Skip to main content

Full text of "History of the Waldenses of Italy, from their origin to the Reformation"

See other formats

Cornell University 

The original of this book is in 
the Cornell University Library. 

There are no known copyright restrictions in 
the United States on the use of the text. 

Cornell University Library 
BX4881 .C72 1889 


3 1924 029 440 512 








("IValdenxian I'heologioal College,- Florence, Italy J. 

Thanslatbd feom the AniHOE's Revised Edition 





/). 3//:2^& 


\~ _ Ls L-fii"; » i 



"It is a beautiful peculiarity of this little people that it 
should occupy so prominent a place in the history of Europe." 
This saying of Michelet expresses so weU the opinion commonly 
held, that a new attempt to write its history may, to some, appear 
superfluous. It may be urged, that, the history of the "Waldenses 
being well known, there is no need to rewrite it. We reply : The 
history of the Waldenses is not so well-known as is generally 
assumed. Their early history has been thoroughly explored and 
discussed, but has neyer yet been recounted ; indeed a writer of 
great authority has said, " The history of the ancient Wal- 
denses certainly remains to be written." This is a grave omis- 
sion indeed, which may well strike us as singular. Was it worth 
while, it may be asked, to trace their origin so far back and then 
leave their history unrecorded ? There has been a desire on 
the part of some to extend backward their early history ; with 
this only as a result, that it has been crushed out of all shape. 
The historian has filled it full of fables and traditions picked 
up at hap-hazard ; then, as if with trumpet-blast and clarion- 
ring, its antiquity was blazoned forth. But, although the sound 
re-echoed far and wide, it could not dispel the- thick cloud that 
overhung that people's origin and early days. Flatterers are 
more to be feared than assailants. The former would have it 
credited or imagined that the Waldenses are of a patriarchal 
age — of great duration ; that they are apostolic in name and in 
fact, but barren withal ; that they had an existence, but always 
in the cradle ; that they did not live with all the word implies, 
but slept for three, seven, or even ten centuries ! It is quite 
possible to conceive that such an uneventful existence — if such 
could be —might well have passed unnoticed; what we deny is 
that such an existence was possible. We shall examine facts. 

Pbeface. vi. 

and, after all, if we find the antiquity of the Waldenses to be less 
far reaching than has been supposed, it is none the less grand and 

So much tor the early period, but as regards the modem 
period, its history cannot be said to be unrecorded. It is time, 
however, that there should now be a complete record, and such is 
the object of this new essay. The material which new researches 
accumulate from year to year, has nearly all passed through the 
crucible of discussion. The work of selection and discrimina- 
tion is stiU a difficult one, and much has been discai'ded, and 
more wiU share the same fate, before the task of the critic 
can be considered complete ; the reader is asked to bear this in 
mind and grant indulgence. We shall be guided by the adage 
of the poet : " Eien n'est beau que le vrai, le vrai seul est 

We shall here study the early period of Waldensian history. 
There is an idea with some, that its origin may be traced back to 
the very time of the first preaching of the Gospel; but it is 
important that this idea be disentangled from a confused mass 
of legends. We shall find the first authentic som'ce appearing with 
"Waldo, and the disciples whom tradition has called by his name. 
From that time onward, we shall follow the sinuous course of 
their followers' history down to the eve of the Keformation. 

Then will come the time for us to examine closely, in order 
to discriminate between those elements which properly belong to 
the Waldensian idea, and those which the body has taken to itself, 
in the fields both of literature and religious observances. Before 
we have finished we shaU be convinced that the Waldensian 
protest at first aimed only at proclaiming and observing the apos- 
tolic ideal — an ideal disovmed by the Popes and abandoned by 
the Church ; but that, meeting with persecutions, it quickly gave 
way to a movement of dissent, which did not at once culminate in 
schism but necessarily eventually led to it. 


The OBiaiN of the Waldensbs. page 

The Alps — their le^eiids, like their rivers, have hidden sources — The ques- 
tion of the origin of the Waldenses ; the, difficulties which surround it — 
The report of a monk and the inferences that may he drawn from it — 
The origin of the Waldenses as recorded in tradition, both as to their 
decadence and as to subsequent revivals — The echo of this among the 
primitive Waldenses — How another monk quibbles on this point — The 
Waldensian tradition properly so called— How it degenerated — The 
truth which Jies beneath it — The source 1 

The Poor of Lyons. 

Lyons before the XU. century — Signs of awakening — Peter Waldo : his 
origin : his conversion — The song of St. Alexis — The advice of the 
master of theology — The vow of poverty and what it entailed : the 
commencement of separation — Waldo's daughters in a convent : his 
alms — The translation of some books of the Scripture — Reunions — 
Archbishop Guichard and the Chapter of the Cathedral — The first law- 
suit : Waldo, banished from Lyons, appeals to Rome — Alexander III^' 
and the third Lateran Council — Waldo receives the kiss of peace — A 
scene in the Council— The crisis — Archbishop Jean aux Blanches Mains 
drives away the Waldenses and retires to a convent — The thunders of 
the Council of Verona 11 

The Dispbesion. 

The Exodus — The Waldenses enter into Dauphiny after a protest from Peter 
of Bruys and Henry of Lausanne — The reactions in Southern France : 
why the doctrine of the Cathari was propagated there ; its progress and 
influence — Appearance of the Waldenses : their disjjutation with the 
Catholic clergy at Narbonne and what resulted from it — Diego and the 
new tactics of the missionary Legates — Fresh disputations at Montreal 
and Pamiers — Durand of Huesca separates, capitulates to the Pope, and 
founds the order of the Catholic Poor — Bernard I. follows his example — 
End of the Catholic Poorj their principle survives — The Waldenses at 
Metz — Traces of their mission in Switzerland and the Valley of the 
Rhine ; The Brethren of the Free Spirit — Milan the centre of dissent — 
The tendency of Arnaldo and the dissent of the Humiliate — The Poor of 
Lombardy ; the retrograde party and that of the conservatives and of 
the progressists — The conference of Bero;amo and the circular letter — 
Mission in the diocese of Passau and in the rest of G-ermanj; — The 
Hussite reaction in Bohemia and its relation to the Waldensian mission : 
Frederick Reiser — The Unity of Brethren and the Waldenses' partici- 
pation in it, through their Bishop Stephen of Austria — The clue to the 
dispersion disappears 39 

The Alpine Refuge. 

Religious ideas, like birds, have a tendency to build nests for themselves — 
The retreat of the Waldenses into the Valleys of the Alps was occasioned 
by two facts : their banishment from Lyons and the Crusade against 
the Albigensis — The Waldenses reach the Italian side and establish 
themselves there, thanks to the concurrence of diverse circumstances — 

Contents. viii. 


The contigui'ation of the country — Uncultivated lands — Is there any 
reason to admit the existence of traces of iincient local dissent in the 
Italian Valleys ?— Discussion upon this point tends to prove the vicinity, 
if not the presence, of the sect of the Cathari — The Abbey of St. Mary of 
Pignerol and the Cfastle of Lucerna — Thomas I., Count of Savoy and the 
House of Achaia — New Colonies : that of Calabria — First decrees of 
persecution against the Waldenses of the Valleys : that of Turin, and 
that of Pignerol — The Inquisition : its " raison d'etre " and its esiablish- 
ment — The strongholds capitulate : Podesta Oldrado in Milan and the 
repression in the country towns — First assaults of the Monks at Perosa, 
Angrogna, Pragelas, and in Dauphiny — Two new decrees, one by Louis 
XI. ana the other by the Duchess lolante — First Crusade against the 
Waldenses : Innocent VIII. and his Bull : a check in the Valleys of 
Piedmont and cruelties in Dauphiny — A Waldensian deputation at 
Pignerol — An inquiry at Freyssinieres and the letter of Louis XII. — 
Margaret of Foix and the first glorious return — What was gomg on 
within — The Barbes, the Mission and the School — Condition of the 
Waldenses on the eve of the Reformation 81 



Preliminary remarks — The Waldensian dialect and a general view of 
materials — Vbksions of the Scriptitrbs — Early versions which have 
disappeared — Those of Waldo and the Waldenses of Metz — Ancient ver- 
sions that have survived, but which are contested — Manuscript versions 
of Lyons and Paris — More recent but recognised versions — MSS. of 
Cambridge, Grenoble, Dublin, and Zurich — Comparative specimens — Con- 
nection between these versions and what is inferred therefi'om with 
respect to their origin — A version in a foreign tongue — MS. of Tepl. — 
Peose Writings — Those which have perished — Gleanings of original 
writings — Compilations from a Catholic source — The Doctor and the 
Orchard — Brainless treatise — The commentary on the Lord's Prayer — 
The Virtues, the Canticles — Compilations from a Hussite source — The 
epistle to King Ladislas — The treatise upon the cause of breaking with 
the Romish Chui'ch — The collection of the Treasure and the Light of 
Faith, containing The Ten Commandments, the Seven Sacraments, Pur- 
gatory, the Invocation of Saints — The Power granted to the Vicars of 
Chi-ist, Antichrist, and the Minor Interrogations — Poetical Writings 
Contempt for the world — The Bark — The Lord's Prayer or confession 
of sins — The new comfort — The new sermon — The Parable of the Sower 
The Father Eternal— Finally, the Noble Lesson, with critical notes— The 
conclusions from this chapter summarized 160 

The Religious Life. 

The materials for this picture refurnished by Waldo — The rule of religious 
life is Christ's law according to the Scripture — Have the Waldenses 
adopted the scholastic method of interpretation ? — Their articles of faith, 
mainly derived from Catholic tradition, are reformed as regards two 
points : eschatology and worship — Their morals, copied from the pre- 
cepts of the Gospel, give evidence of the influence of Catharism, and 
are especially marked in the protest against falsehood, oaths, and the 
death penalty — Divers names ; the one that remains — The community 
and the triple vow of admission — Bishops, Presbyters, and Deacons ; 
the Bishop and the general administration — The Chapters — Worship ; 
remarks upon the times, places, and elements — The Benedicite Prayer : 
the Lord's Prayer only used, the Ave Maria given up — The reading of 
the Holy Scriptures : reading, learning by rote, preaching — The Sacra- 
ments : their number according to Waldensian usage — Variations in tlie 
conception and observance of baptism — Ordination by the laying on 
of hands : rubric — Confession and Penances — The Bucharistic rite and 
the consecrated bread — Polemics — Ethics : praise and calumny — Diver- 
ent usages : costumes, disguises ; the hawker — The epoch of decadence ; 
religious life in the valleys of the Alps toward the end of the XV. cen- 
tury and at the approach of the Reformation, according to the testimony 
of Inquisitors, of Bishop Seyssel and of the Barbe Morel — Concluding 
remarks 240 




The Origin of the Waldenses. 

The Alps — their legends, like their rivers, have hidden sources — 
The question of the origin of the Waldenses ; the difficulties 
which surround it — The report of a monk and the inferences 
that may he drawn from it — The origin of the Waldenses as 
recorded in tradition, both as to their decadence and as to 
subsequent revivals — The echo of this among the primitive 
Waldenses — Hoiv another monk quibbles on this point — The 
Waldensian tradition properly so called — How it degenerated 
— The truth ivhich lies beneath it — The source. 

THE Alps which mark the boundaries of France, Switzerland, 
and Italy, offer one of the most sublime of spectacles to the 
eye of man. Nature's temples may be found under all skies, but 
there, indeed, stands her cathedral, with its white cupola and high 
altar. That altar is common to all Europe. A divine hand has there 
gathered together invaluable traditions, truths, liberty and virtue. 
If they be lost elsewhere, there at least they may be found ; they 
may be inhaled with every breathy fresh as the first breeze of 
morn. Among those awe-inspiring mountains, nature is so grand, 
so towering, that all things save reason and truth seem annihilated 
in her presence. All temples made by men are small and puny, 
before this magnificent pUe, built by the hand of God. Before 
this mighty Alpine altar, the Omnipotence of God manifests itself 
in all its grandeur, and here, as under the very covert of His 
wings, lies the birthplace of the "Waldenses. It is owing to its 
position that the little Waldensian Church has been compared to 
a dove able to find her food even among the rocks. 


2 The Waldenses of Italy. 

It is hence that spring the traditions of the House of Savoy, 
and those others concerning the Israel of the Alps, that are so 
closely united with them in time and place. The course of the 
history of the Waldenses may well he typified hy that of one of 
their own Alpine rivers. Like a river, the history interests us 
from the very mystery of its origin. Its source we shall find to 
be a distinct one, and the distant rivers unto this day bear that 
name which tradition, with ineffaceable seal, has stamped as the 
origin of its first waters. From such a place the rivers of 
history take their rise, even as at the foot of Monte Kosa — crowned 
with her seven-pointed diadem — issue those rivers that bless 
Europe, and make it fertile. At distant intervals come the 
tributaries which greatly help to swell its volume. Its course is 
marked by many, and ofttimes surprising irregularities ; but a 
vigorous people, like an Alpine river, wiU make for itself an outlet, 
in spite of all obstacles. It is dammed back by every impediment 
it meets, and seems to gain in strength thereby. If no struggle 
be required of it, it grows feeble and is in danger of being lost. 
People who judge only by appearances may be deceived by this ; 
for, just as ia the ease of the Rhone, it may happen that defeat is 
proclaimed when victory is nearest at hand. Is not the very spot 
knovra as "la perte du Rhone " the scene of its most marvellous 
victory ? It happens that the naturalist who explains this 
phenomenon, is himself induced to make a comparison which has 
a material interest for us. He says: — "It might often have 
been believed that the extermination of the Waldeusians was 
complete ; but they have always risen again." 

We need not multiply the analogies ;^ they are self evident. 
Whether we study the course of a history or of a river, we like to 
discover the origin, and what wanderings were passed through 
before the light of day was reached. We may claim to say in 
our turn : — " Such are questions with which an ignorant man 
distracts himself, and learned men are far from having solved. 
How much study and research are necessary before we can trace, 
without fear of being mistaken, the immeasurable circuit followed 
by a single drop of water through clouds and rocks."' Waldensian 
history contains just such obscurities of origin and regions of 
cloud. The drop of water represents here the idea, the principle, 
which disengages itself, in order eventually to reach the river's 

The Waldenses of Italy. 3 

The question of the origin of the Waldenses deserves serious 
investigation. Natural obscurities render the task a difficult one, 
and this difficulty is increased by party polemics, the result being 
confusion worse confounded. Solutions offered are far from 
agi-eeing with each other. It has been said : — " There is 
hardly a sect whose origin has been more disputed over than 
that of the Waldenses." Disregarding the expression " a 
sect " — which is here more or less out of place — the above 
statement is not without foundation. We know that any question 
of origin contains inherently an element of vagueness, which 
fascinates the imagination. What religion, city, or family, is not 
inclined to trace its origin back to mythical sources ? All these 
had their origin in the womb of time, as the river has its source, 
and the tree its roots, in the womb of nature. To discover such 
origin, our investigation must be conducted without prejudice or 
foregone conclusions. If prejudice be allowed to have a voice in 
the matter, it will only accumulate legends ; and history can no 
longer disentangle herself from them. This has too often been 
the case. Basnage says : — •" It is a weakness belonging to all 
Churches,- as weU as States, to claim for themselves great 
antiquity." The reason may be readily divined, for it is nothing 
new.* Let us admit at the outset, that prejudice has taken 
a very active part in the researches relating to the origia 
of the Waldenses ; it has exerted its influence, somewhat over 
everybody, friends as well as foes. But as prejudice has no 
part in true history, it must be our endeavour to free ourselves 
of it. 

The following words, written more than five centuries ago, 
are often quoted : — " Among all, the sects, there is none more per- 
nicious to the church than that of the Leonists, and for three 
reasons : — In the first place, because it is one of the most 
ancient ;' for some say that it dates back to the time of Sylvester ; 
others to the time of the Apostles. In the second place, because 
it is the mostwidespread. There is hardly a country where it 
does not exist. In the third place, because, if other sects strike 
with horror those who listen to them, the Leonists, on the con- 
trary, possess a great outward appearance of piety. As a matter 
of fact they lead in-eproachable lives before men, and as regards 
their faith and the articles of their creed, they are orthodox. 
Their one conspicuous fault is, that they blaspheme against the 

B 2 

4 The Waldenses of Italy. 

Church and the clergy, points on which laymen in general are 
known to be too easily led away." 

Here we have an indisputable testimony. It has been 
erroneously attributed to the Inquisitor Kaincrius Saccho, who 
settled in Milan, and was in contact with the Waldenses of Italy ; 
whereas it was rendered by one of his colleagues in the diocese 
of Passau in Austria, about the year 1260.^ We may assent to it, 
but on one condition, namely, that its meaning be not perverted. 
The writer in no wise aflBrms that the Waldenses date back to a 
period anterior to Waldo ; he simply states that some claim that 
they do.' As for himself, he beheves in no such thing. His 
mode alone of expressing himself indicates this, whilst the fact 
becomes evident as he goes on to give his opinion as to the origin 
of the Waldenses. He classifies them, without much ceremony, 
among " modem heretics," and proceeds to state that they are 
descendants of Waldo. Even in such a shape, this testimony is 
nevertheless of material value to us ; for it offers, as it were, the 
end of a skein which will have to be disentangled. Unquestionably 
it was, even at this early time, current among the Waldenses, that 
they were of ancient origin, truly apostolic. We shall hereafter see 
how this idea may be entertained, and what may reasonably be 
inferred from it. 

The pretension to apostolic succession in the Church innate, 
manifests itself in the Catholic party in a way differing from that 
in the dissenting sections. In the former it takes a more material 
and gross fonn of expression than in the case of the latter, in 
which it has nevertheless a wider basis of truth, notwithstanding 
the little regard manifested for appearances. According to the 
popular tradition — which for many years has had an increasing 
ascendancy over men's minds — the primitive Church, faithfal and 
canonical, goes back to the days of Constantine, under whose reign 
the great original fall of the Church took place, and the era of 
apostacy began. At that time the church and the world became 
reconciled ; according to the legend, this was the manner of it : — 

Constantine, like his predecessors, had first been an enemy — a 
persecutor of the church. Being alfiicted with leprosy, he imagined 
that in order to be healed, he must bathe in the purest human 
blood. The innocents destined to furnish this imperial bath were 
about to be immolated, when their mothers' cry was heard. The 
Emperor stopped ; he was ashamed. Having been warned in a 

The Waldensbs of Italy. 5 

dream, he applied for tealing to Sylvester, Bishop of Rome, 
and by him was baptized in clear water, which miraculously 
removed the leprosy. Then Constantino made a public declaration 
of faith, adding that he recognised the sovereignty of Sylvester, 
Head of the Church, Lord of Rome, of Italy and of the West.* It 
is even said that taking the golden diadem from his own brow, he 
crowned Sylvester with it to the glory of Saint Peter. Having 
done this, he withdrew to the East, in order not to encroach upon 
the Pontiff's domain. During the ceremony, however, a voice 
had been heard on high, a cry repeated by the angels in the 
heavens, saying: — "To-day has poison been poured out in the 
Church."' Sylvester heard it as well as the rest ; but notwith- 
standing the example of his Divine master, of the apostles, and of 
his own predecessors, he was not ashamed to yield to temptation. 
This time the devil gained the victory, and Sylvester bowed himself 
before the Emperor, receiving a crown and earthly possessions. 
Thus, when Caesar became a Christian, the Pope became a Pagan. 
Since that time men began to separate themselves from Sylvester 
and his successors, because it was through them that decadence 
and the min of faith and morals was brought about. ^° 

Such was the original fall of the Church. It opened out a new 
era of corruption on the one hand, and of reform on the other. 
The reaction produced by it called generations back to the 
apostolic faith, and caused it to be mom-ned as a lost ideal. But, 
it miay be asked, is not the above-mentioned story of the gifts made 
to the Pope unauthentic ? Undoubtedly ; nevertheless, it is the 
expression of a real truth. At all events, it ministered to the 
ambition of Popes. It is easily perceived that it was in reliance 
upon its authenticity and authority that they " originally founded 
their temporal dominion. "^^ Towards the year 1000 its authenticity 
was already being contested, but still it was admitted by general 
opinion. While the disciples of Amaud rejected it as apocryphal, ^^ 
in the days of Eugene III., St. Bernard in a letter to this pontiif, 
who had at one time been his pupU, writes : — "Acting as thou 
doest, thou showest that thou hast not succeeded to Peter but 
to Constantino. "'^ And Dante, a long time after, expresses the 
legend in those famous lines : — 

" Ah, Constantino ! of how much iU was cause, 
Not thy conversion, but those rich domains. 
That the first wealthy pope received of thee." 

6 The Waldenses of Italy. 

Tradition, indeed, makes the destinies of the Church depend too 
much upon the will of two men, who, indeed, deserved " neither 
such excess of honour, nor such indignity." 

