHAN ('inquirer'). — A companion of Zerubbabel 
(Ezr 22, Neh 7'=Beelsaru3, 1 Es 5'). 

BIMHAL ('son of circumcision'?). — A descendant of 
Asher (1 Ch T'). 

BINDING AND LOOSING.— See Power or the 

BINEA.— A descendant of Jonathan (1 Ch 8" 9"). 

BINNTJI ('a building').— 1. Head of a family that 
returned with Zerub. (Neh 7" = Bani of Ezr 2'°). 2. A 
Levite (Ezr 8=' [prob. = Bani of Neh 8' and Bunni of 
Neh 9'1, Neh 128). 3. a son of Pahath-moab (Ezr 10" 
= Balnuus of 1 Es 9"). 4. A son of Bani who had 
married a foreign wife (Ezr 10='). There appears to be 
a confusion in some instances between the similar 
names Binnui, Bani, Bigvai. 

BIRD.— 1. In OT: (1) 'Bph, tr. 'birds' or 'fowl,' 
usually joined with 'of heaven' or 'of the air': see 
Gn 121- 80, Lv 17'8, 2 S 21i«, Jer 426, Ezk 31«- ": (2) 
'ayit, usually tr. 'fowls' (AV) and 'birds of prey' (RV): 
Gn 15", Job 28', Is 18', Ezk 39i; (3) tsippdr (cf. Arab. 
asfar). small birds like sparrows which twitter: Gn 7», 
Lv 14', Ps 848 etc.: (4) 6a' a! kanaph, 'possessor of a 
wing,' Pr 1". 2. In NT: (1) peteina, Mt 13*, Lk 13" 
etc. (2) ornea, 'birds of prey," Rev 18' ig"- 21. 

Birds abound in Palestine, and evidently did so in 
ancient times. They were sympathetically watched and 
studied; we read, for example, of their migrations (Jer 
8' etc.), their care of their young (Dt 32", Mt 23=' etc.), 
the helplessness of their young (Pr 278, jg iq2 etc.), their 
nesting (Ps IO412. i'); indeed, every phase of bird life is 
touched upon. There are many references tothesnaresbt 
the fowler (see Snares). Birds are divided into clean and 
unclean. In some cases they were allowed as sacrificial 



offerings (Lv !»■" 14'-"). It is a curious thing tliat 
the duck is not apparently (unless, as some think, in 
1 K i", under the 'fatted fowl' — barJmrlm 'abuslm) 
mentioned in the OT, although a beautifully modelled 
clay duck of an eariy period, certainly earlier than the 
OT records, was found during the recent excavations 
In Gezer. All birds mentioned by name In the Bible 
are dealt with in separate articles. 

E. W. G. Masterman. 
BIRSHA (etym. an4 meaning unknown). — King 
of Gomorrah at the time of Chedorlaomer's invasion 
(Gn 142). 

BIRTH. — See Child, Clean and Unclean, § 1. 

BIRTHDAY. — Birthday celebrations are mentioned 
only in connexion with royalty, viz. Pharaoh's birthday 
(Gn 4020), the monthly celebration of that of Antiochus 
Epiphanes (2 Mac 6'), and the birthday feast given by 
Herod Antipas (Mt 14«, Mk 6"). The 'day of our 
king,' to which Hosea refers (7"), may have been the 
anniversary either of the king's birth or of his accession. 
Some authorities (e.g. Edersheim, Life and Times of 
Jesus, i. 672) regard Herod's feast as celebrating the 
anniversary of his accession — a view based on a mistaken 
exegesis of the Talmudic passage Aboda zara 1. 3 (see 
the full discussion in SchUrer, GJV ^\. 438-441). 

A. E. S. Kennedy. 

BIRTHRIGHT.— See Firstborn. 

BIRZAITH (1 Ch 7").— Apparently a town of Asher, 
probably Blr ez-Zeit, near Tyre. 

BISHLAM ('peaceful'?). — An officer of Artaxerxes 
in Pal. at the time of the return from captivity under 
Zerub. (Ezr 4') ; called Belemus in 1 Es 2'=. 

BISHOP (Gr. epislcopos, Lat. episcoxnis, Ital. vescovo, 
Fr. evegue. Germ. Bischof), ELDER (Gr. presbyteros, 
Lat. presbyterus, Fr. preire, Eng. priest), — The two 
words are so closely connected in the NT that they 
must be taken together here. 

1. The terms. — The Greek word for 'bishop' is 
common in the general sense of an overseer, and in 
particular of sundry municipal ofBcers. In LXX it 
is used in Is 60'' of taskmasters, in Neh 11" of minor 
officials, and in 1 Mac 1" of the commissioners of 
Antiochus who enforced idolatry. But, so far as we 
can see, it was not the common name for the treasurers 
of private associations. 

In the NT the word is found five times. In Ac 20" 
St. Paul reminds the elders of Ephesus that the Holy 
Ghost has made them bishops over the flock; in Ph 1' 
he sends a greeting to the saints at PhiUppi 'with 
bishops and deacons'; in 1 Ti 3' he tells Timothy that 
'the bishop must be blameless,' etc.; in Tit 1' he gives 
a similar charge to Titus; and 1 P 2''' speaks of Christ 
as ' the shepherd and bishop of your souls.' 

In the OT the word 'elder' is used from early times 
of an official class having jurisdiction both civil and 
religious, so that when synagogues were built, the elders 
of the city would naturally be the elders of the synagogue, 
with the right of regulating the services and excluding 

In NT times the idea would be carried over to the 
churches. It is indirectly recognized in Lk 22"; but 
we cannot infer the existence of elders from Ac 5«, for 
'the younger men' who carry out Ananias are simply 
'the young men' in v.'" when they carry out Sapphira. 
The first clear trace of Christian elders is at Jerusalem. 
In Ac 113» (A.D. 44) they receive the offerings from 
Barnabas and Saul; in 15' (a.d. SO) they take part in 
the Conference; in 21" (a.d. 58) they join in the welcome 
to St. Paul. Earlier than this may be Ja 5", where 
the word seems to denote officials. After this we hear 
no more of them till the Pastoral Epistles and 1 Peter. 

For the last tn'o hundred years it has been generally 
agreed that bishops and elders in the NT and for some 
time later are substantially identical. For (1) bishops 



and elders are never Joined, like bishops and deacons, 
as distinct classes of officials. (2) Ph 1' is addressed 
'to bishops and deacons.' Had there been an inter- 
mediate class of elders, it could not well have been 
omitted. So 1 Ti 3 ignores the elders, though (5") 
there were elders at Ephesus, and had been (Ac 20") 
for some time. Conversely, Tit 1'-' describes elders 
instead, and nearly in the same words. (3) The bishop 
described to Timothy, the elders of Ac 20, those of 
1 Ti 6", those described to Titus, and those of 1 P 6', 
all seem to hold a subordinate position, and to have 
rather pastoral duties than what we should call episcopal. 
(4) The same persons are called elders and bishops (Ac 
20"- "). The words are also synonymous in Clement 
of Rome, and (by implication) in the Teaching of the 
Apostles and in Polycarp. Ignatius is the first writer 
who makes a single bishop ruler of a Church ; and even 
he pleads no Apostolic command for the change. 

The general equivalence of the two offices In the 
Apostolic age seems undeniable; and if there were minor 
differences between them, none have been clearly traced. 
The only serious doubt is whether bishops and deacons 
originally denoted offices at all. The words rather de- 
scribe functions. Thus Ph 1' ' to bishops and deacons' 
(no article) will mean 'such as oversee and such as 
serve' — that is, the higher and the lower officials, what- 
ever titles they may bear. This would seem proved by 
Tit 1'- ' ' that thou appoint elders . . ., for the bishop 
(overseer) must be blameless.' The argument is that 
the elder must be so and so, because the bishop must 
be so and so. This Is vain repetition if the bishop is 
only the elder under another name, and bad logic if 
he is a ruler over the elders; but it becomes clear if 
the 'bishop' is not a defined official, but an overseer 
generally. Then, the elder being a particular sort of 
overseer, the argument will be from a general rule to 
a particular case. 

2. Appointment. — At first popular election and 
Apostolic institution seem to have gone together. The 
Seven (Ac 6>- «) are chosen by the people and instituted 
by the Apostles with prayer and laying-on of hands. 
In the case of the Lycaonian elders (Ac 14'') the 
Apostles 'appointed' them with prayer and fastings. 
Similarly the elders in Crete (Tit 1») are 'appointed' 
by Titus, and apparently the bishops at Ephesus by 
Timothy. In these cases popular election and laying-on 
of hands are not mentioned; but neither are they ex- 
cluded. 1 Ti 522 does not refer to ordination at all, 
nor He 6' to ordination only. The one is of the laying- 
on of hands in restoring offenders, while the other takes 
in all occasions of laying-on of bands. But in any case 
Timothy and Titus would have to approve the candidate 
before instituting him, so that the description of his 
qualifications is no proof that they had to select him 
in the first instance. Conversely, popular election is 
very prominent (Clement, and Teaching) in the next 
age; but neither does this exclude formal approval 
and institution. The elders are already attached 
(1 Ti 4") to the Apostles in the conveyance of special 
gifts; and when the Apostles died out, they would act 
alone in the institution to local office. 'The development 
of an episcopate is a further question, and very much 
a question of words if the bishop (in the later sense) 
was gradually developed upward from the elders. But 
the next stage after this was that, while the bishop 
instituted his own elders, he was himself instituted by 
the neighbouring bishops, or in still later times by the 
bishops of the civil province or by a metropolitan. The 
outline of the process is always the same. First popular 
election, then formal approval by authority and institu- 
tion by prayer, with (at least commonly) its symbolic 
accompaniments of laying-on of hands and fasting. 

3. Duties. — (1) General superintendence: Elders in 
Ac 20", 1 Ti S", 1 P 5«- > (ruling badly); bishops in 
1 Ti 3'. Indicated possibly in 1 Co 12" 'helps, govern- 
ments ' ; more distinctly in Eph 4" ' pastors and teachers,' 


In pointed contrast to ' apostles, prophets, and evan- 
gelists,' whose office was not local. So 1 Th 5'^ ' those 
that are over you,' Ro 128 'he that ruleth.' and He 
137. n. a 'them that have the rule over you,' remind 
us of the bishops and elders who rule (1 Ti 3* 5"). So, 
too, the 'rulers' in Clement must be bishops or elders, 
for these bishops plainly have no earthly superior, so 
that they must be themselves the rulers. 

Under this head we may place the share taken by the 
elders: (a) at Jerusalem (Ac 15') in the deliberations 
of the Apostohc Conference, and (Ac 21") in the recep- 
tion held by James; (6) elsewhere (1 Tl 4") in the 
laying-on of hands on Timothy, whether that corresponds 
to ordination or to something' else. 

(2) Teaching: 1 Th 5<2 rulers admonishing in the Lord ; 
1 Tl 3' the bishop apt to teach; 5" double honour to 
the elders who rule well, especially those who toil in 
word and teaching; Tit !» the elder or bishop must 
be able to teach, and to convince the gainsayers. Yet 
1 Ti 5" seems to imply that elders might rule well who 
toiled in other duties than word and teaching; and if 
so, these were not the sole work of all elders. 

Preaching is rather connected with the unlocal min- 
istry of apostles, prophets, and evangelists: but in their 
absence the whole function of public worship would 
devolve on the local ministry of bishops and deacons. 
This becomes quite plain in the Teaching and in Clement. 

(3) Pastoral care: This is conspicuous everywhere. 
To it we may also refer: (a) visiting of the sick (Ja 5") 
with a view to anointing and cure — not as a viaticum 
at the approach of death; {6) care of strangers and 
a fortiori of the poor (1 Ti 3^, Tit 1«, the bishop to be 
a lover of strangers). H. M. Gwatkin. 

BISHOP'S BIBLE.— See Engubh Vbksions. 

BIT, BRIDLE.— The Hebrews were doubtless well 
acquainted with the hit, but there is no clear mention of 
it as distinct from the bridle, the words for which in 
Gr. and Lat. include bit, headstall, and reins. In 
Ja 3' the context is decisive for 'bridle' (RV and AV 
'hit'); in Ps 32' for 'bit and bridle' we should probably 
render ' bridle and halter,' and so in the other passages 
where the two Hebrew words respectively occur, e.g. 
'bridle,' Pr 26=, but 'halter,' Job 30". 

In Ps 39' 'bridle' should certainly be "muzzle" 
(cf. the corresponding verb in Dt 25'). The crocodile's 
"double bridle' (Job 41") is his jaws, but the text is 
doubtful. A. R. S. Kennedy. 

BITHIAH ("daughter," i.e. worshipper, "of J"'). — 
The daughter of a Pharaoh, who became the wife of 
Mered, a descendant of Judah (1 Ch 4"). Whether 
Pharaoh is to be taken here as the Egyp. royal title 
or as a Heb. proper name, it is difficult to determine. 

BITHRON (2 S 2" 'the gorge,' probably not a 
proper name). — A ravine leading to Mahanaim. 

BirHYNIA.— A district in the N.W. of Asia Minor, 
which had been a Roman province since B.C. 74. For 
administrative purposes it was generally united with 
the province of Pontus, which bounds it on the E., 
under one governor. The province was senatorial till 
about A.D. 165, and governed by a proconsul. The 
younger Pliny governed it from a.d. 111-113 by a 
special commission from the emperor Trajan. Paul 
and Silas were prevented by the Spirit from preaching 
in Bithynia (Ac 16'), and the beginnings of Christianity 
there are unknown. It is probable that it came by 
the Black Sea. That there were churches there after 
St. Paul's time is certain from the address of the First 
Epistle of Peter, which was probably written a.d. 75-80. 


BITTER HERBS (merBrlm, Ex 128, Nu 9u)._The 
bitter herbs of the modern Jewish Passover in Palestine 
are specially lettuce and endive. Other salads, such 
as parsley, cucumber, chicory, and water-cress, are 
also commonly eaten, indeed are prime favourites. The 


author of La 3'', in using the same word merBrlm (tr. 
" bitterness'), doubtless had more bitter and less whole- 
some plants in his mind, perhaps the colocynth or 
Ecballium elaterium, the wild gourd of 2 K 4". See, 
further, Passoveh. E. W. G. Masterman. 

BITTER WATER (lit., as RV, Water of Bitterness, 
Nu 5'8). — See Jealousy. 

BITTERN (Is 1428 34", Zeph 2").— Although the bird 
ofthisname — theBotawus stellaris — isfoundinPalestine, 
especially in the Huleh marshes, the philological evidence 
is quite against this translation. The Heb, word is 
kippBd, and is generally accepted to be the equivalent 
of the Arab, kunfudh, 'porcupine,' This animal suits 
the Scriptural requirements at least as well as the bittern. 
It (the Hystrix cristata) is common all over Palestine. 
Large specimens measure as much as 3 ft. from the nose 
to the tip of the spines. The porcupine is a vegetable- 
eating, nocturnal animal; it is solitary in its habits, and 
very timid of man. It glides about in the twilight or 
starlight in a most weird way, giving vent at times to 
peculiar short grunts. When roused to self-defence, 
the porcupine is most dangerous; its erect quills, which 
pierce like a needle, make it most difficult to capture. 
In all respects the porcupine is a likely and appropriate 
Inhabitant of desolate ruins untrodden by the foot of 
man. Porcupine are eaten by both fellahin and Bedouin. 
E. W. G. Masterman. 

BITTIMEN, asphalt, or mineral pitch is an inflammable 
viscous substance, composed of hydrocarbons of the 
same series as those which constitute mineral oil or 
petroleum. It has in fact been described as ' petroleum 
hardened by evaporation and oxidation,' and may vary 
in consistency from a solid to a semi-liquid condition. It 
occurs both in Mesopotamia and Palestine. The springs 
at Kit, on the Euphrates, 150 miles above Babylon, are 
mentioned by Herodotus (i. 179), and still yield an abun- 
dant supply. There are similar springs at Kal' at Sherkat, 
on the Tigris, 60 miles S. of Nineveh (Layard, Nineveh 
and its Remains, ii. 467). In Pal. it is found at Hasbeyah, 
near Mt. Hermon, and in the neighbourhood of the Dead 
Sea (hence called Asphaltitis Limne by Josephus [BJ iv. 
viii. 4] and Laais Asphaitites by Pliny [HN v. xv. 151). 
Some of the limestone strata in the last-named locahty 
are highly bituminous, and masses of bitumen are known 
to fioat on the Dead Sea itself after earthquakes. In 
the OT there are three Heb. words which denote some 
form of this substance. 

In the Flood-story knpher (LXX asphaltos, EV pitch) 
is used in the construction of the ark (Gn 6"). Hemar 
(AV and RV slime, RVm 'bitumen') was the mortar 
employed by the early Babylonian builders (Gn 1 18, LXX 
asphaltos). Bitumen pits or wells, into which the pitchy 
liquid (LXX asphaltos) oozed from the earth, are 
mentioned as occurring in the Vale of Siddim, i.e. the 
Dead Sea basin (Gn 14"). This is quite in keeping with 
the nature of the region, though such wells are not now 
found in it. In Ex 2^ hlmar is one of the substances 
with which the ark of bulrushes was made watertight, 
the other being zepheih (EV 'pitch'). LXX includes 
both in the general rendering asphaltopissa, and they 
probably denote the more solid and the more liquid 
varieties of bitumen respectively. Zepheih also occurs 
twice in Is 34' (LXX pissa, EV 'pitch'). The context 
makes it probable that the reference is again to bitumen. 

James Patrick. 

BIZIOTHIAH (Jos 15").— A corruption tor ftctiBtftcM 
' her villages,' referring to Beersheba (cf. also Neh 11"). 

BIZTHA (Est 1>»).— One of the seven eunuchs or 
chamberlains of king Ahasuerus. 

BLACK.— See Colours, 2. 

BLAIK. — A blain is an inflammatory swelUng on the 
body. In one of the plagues of Egypt the dust 
became a 'boil breaking forth with blains upon man 
and upon beast' (Ex 9»' •"). See Botch, Medicine, 



and ct. Wycllf's tr. of Job 2' 'He smot lob with the 
werste stinkende bleyne fro the sole ot the fot unto the 
nol.' The word is still retained in the compound 

BLASPHEMY.— The modern use ot this word is more 
restricted in its range than that of either the OT or the 
NT. 1. In the former it is narrower in its scope than 
in the latter, being almost universally confined tolanguage 
or deeds (1 Mac 2«) derogating from the honour of God 
and His claims to the over-lordship of men (Lv 24"'-'5, 
cf. 1 K 21i»- '3, 2 K 196 etc.). The contemptuous 
scorning of sacred places was regarded as blasphemy 
(see 1 Mac 2' 7^8, cf. Ac e'^), as was also the light and 
irresponsible utterance of the sacred Name (Is 62', 
Ezk 362°, Dt 5"), the degradation of Jehovah-worship 
by conformity to pagan rites (Ezk 20^'), and the con- 
tinued wilful transgression of Divine commands and 
despising ot 'the word of the Lord' (Nu 15'°'). The 
incident of the man gathering sticks on the Sabbath 
seems to be a concrete example of blasphemy (Nu IS'''). 

2. Wlien we come to the NT, the word is found more 
frequently, and is employed in a manner more nearly 
allied to the usage of classical writings. The EV has 
accordingly tr. it often as 'railing' or slanderous talk 
generally (Mt 16'9=Mk 722, Eph 48>, Col 3', 1 Ti 6\ 
Jude'), looked at, however, on its ethical and religious 
side. The cognate verb, too, is treated in the same 
way (Mk 152' = Mt 27=°, Lk 22ii5 238°, Ro 3S 14i°, 
1 Co 4" 103°, Tit 32, 1 P 4i- ", 2 P 22- >»• 12, jude »■ '«), 
as is also the derived adjective (2 Ti 32, 2 P 2"). 

One of the most frequent of the charges brought by 
the Jews against Jesus was that of blasphemy, and 
when we inquire into the meaning of the accusation, 
we find that it was the application to Himself of Divine 
attributes and prerogatives (Mk 2' = Mt 9', Mk 14*' = 
Mt 26«, Jn 10«- »). On the other hand, the NT 
writers regarded the unreasoning attitude of the Jews 
to the claims and teaching of Jesus as blasphemous 
(Mk 15M = Mt 273°, Lk 22°5 23«, Ac 13« 18°). It is 
interesting also to notice that this is the word put by 
the author of the Acts into the mouth ot the town-clerk 
of Ephesus when he was appeasing the riotous mob 
who were persuaded that St. Paul and his companions 
had insulted the local deity (Ac 19''). 

3. The legal punishment for blasphemy was death 
(Lv 24'°), and so the Jews claimed the life of Jesus, as 
the just and lawful outcome of His words and teaching 
(Jn 19', cf. 1033 858f). The proto-martyr Stephen lost 
his life, too, on a charge of blasphemy (Ac 6" 7°3), 
when Us enemies, in a violent and sudden fit of rage, 
forgot the limitation Imposed on them as vassals of the 
Roman Empire (cf. Jn IS'i; see Westcott, Gospel of 
St. John, Additional Note in loc). On the ' blasphemy 
against the Holy Ghost,' see art. Sin, hi. 1. 

J. E. Willis. 

BLASTING.— See Mildew. 

BLASTtJS.— A chamberlain of Agrippa i., through 
whose intervention the people of Tyre and Sidon secured 
a hearing at Caesarea (Ac 12™). 


BLESSEDNESS. — The substantive does not occur 
either in AV or RV of the OT, and has rightly been 
expunged from the RV of Ro 4°- s, Gal 4'°, where alone 
it had place in the AV of the NT. ' Blessed ' and ' happy ' 
are found in both Testaments as a varying translation 
of the same Heb. or Gr. word; 'blessed' greatly pre- 
ponderating. The Biblical blessedness represents a 
conception of happiness in which the religious relation 
is taken into account, with its emotions and its issues. 
In the OT these issues sometimes lie rather in material 
prosperity — life, long life, wealth, children, outward 
peace — but it is recognized that the conditions of these 
are spiritual (Ps 1), and in not a few instances the 
inward and spiritual is itself represented as the content 


of true happiness (e.ff. Ps 32 [but see v.'»], Pr 4' [but 
see 33- i°l). 

In the NT the stress is decisively shifted to the spiritual 
content of blessedness, which may consist with the most 
adverse earthly conditions (Mt S'°- ", Lk 6«, Ja I"). 
The thought of compensation in future reward is not 
absent, even from the 'Beatitudes' (esp. in their 
Lukan form, Lk 62°-2°); but the reward is clearly only 
the consummation of a blessedness already attained 
by the poor in spirit, the meek, the merciful, etc. In 
the teaching ot Jesus the summum ionum appears now 
as place in the Kingdom of God, now as eternal life 
(e.g. Mt 25*1, Mk 10"- ^, Jn 33-° 4"), and both are 
described as a present possession (Lk 172»- 21, Jn 33°). 

Finally, in the Johannine writings the religious 
relation, already in the OT an essential condition of 
blessedness (e.g. Ps 2'^ 33'^), is made supreme and in 
itself aU-sufBcing. Eternal life is personal union with 
Christ, revealer of the Father, by trust and fellowship 
(e.g. Jn S^ 6" 173, i jn 511-2°). For so man becomes 
partaker of the life of Him who is Himself the ' blessed 
God' (1 Tl 1" 61'). S. W. Geeen. 

BLESSING.— See Beatitudes. 

BLINDNESS.— See Medicine. 

BLOOD. — Among all primitive races the blood, 
especially of human beings, has been and is regarded 
with superstitious, or rather, to be just, religious awe. 
By the Hebrews also blood was Invested with peculiar 
sanctity as the seat of the soul (nephesh), that is of the 
principle of life (Lv 17" ' the life [Heb. nephesh] of the 
flesh is in the blood'). From this fundamental con- 
ception of blood as the vehicle of life may be derived 
all the manifold social and religious beliefs and practices 
with regard to it, which play so large a part in Scripture. 
See Atonement, Clean and Unclean, Covenant, 
Food, Propitiation, Sacrifice. 

A. R. S. Kennedy. 

BLOOD, AVENGER OF.— See Avenger of Blood, 

and Kin [Next of]. 

BLOOD, FIELD OF.— See Akeldama. 

BLOOD, ISSUE OF.— See Medicine. 


BLUE. — See Colours, 5. 