Decadence had commenced before their appearance upon the 
scene of history ; they are not the originators of it, but they are 
its most famous factors. Popular tradition, with its tendency to 
personify everything, clung to their names, the more naturally, in 
that they mark a distinct pohtical date ; that of the general and 
definite transition of the free, humble, and poor primitive Church 
into the enslaved, dominant, and worldly Church. In this change 
is to be found the piime reason, and the common basis of the 
reactions, which followed one another through the ages of Roman 
evolution, from the ancient Cathari to the Middle Ages, from 
Vigilantius and Claudius of Turin down to Pierre de Bruys, 
Amaldo da Brescia, Henry of Lausanne and Waldo, and from 
Waldo to the Reformation. Those reactions, which ecclesiastic 
prejudice condemns as novel innovations, are, with a few exceptions, 
more truly conservative than the dominant church with its constant 
introduction of innovations ; as compared with the latter, they seem 
even to be retrogressive. We must not be sui-prised if when the 
first sects had disappeared, the Waldensian reaction, sprung as it 
were from the very womb of general Christian tradition, claimed its 
right to be considered apostolic ; and this, not at the moment of 
its appearance, when it stiU courted the tutelage of the Pope ; but, 
it must be well observed, only after it had broken off with him in 
consequence of the sentences pronoimced by the Councils and the 
persecution which followed. Indeed, the first writers who mention 
the Waldenses — Bernardus Fontis Calidi, Alanus, Peter ValHs 
Cemaii, Eberhard of Bethune, and others — make no allusion to any 
pretension on their part to reach back through history to the early 
days of the Church. And yet that pretension was present in the 
case of others and was quite noisy and near at hand ; it was heard 
from the mouths of other dissenters, particularly fi"om the 
Cathari ;" but at that time, having no use for such pretensions, 
they had not as yet appropriated them. When they were placed 
v^under the ban of Catholic Christendom they changed their 
attitude and became more resolute, ^^hey, too, armed themselves 
with the tradition then in vogue amongst other bodies ; and whilst 
accusing the dominant Church of apostasy, they claimed for them- 
selves an origin anterior to the period of decadence. From that 

The Waldenses of Italy. 7 

moment, that is to say during the thirteenth centm-y, the testi- 
mony of history comes to light, as is shown by the words of the 
Inquisitor of the diocese of Passau, and as the following citation 
will prove: — 

" The Church of Christ," says the monk Kaincrius Saccho, 
" continued in her bishops and other prelates, down to the blessed 
Sylvester ; but under his reign it declined until the Restoration, 
which was their work." They say, however, that at all times there 
have been God-fearing people who have been saved."'" They be- 
lieve that Pope Sylvester, at the instigation of the devU, became 
the founder of the Eoman Church.'' " They say," repeats the 
monk Moneta, " that the Church of God had declined in the time 
of Sylvester, and that in these days it had been re-established by 
their efforts, commencing with Waldo.""* " They call themselves 
successors of the Apostles," adds monk David of Augsburg, 
" and say they are in possession of the apostolic authority, and of 
the keys to bind and unbind. "'° 

It is here evident, at the first glance, to what the Waldenses' 
pretension to apostolic antiquity is reduced. It is the religious 
idea that is ancient in their estimation, not the fact of their origin 
as a people. They plead this antiquity for the sole purpose of 
reconnecting the truth of their faith and principles with its true 
source ; the tradition of which had been interrupted by the Roman 
apostasy.^" So manifest is this fact that in order to refute the 
ideal succession claimed by the Waldenses, the Inquisitor Moneta 
urges against them the evidence of historical facts. This is what 
he says : — 

" We shall plainly see, if we inquire into their origin, that 
they are not the Church of God. Indeed, their existence dates but 
a little way back ; because, according to every evidence, their 
origin goes back to Waldo, a citizen of Lyons, who opened the 
way for them some eighty years ago.^' Therefore, they are not the 
successors of the primitive Church ; therefore, they are not the 
Church of God. Will they attempt to assert that their mode of 
thought is of a date prior to Waldo ? If so, let them prove it by 
some testimony. But that is impossible. If they be descendants 
of Waldo let them teU us whence he himself was descended. 
If they say that they are begotten of God, of the Apostles , and of 
the Gospel, we answer : God is merciful only through his minister, 
according to these words, ' Whosoever sins ye remit, they are 

8 The Waldenses of Italy. 

remitted unto them.' Therefore, they can have been remitted to 
Waldo only through the instrumentality of a minister. Who may 
that minister be ? Have they the three ecclesiastic orders ? 
They reply that they have. Then I ask : From whom do 
they hold them ? Who is their bishop ? If they answer : Such an 
one, I ask : By whom was he ordained ? If they say : He was 
ordained by a certain person, I ask again : Who ordained this 
certain person ? Following them up in this way, they are com- 
pelled to go back to Waldo. Then we ask : From whom did he 
hold orders ? If they say that he took them unto himself, it is 
clear that they are at vaiiance with the Apostle, who writes : — 
' And no man taketh this honom- imto himself, but he that was 
called of God, as was Aaron.' WUl they say that Waldo holds 
orders directly from God ? If they do, they wiU not be able to 
prove it by the testimony of the Scriptures. Some have claimed 
that Waldo was ordained by the community of his brethren, and 
the first to reason in this way was a certain heresiarch, belonging 
to the order of the ' Poor of Lombardy ' — a pervert doctor called 
Thomas. They may say, perhaps, that their congregation and 
that of the Roman Church ai-e one, both Holy and Catholic ; 
although divided into two sections, one of which, the Roman 
Church is that of the wicked ; and the other, the Waldensian 
community, that of the righteous. But this is contradicted by the 
fact that the existence of such a community, from the time of 
Sylvester to that of Waldo, cannot be demonstrated.^^ They say 
that the Chm-ch of God declined in the days of the blessed 
Sylvester. Let us see : How do they know that to be the case ? 
It cannot be proved by any testimony, and therefore they 
are obliged to be silent. A wicked life does not prevent a 
minister from being efficacious in his office ; and even though 
Svlvester had been sinful and wicked, are we bound to conclude 
that in him the Church had fallen ? " ^' 

This monk's polemics permit us to form some conception of 
the opinion held in the thirteenth century concerning the 
Waldenses' origin. 

But, some may say that this is not the common opinion ; and 
that it is only the notion of fanatic monks and absolutely 
unworthy of credit. 

That is not exactly so ; IMoneta relates current opinions. 
Furthermore, we are dealing here vnth. judges of heresy, who base 

The Waldbnses of Italy. 9 

their testimony upon what they heard a thousand times in the 
course of their prosecutions ; and this proves that they are not 
absolutely incompetent. Are they truthful ? Not always ; far 
from it ; but two things are worthy of notice, namely, that in this 
case their testimony is unanimous, and that their object is to 
direct the membei*S of the Inquisition in the examination and 
refutation of heretics. Indeed, in this case, one can hardly see 
what they could gain by concealing acknowledged facts. The 
Waldenses were there to produce such facts, if there be any that 
indicate an ancient origin, prior to Waldo. They did not do so, 
and this is an important point. The first forefathers of the 
Waldensian Church were quite as anxious as anybody to appeal 
to apostolic tradition, unpractised, but unforgotten. They 
cherished the thought of reviving it again, this cannot be doubted ; 
but nowhere do we read that, on either side of the Alps, 
they claimed upon historical gTound, an origin anterior to that 
of Waldo. Did they but produce their testimony we should 
stand convinced. Let us first cite a fact. 

In the year 1218, the Waldenses held a conference with their 
brethren of Lombardy ; the name they then bore was that 
of Valdesians or Associates of Valdes. Together they composed 
the Valdesian Society.^* In their debates, not the slightest aUusion 
is found to a time anterior to Waldo. To him, as to the leader 
and founder of the institution, more than one question was referred. 
He was the leader then according to the avowal of these early 

To this fact we can add a piece of explicit testimony, taken 
from a Waldensian document, with two readings, one of which 
bears the date of 1404. It reads as follows : — 

"We do not find anywhere in the writings of the Old 
Testament that the light of truth and of holiness was at any 
time completely extinguished. There have always been men 
who walked faithfuUy in the paths of righteousness. Their 
number has been at times reduced to a few ; but has never 
been altogether lost. We believe that the same has been 
the case from the time of Jesus Christ until now; and that 
it will be so unto the end. For if the Church of God was founded, 
it was in order that she might remain until the end of time. 
She preserved for a long period the virtue of holy religion, and, 
according to ancient history, her directors lived in poverty and 

10 The Waldensbs of Italy. 

humility for about three centuries ; that is to say, down to the 
time of Constantine. Under the reign of this Emperor, who 
was a leper, there was in the Church a man named Sylvester, 
n Boman. Constantiue went to him, was baptized in the 
name of Jesus Christ, and cured of his leprosy. The Emperor 
finding himself healed of a loathsome disease, in the name of 
Jesus Christ, thought he would honour him who had wrought the 
cure by bestowing upon him the Crown of the Empire. Sylvester 
accepted it, but his companion, it is said, refused his consent, 
separated from him, and continued to follow the path of poverty. 
Then, Constantine went away to regions beyond the sea, followed 
by a multitude of Romans, and buUt up the city, to which he 
gave his name — Constantinople — so that from that time the Here- 
siarch rose to honour and dignity, and ' evil was multiplied upon 
tlie earth. We do not believe that the Church of God, absolutely 
departed from the way of truth ; but one portion yielded, and, as 
is commonly seen, the majority was led away to evil ; the other 
portion remaining long faithful to the truth it had received. Thus, 
little by little, the sanctity of the Church declined. Eight cen- 
turies after Constantine, there arose a man named Peter, a native, 
they say, of a country called Vaud." ^' 

• Such is the primitive tradition of the Waldenses with regard 
to their origin. It springs from general tradition, floating in the 
minds of men for generations. It took root in Lombardy during 
the XIV. century, and only later, as we shall see further on, 
did it make its appearance in the valleys of the Alps.^^ Moreover, it 
has no reference to the isolated existence of any particular religious 
sect, and not even to their creeds; but solely to the vow of 
poverty, which Waldo certainly did not invent, but merely 
re-estabhshed.^' The testimony of the primitive Waldenses does 
not, when it is weU authenticated, differ materially fi'om that of 
their judges. 

It may be perceived from the Waldensian document quoted 
above, that the tradition concerning their origin had already 
begun to degenerate. The imaginary personage, at one time 
placed side by side with Sylvester, and at another confronted with 
him, was at first only used to represent uprightness, as the Roman 
Bishop represents the fall. There is this difference, however, that 
whereas Sylvester is a man of flesh and blood, the first of a branch 
like Cain, his companion, having succumbed, like Abel, leaves 

The "Waldensbs of Italy. 11 

but a tradition without genealogy. At first he is anonymous ; 
later he is called Leon, perhaps to explain the name of Leonists, 
at a time when it had already been forgotten that the disciples 
of Waldo were so named because they came from Lyons.^* Per- 
haps in pursuance of a still more- whimsical idea, the time of 
Waldo's appearance was antedated to the time of Sylvester ; then 
he and this so-called Leon constitute one and the same man. 
Such an hypothesis could only be tenable upon the assumption 
that Waldo had grown old backwards, and that to about the age 
of Methuselah. ^^ The tradition, started in this manner, was still 
more perverted by the men of the Reformation. Adopting the 
Waldenses as their precursors, they endeavoured, by that means, 
to create for themselves " a secret perpetuity during the middle 
ages, vying with Catholic perpetuity."'" This purpose was easily 
attained, thanks to the confounding of the Waldensian reaction 
with those that, especially during the stormy days of persecution, 
preceded it. Legend, Hke Pharaoh's lean kine, swallowed up 
history; the date of Waldensian writings were confused, and 
false quotations did the rest." 

The legend is at least useful as showing an abholTonce of the 
vacuum, the abyss formed by Eomish decadence. A bridge 
thrown over an obstacle, or a subterranean way beneath it, are 
something more than artifices. There is something real going on 
there which constitutes the link between the Waldensian reaction 
and the primitive Church. But what is it ? One might think a 
mysteiy was being unfolded, and that mystery truth itself — 
imperishable truth. In the struggle for existence, it is truth 
that constitutes the future ; although forced under by oppres- 
sion, sooner or later it must come to the surface reverberating 
from distance to distance, Hke the echo of the apostolic voice ; 
transmitted from hand to hand by its wonderful messengers, it 
traverses the night as did the fiery cross of the clans. " Et quasi 
cursores, vitai lampada tradunt." The tree of life may fall alas ! 
but it Hves again in its oifshoots. " Uno avulso, non deficit 
alter." Having whole centuries in which to work, its action is 
slow and gradual, but sure, notwithstanding the difierent reactions 
which seem to impede its progress. Everything surrounding its 
varied development is bound together and interwoven hke the 
links of a chain ; not that of the Popes, but the golden chain 
of the free Gospel. This is the real, the living, and legitimate 

12 The Waldbnses of Italy. 

succession. The Waldensian reaction is its middle link, long 
and precious ; still that link does not constitute the chain. 

The oracles of Kome have verified these successive reactions, 
■ivithout discovering anything good or logical in them. They 
acknowledge that there exists between them a certain bond of union; 
but, if we believe them, this bond is purely negative — mutual 
hatred or vanity ; the heretics being only rebels or conspirators. 
They are compared, with much monotony of iteration, to the 
little foxes which are tied together by the tail and devastate the 
mystic vineyard-'^ The comparison is out of place, notwith- 
standing its Biblical colouring. It is true that Sampsons have 
never been wanting to tie the tails together, and Papacy has had her 
giants, and the giants have had their Delilahs. Equally applic- 
able would be another figure, furnished by a great poet, held in 
high esteem during the middle ages. It might be said that 
when the Romish Church of decadence is not as furious as a buU of 
Bashan, it resembles the quadruped described by Virgil, when 
he recounts how bees come to hfe. "Procumbit humi bos." 
There he lies, his entrails exposed and smoking. Suddenly 
swarms of winged insects fly thereout with a buzzing sound ; these 
are the bees and drones that form the great army of heretics. If 
fables must be used, it is well to use such as, like this latter one, 
have at least a basis of truth. But we have nothing to do with 
fables when it is a question of emerging from the cloud-land of 
legend to place our foot on the terra firma of reality. 
^ To sum up : we assert, that if the antiquity attributed to the 
Waldenses, by tracing their genealogy back to the early days of 
Christianity, be only a fable, the gradual preparation of their pro- 
test during the centuries of the middle ages is an historic fact. 

So much for the subject of the origin of the Waldensian 
reaction. In a limited sense their antiquity may be admitted ;y)ut 
Waldo is the source, properly so-called, and therefore, with him 
the narrative must commence ; this much may as well be 
admitted with a good grace. T Moreover, let us add with one of 
its critics : — " The Waldensian Church does not need, in order to 
render herself glorious, that her historical period should be pre- 
ceded by a sort of mythical era, dating back from the time of the 
Apostles. It seems to us sufficiently worthy of respect, even 
though it be descended from a simple layman of Lyons, whose 
piety, moderation, and courage may be held up as an example to 

The Waldenses of Italy. 13 

all. To have brought the Gospel to light again, three centuries 
before the Reformation, and to have preserved it ever since with 
heroic faithfulness, in the midst of persecution and torture, seems 
to us sufficiently lovely to restrain us from embellishing that 
undeniable fact by associating vrith it a long period regarding 
which there is no certainty. Now, we have the positive fact of 
Waldo ; why should not that suffice so long, at least, as it cannot 
be proved that the Waldenses existed before him ? " ^' 

14 The Waldenses of Italy. 


The Poor of Lyons, 

Lyons before the XII. century — Signs of awakening — Peter 
Waldo: his origin : his conversion — The song of St. Alexis 
— The advice of the master of theology — The voiv of poverty 
and what it entailed: the commencement of separation — 
Waldo's daughters in a convent : his alms — The translation 
of some books of the Scripture — Reunions — Archbishop 
Guichard and the Chapter of the Cathedral — The first 
lawsuit : Waldo, banished from Lyons, appeals to Rome — 
Alexander III., and the third Later an Council — Waldo 
receives the kiss of peace — A scene in the Council — The 
crisis — Archbishop Jean aux Blanches Mains drives away 
the Waldenses and retires to a convent — The thunders of 
the Council of Verona. 

THE city of Lyons is one of the most ancient capitals of France. 
" Uniting together nations as well as rivers," as early 
as the time of the Eomans, it attracted a varied population, 
eminently industrious and given to commerce.'* During the 
Middle Ages it became the retreat of a swarm of fugitives, whose 
sole fortune was their stout arms and the water-way of the 
Rhone. Opulence, luxury and pleasure were there, elbowing 
misei-y, mendicity and fanaticism. The splendour of the Church 
was not eclipsed by that of the city.'^ The legend of her 
apostolic origin, the glorious memory of the martyrs, Sanctus, 
Attalus and Blandine ; of Potin, her first Bishop, a pastor of 
heroes ; finally, the venerated name of Iraeneus, the conqueror of 
heresy, had crowned her with a brilliant halo. Afterwards came 
decadence, with new honours in its train. 0er Bishop was pro- 
moted to the dignity of Archbishop and Primate, and along with 
him prospered the venerable and fat Chapter of Canons, which 
mustered on its rolls the sons of Princes and learned men. The 

The Waldbnsbs of Italy. 15 

level of morality was sinking lower and lower, whilst that of 
superstition was rising, like the threatening tide which no banicr 
can stop. As early as in the days of Charlemagne, efforts had 
been made to turn aside the encroachment of idolatry, either by 
the Decrees of Councils, or by the authority of the Bishops. 
Claudius of Turin undertook this reform on the Italian side ; his 
example was followed by Agobard and his disciple Amolus in 
Lyons. It was all in vain. Zeal for the worship of images 
knew no bounds. God was made to appear to have abdicated His 
throne. Thanks to the ingenuity of the Canons, it was made" to 
seem as if that Divine power were passing into the hands of the 
child Jesus, under the absolute regency of the Madonna. Indeed, 
to the Chapter of Lyons belongs the questionable honour of 
having, about the year 1140, corruption being then at its height, 
inaugurated the Feast of the Immaculate Virgin, and this not- 
withstanding the remonstrances of St. Bernard. But although 
the feast was denounced as an innovation, and that by the 
most venerated voice'^ amongst them, the Canons of Lyons won 
their case. Did not St. Bernard go so far as to assert that 
feasts should be left to the saints in Paradise, and banished 
from this vale of exile and misery ?'' The Canons were not 
troubled with his gloomy disposition. They did not consider it so 
very wrong to anticipate celestial joys. In their opinion, it be- 
hoved men to make merry, and this opinion was shared by many 
people in a city like Lyons, who loved to dream of new pleasures. 
This novelty, like many others, was not long in becoming a cus- 
tom ; and early tradition, driven further and further back, seemed 
to be swallowed up by a heap of abuses. To be new; it only had to 
come out, but at its own risk and peril ; for the clerical tribe does 
not fancy ghosts of that kind, and would have given it the cold 
shoulder.'' That had happened before, and will happen again. 

Yet, though in Lyons people accepted the new order, great 
signs of a reaction were appearing on the horizon. After the time 
of Berengarius, the word of truth had burst forth in the protest of 
Abelard. He was compelled to give way it is true, but the blow 
of his battering ram had been fatal ; the breach made in the walls 
of scholasticism was never again repaired ; nay, it became enlarged 
on all sides, and assailants of every class wsre seen to be mount- 
ing it. Discussion of the dogmas and customs of the Church 
became general. In 1140, the bishops of France were writing to 

16 The Waldenses of Italy. 

the Pope. "Everywhere in our cities and villages, not only in 
our schools but at the street comers, learned and ignorant, great 
and small, are discussing the gravest mysteries."^' It seemed 
indeed as if the foundations of the Church were being upheaved ; 
storms of ideas and lurid lights were arising on all sides. '' The 
re-animated fragments of the past came into collision with the germs 
of the future, which were striving to spring into life under numerous 
and strange forms. The science of Greek antiquity, as yet ill-under- 
stood, the bold conceptions of Arab genius, the distorted traditions 
of Persian Magianism and of the old mystic theories which had 
well-nigh ruined Christianity at its birth, were quickly springing 
up. These were intermingled with new interpretations of 

- the Gospel which were audaciously progressive, and with opinions, 
which, on the contrary, sought refuge in primitive Christian tradi- 
tion against the innovations of Rome."*" It is worth whUe to 

-pause a moment to contemplate this novel scene. 

The Crusades had opened the way for invasions from the East, 
of the Saracens, the Jews, the Cathari. The latter brought 
into the field of discussion the Manichean two-fold principle of 
good and evU, together with a train of Gnostic legends.'" 
From Bosnia they spread over Italy like a swarm of grasshoppers, 
and without losing any time,passed into Provence and Languedoc, 
where strangers called them after the name of Albi,** one of their 
centres. On the other hand, behold two heroes coming out of 
the school of Abelard, in the very heart of France. One of 
them, the younger, wiU by-and-by go to Rome, and there at the 
end of his troubled career proclaim the separation of the Church 
from the world, and in principle that of the Church from the 
State.*' The other as firm as his predecessors in repelling the 
idolatry which is invading Divine worship, goes so far as to reject 
even the symbol of the Cross. More resolute than Berengarius, 
he rejects too the dogma of transubstantiation. With the 
Albigenses he condemns the above-mentioned superstitions, as also 
that of the salvation of children by the sprinkling of water ; but 
while he condemns these he is tolerant of Pagan dualism and the 
mania for celibacy. fPeter died in 1126, the victim of a mob, while 
Amaldo died ia 1155. Yet ere that fire was kindled which was 
to bum Peter de Brays at the stake, Henry of Lausanne — also 
called the Italian — had arisen. At first he was thought merely 
to have been won over to the general reform, promulgated by 

The Waldenses of Italy. 17 

Gregory VII., against the dissolute priesthood; but men soon 
discovered in him the elder Peter de Bruys' disciple, successor, and 
hei;.** He also succumbed, and that as early as 1148. The 
reaction went on notwithstanding the checks it had received. 
Driven out of Toulouse, its centre, it sent out swarms on all sides 
wimout materially depopulating the parent hive. One colony 
is found in Cologne. Bees and drones are all mixed up 
together. The Albigenses are readily recognized by their parti- 
coloVred dualism ; others gradually borrow from them mo; e 
than\ one element of reform ; and ultimately they reject all 
the sacraments except baptism, which they reserve for be- 
Heveri ; they reject the mediation of saints, and the prayers for 
the deid, as a consequence of their no longer admitting the doctrine 
of purWtory, at least as defined by the Church. In this way 
they attacked the priesthood at a time when it set itself up as 
more than ever indispensable. They ousted the clergy from their 
office aid made laymen of them.*^ Such actions as these, which 
are common both to the Albigenses and the Henricians, betray 
certain pc^nts of contact in thefr principles. TJie_most_eyident^is 
the common_profes8ion_of_poyerty, a direct consequenceof^e 
light 'in'which the apostasy of theHommanTrChjrrelTwas regarded 
at^at time. To lead a life of poverty is_the„ first symptomjrf a 
return to the good apostolic tradition ; it is^y their poverty, even 
more than by their love of their neighbour. That at that tirne 
the disciples of Christ may be recognized. Hence, pov^ty 
constituted Jheir prestige. "We are Christ's poor," "Sail they, 
as they fled before their persecutors; "we lead a. wandering 
life, and why? Because we are not of this world. You, 
on the contrary, addressing their persecutors, are at peace 
with it because you are its friends."^* The Parthian's dart 
was not sharper. They styled themselves " apostolic," and this 
name is of itself a formidable protest, taken with the fact that 
about the same time Arnaldo da Brescia was preaching to the 
Komans that the Pope had lost the right of bearing it.*'' St. 
Bernard, whose mission it was to oppose them, describes them in 
a few words. " Do you ask what their faith is ? Nothing can 
be more Christian. What their conduct is? Nothing can be 
more irreproachable ; and what they preach they practice. They 
are assiduous in their attendance at the services, respectful towards 
the clergy, liberal in their offerings, and they attend confession 

18 The Waldenses of Italy. 

and communion. They set an example to the faithful themselves 
by their life and habits ; haggard with abstinence, they avoid idle- 
ness, and earn their bread with their own hands."*' Yet people 
shunned them and denounced them ; very soon they were /on- 
temptuously nicknamed Beghards and Beguines,*" or were Occa- 
sionally called by the name of St. Alexis, on account of che 
veneration in which he was held by them.^" According to St. 
Bernard, the reason of all this was that their piety was only, an 
artifice of the devil. These are his words ; but does he rsally 
believe what he says ? The Abbot was irritated and iU at ease 
when he spoke thus. The very ideal which he looks morosely 
upon, and which he curses in others, lies deep down in his own 
soul. He sees himself reflected in it as in a glass ; he would like 
to see it resplendent in the Church, and resting like a hab upon 
the head of his disciple. Pope Eugene III. It is the only crown 
lie desired for him; but in vain. "Oh! that I might, before 
dying, see the Church of God led back to the ideal of ler early 
days ! Then nets were cast out, not to gather gold, but to save 
souls."'' Towards this point converge all the protests, beard both 
within and without the Church, From this point went forth a general 
if not uniform spirit that took possession of Europe. " Hoc 
Europa quidem fuerat jam dogmate plena."'^ 

But Lyons seemed as yet untainted. " Open to aU the mer- 
chants of the globe," "^ it continued to attract the youth of the 
neighbouring country, and more than one mountaineer eager to 
better his condition. About 1150, the Archiepiscopal chair was 
occupied by Humbert II., who v.'as descended on his mother's 
side from the house of the Count of Savoy and Maurienne. What 
is known concerning him amounts to very little. Did he long for 
the reformation of the Church, as Pope Celestine V. did later on, 
and did it seem an impossibility to him ? We dare not suppose 
it. He kept himself quiet, ready at any time to abjure his high 
estate in his own small way. The chronicle says that, weary of 
government, he retired to a convent, to end his life in a manner 
that was in accordance with his tastes ; and that at his death he 
bequeathed to the Cathedral of St. Stephen, now called St. 
John, a small house and a few charitable doles to keep his 
memoiy green.'* At that time, or a little . after, there lived 
in Lyons a man who was about to rise and undertake that 
which, notwithstanding their prestige, neither Popes nor Prelates 

The Waldenses of Italy. 19 

had yet succeeded in accomplishing. That man was Peter Waldo. 

Whence did he come ? That is not known, but his name has 
given rise to more than one conjecture. More than one person 
before him had borne the name of Waldo.'* His name is 
properly Valdez or Valdesius ;*** that is to say, it might easily be 
a siu-name added to the true and only one of Peter ; indicating 
if nitt his place of birth, at least that of his origin.'" Now where 
shall we look for that place ? Not far from Lyons ; doubtless 
towaras the Alps.** On this point we find a diversity of opinion. 
Somel think that Waldo originated from Dauphiny.*^ Others are 
inclined to beheve he was born further off, even in Piedmont, 
where there were plenty of mountains and wooded dales. Finally, 
we arelreminded that the Canton de Vaud in Switzerland was so 
called before this period,^" and that the monk, Henry of Lausanne, 
came into France by the Valley of the Rhone. From this point, 
to arrive at the conclusion that Waldo may easily have come to 
Lyons by the same road, is but a step.*' Nevertheless, the 
question is not settled.*^ Let us, therefore, leave it open, and 
return to Lyons where we find Waldo. 

We are told that Waldo lived near the Church of St. Nizier, 
in a street afterward called Val Grant or Vaudrant, and sometimes 
Eue Maudite.^^ He was a merchant, and so successful, that 
he was in a fair way of becoming wealthy. He undoubtedly 
attended the fairs and markets of the neighbourhood, leading 
an active and laborious Hfe. The chronicler informs us that 
Waldo accumulated wealth, without being very particular con- 
cerning the means employed.** Even if it were true, what of 
that ? Gruerrazzi wrote, not long ago, " In a merchant's house 
all are aUke." That may be going too far; but it is certain' that 
if Waldo had been merely a usurer, the clergy would never have 
thought of casting a stone at him. Had he not friends in high 
places, both in the city and in the Church ? He enjoyed then- 
society, it would seem, without denying himself home comforts. 
He went to mass like everyone else. But, lo ! at a time when he 
was in the most comfortable cii'cumstances, and flattered on all 
sides, his conscience began to trouble him. Did he, in the dayy 
of his youth, hear the voice of Henry of Lausanne or his disiciples, 
cursing the general worldliness and proclaiming woe to thofee 
who treasure up wealth iniquitously ? He may have done so, but 
his soul was asleep. An accident suddenly roused him. One 

20 The Waldenses of Italy. 

day, while in the company of some of the leading citizens, one of 
his friends fell lifeless at his side.*"' Terrified by the event, he ssid 
to himself : If death had stricken me, what would have becom^ of 
my soul? This thought caused him great uneasiness ^nd 
anxiety. On another occasion — on his way to or from mass 
perhaps, for it was a Sunday — he saw a ballad singer, sm-- 
rounded by an eager crowd, holding forth in the public square. 
He drew near and listened ; the singer was reciting in dolorous 
tones the story, then much in vogue, of a saint named Alexis, 
born in Rome, the only son of wealthy parents. Alexis 
married, but had hardly descended the steps of the hymeneal 
altar, when he turned his back upon his bride and left his parents, 
in order to take the vow of poverty and make a pilgrimage to the 
East. "When he returned, being recognized by nobody, he begged 
his relatives to grant him a shelter under the stairs, and there he 
died. Then he was recogniz ed ; but it was too late.'''' The old 
song of St. Alexis has been found. 

" Signour et dames, entendes nn sermon 
D'un saintisme home qui Allessis ot non, 
Et d'une feme que il prist a oissor. 
Que U guerpi pour Diu son Creatour 
Saulve en est I'ame el ciel nostre Signom-, 
Li cors en gist a Eom a grant hounour." 

Thus runs the commencement of the strain. The singer weeps 
over the good old times, and denounces the corruption of the 
Church. Life is short; he continues : — 

" Al tans de Noe et al tans Abraham 
Et a Davi que Dieus par ama tant, 
Fu bons li siecles: jamais n'iert si vaillans. 
S'est empieres, et li biens va morant. 
Li ordene vont le loi mal menant : 
Trespasse ont le Damediu commant, 
Et saintes gUses, fiUes Jherusalem, 
De tout en tout se vont afoibliant. 
La fois del siecle se va toute falant. 
Fraisle est la vie : ne duerra lone tans." 

" What is to be done, but to prepare for heaven ? This St. 
Alexis did. Eid of his wealth and aU earthly cares, he thinks 
of nothing but heaven. 

The Waldensbs of Italy. 21 

" En sainte eglise converse volontiers ; 

Chascune feste se fait acomungier ; 

Sainte escriture 90 ert ses conseiliers.^''" 
More than one feature of this will be found resuscitated in 
the protest of Waldo. On that Sunday, Waldo greatly inter- 
ested, took the singer to his own home in order that he 
might repeat the whole story, for he had only heard the 
end. '> During the night his soul was troubled. The next morn- 
ing hei anxiously wished to consult a master of theology, possibly 
one of the Canons of the Cathedral, in order to anive at 
some definite conclusion relative to his salvation. The theo- 
logian was very learned ; he knew as many roads to heaven as 
Waldo had travelled in attending the different markets. He talked 
a great deal. The merchant's ears were full of his words ; but his 
mind remained still undecided, like that of a man who is seeking 
his way and suddenly comes to a cross-road. He was perplexed 
at the choice set before him, and yet he had no time to lose. At 
last he said, " Of all the roads that lead to heaven, which is the 
surest ? I desire to follow the perfect way." Ah ! answered the 
theologian, that being the case, here is Christ's precept: "If 
thou wilt be perfect, go, sell that thou hast and give to the poor, 
and thou shalt have treasure in heaven ; and come take up thy 
cross and follow me." ** 

Waldo undoubtedly desired to understand these words more 
fully than the legend of St. Alexis. It is probable that he 
left the Canon to his theological studies, intending to meditate in 
solitude upon the words of the Gospel which had just been 
addressed to him. He returned home filled ^rith the words of 
Christ. Far from distorting their meaning by giving them a 
mystic, allegorical, and . especially a less inconvenient meaning, 
after the manner of men in all ages who have tried to reconcile 
the doctrine of our Saviour, with love for this world's goods, he took 
the precept literally, immediately set about putting it into practice, 
and cast his eyes over his possessions ; this time, not for the 
purpose of taking stock of them, but to see how he might get rid 
of them. He spoke to his wife about the matter. At first she was 
disconcerted, but when she fully understood bfes intention, she be>- 
came calmer. He said to her, " I am possessed of pfei:sQiial-proferty 
and real estate, take your choice." The list of real estate was a 
long one, houses, meadows, vineyards, woods, bakehouses, and 

22 The Waldbnses of Italy. 

miUs, with rent arising from all. The wife did not hesitate 
long; she chose the real estate, and did not ever give it 
up."" Both felt they had chosen the " better part," each from 
his own standpoint. There remained the ready money and /what 
might be realized from the sale of the stock-in-trade. What 
should be done with that ? First, he would make reparation for 
any injustice of which he might have been guilty. '" Then he 
would devote a portion of it to providing a dowry for his two 
daughters, whom he decided to remove from their mother's 
influence, and to place without her knowledge in the Abbey of 
Fontevrault. This had been founded in 1106, in Poitou, by an 
eccentric monk, whose name was Robert of Arbrissel, in a spirit 
that seems to have anticipated the ideas of the " Poor of Lyons." 
We give here a succinct history of this man. 

Robert of Arbrissel had been at the abbey of la Roue, which 
he quitted for ever, to devote himself entirely to preaching ; in 
this intent receiving the approbation of Pope Urban II. He had 
no fixed place of abode, and was followed about by a gi-eat multi- 
tude of men and women. The presence of the latter caused him 
some annoyance, and he thought of providing them with some 
fixed dwelling place. He was blamed not only for a certain 
indiscreet familiarity, which gave occasion for invidious remai-k, 
but also for his strange appearance, long beard, bare feet, and 
mean and ragged clothing. These singularities seemed less likely to 
give him authority among the simple and needy, than to create a 
suspicion concerning his sanity among such wise men as Bishop 
Marbode of Rheims, his superior. Furthermore, he was accused 
of declaiming against the priests and the higher clergy, "thereby 
causing several curates to be deserted by then- flocks."'^ Criticized 
thus, he finally looked for a place of refuge in the desert, on 
the confines of the diocese of Poitiers, two leagues from Cande in 
Touraine. " This spot, called Fontevrault, was uncultivated, 
covered with thorns and briars, and Robert having obtained . 
possession of it from the owners, at once erected huts as a 
protection from the weather, and built an oratory. He 
separated the women from the men, and shut the former up by 
themselves, intending that they should devote themselves chiefly 
to prayer, whilst the men should work. Ecclesiastics and laymen 
Hved together, the former sang psalms and celebrated mass, the 
latter performed manual labour; and all preserved silence at 

The Waldbnses of Italy. 23 

certain times. They lived very frugally and unitedly, and called 
Eobert ' Master,' simply because he would not allow the title of 
' Dom ' or ' Abbot ' to be used. He denounced sin and sinners 
vehemently, and his discourses displayed marvellous energy ; but 
he was gentle vnth the penitent ; indulgent to others, he was 
stern to himself. Hypocrisy he hated. He would not have his 
disciples bear any other name than that of the ' Poor of Jesus 
Christ.' Indeed they lived for some time on what was voluntarily 
supplied by the inhabitants of the surrounding country."'^ Such 
was the origin of the Abbey founded in honour of the Virgin 
Mary. Donations soon began to flow in, thanks to the favour of 
the Bishop of Poitiers, who revered the memp^f-af-Boh^rf^ 
tAjirissEl3a.iEaT!oi.att^" apostolic- man." In Waldo's time the 
monastery of Fontevrault was fashicmable. It received the 
daughters of the nobility, widows, and even beggars ; and it is 
beheved that, in certain cases, the pupils were permitted to quit 
the institution after a certain time and yet retain the name of 
the " Poor of Christ," which they had learned to love. 

To this solitary dwelling-place Waldo consigned his two 
daughters. He had not as yet parted with all his property, the 
larger portion of the • ready money still remained. This w&,s 
reserved for the poor, and, as we shall see further on, for a worlr 
that rendered his name glorious. At that time famine was raging, 
and the city of Lyons was swarming with beggars. To relieve them, 
Waldo did not proceed at hap-hazard but according to certain rules.' 
Nothing in his manner recalls that of some well-known monks 
who, actuated rather by a desire for show, than by love for their 
neighbour, did not think of the profit which the poor might derive 
from the wealth which they gave up. He did not proceed, as 
did, for instance, Francis of Assise, who threw his father's money 
out of window ; or like Gerard Segarelli who divided his wealth 
among rogues, who gambled it away. Such proceedings are so 
contraiy to all reason, that a great wit, though a zealous Franciscan, 
in remarking upon them, added with a touch of irony, that Christ 
had indeed commanded us to give our goods to the poor, but not 
to rogues." Waldo, while conforming to the manners of his age, 
was more sensi^Ste: — He-planned--a-jc«gular distribution of bread, 
meat, and other provisions to the poor. Beginning at Pentecost, 
this distribution was continued three times a week until the 
feast o!f Jhe Ascension of the Virgin, which was at that time 

24 The Waldenses of Italy. 

celebrated in the middle of August. We read that on that day 
he distributed the rest of his money to the starving poor in the 
streets, saying to whomsoever chose to hear him : "No man can 
serve two masters, God and Mammon." When the crowd 
thronged him on all sides, and people began to laugh, thinking he 
had gone out of his mind, he took up a position whence he could 
be heard by all and spoke as follows : — 

" Citizens and friends, I am not mad as you suppose. This 
is what I have done : I have revenged myself on enemies, who 
had reduced me to such a state of servitude as to make me more 
heedful of money than of God ; more subject to the creature than 
to the Creator. I know that not a few will blame me for doing 
these things publicly ; but I have acted in this manner for my own 
sake, who now speak to you, and for yours, who hear me ; for 
myself, that anyone may call me mad who in future shall see me 
possessed of money ; for you also, in a measure, that you may 
learn to put your trust in God and no longer run after wealth."'* 

That was the end. The next day as he returned from mass, 
Waldo asked a fiiend to give him something to eat. His friend 
took him to his house, received him like a brother, and said : — 
" Now ask for anything you require ; as long as I live you shall 
not want for the necessaries of life." Waldo's wife, however, 
got wind of this, and was almost distracted. She ran to the 
Archbishop, and told him with tears of the affront that had been 
put upon her. On a sign from the Archbishop, the hospitable 
host was ordered to give up his guest and to bring him before the 
Prelate. When Waldo's wife saw him, she seized him by the 
coat, exclaiming: " Husband, listen; if anyone is to redeem his 
soul by the alms he gives you, is it not best that it should be your 
wife rather than such as are not of our household?"''' What 
answer could be made to that ? The husband undoubtedly could 
have urged good reasons ; but he did not cai-e to prolong a scene 
that was both ridiculous and painful. Before being allowed to 
quit the archiepiscopal presence, Waldo was obliged to listen to a 
homily upon his prodigality, and was formally forbidden, when he 
was in the city, at least, ever to take food from that day forth 
anywhere but at his wife's table. '^ 

This bappeBedJD-JrJr^, ipader Archbishop Guichard, the third 
successor . of him whom we mentioned at the commencement of 
this narrative." 

The Waldenses of Italy. 25 

Thus far, we have no sign of the Eeformer, although we know 
that the renouncing of this world's goods had hecome the sine qua 
noil of every popular reform. But our historian has omitted one 
important fact, which will provide us with a key to what we have 
already read and to much which follows. 

On leaving the theologian, Waldo had resolved to profit more 
than ever by the very rare opportunities he possessed for listening 
to the reading of the Gospel which it is true was read only in 
Latin and in the church. In this he did not fail, but the readings 
being only occasional, and at times unintelligible, soon tried his 
patience. The reading was bad, and Waldo was not well versed 
in Latin,'* although he understood something of it. He tried to 
read for himself, and with more profit; but he met with more than 
one obstacle ; nevertheless, that instinct of truth which guides 
honest souls, told him that he had laid his hand upon a treasure 
more precious than all earthly possessions. The word of Christ 
already held his mind under a divine spell ; while it bound his 
conscience, which feared not the chains of obedience. Little by 
little, its precepts were engraved upon his mind, and he wished to 
read the whole of it. To attain his purpose, he associated to 
-biBaaelfJavo_ecclesiastics, by means of a little of that money 
which he was happy to get rid of and they to receive.'^ If his 
riches were sinful, was not that the most excellent means of 
making friends with them? According to the arrangement made 
with his co-workers, one of them wrote from the dictation of the 
other, who translated the Latin into the dialect of the country. 
The first was Bernard Ydr os, the other Stephen of _Ansa.-*° They 
commenced with the Gospels ; then {hey took up a few other 
books of the Scriptures, neglecting not at the same time to make a 
little collection of maxims from the writings of the Fathers of the 
Church. Waldo was never tired of reading that translation ; it 
seemed to be engraved upon the tables of his memory and heart.*' 
He was ceaselessly meditating upon it, and soon began to repeat 
it to others, without giving much thought to furnishing any 
explanation of it. There were a great many ballad singers about 
at that time, but none that carried the Gospel with them. Waldo 
became a sort of walking Bible. Ee had not to seek far for an 
audience, as his house was open to the poor. To them it was 
that he first spoke,*= teaching them word by word the primary 
truths which he himself had appropriated. One may easily guess 

26 The Waldbnsbs of Italy. 

what they were. Did he not find in the Scriptures both the con- 
demnation of his past life and of the general decadence of faith 
and morals ? " Whether we look at ourselves, or at the time in 
which we live," he said, " who does not sigh on account of the 
oblivion into which the precepts of the Gospel have fallen ?'' Still 
there remains for us something better to do than merely to com- 
plain ; we wiU practice those precepts, beginning with the very 
first, which bids us give up earthly possessions and depend only 
upon God.'* That will be the means of reviving apostolic life,*' 
and with it the Church itself." 

Thus spoke Waldo. When his profession of poverty had 
become well-known and had been imitated by a few disciples, he 
faced the masses, and we have already seen that he knew how to 
do that at the proper time. He had noticed that the Apostles 
were not satisfied with leading a life of poverty, but that they 
obeyed in a special manner the last command : " Go into all the 
world, and preach the Gospel to every creature."'* Without being 
able to silence the scoflers, he soon gained the confidence of the 
humble. His disciples became almost as many co-workers for 
him, no longer hired like the two ecclesiastics, but voluntary. He 
practised them in reading, and, by assiduous instruction, he 
strengthened them in their vocation.*' Then they went out into 
the public places and the workshops, and visited from house 
to house, whilst what they had to say, was summed up for 
the time being, in these words : " Blessed are the poor in spirit, 
for theirs is the Kingdom of Heaven." 