BOANERGES (Mk 3"), 'Sons of Thunder.'— The 
Master's appellation of James and John. Jerome takes 
it as a reference to their fiery eloquence. Others derive 
it rather from their fiery disposition in early days (cf . Lk 
952-68). It would thus be a playful yet serious sobriquet, 
constantly reminding them of their besetting sin and 
warning them to overcome it. David Smith. 

BOAR. — The wild boar (Arab, khanzir) is quite 
common in the Jordan Valley, specially in the reed 
thickets near the Dead Sea. It is also found on Mount 
Tabor. It is still noted for its destructiveness (Ps 80'°). 
Though a forbidden food to the Moslem as well as the 
Jew (Lv 11', Dt 148), the flesh is eaten by the nominally 
Moslem Bedouin of Palestine. See Swine. 

E. W. G. Mastekman. 

BOAT. — See Ships and Boats. 

BOAZ. — A Bethlehemite of wealth, the son of Sal- 
mon; grandfather of Jesse, and thus ancestor of David 
(Ru 421- M, 1 Ch 2", Mt 1°- °, Lk 332). He became the 
second husband of the widowed Ruth, whom he married 
(according to ancient Hebrew custom) as next-of-kin, 
when her 'near kinsman' refused to undertake this 
duty (Ru 41-'°). See Ruth. 

W. O. E. Oesterley. 

BOAZ, the name of one of the two bronze pillars 
which stood in front ot Solomon's Temple. The other 
was named Jachin (1 K 721, 2 Ch 3"). See Jachin and 
Boaz, Temple. 

BOCCAS.— See Borith. 



BOOHEBTJ.— A descendant of Jonathan (1 Ch 8'' 9")- 

BOCHIM ('weepers,' Jg 2')-— Unknown as a geo- 
graphical site. Possibly the orig. reading was Bethel. 

BODY in OT represents various Heb. words, especially 
that lor 'flesh.' In Ex 2*^° it means, by a common 
idiom, 'the framework of heaven'; there is no personi- 
fication. In NT, though the body may be the seat of 
sin and death (Ro 6» 7^), it is never treated with con- 
tempt (Ro 121, 1 Co 6"- 19); Ph 3" is a well-known 
mistranslation. Accordingly it could be used meta- 
phorically of the Church, Christ being sometimes the 
Head, sometimes the Body itself. C. W. Emmet. 

BODY-GUAED.— See Aemt, § 1, Guakd. 


BOHAH .— A son of Reuben, ace. to Jos 158 1317 (both 
P). The stone of Bohan is mentioned in these two 
passages as forming a mark of division between Judah 
and Benjamin. It is impossible to Identify the site 
where it stood. 

BOILS. — See MEDrciNB. 

BOLLED. — The boll of a plant is its seed-vessel or 
pod. Cf. Fitzherbert, 'The holies of flaxe . . . made 
drye with the son to get out the sedes.' Thus Ex 9'i 
'the flax was boiled,' means it had reached the seed 
stage. But the Heb. means only that it was in flower. 

BOLSTER, — This word, which appears six times in 
AV (1 S 191s- i« 26'- 11- 12- 16) as the rendering of a Heb. 
word signifying 'the place at the head,' 'head-place,' 
has rightly disappeared from RV, which gives 'head' 
throughout. A. R. S. Kennedy. 

BOLT.— See House, § 6. 

BOND.— 1. See Band. 2. See Bill. 3. See Chain. 

Slave, Slavery. 

BONES is used widely in OT as a synonym for the 
body, living or dead, or the person (Ps 42i» SI'). As 
the solid framework of the body, the bones are the seat 
of health and strength, so that breaking, rottenness, 
dryness of the bones are frequent figures for sickness or 
moral disorder (Pr 14™ 1722, Ps 6* 22"). 'Bone of my 
bone' answers to the English phrase 'of the same 
blood ' ; but the concluding words of Eph 6'" should be 
omitted. In Lk 24*' the unique expression seems to 
emphasize the nature of the Resurrection body, as 
different from the ordinary 'flesh and blood.' See 
Gibson, Thirty-Nine Articles, p. 188. 

C. W. Emmet. 

BONNET.— With the exception of Is 3", this is the 
AV designation of the special headdress of the rank and 
file of the priesthood according to the priestly writer 
(Ex 28" 29" etc., RV head-tire). It consisted of a long 
swathe of fine white linen wound round the head — note 
Ex 29» RV 'bind (or wind) head-tires' — to form an 
egg-shaped turban. Cf. Jos. Ant. iii. vii. 3; and Rich, 
Diet. Bom. and Or. Ant. s.v. 'pileus' for illust. of the 
egg-shaped cap of Ulysses, with which Jerome compares 
the priestly turban. See Dress, 5, Mitre. 

A. R. S. Kennedy. 

BOOK, — 1. A roll of papyrus or parchment; see 
Writing. 2. A sacred or canonical document (Dn 9^) ; 
see Canon of OT. 3, 'Book of hfe,' etc.; see next art. 


BOOK OF LIFE.— The legalistic conception of 
morality which existed among the Jews involved a 
record of the deeds of life on the basis of which the 
final judgment of God would be given. Allied with this 
was another conception, derived from the custom of 
enrolling citizens (Jer 22>», Neh 7'- « 12k'-; cf. Ex 
32'2), of a list of those who were to partake of the 
blessings of the Messianic Age. A second natural step 
was to conceive of God as keeping two sets of books, a 
Book of Life (Dn 12i''-, Mai 3", Ps 69^8) for the righteous, 
and a Book of Death for the wicked (Jub xxx 20-22). 


To have one's name blotted out from the Book of Life 
was equivalent to complete condemnation (Eth. Enoch 

In the Apocalyptic writings of Judaism the Final 
Judgment was to be based upon the records contained 
in the books supposedly kept by the archangel Michael. 
In some cases Rabbinical thought elaborated the figure 
until each man was to read and sign his record. The 
judgment of God was thus supposed to be based upon 
absolute justice, and determined by the balance of 
recorded good and evil deeds. In the NT are to be 
found references both to the books of records (Rev 
2012. IS; cf. Dn 7i», Eth. Enoch 89«iff-). and to the 
books containing a list of those who were to enjoy 
eternal Ufe (Lk 10", Ph i\ He 122', Rev 3' 13' 17* 
212'). Shailek Mathews. 

BOOT,— See Armoue, § 2 (d). Dress, § 6. 

BOOTH.— The Heb. sukkah (note Gn 33" RVm) was 
a simple structure made of the branches of trees, which 
the peasant erected for rest and shelter in his field or 
vineyard (Is 1» RV). In AV and RV it is variously 
rendered booth, cottage, hut, pavilion, tabernacle, tent. 
The booth was also a convenient shelter for cattle 
(Gn 33") and for the army in the field (2 S 11" RV). 
A. R. S. Kennedy. 

BOOTHS, FEAST OF.— See Tabernacles. 

BOOTY.— See War. Cf. Ban. 

BORDER (of the garment). — See Fringes. 

BORITH.— An ancestor of Ezra (2 Es 1^); called In 
1 Es 82 Boccas, and in Ezr 7< Bukki. 

BORROWING.— See Debt. 

BOSOR (1 Mac 528- »).— A town in Gllead. The 
site is uncertain. 

BOSORA (1 Mac 52»- 2').— Mentioned with Bosor. 
Apparently the great city of Bosrah — the Roman 
Bostra on the E, of Bashan, which is not mentioned in 
the Bible. 

BOSS.— Only Job IB", where it is doubtful whether 
metal bosses for strengthening the shield are implied 
in the figure, or whether we should render 'the stout 
curves of his bucklers.' A. R. S. Kennedy. 

BOTCH. — A botch (connected with 'beat' and 
' boss') is a swelling, an eruption in the skin. It occurs 
in reference to Dt 282' ' the botch of Egypt.' See Blain, 
Medicine. The modern word is 'boil,' which is also 
the more common word for the same Heb. in AV. For 
the Eng. word see Milton PL xii. 180 — 

'Botches and blaines must all his flesh imboas.' 

BOTTLE. — Although glass was not unknown in 
Palestine in Bible times, the various words rendered 
' bottle ' in AV denote almost exclusively receptacles of 
skin. In RV the NT revisers have wisely introduced 
skins and wine-skins in the familiar parable (Mt 9" ||), 
but their OT collaborators have done so only where, as 
in Jos 9'- ", the context absolutely required it. These 
skins of the domestic animals, in particular of the goat, 
were used not only, as we have seen, for wine, but for 
water (Gn 21"), milk (Jg 4i»), oil, and other liquids. 
They were doubtless used, as at the present day, both 
tanned and untanned. In later times (Mishna), the 
larger skins sometimes received a coating of pitch on 
the inside, and were furnished at the neck with a reed 
to serve as a funnel. 

The 'potter's earthen bottle' of Jer 19'- '» was a 
narrow-necked wine-jar, which might also be used for 
honey (1 K 14s EV 'cruse'). A. R. S. Kennedy. 


BOW, BATTLE BOW.— See Armour, 1 (d). 

BOWELS.— The bowels are in Biblical language the 
seat of the emotions. Hence Ps 40* ' Thy law is in the 
midst of my bowels,' i.e. the object of my deepest 



BOWL . — It is impossible to distinguish with certainty 
between the numerous words rendered, somewhat 
indiscriminately, 'cup,' 'bason,' and 'bowl.' The 
wandering Bedouin of to-day make little use, for 
obvious reasons, of the fragile products of the potter's 
art, preferring vessels of skin, wood, and copper. The 
' lordly dish ' with which Sisera was served ( Jg 5^) was 
a bowl, doubtless of wood ; so too, perhaps, Gideon's bowl 
(6*8) which bears the same name. For ordinary domestic 
purposes bowls of glazed or unglazed earthenware 
were preferred, of which specimens in endless variety 
have been unearthed (see Potteky), Among the 
wealthier classes silver and even gold (1 K 10^') were 
employed. Of one or other of these were doubtless 
the large bowls — the word elsewhere used tor the sacri- 
ficial basons (wh. see) — from which the nobles of Samaria 
quaffed their wine (Am 6^). Similar, probably, were the 
large wine-bowls, distinguished from the smaller cups, 
to which Jeremiah refers (Jer 35' RV and AV 'pots'). 

From the above are to be distinguished the bowl or 
reservoir for the oil of the 'candlestick' (Zee i^'), the 
golden cup-like ornaments of the Tabernacle larapstand 
(Ex 25" AV 'bowls,' RV 'cups'), and the 'bowls of 
the chapiters' (2 Oh 4>"- RV and AV 'pommels'). 
See, further, Cdp, Bason, Vial. 

For an important ritual use of bowls and lamps, 
recently discovered, see House, § 3. 

A. R. S. Kennedy. 

BOX. — 1. The nature of the prophet's 'box of oil' 
(2 K 91- 3 RV vial, as 1 S 10' AV) is unknown. Was it 
another name for 'the horn of oil' of 1 K l^s? 2. For 
the 'alabaster box' (Mt26'||, RV cruse) see Jewels and 
Precious Stones, ad fin. 3. For Judas' money-box 
(Jnl2si329 AV'bag,'RVm'box')seeBAQ. 4. Nothing 
is known of the perfume boxes (Ut. 'houses, i.e. re- 
ceptacles of perfume [or perhaps ointment]') of the 
Jerusalem ladies (Is 3^' RV and AV 'tablets'). 

A. R. S. Kennedy. 

BOX-TREE (teashslMr, Is 41" BO's, Ezk 27«).— 
Whether the teashsh'B/r was the box-tree (Buxus longi- 
/o;ia)orthesfter6in, mod. Arab, for the cypress (CMpress«s 
semvervtrens), as RV adopts, or, as others propose, a 
kind of juniper, is quite unsettled. So good an authority 
as Post rejects the first as improbable. 

E. W. G. Masteeman. 

BOY.— See Child, Family. 

BOZEZ (1 S 14<). — A steep cliff on one side of the 
Michmash gorge opposite Seneh. It seems to be the 
northern cliff, a remarkable bastion of rock E. of Mich- 

BOZKATH.— A town of Judah (Jos 15*', 2 K 22'), 
in the plain near Lachish and Eglon. Unknown. 

BOZRAH ('fortification'). — 1. An Edomite city 
known only as the place of origin of Jobab, son of 
Zerah, one of the Edomite kings (Gn 36^, 1 Ch 1"). 
It was, however, of such importance in the kingdom 
of Edom that it is coupled with the name of the 
latter in poetic parallelisms {e.g. the denunciation 
in Is 346; cf. Jer 49^2). The reference in Is 63' to 
•'dyed garments' of Bozrah, and in Mic 2'* to 'sheep 
of Bozrah,' may indicate the Industries for which it 
was noted. The guesses that have been made at its 
identification are of no importance. 2. A Moabite 
city denounced by Jeremiah (iS"), and also unknown. 
R. A. S. Macalisteh. 

BRACELETS.— See Ornaments, § 4. 

BRAMBLE. — See Thorns. 

BRAN. — The burning of bran for incense is mentioned 
in Bar 6" as an accompaniment of the idolatrous wor- 
ship of the women of Babylon. 

BRANCH. — 1. The great variety of Heb. words 
rendered by our 'branch' may be gathered from the 
following list of passages, in each of which a different 
term is used: Gn 40'», Ex 25", Nu 1323, Is 168 2V, 


Jer 11", Zee 4", Ps 104'2, Job 1582 IS". In the 
following verses RV or RVm adds or substitutes another 
word: Is IS* ('spreading branches') 25» ('song'), 
Ezk 178- 22 ('top,' 'lofty top'), Ps 80« ('Heb. son': 
RVm of Gn 4922, in like manner has ' Heb. daughters'), 
Pr 1128 ('leaf) Job 8" ('shoot'). In the NT four 
Greek words are translated 'branch,' but RVm points 
out that 'layers of leaves' are meant at Mk lis, and 
at Jn 1218 poim-branches are in question. 2. 'Branch' 
is used figuratively for human offspring (Job 1582), 
especially for the scion of a royal house (Dn 11'); 
also tor persons in lofty station (Is 9"). The Heb. 
netser, properly signifying 'sprout' or 'shoot,' but 
rendered 'branch' (Is 11'), is a designation of the 
Messianic king; not improbably this was in the Evan- 
gelist's mind when he wrote Mt 228. iffQ have the 
same EngUsh term at Jer 23' 33'^, where another 
word, tsemach, is a title of the Messiah, intimating that 
this 'shoot' should arise out of 'the low estate' of the 
restored remnant. Zee 3' 6'2, following Jeremiah, 
actually makes Tsemach a proper name. The Targ. 
on Jer. and Zeoh. unhesitatingly substitutes for it ' the 
Messiah.' J. Taylor. 

BRA8IER.— See Coal and Firepan. 

BRASS is an alloy of copper and zinc, the general 
use of which is comparatively modern. In ancient 
times its place was supplied by bronze, an alloy of 
copper and tin. Where 'brass' occurs in EV, we 
must understand either bronze or copper itself. In 
some of the references, such as those to mining (Dt 8' 
'out of whose hills thou mayest dig brass') and smelt- 
ing (Job 282 ' Iron is taken out of the earth, and brass is 
molten out of the stone'), it is clear that only copper 
can be meant, and RVm adopts this rendering every- 
where (see on Gn 42^). Copper is not found in Palestine 
proper, but in the Lebanon and Hermon (possibly the 
'mountains of brass' of Zee 6'). Weapons of copper 
have been found at Tell el-Hesy (dating from c. b.c. 
1600) . From very early times copper was largely worked 
by the Egyptians in the Sinaitic peninsula, where traces 
of the mining and smelting are still to be seen. A full 
account of these operations and their remains is given 
in Flinders Petrie's Researches in Sinai. 

James Patrick. 

BRAVERY.- In Is 3" ' the bravery of their tinkling 
ornaments,' bravery means splendour, ostentation. 
The word is connected with ' brag." 

BRAZEN SEA.— See Temple. 

BRAZEN SERPENT. — See Serpent Prazen]. 

BREACH. — ^' Breach' is a literal trans, of the Heb. 
in 2 S 68 and 1 Ch 13" 'the Lord had made a breach 
upon Uzzah,' and in Job 16" 'He breaketh me with 
breach upon breach.' The word in both places is used 
figuratively of an outburst of wrath. 

BREAD, — The pre-eminence of bread in the dietary 
of the Hebrews is shown by the frequent use in OT, 
from Gn 3" onwards, of ' bread ' for food in general. It 
was made chiefiy from wheat and barley, occasionally 
mixed, more especially in times of scarcity, with other 
ingredients (Ezk 4*; see Food). Barley was in earlier 
times the main breadstuff of the peasantry (Jg 7") and 
poorer classes generally (Jn 6", cf. Jos BJ v. x. 2). 

The first step in bread-making, after thoroughly 
sifting and cleaning the grain, was to reduce it to fiour 
by rubbing, pounding, or grinding (cf. Nu 118). In 
the first process, not yet extinct in Egypt for certain 
grains, the grain was rubbed between two stones, the 
'corn-rubbers' or 'corn-grinders,' of which numerous 
specimens have been found at Lachish and Gezer 
(PEFSi, 1902, 326; 1903, 118; cf. Erman, Egypt, 
180 for illust. of actual use) . For the other two processes 
see Mortar and Mill respectively. Three qualities 
of flour are distinguished — a coarser sort got by the 
use of the pestle and mortar, the 'beaten (RV 'bruised' 



com' of Lv 2"- ", ordinary flour or 'meal,' and the 
'fine meal' tor honoured guests (Gn 18«) or 'fine flour' 
for a king's kitchen (1 K 4^) and the ritual meal-oflerings. 

The flour was then mixed with water and kneaded 
In the wooden basin or kneading-trough (Ex 8» 12«). 
In a case of urgency the dough was at once made into 
cakes and fired. These unleavened cakes were termed 
mazzoth and were alone permitted for the altar and 
during Passover and the immediately following Feast 
of Unleavened Cakes (Uazzoth). On ordinary occasions, 
however, a small lump of yesterday's baking, which had 
been reserved for the purpose, was broken down and 
mixed with to-day's 'batch.' The whole was then 
set aside for a few hours till thoroughly leavened (see 

Three modes of firing bread are found in OT, as in 
the East at the present day. (a) The first is repre- 
sented by Elijah's 'cake baken on the hot stones' 
(1 K 19« RVm). A few flat stones are gathered to- 
gether, and a fire lighted upon them. When the stones 
are sufficiently heated, the embers are raked aside, 
the cakes are laid on the stones and covered with the 
embers. After a little the ashes are again removed, 
the cake is turned (Hos T) and once more covered. 
Presently the cake is ready. (6) In Syria and Arabia to- 
day a convex iron plate is much used, especially among 
the Bedouin. It is placed over a small fire-pit with 
the convex siide uppermost, on which the cakes of dough 
are laid and fired. The Hebrew 'baking -pan' (Lv 2' 
79 RV) must have resembled this species of iron ' girdle." 
(c) The settled population, however, chiefly made use 
of one or other of the various kinds of oven, then as 
now called tannur. In one form, which may be termed 
the bowl-oven, since it consists of a large clay bowl 
inverted, with a movable lid, the heat is applied by 
heaping cattle dung, etc., on the outside. The cakes 
are baked on the heated stones covered by the oven. 
In other parts of the country the jar-oven is used. This 
is really a large earthenware jar which is heated by 
fuel, consisting of stubble (Mai 4"), grass (Mt 6»»), dry 
twigs (1 K 17"') and the like, placed in the bottom of 
the jar. When the latter is thoroughly heated, the 
cakes are appUed to the inside walls. From this type 
was developed the pit-oven, which was formed partly 
in the ground, partly built up of clay and plastered 
throughout, narrowing from the bottom upwards. 
Many of these pit-ovens have been discovered in the 
recent excavations. It is to the smoke issuing from 
one of these, while being heated, that the smoke of the 
ruined cities of the plain is compared in Gn IQ^s (EV 
furnace, and often unnecessary rendering for 'oven'). 
Such no doubt were the ovens of the professional bakers 
in the street named after them iu Jerusalem (Jer 372'). 

Bread-making was at all times the special charge of 
the women of the household. Even when, as we have 
just seen, baking became a recognized industry, a large 
part of the baker's work had been, as now in the East, 
merely to fire the bread baked by the women at home. 

A considerable variety of bakemeats (Gn 40", lit. 
'food, the work of the baker') is met with in OT, but 
only in a few cases is it possible to identify their nature 
or form. The ordinary cake — the loaf of OT and NT — 
was round and fairly thick; such at least was the rolling 
'cake of barley bread' of Jg 7''. These cakes were 
always broken by the hand, never cut. A cake fre- 
quently used for ritual purposes (Ex 29' and often) seems, 
from its name, to have been pierced with holes like 
the modern Passover-cakes. The precise nature of the 
cracknels of 1 K 14' (Amer. RV 'cakes') is unknown. 
The wafer, often named in ritual passages (cf. also 
Ex 16"), was evidently a very thin species of cake. 
For what may be called the pastry of the Hebrews, the 
curious in these matters are referred to the art. ' Bake- 
meats' in the Encyc. Bibl. col. 460 f. 

A. R. S. Kennedy. 

BBEAEFAST.— See Meals. 


BREASTPLATE.— See Armour, 2 (c). 

BREASTPLATE (of the High Priest).— In the direc- 
tions for the official dress of the high priest, as laid down 
by the priestly writer, a prominent place is occupied 
by the breastplate or pectoral. The fuller designation 
•the breastplate of judgment' (Ex 28'', Sir 45") is 
significant of the purpose of the breastplate, which was 
to form a fitting receptacle or pouch for the Urim and 
Thummim (wh. see), by means of which judgment 
was pronounced. The special directions for the making 
of the breastplate are given in Ex 28"-3» (cf. 39»-2'). 
It was made of an oblong piece of richly wrought linen, 
which, folded in two, formed a square of half a cubit, 
or 9 inches, in the side. Attached to the outer side 
were four rows of precious stones in gold settings, twelve 
in all, each stone having engraved upon it the name 
of a tribe 'for a memorial before J" continually' (28"). 
The breastplate was kept in position by means of two 
cords of 'wreathen work' of gold, by which it was 
attached to a couple of gold ' ouches ' (probably rosettes 
of gold filigree) on the shoulder-pieces of the ephod, 
while the lower part was fastened to the ephod by a 
'lace of blue' (28^8) at each corner. 

A. R. S. Kennedy. 

BREECHES.' — Rather short drawers of white linen 
ordered to be worn by the priests on grounds of modesty 
(Ez 28", Lv 16*, Ezk 44", Sir 458). Josephus describes 
those worn in his time in his Ant. iii. vii. 1. The 
modern trousers are represented in AV by hosen (wh. 
see). A. R. S. Kennedy. 

BRETHREN OF THE LORD.— Jesus was Mary's 
first-born (Lk 2'), and she subsequently (according to 
the view accepted in the present article) bore to Joseph 
four sons, James, Joseph, Judas, and Simon, and several 
daughters (Mt 13"-t6=Mk 6'). During His ministry 
the Lord's brethren did not believe in Him. They 
sneered at Him (Jn 7'-'), and once they concluded that 
He was mad, and wished to arrest Him and convey 
Him away from Capernaum (Mk 3«- si). After the 
Resurrection, however, convinced by so tremendous a 
demonstration, they joined the company of the believers 
(Ac 1»). 

In early days, partly at least in the interests of the 
notion of Mary's perpetual virginity, two theories were 
promulgated in regard to the 'Brethren of the Lord.' 
(a) They were supposed to be sons of Joseph by a former 
marriage, having thus no blood-relationship with Jesus. 
So Origen, Clement of Alexandria, Epiphanius. (6) They 
were held to be His cousins, sons of Mary, the vrife of 
Alphceus (Mt 27™ = Mk IS*"); 'brother' here implying 
merely kinship, as Abraham calls himself and his nephew 
Lot 'brethren' (Gn 13'), and Laban calls Jacob, his 
sister's son, his 'brother' (29«). So Jerome and 
Augustine. That Mary, the wife of Alph^us and mother 
of James the Little, was a sister of Mary the mother of 
Jesus, is an inference from Jn 19", where it is supposed 
that only three women are mentioned: (1) His mother, 

(2) His mother's sister, viz., Mary, the wife of Clopas 
( = AlphEeus), and (3) Mary Magdalene. But there are 
probably four: (1) His mother, (2) her sister Salome, 
the mother of the sons of Zebedee (cf. Mt. = Mk.), 

(3) Mary, the wife of Clopas, and (4) Mary Magdalene. 
It is very unlikely that two sisters should have been 
named Mary ; and moreover, James, the son of Alphaeus, 
was an Apostle (Mt 10' = Mk 3i8=Lk 6"), and none 
of the Lord's brethren was an Apostle in His life-time 
(cf. Ac 1"-"). David Smith. 