Thus did the Waldensian community come into existence. 
Rich in promises of a future, by reason of its voluntary poverty, and 
its fidelity to the meek and gentle Master, whom it was preparing 
to serve in humility and foUow to the end, it was already a living 
protest against the worldliness of the fallen church. The vow 
which bound its different members together was not a new one ; 
it would have alarmed no one if each of its members had not been 
bound by another vow, more or less tacit, yet real, that of speaking 
freely. "To become poor," especially when one is rich; to 
become poor, no longer after the manner of those who consent to 
it only on condition of lacking nothing, was rare and beautifnl ; 
but after all it did not accomplish the main object. "To evangelize 
the poor ; " this was its care, its pecuharity, its ideal, from the be- 
ginning; its wisdom according to some ; according to others its folly. 

The Waldensbs of Italy. 27 

What will become of the new community ? With humility 
and unaifected simplicity it marched without fear to encounter 
danger, perhaps it did not even suspect the danger. 

Waldo's friends were beginning to forsake him. If they met 
him in the street they were careful not to recognise him. At his 
age, he might, perhaps, have been forgiven had he entered into 
unprofitable speculations ; but to make himself poor for the sake 
of following Christ in a manner different to other people seemed 
monstrous. There was no doubt amongst his friends that his 
mind was affected ; upon this point there was a consensus of 
opinion. As for the eceksiastics, it is very true that Waldo had 
estranged them — unintentionally, however. He had disposed of 
his entire fortune, he had provided for his wife and his daughters ; 
he had looked after the interests of all sorts of creditors, and of 
the poor in the street, and had given nothing to the Church. 
This was bis offending. Furthermore, what was he doing ? A 
layman, it was argued, should keep quiet ; even though he may bt: 
somewhat of a scholar. A man might be forgiven for giving alms, 
but not for preaching sermons ! *' It is true that he did not 
venture to occupy the pulpit ; he preferred a stone step ; but in 
one respect that seemed worse, because by that means reHgion, 
it was held, was profaned. For one donation which he had was 
bestowed upon the Church, how many pearls had he not cast 
before swine ? That smacked of heresy, and the scandal appeared 
the more lamentable that, in order to go and listen to Waldo, the 
populace turned its hack upon the magnificent preaching to be 
heard in the Cathedral. 

"Ne sutor ultra crepidam," they in the Canon's Chapel 
sententiously said. A deep, coarse voice would add, " It is time 
this thing was put a stop to." 

Waldo had heard that voice before ; it was that of Archbishop 
Guichard, whose business occupations, to tell the truth, did not 
always leave him sufficient leisure to attend to his pastoral cares. 
He had been worried by a dispute with the house of the Count of 
Fores which would not relinquish its rights over the city. In 
consequence of this quareel, the Chapter had been in a flutter ; it 
had even been compelled to flee with the Archbishop, while 
marauders pillaged the houses. But Guichard worked so long 
and so adroitly that he attained his object. Weary of the struggle 
and constrained by force of circumstances, Count Guide II. gave 

28 The Waldenses of Italy. 

up all his privileges to the Archhishop and the Chapter, in 
exchange for a few castles and the sum of a thousand marks. 
From that time, the Canons as well as the Archhishop, hore the 
title of Count. That state of things did not last long, for the 
people of Lyons did not look with favour upon the transfer of civil 
power to the hands of the priests, they even rose up against 
the priestg, and forced them to do homage to the king of 
France. But for the time being, the Chapter was merry, and 
clerical rule plumed itself to its heart's content. Guichard, now 
freed from the weighty cares of politics, kept a watchful eye upon 
the Church. In 1174, he attended the dedication of a chapel at 
Clairvaux. It has been pretended that two years later he took 
part in a Synod against the heretic Albigenses ; nay, more, that 
he there pronounced a sentence upon their leader ; but that is a 
mistake.*' It is more probable that he devoted his attention to the 
Waldensian mission, and that if he did not lay it under an inter- 
dict, he succeeded, at least, in troubling it. If he had interfered 
in a question pertaining to a private household, what would he not 
do, now that it concerned, as he believed, the house of God? 
Thereupon Waldo was undoubtedly summoned again before him,^" 
but this time the Prelate found him to be less docile. We 
may presume that with an accent of conviction, which must 
necessarily have made a certain amount of impression, he claimed 
the right to live a life of poverty, to read the Gospel, and to pro- 
claim it after the manner of the Apostles. He did not deviate in 
the least from the good tradition ; on the contrary, he maintained 
it. But Guichard did not see matters in the light that he 
did. In his opinion, Waldo was in the wrong, and he took 
good care to make him feel that he thought so. He filed a 
suit, and doubtless cited Waldo and some of his brethren to 
appear before the Synod of the diocese ; but that was only 
as a matter of form. The deliberations were not long pending, 
and the defendants were called into court. " You are pro- 
hibited," said the Archbishop, " from meddling with preaching, 
even though it be for explaining the Scriptures as you say. You 
have nothing to do but to obey. Otherwise we shall proceed 
according to our regulations. "°^ Peter rose from his seat and replied, 
" Judge ye whether it be lawful before God to obey you rather than 
God : for we cannot refuse to obey him who hath said, ' Go ye into 
all the world and preach the Gospel to every creature.' " ^^ 

The "Waldenses of Italy. 29 

^Upon that Waldo and his friends were banished from the 
-dit)cese:*'~Litfle"nioi'6TiraB""waiitiQg to induce Waldo to go and see 
the Pope. — J 

This took place in the yea r 1177_on the eve of the third council 
of the Lateran.'* 

We do not stop-at-the-faet-ofJKaldoIajdsitio the Eternal City 
at, the time of a great Council. Historians, even those who 
are most fond of legends, do not pay any attention to this one, or 
e Ise they doubt it on untenable grounds. But before reaching this 
point, let us glance briefly at the events that were taking place in 
the world, and especially in Eome. 

The world was then resounding with the news of the brilliant 
victory of Legnano, won by the free cities of Lombardy against 
the Emperor Frederick Barbarossa. The Pope, who had had 
some difficulty with the latter, was as jubUant over it as if it had 
been the most glorious event of his reign; although he did 
hardly anything but play the part of a looker-on who watches the 
game to profit by the issue.'^ Meanwhile Frederick betook him- 
self to Venice, where peace was to be concluded. The Pope 
announced his intention of meeting him there, and did not faU. 
A treaty was made, a humiliating one for the chivalric monarch, 
and it is weU-known that in order to obtain its ratification, he 
condescended to kiss the Pontiff's foot. To this day a flagstone 
of red porphyry is pointed out in the vestibule of St. Mark's 
Cathedral, which, the guides say, marks the spot where this 
ridiculous but imposing ceremony took place. It left a very vivid 
impression on men's minds. Legend, as well as art, seized upon 
it ; and, by the order of the Eepublic of Venice itself, the scene 
•was represented in a picture which is still to he seen in the 
ancient palace of the Doges. Frederick is therein represented at 
the moment when the shoe of Alexander III. rests upon his 
imperial neck, and when the latter, intoxicated with pride, 
addresses to himself the famous words : " Super aspidem et 
basUiscum ambulabis et conculcabis leonem et draconem." Having 
gained a complete victory, the Pontiff, resplendent as the sun — to 
which, since the eclipse of Canossa, the successors of Gregory VH. 
have so often delighted in comparing themselves — thought of 
employing it for the consolidation of his power, and thereby for 
the peace of the Church, which was rent by schism. For that 
purpose, he convened an oecumenical council in Rome, on the first 

Missing Page 

Missing Page 

32 The Waldenses of Italy. 

that he was introducing no innovation, and he had taken note of 
this. This is simplicity,'"^ some will say, but whose fault was 
that ? We shall soon sse, for Waldo has arrived at the gates of 
Rome ! 

The Pope, after ten years' exUe, had returned to Eome on the 
12th of March, 1178. The unheard of festivities, with which he 
had been received, were no longer spoken of; because the reconcilia- 
tions of the Roman people with their Popes were as frequent as 
they were insincere, and hence also they were of short duration. 
Some new plot was being laid to shake off his tyrannical yoke, 
and he knew it perfectly well. What a destiny was that of this 
people ! Never free, constantly engaged in revolutions, ever 
rolling its stone of Sisyphus ! It was pitiful, especially at that 
time, when Italy was witnessing the revival of her civil liberties, 
wliich were dreaded by the very monarch who had sent to the 
scaffold Arnaldo da Brescia, the great Tribune of independence. 
Between the aspirations of the Romans and those of the Pope 
there was, unfortunately, one thing in common, namely, an 
incurable and fruitless ambition to rule, or, if nothing more could 
be gained, at least to appear to rule urbi et orbi. This ambition 
was not badly expressed in an inscription, which Waldo may 
have read, when he visited the city. 

Roma vetusta fuit, sed nunc nova Roma vocabor, 
Eruta ruderibus culmen ad alta fero. 

Alexander III. lived, if not like a prisoner, at least as if in 
an enemy's country.'"^ The Eternal City, bristUng with 361 
towers, 49 fortified castles, and 6,900 ramparts, resembled less 
the mystic Zion than a gigantic mouse trap. What may surprise 
us is, not that Waldo entered there, but that he ever came out 
again. It is true that he entered it with hundreds of Bishops 
and thousands of pUgi-ims, who arrested pubHc attention sufficiently 
to permit him to pass in unperceived. In those days there was 
nothing going on in Rome of a nature to interest him except the 
Council. They were not translating the Bible there, as in Lyons ; 
they were attending to quite other labours. The learned 
Albinus was about to begin the collection of documents likely 
to justify the original rights of the Holy See. Others following 
the footsteps of the monk Gratianus were compiling canons — 
not without consulting his Concordia discordantium canonum, 
which had been the rage. Some thought they had made 

The Waldenses of Italy. 33 

astounding discoveries on the subject of Virgil. Several 
were on the point of attributing to him Messianic visions ; nay 
more, some discerned in him the Morning Star that had heralded 
the sun of the papacy and a new era. Some thought they had 
discovered that the Apostle Paul had made a pilgrimage to Naples 
to visit his sepulchre. Finally, he was no longer a magician, but 
a prophet, and saint in the -popular imagination. —He was beiiig _ 
seized "uponT as a subject for sacred pictures, and presented to 
the veneration of the faithful, while_his legend was sung before 
tlwaltarsT'^All this was going on in Eome, and^Waldo hacTnot 
even heard a whisper of it. But if he were unknowing, he-was^alscr^ 
unknown. Nobody knew who he was, nor what brought him to th e 
Eternal City. His mission, however, they soon heard of in high 
places, when the time had come for the " Poor of Lyons " to 
present himself before the conqueror of Barbarossa. 

When Waldo arrived in the presence of the Pope he was 
received as a beloved son of the Church ; he had even the good 
fortune to receive a solemn embrace from His Holiness.'"^ Was . 
he surprised at this ? Less than we are, undoubtedly. It must 
be admitted that, after a lapse of seven centuries, the anecdote has 
become stimulatiug to the imagination. But why should we look 
upon that act as a mark of personal benevolence ? It was not a 
question of personal affection, but of sanctioning a vow of poverty.^"'' 
Hence, that kiss did not over-excite the imagination of the 
Waldenses. No mention is made of it in their writings, nor even 
in popular tradition. Certainly they do not think of recording it. 

The sanctirajjanted by Alexander did not^imp^ly^-lnTWever, 
liberty to preach — quite Hie" contrary. It is therefore probable 
{Eat "Watdo' prolonged his "stay in Eome for the purpose of soften- 
ing the will of the Pontiff. ^*"^ A cardinal who enjoyed his evan- 
gelical and artless speech interested himself in Waldo, it seems, 
and pleaded his cause,^"* so says the chronicle. It adds that 
on this occasion Waldo engaged not to depart from the doctrine 
of the Latin Fathers, especially Ambrose, Augustine, Gregory 
and Jerome, who were deemed the pillars of the Eomish Church.^"' 
Finally, must they not have been convinced, when they listened 
to him, that he had not the slightest notion of becoming the rival 
of titled preachers ? His mission was more humble. He did not even 
endeavour to preach, but to talk.^^" One is therefore tempted to 
believe that, out of regard for Waldo and his defenders, the Pope 


34 The Waldensbs of Italy. 

may have yielded for a moment, pending a final decision. Indeed, 
one chronicle asserts that he did,^^^ and another tells us that 
Waldo evangelized in Eome, and not without success.-"^^^ But 
where did all this dispute take place ? In the Council, of course. 
Let us enter there ; we shall assist at a curious little scene. We 
have a description of it from the hand of the principal actor ; this 
was Walter Map, a Welshman, a delegate of Edward II., King 
of England. A passably good scholar, a friend of art, at one time 
jester, at another pedant, he concealed under the guise of a truly 
conventual humility a courtier's soul, which aimed at effect. This 
wiU he weU seen, for his language soon betrays it. 

"Xsaw in the Council," says our writer, " some Waldenses, 
ignorant and unmannered peoplcj^ called by the name of Waldo, 
their chief, who was formerly a citizen of Lyons on the Rhone."' 
They presented to the Pope a book written in the dialect of Gaul, 
containing the text of and a glossary to the Psalms, together "Vfitb" 
several portions of the Old and New Testaments. These people 
insisted that their right to preach should be recognised. They 
considered themselves worthy ; as a matter of fact they were 
nothing but fools, like the birds which do not observe the nets and 
fancy they can always find a way of escape. I, poor wretch, who 
felt remarkably small in such an imposing assembly, could not 
help thinking it ridiculous that their request should be seriously 
considered, and that it took so long to arrive at a decision. 
Being called upon, I expressed my opinion. At last, beforo 
several theologians well versed in the Canon law, two Wal- 
denses were brought forward, who were reputed to belong to 
the chiefs of the sect. They were not abashed, for they expected 
to silence me. I took my seat with perturbation. I have no 
hesitation in saying so, for I could not help asking myself whether 
for my sins I had not deserved that I should have been refused 
permission to speak in so grand a Council. But the Pontiff 
directed me to question them, which I was very ready to do. I 
commenced with the most elementary questions, which everyone 
should be capable of answering ; being well aware that a donkey 
which can munch oats does not disdain milk diet. 

" ' Do you believe in God the Father ?' 

" ' We do believe in Him.' 

'"And in His Son?' 

" ' We believe in Him also.' 

The Waldenses of Italy. 35 

'"And in the Holy Gliosf ? ' 

" ' Equally.' 

" ' And in the mother of Christ ? ' 

" ' Yes.' 

"At this the whole assembly burst out laughing.'" Our 
friends retired in confusion and justice was done. They pre- 
tended to be guides and were themselves in want of guides ; 
resembling in this case Phaeton, who did not even know the 
names of his horses. These are people without fixed abode. 
They go about in pairs, bare-footed with a woollen tunic and 
possessing nothing. Being poor themselves they foUow a Christ 
who is poor, like the Apostles. Certainly they cannot take a 
humbler stand for they have scarcely learned to walk. But if we 
admit them, it is we who ought to be turned out."''^ 

The end of it all was that the Waldenses lost their cause. 

The answer of the Council as delivered by the Pope may be 

summed up in two words: — "You shall notunderjgy_ciEcum- 

stances prea^i^_exfiept_at_the__expr^s__d£sii:e_aiid under.,JJie 

"arrtirority of _the -clerggL of your country "^^^ 

What were they to do ? There remained nothing for them 
but to bow their heads submissively and to carry the grave news 
to Lyons. Could Waldo return there again ? or would he remain 
in Italy '^' among the sect of the "Poor of Lombardy," who had 
also andvery justly claimed the right of free speech ?''* We cannot 
tell for certain. Then occurred that ominous pause which precedes 
aU revolutions, and men hastened to pretend to see in it an indica- 
tion of wavering."^ Not so. The Waldenses drew themselves 
back to consult their oracle — that is to say God's own Word. 
Instinctively they were led to read over again the first acts of 
the Church of the Apostles, in that book which traces with such 
trutlifuhiess the relations between them and the ancient Syna- 
gogue. They meditated and compared and were finally able to 
make out their real position. They felt as though scales had 
fallen from theii- eyes. Waldo was not far away ; he roused him- 
self like a lion awakening from his sleep, and repeated the 
apostolic cry, "We must obey Go d rather than men.". That day^ 
a Eeformer was bom. The apostolic motto remains ; itTorms 
theirAftMes^of~4:BB06iation. The choice was made, conscience 
was saved and with it reason and liberty. What would be the 
issue ? It was well foreseen. To-morrow rupture ; after that 

c 2 

36 The Waldenses of Italy. 

persecution. Meanwhile the mission of the Waldenses took a 
fresh onward leap. Like the river which is momentarily inter- 
iitpted in its course, it advanced with a bound. 

Waldo multiplied himself, thanks to the^BTPoperation of his 
most faithful friends, amongst them perhaps Vivetus, of whom 
we hear.'^* With their assistance, if not with them, he 
taught and evangelized. The sect of the Waldenses was 
•established. This was not sufficient ; he sent his brethren two 
by two, into the surroundmg^ countries, and so. effectually did, 
the word of Christ spread abroadjthat, ere long, one could say of 
the diocese of Lyons what Melanchthon wi-ote concerning another 
countiy at the dawn of the Reformation, " The Gospel resounds 
in this country — sonat Evangelium." 

Unfortunately, it was not for long. Alexander LEI., driven by 
the tide of revolution, had quitted his country for the last time 
and had just died on 30th August, 1181. Guichard, the aged: 
Archbishop, was also dead and had left his throne a prey to the 
intrigues which were the ordinary prelude to a new election. He 
was succeeded by Jean aux Blanches Mains, heretofore bishop of 
Poitiers, and the Ai-chbishop designate of Narbonne.'^^ The 
installation of the new Primate of the Gauls was no sooner decreed 
at Rome, where Lucius III. had taken the place of Alexander, 
than it was celebrated by the gay city of Lyons, with the Chapter 
at its head.''^ Jean aux Blanches Mains accepted his festive 
reception with a good grace. He was said to be a learned and 
eloquent man ;'^* but he had little else than that eloquence which 
borrows clerical thunders. When the festivities incident upon his 
installation were at an end, he turned to business. The aged 
counsellors of the Archbishop declared that it was urgently 
necessary to put an end, once for all, to the preaching which had 
been carried on in the houses and even in the streets 
to the prejudice of the sacred ministry. Moreover, it 
was the express desire of the Pope.'^° Nothing remained to 
be done but to carry it into execution. John summoned Waldo 
to appear. He told him to desist from preaching and enjoined 
thesame upon all his disciptes ; but he availed nothiag.^^* At last 
the Waldenses were driven into exile. It is saidT^^^-^^^re 
were about eight thousand of them.'^' 

A few years after, a decrepit old man was sighing over his 
sins in the Convent of ClaiiTaux. He read the sacred Scriptures 

-LXLJU TT .n-UJ^ £J1> OJU o \jr 

with devotion, and was particularly absorbed in meditating on 
the Psalms. Every day he celebrated mass for his own soul and 
that of St. Bernard. When he wrote to Mends it was always in 
these words, " I am doing penance here ; I am atoning for my 
crimes ; I beseech you intercede for my pardon — suppliciter exoro 
quatinus pro reatuum meorum venia intervenire dignemini."^^^ 

This Latin is authentic. It was written by the white hand of 
John, Archbishop of Lyons, after he had abdicated, previous to 
doing penance. 

Compared with those Primaites of the Gauls and their pitiful 
ideal of shutting themselves up in a convent to mumble over a 
" mea culpa," Waldo seems to us a grand contrast, owing to the 
character, simplicity, and logic of his convictions. That which 
Archbishops muttered at their last hour, he carried written large 
upon his forehead. He read the same Bible ; but like a free 
man, surrounded by souls whom he enhghtened and saved by 
means of that book, he found better things to do than to shut 
himself up in the solitary cell of a cloister, when people were 
dying of ignorance. He went out and faced the world, bearing 
the Word of Ufe and followed by a legion of missionaries. 

Hunted out of their native town, the Waldenses discovered 
more than one country suited for their adoption. It must be con- 
fessed that up to that time their community_had_Jbeen j^efirmted 
froififhone but the poorer classes, and had attracted neither the 
nobihtyjior the middle classes. But if the wind had hitherto set 
always in favour of clericahsm, a future was imminent in which it 
would favour Uberty. Hitherto there had been nothing done but 
preparatory work ; now the mission of Waldo was about to com- 
mence in reality. He devoted himself entirely to it, and so 
thoroughly, that a cloud of silence gathered around him, and it has 
been supposed that this was the silence of death. Still he was 
" nel mezzo del cammin di sua vita." Only, like the poet he was 
entering a dark forest, wild and full of dangers. His career was as 
long as it was laborious. He died fiill of years about 1217,'-" 
leaving an ineffaceable impression upon the minds of men, and a 
vacant place which was more difficult to fill satisfactorily than was 
the throne of his Archbishop. 

But listen ! The forest is filled with sounds. Is that lightning 
which has just struck ? Yes, it is the greater excommunication 
pronounced by Pope Lucian III. in the'Council'of Verone under -the 

38 The Waldenses of Italy. 

auspices of the Emperor Frederick, towards the end of the year 
1183. It runs thus: — "By the present decree we condemn 
all heresies; therefore we fii'st anathematize the Cathari and 
the Patarins, as well as those who conceal themselves imder the 
name of Humiliati or Poor of Lyons, the PassagLns, Josephites, 
and Amaldists. And as some with a certain appearance of piety, 
but denying the real sense of the Apostle's words, arrogate to 
themselves the right of preaching, although the very same apostle 
says, ' How will they preach if they are not sent ? ' we include 
under the same perpetual anathefna all those who, in spite of our 
interdiction and without being sent by us, shall dare to preach 
whether in private or in public, contrary to the authority repre- 
sented by the Apostolic See and the Bishops."'^" 

Evidently this general decree was aimed directly at the "W al- 
denses. They were heretics because they arrogated to themselves 
the right of preaching. War was now openly declared ; they were 
hxinted like wild beasts on the mountains, in the valleys, and along 
the roads. What will become of them now ? WiU they perish 
in the dark glades of the forest ? No, certainly not ; they canied 
with them that light which shines in darkness. 


The Dispersion. 

The Exodus — The Waldenses enter into Dauphiny after a 
protest from Peter of Bruys and Henry of Lausanne — The 
reactions in Southern France : ivhy the doctrine of the Cathari 
was propagated there ; its progress and influence — Appearance 
of the Waldenses : their disputation ivith the Catholic clergy 
at Narhonne and what resulted from it — Diego and the neiu 
tactics of the missionary Legates — Fresh disputations at 
Montreal and Pdmiers — Durand of Huesca separates, 
capitulates to the Pope, and founds the order of the Catholic 
Poor — Bernard I. follows his example -End of the Catholic 
Poor; their principle survives — The Waldenses at Metz — 
Traces of their mission in Switzerland and the Valley of the 
Rhine ; The Brethren of the Free Spirit — Milan the centre 
of dissent — The tendency of Arnaldo and the dissent of the 
Humiliate — The Poor of Lombardy ; the retrograde party 
and that of the conservatives and of the progressists — 
The conference of Bergamo and the circular letter — Mission 
in the diocese of Passau and in the rest of Germany — The 
Hussite reaction in Bohemia and its relation to the Waldensian 
mission : Frederick Reiser — The Unity of Brethren and the 
Waldenses' participation in it, through their Bishop Stephen 
of Austria — The clue to the dispersion disappea/rs. 

WAS the expulsion of tlie Waldenses from their native city a 
misfortune ? That may be doubted, for it benefited their 
mission. One might say of them, as was said of the primitive Chris- 
tians after the persecution, that " they that were scattered abroad, 
went everywhere preaching the word."'^' Who cannot picture to him- 
self the part taken by Waldo in this critical hour ? Was he not the 
Moses of this little people which were going out of the land of 
bondage ? He it was therefore who must have directed the exodus, 

40 The Waldenses of Italy. 

eveiy departing band received from him a parting glance and a watch- 
word. There is a basis of truth in the legend which multiplies 
his presence. Where are all these exiles going ? To the field 
destined for them. Their field is the world. Ploughed up by 
discord and famine, haiTowed by the most various reactions, it 
awaits the new seed. When the Reformation shall come, the 
harvest will be great. 

One of the first bands, soon followed by others, took the 
direction of Dauphiny. This can be surmised even without 
existing indications. It had been the early home of a number of them,. 
and it was a possible refuge for all. The names of Peter of Bruys 
and his disciple Henry were still held in veneration and the fire of 
their protest was smouldering there. Peter, a native of 
the neighbom-hood of Gap,"' undoubtedly had spread these 
principles of liberty and reform, he had learned at school and 
found in the Scriptures. More conseiTative than his teacher, 
Abelard, with regard to dogmas, he had nevertheless aimed 
at the uprooting of gross traditional abuses in divine wor- 
ship, which he wished to see purified. In his way, he con- 
tinued the Carlovingian reaction against idolatry, the echo of 
which had resounded in Lyons and Tm-in, during the times of 
Agobard and Claude. After twenty years of labour he finally 
succumbed at St. Gilles, a victim to his iconoclastic zeal against 
the idolatry of the Cross. This tragic end, the sinister prelude 
to the scenes of the Inquisition, made the greatest sensation. 
The monks saw in it the finger of God. At Cluny, an oracle of 
the time declared that his soul had passed from the flames of the 
stake to those of Hell."^ The reaction revived, thanks to the 
appearance of Henry, a disciple of the martyi-. His origin is 
unknown. "VMiether he came from Lausanne, from some village 
of Savoy, or from Italy, it is impossible to state. "^ At any rate 
he was known ; he had been seen by the side of his master, Peter 
de Bruys, whose mouth-piece he was, and an eloquent one for the 
people. He was a man of imposing deportment ; his glance and. 
his powerful voice possessed a sing^ar animation. Clear, austere- 
and pliant of speech — now impassioned as the stormy wind, or 
striking as the thunderbolt, now gentle as the zephyr that kisses 
the flowers of spring — he can-ied away men of generous impulses and 
touched the most hardened hearts. The people thought that he read 
the souls of his hearers ; he even passed for a prophet ;"* less so,. 

The Waldbnses of Italy, 41 

however, in Lausanne, whence he had heen driven, or in Savoy, 
or Orleans, than in the South of France. At Mans he was 
for a time the arbiter of pubUc opinion ; but the clergy, seeing 
their credit more than threatened, collected their forces in 
time, faced about and constrained him to withdraw. Did he then 
go into Dauphiny ? Some have been of that opinion. He found 
there a less excitable and colder population, but yet sufficiently 
favourable to him to alarm the bishops. They had not the courage to 
resist him openly. The Cluny monk, shrewd and valgar under his 
venerable cowl, scoffed at his fellows, though a little late in the day. 
" You are petrified with astonishment," he wrote to them,''* " dazed 
as the dove charmed by the serpent ; nay, as simple minded as the 
ox being led to the slaughter.''^ Much cause there is for this 
indeed ! Had you to defend yourselves against the wisdom of the 
Greeks, perhaps, the power of the Romans, the cruelty of the 
Persians, the prodigies of Antichrist, or the rage of a riotous 
mob ? For shame ! You had only to resist two miserable 
heretics,^" and now there you stand with your arms folded as if, 
because Henry the false apostle and his companions had been 
compelled to withdraw, there were nothing more to do." Henry 
had withdrawn then, to go into Provence, it would appear. There 
he was pursued and summoned before the Council of Pisa, which 
condemned him to do penance in a cloister. When he came out 
he went into Languedoc, according to some ; others say to 
Guyenne, and the chase began once more. St. Bernard had 
provoked it by his letters to his pupil, Eugene III. ; he in- 
augurated it by his doleful censures. The Pope delegated 
Cardinal Alberic to the spot, and Henry who was hiding in the 
neighbourhood of Toulouse, tracked Kke a wild beast, was 
arrested, put in chains,. taken to the Council of Rheims, and sen- 
tenced to life-long incarceration, under which he soon after died. 
His adherents, more or less scattered, let the storm pass. There 
were some yet in Dauphiny, and this knowledge deprived the Abbot 
of Cluny of his sleep. In his epistle to the Bishops, he examined 
and refuted the errors of the heretics point by point, whilst he 
begged the prelates to render his polemics beneficial to those who 
were led astray. " Rouse yourselves ! " he further wrote, " con- 
sider that if the teachers of error are far away, their seed 
remains ; nay, it abounds, and if you neglect to destroy it, 
to-morrow the tares will have grown and damaged the harvest. ''*' 

42 The Waldbnses of Italy. 

Let us avert this danger. We do not desire to witness the 
resuscitation of that iniquitous brood.''" Thereupon, from the 
depths of his cloister, the Abbot apostrophizes the heretics : — 
" Come out in broad daylight, if you dare, heretical outcasts and 
schismatic rabble ; come out, ye blind leaders of the blind, from 
the darkness that shelters you. I defy you."*' Truth loves not 
dark comers ; light is not made to remain under a bushel ; come, 
I say, hasten to the voice of the Church which calls you."'*^ 

Thus spake the Abbot. There is nothing to indicate that his 
voice was listened to. Half-a-century elapsed, and lo ! a new band 
of heretics are driven out of Lyons. They lodged in the VaUeys of 
Dauphiny, and constitute the stock of the Waldenses of the Alps. 
We shall have to return again to this point. Let us now follow 
their brethren who went down further South, toward the classic 
land of the Renaissance and reaction. 

Before they reached it, the wind, thus far adverse, changed 
and became favourable to them. Let us first form an idea of the 
new surroundings by which they were attracted. 

" During the second half of the XII. century, protest under 
all its forms had a visible tendency to concentrate itself in the 
South of i'rance. The pi-incipal wandering sectarians — those at 
least who left a name in history — are seen to concentrate upon that 
point, to found congregations and organize for the struggle. 
They were attracted by the superior civilization of the South, by 
its light literature, which willingly lent itself to attacks upon the 
monks and official prelacy, and by its independent and jesting turn 
of fancy. The beautiful country, extending from the Alps to the 
Gulf of Gascony, had in truth never thoroughly submitted to 
Roman orthodoxy. Arianism had long reigned there under the 
Visigoth kings, and the recollections of that form of Christianity 
were confounded with the traditions of the glorious independence 
of Aquitania. To the eyes of the Southern, Catholicism ever 
represented the religion of Northern men, of conquest and of 
invasion. Those recollections were still so vivid when the 
sectarians first appeared, that the defenders of Rome saw in them 
at first only a continuance of Arianism. It was, however, nothing 
of the kind. Arianism, whether Visigoth, Burgundian, or Lom- 
bard, had truly died under the blows of the Frankish lance. "'''^ 

This could hardly be better expressed. But is the almost 
sudden breaking into blossom of the gi-and reaction of the 

The Waldbnses of Italy. 43 

Albigenses in those districts now quite clear to us ? Not quite. 
Arianism was certainly forgotten ; but it is also certain that 
*' Catharism took deep root in the West, only in those districts 
formerly Arian, which Frank conquest had brought back by force 
into Catholic unity, namely, Northern Spain, Southern France, 
and Northern Italy. ""^ From that it has been concluded, on the 
one hand, that Arianism had left a leaven of protest against the 
ruling Church ; on the other, that ancient Manicheism, evei-y- 
where repressed and in its turn forgotten, had deposited certain 
germs which the superstitions of the Middle Ages relative to 
Satan were of a nature to sustain, and which, after having long 
been buried, had finally been hatched at the favourable time. 
Catharism, making Eome one of the seats of Satan's empire 
and attributing the Papal doctrines to the very principle of evil 
as their only and necessary source, responded freely to the 
antipathy provoked by the scandals of ecclesiastic life, and to a 
well-known passionate hostility. The radicalism of its protest 
ought not to have been displeasing to men of advanced ideas, and 
its manner of explaining the Old Testament anticipated their 
doubts, although its metaphysical incumbrances must have caused 
thinkers to smile while it left the people indifferent." Are we, 
however, hereby made to understand how Oriental Catharism in this 
district prevailed over the indigenous reactions ? Why did not our 
populations follow rather their own Apostles, Peter of Bruys, 
for example, Henry of Lausanne or Waldo? This question, 
which continues to be a knotty one, has been answered with a 
perfectly just remark,^** namely, that Catharism, though a leveUer 
in the field of orthodox dogmatism, nevertheless reserved plenty 
of work for the most refined dialectics, and that in another respect, 
it was distinguished by its aristocracy of forms. It must be 
recognised, for instance, that its episcopalianism was very marked; 
to say nothing of the Pope it was said to have, but who does not 
seem to be an authentic character. Also the nobiUty enjoyed 
Catharism, and distrusted evangelists sprung from the ranks of 
the people, their mission being too democratic for people with 
" white hands." As a consequence of these very qualities it was 
inevitable that as soon as the nobility should cease to patronize 
Catharism it must coUapse, and its ruin would be irretrievable. 
With that collapse the Waldensian reaction will survive and the 
figure of Waldo will grow until it will, as it were, personity 
traditional protest. 

44 The Waldenses of Italy. 

But we are anticipating. The Cathari were yet preponderant 
in the South of France, where, however, they were not introduced 
before the eleventh century. In the year 1119 a Council held at 
Toulouse had pasped a sentence against them, enjoining the 
Lords of the soil to drive them away. In 1163 a new Council 
was held at Tours, presided over by Pope Alexander III., and 
at it the condemnation of the heresy of the Cathari was reiterated ; 
Toulouse, being regarded as its nearest source, was closely 
watched. In 1165 a third CouncU passed a third sentence at 
Lombers; but it was as if the edict had gone forth, "Increase 
imd multiply and fill the whole earth." The heresy invaded the 
nobility ; it was propagated even amongst the ranks of the clergy 
and pursued its conquest toward the West, " as far as the road 
goes." There is yet another council ; but this time it is a Council 
of Cathari. It met in 1167, at St. FeUx de Caraman, not far from 
Toulouse, for the manifest pm-pose of completing the institution of 
the sect. A Bishop named Nicetas came from Constantinople; 
he was undoubtedly a delegate of the Eastern Churches of the 
Cathari, and invested with a sufficiently real power, vividly to 
impress the popular imagination, which indeed dressed him in its 
own fashion, and the credulous chronicle presents him to posterity 
under the magnificent title of Dominus papa Niquinta. Besides 
that of Nicetas the presence of Bishops from Lombardy is notice- 
able. The Cathari of Toulouse gave a v/arm welcome to these 
"good men," as they were accustomed to be called, and 
actuated by jealousy, they asked that a Bishop should be given 
to them also. 

Toulouse had, therefore, very soon become the principal seat 
of the reaction of the Cathari. That is explained by the place she 
occupied in the political world. Her Count of the Raymond 
hneage was the richest lord of the kingdom ; five neighbouring 
fiefs were juridically dependent on his domain, the most consider- 
able being those of Narbonne and Beziers. Public opinion 
there favoured independence, both as regards the King of 
France and the Pope, and hence was favourable to the Cathari 
called Albigenses. The national spuit became so thoroughly 
impregnated with the Albigensian protest, that it finally became 
inseparable from it. The Count of Toulouse, for form's sake, 
attended CathoHc worship, though it was known that the Albigenses 
held then- meetings in his castle, and that he used to attend them. 

The Waldensbs of Italy. 45 

The Count of Foix adhered to the heresy through his family ; as 
for himself, he was almost a free-thinker. " The Pope has. 
nothing to do with my religion," he would say, "inasmuch as 
every man must be free to choose his own."'*' The troubadours 
took a share in the dispute, and certainly the dominant Church was 
not less ill-used in their sirventes than in religious discussions. 
If the troubadours are to be believed, the Prelates were too fond 
of " fair women and red wine ; " the orthodox are " Romipetes." 
Nay, more, an outrageous comedy was performed, wbose subject 
was "the heresy of the Priests." The people enjoyed that, and 
reserved ecclesiastical titles for use in biting sarcasm. " A^meriou 
miou estre capelan " (I would rather be a chaplain), they often 
said, " than do that." The clergy, startled and alarmed, 
dared not always to appear in public. It is said that Priests 
went so far as to conceal the tonsure, by means of the hair on 
the back of their heads.'*" Even the great men were not spared, 
notwithstandiag their gravity and accustomed pomp. Thus, 
when ten years after the Council of the Cathari, the Cardinal 
Legate, Peter of St. Chrysogone, visited Toulouse, accompanied 
by Henry of Clairvaux, the latter complained that they were 
received with jeers. Fingers were pointed at them, and they 
were called apostates, hypocrites, and heretics,"' which proved, 
according to the Abbot, how necessary their visit was. " Had it 
only been retarded three years," thought he, "it is doubtful 
whether any worshippers of Christ would have been found in 
Toulouse."'** On this occasion be noticed a detail which is 
interesting to us ; namely, that not only did the heretics elect 
their leaders, but that they sent evangelists as missionaries to 
inculcate a new Gospel into men's souls. '*^ 

Such, then, was the state of the atmosphere of the place 
which welcomed the Waldenses when banished by the Primate of 
the Gauls. "We may surmise how they were received. As for 
them, whilst inhaling the liberty with which they were surrounded, 
at first they did not feel quite at ease in the midst of those gross 
heretics. They were too distrustful of their jesting, virulent and 
frivolous discussions, to risk being carried along with them . They 
were fortified by their very stiffness and their own tendencies ; above 
all, by their firm attachment to the Gospel, as well as by the bond 
of real brotherhood which united them. Nevertheless circum- 
stances exercise an iiTesistible influence even on granite, and they 

46 The Waldenses of Italy. 

could not escape altogether. They were about to acquire a gi'ace 
and freedom of manner.that would be of service to them, and also a 
more impulsive imagination. Their too prosaic minds would yet 
bring forth the chanson, which the people prefer to sermons ; 
their lessons of morality interwoven with quotations from the 
Fathers would anon disengage themselves from the latter Hke a 
chrysalis, in order to rise nearer the ideal by means of the wings 
given them by the breath of poetry. Besides, what they gained 
from their new environment, their own biblical austerity and 
their moderation had a reacting influence on their new neigh- 
bours, by which the latter were civilized. Even the clergy 
appreciated them — after their o\^'n fashion. Says a monk who is 
not fond of sparing them, " They are wicked, but as compared 
with the other heretics, they are much less wicked."^'" Hence it 
is not astonishing that, the opportunity offering, they should be 
placed in opposition to the Cathari. Nobility, till then inaccessible, 
half opened its doors to them suflBciently to procure them an 
influence which soon rivalled that of the Albigenses. They 
even gained a hold upon general opinion, especially by means of 
public discussion, which is the ordinary prelude to the conversion 
of numbers of people and to persecution. But as to the result 
of their mission, one cannot attempt to define it with precision. 
Nobody now-a-days asserts that the .Albigenses " received the 
belief of the Waldenses a little while after the departure of 
Waldo from Lyons, "'^' because the Albigenses and Waldenses 
must no longer be confounded as they have been heretofore by 
partisans whose object is very apparent."^ WhUe waiting for 
danger to unite them, liberty brought them occasionally into contact 
with each other, and sometimes with such success that it is 
difficult to distinguish the traces of the Waldenses from those of 
other dissenters. For once that they sided with the Catholics 
against the Albigenses, they fought a score of times by the side 
of the latter against their common enemy. 

These disputes are furthermore a characteristic sign of the 
times, and especially of the places here in question. If they are 
witnesses to the zeal of Eomish missionaries, they tell us also 
how their arrogance must have been humbled to induce them to sub- 
mit to such discussions ; for, before commencing them, the parties 
brought face to face were accustomed to choose arbiters by 
common consent. It was even conceded on both sides that the 

The Waldenses of Italy. 47 

Scriptures were to be accepted as a law from which there was no 
appeal. Generally the arbitrator named was a Komish ecclesiastic, 
pious, moderate, and weak. In such a case, the sentence was 
hardly doubtful ; but, when neither Popes nor Councils were 
believed in, was there much risk in being bound by the sentence 
of a private individual ? Good argument was more effective than 
anything else. If the arbitrators were laymen, then the humilia- 
tion of the defenders of Mother Church was overwhelming. 
" Oh ! Shame !" exclaims a chaplain on one such occasion ; " the 
Church and Catholic faith must have fallen into very great con- 
tempt if we must submit to abide by the judgment of the 
Jaity."'^^ Let us attend one of these disputations. It took 
place between Catholics and Waldenses at Narbonne, and may be 
reduced to a series of counts of indictment in the shape of accusa- 
tions and replies ; the meeting was under the presidency of the 
priest Raymond de Daventer. We shall listen to the dialogue. ''* 

" This, 0, Waldenses ! is the principal cause of complaint 
which we have to present against you ; you are in a state of 
rebellion against the Church of Rome. As a matter of fact you 
no longer obey either her Priests or her Bishops. By so doing 
you violate the principles of the Scriptures. Do they not expressly 
say : ' If any man obey not, note that man and have no company 
with him.' And again, ' Obey your rulers.' And of him who 
will not yield obedience what do we read ? ' If he neglect to hear 
the Church, let him be unto thee as a heathen man and a 
publican.''" You see, you are likened to Pagans; so that your 
portion is with the unbelievers. You are damned, digni morte 

" Gently — you would be right if Bishops and Priests were 
obedient to the Word of God ; but as they are, on the contrary, 
the very first to disobey, we must choose between two ways — either 
we must obey God and disobey the Church, or else we must obey 
the Church and disobey God. Having well coiisidered the matter 
from all sides, we have concluded that the only path for us to 
pursue is to decide, as the Apostle Peter did on a similar occasion, 
when he said : ' We ought to obey God rather than men.' If, 
therefore, we are not with you, it is only that we may not abandon 
the path of obedience." 

" Error very soon betrays itself by its fruit. Having disobeyed 
the Church, you are about to usurp the sacred office of preaching ; 

48 The Waldensbs of Italy. 

you have all turned preachers, men and women. It is scandalous, 
for it is well-known that this office does not become the laity ; it 
is even prohibited to them. It is true that there may b6 excep- 
tions ; but then, the way to proceed, is as follows : the layman 
who presents himself for the pm-pose is examined, in order to 
ascertain whether or not he be a good Catholic. If so, if he leads 
an honest Hfe and his words do not lack wisdom, he may upon a 
sign from his Bishop or his Curate ventm'e to exhort his neigh- 
bour ; at least, this is our opinion. Even then, there must be 
no encumbrance in the shape of a wife, or a business. Should 
the man be a heretic, then, of course, he must not preach under 
any circumstances ; it would be a sin to listen to him, even if he 
were a cleric. You are not all clerics ; very far from it ; it is not 
knowledge that makes you mad ; but this is your state. It is 
easy enough to understand why you go about saying that neither 
Pastors, nor Bishops, nor even holy Mother Church, is entitled to 
obedience. You pretend to obey God ! Nonsense ! that is a 
mere pretext. Indeed, it is clear enough : you teach differently 
from the Chm-ch,^'^ drawing down just wrath upon your heads." 