BRIBERY, — See Crimes and Punishments, § 6. 

BRICK. — The use of sun-dried bricks as building 
material in OT times, alongside of the more durable 
limestone, is attested both by the excavations and 
by Scripture references (see House). The process of 
brick-making shows the same simplicity in every age 
and country. Suitable clay is thoroughly moistened, 



and reduced to a uniform consistency by tramping 
and lineading (Nah 3» RV 'go into the clay, and tread 
the mortar'). It then passes to the brick-moulder, who 
places the right quantity in his mould, an open wooden 
frame with one of its four sides prolonged as a handle, 
wiping off the superfluous clay with his hand. The 
mould is removed and the brick left on the ground to 
dry in the sun. Sometimes greater consistency was 
given to the clay by mixing it with chopped straw and 
the refuse of the threshing-floor, as related in the f amiUar 
passage Ex S'-". As regards the daily ' tale of bricks ' 
there referred to, an expert moulder in Egypt to-day is 
said to be able to turn out no fewer than ' about 3000 
bricks' per diem. (Vigouroux, Diet, de la Bible, i. 1932). 
The Egyptian bricks resembled our own in shape, 
while those of Babylonia were generally as broad as 
they were long. According to Flinders Petrie, the earliest 
Palestine bricks followed the Babylonian pattern. 

There is no evidence in OT of the making of kiln- 
burnt bricks, whiich was evidently a foreign custom 
to the author of Gn lis. The brickkiln of 2 S 123', 
Nah 3" is really the brick-mould (so RVm). In the 
obscure passage Jer 43' RV has brickwork. A curious 
ritual use of bricks as incense-altars is mentioned in 
Is 65S. 

Reference may also be made to the use of clay as a 
writing material, which was introduced into Palestine 
from Babylonia, and, as we now know, continued in 
use in certain quarters till the time of Hezekiah at 
least. Plans of buildings, estates, and cities were drawn 
on such clay tablets, a practice which illustrates the 
command to Ezekiel to draw a plan of Jerusalem upon 
a tile or clay brick (4', see the elaborate note by Haupt 
in 'Ezekiel' (.PB), 98 £E.). A. R. S. Kennedy. 

BRIDE, BBIOEGBOOU.— See Mahriaoe. 

BRIDGE.— Only 2 Mac 12" AV, where RV reads the 
proper name Oephyrun. For the extreme antiquity of 
the arch see Arch. 

BRIDLE.— See Bit. 

BRIER.— See Thohns. 

BRIGAMDINE. — The ' brigand ' was originally simply 
a light-armed irregular foot soldier, and the coat of mail 
which he wore was called a ' brigandine.' The word is 
used in Jer 46* 51' (RV 'coat of mail'). See Armour. 

BRIMSTONE, or sulphur, is one of the chemical 
elements. It is found in volcanic regions both uncom- 
bined as a deposit and also as a constituent of the gases 
(sulphur di-oxlde and sulphuretted hydrogen) which are 
exhaled from the earth or dissolved in the water of hot 
springs. Such sulphur springs are abundant in the 
Jordan Valley and on the shores of the Dead Sea. The 
account of the destruction of the Cities of the Plain 
(Gn 19M- 28, Lk 17") states that the Lord rained upon 
them 'brimstone and fire from the Lord out of heaven,' 
and the most generally accepted view is that the disaster 
was due to an eruption of petroleum, caused by an 
earthquake. This is more probable on geological grounds 
than a volcanic eruption. In either case the ' brimstone ' 
would not be solid sulphur, but the choking gases men- 
tioned above, which would accompany the rain of fire (see 
Driver, in loc; Tristram, Land of Israel, 353 f.; Dawson, 
EgypiandSyria, 129f.). 'This passagesuggests the imagery 
of a number of others in which ' fire and brimstone ' are 
agencies of destruction (Ps ll', Ezk SS'^, Rev 9"- " 
1410 igzo 2010 218). in the last three of these the peculiar 
feature of the ' lake ' may be a reminiscence of a volcanic 
crater filled with molten lava and exhaling sulphurous 
fumes (cf . the ' great mountain burning with fire,' Rev 9'). 
In Dt 29^ there is a warning that it Israel is disobedient, 
their whole land will be 'brimstone and salt,' like the 
desolate region round the Dead Sea. In Is 34' a similar 
threat is uttered against Edom. In Is 30^3 the 'breath 
of the Lord ' kindling Tophet, is like a stream of brim- 
stone. James Patrick. 


BROAD PLACE.— See Citt. 

BROID. — To broid or to braid is to plait. Both 
spellings are used in AV, 1 Ti 2» 'with broided hair' 
(Gr. 'in plaits'), Jth 10= 'braided the hair of her 

BROIDER. — This Eng. word has no connexion with 
broid. It means to adorn cloth with needlework. The 
mod. form is embroider. ' Broider' occurs in Ex 28* and 
in Ezk 16i»- "■ " 26>« 27'- "■ ^. See Embroidery. 

BRONZE.— See Brass. 

BROOCH.— Ex 35" RV, for AV 'bracelets.' See 
Ornaments, § 6. 

BROOK. — The Heb. words thus rendered are — 
1. 'Aphlq, meaning the actual bed of the stream (Ps42i), 
tr. also by 'stream' and 'river.' 2. Ye'Or — almost 
always used of the Nile and water-trenches of Egypt. 
It is tr. ' brook' only in Is 19'- '• «. Once it is used for 
the water-channel (Job 281"); once (Is 33=0 it is 
rendered 'stream'; while in Dn 12 it stands for the 
Tigris. 3. Mlkhal (2 S 172"), a word of uncertain 
derivation and meaning. 4. Nachal is the most usual 
word for EV ' brook.' It is the exact equivalent of the 
Arab wddy, which means a valley containing a stream 
of water. It may be applied to the valley (Nu 21'' etc.), 
or to the water-course alone (Dt 9^' etc.), which is still 
' the wady,' even after it has escaped from the valley. 

The slopes of the mountain range of Western Palestine 
are deeply furrowed by a succession of great wadys. 
The sides of the mountains that dip into the Jordan 
Valley are far steeper than those to the W., and the 
streams flowing eastward plunge down through awful 
chasms, worn deep with the lapse of ages. In the 
longer descent westward the valleys frequently open 
into beautiful and fertile glades. For the most part the 
brooks, fed only by the rain, dry up in the summer- 
time, and the mills along their banks fall silent, waking 
to fresh activity again only with the music of the 
rushing storm. There are, however, streams fed by 
perennial springs, such as el-'Aujeh and the Kishon, W. 
of Jordan, and the Yarmuk and the Jabbok on the east. 


BROOM.— See Juniper. 


BROTHERLY LOVE .—Philadelphia is not ' brother- 
like love,' but 'brother-love,' the love one has for 
brothers or sisters, soil. ' love of the brethren, ' — so AV in 
1 P 122 and E,v uniformly (add Ro 12'», 1 Th 4=, He 
13', 2 P 1'). The adjective in 1 P 38 should be rendered 
'loving your brethren,' not 'loving as brethren' (AV, 
RV). This adj. appears in classical Gr. in its primary 
(family) sense, as the epithet, e.g., of the Grjeco-Egyptian 
king Ptolemy PhUadelphus, and of Attalus ii. of Per- 
gamus, founder of Philadelphia (Rev 1" etc.), named 
after this king. The term received no wider application 
in either Greek or Jewish (OT) ethics; Jews called each 
other 'brethren' as being 'children of the stock of 
Abraham ' (Ac 13"). First occurring in its religious use 
in 1 Thess., Philadelphia looks like a coinage of St. 
Paul's; but its elements lie In the teaching of Jesus. 
'Calling no one on earth father' because they 'have 
one Father, the heavenly Father,' His disciples are 
'all brothers' (Mt 238- •; cf. 6>): the love of the natural 
household is transferred, with a deepened sense, to 'the 
household of faith' (see Gal 6", Eph 2"). This senti- 
ment is formed in the community gathered around 
Christ its 'first-born,' the family of the 'sons' and 
'heirs of God and joint-heirs with Christ' (Ro 8'<-"- "). 
'Go to my brethren," the Risen Lord had said, 'and 
tell them, I ascend unto my Father and your Father' 
(Jn 20"; cf. Mt 12"- <■" 28i»); He required them to 
cherish toward each other the love He showed toward 
them, making this the mark of discipleship (Jn 138*- " 
15'2- '8, 1 Jn 2'' 8 3" 42»- 2', 2 Jns, 1 Co 8" etc.). 

-See Family, and Brethren of the 



The body to which this love belongs is called 'the 
brotherhood' in 1 P 2" (also 5'), where 'love to the 
brotherhood' is associated with respect for humanity 
and fear of God as a fundamental Christian instinct 
(cf. 1 Th 4', Col 3", 1 Co 13, etc.). St. Paul describes 
this affection as the mutual 'care' of 'members' of 
'one body' (1 Co 12"-2i): it forbids envy, unklndness, 
schism ; it animates, and virtually includes, all services 
and duties of Christians towards each other (1 Co 13, 
Gal 5'3-is); it is the first 'fruit of the Spirit' (Gal S^, 
cf. 4»- ' 5»), the fruit of God's love to us and the test 
of our love to God (1 Jn 4'i-2i), 'the fulfilment of the 
law' (Ro 138-1"), and the crown of Christian purity 
(1 P 122) ; the Cross supplies its model and its inspira- 
tion (Eph 431-52, 1 Jn 3«). When St. Paul speaks 
of 'love,' he means 'brother-love' in the first place, 
but not exclusively (Gal 6>», 1 Th 5", Eo 1218-21; cf. 
Mt 5«-«e etc.). Amongst the manifestations of Philadel- 
phia, hospitality {philox&nia) is conspicuous (He IS^- 2, 

1 P 4'-", 3 Jn '-') ; also ' communication' or ' ministering 
to the necessities of the saints' (Ro 12'2- " 152*, He 6'» 
13", 1 Jn 3"- '»). The prominence, and strangeness 
to the world, of this feature of primitive Christianity 
are strikingly attested by the Epistle to Diogneius, § 1, 
Tertullian's Apol. § 39, and (from outside) Lucian's 
de Morte Peregrini, xii. 16, and Julian's Epist. 49. 


BROWN.— See Coloues, § 2. 

BRUIT. — A bruit (pronounced as brute) is a rumour 
or report (Fr. bruit, from bruire to roar). Thus 2 Mac 
4»2 'the bruit of his manliness was spread everywhere'; 
Nab 3" ' all that hear the bruit of thee shall clap the 
hands over thee.' 

BUCKET.— See HonsE, 9. 
BUCKLE.— See Ornaments, § 6. 
BUCKLER.— See Ahmouk, 2 (o). 

BUGEAN, — A descriptive epithet applied to Hamanin 
Ad. Est 12i> RV (AV has 'Agagite'). Bougaios occurs 
in Homer (.11. xiii. 824, Od. xviii. 79) as a term of reproach 
= ' bully' or 'braggart.' Whether the Sept. intended 
it in this sense, or as a gentilic adjective, is wholly 

BUILDER.— See Aets and Ckafts, 3. 

BUKKI. — 1. Son of Jogli, a prince of the tribe of 
Dan, and one of the ten men entrusted with the task 
of dividing the land of Canaan among the tribes of 
Israel (Nu 3422). 2. Son of Abishua and father of Uzzi, 
fifth in descent from Aaron in the line of the high priests 
through Phinehas (1 Ch B'- ", Ezr 7<). In 1 Es 82 he is 
called Boccas, for which Boiith is substituted in 2 Es 12. 

BUKKIAH. — ^A Levite of the sons of Heman, and 
leader of the sixth band or course in the Temple service 
(1 Ch 25<- "). 

BUL. — 1 K 6", the Canaanite name for the month 
which the Babylonians termed Marcheshvan. See Time. 


BULRUSH.— See Reed. 

BULWARK. — See Fortification and SiBaECHAFT, 

BUNAH ('intelligence'). — A man of Judah, a son 
of Jerahmeel (1 Ch 22^). 

BUNCH. — Besides meaning bundle (of hyssop. Ex I222, 
Heb. 'something tied together') and cluster (of raisins, 

2 S 16', 1 Ch 12", Heb. 'something dried'), bunch is 
used also for the hump of a camel in Is 30*. Cf. Shaks. 
Rich. III. I. ill. 248— 

' This poia'nous bunoh-back'd toad.' 
BUNDLE. — A bundle of money is spoken of in Gn 42", 
of myrrh in Ca 1", of life in 1 S 252» (on wh. see Exp. 
Times, xvii. 435); also in Jer 10" RVm a bundle for a 
journey (see Driver's Jer. p. 354); and in NT of tares 
(Mt 13'°) and of sticks (Ac 2S>). 


BUNNI, Neh 9' 10" 11«, but in each case perhaps 
the text is corrupt. 

BURDEN. — The word so rendered in the OT is derived 
from a root which means to 'lift' or 'carry.' It has 
the two senses of an actual burden and a prophetic 
utterance. Instances of the former are 2 K 5", Neh 13", 
Nu 4". Related usages are frequent; in Is 222* the 
word suggests the pressure of something hanging on 
a peg, in Nu 11" the responsibility and in Hos 8'" 
the privilege of government, in Ps 38* the responsibility 
for sin. The second sense is that of a solemn utterance, 
and the marginal alternative 'oracle' (Is 142' et al.) 
is to be preferred. It was customary to explain this 
use of the word as due to the threatening character 
of the utterance; but many of the utterances are not 
threatening (cf. Zee 12. 9'- '-"; in Pr 30' and 31' RV 
puts 'oracle' in the text and 'burden' in the margin), 
and the word-play in Jer 23s*- involves a reproof 
of the men who were disposed to regard the oracle 
of God as literally a burden. Most utterances of the 
prophets, moreover, were of necessity from their oc- 
casion minatory. ' Burden' in this second usage denotes 
simply something taken up solemnly upon the lips, 
both weighty in itself and weighty in its communication. 
It is not used of merely human utterances, but always 
carries with it the suggestion of Divine inspiration, 
actual or falsely assumed (La 2"). 

In the NT, Ac 21' is an instance of the literal use. 
The figures are easy. The word is used for the ordi- 
nances of the Law as interpreted by the Pharisees (Mt 23', 
Lk 11"), for the prohibitions of the Apostolic decree 
(Ac 152»; cf. Rev 221), for the pressure and load of hfe 
(Mt 20'2), for an exacting or even legitimate charge 
upon others (2 Co 11' 12'2'), for the imagined difficulties 
of following Christ (Mt ll"). Two other kinds of 
burdens with their right treatment are contrasted. 
Other men's errors and sorrows must be shared in 
sympathy (Gal 62); though in the service of Christ 
there can be no transfer of obligations, but each man 
must carry his own kit and do his own duty (Gal 6'). 

R. W. Moss. 

BURGLARY. — See Crimes and Punishments, § 6. 

BURIAL. — See Mourning Customs, Tomb. 

BURNING. — See Crimes and Punishments, § 11. 


BURNT -OFFERING.— See Sacrifice. 

BUSH (smeh. Ex 32-*, Dt 33'6).— The 'burning bush' 
has traditionally been supposed to be a kind of bramble 
(Rubus), of which Palestine has several varieties, but 
one of the thorny shrubs of Sinai of the acacia family 
would seem more probable. Sacred bushes and trees 
are common in Palestine and Arabia. 'In (or at) the 
bush ' in Mt 1226 1| Lk 20" = the passage deaUng with the 
burning bush (RV 'in the place concerning the bush'). 
E. W. G. Mastermak. 

BUSHEL. — See Weights and Measures. 

BUTLER.— See Cupbearer. 

BUTTER.— See Food, Milk. 

BUZ. — 1. The second son of Nahor and Milcah, and 
nephew of Abraham (Gn 222'). EUhu, one of the friends 
of Job (Job 322), ig called a Buzite, and may have be- 
longed to a tribe of that name against which judgments 
are denounced by Jeremiah (Jer 2525). 2. A man of 
the tribe of Gad (1 Ch 5'<). 

BUZI.— The father of the prophet Ezekiel (ch. 1') 
and consequently a member of the priestly house of 
Zadok. Of the man himself nothing is known. Jewish 
writers were led to identify him with Jeremiah, partly 
by a supposed connexion of the name with a verb 
meaning 'despise,' and partly by a theory that when 
the father of a prophet is named it is to be understood 
that he also was a prophet. 

BUZITE.— See Buz. 



BY. — In the Authorized Version of is generally used 
lor the agent and by for the instrument. Thus Mt I'' 
"that it might be fulfilled which was spoken of (RV 
'by') the Lord by (RV 'through') the prophet.' 

In 1 Co 4< ' I know nothing by myself,' by means 
contrary to, against, as in Hamilton's Catechism, 1559 
(the Tabil), ' Jugis quhilk fur lufe of rewardis dois ony 


thing by the ordour of justice'; also fol. vii., 'cursit 
ar thai quhilk gangis by ye commondis of God.' 

BY AND BY. — In AV 'by and by' means immedi- 
ately, not as now after some time. Thus Lk 21' ' the end 
is not by and by' (RV 'immediately'). 

BYWAY.— See Roads. 


OAB. — See Weights and Meabcres. 

CABBON (Jos 15").— A town of Judah near Eglon. 
See Machbena. 

OABDI'. — The Eng. word 'cabin' is now chiefly con- 
fined to an apartment in a ship, but was formerly used 
of any small room. It occurs in AV for the cell (which 
is the word in AVm and RV) in which Jeremiah was 
confined (Jer 37"). Cf. Spenser, FQ i. vi. 23 — 
'So long in secret cabin there he held 
Her captive to his sensual desire.' 

CABTTL (Jos 192',, 1 K gis).— A town of Asher on the 
border of Zebulun. The district was ceded by Solomon 
to Tyre. Prob. the large village Kabul, E. of Acco. 

CffiSAR. — This is the cognomen or surname of the 
gens Julia, which was borne, for example, by its most 
illustrious representative, Calus Julius Csesar. The 
emperor Augustus (b.c. 23-a.d. 14) had it by adoption, 
and was officially named ' Imperator Caesar Augustus.' 
His stepson, the emperor Tiberius, ofBcially 'Tiberius 
Caesar Augustus' (a.d. 14-37), had it through his 
adoption by Augustus. It was borne also, amongst 
other less important persons, by the emperor Caius Caesar 
Germanicus (nicknamed 'Caligula,' 'Boots') (a.d. 37-41), 
who was a son of Germanicus, the adopted son of 
the emperor Tiberius. These alone among the Roman 
emperors had it as a family name, but all the emperors 
bore it as a title except Vitellius (a.d. 69). and hence 
we find it continued in the titles Kaiser and Csar. The 
beginning of this use is seen in the NT. There the name 
is found always, except twice (Lk 2' 3'), by itself, 
simply equal to 'the Emperor.' The remaining 
emperors of the 1st cent, are Claudius (wh. see), Nero 
(wh. see). Galba (9 June 68-15 Jan. 69), Otho (15 Jan.- 
25 Apr. 69), ViteUius (2 Jan. 69-20 [?] Dec. 70), Ves- 
pasian (69-79), Titus (71-79-81), Domitian (81-96), 
Nerva (96-98), Trajan (97-98-117). A. Soutek. 

Cffl S AR' S HOUSEHOLD .—In Ph 4« ' they that are of 
CjEsar's house ' send special greetings to the Philippians. 
St. Paul wrote from Rome, where he was in semi- 
captivity, and some of the Christians in Rome belonged 
to the efiicient and talented body of slaves and freedmen 
who worked in the Imperial palace and performed varied 
service for the emperor Nero. The number of these 
servants was very large, and amongst them were 
accountants, governors of provinces, secretaries, 
stewards, etc., as well as a great many officials concerned 
with humbler duties. They were persons of influence 
and often of considerable wealth, drawn from all nations 
within the Empire. The testimony of inscriptions 
makes it certain that most of the persons named in 
Ro 16 were ' of Caesar's household.' A. Souteh. 

CiESAREA (mod. Kaisariyeh). — A city rebuilt by 
Herod the Great on the site of Straton's Tower, on 
the coast of Palestine, between Joppa and Dora. Its 
special features were — a large harbour protected by a 
huge mole and by a wall with 10 lofty towers and 
colossi; a promenade round the port, with arches where 
sailors could lodge; a temple of Augustus raised on a 

platform, and visible far out at sea, containing two 
colossal statues of Rome and the Emperor; a system of 
drainage whereby the tides were utilized to flush the 
streets; wafls embracing a semicircular area stretching 
for a mile along the sea-coast ; two aqueducts, one of them 
8 miles in length, displaying great engineering skill ; a 
hippodrome; an amphitheatre capable of seating 20,000 
persons; a theatre; a court of justice, and many other 
noble structures. The city took 12 years to build, and 
Herod celebrated its completion (b.c. 10-9) with sump- 
tuous games and entertainments which cost £120,000. 
Herod used the port for his frequent voyages. Here he 
condemned to death his two sons Alexander and Aris- 
tobulus. After the banishment of Herod's successor 
Archelaus, Caesarea became the official residence of the 
Roman procurators of Palestine (broken only by the 
brief interval during which it was under the independent 
rule of Herod Agrippa i., who met his tragic death 
here in B.C. 44 [Ac 122»-»]). The fifth of these, Pontius 
Pilate, ordered a massacre in the hippodrome of Caesarea 
of those Jews who had flocked to implore the removal 
from Jerusalem of the profane eagle standards and 
images of the Emperor recently introduced. Only on 
their baring their necks for death and thus refusing to 
submit, did Pilate revoke the order, and direct the 
ensigns to be removed. Christianity early found 
its way here, Philip probably being the founder of the 
Church (Ac 8*'), while Paul passed through after his first 
visit to Jerusalem (Ac 19'°). Caesarea was the scene of 
the baptism of Cornelius (Ac 10). Here also the Holy 
Spirit for the first time fell on heathen, thus inaugurating 
the Gentile Pentecost (v."). Paul may have passed 
through Caesarea (Ac 18'''') at the time when numbers of 
Jewish patriots, captured by Cumanus, had here been 
crucified by Quadratus, legate of Syria. It was at 
Ca8sarea that Paul's arrest in Jerusalem was foretold 
by Agabus (Ac 21'-"). Here he was imprisoned for 
two years under FeUx (Ac 23). During that time a 
riot broke out between Greeks and Jews as to their 
respective rights, and Felix ordered a general massacre 
of the Jews to be carried out in the city. On the recall 
of FeUx, Nero sent Porcius Festus, who tried Paul (Ac 250 
and also allowed him to state his case before Herod 
Agrippa II. and Berenice (Ac 26). The wickedness 
of the last procurator, Gessius Floras, finally drove the 
Jews into revolt. A riot in Caesarea led to a massacre 
in Jerusalem, and simultaneously 20,000 of the Jewish 
population of Caesarea were slaughtered. During the 
Great War, Caesarea was used as the base for operations, 
first by Vespasian, who was here proclaimed Emperor 
by his soldiers (a.d. 69), and latterly by his son Titus, 
who completed the destruction of Jerusalem. The 
latter celebrated the birthday of his brother Domitian 
by forcing 2600 Jews to fight with beasts in the arena at 
Caesarea. The city was made into a Roman colony, 
renamed Colonia Prima Flavia Augusta Cwsarensis, 
released from taxation, and recognized as the capital of 

Several Church Councils were held at Csesarea. It was 
from A.D. 200 to451 the residence of the Metropolitan bishop 



of Palestine. Origentaughthere andEusebiuswaaita bishop 
f rom A.D. 313 to 340. It was the birthplace of Procopiiis, the 
historian. In a.d. 548 the Christians were massacred by the 
Jews and Samaritans. In 638 it surrendered to the Moslems 
under Abu Obeida. It was recovered in 1102 by Baldwin i., 
cathedral. The loot contained the so-called ' Holy Grail ' of 
mediaeval legend. Saladin recaptured Csesarea in 1187, but it 
was retaken by Richard r. in 1 192. The city, however, was so 
ruined that when restored it covered only one-tenth of the 
original ground. In 1251 Louis ix. fortified it strongly. In 
1265 it was stormed by Sultan Bibars.who utterly demolished 
it. To-day it is a wilderness of dreary ruins, tenanted only 
by a few wandering shepherds. 