" When we asked the Church to recognise our right to speak, 
for the purpose of proclaiming the Gospel, you know how it 
answered us. We have not been convinced of error, and yet we 
are far from being agreed. What you call the exception, is for 
us the rule, for it is thus that the Scriptures regai'd it. Whoever 
is able to spread the Word of God among the people is in duty 
bound to do so : such is the Gospel principle, against which all 
your fine arguments will fail. ' To him that kno^eth to do 
good, and doeth it not, to him it is sin,' says St. James, Chap, iv., 
V. 17. If therefore, knowing how to evangelise, we were to 
abandon that work, we should commit a grievous sin." 

" St. James does not say ' him that knoweth to teach,' but 
' him that knoweth to do.' There is a gi-eat difference between 
teaching and doing." 

"Alas! that is very clear; but the difference should 
not be made so great. St. James would be astonished to learn, 
that, to obey the precept of preaching the Gospel is not to 
do good." 

" You wish to argue by means of the Scriptures; very well. 
The Gospel of St. Mark, Chap, i., verse 23rd and following 
<;ontains something that greatly concerns you. We read that 

The Waldenses of Italy. 49 

there was in the synagogue a man with an unclean spirit. This 
man on meeting Christ cried out : ' I know thee who thou art, 
the Holy One of God.' But Jesus rebuked him saying: 'Hold 
thy peace.' There is the precept for you to follow. The name 
of Christ should not be proclaimed by your lips, even though you 
may have learned to know Him. You would soon infuse poison 
with your fine words." 

" Your interpretation is convenient ; but upon what is it 
founded ? Upon a slanderous judgment you have formed againbt 
us. Suppose we should answer that you are the ones, not we, 
who have the unclean spirit, what would that prove '? But look 
rather in the same Gospel, Chap, ix., verses 38 and 39 : 
' John said to him. Master, we saw one casting out devils in Thy 
name, and we forbade him because he foUoweth not us.' What 
did the Master answer to that ? ' Forbid him not, nolite prohibere 
eum,' do you hear ? ' For,' Christ adds, ' there is no man which 
shall do a miracle m my name, that can Kghtly speak evil of me.' 
There is the precept. If, therefore, we preach in the name of 
Christ, even when we do not follow the Bishops and the Pastors, 
they have no right to forbid us."'*' 

" Very good, if your preaching were inspired with a spirit of 
obedience, and you were animated by benevolent dispositions 
indicating a real vocation. But with your spirit of strife " 

" Very well, we will grant you for the sake of argument, that 
our disposition is such as you have represented it. Then the 
case was foreseen by St. Paul in his words to the Philippians, 
Chap, i., v., 15 — 18 : ' Some indeed preach Christ even of envy 
and strife; and some also of good will; the one preach Christ of 
contention, not sincerely, supposing to add affliction to my bonds : 
but the other of love, knowing that I am set for the defence of the 
Gospel.' From all this, what conclusion does the Apostle draw ? 
' "What then ? notwithstanding, every way, whether in pretence, or 
in truth, Christ is preached ; and I therein do rejoice, yea, and 
will rejoice.' Cannot you rejoice also ? One would think that 
you were envious." 

" We can only pity you." 

"Envy is old, and you would not be the first who have been 
affected by it. We read in the Old Testament, in the Book of 
Numbers, Chap, xi., that two men called Eldad andMedad having 
received the Spirit of God, prophesied in the camp of Israel. This 

50 The Waldenses of Italy. 

caused a great commotion. A young man ran to tell Moses ; 
' Eldad and Medad do prophesy in the camp ! ' Hearing this, 
Joshua, the son of Nun, answered and said : ' My Lord Moses, 
forbid them.' But Moses answered : 'Enviest thou for my sake ? 
Would God that all the Lord's people were prophets, and that the 
Lord would put his Spirit upon them ! ' " 

" That has nothing to do with this case, for you are not 
true but false prophets." 

" So you say, but does that prove anything ? He is a false 
prophet who speaks not according to the oracles of God." 

" You are heretics." 

" Again, you cannot be both judge and accuser. The judgment 
belongs not to you, but to Him who " 

" To him who presides over us, certainly, to that pious and 
venerable ecclesiastic of noble birth and stiU nobler character " 

" As much as you please^ — we wished to say just now that 
judgment belongs to God, and that it is already pronounced in 
His Word. If we were permitted to retui-n to it, it would be for 
the purpose of calling your attention to the chief precept of 
Christ, to which we were alluding a moment ago. Did he not 
say to his disciples, before ascending into Heaven : ' Go ye into 
all the world and preach the Gospel to every creature ?' " 

" That order does not concern you in the least ; it was given 
to the Church, that is to say, to the Priests. Laymen have 
nothing to do with that." 

" Of what Church are you speaking ? We belong to the 
Church of Christ and his Apostles, and we desire to follow the 
rule of the Apostolic Church ; there is our obedience or our dis- 
obedience, according to the way it is looked at. In the time of 
St. Gregory, people did not argue as you do, for he said : ' Who- 
ever has heard in his heart the supreme voice of love owes to his 
neighbour the voice of exhortation.' And, again, ' As far as it 
depends on you,, give bountifully of His good word to your neigh- 
bour; " proximis vestris boni verbi cyathos date."' We could 
remind you of many other precious maxims, which, alas, are now 
a dead letter. But how many practised them before us and are 
an example to us?'** The blessed Honorius and St. Equitius, 
for instance, whom the same Gregory mentions in his Dialogues ; 
and even in our own time Paul Raymond, whose holiness is con- 
firmed by so many miracles. Those, it seems to us, were lay 

The Waldenses of Italy. 51 

preachers ; but why should we stop at them ? What men more 
truly belonged to the laity than the Apostles, the pre-eminent 
messengers of the Gospel of the Master. ''" It is true that, accord- 
ing to the Synagogue, they were without authority, without 
vocation, illiterate, incompetent, and above all, very disobedient." 

" You are no Apostles ; you are not even laymen provided 
with the mandate of the Church. St. Raymond had the permission 
of the Church, but you have not." 

" Whose fault is that?" 

" You ought to know. But time presses, and we would like 
to speak of one more grievance. It bears upon the method and 
certain already visible results of your illicit mission ; indeed, you go 
about seducing everybody to some extent. Who are your prose- 
lytes ? First, women ; then more women, that is to say, 
effeminate men.'^^" You attract people of unsound judgment, liars, 
misers; in short, worthless persons. It is said that you first 
address yourselves to the women, and reach their husbands through 
them.'^^ Are you not ashamed of yourselves? You are like 
a lot of bulls. You know the Scriptures compare heretics to 

"It is repugnant to our feelings to follow you on such 

" That is comparatively a small matter. But what is serious 
and scandalous is that you permit women to preach. Now, we 
ask, how do you reconcile the taking of such liberties with the 
precept of the Apostle ? ' Let your women keep silence in the 
Churches ; for it is not permitted unto them to speak.' "^^' 

" You exaggerate. It is less a question of preaching than of 
teaching ; so that the same Apostle is able to say to his disciple 
Titus, Chap, ii., v. 3 : ' the aged women should be teachers of good 
things.' " 

" Those women are not called to teach men pubHcly, but 
young persons and in private. Notice, if you please, that he 
speaks of aged women." 

" This deserves consideration. But, while recognizing the 
rule laid down by St. Paul, might not an exception be made of 
such a prophetess as Anna, for instance, of whom it is written 
that she ' praised God in the temple ? ' " 

" Anna was 84 years old, and by her fasting well deserved 
the gift of prophecy. Furthermore, we do not read that she 

52 The Walbenses of Italy. 

preached or taught ; she spoke of Christ, and that was all. Now, 
preaching and speaking are very different things."""' 

The Waldenses would have liked nothing better than to leave 
the privilege of preaching in the hands of the Priests ; provided 
always that they were allowed to retain the right of free 

Thus ends the dispute of Narbonne."^ A few days later a sen- 
tence written by the arbitrator, Eaymond of Deventer, pronounced 
the condemnation of the Waldenses.'** This sentence had its use 
as a local enunciation of that of the Council of Verona. Haste 
was made to enforce it, by means of vigorous decrees, like that of 
Alfonso II., King of Aragon and Marquis of Provence, and that 
of the Bishop of Toul. Both were issued in 1192. The lirst 
especially is of unheard-of virulence, perhaps for the very reason 
of its inefficacy. " We order," said the King, " that the Wal- 
denses or Ensabates,^'^ who are also called the ' Poor of Lyons,' 
and all the other numberless heretics, anathematized by Holy 
Mother Church, be expelled from all our States as enemies of the 
cross of Christ, violaters of the Christian religion, and public 
enemies of our person and Kingdom. Therefore, from this day 
forth, whosoever shall dare to receive into his house, or listen to the 
preaching of the said Waldenses or such other heretics, wherever 
it may be, or to feed or assist them in any way, is warned that he 
will thereby incur the wrath of Almighty God, and of ourselves ; 
and that his possessions will be confiscated without appeal, 
according to the penalty provided against those who render them- 
selves guilty of high treason."'^'' This decree reminds one of the 
Inquisition ; but the Dominicans were not yet in existence to carry 
it into effect, and it ran the risk of remaining a dead letter. Two 
years later it was revived by Don Pedro, Alfonso's successor, and 
again renewed in 1197. The other decree emanated from Eudes 
of Vaudemont, Bishop of Toul. " With regard to the heretics 
called Wadoys," he says, " we order all the faithful, who may 
chance to meet with them, to arrest and bring them, bound, to 
our See of Toul, in order that they may be punished."'^" These 
are the precursory signs of the crusade, which was declared 
seventeen years later. In the meantime they seemed to alarm no 
one. Fanaticism had been so effectually lulled to sleep by the 
songs of the Troubadours, that its awakening was despaired of. 
It was no longer a question of driving heresy back within its 

The Waldenses of Italy. 53 

intrenchments, but of defending themselves against it. More than 
one ecclesiastic, weary of war, joined the ballad singers' chorus. 
Witness the monk of Cluny who wrote : — 

" Rome nous suce et nous englot, 
Rome est la doiz de la malice 
Dont sordent tuit li malves vice ; 
C'est un viviers pleins de vermine, 
Centre I'Escripture divine 
Et centre Deu sont teut lor fet.'"^" 

And so passed the last years of the XII. century and the 
first of the XIII. At that time a pious Bishop, named Diego, 
was languishing in his diocese, his soul tormented. Sud- 
denly he came to a grave decision. " What can I do here ? " he 
asked himself. " It were better for me to carry my religion to 
the heathen." He started for Rome forthwith, for he required the 
approbation of the Pope, but this he could not obtain. " The best 
thing for you to do," the inexorable Pontiff replied, "is to return 
to your diocese." Diego bowed submissively, and made his way 
back by short stages, accompanied by a young Canon, whose zeal 
indicated the most brilHant prospects. The Pontiff was Inno- 
cent III., and the Canon Dominic. These names suggest the 
preparation of something new and a change in the times. When 
he arrived at Montpelher Diego met the three missionary Legates, 
who had just been sent out against the heretics. They were 
demoraHzed, crushed, and on the point of giving up their mission 
in despair,'^' " What disheartens us so completely," said they, 
"is that whenever we talk with heretics they continually harp on 
this string, namely, that we are like physicians who, instead of 
thinking about healing others, would do well to cure themselves. 
We must admit that the morals of our clergy are abominable. If 
no remedy can be found there is an end of the matter ; we shall 
be preaching in the desert. We might as well abandon it alto- 
gether.""^ The Bishop remained wrapt in deep thought. Sud- 
denly these words came from his lips : — 

" Listen ! I have an idea. Be the very first to preach by 
your example." 

" What then, have we done till now ?" 

" Your equipages and this large retinue which accompanies 
you, doubtless, solely for the sake of appearances, are not, believe 

54 The Waldbnses of Italy. 

me, in keeping with your mission, and only contribute to its dis- 
credit in this country." 

"And then?" 

" You will go on foot ; you will take with you neither gold nor 
silver ; in fact, you wiU act as the Apostles did.^" That is my 
advice. Do that and the wind will change." 

Dominic seconded the advice of his aged Bishop, with all the 
impetuosity of his thirty-five years. 

" Veiy well, said one of the Legates ; we are of yom* opinion, 
only there is one danger." 
" What is that ? " 

" Have you thought of this : that we should then ourselves be 

" But after the manner of the Apostles." 

" Ah ! if some one would only lead the way for us ! We would 
certainly foUow him." 

" W^eU, here I am ! I wiU lead the way." 

Thereupon Diego started upon his com-se, preceded by 
Dominic, that grand greyhound of the chase after heretics, and 
the Legates followed in good earnest. The mission was once 
more undertaken, and not without some little success. 

Here we have one fact among a thousand, showing how use- 
ful a protest is, even to the Church which condemns it. The 
bare-footed heretics cause the messengers of the Church to step 
down from their carriages. A battle is about to be fought, but a 
moral victory is already won. The renewed discussions are more 
animated and noisy than ever. We shall notice two of them only, 
which relate to the dissent of the Waldenses. They are the dis- 
putations of Montreal and Pamiers. 

At Montreal the disputation lasted for fifteen days, under the 
presidency of two lay arbitrators. The dissentiag orator, Aniaud 
Hot, spoke at great length, and yet so well as to produce a great 
impression upon the audience. " It was a pity that so many good 
souls should have heard him," naively remarks the chaplaLa who 
relates the circumstance.^'* However, Hot had a good opportunity : 
he showed how the Apostolic ministry had become vitiated in the 
Chm-ch by becoming a ministiy of temporal affairs. This told 
in the vernacular, and in the manner one can imagine, must 
have made the monks feel as though hail were falling on their 
shaven crowns ; so much so that the legates, being unable to 

The Waldenses of Italy. 55 

stand it, left abruptly and withdrew with their adherents, a 
light dwelling in their eyes that was soon to kindle the fires of the 
Inquisition. The arbitrators on this occasion had no judgment 
to pronou.noe. Desertion spoke more eloquently than they could 
have done, concerning the discomfiture of the Komipetes. The 
disputations did not, however, usually close in this way. 

Diego resumed his journey toward Osma, his diocese. When 
he reached Pamiers, in the territory of Toulouse, he made another 
halt where he was soon surrounded by Bishops and Abbots who had 
come to implore his support. A disputation with the Waldenses 
was about to take place in the castle itself, under the auspices of 
Bernard Roger, Count of Foix, whose wife and sister had joined 
their society. Another sister, it is believed, had taken the part of 
the Cathari. As usual, an arbitrator was elected. This honour 
fell to the lot of a certain master of theology, named Arnaud de 
Campran. The arguments brought forward by the two parties 
have not been reported. It appears that the struggle became so 
lively that Claramonde, the sister who sided with the Waldenses, 
forgot herself and made some remark. She was immediately 
snubbed with unheard of rudeness by a monk. " Madam," said 
he, "go to your distaff ; women have nothing to do with this sort 
of discussion. "1" Yet she was in her brother's house if not in 
her own. One might be tempted to believe that the Count of 
Foix shewed himself more than tolerant on this occasion ; unless, 
indeed, the monk owed his good fortune, in not feeling the back of 
some knight's hand, to the regard entertained for the lady of tho 
manor, who, like a good Waldensian, had possibly adopted the 
maxim that forbids us to return evil for evil. The arbitrator 
decided against the Waldenses this time, and the dispute seems 
to have had untoward results for them ; for from this same dis- 
putation, held in the castle of Pamiers in the year 1206, dates a 
movement of separation which finally brought back a few dissi- 
dents within the pale of the Church. It is worth while to 
follow their history."^ 

Among the adherents of the opposition to the Church who had 
been present at the dispute of Pamiers, was a small number of 
ecclesiastics, among whom a certain Durand was conspicuous. 
He came from the city of Huesca, not far from the Pyrenees. 
Shaken in his opinions, and attracted perhaps by Dominic's zeal, 
he was won over with some others of his colleagues. The few 

56 The Waldensbs of Italy. 

who bad separated held a council, and decided to di-aw up a con- 
fession of faith, to be submitted to the Pope, asking him to 
authorise them to keep the statutes they had thus far observed. 
Thereupon Durand started for Rome, accompanied by John of 
Narbonne, Guilliaume of St. Antonin, D. of Naiaque, Bernard and 
Ermengard of Beziers, Raymond of St. Paul, Hebiia and several 
other persons who are not named. Innocent III., who no doubt 
had been forewarned, welcomed them in a fatherly manner but 
with shrewdness. He approved of the confession, and authorised 
the statutes, to both of which they were obliged to bind themselves 
by oath. The following were their salient points : — 

" fo the glory of God and of his Church and for the salvation 
of om* souls, we pledge ourselves to believe with our hearts and 
to confess with om- lips the Catholic faith, inviolable and in its 
integrity, as under the protection and government of the Roman 
Pontiff. Having renounced the world and given our possessions 
to the poor, according to God's precept, and having made a vow 
of poverty, we take no thought for the mon-ow, and will accept in 
alms neither gold nor silver, nor anything of that kind, but only 
enough to eat and wherewithal to clothe ourselves day by day. 
Om" law is to observe the counsels of evangelical perfection as so 
many precepts. Inasmuch as most of us are clerics and almost 
all men of letters, we have resolved to devote om'selves to reading, 
exhortation, teaching, and discussing against aU the different 
kinds of error ; and we intend to propose that those who are the 
best instructed in the law of God and the maxims of the Fathers be 
utiHsed in our school to biing the erring back to the faith and to 
the pale of the Church, without doing anything that might be 
prejudicial to episcopal authority. We have agreed to wear the 
modest religious dress to which we have been accustomed, with 
shoes cut off at the top and made Ln such a way that people may 
know at a glance, and without a doubt, that we have separated 
ourselves from the Lyonese in body as we are separated in heart, 
so long as they shall not become reconciled with the Church. If 
laymen express desire to join us, we shall take care that, with 
the exception of those who may be capable of talking and disputing 
with the heretics, they live at home religiously and in good order, 
working with their hands, anl discharging their duties towards the 
Chm-ch with respect to theii- tithes, first-fi-uits and offerings."''' 

The statute having been sworn to, the dissidents were granted a 

The Waldenses of Italy. 57 

few privileges as a recompense for their fidelity ; such as that of 
not being obliged to take up arms against Christians, nor to take 
an oath in temporal matters ; so long only as this could be 
reconciled with the respect due to others, and occasion no annoy- 
ance to the secular authority.''^ They were all banded together 
under the protection of the Pope, who named them the " Catholic 
Poor." Before leaving the City of Eome, Durand promised to 
pay one bezant every year as a token of submission to the 
Apostolic See.'" 

In a very short time the Pope received complaints from the 
Ai-chbishop of Narbonne and some of the bishops belonging to 
his jurisdiction, to the effect that Durand and his associates were 
becoming unmanageable on account of their boasting. They had 
changed nothing in their practices, and Waldenses, who were still 
unreconciled with the Church, were by them admitted to the 
participation of the mass. They opened their doors to unfrocked 
monks, and by their discourses attracted faithful believers, who 
were afterwards seen to forsake canonical services ; in which thing 
the latter only followed the example of their teachers. Innocent 
hastened to state these complaints to his proteges, exhorting 
them to give no more occasion for them, if they did not wish it 
to be said that the remedy was worse than the disease."" More- 
over, he wrote to the Prelates to quiet down their rufiied temper, 
and to give them a lesson in pastoral prudence after his own style. 
" Be not alarmed on their account," said he to them. " If they 
intend to deceive the Church and to elude its discipline, they will 
Yerj soon be caught in their own toils. But if they do nothing 
worse, for the time being, than retain somewhat of their ancient 
practices, it may be but pure craftiness, for the purpose of more 
easUy gaining over their former co-reHgionists, those little foxes 
which devastate the vineyard of the Lord. It were better to be 
patient and to abide results. So long as they do not wander from 
the essential principles of truth, it is right that we should deal 
somewhat indulgently with them. If they do not break off all 
at once from their former habits, that is undoubtedly one way of 
burying them, with a certain decency which spares one's feelings. 
Let us practice the word of the Apostle : " Being crafty I caught 
you with guile. "^"^ 

Though the prelates submitted, they were furious with rage, 
Durand, with his arts of dissimulation and his insolence of 

58 The Waldenses of Italy. 

manner, provoked them more than an outright adversary. They 
soon renewed then- complaints, repeating nearly the same charges. 
Innocent also repeated his exhortations to gentleness and prudence. 
He even charged them not to permit the poor wretches to he 
worried ; he went so far as to guarantee to the latter the right of 
electing their own provost, in conjunction with the local Bishop, 
for he was vexed to learn that dissidents who were ready to be 
readmitted were allowed to remain outside the Church. '^^ 

Some pretend that in the meantime Durand returned to Rome, ^*' 
but the truth about this we do not know. It is quite certain that he 
had explanations enough to give and new favours to ask. The fact is, 
that he never was without the protection of the Pontiff, and by that 
means he succeeded in founding more than one refuge for such 
unfortunates as age, sickness or privation compelled to seek his 

With this movement of the Catholic Poor is connected that 
of Bernard I., GuiUaimie, Amaud, and a few other Waldenses of 
Lombardy, who had gone to Rome in the year 1210 and had been 
examined before the Pontiff.'** They had experienced much 
more difficulty than then- predecessors in being admitted, and 
were compelled to undergo a humiliating interrogation. 