G. A. Frank Knight. 
OaiSAREAPHILIPPI.— The scene of Christ's charge 
to Peter (Mt 16"-'"', Mk 8"). Here was a sanctuary of 
Pan — a fact still remembered in the modern name 
Banias — and when Herod the Great received the 
territory from Augustus in b.c. 20, he erected here a 
temple. His son Philip refounded the city, and changed 
its name from Paneas to Ccesarea in honour of Augustus 
— adding his own name to distinguish the town from 
the similarly named city founded by his father on the 
sea-coast. For a while it was called Neronias, but 
ultimately the old name came once more to the surface 
and ousted the others. Here Titus celebrated with 
gladiatorial shows the capture of Jerusalem. It was 
captured by the Crusaders in 1130, and finally lost by 
them to the Moslems in 1165. It lies 1150 ft. above 
the sea in a recess of the Hermon mountains, and is 
well watered. Under the ancient castle of the Crusaders 
a copious stream issued from a cave, now much choked 
with fallen fragments of rock, where was the shrine of 
Pan. The modern village is small, and the remains of 
the Roman city meagre. R. A. S. Macalister. 

CAGE. — Birds were taken to market in a cage or coop 
of wicker work (Jer 5"); a similar cage might hold a 
decoy -bird in fowling (Sir 11"). One of Ashurbanipal's 
hunting scenes shows a cage of strong wooden bars 
from which a lion is being let loose (cf. Ezk 19* RV). 
In Rev 18' render, with RV, 'hold' or 'prison' for AV 
'cage.' A. R. S. Kennedy. 

CAIAPHAS, — Joseph Caiaphas, the son-in-law of 
Annas (Jn 18"), was high priest between a.d. 18 and 36; 
and thus 'the memorable year' of our Lord's trial fell 
in the course of his pontificate (Jn 11" 18"). He was, 
like all the priestly order, a Sadducee; and he was a 
man of masterful temper, with his full share of the 
Insolence which was a Sadducaean characteristic. He 
figures thrice in the NT. 1 . After the raising of Lazarus, 
the rulers, alarmed at the access of popularity which 
It brought to Jesus, convened a meeting of the Sanhedrin 
to determine what should be done. Caiaphas presided 
ex officio, and with a high hand forced a resolution that 
Jesus should be put to death (Jn ll"f). 2. He presided 
at the subsequent meeting of the Sanhedrin when Jesus 
was tried and condemned ; and there again he displayed 
his character by his open determination to find Him 
guilty, and his shameless disregard of the forms of law 
in order to bring about that end (Jn IS^*, Mt 26"-"= 
IHkl4"-«s = Lk22«"-"). 3. He took part in the examina- 
tion of Peter and John (Ac i'). David Smith. 

CAIN. — In Gn 4' the name (Qayin) is derived from 
aSnah, 'procure.' This, however, is linguistically 
impossible. It is probably to be connected with a root 
signifying to 'forge' in metal (cf. vv.22-2*). 

1. (a) vv.'-" (J). Cain and Abel are represented as 
the sons of Adam and Eve. But it is clear that the 
narrative was at one time independent of Adam and 
Eve; it presupposes a much later stage in human 
progress. The distinction between pastoral and agri- 
cultural life (v.2), and between cereal and animal 
offerings (vv.'- *), the custom of blood-revenge (v."), 
and the large increase in the number of i?uman beings 
implied in Cain's fear of being slain (vv."- "), in his 
possession of a wife (v."), and in his erection of a city 


(.ib.), all show that a long period must be understood to 
have elapsed since the primitive condition of the first 
pair. The meaning of certain passages in the story is 
uncertain; vv.'- "• '^ must be studied in the com- 
mentaries. When Cain was condemned to be a fugitive 
and a wanderer, he feared death in revenge for his 
murder of Abel; but Jahweh 'appointed a sign' for 
him. This is not explained, but the writer probably 
thought of it as something which rendered Cain sacro- 
sanct, so that, according to a deeply rooted Semitic 
conception, it would be a defilement and a crime to 
touch him (see art. Holiness). And he went and 
dwelt (v.'») in the land of NOd ('Wanderiand'). The 
fact that the story appears to describe conditions long 
subsequent to those of the first pair has led many writers 
to hold that Cain is the eponymous ancestor of a tribe, 
and that the tradition was intended to explain the wild 
and wandering life of Arabian nomads. This kind of life, 
so different from the prosperous peace of settled agri- 
cultural communities, must have been the result of a 
primitive curse, incurred by some crime. And the narra- 
tive relates that the settled, agricultural Cainite tribe 
ruthlessly destroyed members of an adjacent tribe of 
pastoral habits; that the fear of strict blood-revenge was 
so great that the Cainites were obliged to leave their 
country, and become wandering nomads; and that 
some tribal sign or badge — such as a tattoo, or incisions 
in the flesh — was adopted, which marked its possessors 
as being under the protection of their tribal god. It is 
further conjectured, owing to the formation of the 
two names from the same root, that 'Cain' stands for 
the Kenites (cf. Nu 24^ Jg 4" with RVm). See 
Driver, Genesis, p. 72. 

(6) vv."-^ seem to contain a different tradition, but 
incorporated also by J. Cain's erection of a city scarcely 
seems to harmonize with his being a fugitive and a 
wanderer in fear of his life. The purpose of the tradition 
was to explain the origin of early arts and social con- 
ditions — e.g. the beginnings of city-life (v."), polygamy 
(v.19), nomad life (v.'"), music (v.«), metallurgy (v.«). 

2. The value of the story lies, as always, mainly in 
its religious teaching. We know not of how much crude 
superstition and polytheism the tradition may have 
been divested by the prophetical writer who edited it. 
But in its present form, the connexion of Cain with 
Adam and Eve suggests the thought of the terrible 
effects of the Fall: the next generation reaches a deeper 
degree of guilt; Cain is more hardened than Adam, in 
that he feels no shame but boldly tries to conceal his 
guilt; and the punishment is worse — Adam was to 
till the ground with labour, but Cain would not hence- 
forth receive from the earth her strength. The story 
teaches also the sacredness of human life, the moral 
hoUness of God, and the truth that a result of sin is 
a Uability to succumb to further sin (v."). 

3. In the NT Cain is referred to in He 11*, Jude », 
1 Jn 3". The latter passage must be explained by 
VV.9- 10. The children of God — qua children of God — 
cannot sin; and conversely the children of the devil 
cannot do righteousness or love one another. Cain, 
then, murdered his brother because he belonged to the 
latter category, and his brother to the former. 

A. H. M'Neile. 
CAIN AN. — 1 . The son of Enos and father of Mahalaleel 
(Lk 3"). See Kenan. 2. The son of Arphaxad (Lk S", 
which follows LXX of Gn 10" 11''). The name is 
wanting in the Heb. text of the last two passages. 

CAKE.— See Bread. 

CALAH. — The KaJach of the inscriptions, one of the 
great fortresses which after the fall of Nineveh (cf. 
Jon 4" and the Greek writers) were supposed to make 
up that city. Both Nineveh and Calah were, however, 
always separate in structure and in administration. 
Calah lay on the site of the great modern mounds of 
NimrHd, as was first proved by the explorer Layard. 



In Gn 10"'- It is said to have been founded by Nimrod, 
and, along with Nineveh and other cities, to have 
formed part of 'the great city.' It was the capital, 
or at least the chief royal residence, under several of 
the greatest Assyrian kings, whose palaces have been 
excavated by modern explorers. Here also was found 
the famous black obelisk of Shalmaneser ii. 

CALAMOLALUS (1 Es 522).— A corrupt place-name, 
probably due to a conglomeration of the two names 
Lod and Hadid in Ezr 2^ (cf. Neh 7"). 

CALAMUS.— See Reed. 

CALCOL.— AJudahite.adescendantof Zerah(l Ch 2«), 
otherwise described in 1 K 4=1 (where AV has Chalcol) 
as a son of Mahol, famous for wisdom, but surpassed by 

CALDRON.— See House, § 9. 

CALEB ('dog,' one of the numerous animal names 
in the OT which testify to early totemistic conceptions). 
— The son of Jephunneh (Nu IS'). As an individual, 
he appears as one of the spies who were sent to 'spy 
out the land' of Canaan. He represented the tribe 
of Judah, and, together with Joshua, advocated an 
immediate attack upon the land ; the fear of the people 
he denounces as rebeUion against Jahweh (Nu 14>}; 
this, however, is resented by the people, who threaten 
to stone both him and Joshua. The carrying out of 
this threat is frustrated by the appearance of the 
Shekinah ('the glory of the Lord') in the Tabernacle 
(v.'»). As a reward for his faithfulness Caleb is specially 
sing;led out for Jahweh's favour (Nu 14"- s"- ss, dj lac). 
He is thus one of the great champions of Jahweh. 

As a name of a clan, Caleb ( = Calebites) formed a 
branch of the children of Kenaz, an Edomite tribe, 
who settled in the hill-country north of the Negeb; 
they had possessions also in the Negeb itself (Jos 14"-", 
1 S 30", 1 Ch 2™); they ultimately became absorbed 
in the tribe of Judah. W. O. B. Oesterlet. 

CALEB -EPHRATHAH.— Named in 1 Ch 2» as the 
place where Hezron died. It is not improbable, however, 
that we should read: 'after Hezron died, Caleb came 
unto Ephrath the wife of Hezron his father.' 

CALENDAR.— See Time. 

CALF, GOLDEN.— The incident of 'the golden calf 
is related in detail in Ex 32 (cf. Dt 9'-"), a chapter 
which belongs to the composite Prophetic source of 
the Pentateuch (JE). At the request of the people, 
who had begun to despair of Moses' return from the 
mount, Aaron consented to make a god who should 
go before them on the journey to Canaan. From the 
golden ear-rings of their wives and children he fashioned 
an image of a young bull; this, rather than 'calf,' is 
the rendering of the Heb. word in the present connexion. 
The view that 'calf is diminutive and sarcastic for 
bull' is precluded by the use of the word elsewhere 
todenotethe young but mature animal. A ' feast to J" ' 
was proclaimed for the following day, and an altar 
erected on which sacrifice was offered. The sequel 
tells of Moses' return, of the destruction of the image, 
and finally of Moses' call to his tribesmen, the sons of 
Levi, to prove their zeal for the pure worship of J" 
by taking summary vengeance on the backsliders, 
3000 of whom fell by their swords. 

Two to three centuries later, bull images again emerge 
in the history of Israel. Among the measures taken 
by Jeroboam i. for the consolidation of his new kingdom 
was one which was primarily designed to secure its 
independence of the rival kingdom of the South in the 
all-important matter of pubUc worship. With this 
end in view, perhaps also with the subsidiary purpose 
of reconciling the priesthood of the local sanctuaries 
to the new order of things, Jeroboam set up two golden 
'calves,' one at Bethel and the other at Dan, the two 


most important sanctuaries, geographically and histori- 
cally, in his realm (1 K 12»-m, 2 Ch 11"'). Of the 
workmanship of Jeroboam's 'calves,' as of that of 
Aaron, it is impossible to speak with certainty. The 
former probably, the latter possibly (cf. Ex 32"'), 
consisted of a wooden core overlaid with gold. The 
view that the Heb. term necessarily implies that the 
images were small, has been shown above to be ground- 
less. It is also uncertain whether the other chief 
sanctuaries of the kingdom were at a later period pro- 
vided with similar images, the leading passage (Am 8") 
being capable of another interpretation. 

With regard to the religious significance of this 
action on the part of Jeroboam, it is now admitted 
on all hands that the bulls are to be recognized as symbols 
of J". He, and He alone, was worshipped both in the 
wilderness (see Ex 32' 'a feast to J"') and at Bethel 
and Dan under the symbol of the golden bull. For the 
source of this symbolism we must not look to Egypt, 
as did the scholars of former days, but to the primitive 
reUgious conceptions of the Semitic stock to which 
the Hebrews belonged. Evidence, both literary and 
monumental, has accumulated in recent years, showing 
that among their Semitic kin the bull was associated 
with various deities as the symbol of vital energy and 
strength. Jeroboam, therefore, may be regarded as 
having merely given ofScial sanction to a symbolism 
with which the Hebrews had been famiUar, if not from 
time immemorial, at least since their association with 
the Canaanites. 

A comparison of Ex 32* with 1 K 12^8 shows that 
the two narratives have a literary connexion, of which 
more than one explanation is possible. In the opinion 
of most recent scholars, the author or editor of Ex 32 
has adapted the traditional material on which he worked 
so as to provide a polemic, in the spirit of Hosea, 
against the established worship of the NorthernKingdom, 
which is here represented as condemned in advance 
by J" Himself (Ex 32"). The attitude of Amos to this 
feature of the established worship at Bethel is not so 
evident as might have been expected, but of the attitude 
of Hosea there can be no doubt. It is one of profound 
scorn and bitter hostiUty (see 8"- 10* 13^ — the last 
passage gives the interesting detail that the bulls were 
kissed like the black stone in the Kaaba at Mecca). 
In the same spirit, and in harmony with the true char- 
acter of the religion of J"), as revealed through the 
prophets who succeeded Hosea, the Deuteronomic 
editor of the Books of Kings repeatedly characterizes 
the introduction of the bull images into the cult of J" 
as the sin wherewith Jeroboam made Israel to sin 
(1 K 14" 15« etc.). A. R. S. Kennedy. 

CALITAS. — One of the Levites who undertook to 
repudiate his 'strange wife,' 1 Es 9^. He bore a 
second name, Colius. A Levite of the same name, and 
probably the same person, is mentioned in v." as one 
of those who expounded the Law. See also Kelaiah. 

CALLISTHENES (2 Mac 8ss).— A Syrian, captured 
by the Jews in a small house, where he had taken refuge 
after the great victory over Nicanor and Gorgias, in 
B.C. 165 (cf. 1 Mac 4'-''). At a festival in celebration of 
the victory, the Jews burnt Callisthenes to death, 
because he had set fire to the portals of the Temple 
(cf. 1 Mac 43"). 

CALNEH, CALNO.— 1. Calneh is associated inGn ID" 
with Babylon, Erech, and Accad as the earUest cities 
of Shinar. The Talmudic assertion that ' Calneh means 
Nippur' receives some support from the age and im- 
portance of Nippur, but it is not known that this was 
ever the name of that city. Kulunu, the early name of 
an important city near Babylon, may be meant. 
2. Calneh, linked with Hamath and Gath in Am 6^ is 
probably the'Kulnia (Kullani) associated with Arpad 
and Hadrach, Syrian cities, in the Assyrian 'tribute' 
lists, Kullanhu now six miles from Arpad. 3. Calno, 



compared with Carchemish in Is lO', is probably the 
same as No. 2. C. H. W. Johns. 

CALVARY (Lk 23'').— See Golgotha. 

CALVES OF THE LIPS.— Hos 14^ (AV 'so will we 
render the calves of our lips'; RV ' . . . [as] bullocks 
[the offering of] our lips'), an obscure passage. A very 
slight change of the MT yields the LXX and Syr. render- 
ing 'the fruit of our Ups.' 

GtiMEL. — The bones of camels are found among the 
remains of the earliest Semitic civilization at Gezer, 
B.C. 3000 or earUer, and to-day camels are among the 
most common and important of domesticated animals 
in Palestine. They have thus been associated with 
every era of history in the land. Two species are known: 
the one-humped Camelus dromedarius, by far the more 
common in Bible lands; and the Bactrian, two-humped 
Camelus bactrianus, which comes from the plateau of 
Central Asia. This latter is to-day kept in considerable 
numbers by Turkomans settled in the Jaulan, and long 
caravans of these magnificent beasts may sometimes 
be encountered coming across the Jordan into Galilee 
or on the Jericho-Jerusalem road. The C. dromedarius 
is kept chiefly for burden-bearing, and enormous are the 
loads of corn, wood, charcoal, stone, furniture, etc., 
which thes'i patient animals carry: 600 to 800 lbs. are 
quite average loads. Their owners often ride on the 
top of the load, or on the empty baggage-saddle when 
returning; Moslem women and children are carried 
in a kind of palanquin — the camel's furniture of Gn 
31M. For swift travelling a different breed of camel 
known as ha^n is employed. Such a camel will 
get over the ground at eight to ten miles an hour, and 
keep going eighteen hours in the twenty-four. These 
animals are employed near Beersheba, and also regularly 
to carry the mails across the desert from Damascus to 
Baghdad. They may be the 'dromedaries' of Eat S". 

Camels are bred by countless thousands in the lands 
to the E. of the Jordan, where they form the most valu- 
able possessions of the Bedouin, as they did of the 
Midianites and Amalekites of old {Jg 7"). The Bedouin 
live largely upon the milk of camels (Gn 32i5) and also 
occasionally eat their flesh, which was forbidden to the 
Israelites (Dt 14', Lv 11*). They also ride them on 
their raids, and endeavour to capture the camels of 
hostile clans. The feUahin use camels for ploughing 
and harrowing. 

The camel is a stupid and long-enduring animal, but 
at times, especially in certain months, he occasionally 
'runs amok,' and then he is very dangerous. His 
bite is almost always fatal. The camel's hair which is 
used for weaving (Mk 1«, Mt 3*) is specially taken from 
the back, neck, and neighbourhood of the hump: over 
the rest of the body the ordinary camel has his hair worn 
short. His skin is kept anointed with a peculiar smelling 
composition to keep off parasites. The special adaptation 
of the camel to its surroundings lies in its compound 
stomach, two compartments of which, the rumen and 
the retiddum, are especially constructed for the storage 
of a reserve supply of water; its hump, which though 
useful to man for attachment of burdens and saddles, 
is primarily a reserve store of fat; and its wonderful 
fibrous padded feet adapted to the softest sandy soil. 
The camel is thus able to go longer without food and 
drink than any other burden-bearing animal, and is 
able to traverse deserts quite unadapted to the slender 
foot of the horse and the ass. On slippery soil, rock or 
mud, the camel is, however, a helpless flounderer. The 
camel's food is chiefly tibn (chopped straw), kursenneh, 
beans, oil-cake, and occasionally some grain. There 
seems, however, to be no thorn too sharp for its relish. 

In the NT references to the camel it is more satis- 
factory to take the expressions 'swallow a camel' 
(Mt 232') and 'It is easier for a camel to go through the 
eye of a needle,' etc. (Mt 19*'||), as types of ordinary 
Oriental proverbs (cf. the Talmudic expression 'an 


elephant through a needle's eye') than to. weave fancied 
and laboured explanations. The present writer agrees 
with Post that the gate called the 'needle's eye' is a 
fabrication. E. W. G. Masteeman. 

CAMEL'S HAIR.— See Camel, Dbebs, § 1. 

OAMON.— See Kamon. 

CAMP.— See War. 

CAMPHIRE (kSpfier, Ca IH 4is) is the henna plant 
(Lawsonia alba), a small shrub which may still be found 
at Engedi. It is a great favourite with the people of 
Palestine to-day, and a ' cluster ' of the flowers is often 
put in the hair; the perfume is much admired. It is 
also extensively used for staining the hands (especially 
the nails), the feet, and the hair; it stains an ochre-red, 
but further treatment of the nails with a mixture of 
lime and ammonia turns the colour almost black. Old 
women frequently redden their hair, and Moslems their 
beards, by means of henna. E. W. G. Masterman. 

CANA. — A Galilaean village, where Christ turned 
water into wine (Jn 2') and healed with a word a 
nobleman's son who lay sick at Capernaum (4"). 
Nathanael was a native of this place (21^). Three 
sites have been suggested as identifications, any 
one of which would satisfy the meagre indications. 
These are Kanat el-Jelil, perhaps the most probable, 
north of Sephurieh; 'Ain Kana, east of Nazareth; and 
Kefr Kenna, north-east of, and a little farther from, 
the same town. The last is the site fixed upon by 
ecclesiastical tradition. R. A. S. Macalistbr. 

CANAAN. — See next art.; Ham, Palestine. 

CANAANITES. — A name given in the J document 
to the pre-Israelitish inhabitants of Palestine (e.ff. 
Gn 243-' 382, ex 3'- " 13'- ", Nu 14«. « 2U- \ Jg 

11. 5. 17. 28. 29. 30. 33). 

In this usage the P document concurs, though the 
E document generally calls them 'Amoiites' (wh. see). 
The E document (Nu 132') says that the Canaanites 
dwell by the sea, and the Amorites in the mountains. 
All the writers unite in calling Palestine the land of 
Canaan. Opinions differ as to whether the people 
were named from the land or the land from the people. 
The earliest usage in the el-Amarna tablets (where it 
is called Kinahhi and Kinahni) and in the Egyptian 
inscriptions of the XlXth dynasty, seems to confine 
the name to the low land of the coast (cf . KIB v. 50.41, 
151.50; and MUUer, Asien und Buropa, 205 fl.). The 
Phoenicians, much later, on their coins called their 
land Canaan; and two or three Greek writers testify 
that they called it Chna' (cf. Schroder, PhSn. Sprache, 
6 ff.). A view proposed by Rosenmtlller has been 
held by many modern scholars, viz.: — that Canaan 
means 'lowland,' and was applied to the seacoast of 
Palestine, as opposed to the central range and the 
Lebanons. If this view were correct, the Canaanites 
would have received their name after settling in the 
coast-land. This view has been proved incorrect by 
Moore (Proc. of Am. Or. Soc. 1890, p. Ixvii H.). Prob- 
ably '(3anaanite' was a tribal name, and the people 
gave their name to the land (cf. Paton, Early History 
of Syria and Palestine, 68). It appears from Dt 3" that 
the language of the Canaanites differed only dialectic- 
ally from that of the Amorites. Both peoples were 
therefore closely related. Probably the Canaanites 
were a later wave of Amorites. In Is ig" Hebrew Is 
called 'the language of Canaan,' — a statement which 
is substantiated by the Moabite Stone, the PhtEnician 
inscriptions, and the Hebrew idioms in the el-Amarna 
tablets. It appears from the latter that the Canaanites 
had given their name to the country before B.C. 1400. 
Paton connects their migration with that movement of 
races which gave Babylonia the Kassite dynasty about 
B.C. 1700, and which pushed the Hyksos into Egypt. 
Probably their coming was no later than this. 

In Jg. 1 we are told of many Canaanites whom Israel 
did not at first conquer. After the time of Solomon, 



however, those resident in the high lands who had not 
been absorbed into the Israelitish tribes (of. Iskabl, 
§§ 3, 11), were reduced to tasl£-work. The coming of 
the Philistines pushed the Ganaanites out of the mari- 
time plain south of Mt. Carmel, so that ultimately the 
Phoenicians were the only pure Canaanites left. The 
leading Phoenician cities were such commercial centres 
that 'Canaanite' afterwards became equivalent to 
'trader' (cf. Hos. 12*, Is 238, zeph 1", Ezk 17*, 
Pr 31«). George A. Baeton. 

CANAN^AN or CANAANITE occurs in Mt 10' and 
Mli 3" as a designation of Simon, one of the disciples 
of Jesus. The first is the correct reading, the Gr. 
Kananaios being the transliteration of kan'anayyS (a 
late Heb. derivative from i;anna' = ' jealous'). It is 
rendered in Lk 6" and Ac I's by ZUOOs (zealot). The 
Canansans or Zealots were a sect founded by Judas 
of Gamala, who headed the opposition to the census 
of Quirinius (a.d. 6 or 7). They bitterly resented the 
domination of Rome, and would fain have hastened by 
the sword the fulfilment of the Messianic hope. During 
the great rebellion and the siege of Jerusalem, which 
ended in its destruction (a.d. 70), their fanaticism made 
them terrible opponents, not only to the Romans, but 
to other tactioiLS amongst their own countrymen. 

C ANDACE . — Queen of Ethiopia. A eunuch belonging 
to her, in charge of her treasure, was baptized by Philip 
(Ac 8"). The name was borne by more than one 
queen of Ethiopia. The Candace who invaded Egypt 
In B.C. 22 (Strabo) is, of course, earlier than this. A 
Candace is perhaps named on one of the pyramids of 
Meroe. See Gush. F. Ll. Griffith. 


CANE. — See Reed. 

CANKEBWORM.— See Locust. 