" You look to me, with your shoes cut off at the sole, like 
ti"amps," said Innocent; "that is superstition! And how 
Rightful you look with your hooded cloak. It hardly harmonizes 
with your imcut hair. You look too much like laymen. And, by 
the way, tell me : I am informed that you travel about, men and 
women together ; it is even said that you lodge in the same 
houses ; I shall not repeat to you all that I hear.'*' What am 

" We travel with women, it is true, but after the manner of 
the Apostles.""" 

"I do nt)t approve of that, nor of certain other usages which 
it appears you have not abandoned ; for instance, the mania 
several of you manifest for preaching, for administering the 
Eucharist, and for hearing confession. There are these women, 
too, who meddle with teaching in the Church ; I will not tolerate 
anything of that kind, remember."'" 

They were not admitted therefore on that occasion ; but it 
seems that they were not long in coming to an agreement. After 
all, the Pope had not shown himself very exacting. Bernard in 

The Waldenses of Italy. 59 

the following year presented a declaration, in consequence of 
which his suhmission was accepted. This is evident from a 
letter written by Innocent III. to the Bishop of Cremona. He 
expresses in it the same sentiment he had before formulated, when 
addressing the Bishops of the Lower Languedoc. "Use gentle 
means with these people," said he, "for if we are told to invite 
the lame and the bUnd to the feast of the Lord, even to compel 
them to come in ; with how much more reason should we beware 
of thrusting back those who come of their own accord. That is 
why we commend to you Bernard I. and his colleague. They 
were, it is true, deeply tainted with heresy ; but they have re- 
turned to us to take refuge in the bosom of the Church."'*" 

On seeing these different companies of "the Poor " returning Ut 
the fold of the Church by different ways, we are tempted to ask 
what difference there was between them. Their origin was the 
same, and their real object also. One as much as the other, they 
observed the apostolic rule of life, more especially the vow of 
poverty. As a matter of fact, they had given their goods to the 
poor ; they did not accept either silver or gold, but food and 
raiment only. They all followed their itinerant mission, not as in 
past times, for the pui-pose of preaching the Gospel freely, but in 
order to work under the papal shield and to bring back their 
brethren to the fold.'"" This last trait was more especially the 
distinguishing characteristic of the followers of Durand ; whilst 
those of Bernard, being less fitted to teach, did not disdain to 
labour with their hands. The former remind us of the order of 
Dominican Friars, the latter of the Franciscans.'"" The idea of 
these orders of Mendicant Friars, which was eminently opposed 
to the "Waldensian idea, is already beginning to shew itself as in 
a seed. But before it can spring up the seed must die. Did the 
Poor Catholics succeed in reconciling the statutes of the Waldenses 
with the authority of the Koman Church ? To all appearance they 
did so, but, as a matter of fact they never did ; for, without the 
liberty to obey God rather than men, the statutes are not Walden- 
sian. Where is the merit of all this ? If there be any merit in 
the whole affair it belongs entirely to the Pope ; but of a truth 
there was very httle. Innocent III. has been credited with bene- 
volence, because he was complaisant; just as these "Poor" were 
submissive because they had flexible backs. If the Pontiff exer- 
cised his authority to enforce tolerance on the clergy, to whom 

60 The Waldbnsbs of Italy. 

Alexander HE. had sacrificed too much, it was because he had no 
longer to deal with men like Waldo and his first disciples. The 
capitulation of the Poor Catholics was equivalent to a recantation 
— if not to suicide — which is always the case, unfortunately, when 
liberty has to be immolated on the altar of peace. 

Such was the fate of this little reaction, which made more noise 
than work. The Catholic Poor did not long survive their founders. 
They were finally incorporated in the order of the Hermits of 
St. Augustine as early as the year 1256.*" " They became extinct 
without anyone taking notice of the fact," writes an apologist,^°^ 
and were buried with a decorum against which nothing can be 
said. The Pope had dreamed of another end, that of the Wal- 
denses properly so-called, and had thought he would obtain it by 
setting up discord ; but his wish was so far from being realized 
that the Waldenses do not even seem to have been disturbed by 
the desertion of the Catholic Poor. One would think they forgot 
them, for they never mention them ; as far at least as we know. 
The deserters were not even regretted. They were Priests, 
mostly, more or less men of letters, but apt to compromise the 
lay character of the Waldensian mission ; and besides, who 
knows whether their doctrine was not hiding the old leaven of 
Manicheism ?*" They had fallen back too wantonly ; there was too 
much artifice in their movements, to make us believe that their 
profession was of a sterling quality. In such a case it is better 
to separate. Separation purifies more than it weakens. 

The Catholic Poor have taken us out of France. Let us 
in imagination retm-n thither. Before leaving we must take notice of 
another centre of reaction, away up in the North. This time we 
shall see a bright ray of Waldensian faith emanate therefrom. 

Metz, notwithstanding her bishop, was a city of refuge. She 
did not even repel the Jews, who were proscribed eveiywhere. 
" It was the city of those who had no city of habitation — a mixed 
cityif ever there were one.""* Hence, it wiU not be surprising if 
Waldenses be found there. It is not easy to fix the time of their 
coming ; but it must have taken place, if not immediately after Waldo 
was driven into exile, at least close upon the exile of his brethren, 
under the persecution of Jean aux Blanches Mains. We read 
that it was during the time of Bertram, who was Bishop of Metz 
from 1180 to 1212.*^' One day, while in the cathedral, Bertram 
recognised amongst the congregation two Waldenses whose con- 

The Waldenses of Italy, 61 

demnation he had witnessed at Montpelliev, As soon as he had 
descended from his pulpit he issued the order for their arrest. But 
it was not executed. They were protected, we are told, "by some 
notable personage belonging to the city."'*" The Waldensian 
party had then some adherents there ; in fact, they must have 
gained a firm footing amongst the citizens of Metz. It must be 
remembered, too, that this took place before the year 1199, when the 
persecution commenced. " They swarmed," says the chronicle. "" 
The Bishop having learn ed what was going on, infoi-med Innocent III . 
and, thanks to this Pope's letters, it has come to our knowledge. 
A translation of the Gospels, of the Epistles of St. Paul, of the 
Psalms, and perhaps of some other book of the Scripture, had 
been put in circulation ; it was eagerly sought after by a large 
number of laymen ; they met in secret to hear portions explained, 
and at these meetings anyone might speak. When Priests inter- 
vened to reprove, like true disciples of Waldo they resisted 
them face to face, and the Pope took notice of the fact.'"" If their 
right were questioned, they appealed to the testimony of the Scrip- 
tures. Upon this Innocent III. took the matter in hand ; he wrote 
both to the people and to the Bishop ; to the former for the pur- 
pose of instruction and admonition ; to the latter to direct him in 
his inquiry. " Assuredly there is nothing that is not laudable 
in the desire to understand the Scriptures," said the Pope to the 
faithful ; " but to meet in secret, to usurp the ministry of preach- 
ing, to dispense with the ministry of the Priest, to the extent of 
scorning it, there lies the evil, and some remedy must be devised. 
Who does not know the depth of meaning contained in the 
Scriptures ? If when endeavouring to penetrate it, learned men 
be obliged to recognise their insufficiency, you will be the 
more so in that you are simple and illiterate. Hence the Divine 
law has wisely decreed that any beast touching the holy mountain 
should be stoned to death ; this typefies that common people may not 
presume by their intellect to attain to the sublime heights of 
Revelation and to preach it to others, The Apostle, on the other 
hand, exhoiis us not to think of ourselves more highly than we 
ought to think. We must have knowledge; but not too much."" 
There remains for you, therefore, but one thing to do, namely, to 
obey. Do so voluntarily, and you will not be compelled by 
force."^"" To the Bishop the Pope has something more to say : — 
" Why do you not tell me whether these people err as regards the 

6'2 The Waldenses of Italy. 

faith, whether they depart from wholesome doctrine ? Inquire 
into this without delay ; be in a position to tell me especially, who 
is the author of that translation, what is his object in view, what 
faith do they who read it profess, and the reason of their teaching. 
Do they hold our apostolic See and the Eoman Church in venera- 
tion ? We desire to be clearly informed concerning these things 
for our guidance. "^"^ 

One would say that, finding himself face to face vnth the 
censure and threats of Eome, the Bishop was the one who would 
be the most embarassed. Indeed, several of the leading men of 
the City refused to submit, protesting that they owed obedience 
to God alone. ^"^ They did not give up their meetings or then- 
preaching, or the reading of holy books in the vernacular. Let 
them prohibit the use of our translation if they like, said they ; 
as for us, we. shall keep it. It is said by some, that in this affau- 
the Bishop was even roughly handled.^"^ However that may be, he 
complained to the Pontiff, especially against a certain " Master 
Crespin," a Priest, as we read, and one of his own companions. 
This Crespin was possibly one of the authors of the translation ; for, 
had he been satisfied with expounding the Scriptm-es, the Bishop 
would not have cried out so loudly against him especially. What 
did Innocent III. do ? He charged three Abbots to interfere, 
and in concert with the Bishop to proceed to the desired enquiry, 
and to the application of ecclesiastical discipline. This mission 
had its effect, for the chronicle relates that the Pontifical 
Commissioners succeeded in burning " a few books translated fi-om 
the Latin into the vernacular," if not in "exterminating the 
sect."^"* It is true that more than one copy of the forbidden 
translation escaped the flames. As a matter of fact two years 
later, at Lieges, people were ordered to place in the hands of the 
Bishop any translation of the Scriptures, either French or German, 
which they possessed.'"' As for the sect, it was so imperfectly 
exterminated that subsequent measures had to be taken for its 
persecution. The Crusade had already burst forth ; it raged v?ith 
fury in the South, when Innocent III., wi'itingto Bishop Bertram, 
invited him to proclaim it against the heretics of his diocese. He 
did so, and with such success that the Count of Bat and a goodly 
number of knights were enrolled.^"^ Yet it does not appear that 
the sword had any better success than the sermons of the 
Abbotts ; for in 1221 " heresy was not extinct in the City of 

The Waldenses of Italy. 63 

Metz,"^"' and the door remained open for new reactions, which 
invaded Flanders and disseminated themselves to the centre of 

Let us now follow the footsteps of other refugees, who, passing 
through the upper valleys of the Rhone and Rhine, reached 
Switzerland and Italy on the one hand, and Germany on the other, 
and continuing their mission, spread their doctrines in Austria, 
Hungary, and as far as Transylvania. 

Those who went up the valley of the Rhone were, perhaps, 
about to resuscitate in the mountains of Switzerland the memory 
of Arnaldo Brescia, and Henry of Lausanne, who had resided 
there less than fifty years before. At any rate they found they 
had been preceded by the Cathari, who had penetrated to those 
heights even as they had almost everywhere else.^"* It is not 
known where they pitched their tents. Nearly a century had 
passed away before the presence of heretics was ascertained in 
Berne. ^"^ Were these the Waldenses, or did they belong to 
some other reaction? It is impossible to state. Traces 
of them may still be found either in Berne itself or in Fribom-g.^'" 
During the year 1400, the magistrates of Berne decreed that no 
individual holding the creed of the Waldenses should be eligible 
for civil office or even as a witness before the tribunals. This 
decree was read thenceforth every year on Easter Monday, that is 
to say, on the day of the election of the two hundred.^^' After- 
wards the storm of persecution arose more furiously than ever, 
and the Waldenses finally succumbed. If no visible bond united 
them with their brethren of Italy, they nevertheless heard them 
spoken of ;^'^ no doubt by the missionaries, who we shall see 
joined them from further Grermany. 

Fribourg is a small city, a thoroughfare between the South and 
the Valley of the Rhine, which the refugees from Lyons must 
have reached at an early date. This magnificent valley, thanks 
to the attractions which it offered, had for a long time been the 
favourite residence of Prelates.^" Perched up there in their 
castles they lived parasitic Hves, which their avarice made still 
more scandalous. In this respect the Rhine had little or no 
cause to envy the Tiber. What the troubadours of Provence and 
Italian poets sung at great length in their fruitless invectives, 
the peasants of the borders of the Rhine whispered low in their 
simple legends. We can easily guess how the disciples of Waldo, 

64 The Waldenses of Italy. 

with their passion for voluntary poverty, and especially with the 
word of Christ, which they came to announce to the poor and 
destitute, must have made their way in the midst of a population 
trouhledby the worldliness of the clergy and dreaming of an ideal. 
They made proselytes in Strasburg, a relatively free, commercial 
and wealthy city — a city in which the Bishop had so often been held 
in check that he v/as perhaps the first in Germany to call to his aid 
the Dominican monks. In 1212 the chase began in earnest ; 
more than five hundred heretics were ferreted out. Were 
they Waldenses ? We are inclined to think so.^'* They pro- 
fessed articles of faith which correspond more with those of the 
Waldenses than they do with those of divers sects that, 
however, in their tm-n did some missionary work here. 
Their principal superintendent resided in MUan ; to him they 
forwarded their collections for the poor. But there were two 
others, one iu Bohemia, surnamed the Picard — could it be Waldo ? 
— the other in Strasbm-g itself. The latter was John the Presbyter, 
who marched to the stake at the head of a handful of heroes. 

" Would'st thou," his judges asked him, "that thy cause be 
decided by the trial of red hot iron "? " 
" That would be tempting God." 
" Ah ! you are afraid of burning even a finger." 
" Very well ! here is more than a finger ; here is my whole 
body. It is ready to be burnt, if it is a question of rendering 
homage to the Word of God." 

He walked to the stake with a finu step, followed by his 
seventy-nine companions, among whom were twelve priests and 
twenty-tkree women. 

Later, in 1216 and again in 1230, the heretics reappeared 
on the scene of martyrdom, thanks to the persecution proclaimed 
by Conrad of Marburg. We find always the same tendency, 
more or less. The Church is for them a synagogue of Satan, 
the Pope, Bishops and Priests are ministers of the Adversary. 
They call themselves disciples of the Apostles, and take the Holy 
Spirit as theii- guide. They are so numerous that when one of 
them goes from England or Antwerp to Eome, he is able to lodge 
every night at the house of one of his brethren. They continue 
to send their contributions to theii- chief at Milan.^" If these are 
Waldenses, ought we not to admit that there is here a com- 
mingling ^vith the sectarians who are about to appear unexpectedly. 

The Waldenses of Italy. 65 

Nothing seems more natural than this.^'^ However that may be, 
after this date, silence enshrouds them ; of them no more mention 
is made. They did not disappear ; but their voice, intimidated by 
persecution or overpowered by that of other sects, cannot 
reach us. 

What are these other sects ? We cannot avoid saying a word 
about them. First, the Cathari, with whom we are acquainted, 
and of whom we shall not speak again here ; the more so as 
they had not in the North that full sway which they had in the 
South. There were the Beghards, too, whose principal seat was 
at Cologne. These were uneducated Pietists, less careful of the 
study of the Scriptures than of their vague and mystic speculations. 
They lived in common, but had taken no vows ; they spent their doing penance and in working and caring for the unfortunate. 
Their first origin dates from the end of the XII. century ; the 
XTTT. was their most flourishing period. -'' Afterwards, to avoid 
persecution, they took refuge in the ranks of the Tertiary Friars of 
the order of Mendicants, especially with the Franciscans, leaving 
the way open for the entrance of the Brethren of the Free Spirit. 
These latter were bolder, in thought at least, if not in character. 
On the one hand they professed the Pantheistic ideas that their 
master Amaur of Bena seems to have borrowed from the school of 
Scotus Erigene; namely, that God is everything, and that man 
alone of all his creatures is one with him through the Spirit. On 
the other hand, they shared the tendency of the hermit Joachim of 
Floris who had just proclaimed the approaching end of the second 
epoch of humanity, that of the Son, and the inauguration of the 
third, that of the Spirit, foretold for the year 1260. They abandoned 
the use of sacraments, which in their opinion were losing their 
importance. One of their first centres was Paris, where they met 
at the house of a jeweUer named GuUlaume. At Strasburg they 
had a new master called Ortlieo. He continued the sect by 
renewing it; it was called from that time the sect of the " New 
Spirit." To this movement it is that the Strasburg dissent— 
which we have marked as an offshoot of the Waldenses, whether 
they be called Ortliebers^" or Winkelers, which was subsequently 
given as a nickname — attaches itself.^'^ After considering the 
matter fully, we find that the principles of this local reaction are 
sufficiently characteristic. As a matter of fact, the Ortliebers 
arrogated to themselves the right of hearing confession, and even 


66 The Waldbnses of Italy. 

that of administering baptism. They rejected the doctrine of 
purgatory, saying of masses for the dead, and the interciession of 
Saints ; they also abstained from lying, from swearing, and from 
shedding of blood. We learn from all this that their quarrel with 
the Romish Church, more especially as regards the sacrament of 
the Eucharist, the ritual and other ordinances, bore the seal of the 
mission of the Poor of Lombardy, of whom we shall soon speak. 
On the other hand, the Ortliebers differed from the Wal- 
denses of France, as well as from those of Lombardy and of 
Germany, by their allegoric notions, tainted with Pantheism, and 
by their tendency to spiritualize the dogmas, and even the actions 
recorded in the life of Jesus, ^^^ including the sacrament of the 
Last Supper, which a portion of them set aside as the Quakers do 
now.^^^ From Alsace where they had their centre they spread in 
different directions, into France, Swabia, and as far as Austria.^^^ 
We find them mentioned for the last time in the XIV. century, 
and we only hear of them again as the Winkelers, who disappeared 
in their turn, with other less known divisions, such as the 
Sifrides, the Tortolans and the Communies. We can understand 
from this, how it was that the valley of the Rhine became for 
Germany a nursery of missionaries. An agitation was commenced 
there which permeated public opinion to a great distance, reacting 
against the abuses of the Romish Church. Still the principal 
seat of the Waldenses movement was not here, but in a country 
which we have still to visit ; namely, Milan. We shall go down 
there, following the tracks of the refugees from Lyons, before 
proceeding into Germany. 

Milan, once the seat of the Western Empire and of the 
illustrious Bishop Ambrose, had not yet forgiven Rome for casting 
her into the shade. Resigned though she was, she preseiTed a 
leaven of distrust and a remnant of liberal incHnations that showed 
itself in the morals of the laity. While bowing to the tiara, 
her Primate had lost the splendour of his ancient prestige and 
much of his popularity ; on the other hand, his servitude had been 
rewarded. Rome had hastened to confirm the Archiepiscopal 
authority, which he wielded over eighteen bishops. It extended 
to the boundaries of Old Lombardy, stretching out on the East, 
as far as the Venetian territory, and on the West to the Cottian 
Alps. The Synod of Milan rivalled the Councils in gravity, but 
hardly anything was heard there beyond the echo of the Roman 

The Waldenses of Italy, 67 

oracle, repeated by the Bishops, either of Turin and Asti or of 
Brescia and Cremona. Its debates lacked that breath of life which 
animated the disputes of the Republican community. Between 
the head of the large diocese and the Podesta, harmony did not 
invariably exist. They quarrelled more than once, without coming 
to blows, however ; this, either because they feared each other, 
or because frequent wars with other free cities and ecclesiastical 
conflicts had the effect of diverting their attention. Still heresy 
was increasing rapidly in the metropolis. The sect of the 
Cathari was rooted there, either on the decline or else absorbed 
into the indigenous party of the Patarins, who were less a 
religious than a political party, and did not draw their recruits, as 
at the commencement, from the quarter of Pataria alone, but 
were almost as much from the palaces of the nobles.^^' Thanks 
to this party, the temporal power formerly wielded by the Bishops 
had passed into the hands of the magistrates. The Patarins 
protected the smaller dissenting societies, which Hterally swarmed. 
Were there not seventeen in Milan alone ? At least that is what 
we are told by one of the Waldenses, who had lived there for a 
long time.^^* The refugees from Lyons had hardly arrived^^' 
before they found themselves at war with more than one sect, 
although on good terms with others, who eventually associated 
themselves with them in some numbers. We shall make mention 
of the Humiliati, and the disciples of Arnaldo of Brescia. 

Arnaldo had filled Italy with his reputation. The voice of the 
martyr still echoed in the consciences of the people. Taking 
up involuntarily the principal thread of that ancient Puritan move- 
ment of the Donatists, which had for a long time been lost sight 
of, he reminded the Roman Pontiff that it is not the frock that 
makes the monk, and certainly not a successor of the Apostles ; 
that the right of apostolic succession is based upon the practical 
application of the primitive law, of which the first precept 
consists in the vow of poverty .^^^ Not only has he no power to 
ally himself to the ambition of temporal dominion ; but this vow 
absolutely excludes it. Arnaldo said, " A Pope ought to be able 
to repeat the words of St. Peter, ' Silver and gold have I none,' 
otherwise he is Hke the salt which has lost its savour. "^^' In 
speaking thus, the illustrious emulator of Abelard ploughed a broad 
furrow, in which since that time the principles of our political 
liberty have been sown with a prodigal hand. That Cardinal also, 

D 2 

€8 The Waldbnses of Italy. 

wlio . recognised in Arnaldo "the prince and the patriarch of 
political heresy, "^^' had a quick and discerning eye. Was he 
nothing more than this? We cannot doubt that he was. 
He did not found a religious sect, but his leanings possessed both 
a religious and a political character. His religious tendencies 
opened a way for more than one reaction, and in Lombardy, at 
least, he seems to have preceded Waldo. This may be a conjecture, 
yet more than one sign justifies it.^^^ At any rate, we shall see the 
Donatist principle which he had re-lighted making itself pretty 
plainly visible in the movement of the Poor of Lombardy. 