C ANNEH . — A town named with Haran and Eden (Ezk 
27"), not identified. Mez (Gesch. der Stadt Harran, 34) 
suggests that it may be a clerical error for bene. I.e. bene 
Bden, 'sons of Eden' (see Guthe, Bibdwbrterbucli, s.v.). 



of terms. — The word 'Testament' is the Eng. tr. Of 
the Gr. DiathekS, which in its turn represents the Heb. 
Berith or 'Covenant.' The epithet 'Old' was intro- 
duced by Christians after the NT had come into being. 
Jews recognize no NT, and have a polemic interest 
in avoiding this designation of their Holy Scripture. 
The Gr. word kanon, meaning primarily a measuring-rod, 
a rule, a catalogue, was applied by Christian authors 
of the 4th cent, to the list of books which the Church 
acknowledged to be authoritative as the source of 
doctrine and ethics. In investigating how the Hebrew 
race formed their Bible, these later appellations of their 
sacred books have to be used with the reservations 

2. The three periods of formation. — Briefly stated, 
the process of forming the OT Canon includes three 
main stages. Under the infiuence of Ezra and Nehemiah, 
the Law (,Torah) as in the Pentateuch was set apart 
as Holy Scripture; at some date prior to b.c. 200, the 
Prophets (.NebUm) , including the prophetic interpretati on 
of history in the four books — Joshua, Judges, Samuel, 
Kings — had been constituted into a second canonical 
group ; by B.C. 132, most, though not all, of the remaining 
books ranked as Scripture. This third group was 
defined, and the OT Canon finally fixed, by the Synod 
of Palestinian Jews held at Jamnia, near Joppa, about 
the year a.d. 90. 

3. Pre-canonical conditions. — (a) The art of writing. 
The formation of language and the Invention of writing 
must precede the adoption of a sacred book. An 
illiterate race can have no Scripture. Israel's language 
was in its main features an inheritance from the common 
ancestors of the Semites; even its religious vocabulary 


was only in part its own creation. As to writing, the 
Semites in Babylonia had used the cuneiform syllabic 
script, and Egypt had invented the hieroglyphs before 
the Hebrews had arisen as a separate race. But, happily 
for the Canon, an alphabet had become the possession 
of some of the Semitic family before the Hebrews had 
anything to put on record. The provincial governors 
of Canaan about B.C. 1400 sent their reports to Egypt 
in Babylonian cuneiform; whereas Mesha, king of 
Moab, and Panammu, king of Ya'di in North Syria, 
in extant Inscriptions from about b.c. 900, make use 
of an Aramaic alphabet. After b.c. 1400, and some 
time before b.c. 900, must therefore be placed the 
genesis of the Hebrew alphabet. 

(6) Absence of any precedent. — In the case of other 
sacred books, the influence of a historical precedent 
has contributed to their adoption. Recognizing the 
OT, Christians were predisposed to use a literary record 
in preserving the revelation they had received. Simi- 
larly Islam admitted the superiority of 'the people 
of a book ' (Jews and Christians), and were easily induced 
to accord like sanctity to their own Koran. But such 
a precedent did not come into operation in the early 
religion of Israel. It is true that the Code of Hammu- 
rabi (c. B.C. 2200) was recorded on stone, and publicly 
set forth as the rule of civU hfe in Babylonia. But this 
method of regulating communal life can hardly have 
affected the earliest legislators In Israel. The relation 
of the Code of Hammurabi to the Mosaic Laws appears 
to be correctly indicated by Mr. Johns: 'The co- 
existing likenesses and differences argue for an inde- 
pendent retension of ancient custom deeply influenced 
by Babylonian law.' Egypt also had literature before 
Moses, but the Hebrews appear to have acted on an 
independent initiative in producing and collecting 
their religious Uterature. The OT Canon is thus peculiar 
in being formed as the first of its kind. 

(c) Religious experience. — Other conditions of a less 
general kind have also to be noted. The religious 
leaders of the people must have had definite convictions 
as to the attributes of Jehovah before they could judge 
whether any given prophet or document were true 
or false. The life depicted in the book of Genesis 
reveals a non-writing age, when reUgious experience 
and unwritten tradition were the sole guides to duty. 
The Sinaitic legislation, although it formed the basis 
of national life, did not till late in the monarchy pene- 
trate the popular consciousness. Mosaic Law provided 
that Divine guidance would be given through the voice 
of prophets and of priests (Dt IS's 19" 21* 24«); with 
these living sources of direction, it would be less easy 
to feel dependence on a book. The symbolism of a 
sacrificial system compensated for the want of literature. 
It was only after books of various kinds had become 
prevalent that the utility of writing began to be appre- 
ciated. Isaiah (30*), about b.c. 740, perceives that 
what is inscribed in a book will be permanent and 
indisputable. On the other hand, Hosea (8'^), about 
B.C. 745, sees a limit to the efficacy of a copious litera- 
ture. The exponents of the traditional Law appear 
to have applied it with arbitrary freedom. Even a 
high priest in Josiah's reign had apparently had no 
occasion to consult the Law-book for a long period. 
Variations appear in the reasons annexed even to the 
Decalogue; and the priests who offered incense to the 
brazen serpent in the Temple in the days of Hezeklah 
cannot have regarded the Tables of the Law in the 
light of canonical Scripture. 

4. Josiah's reformation. — The first trace of a Canon 
is to be found in the reign of King Josiah about B.C. 621. 
By this time the Northern Kingdom had disappeared 
with the Fall of Samaria (b.c. 722). It had left behind, 
as its contribution to the future Bible, at least the 
works of Hosea and the Elohist historian. The 
prophets, Isaiah i., Amos, and Micah, had delivered 
their message a century ago, and their words were 



In the possession of their disciples. The fate of the 
ten tribes had vindicated the prophetic warnings. 
The beginnings of Israel's history were made familiar 
by the beautiful narratives of the Jahwist historian. 
Many songs were linown by heart, and contributed 
to the growth of a feeUng that the nation had a Divine 
mission to fulfil. Laws, that had been kept for rare 
reference in the sanctuary, were studied by disciples 
of the prophets, and were expounded with a new sense 
of their Divine obligation. The annals of the monarchy 
had been duly recorded by the official scribes, but 
their religious significance was as yet unthouglit of. 
Other hooks, which afterwards disappeared, were 
also in circulation. Such were 'the Book of the Wars 
of the Lord' (Nu 21"), and 'the Book of Jashar' 
(Jos 1013, 2 S 1"). In such conditions at Jerusalem 
there came about Josiah's reformation, described in 
2 K 22. 23. 

6. Inspiration recognized in theBk. of Deuteronomy. 
— A book identified on satisfactory grounds with our 
Deuteronomy (excluding possibly the preface and the 
appendix) was discovered In the Temple and read to 
the king. In consequence, Josiah convened a general 
assembly at Jerusalem, and read the words of the book 
to all the people. All parties agreed that this Law- 
book should constitute a solemn league and covenant 
between themselves and Jehovah. The grounds of 
its acceptance are its inherent spiritual power, the 
conviction it produced that it truly expressed the will 
of Jehovah, and also its connexion with the great name 
of Moses. The book was not imposed merely by royal 
authority; the people also 'stood to the covenant.' 
These conditions combine to give Deuteronomy canonical 
authority of an incipient kind from that date onwards 
(B.C. 622). 

6. Pentateuch made canonical. The next stage 
in the growth of the Canon is found in the time of Ezra 
and Nehemiah (B.C. 457-444). Much had happened 
In the intervening 170 years. The captivity in Babylon 
(B.C. 586-536) intensified national feeling and made 
their books more precious to the exiles. Temple cere- 
monial had now no place in religious practice; and 
spiritual aspiration turned to prayer and reading, 
both public and private. Fresh expositions of the 
Mosaic Law were prepared by the prophet Ezekiel 
(B.C. 592-670), and by the anonymous priest who put 
the Law of Holiness (Lv 17-26) into written form. 
Just as the Fall of Jerusalem in a.d. 70 supplied the 
incentive for recording in the Mishna the oral tradition 
of the Pharisees, so in Babylon expatriation impelled 
the priestly families to write out their hereditary usages, 
thus forming the document known as the Priestly 
Code. The problem of suffering, national and individual, 
was considered in the work of the Second Isaiah and 
in the book of Job. The past history of Israel was 
edited so as to show the method of Divine Providence. 
The Restoration of the Temple (b.c. 516) and the 
prophecies of Haggai and Zechariah began a new chapter 
in the story of Judaism. Many of the Jews remained 
in Babylon, and continued their activity in the study 
of the national literature. From Babylon they sent 
Ezra the scribe (b.c. 457) and Nehemiah (b.c. 444) 
with help for the Jerusalem community. Under the 
influence of these leaders the Pentateuch was made 
canonical (Neh 8-10). This work had been formed 
by constructing a ' Harmony ' of the various expositions 
of Mosaic Law (Ex 20-23, Deut., Lv 17-26, and the 
Priestly Code) and combining these with the histories 
of the Jahwist and the Elohist. The initial cosmology 
shows the high plane of religious thought that had 
now been attained. Some opposition appears to have 
come from the priests, who favoured mixed marriages 
and a Samaritan alliance; but the people as a whole 
' make a sure covenant and write it. And our princes, 
our Levites, and our priests seal unto it' (Neh 9"). 
That this Canon included only the Torah is proved 



by the fact that the Samaritans, who were severed 
from Judaism shortly after Nehemiah's time, never 
had any Canon beyond the Pentateuch. Their apocry- 
phal Joshua does not prove that Ezra's Canon was 
the Hexateuch. Had Joshua been attached to the 
Law, the LXX version of it would have been less in- 
accurate. Nor is it easy to see how a book so solemnly 
adopted could ever after have been relegated to a 
secondary place. 

7. Canon of the Prophets.— The next addition to 
the Canon consists of the Prophets, reckoned as 8 books 
— Joshua, Judges, Samuel, Kings, Isaiah, Jeremiah, 
Ezekiel, and the Twelve (Minor Prophets) forming 
one book. No account of their canonization is avail- 
able, and the process has to be inferred from what is 
known of the period. The books themselves give 
some guidance. Under the influence of Deut., history 
was studied so as to reveal the progress of a Divine 
purpose. The books of Kings record events doyen 
to about B.C. 560, hence their preparation for the Canon 
must have been some time later. Isaiah includes 
the works of the first and second of that name, besides 
chapters from later sources. The redaction of the 
whole must have been made at a time when the separate 
authorship was forgotten. Jeremiah (b.c. 627-586) is 
supplemented by extracts from the book of Kings 
written after 560. The Twelve include Malachi, who 
wrote between b.c. 458 and 432. Jonah and Zechariah 
are also late, and the latter book has a supplement 
of uncertain date. Internal evidence thus impUes 
that when the Law was made canonical, the prophets 
had not been carefully edited or collected into one 
group. The Chronicler, writing about b.c 300, recog- 
nizes that the Law has become Holy Scripture, but 
he makes the freest use of the history in Samuel and 
Kings. After Malachi the people became well aware 
that the voice of true prophecy had ceased (Zee 13*, 
Neh 6'- ", Ps 749, 1 Mac 9" etc.). The predictions 
of the prophets had been ominously vindicated by the 
course of history. Such observations would tend 
continually to increase the veneration for the prophetic 
literature. The rivalry of Hellenic culture after the 
conquests of Alexander the Great (c. b.c. 300) may 
possibly have suggested to the Jews an increase of 
their own sacred Canon. At all events, the canonization 
of the prophetic literature had become matter of past 
history by b.c. 200. This limit is fixed by the testimony 
of Jesus ben-Sira, who writes the book in the Apoc- 
rypha called Ecclesiasticus. His praise of the famous 
men in Israel (chs. 44-50) shows that the Law and 
the Prophets were invested with canonical authority 
in his day. The Lectionary of the Synagogue would 
quickly estabUsh the unique position of the Law and 
the Prophets as Holy Scripture (cf. Ac ISi'- "). 

8. The Hagiographa made canonical.— The third 
division of the OT is called in Hebrew Kethubhim, i.e. 
'Writings.' In Greek the name is Hagiographa, i.e. 
'Sacred Writings.' In a Hebrew Bible these books 
are arranged in the following order: — 

1. The Poetical Books: Psalms, Proverbs, Job. 

2. The Five Megilloth ('Rolls'): Canticles, Ruth, 
Lamentations, Ecclesiastes, Esther. 

3. Daniel, Ezra-Nehemiah, Chronicles. 

This group is much more varied in form and substance 
than the first two parts of the Canon. Several of these 
books may have been prized as highly as the Prophets, 
though their inclusion in the Second Canon would 
have been incongruous. The Psalter, for instance, 
had been for long familiar through its use in Temple 
services; and its influence on religious life was great, 
apart from any declaration of canonicity. But as 
some Psalms (e.g. 74, 79) appear to have been composed 
about B.C. 170-160, the final collection of the smaller 
hymnaries into the Psalter of five books cannot have 
been made before b.c. 150. The priestly summary 
of history in Chron., Ezr.-Neh. would be widely accept- 


able in an age when the Priestly Code was the dominant 
influence. The book about Daniel, published during 
the Maccabaean persecutions (b.c. 165), quickly won 
recognition and proved its religious worth. 

(o) Disputed books. — A hesitating approval was 
extended to Esther, Canticles, and Eccleslastes, owing 
to the nature of their contents. Other books, apocalyptic 
and apocryphal, were competing for a place in the 
religious library. There is no means of showing how 
or when the third group was separated from other 
books. The conjecture is probable that the effort of 
Antiochus Epiphanes to destroy the copies of the Law 
may have evoked the determination to preserve the 
later reUgious literature by giving it a place in the 

(6) Prologue to Sirach. — The earliest testimony to 
the existence of sacred books in addition to the Law 
and the Prophets is given in the Prologue to Ecclesi- 
asticus. The grandson of ben-Sira wrote in Egypt 
about B.C. 132, and made a Greek translation of his 
kinsman's 'Wisdom.' In the preface he refers three 
times to ' the Law, the Prophets, and the other books 
of our fathers.' He speaks of Greek versions of these 
books. But this statement does not say that the 
third group was definitely completed. In the 1st cent. 
A.D., the schools of Hillel and Shammai differed as to 
whether Ecclesiastes was in the Canon or not. 

(c) New Testament. — The NT expresses a doctrine 
of Holy Scripture; it acknowledges a threefold division 
(Lk 24"); it implies that Chronicles was the last book 
in the roU of the OT (Mt 233», Lk 11"); but it does 
not quote Esther, Cant., Eccl., and leaves undecided 
the question whether these disputed books were as 
yet admitted to the Canon. 

(d) PhUo. — Philo of Alexandria (d. a.d. 40) acknowl- 
edges the inspiration of Scripture (the Mosaic Law 
pre-eminently), and quotes many of, but not nearly all, 
the OT books. His use of the Greek Apocrypha for 
information only, suggests, however, that he did know 
of a Palestinian limit to the third group. 

(e) Josephus. — Josephus (a.d. 100), defending his 
earlier books against adverse reviews, maintains that 
Jewish records had been made by trained historians. 
The elegant Inconsistencies of Greek narratives had 
no place in his authorities. 

'It is not the case with us,' he says (c. Apian, i. 8), 'to 
have vast numbers of books disagreeing and conflicting 
with one another. We have buttwo-and-twenty , containing 
thehistoryofalltime.booksthatarejustlybelievedin, . . . 
Though so great an interval of tinae baa passed, no one has 
ventured either to add orto renioveortoalterasyllable:and 
it is the instinct of every Jew from the day of his birth to 
consider these books as the teacning of God, to abide by 
them, and, if need be, cheerfully to lay down life in their 

The number 22 is probably due to his reckoning, 
with the LXX, Ruth and Judges as one, and Lamenta- 
tions and Jeremiah as one. It is less likely that he 
refused to count Cant, and Eccl. as Scripture. His 
words reveal the profound reverence now entertained for 
the OT &a a whole, although individuals may still have 
cherished objections to particular books. 

(f ) Synod of Jamnia. — The completion of the Hebrew 
Canon must be associated with a synod held at Jamnia, 
near Joppa, where the Sanhedrin settled after Jerusalem 
was taken by Titus (a.d. 70). The popularity of the 
Alexandrian OT, including Apocrypha, and the growing 
influence of NT books caused the Rabbinical teachers 
to remove aU doubt as to the limits of their Scripture. 
'All Holy Scriptures defile the hands (the Hebrew 
phrase for 'are canonical'): Canticles and Ecclesiastes 
defile the hands.' Such was the dictum at Jamnia 
(c. A.D. 90) to which Rabbi ' Akiba (d. a.d. 135) appealed 
in dismissing the possibility of reopening discussion 
on the limits of the Canon. 

9. 'Text. — The Hebrew Bible was now complete. 
Elaborate precautions were taken to secure an un- 


changeable text; and a system of vowel-signs was 
invented some centuries later to preserve the old pro- 
nunciation. It has been considered strange that the 
oldest dated MS of the OT should be so recent as 
A.D. 916, whereas the Greek Bible and NT are found 
in MSS of the 4th and 5th centuries. This may be 
due to the requirement of the Synagogue that the 
copy in use should be perfect, and that any roll deficient 
in a word or letter should be suppressed, if not destroyed. 
The vigilant care of copies in use lessened the interest 
in superseded MSS. 

10. Relation of the Church to the OT.— The NT 
freely acknowledges Divine inspiration in the OT. 
Such a formula as ' All this was done that it might be 
fulfilled which was spoken of the Lord by the prophet ' 
(Mt 122), Implies that the Supreme Disposer of events 
had Intimated His purpose through the prophets. 
Posterity, therefore, rightly apprehends any occurrence 
when it has detected its place in the scheme of things 
foretold by the prophets. But it is also recognized 
that Scripture may be misapplied, and that therefore 
criticism Is essential. The interpretation of the OT 
must differ among Jews and Christians. The logic 
of events cannot be ignored, and the Advent of the 
Messiah cannot be treated as a negligible accident. 
The attitude of our Lord has the effect of making the 
OT a subordinate standard as compared with His 
own words and the teaching of the Apostles. He did 
not report the word of the Lord as received by vision 
or prophecy; in His own name He supplied what was 
wanting in Law and Prophets. He did not pronounce 
any book in itself adequate to determine the communion 
between the Living God and living men; all Scripture 
must be illuminated by the testimonium Spiritus 
Sancti. The 24 Hebrew books are valid for the Church 
only in so far as their authority is sanctioned by the 
NT. But, subject to this limitation, the OT remains 
'profitable for teaching, for reproof, for correction, 
for instruction which is in righteousness' (2 Ti 3"). 
D. M. Kat. 

Greek word 'canon,' meaning originally a 'rod' and 
so a 'rule for measuring,' is used in a variety of 
senses by the Patristic writers, among the most 
familiar instances being the expressions 'rule of 
truth' and 'rule of faith' for the doctrinal teaching 
officially recognized by the bishops. Hence, since we 
meet with the phrase 'canonical books' in Origen, as 
rendered by Rufinus' translation, before we see the 
substantive 'canon' applied to the hst of NT books, 
it has been argued that the adjective was first used 
in the sense of 'regulative,' so that the phrase means 
'the books that regulate faith or morals.' But the sub- 
stantive must mean the ' list ' of books, and in Athanasius 
we have a passive participle in the phrase 'canonized 
books,' -i.e. books belonging to the Canon; soon after 
which the actual word 'canon' is applied to the books 
of the NT by Amphilochlus, the bishop of Iconium (end 
of 4th cent. a.d.). The NT Canon, then, is the Ust of NT 
books, and this simple meaning, rather than ' the regula- 
tive books,' is the more Ukely interpretation of the ex- 
pression to have occurred to people who were in the habit 
of using the term for lists of officials, lists of festivals, 
etc. The question of the Canon differs from questions 
of the authenticity, genuineness, historicity, inspiration, 
value, and authority of the several NT books in concern- 
ing itself simply with their acceptance in the Church. 
Primarily the question was as to what books were 
read in the churches at public worship. Those so used 
became in course of time the Christian Scriptures. 
Then, having the value of Scripture gradually associated 
with them, they came to be treated as authoritative. 
The first stage is that of use in the form of Church 
lessons; the second that of a standard of authority to be 
employed as the basis of instruction, and to be appealed 
to in disputed cases of doctrine or discipUne. 



2. The Formation of the Canonin the 2nd Century. — 

The very earliest reading of NT books in tlie churches 
must have occurred in the case of epistles addressed to 
particular churches, which of course were read in those 
which were passed round a group of churches. Still 
this involved no repeated liturgical use of these writings 
as in a church lectionary. During the obscure period 
of the sub-Apostolic age we have no indication of the 
use of epistles in church worship. Clement of Rome 
assumed that the church at Corinth was acquainted 
with 1 Corinthians, although he was writing nearly 40 
years after St. Paul had sent that Epistle to the church, 
and a new generation had arisen in the Interval; but 
there is no proof or probabiUty that it was regularly 
read at the services. The earliest references to any 
such reading point to the Synoptic Gospels as alone 
having this place of honour, together with the OT 
prophets. This was the case in the worship described 
by Justin Martyr (1 Apol. Ixvii.). A little later 
Justin's disciple Tatian prepared his Harmony (Dia- 
tessaron) for use in the church at Edessa. This was 
constructed out of all four Gospels; i.e. it included John, 
a Gospel probably known to Justin, though not included 
in his Memoirs of the Apostles. As yet no epistles 
are seen in the place of honour of church reading side 
by side with OT Scriptures. But long before this a 
collection had been made by Marcion (c. a.d. 140) in his 
effort to reform the Church by recalling attention to 
the PauUne teaching which had fallen into neglect. 
Marcion's Canon consisted of a mutilated Gospel of 
St. Luke and 10 Epistles of St. Paul (the 3 Pastoral 
Epistles being omitted). Although other early Church 
writers evidently allude to several of the Epistles 
(e.g. Clemens Rom., Ignatius, Polycarp, 'Barnabas'), 
that is only by way of individual citation, without 
any hint that they are used in a collection or treated 
as authoritative Scripture. Marcion is the earUest 
who is known to have honoured any of the Epistles 
in this way. But when we come to Irenaeus (180) we 
seem to be in another world. Irenseus cites as authori- 
tative most of the books of the Christian Scriptures, 
though he does not appear to have known Hebrews. We 
now have a NT side by side with the OT ; or at all events 
we have Christian books appealed to as authoritative 
Scripture, just as in the previous generation the LXX 
was appealed to as authoritative Scripture. Here is 
evidence of a double advance: (1) in the addition of 
the Epistles to the Gospels as a collection, (2) in the 
enhancement of the value of all these books for the 
settlement of questions of doctrine. 

This is one of the most important developments in 
the thought and practice of the Church. And yet 
history is absolutely silent as to how, when, where, and 
by whom it was brought about. Nothing is more 
amazing in the history of the Christian Church than the 
absence of all extant contemporary references to so 
great a movement. The Sp years from Justin Martyr, 
who knew only a collection of 3 Gospels as specially 
authoritative, and that simply as records of the life 
and teaching of Christ, to Irenaius, with his frequent 
appeals to the Epistles as well as the Gospels, saw the 
birth of a NT Canon, but left no record of so great an 
event. Irenasus, though bishop of Lyons and Vienne 
in Gaul, was in close communication with Asia Minor 
where he had been brought up, and Prof. Harnaok con- 
jectures that bishops of Asia Minor in agreement with 
the Church at Rome deliberately drew up and settled 
the Canon, although we have no historical record of 
so significant an event. It may be, however, that 
Irenffius was himself a pioneer in a movement the 
necessity of which was recognized as by common consent. 
Some authoritative standard of appeal was wanted 
to save the essence of Christian teaching from being 
engulfed in the speculations of Gnosticism. The Gospels 
were not sufficient for this purpose, because they were 


accepted by the Gnostics, who, however, interpreted 
them allegorically. What was needed was a standard 
of doctrinal truth, and that was found in the Epistles. 

Near this time we have the earliest known Canon 
after that of Marcion, the most ancient extant list of 
NT books in the Catholic Church. This is named 
the ' Muratorian Fragment,' after its discoverer Mura- 
tori, who found it in a 7th or 8th cent, monk's common- 
place book in the Ambrosian Library at Milan, and 
pubUshed it in 1740. The fragment Is a mutilated 
extract of a list of NT books made at Rome probably 
before the end of the 2nd cent., since the author refers 
to the episcopate of Pius as recent {jiuperrime iemp&ribus 
noslris), and Pius i., who died in a.d. 157, is the only 
bishop of Rome of that name in the early age to which 
unquestionably, as internal evidence indicates, the 
original composition must be assigned. The fragment 
begins in the "middle of a sentence which appears to 
allude to St. Peter's connexion with our Second Gospel, 
and goes on to mention Luke as the Third Gospel and John 
as the Fourth. Therefore it evidently acknowledged the 
4 Gospels. Then it has Acts, which it ascribes to Luke, 
and it acknowledges 13 Epistles of Paul — admitting 
the Pastorals, but excluding Hebrews, though it subse- 
quently refers to 'an Epistle to the Laodiceans,' and 
another ' to the Alexandrians forged under the name of 
Paul,' as well as 'many others' which are not received 
in the CathoUc Church 'because gall ought not to 
be mixed with honey.' Further, this Canon includes 
Jude, 2 Epistles of John, and the Apocalypse, which it 
ascribes to John. It also has the Book of Wisdom, which 
it says was 'written by the friends of Solomon in his 
honour,' and the Apocalypse of Peter, although acknowl- 
edging that there is a minority which rejects the latter 
work, for we read 'we receive moreover the Apocalypses 
of John and Peter only, which [latter] some of our body 
will not have read in the church.' This indicates that 
the author's church as a whole acknowledges the 
Apocalypse of Peter, and that he associates himself with 
the majority of his brethren in so doing, whUe he candidly 
admits that there are some dissentients. Lastly, the 
Canon admits Hermas for private reading, but not for 
use in the church services. We have here, then, most 
of our NT books ; but, on the one hand, Hebrews, 1 and 2 
Peter, James, and one of the 3 Epistles of John are not 
mentioned. They are not named to be excluded, like 
the forged works referred to above; possibly the author 
did not know of their existence. At all events he 
did not find them used in his church. On the other 
hand. Wisdom, without question, and the Apocalypse 
of Peter, though rejected by some, are included in this 
canon, and Hermas is added for private reading. 

Passing on to the commencement of the 3rd cent., 
we come upon another anonymous writing, an anti- 
gambling tract entitled 'Concerning dice-players' 
(de Aleatoribus), which Prof. Harnack attributes to 
Victor of Rome (a.d. 200-230). In this tract the 
Shepherd of Hermas and the Didache are both quoted 
as 'Scripture.' The author refers to three divisions 
of Scripture: (1) Prophetic writings — the OT Prophets, 
the Apocalypse, Hermas; (2) the Gospels; (3) the 
Apostolic Writings — Paul, 1 John, Hebrews. 

Neither of these Canons can be regarded as authori- 
tative either ecclesiastically or scientifically, since we 
are Ignorant of their sources. But they both indicate 
a crystallizing process, in the Church at Rome about the 
end of the 2nd and beginning of the 3rd centuries, that 
was tending towards our NT, though with some curious 
variations. The writings of the Fathers of this period 
agree in the main With Irenaeus in their citations from 
most of the NT books as authoritative — a condition 
very different from that of Justin Martyr half a century 
earlier. Two influences may be recognized as bringing 
this result about: (1) use in churches at public worship, 
(2) authoritative appeals against heresy — especially 
Gnosticism. It was necessary to settle what books 



should be read in church and what books should be 
appealed to in discussion. The former was the primary 
question. The boolss used at their services by the 
churches, and therefore admitted by them as having a 
right to be so employed, were the books to be appealed 
to in controversy. The testing fact was church usage. 
Canonical books were the books read at public worship. 
How it came about that certain books were so used 
and others not is by no means clear. Prof. Harnack's 
theory would solve the problem it we could be sure it 
was valid. Apart from this, (1) traditional usage and (2) 
assurance of Apostolic authorship appear to have been 
two grounds relied upon. 

Turning to the East, we find Clement of Alexandria 
(A.D. 165-220) acknowledging the 4 Gospels and Acts, 
and 14 Epistles of Paul (Hebrews being included), and 
quoting 1 and 2 John, 1 Peter, Jude, and the Apocalypse. 
He makes no reference to James, 2 Peter, or 3 John, any 
of which he may perhaps have known, as we have no 
list of NT books from his hand, for he does not name 
these books to reject them. Still, the probabiUty as 
regards some, if not all, of them is that he did not know 
them. In the true Alexandrian spirit, Clement has a 
wide and comprehensive idea of inspiration, and therefore 
no very definite conception of Scriptural exclusiveness 
or fixed boundaries to the Canon. Thus he quotes 
Barnabas, Clement of Rome, Hermas, the Preaching of 
Peter, the Apocalypse of Peter, and the Sibylline Wri- 
tings as in some way authoritative. He was a literary 
eclectic who deUghted to welcome Christian truth in un- 
expected places. Still he had a NT in two volumes which 
he knew respectively as 'The Gospel' and 'The Apostle' 
(see Euseb. HE vi. 14). Origen (a.d. 184^253), who was 
a more critical scholar, treated questions of canonicity 
more scientifically. He acknowledged our books of the 
OT and some parts of the Apocrypha, such as 1 Mac; 
and in the NT the 4 Gospels, Acts, 13 Epistles of Paul, 
Hebrews (though the latter as of doubtful authorship; 
nevertheless in his homily on Joshua he seems to 
include it among St. Paul's works, since he makes 
them 14, when he writes that 'God, thundering on 
the 14 trumpets of his [i.e. Paul's] Epistles, threw 
down even the walls of Jericho, that is all the in- 
struments of idolatry and the doctrines of the philoso- 
phers'), 1 Peter, 1 John, Revelation. He does not 
directly mention the Epistles of James or Jude, 
although he seems to refer to them once in a rhetori- 
cal way, classing Peter, James, and Jude with the 4 
Evangelists as represented by Isaac's servants — if we 
are to trust Rufiuus' version. He mentions 2 Peter 
and 2 and 3 John as of disputed genuineness, and 
refers to the Gospel of the Hebrews in an apologetic 
tone, the Gospels of Peter and James, and the Acts of 
Paul, and quotes Hermas and Barnabas as ' Scripture,' 
while he admits that, though widely circulated, Hermas 
was not accepted by all. It is a significant fact, how- 
ever, that he wrote no commentaries on any of those 
books that are not included in our NT. 

3. The Settlement of the Canon in the Fourth and 
Fifth Centuries. — An important step towards the settle- 
ment of the Canon on historical and scientific lines was 
taken by Eusebius, who, with his wide reading and 
the great library of Paraphilus to resort to, also brought 
a fair and judicious mind to face the problems involved. 
Eusebius saw clearly that it is not always possible to 
give a definite affirmative or negative answer to the 
question whether a certain book should be in the Canon. 
Therefore he drew up three Usts of books — (1) The 
books that are admitted by all, (2) the books which he 
is disposed to admit although there are some who reject 
them, (3) the books that he regards as spurious. A 
fourth class, which really does not come into the com- 
petition for a place in the Canon, consists of heretical 
works which 'are to be rejected as altogether absurd 
and impious' (HE iii. 25). The Ivret class, consisting of 
the books universally acknowledged, contains the 4 


Gospels; Acts; the Epistles of Paul — which in one 
place (iii. 3) are reckoned to be 14, and therefore to 
include Hebrews, although in another place (vi. 14) 
Hebrews is placed in the second class, among the dis- 
puted books; 1 Peter; 1 John; and Revelation (doubt- 
fully). The second class, consisting of books widely 
accepted, though disputed by some (but apparently 
all admitted by Eusebius himself), contains James; 
Jude; 2 Peter — regarded in another place (iii. 3) as 
spurious; 2 and 3 John. The third class, consisting of 
spurious works, contains the Acts of Paul; the Shepherd 
of Hermas; the Apocalypse of Peter; the Didache; 
and perhaps, according to some, the Revelation. Under 
the orders of Constantine, Eusebius had 50 copies of the 
Scriptures sumptuously produced on vellum for use in 
the churches of Constantinople. Of course these would 
correspond to his own Canon and so help to fix it and 
spread its Influence. Alter this the fluctuations that 
we meet with are very slight. Athanasius in one of 
his Festal Letters (a.d. 365) undertakes to set forth in 
order the books that are canonical and handed down 
and believed to be Divine. His NT exactly agrees with 
our Canon, as does the NT of Epiphanius (c. a.d. 403). 
Cyril of Jerusalem (who died a.d. 386) gives a list of 
'Divine Scriptures' which contains all the NT except 
the Revelation; and Amphilochius of Iconium (a.d. 395) 
has a versified catalogue of the Biblical books, in which 
also all our NT books appear except the Revelation, 
which he regards as spurious; Amphilochius refers to 
doubts concerning Hebrews and to a question as to 
whether the number of Catholic Epistles is 7 or 3. Even 
Chrysostora (who died a.d. 405) never alludes to the 
Revelation or the last 4 CathoUc Epistles. But then 
he gives no list of the Canon. One of the Apostolical 
Canons (No. 85), which stand as an appendix to the 
8th book of the Apostolical Constitutions (85), and cannot 
be dated earlier than the 4th cent, in their present 
form, gives a list of the books of Scripture. Sirach is 
here placed between the OT and the NT with a special 
recommendation to ' take care that your young persons 
learn the wisdom of the very learned Sirach.' Then 
follow the NT books — the 4 Gospels, 14 Epistles of 
Paul (Hebrews therefore included in this category), 
2 Epistles of Peter, 3 of John, James, Jude, 2 Epistles 
of Clement, the 8 books of the Constitutions, Acts. Thus, 
while Clement and even the Apostolical Constitutions 
are included, the Revelation is left out, after a common 
custom in the East. Manifestly this is an erratic 

Returning to the West, at this later period we have 
an elaborate discussion on the Canon by Augustine 
(a.d. 430), who lays down rules by which the canonicity 
of the several books claimed for the NT may be deter- 
mined. (1) There are the books received and acknowl- 
edged by ail the churches, which should therefore be 
treated as canonical. (2) There are some books not 
yet universally accepted. With regard to these, two tests 
are to be applied : (a) such asare received by the majority 
of the churches are to be acknowledged, and (b) such 
as are received by the Apostolic churches are to be 
preferred to those received only by a smaller number 
of churches and these of less authority, i.e. not having 
been founded by Apostles. In case (o) and (fi) conflict, 
Augustine considers that ' the authority on the two sides 
is to be looked upon as equal' {Christian Doctrine, ii. 
viii. 12). Thus the tests are simply Church reception, 
though with discrimination as to the respective authority 
of the several churches. The application of these tests 
gives Augustine just our NT. 

Jerome (a.d. 420) also accepts our NT, saying con- 
cerning Hebrews and the Revelation that he adopts 
both on the authority of ancient writers, not on that 
of present custom. He is aware that James has been 
questioned; but he states that Utile by little in course 
of time it has obtained authority. Jude was even rejected 
by most people because it contained quotations from 



Apocryphal writings. Nevertheless he himself accepts 
it. He notes that 2 and 3 John have been attributed 
to a presbyter whose tomb at Ephesus is still pointed 
out. The immense personal influence o( Augustine 
and the acceptance of Jerome's Vulgate as the standard 
Bible of the Christian Church gave fixity to the Canon, 
which was not disturbed for a thousand years. No 
General Council had pronounced on the subject. The 
first Council claiming to be (Ecumenical which committed 
itself to a decision on the subject was as late as the 16th 
cent. (theCouncilofTrent). We may be thankful that the 
delicate and yet vital question of determining the Canon 
was not flung into the arena of ecclesiastical debate 
to be settled by the triumph of partisan churchmanship, 
but was allowed to mature slowly and come to its final 
settlement under the twofold influences of honest scholar- 
ship and Christian experience. There were indeed local 
councils that dealt with the question; but their decisions 
were binding only on the provinces they represented, 
although, in so far as they were not disputed, they 
would be regarded as more or less normative by those 
other churches to which they were sent. As representing 
the East we have a Canon attributed to the Council of 
Laodicea {c. a.d. 360). There is a dispute as to whether 
this is genuine. It is given in the MSS variously as 
a 60th canon and as part of the 59th appended in red 
ink. Half the Latin versions are without it; so are 
the Syriac versions, which are much older than our 
oldest MSS of the canons. It closely resembles the 
Canon of Cyril of Jerusalem, from which Westcott sup- 
posed that it was inserted into the canons of Laodicea 
by a Latin hand. Its genuineness was defended by 
Hetele and Davidson. JUlicher regards it as probably 
genuine. This Canon contains the OT with Baruch 
and the Epistle of Jeremy, and all our NT except the 
Revelation. Then in the West we have the 3rd Council 
of Carthage (a.d. 397), which orders that 'besides the 
Canonical Scriptures nothing be read in the Church 
under the title of Divine Scriptures,' and appends a 
list of the books thus authorized in which we have the 
OT, the Apocrypha, and just our NT books. Here we 
have a whole province speaking for those books; when 
we add the great authority of Augustine, who belongs 
to this very province, and the influence of the Vulgate, 
we can well understand how the Canon should now 
be considered fixed and inviolable. Thus the matter 
rested for ten centuries. 

4. Treatment of the Canon at the Renaissance and 
the Reformation, — Thequestionof theCanonwas revived 
by the Renaissance and the Reformation, the one 
movement directing critical, scholarly attention to 
what was essentially a literary question, the other 
facing it in the interest of religious controversy. Erasm us 
writes: 'The arguments of criticism, estimated by the 
rules of logic, lead me to disbelieve that the Epistle to 
the Hebrews is by Paul or Luke, or that the Second of 
Peter is the work of that Apostle, or that the Apocalypse 
was written by the Evangelist John. All the same, I 
have nothing to say against the contents of these books, 
which seem to me to be in perfect conformity with the 
truth. If, however, the Church were to declare the 
titles they bear to be canonical, then I would condemn 
my doubt, for the opinion formulated by the Church has 
more value in my eyes than human reasons, whatever 
they may be' — a most characteristic statement, reveal- 
ing the scholar, the critic, the timid soul — and the 
satirist (7). Within the Church of Rome even Cardinal 
Cajetan — Luther's opponent at Augsburg — freely dis- 
cusses the Canon, doubting whether Hebrews is St. Paul's 
work, and whether, if it is not, it can be canonical. He 
also mentions doubts concerning the fiveGeneral Epistles, 
and gives less authority to 2 and 3 John and Jude than 
to those books which he regards as certainly in the 
Holy Scriptures. The Reformation forced the question 
of the authority of the Bible to the front, because it set 
that authority In the place of the old authority of the 


Church. While this chiefly concerned the book as a 
whole, it couldnot preclude inquiries as to its contents 
and the rights of the several parts to hold their places 
there. The general answer as to the authority of 
Scripture is an appeal to ' the testimony of the Holy 
Spirit.' Calvin especially works out this conception 
very distinctly. The difficulty was to apply it to par- 
ticular books of the Bible so as to determine in each 
case whether they should be allowed in the Canon. 
Clearly a further test was requisite here. This was 
found in the 'analogy of faith' (Analogia fldei), which 
was more especially Luther's principle, while the testi- 
mony of the Holy Spirit was Calvin's. With Luther 
the Reformation was based on justification by faith. 
This truth Luther held to be confirmed (a) by its necessity, 
nothing else availing, and (6) by its effects, since in 
practice it brought peace, assurance, and the new life. 
Then those Scriptures which manifestly supported the 
fundamental principle were held to be ipso facto 
inspired, and the measure of their support of it deter- 
mined the degree of their authority. 'Thus the doctrine 
of justification by faith is not accepted because it is 
found in the Bible; but the Bible is accepted because 
it contains this doctrine. Moreover, the Bible is sorted 
and arranged in grades according as it does so more or 
less clearly, and to Luther there is 'a NT within the 
NT,' a kernel of all Scripture, consisting of those books 
which he sees most clearly set forth the gospel. Thus 
he wrote: ' John's Gospel, the Epistles of Paul, especially 
Romans, Galatians, Ephesians, and 1 Peter — these are 
the books which show thee Christ, and teach all that 
it is needful and blessed for thee to know even if you 
never see or hear any other book, or any other doctrine. 
Therefore is the Epistle of James a mere epistle of straw 
(erne rechte strokerne Epistel) since it has no character 
of the gospel in it' (Preface to NT<, 1522; the pas- 
sage was omitted from later editions). Luther places 
Hebrews, James, Jude, and the Apocalypse at the end 
of his translation, after the other NT books, which h3 
designates 'the true and certain capital books of the 
NT, for these have been regarded in former times in 
a different light.' He regards Jude as 'indisputably 
an extract or copy from 2 Peter.' Nevertheless, while 
thus discriminating between the values of the several 
books of the NT, he includes them all in his translation. 
Luther's friend Carlstadt has a curious arrangement of 
Scripture in three classes, viz. (1) The Pentateuch and 
the 4 Gospels, as being 'the clearest luminaries of the 
whole Divine truth'; (2) The Prophets 'of Hebrew 
reckoning' and the acknowledged Epistles of the NT, 
viz. 13 of Paul, 1 Peter, 1 John; (3) the Hagiographa of 
the Hebrew Canon, and the 7 disputed books of the 
NT. Dr. Westcott suggested that the omission of Acts 
was due to its being included with Luke. Calvin is more 
conservative with regard to Scripture than theLutherans. 
Still in his Commentaries he passes over 2 and 3 John 
and the Revelation without notice, and he refers to 
1 John as ' the Epistle of John,' and expresses doubts as 
to 2 Peter; but he adds, with regard to the latter, ' Since 
the majesty of the Spirit of Christ exhibits itself in every 
part of the Epistle, I feel a scruple in rejecting it wholly, 
however much I fail to recognize in it the genuine 
languageof Peter '(Com. on 3 Pcier, Argument). Further, 
Calvin acknowledges the existence of doubts with respect 
both to James and to Jude; but he accepts them both. 
He allows full liberty of opinion concerning the author- 
ship of Hebrews; but he states that he has no hesitation 
in classing it among Apostolical writings. In spite 
of these varieties of opinion, the NT Canon remained 
unaltered. At the Council of Trent (1546) for the first 
time the Roman Catholic Church made an authoritative 
statement on theCanon, uttering an anathema ( 'anathema 
sit') on anybody who did not accept in their integrity 
all the books contained in the Vulgate. Thus the 
Apocrypha is treated as equally canonical with the 
OT books; but the NT Canon is the same in Roman 



Catholic and Protestant Canons. Translations of the 
Bible into the vernacular of various languages laid the 
question of the Canon to rest again, by familiarizing 
readers with the same series of books in all versions 
and editions. 

5. TheCanoninModern Criticism.— InthelSth cent, 
the very idea of a Canon was attacked by the Deists 
and Rationalists (Toland, Diderot, etc.); but the critical 
study of the subject began with Semler (1771-5), who 
pointed out the early variations in theCanon and attacked 
the very idea of a Canon as an authoritative standard, 
while he criticised the usefulness and theological value 
of the several books of the NT. Subsequent controversy 
has dealt less with the Canon as such than with the 
authenticity and genuineness of the booksthatitcontains. 
In the views of extreme negative criticism canonicity 
as such has no meaning except as a historical record 
of Church opinion. On the other hand, those who 
accept a doctrine of inspiration in relation to the NT 
do not connect this very closely with critical questions 
in such a way as to affect the Canon. Thus doubts 
as to the authorship of the Pastoral Epistles, 2 Peter, 
James, etc., have not given rise to any serious proposal 
to remove these books from the NT. The Canon rests 
mainly on tradition and usage. But the justification 
for it when this is sought is usually found (1) in the 
Apostolic authorship of most of the NT books; (2) in 
the Apostolic atmosphere and association of the remaining 
books; (3) in the general acceptance and continuous 
use of them in the churches for centuries as a test of 
their value ; (4) in their inherent worth to-day as realized 
in Christian experience. It cannot be said that these 
four tests would give an indefeasible right to every 
book to claim a place in the Canon if it were not already 
there — e.g. the small Epistle of Jude; but they throw 
the burden of proof on those who would disturb the 
Canon by a serious proposal to eject any of its contents; 
and in fact no such proposal — as distinct from critical 
questions of the dates, authorship, historicity, etc., of 
the several books — is now engaging the attention of 
scholars or churches. W. F. Adeney. 

CANOPY. — A loan-word from the Gr. kdnSpeion, 
a mosquito-net. It is used to render this word in the 
description of the bed of Holofernes with its mosquito- 
curtain (Jth 10" etc.); also in Is 4' RV for Heb. 
chuppah in the sense of a protective covering. This 
Heb. word is becoming naturaUzed in English to denote 
the canopy under which a Jewish bridegroom and 
bride stand while the wedding ceremony is being per- 
formed. A. R. S. Kennedy. 

CANTICLES.— See Song op Songs. 

CAP.— See Dhess, § 5 (a). 

CAPEB-BERBT (aMyyBnah) .—Ec 12' RV; AV 
' desire.' The RV tr. is supported by the LXX, Pesh. 
and the Mishna. The caper-berry is the fruit of 
Capparis spinosa, a common Palestine plant, which, 
largely on account of its habit of growing out of crevices 
in walls, has been identified with the hyssop (wh. see). 
Various parts of the caper plant are extensively used 
as medicine by the fellahln. The familiar capers of 
commerce are the flower buds. The 'failure' of the 
caper-berry in old age may have been its ceasing to act 
as a stimulant, either as an aphrodisiac or a stomachic. 
E. W. G. Mastekman. 

CAPEENAUM.— The headquarters of Christ in His 
Galilsean ministry, after His rejection at Nazareth 
(Mt 4'3, Jn 212). Here he healed the centurion's 
palsied servant (Mt S'-", Lk T-"), provided the half- 
shekel for the Temple tribute (Mt IT*"), taught in the 
synagogue (Mk 1^', Lk 4", Jn 6=°), performed many 
miracles (Mk 12a-2i2, Lk 48=-"), taught humility to the 
disciples (Mk 9^), healed a nobleman's son by a word 
from Cana (Jn 4"). For its unbelief He denounced 
the city (Mt 11!», Lk lO's). Though it was evidently a 
town of considerable importance, the site is forgotten and 


is a matter of dispute. The two sites most in favour 
are Tell Hum and K?Mn Minyeh, both on the north 
side of the Sea of Galilee, the former about midway 
between the latter and the mouth of the Jordan. At 
Tell Hum are extensive ruins, including the remains of 
a synagogue. Khan Minyeh does not show such impor- 
tant remains, and, as these seem all to be Ar<ib, the 
balance of probability is on the side of Tell Hum, whose 
name should probably be written Telhum, and regarded 
as a corruption of Caphar Tanhum, the Talmudic form of 
the city's name (see the latest discussion on the subject 
in PEFST 1907, p. 220). If the remains at Tell Hum 
are not Capernaum, it is difficult to say what important 
city they represent (see Sanday's art. 'Capernaum' in 
Hastings' DCG). R. A. S. Macalister. 

CAPH or KAPH.— Eleventh letter of Heb. alphabet, 
and as such used in the 119th Psalm to designate the 
11th part, each verse of which begins with this letter. 

OAPHARSALAMA (1 Mac 7=').— Apparently near 
Jerusalem. Kefr Silwdn, the village of Siloam, is 
possibly intended. 

CAPHIBA (1 Es S").— A town of Benj., inhabitants 
of which returned with Zerubbabel; called in Ezr 2» 
Chephirah; ct. Neh 7"'. 

CAPHTOK.— The region whence the Philistines 
came to Palestine (Am 9', Jer 47*). Hence in Dt 2'" 
Caphtarim means the Philistines. In Gn 10" Caphtorim 
is used of the country itself in place of Caphtor; it 
should be placed in the text immediately after Casluhim. 
Many identifications of Caphtor have been attempted. 
The favourite theory has been that it means the island 
of Crete (cf. Cherethites). Next in favour is the view 
that Caphtor was the coast of the Egyptian Delta. It 
has also been identified with Cyprus. The correct 
theory is suggested by inscriptions of Ramses m. of 
Egypt (c. B.C. 1200), who tells of his having repelled a 
great invasion by enemies who had entered Syria and 
Palestine from the north. The leaders of these barbarians 
were called Purusati, which (Egyp. r being Sem. is 
equivalent to the Heb. Pelishtl. Connecting these facts 
with the circumstance that the southern coast of Asia 
Minor, more especially Cilicia, , was called Kefio or 
Kafto in the Egyptian inscriptions, it appears very 
probable that this Kafto and Caphtor are identical. The 
further conjecture might be hazarded that the writing 
of the Hebrew vmw as a vowel-letter in an original 
Kafto gave rise to the additional risk. Compare the 
similar case Ashkenaz. J. F. McCuhdy. 

CAPPADOCIA. — A large district in the mid-eastern 
part of Asia Minor, formed into a Roman province in 
A.D. 17. It was administered by a procurator sent out 
by the reigning emperor, being regarded as an unim- 
portant district. In a.d. 70 Vespasian united it with 
Armenia Minor, and made the two together a large 
and important frontier province, to be governed by an 
ex-consul, under the title of legatus Augusti pro prwtore, 
on the emperor's behalf. The territory to the N. and 
W. of Cilicia, the kingdom of the client-king Antiochus, 
was incorporated in it at the time, and it afterwards 
received various accessions of territory. Jews from 
Cappadocia are mentioned in Ac 2', and their presence 
there (c. B.C. 139) is implied in 1 Mac 15^ where a 
letter in their favour is addressed by the Roman Senate to 
king Arathes. Cappadocia was not visited by St. Paul, 
probably as insufficiently Romanized, but it was one 
of the provinces to which 1 Peter (? about a.d. 70-80) 
was sent. A. Souter. 

CAPTAIN. — This word occurs very frequently in 
the OT (AV and RV), and appears to have been favoured 
by the translators as a comprehensive term to denote 
a ruler, or a military commander of any unit, whatever 
its size might be. In modern military language it 
means especially the commander of a company of 
infantry, numbering about 100 to 110 men, and is 



quite unsuitable as a translation. It represents in 
OT 13 different Hebrew words. In Ezekiel it is often 
used for the secular head of the Messianic kingdom: 
'prince' will there and often elsewhere do as a render- 
ing; 'officer' and 'chief will suit other passages. 
There are further places where none of these words will 
do as a translation. In the NT it translates four Greek 
words, and means: (1) Jn 18"«, Ac 22" a Roman military 
officer, a tribune of the soldiers, in command of about 
1000 men, constituting the garrison of Jerusalem 
(hence Eev 6" lO's in a general sense); (2) Lk 22'i- »2, 
Ac 4' etc., the captain of the Temple, a Levite, who had 
under him a body of poUce, probably themselves also 
priests, whose duty it was to keep order in the Temple 
at Jerusalem and guard it by night; (3) He 21° (EV 
'author') leader, initiator; (4) Ac 28i« AV 'captain 
of the guard' (wanting in RV), a doubtful reading and 
of doubtful sense. See also Aemt, § 2. A. Souter. 

CAPTIVITY.— See Israel, I. 23. 

CABABASION (1 Es 9*"). — A corrupt name of one of 
those who put away their 'strange' wives. It seems 
to correspond to Meremoth in Ezr lO"". 

CARAVAIT. — See Trade and Commerce. 

CABBITNCLE. — See Jewels and Precious Stones. 

CARCAS (Est l""). — One of the seven eunuchs or 
chamberlains of king Ahasuerus, 

OARCHEltllSH was the northern capital of the 
Hittite empire, but was probably also of consequence 
before the era of the Hittitea, as it commanded the 
principal ford of the Euphrates on the right bank, and 
was therefore indispensable to travel and commerce 
in Northern Syria. It was shown by George Smith 
to have lain on the site of the modern Jerablus or Hie- 
rapolis. It was an obstacle to the march of the inva- 
ding Egyptians about B.C. 1600. Several Assyrian con- 
querors attempted to capture it. It was taken finally 
by Sargon in e.g. 717 (cf. Is 10'), after which it became 
the capital of an Assyrian province. Here Nebuchad- 
rezzar defeated Pharaoh-necho in B.C. 605, and thus 
ended the latest native Egyptian regime in Asia ( Jer 46^, 
2 Ch 352"). J. F. McCuRDT. 

CAREFULNESS.— CorcfuZ and carefulness do not 
express approbation in the English of the Bible, as they 
do now. To be careful is to be too anxious, to worry. 
'Be careful for nothing,' says St. Paul (Ph 4«), and 'I 
would have you without carefulness' (1 Co 7'''). Latimer 
says: 'Consider the remedy against carefulness, which 
is to trust in God.' Again, to be careless is not blame- 
worthy, meaning simply to be without apprehension, 
to feel sate, as Jg 18' ' they dwelt careless, after the 
manner of the Zidonians, quiet and secure.' 

CARIA (S.W. of Asia Minor) is mentioned only in 
1 Mac IS'' as one of the districts to which the Roman 
Senate sent a letter in favour of the Jews in B.C. 139- 
138. It was free at that date, with its inland States 
federated. The more important States, Rhodes, etc., 
are separately named. A. Souter. 

CARITES occurs in the Kethlbh of the Heb. text and 
margin of RV in 2 S iO'^, where the'Kere has Cherethiles, 
and in RV of 2 K 11<, where the AV has captains (RVm 
executioners). The Carites were possibly Phil, mercenaries 
from Caria, as the Cherethites were from Crete. 

CARMEL.— 1. A town in the mountains south of 
Hebron, in the territory of Judah (Jos 15"). Here Saul 
set up a memorial of his conquest of the Amalekites (1 S 
15"), and here Nabal (1 S 25^) and Uzziah (2 Ch 26'" AV) 
had property. It was the home of Hezrai or Hezro, 
one of David's followers (2 S 23», 1 Ch lis'), it is 
identified with Kurmul, about 10 miles S.E. of Hebron. 
2. Ahilly promontory by which the sea-coast of Palestine 
is broken, forming the south side of the bay of Acca. 
It continues as a ridge running in a S.E. direction, 
bordering the plain of Esdraelon on the S., and finally 


joining the main mountain ridge of the country in the 
district round about Samaria. On this ridge was 
Jokneam, reduced by Joshua (Jos 1222). The promontory 
was included in the territory of Asher (19™). It was 
the scene of Elijah's sacrifice (1 K 18), and hither after 
Elijah's translation Elisha came on the way to Samaria 
(2 K 225). Elisha was for a time established here (.i^). 
The fruitfulness of Carmel is alluded to (Is 33» 35', 
Am V); it was wooded (Mic 7"), a fact which made it a 
good hiding-place (Am 9'). The head of the Shulammite 
is compared to Carmel (Ca 7'). 

The mountain seems from a very early period to have 
been a place of sanctity. In the hst of Tahutmes iii. 
of places conquered by him in Palestine, Maspero sees 
in one name the words Rosh Kodsu, 'holy headland,' 
referring to Carmel. The site was probably chosen for 
the sacrifice whereby the claims of Baal and Jehovah 
were tested, because it was already holy ground. An 
altar of Jehovah existed here before Elijah (1 K 18"). 
The traditional site is at the E. end of the ridge, but 
it is probably a mere coincidence that on the bank of 
the river Kishon just below there is a mound known 
as Tell el-Kasis, 'the mound of the priest.' Tacitus 
(.Hist. ii. 78) refers to the mountain as the site of an 
oracle; the Druses hold the traditional site of the 
sacrifice of Elijah sacred; and the mountain has 
given its name to the CarmeUte order of friars. 

R. A. S. Macalistee. 

CARMI.— 1. A Judahite,thefatherof Achan (Jos7ii«, 
1 Ch 2'). 2. The Carmi of 1 Ch 4' should probably be 
corrected to Chelubai, i.e. Caleb (cf. 1 Ch 29- is). 3. The 
eponym of a Reubenite family (Gn 469, Ex 6», 1 Ch 5»), 
the Oarmites of Nu 26". 

CARMONIANS (2 Es IS^", AV Carmanians).— A people 
occupying an extensive district north of the entrance 
to the Persian Gulf, between Persis on the west and 
Gedrosia on the east. They are said to have resembled 
the Medes and Persians in customs and language. 
The name survives in the present town and district of 
Kirman. In the above verse the reference is probably 
to Sapor I. (a.d. 240-273), the founder of the Sassanid 
dynasty, who, after defeating Valerian, overran Syria, 
and destroyed Antiooh. 

CARNAm, 1 Mac 5™- ". u, and Camion, 2 Mac 
X22I. 28 (RVm Oarnain). — The ancient Ashteroth- 
karnaim (wh. see). 

CARNELIAN.— See Agate under Jewels. 

CARNION. — See Carnaim. 

CAROB (Lk 16") RVm.- See Husks. 

CARPENTER.— See Arts and Crafts, § 1. 

CARPUS. — An inhabitant of Troas, with whom St. 
Paul stayed, probably on his last journey to Rome 
(2 Ti 4"). The name is Greek, but we have no means of 
proving his nationality. 

CARRIAGE. — This word is always used in the AV 
in the Uteral sense of 'something carried,' never in the 
modern sense of a vehicle used for carrying. Thus 
Ac 211' '^e took up our carriages' (RV 'baggage'). 

CARSHENA. — One of the wise men or counsellors 
of king Ahasuerus (Est 1"). 

CART, WAGON.— The cart, like the chariot, is an 
Asiatic invention. The earliest wheeled carts show a 
light framework set upon an axle with solid wheels 
(illust. in Wilkinson, Anc. Egyp. [1878], i. 249). The 
type of cart in use under the Heb. monarchy may 
be seen in the Assyrian representation of the siege of 
Lachish (Layard, Monuments of Nineveh, ii. pi. 23), 
where women captives and their children are shown 
seated in wagons with a low wooden body (cf. 1 S 6"), 
furnished with wheels of 6 and 8 spokes. They were 
drawn by a pair of oxen (Nu 7^- '• *) — exceptionally 
by two cows (1 S 6'- '-") — yoked to a pole which passed 
between them, and were used for the transport of 



persona (Gn 45"") and goods (Nu i.e. )i including sheaves 
of grain to the threshing-floor (Am 2") . The rendering 
' covered wagons ' (Nu 7') is doubtful. For the thresh- 
ing-wagon, see Aqbicultukb, § 3. 

A. R. S. Kennedy. 

CASEMENT.— Only Pr 7« AV; RV 'lattice,' as 
Jg 6**, where the same word is used In both places 
parallel to ' window.' Cf . also the Heb. text of Sir 42" 
' Let there be no lattice to the room where thy daughter 
dwells.' See, further. House, § 7. 

CASIPHIA. — A settlement In the neighbourhood of 
Ahava (wh. see) In North Babylonia (Ezr 8"), whose 
site has not been Identified. .J. F. McCtnsDY. 

OASLUHIM.— A name occurring in Gn 10", 1 Ch 1" 
In connexion with the names of other peoples there 
spoken of as descended from Mizraim, esp. the Caphtorim 
and Philistines. 

CASPHOR (1 Mac 5"- ", AV Casphon; 2 Mac 12" 
Caspin). — Near a large lake in Gilead. The site is 

CASSIA.— 1. giddaft, Ex 30", Ezk 27i>. 2. qetsi'Slh, 
Ps 45'. Both these words apparently refer to some 
kind of cassia wood. The cassia bark from the Cinna- 
momum cassia is very similar in smell and properties 
to cinnamon (wh. see). E. W. G. Mastehman. 


CASTLE.— 1. In Gn 25«, Nu 31'», 1 Ch 6", an 
obsolete, if not erroneous, rendering in AV of a word 
denoting a nomad 'encampment' (so RV). 

2. In 1 Ch 115- ' AV speaks of the 'castle' of Zion, 
the citadel or acropolis of the Jebusite city, but RV 
renders as in 2 S 5'- ' ' stronghold.' A different word 
(tnrah) is used of the castle or fort which in Nehemiah's 
day defended the Temple (Neh 2' 7'), and of the fortified 
royal residence of the Persian kings at Susa (Neh 1', 
Est 1= etc.; RV 'palace,' marg. 'castle'). The fortress 
in Jerusalem to which the authors of the books of 
Maccabees and Josephus give the name of Acra, is 
termed 'the castle' in 2 Mac 4" 5= lO^" AV, where 
RV has throughout ' citadel ' (so also 1 Mac l^^ and 
elsewhere). See, further, Citt, FoRTincATioN and 


CASTOR AND POLLUX.— See Dioscuri. 

CAT. — This animal is mentioned only in the Apocr. 
(Ep. Jer V.22 [Gr. ^). There are two species of wild cat 
in the Holy Land. 

CATERPILLAR.— See Locust. 

CATHOLIC EPISTLES.— The title of 'Catholic' 
was given by the early Church to the seven Epistles 
which bear the names of James, Peter, Jude, and John. 
There is much uncertainty as to the meaning of the 
title. Perhaps the most probable explanation is that 
this group of Epistles was looked upon as addressed 
to the Church generally, while the Pauline Epistles 
were written to particular churches and were called 
forth by local circumstances. 

CATHUA (1 Es 5").— One of the heads of families 
of Temple servants who returned with Zerubbabel from 
captivity. It appears to correspond to Giddel in Ezr 
2"; cf. Neh 7". 

CATTLE . — The word commonly used in OT is migneh, 
meaning primarily possessions or wealth — oxen, camels, 
sheep, and goats being the only wealth of peoples in a 
nomadic stage of civilization. It includes sometimes 
horses and asses, e.g. Ex 9>, Job 1'. The word is also 
sometimes rendered 'possessions' (.e.g. Ec 2'), 'flocks' 
(Ps 78"), and 'herds' (Gn47'»). For other words rendered 
in EV 'cattle,' see Beast. See also Ox, Sheep, 
Shepherd, etc. E. W. G. Mastehman. 

CAUDA (AV wrongly Clauda; now Oaudho) is an 
island oS the S. coast of Crete. St. Paul's ship, sailing 
from Myra to Rome, shortly after rounding Cape Matala 
was making in a W.N.W. direction, when a sudden 



strong wind coming from E.N.E. drove It along at a 
rapid rate for about 23 miles, till it got under the lee of 
Cauda (Ac 27"). Such a change of wind Is frequent 
there at the present day. A. Souter. 

CAUL.— The Eng. word 'caul' is used (1) in Is S" 
for a veil of net-work. (2) In Ex 29", Lv 3<- >"• '« 
4» ^^ 8'«- » Q'"- '» for the fatty mass at the 
opening of the liver (wb. see). (3) In Hos 13' for the 

CAUSEY. — This Eng. word was used in the original 
edition of AV in 1 Ch 26"- ", and in the margin of 
Pr 15" and Is 7». It is now found only in Pr 15" marg., 
being changed in modern editions in the other places 
into causeway. The Heb. word is literally 'a raised 
way,' and is used of a public road, but never of a 
street in a city. The word 'causey' is still used in 
Scotland for the raised footpath by the side of a road or 

CATE. — The soft limestone hills of Palestine abound 
in caves, natural and artificial; and these must have 
attracted attention from a very early period. The 
aboriginal race of Horites were cave-dwellers, and the 
excavation at Gezer has revealed remains of a probably 
analogous race in W. Palestine. Lot (Gn 19'") and 
David (1 S 22' etc.) dwelt for a time in caves; and 
their use as places of hiding and refuge Is Ulustrated 
by many passages, e.g., Jos 10", Jg 6^, 1 K 18' etc. 
Caves were also used, at all periods in the history of 
Palestine, for sepulture, as in the case of Machpelah 
(Gn 23). Probably the most remarkable series of caves 
yet discovered in Palestine are the great labyrinths 
tunnelled in the hills round Beit Jibrin; one of these, 
in Tell Sandahannak, contains sixty chambers, united 
by doors and passages, and groups containing fourteen 
or fifteen chambers are quite common in the same hill. 
Another artificial cave near Beit Jibrin contains a hall 
80 ft. high and 400 ft. long; it has now fallen in. Other 
groups of caves, only less extensive, occur in various 
parts of Palestine on both sides of the Jordan. Little 
or nothing is known about the history of these great 
excavations; no definite information about their origin 
has yet been yielded by them, so far as they have been 
scientifically explored. R. A. S. Maoaijster. 

CEDAR (erez). — The finest of the trees of Lebanon, 
the principal constituent of its 'glory' (Is 35= 60"); 
it was noted for its strength (Ps 29'), its height (2 K IG^") 
and its majesty (1 K 4", 2 K 14', Zee ll'- '). Its 
wood was full of resin (Ps 104"), and, largely on that 
account, was one of the most valuable kinds of timber 
for building, especially for internal fittings. It was 
exceedingly durable, being not readily infected with 
worms, and took a high polish (cf. 1 K 10", Ca 1", 
Jer 22"). It was suitable, too, for carved work 
(Is 44"- "). In all these respects the ' cedar of Lebanon' 
(Cedrus Libani) answers to the requirements. Though 
but a dwarf in comparison with the Indian cedar, it is 
the most magnificent tree in Syria; it attains a height 
of from 80 to 100 feet, and spreads out its branches 
horizontally so as to give a beautiful shade (Ezk 31'); 
it is evergreen, and has characteristic egg-shaped cones. 
The great region of this cedar is now the Cilician Taurus 
Mountains beyond Mersina, but small groves survive 
in places in the Lebanon. The most famous of these 
Is that at Kadisha, where there are upwards of 400 
trees, some of great age. In a few references erez does 
not mean the Cedrus Libani, but some other conifer. 
This is specially the case where ' cedar-wood ' is used 
in the ritual of cleansing after defilement by contact 
with a leper (Lv 14<) or a dead body (Nu 19'). Prob- 
ably erez here is a species of juniper, Juniperus Sabina, 
which grows in the wilderness. The reference in Nu 24' 
to 'cedar trees beside the waters' can hardly apply 
to the Lebanon cedar, which fiourishes best on bare 
mountain slopes, E. W. G. Mastehman. 


OEDBON.— See Kidhon. 

CEILED, OEILIKCr. — See Cieled, Ciblinq. 

CELLAR.— See House. 

CENCHBEiE (AV Cenchrea Is wrong) was the 
southern harbour of Corinth, and was on the Saronic 
GuU about 7 miles E. of Corinth. It was a mere village, 
and existed solely for the transit of goods to and from 
Corinth. Thence St. Paul set sail for Syria (Ac IS'*). 
Phcebe, the lady commended for her service to the 
church here (Ro 16'). carried St. Paul's Epistle to 
Rome. A. Souteb. 

CENDEBSiUS. — A general of Antlochus vii. Sidetes, 
who was given the command of the sea-coast, and sent 
with an army into Palestine in order to enforce the 
claims of Antlochus against Simon Maccabeus. In a 
battle which took place in a plain not tar from Modin 
the Jews gained a complete victory over Cendebteus, 
and pursued the Syrians as far as Kidron and the neigh- 
bourhood of Ashdod (1 Mac IS" 16»; cf. Jos. Ant. 
XIII. vii. 3). 

CENSER. — See Firepan, Incense. 

CENSUS.— See Quirintos. 

CENTURION. — A centurion was a Roman military 
ofBcer, corresponding in the number of infantry com- 
manded by him (100) to the modern 'captain,' but 
In his status like our non-commissioned ofBcers. The 
passage to the higher ranks was even more difficult 
in his case than it is amongst our non-commissioned 
officers. However, the chief centurion of a legion, 
known as the 'centurion of the first (chief) pike,' was 
sometimes promoted to the equestrian order. The 
Capernaum centurion (Mt 8'-", Lk T^-'") was probably 
in Herod's army, not in the Roman army strictly so 
called. Some of those mentioned in the NT were on 
special service in command of their units, and separated 
from the cohorts or legions of which they formed a part. 

A. Souteb. 

CEPHAS.— See Peter. 

OHABRIS. — One of the three rulers of Bethulia 
(Jth 6" 81° 10«). 

OHADIASAI (AV 'they of Chadias', 1 Es S".)— 
They are mentioned as returning, to the number of 422, 
with Zerubbabel. There are no corresponding names 
In the lists of Ezra and Nehemiah. 

CHOREAS (AV Chereaa) held command at the 
fortress of Gazara, i.e. probably Jazer In the trans- 
Jordanic territory (see 1 Mac 5'-'). He was slain upon 
the capture of Gazara by Judas Maccabseus (2 Mac 

CHAFF. — See Aghiculturb, § 3. 

CHAIN is used in two different senses. 1. Cnains 
for securing prisoners are denoted by a variety of words 
in OT and NT, which are also rendered by ' bonds ' or 
'fetters,' although the monuments show that ropes 
were more generally used for this purpose. 2. A chain 
of precious metal was worn as a sign of rank, as by 
Joseph and Daniel, or purely as an ornament. See 
Ornaments, § 2. A. R. S. Kennedy. 

CHALCEDONY. — See Jewels and Precious Stones. 

CHALD.SiA, CHALD.a:ANS.— The Heb. Kasdim is 
generaUy rendered 'Chaldees' (Gn 11*'), and in Jer som 
61" 2*> 25'2, and often, is used for 'Babylonian.' 
The word is derived from the Bab. name KaldU for the 
district S.E. of Babylonia proper, on the sea-coast as 
it then was. From B.C. 1000 onwards its capital was 
Bit Yakin. The people were Aramaeans, independent 
and aggressive. In the time of Babylonian weakness 
they pushed into the country, and Merodach-baladan 
was a Chaldaean usurper. Nabopolassar was also a 
Chaldsean, and, from his time, Chaldaea meant Baby- 
lonia. The Chaldseans were Semites and not the same 
as the Kashdu, Kashshu, or Kassltes, who conquered 


Babylonia, and ruled it from the 13th cent. B.C. onwards, 
but they came through, and probably had absorbed a 
part of, the country to which the Kassltes had already 
assured the name Kashda. 

The name as applied since Jerome to the Aramaic 
portions of Daniel and Ezra is incorrect. The use of 
the term 'Chaldsean' (Dn 1< and often) to denote a 
class of astrologers is not found in native sources, but 
arose from a transfer of a national name to the Baby- 
lonians in general, and occurs in Strabo, Diodorus, etc. 
It can hardly be older than Persian times. 

C. H. W. Johns. 

CHALK-STONES (Is 27» only).— The expression is 
of much interest, as showing that the practice of burn- 
ing limestone and slaking with water was followed 
in Pal. in OT times. 

CHALLENGE.— To 'challenge' in the language of 
AV is to daim, as in Golding's tr. of Calvin's Joh, p. 
578; ' lob neuer went about to challenge such perfection, 
as to haue no sinne in him.' The word occurs in Ex 22», 
in the heading of Is 45 'By his omnipotency he chal- 
lengeth obedience/ and in Job 3' AVm. 

CHALPHI (AV Calphi). — The father of Judas, one of 
the two captains of Jonathan Maccabeeus who stood 
firm in a battle fought against the Syrians at Hazor 
in N. GalUee (1 Mac 11"). 

CHAMBER. — Now obsolescent, is used by AV in a 
variety of connexions where modern usage employs 
'room,' as e.g. 'bed-chamber,' 'upper chamber,' etc. 
See, generally. House. For the Temple chambers, see 

CHAMBERLAIN. — In OT the word occurs in 2 K 
23" and repeatedly in Est., where the original is 
'eunuch' (sorts); but it is generally believed that this 
name is not to be taken always in a literal sense, and 
hence it is often rendered by the word 'ofiicer.' In 
Esther, however, the chamberlain evidently belongs 
to that class of persons who are entrusted with the 
watchful care of the harems of Oriental monarchs. In 
NT at Ac 12™ it is said that the people of Tyre and 
Sidon sought the favour of Herod Agrippa through the 
mediation of Blastus 'the king's chamberlain,' showing 
that the office was one of considerable influence. The 
word occurs again in AV in Ro lO^s, but is rendered in 
RV more accurately 'treasurer of the city.' 


CHAMELEON. — Thechameleon (CftaTTWsicontiirfffaris) 
is a very common Palestine lizard. It may be found 
on hot days clinging with its bird-like feet and prehensile 
tail to the trees, or passing with slow and deliberate 
walk over the ground . It is remarkable tor its marvellous 
protective gift of changing the colour of its skin to 
resemble its surroundings, and for its eyes which, moving 
independently, one looking backwards while the other 
looks to the front, give it an unusual range of vision. 
Even to-day it is supposed by the ignorant, as in olden 
times, to live' upon air. In reality it lives on small 
insects, catching them by means of its long sticky 
tongue, which it can protrude and withdraw with extra- 
ordinary quickness. Two words In Lv 11™ are rendered 
' chameleon' in the Eng. versions. In the A V kSach is so 
translated, but in the RV we have 'land CTOCodile' 
(see Lizaed); while in the RV Hnshemeth — 'mole' in 
AV — is tr. 'chameleon.' Both renderings are very un- 
certain. See Mole. E. W. G. Mastehman. 

CHAMOIS (zemer, Dt. 14S).— The tr. of zemer as 
'chamois' in EV and as 'camelopard,' i.e. giraffe. In 
LXX, are both certainly incorrect, as neither of these 
animals occurs in Palestine. Tristram suggests the wild 
sheep, Ovis tragelaphus, an animal about 3 feet high 
with long curved horns. It is well known to the 
Bedouin. E. W. G. Masterman. 

CHAMPAIGN.— This spelling in modern editions of 
AV has replaced champion (Dt 11»", Jth 5') and chatn- 



pian (Ezk 372 marg.) of the 1611 edition of AV. The 
word means an open plain. 

CHANCELLOR. — See Beeltethmus and Bbhum. 

CHANGES OF EAIMElfT (Gn 45", Jg W': 2 K 56). 
— A literal tr. of a Heb. expression which not merely 
denotes a change of garments in the modern sense, 
but implies that the 'changes' are superior, in material 
or texture or both, to those ordinarily worn. Hence 
'gala dresses,' 'festal robes,' or the like, may be taken 
as a fair equivalent. Gifts of such gala robes have 
always been common in the East as special marks of 
favour or distinction. Cf. Dress, § 7. 

A. R. S. Kennedy. 

CHANUNEUS(AVChamiuneus),lEs8".— ALevite, 
answering to Merari, if to anything, in the parallel list 
in Ezr 8". 

CHAPHENATHA (1 Mac 12")-— Close to Jerusalem 
on the east. Unknown. 

CHAPITER.— See Temple. 

CHAPISAN. — A chapman is a trader, the word being 
still used in some places for a travelUng merchant. 
It occurs In 2 Ch 9" AV and RV, and also in 1 K lO's 
RV. The Amer. RV has ' trader ' in both places. 

CHAEAATHALAN (AV Charaathalar), 1 Es 5».— A 
name given to a leader of certain families who returned 
under Zerubbabel. But ' Charaathalan leading them 
and Allar' is due to some perversion of the original, 
which has 'Cherub, Addan, Immer,' three names of 
places in Babylonia, from which the return was made 
(Ezr 2"; cf. Neh 7"). 

CHARAX (2 Mac 12", RV 'to Charax,' AV 'to 
Characa'). — East of Jordan, and apparently in the 
land of Tob. Unknown. 

CHAREA, 1 Es 532=Harsha, Ezr 2^, Neh 7". 

CHARGER. — An obsolete word for a large flat dish 
on which meat was served. The Amer. RV every- 
where substitutes 'platter,' e.g. Nu 7™-, Mt 148 and 

CHARIOT. — The original home of the chariot was 
Western Asia, from which it passed to Egypt and 
other countries. In OT chariots are associated mainly 
with war-like operations, although they also appear 
not infrequently as the 'carriages,' so to say, of kings, 
princes, and high dignitaries (Gn 50», 2 K 5', Jer IT^; 
cf. Ac S'"*- the case of the Ethiopian eunuch) in times 
of peace. When royal personages drove in state, 
they were preceded by a body of 'runners' (2 S 15', 

1 K 15). 

The war chariot appears to have been introduced 
among the Hebrews by David (2 S 8« LXX), but it did 
not become part of the organized military equipment 
of the State till the reign of Solomon. This monarch 
is said to have organized a force of 1400 chariots (IK lO^", 

2 Ch 1"), which he distributed among the principal 
cities of his realm (1 K 9" lO^"). At this time, also, 
a considerable trade sprang up in connexion with the 
importation of chariots and horses. It was not from 
Egypt, however, which was never a horse-breeding 
country, that these were imported as stated in the 
corrupt text of 1 K lO^"-, but from two districts of 
Asia Minor, In the region of Cappadocia and Cilicia, 
named Musri and Kue (see Skinner, Cent. Bible, in loc). 
In the following verse a chariot from Musri is said to 
have cost 600 shekels of silver (see Money), and a horse 
150, but the Gr. text gives 100 shekels and SO shekels 
respectively. Similarly in 2 K 7« the reference is 
to the chariotry of the Hittites and their allies of 

Until the Macedonian period, when we first hear of 
chariots armed with scythes (2 Mac 13'), the war chariot 
of antiquity followed one general type, alike among 
the Assyrians and the Egyptians, the Hittites and the 
Syrians. It consisted of a hght wooden body, which 


was always open behind. The axle, fitted with stout 
wheels with 6 or 8 spokes (for the Heb. terms see 1 K 7^), 
was set as far back as possible for the sake of greater 
steadiness, and consequently a surer aim. The pole was 
fixed into the axle, and after passing beneath the floor 
of the chariot was bent upwards and connected by a 
band of leather to the front of the chariot. The horses, 
two in number, were yoked to the pole. Traces were 
not used. In Assyrian representations a third horse 
sometimes appears, evidently as a reserve. The body 
of the chariot naturally received considerable decora^ 
tion, tor which, and for other details, reference may be 
made to Wilkinson's Anc. Egyp. (1878), i. 224-241, 
and Bawlinson's Five Great Monarchies (1864), ii. 1-21, 
where numerous illustrationss are also given. The 
'chariots of iron' of the ancient Canaanites (Jos 17", 
Jg 119 4!) were chariots of which the woodwork was 
strengthened by metal plates. 

In Egypt and Assyria the normal number of the 
occupants of a war chariot was two — the driver, who 
was often armed with a whip, and the combatant, an 
archer whose bow-ease and quiver were usually attached 
to the right-hand side of the car. Egyptian repre- 
sentations of Hittite chariots, however, show three 
occupants, of whom the third carries a shield to protect 
his comrades. This was almost certainly the practice 
among the Hebrews also, since a frequently recurring 
military term, shSMsh, signifies 'the third man,' pre- 
sumably in such a chariot. 

Mention may be made, finally, of the chariots set 
up at the entrance to the Temple at Jerusalem, which 
were destroyed by Josiah. They were doubtless dedi- 
cated originally to J", although they are termed by the 
Hebrew historian 'chariots of the sun' (2 K 23"), 
their installation having been copied from the Baby- 
lonian custom of representing Shamash, the sun-god, 
riding in a chariot. A. R. S. Kennedy. 

CHARITY. — The word 'charity' never occurs 
in AV in the sense of almsgiving, but always with 
the meaning of love. It comes from the Vulg. caritas, 
which was frequently used to translate the Greek agapi, 
probably because amor had Impure associations, and 
because dilectio (which is sometimes so used) was scarcely 
strong enough. Wyclif followed the Vulg., as did 
afterwards the Rhemish translators. Tindale and the 
Genevan Version preferred 'love'; but in the Bishops' 
Bible ' charity ' was again often used, and the AV followed 
the Bishops in this. In the RV, however, 'charity' 
never occurs, the Gr. agap'S being everywhere rendered 

For Feast of Charity (Jude " AV) see Love Feast. 

CHARM. — See Amulets and Chakms; and Maoic 
Divination and Sorcery. 

CHARME (1 Es 5^).— Called Harim, Ezr 2", Neh7«. 
The form in 1 Es. is derived from the Heb., and not 
from the Gr. form in the canonical books. 

CHARMIS (Gn 46').— Son of Melchiel, one of three 
rulers or elders of Bethulia (Jth C's 8i<i 10«). 

CHASE.— See Huntino. 

OHASEBA (1 Es 53').— There is no corresponding 
name in the lists of Ezra and Nehemiah. 

CHASTITY, — See Crimes and Punishments, and 

CHEBAR.— A canal in Babylonia (Ezk 1") beside 
which the principal colony of the first Exile of Judah 
was planted. It has been identified by the Pennsylvania 
expedition with the canal Kabaru, named in cuneiform 
documents of the time of Artaxerxes i. It apparently 
lay to the east of Nippur. The name means 'great.' 
Hence for 'the river Chebar' we may read 'the Grand 
Canal.' J. F. McCuhdy. 

CHECKERWORK.— AdesignationappliedinlK?" 
(only) to the net-ornament on the pillars before the Temple. 



OHEDOR-LAOMER.— An early king of Elam, who, 
according to Gn 14, exercised dominion over a con- 
siderable part of Western Asia. His vassals, Amraphel, 
king of Shinar, Arioch, king of Ellasar, and Tidal, king 
of Goiim, helped him to defeat the Canaanite princes 
of Sodom, Gomorrah, Admah, Zeboiira, and Zoar, who 
had rebelled against him after having acknowledged 
his authority for twelve years. Chedor-laomer and his 
aUies defeated the Canaanite princes in the valley of 
Siddim, and sacked Sodom and Gomorrah. But the 
story relates that they were in turn defeated by ' Abram, 
the Hebrew,' who surprised them by night and recovered 
the spoil of Sodom and his nephew Lot. The name of 
Chedor-laomer is a purely Elamite name (Kudw-Lagamar 
or KuHr-Lagamar), though it has not yet been found 
upon the inscriptions as that of an early king of Elam. 
But the recent excavations of M. de Morgan at Susa 
conflrm the BibUcal story, by reveaUng the considerable 
part which Elam played in the early history of Western 
Asia. L. W. King. 

CHEEK.— The seat of health and beauty (Ca l'» 5"). 
To be smitten on the cheek was the cUmax of insult and 
violence. That the command in Mt 6^' is not to be 
interpreted literally is shown by Christ's own protest in 
Jn 182S. C. W. Emmet. 

CHEESE.— See Milk. 

CHELAL. — One who had married a foreign wife 
(Ezr 103»). 

CHELLIANS. — Probably the inhabitants of the 
town Chellus (wh. see). Cf. Jth 1' 2". 

CHELLTJS. — From the text (Jth V) this place is sup- 
posed to have been situated S.W. of Jerus. near Betane 
and N. of Kadesh and the 'river of Egypt,' i.e. the 
Wady-el-'Arish; but any certain identification is im- 

CHELOD.— Jth l""" reads, not as AV and RV 'many 
nations of the sons of Chelod assembled themselves to 
battle,' but 'there came together many nations unto 
the array (or ranks) of the sons of Cheleul.' It is not 
certain whether the 'many nations' are aUies of 
Nebuchadrezzar or of Arphaxad, or whether they come 
to help or to fight the 'sons of Chelod.' Probably v.«i> 
summarizes v.'"; hence 'sons of Chelod' should be 
Nebuchadrezzar's army. But he is, in Jth., king of 
Assyrians, not Chaldseans. No probable conjecture 
as to Aram, original has been made. 

CHELUB.— 1. A descendant of Judah (1 Ch 4"). 
2. The father of Ezri, one of David's superintendents 
(1 Ch 27=«). 

CHELUBAI (1 Ch a').- Another form of Caleb. Cf. 
1 Ch 2"- *', and see Caleb, and Cakmi, No. 2. 

CHELTTHI. — One of the sons of Bani who had married 
a foreign wife (Ezr 10'^). 

CHEMARIM.— In EV this word is found only in Zeph 
1' ; but the original of which it is the transUteration is 
used also at 2 K 23' and Hos 10', and in both instances 
Chemdrim is placed in the margin of AV and RV. 
ChSmer, of which Chemarim is the plural, is of Aram, 
origin, and when used in Syr. carries no unfavourable 
connotation. In the Heb. of the OT, however, Che- 
mSrim always has a bad sense; it is applied to the priests 
who conducted the worship of the calves (2 K 23', 
Hos 10*), and to those who served the Baalim (Zeph 1'). 
Kimchi believed the original significance of the verbal 
form was 'to be black,' and explained the use of the 
noun by the assertion that the idolatrous priests wore 
black garments. Others take the root to mean, 'to 
be sad,' the chumra being a sad, ascetic person, a monk 
or priest. 

OHEMOSH.— The national god of the Moabites 
(Nu 212"; in Jg 11*^ probably 'Chemosh' is a scribal 
or other error for 'Milcom' [wh. see], who held the 
same position among the Ammonites). His rites seem 


to have included human sacrifice (cf. 2 K 3"). It was 
for this 'abomination of Moab' that Solomon erected 
a temple (1 K 11'), later destroyed by Josiah (2 K 23"). 


CHENAANAH.— 1. A Benjamite (1 Ch 7'"). 2. 
The father of Zedekiah the false prophet in the reign of 
Ahab (1 K 22", 2 Ch IS"). 

CHENANI.— A Levite (Neh 9«). 

CHENANIAH.— Chief of the Levltes at the removal 
of the ark from the house of Obed-edom (1 Ch IS^^- "), 
named among the officers and judges over Israel 

CHEPHAR-AMMONI {'village of the Ammonites,' 
Jos 18M). — A town of Benjamin. Probably the ruin 
Kefr ' Ana near Bethel. 

CHEPHIRAH C viUage,' Jos 9" IS^*, Ezr 22«, Neh 7"). 
— One of the four Hivite cities which made peace 
with the Hebrews; re-peopled after the Captivity, 
having belonged to Benjamin; called in 1 Es 5" 
Caphira. Now Kefireh S.W. of Gibeon. 

CHEQUER WORK.- See Spinning and Weaving. 

CHERAN. — One of the children of Disbon, the son of 
Seir, the Horite (Gn 36^', 1 Ch 1"). 

mercenary soldiers, who probably began to attach 
themselves to David whilst he was an outlaw (2 S 22* 
etc.), and subsequently became the king's bodyguard 
and the nucleus of his army (2 S S's IS'* 20'- *', 1 K 
138. 44_ 1 Ch 18"). Benaiah, whom Josephus calls 
'captain of the guard' (Ant. vii. xi. 8), was their 
commander. They accompanied David in his retreat 
from Jerusalem (2 S 15"), fought against Absalom 
(2 S 20'- ^'), acted as Solomon's bodyguard at his 
coronation (1 K l^'- "). The Cherethites were a 
Philistine clan (1 S 30"), dwelling on the coast (Ezk 
25", Zeph 2') ; and the name Pdethites may have been a 
corrupt form of Philistines. Unwillingness to believe 
that foreigners stood so near the national hero led 
certain Jewish scholars to assert that the two clans were 
Israelites. The appellation 'Cherethite' seems to be 
connected with Crete, and there is good ground (but 
see Caphtor) for the belief that Caphtor, from which 
Am 9' says the PhiUstines came, is to be identified with 
Crete. The LXX of Ezk 25", Zeph 2' uses Cretans as 
the equivalent of Cherethites. J. Taylor. 

CHERITH.— The 'brook' by which Elijah lived 
(1 K 173- ') was 'before,' i.e. on the E. of Jordan. The 
popular identification of Cherith with the Wady Kelt 
between Jerusalem and Jericho is unwarranted. 

CHERUB (Ezr 2", Neh 7").— One of the places from 
which certain families, on the return from Babylon, 
failed to prove their register as genuine branches of 
the Israelite people. See Charaathalan. 

CHERUBIM, — 1. The most important passage for 
determining-STre origin of the Hebrew conception of the 
cherubim is Ps 18'°. The poet, in describing a theophany 
of Jehovah, represents the God of Israel as descending 
to earth on the black thunder-cloud: 'He rode upon a 
cherub and did fly, yea, he soared on the wings of the 
wind.' According to this passage, the cherub is a 
personification of the storm-cloud, or, as others prefer 
to interpret, of the storm-wind which bears Jehovah 
from heaven to earth. 

2. We shall next discuss the part the cherubim play 
in the religious symbolism of the OT. In the Tabernacle 
there were two small golden cherubim, one at each end 
of the mercy-seat. It was these figures that invested 
the ark with its special significance as an emblem of the 
immediate presence of Jehovah. Cherubic figures were 
embroidered on the curtain separating the Holy of Holies 
from the Holy Place, and on the other tapestries of the 
sanctuary. In the ITemple two huge cherubim of olive 
wood, overlaid with gold, overshadowed the ark with 



their wings <1 K 6»'2»). Clierubic figures were also 
found among the other decorations of the Temple 
(1 K 6^'- '^^ ^). In both sanctuaries they are figures 
of reUgious symbolism; they act as bearers of Deity, 
and are consequently emblematic of Jehovah's immediate 
presence. Hence we have the phrase 'Thou that 
sittest on the cherubim' (Ps 80' et al.). In Ezekiel's 
inaugural vision (ch. 1) the four composite figures of the 
living creatures are in a later passage termed cherubim 
(102). They support the firmament on which the throne 
of Jehovah rests, and in this connexion we again have 
them as bearers of Deity. In the Paradise story, the 
cherubim perform another function; they appear as 
guardians of the tree of life (Gn 3« J). A different 
version of this story is alluded to by Ezekiel (28"- '"); 
according to this prophet, a cherub expels the prince of 
Tyre from Eden, the garden of God. In both these 
passages they perform the function of guardians of 
sacred things, and in view of this it is probable that, in 
the Temple and Tabernacle, they were looked upon as 
guardians of the contents of the ark as well as emblems 
of the Divine presence. 

3. As to the figure of the cherubim in the sanctuaries 
we have no clue, and Josephus is probably correct when 
he says that no one knows or can guess their form. The 
prophet Ezekiel and the results of Babylonian excava- 
tions assist us in solving the enigma. The prophet's 
living creatures were composite figures, each having the 
face of a man, a lion, an ox, and an eagle. We are not to 
suppose that these forms corresponded exactly to any- 
thing that the prophet had seen, but he worked out 
these figures in his gorgeous imagination, combining 
elements Hebrew and Babylonian. The native element 
is to some extent an unsolved riddle, but of the con- 
tribution made by Babylonian art there can be no 
reasonable doubt. The huge composite figures with 
human head, eagle's wings, and bull's body, which were 
placed as guardians at the doors of temples and palaces 
in Babylonia, supplied the prophet with the material 
for his vision. The writer of the story of the Garden 
of Eden had some such figures in mind. Basing his 
conjecture on Ezekiel's vision, Schultz (OT Theol. ii. p. 
236) imagines that the cherubim of the sanctuary were 
composite figures with feet of oxen, wings of eagles, 
manes of lions, and human bodies and faces, standing 
upright and spreading their wings over the ark. This 
view is somewhat problematic. Cheyne and Dillmann 
prefer to associate them with the griffin, which so often 
appears in mythology as a guardian of sacred 
treasures. The former asserts that the Hebrew cherubim 
were of Hlttite origin. It is not correct to suppose that 
they were directly borrowed either from the Babylonians 
or the Hittites, but the Hebrew imagination combined 
foreign and native elements as they were suited to its 
purpose. The derivation of the Heb. word from the 
Bab. kurubu, a designation of the steer-god, is, although 
advocated by Delitzsch, exceedingly uncertain and is 
denied by Zimmern. We are now in a position to judge 
the three theories as to the nature of the cherubim, — 
that they were (1) real, (2) symbolical, and (3) mythical. 
That they were higher angelic beings with actual exist- 
ence is now generally discarded. They were in reality 
creations of the imagination, the form being borrowed 
from mythological sources and afterwards invested with 
a symbolic meaning. 

4. In Jewish theology the cherubim are one of the 
three highest classes of angels, the other two 
being the seraphim and ophanim, Which guard the 
throne of the Most High. They appear as youthful 
angels in Rabbinical literature. Philo allegorizes them 
as representing two supreme attributes of God — His 
goodness and authority; he also mentions other views 
(for Jewish ideas, cf. JE s.v.). The living creatures of 
the Apocalyptic vision are borrowed from Ezekiel's 
imagery. Starting with this passage (Rev 4'"-), and 
borrowing elements from Jewish theology, some Christian 


theologians have incorrectly maintained that the cheru- 
bim of Scripture were supramundane spiritual essences. 

James A. Kelso. 

CHESALON. — Near Kiriath-jearim on the border of 
Judah (Jos 15'»). Now the village Kesla on the hill 
N. of Kiriath-jearim. 

CHESED.— One of the sons of Nahor and Miloah 
(Gn 2222 J). He is obviously here introduced into the 
genealogy of the Terahites as the presumptive fore- 
father of the Kasdim or Chaldaeans. This probably 
represents a different tradition from that in P, where Ur 
of the Chaldees (.i.e. Kasdim) is spoken of as the dwelling 
place of Terah (Gn 11), Nahor's father. 

CHESIL (Jos IS™).— The LXX reads Bethel, probably 
for Bethvi, as in the parallel passage, Jos 19*, and Chesil 
of MT is prob. a textual error. 

CHESTNUT TREE {'armSn, Gn 30", Ezk 31*. RV 
plane). — There is no doubt that the RV is correct. 
The chestnut tree is only an exotic in Palestine, but 
the plane (Arab. dUb) is one of the finest trees of the land. 
It attains great development; a wonderful specimen, 
which has a small room or shop within its hollow trunk, 
is to be seen in one of the streets of Damascus. The 
plane (Planus orientalis) peels its outer layers of bark 
annually, leaving a white streaky surface. It flourishes 
specially by watercourses (Sir 24"). 

E. W. G. Mastebman. 

CHESULLOTH (Jos 19").— The same as Chisloth- 
tabor, Jos lO'^. A place on the border of Zebulun. 
Now the ruin Iks&l at the foot of the Nazareth hills, in 
the fertile plain W. of Tabor. 

CHETH.— Eighth letter of Heb. alphabet, and as such 
used in the 119th Psalm to designate the 8th part, each 
verse of which begins with this letter. 

CHEZIB (Gn 38*).— See Achzib, No. 2. 

CHIDON.— The name, ace. to 1 Ch 13', of the 
threshing-floor where Uzzah was struck dead for rashly 
touching the ark (see Uzzah). In 2 S 6' the name is 
given as Nacon. No locality has ever been identified 
with either name. 

CHIEF OF ASIA.— Ac 19^1 ; RV ' chief oflScers of Asia' ; 
RVm 'Asiarchs.' See Asiahch. 

CHUiD , CmLDREN.— 1 . Value set on the possession 
of children. — Throughout the Bible a noteworthy 
characteristic is the importance and happiness assigned 
to the possession of children, and, correspondingly, the 
intense sorrow and disappointment of childless parents. 
Children were regarded as Divine gifts (Gn 4' 33'), 
pledges of God's favour, the heritage of the Lord 
(Ps 1273). It followed naturally that barrenness 
was looked upon as a reproach, i.e. a punishment 
inflicted by God, and involving, for the woman, disgrace 
in the eyes of the world. Thus, Sarah was despised by 
her more fortunate handmaid Hagar (Gn 16*); Rachel, 
in envy of Leah, cried, 'Give me children or else I die' 
(Gn 30'); Hannah's rival taunted her to make her 
fret, because the Lord had shut up her womb (1 S 1'); 
EUsabeth rejoiced when the Lord took away her 
'reproach among men' (Lk 1^). 'He maketh the 
barren woman to keep house and to be a joyful mother 
of children' (Ps 113"), cries the Psalmist as the climax 
of his praise. The reward of a man who fears the Lord 
shall be a wife like a fruitful vine, and children like olive 
branches round about his table (Ps 128^). Our Lord 
refers to the joy of a woman at the birth of a man into 
the world (Jn 162'). Not only is natural parental 
affection set forth in these and similar passages, but also 
a strong sense of the worldly advantages which accom- 
panied the condition of parentage. A man who was a 
father, especially a father of sons, was a rich man; his 
position was dignified and influential; his possessions 
were secured to his family, and his name perpetuated. 
'Be fruitful and multiply' was a blessing desired by 
every married couple-tfor the sake of the latter part 



of the blessing, the necessary accompaniment of fruit- 
fulness— ' replenish the earth, and subdue it; and have 
dominion'; for fatherhood involved expansion of 
property and increase in importance and wealth. 

2. The filial relationship.— The position of children 
was" one of complete subordination to their parents. 
Gn 22 Jb 11", and the sacrifices to Molech of children 
by their parents (Lv 18" 202-=, 2 K 23i», Jer 32'=) 
indicate that the father had powers of life and death 
over his children; these powers are limited in Dt 2V^-''. 
Reverence and obedience on the part of children towards 
their parents were strongly enjoined (Ex 201^, Lv 19', 
Dt 27", Pr V etc.). Any one smiting or cursing his 
father or mother is to be put to death (Ex 21"- "). 
Any one who is disrespectful to his parents is accursed 
(Dt 17"). Irreverence on the part of children towards 
an older person is visited by a signal instance of Divine 
judgment (2 K 2^- ^). Several passages in the Book 
of Proverbs urge care, even to severity, in the upbringing 
of children (Pr 3« IS^* 15= 22» 29" etc.). The outcome of 
this dependence of children upon their parents, and of 
their subordination