As regards the movement of the Humiliati, it is now an 
undoubted fact that it brought about, in Milan itself, a distinct 
association which seems to be linked to that of the Poor of Lyons. 
We derive our information on this point from the same source as 
our history. The chronicle of Laon says : — " There lived in the 
towns of Lombardy a certain number of citizens, who without 
quitting their own hearths obseiTed a set of rules which they had 
selected for themselves. Simply clothed, they abstained from 
lying, from swearing, and all lawsuits which are opposed to the 
Catholic faith. They addressed themselves to the Pope, asking 
him to sanction their profession of faith. The Pope replied that 
he sanctioned aU that they did honestly and in humility, " but," 
he added, " I expressly forbid you to arrogate to yourselves the 
right of preaching in public." These people made light of the 
orders of the Pontiff; they disobeyed and were excommunicated. 
They called themselves Humiliati," because they were content 
with plain, uncoloured vestments.^'" This took place under the 
pontificate of Alexander III. One writer reports that the 
Humiliati multiplied in Lombardy Hke the fish of the sea. Those, 
concerning whom we are writing, constituted undoubtedly a lay 
branch, if not an offshoot of the general order known by this 
name.^^' It is they who are referred to in the following verses : — 

" Sunt et in Italia fratres humiliati 
Quijurare renuunt et sunt uxorati." 

Coming into existence about the same time, the Poor of 
Lyons and the Humiliati made the same appeal to the same Pope, 
and finished by being condemned by the same Council of Verona 
which made no effort to distinguish between them ;^'^ perhaps 
because their union was already an accomplished fact, or on the 

The Waldenses of Italy. 69 

•eve of becoming so. The name which prevailed \g ?ift jib"*- "f ^b" 
Poor , only they were no longer called the Poor of Lyons, but 
the Poor of Lombardy. The principle of the Waldenses was 
based upon the authority of Scripture and lay preaching, but 
"their fusion with the characteristic principles of their associates — 
such as their joint duty to support themselves by work in lieu of 
by alms , and their independent position with regard to the Catholic 
•clergy, whom they regarded as unworthy — gave rise to discord, 
and this was intensified by persecution. Taking advantage of a 
favom-able opportunity, they succeeded in obtaining from the town 
a site suitable for the erection of a school, which was soon built ; 
they thereby roused the anger of the Archbishop Philip, who 
caused it to be demolished."^ Philip died in 1206 and the school 
was rebuilt.^'* His successor, Hubert of Pirovano, followed the 
example of Innocent III., just as PhiHp of Lampugnano had 
followed that of Lucius HI. Still the young community was 
passing through a critical period, as its open way of procedure 
terrified the timid ones, who were still seeking some concessions 
from Rome. Thereupon Durand of Huesca, the Apostle of the 
Catholic Poor, returning from the court of Innocent III. took 
these people in hand, for the purpose of bringing them back 
within the pale of the Church, and finally succeeded in rallying 
around him about one hundred whom he indnced to sign the con- 
fession sanctioned by the Pope. The perverts signed it on con- 
dition that the free use of the above mentioned school building, or of 
aoother suitable for their meetings, should be granted them. Their 
petition, transmitted by Durand, was duly approved of and 
recommended to the Archbishop Hubert by Innocent IH. This 
was in April, 1210.^'^ We learn that, at the same time, Bernard 
Premier was dealing with the Pope for the return of a certain 
number of his co-religionists, and we know with what result.^^" 
While the perverts were thus returning to the pale of the Church, 
those who remained and formed the great majority found themselves 
at variance with their former companions. They represent during 
this critical period the traditional and Conservative party. They 
had up to that time carried everything before them with a high 
hand, and unity had been maintained, notwithstanding the dis- 
tance which separated them and more than one difficulty that had 
arisen. This time discord broke out anew and a breach was 
inevitable.^^^ The rupture was as painful to one party as to the 

70 The Waldenses of Italy. 

other, more especially to the original mother community, which, 
could not view without emotion its children thus abandoning the 
paternal roof ; for we must not forget that the poor of Lombardy were 
an offshoot of the Lyonese stock.^*' Waldo, who still was at th& 
head of the community,^^' greatly deplored this division. He 
looked upon it as a misfortune from more than one point of view. 
He protested and grieved over it for the rest of his days. After 
his death an attempt was made at a reconciliation and for this 
pui-pose a conference was assembled at Bergamo in May, 1218.^^" 
There were twelve commissioners chosen, six of whom represented 
the ultramontane Waldenses and six those of Lombardy.^*' 
Different questions were there discussed which we shall proceed 
to note. 

The first thing which strikes us as strange is the great 
importance in which the memory of Waldo was held. It rises 
above all discussion and seems to make a strangely imposing 
effect. We shall see further on what is the reason of this. In 
the meantime reciprocal advances were made on more than one- 
point. The Lombards nominated their superiors for life ; the- 
• others chose their rectors pro tempore. It was agreed — in the 
interests of aU and of peace — to refer the nomination to the reunited 
community and to leave the decision to them, whether in the one 
sense or the other. The same conclusion was come to with 
reference to the ordination of ministers. As regards the question- 
of manual labour the ultramontane party no longer insisted, as. 
Waldo had done, on its absolute prohibition, while the Lombard 
party admitted the advantage of subjecting it to a more rigorous, 
control. A compromise was agreed to. Let us agree on the 
other points, they said, we shall be able to come to a solution of 
the difficulty some way or other. The points which had caused 
the disunion seemed to be disposed of. With regard to matri- 
mony and baptism, there was no conflict to speak of; there was 
only one isolated fact in dispute. It was a question concerning 
Thomas de Jean Francigena and others, who had for special reasons 
been excluded from the community by the brethren of France. 
Let their matter, it was said, be thoroughly sifted ; they are ready to 
render satisfaction if necessary and all will be well. But after all 
there remained a twofold difficulty — one concerned the memory of 
Waldo ; the other had reference to the sacrament of the 

The Waldensbs of Italy, 71 

" Tell us frankly," said Peter de Eelana who was associated 
with Berenger d'Aquaviva ; "do you or do you not admit that 
Waldo and Vivetus are in paradise ?" 

" That is a personal question if ever there was one. Should 
we do not do better to strike it out ?" 

" Well then we may as well separate for good and all."^*' 

" Our opinion has not changed. If during their hfetime they 
have made satisfaction to God for alltheii* sins, they are saved. "^ *^ 

" Those sins, how ai"e they to be understood ? It is no ques- 
tion of ordinary sins ; the declaration of the Lombards would be 
too unmeaning for that, and one cannot very well see in what way 
it could contain anything that was shocking to their co-religionists. 
It must therefore have reference to some errors with which 
he had been reproached in his relations with the brethren of 
Lombardy. In such case one can understand that the French 
Waldenses would not have been ready to avow them over the 
scarcely closed grave of him whom they regarded as the founder 
of the whole sect. Meanwhile the discord became more envenomed 
on a more serious matter. Unhappily it was the Sacrament of the 
Eucharist, the symbol of peace, which was destined to re-light the 
torch of discord vsdthout raising any serious point of dogma. The 
only question was as to the part played by the Priest recognised 
by the Chui'ch. According to the ultramontane Waldenses, if the 
Priest pronounced the sacramental words the mystery is accom- 
plished, as it is not the virtue of the man which operates, but the 
word of God.^" The Poor of Lombardy did not hold that to be 
sufficient; besides this, according to them the Priest must not 
be unworthy of his ofhce. Upon that point we will not yield, 
said they, to those who would subjugate us, even though they be 
of higher worldly position than ourselves ; for our Saviour did not 
accept any man's authority. Are they doctors ? Letthem meditate 
on the instruction handed down to us by the fathers. S t. Cyprian , 
for example, says very clearly, that the faithful ought not to receive 
the sacrament at the hands of heretical, unworthy and profane 
priests. According to him, it is certain that the Eucharist does 
not have effect where hope is lost and faith corrupted — where all 
is a trick and a lie. In arrogating to himself the authority and 
the verity of the Church the heretic acts like a monkey who, not 
belonging to our race, is reduced to imitating us. An intruder, 
cursed of God and dead, he invokes the Saviour and pronounces 

72 The Waldenses of Italy. 

the words of benediction with blasphemy in his soul. ' Is not 
that a sacrilege ? He carries audacity even to the point of cele- 
brating the holy sacrament of the Eucharist ; but without the 
presence of the Holy Spirit, how shall his offering be sanctified ? 
God cannot give heed to the prayer of the impious.^*' Jerome 
teaches us that priests who administer the sacrament of the altar 
unworthily act in a profane manner. This father says in his 
Commentaries, that disregarding the law of Christ they imagine 
that the solemn words of prayer sufBce for the celebration, and 
that neither integrity nor merit are necessary in the celebrant ; 
whereas it is written, as we know, that a Priest who has sinned 
is not permitted to present an offering. Holy in appearance 
before the eyes of the faithful, it is not the less tainted with sin 
in reality, if the soul of the priest be impure.^*^ Such as buy or 
sell holy orders are not legitimate priests, observes Pope Gregory, 
and it has been said with reason that the curse rests both upon 
him who gives and him who receives. Such is the case in a 
matter of simony. Besides which, how can he, who is himself 
under the ban of anathema, sanctify another ? How can he offer 
or receive the body of Christ if he have no pai-t in it himself? "^*' 

" We should prefer to have some proofs taken from Scripture. 
You lay too much stress upon the man ; we prefer to look at the 
words of benediction which proceed from his mouth."-** 

" The objection is an old one, and if you do not know it, we 
wiU repeat the answer made by Pope Innocent. ' Oh ! most 
miserable of the miserable ! you forget that which the Lord said 
to the mercenaiy priests by the mouth of His prophet Malachi : 
' I win curse your blessings.' "^*' 

" You no longer agree with yourselves, for you formerly looked 
upon the matter in the same way as ourselves." 

"Yes, formerly, when we were children. It is as St. Paul 
says : ' When I was a child I spake as a chUd, I understood as a 
chUd, I thought as a child ; but when I became a man I put away 
chUdish things.' ""« 

" It will be necessary to return to that state, if you still have 
any wish for unity." 

" We cannot believe that which contradicts the evidence of the 
Scriptures. No, we shall not do that, even though the Waldenses 
wished to compel us. It is our turn to say : ' We ought to obey 
God vather than men.' As you know, Paul resisted those who 

The Waldbnses of Italy. 73 

wanted to bring him under the yoke of the law ; and Peter, after 
he had proclaimed the order which he had received in a vision, 
touching the conversion of Cornelius, was suffered by the brethren 
of the cu'cumcision to do as he wished ; they created no opposition 
or discord ; on the contrary, they glorified the Lord."^^' 

The two parties were far from being of one mind. It is clear 
■that the French Waldenses were still afraid of schism ; for fear of 
the Church they hesitated about crossing the Eubicon. Their 
brethren in Milan, on the contrary, had learned in a good school 
that conciliation was a snare. They could not consent to a protest 
without issue, and they were not far from anticipating that separa- 
tion which was to take place in the days of the Eeformation. 

After the conference of Bergamo they separated for a long 
time.^^^ The brethren of the diaspora had, moreover, to be officially 
informed, this being necessary to prevent any misunderstand- 
ing. A circular letter was sent addressed " to the brethren and 
friends residing beyond the Alps," in the name of Otto de 
EamezeUo.^*' The vague address seems to imply that the 
liombardy mission was about to be enlarged. Meanwhile the 
letter could hardly be destined for any others than the missionary 
brethren of South Germany, and notably for those who were to be 
found in the district of Passau, which then formed part of the 
Duchy of Austria. Let us take as our guide the inquisitor who 
was on duty there, and he wiU soon put us on the track of the 

The inquisitor of Passau unroUs before our eyes a little 
catalogue, in which are indicated the localities in the diocese of 
Passau alone visited by our ItaHan missionaries. There are 
forty-two, and adherents everywhere. In speaking of twelve of 
them he adds : " And schools are there also."^^* In one place we 
even read : " Schools are also there, and the Bishop ; "^^^ this is at 
Einzispach. Elsewhere, at Kematen, there are "several schools," 
ten it would seem ; but this doleful note is added, " They have 
killed the Curate there. "^^^ Why ? Was it perchance as in Styria, 
where a Curate's barn had been fired, because the Inquisitor had 
lodged in his house ? These reprisals are surprising in one 
respect ; they are rare. It would be odious to infer from this 
that the morals of the dissenters were in unison, especially when 
the Inquisitor himself eulogizes them. We shall have to refer to 
these eulogies later on, and we shall see that they are 

Missing Page 

Missing Page 

76 The Waldenses op Italy. 

Finally came John Huss. By his ecclesiastic tendency, he was 
more nearly associated with WycHffe — whose writings had just 
been scattered throughout Bohemia — than with his own pre- 
decessors. He learned of him, not only what all dissidents had 
thought about the original fall of the Church, that it was in con- 
sequence of the gift of temporal power by Constantine, but further- 
more that in the twelfth century, Satan through the monks of the 
Inquisition had been let loose in the midst of Christendom for the 
purpose of estabUshing the reign of Antichrist, who substitutes for 
the laws of God " the new bulls, which Jesus Christ did not 
issue." Excommunicated by the Pope, he appealed directly t& 
Christ, without referring his cause to the Council. The Pope was 
not so anxious for the reformation of the Church as for the mono- 
poly of the reformation ; rather than renounce this, he put the 
reformer to death. Huss went to the stake on the 6th of July, 
1415. Then it was Jerome of Prague's turn. Meanwhile con- 
science, victorious through martyrdom, was being stiiTed up; 
Jacques of Misa, Curate of Prague, celebrated the Holy Com- 
munion in both kinds. This was the signal for a long and bloody 
war. The Hussites were divided into two parties ; one national 
and conservative — that of the Calixtines,^*'' had Rokycana for a 
leader ; the other, dissident and radical — that of the Taborites,^^* 
was directed by Procopus the Greater. After divers vicissitudes the 
Taborites moderated their excessive zeal, which had sometimes 
partaken of the nature of frenzy; but they never aban- 
doned their distinctive principles, namely : — 

The Bible ; the only rule of faith, independent of the interpre- 
tation of the Fathers. 

Justification by faith ; " the summary of the Gospel and basis 
of Christianity." 

Two Sacraments only ; Baptism and the Lord's Supper. 

From that time the agreement of the parties became impossible, 
at least upon legal and national grounds. The Taborites were 
dispersed and several little sects sprang up. One only of them is 
of interest to us here — that of Peter of Chelcicky. It professed, 
among other maxims, brotherly equality and separation from the 
Antichrist — that is to say, the Pope. Moreover, there was to be 
no anned resistance, and no taking of oaths. The reader per- 
ceives that these maxims go further than those of the Waldenses ; 
indeed, they are an indication of their presence and action. 

The "Waldensbs of Italy. 77 

The beliefs of Chelcicky, according to the national historian 
of Bohemia, showed him to be as much an offshoot of the 
Waldensian as of the Hussite tendency.^^" No one denias 
the presence of the Waldenses,^™ only it is claimed that in 
Bohemia they were not constituted into distinct communi- 
ties.^'^ If so, which party, then, did they most resemble ? They 
were more in afi&nity with the Calaxtines than the Taborites, 
though retaining some of their tendencies. ^''^ The latter's 
austerity of discipline undoubtedly attracted them ; but they M-ere 
in full sympathy with the former, on account of their hesitancy to 
separate radically from the Church of Eome. They still exer- 
cised a certain influence , and were not reduced to receiving every- 
thing without being able to make any return. Wherever there 
is salt its savour wUl be felt. Some among the Waldenses 
of Germany even rose to a place in the general direction of the 
Hussite mission. This was the case, for instance, with Frederick 
Eeiser, who is worthy of special mention. 

He was born in 1401, in the village of Deutach, near Dona- 
wert, and was from his infancy instructed by his father, who had 
made a profession of it in his capacity of a teacher in the doctrine 
of the Waldenses. At 18 years of age, he, desiring to devote him- 
self to the career of an itinerant preacher, was taken by his father 
to a friend, a merchant of Nuremberg, called John of Plauen, 
and placed under his care. This John, of course, belonged 
to the Waldenses' dissent as did the Reisen family ; he inter- 
ested himself zealously in their mission, and loved to prepare 
labourers for it. It was while in Nuremberg that Frederick be- 
came acquainted with the Waldensian teachers, who visited the 
German and Swiss communities. In 1418 he also met a cele- 
brated teacher of Prague, named Peter Payne, who was at that 
time striving to bring about a union between the Hussites and the 
Waldenses, and by him the activity of the young Levite was 
influenced in the same direction, Eeiser went forth to visit 
difierent locaHties in Germany and Switzerland. As a preacher 
he visited the communities of his brethren ; as a merchant the 
customers of the house of Plauen. Finally, he settled in Heils- 
bronn, near Ansbach in Franconia, there succeeding in gathering 
together a certain number of adherents. Soon he underwent 
strange vicissitudes. The war of the Hussites was going on 
around him, and he was taken and carried away a captive in their 

78 The Waldenses of Italy. 

midst. This was the decisive moment of his life. At Prague 
and Tabor, Frederick entered into relations with the ecclesiastics ; 
here he found again his old friend Peter Payne, and through his 
instrumentality, received priestly ordination at the hands of 
Nicholas, Bishop of the Taborites. He then accompanied the 
Hussite deputies to the Council of Basle. Returning into 
Bohemia, Procop the Great, chief of the Taborites, sent him to 
his new destination, the little city of Landscron. His sojourn in 
Bohemia was not without advantage to the cause of union. He 
was forced to the conclusion that, without the support of the 
Taborites, there was no future for the Waldensian mission in 
Germany, and that its scattered and isolated communities, almost 
strangers to each other, had everything to gain by joining a move- 
ment, whose effect was to bring them together and estabUsh a 
bond of union between them. He resumed his of&ce of itinerant 
preacher that he might again visit his dispersed brethren, feed 
them, and bring them to the desired union. He certainly 
sojourned at Strasburg, at Basle, at Heilsbronn, and again with 
his old friends in Heroldsberg, not far from Nuremberg. If he 
did return to Bohemia at this time, it was probably only to obtain 
the definite sanction of his plans for organisation. At Tabor 
the establishment of a fixed number of itinerant preachers, under 
the direction of four Bishops, was determined upon, and the 
special superintendence of the Waldensian communities of Ger- 
many was put into Eeiser's hands. Thenceforth he bore this title 
" Frederick, by the grace of God, Bishop of the faithful, who, 
in the Romish Church, reject the donation of Constantine."-''' 
If union were brought about, the Inquisition was always on 
the watch to destroy it, and as early as 1458 Reiser succumbed at 
Strasburg. It seems that the torments of the rack extorted 
incoherent avowals from him, as they did later from Savonarola. 
As Gino Capponi said, in speaking of the latter, one may 
have the heart and not the fibres of a martyr.^''* Reiser went to 
the stake together with his faithful companion, Anna Weiler, of 
Franconia, and their ashes were thrown together into the 

Duriug the same year Matthew Hagen, who had been 
ordained by Reiser, died at the stake in Berlin, he proving him- 
self more staunch than his Bishop, notwithstanding the threats 
and seductions to which his companions had finally yielded.^'^ 

The Waldenses of Italy. 79 

While the monks of the Inquisition were still bent upon des- 
truction, the Bohemian Brethren built up the edifice of their 
unity. It was composed of divers elements, both Calixtine and 
Taborite, cemented by the discipline which Peter of Chelcicky 
had just elaborated. The plan on which it was arranged was the 
law of God. The organisation was completed in 1467, by the 
election of nine ministers, one of whom was called to the office 
of Bishop. Then a serious question arose as to who was to con- 
secrate him ; to decide this the Brethren appealed to the Waldensian 
fraternity. There were a certain number in the Duchy of Austria, 
their origin, it was said, dating back to the days of the primitive 
Church. In one of his writings, Chelcicky tells how Sylvester 
and Waldo, fleeing from the Imperial Beast, had hidden in the 
woods ; and how Constantine, having meanwhile embraced the 
Christian faith, sent an animal for Sylvester to ride and brought 
him back to Eome, where he received the fatal donation.^'' Waldo 
did not return ; he kept aloof and protested against Sylvester. 
" Thou dost not act," said he, " according to the doctrine and 
example given to us by Christ and our fathers the Apostles. "^^* 
This legend was not contradicted by the Waldenses ; Stephen 
their Bishop even believed it. Thereupon the Brethren decided 
to free themselves from the yoke of Romish sacerdotal consecra- 
tion ; they even laid it solemnly aside and obtained the ordina- 
tion of one of their Elders at the hands of a venerable Walden- 
sian ecclesiastic. This act generated doubts ; however, it was asked 
if this were the true priestly consecration, would it not be more 
surely guaranteed and complete if received from a Bishop, and finally 
Stephen was asked to intervene. He conferred the laying on of 
hands upon Matthias of Kunewald, the first Bishop of the Unity 
of Brethren, who hastened to impart it to two Elders, his 
colleagues. Thereby the brethren thought they would again be- 
come attached to the true Church and accompKsh their separation 
fi-om that of Eome.^^' It has been claimed that Stephen had 
been consecrated by a Catholic Bishop, but this is a myth. 
Moreover, it is not a question of finding in Stephen a Bishop in 
the ordinary sense of the word, but in its primitive and scriptural 
acceptation.^^" It is to be regretted that he was not supported in 
Austria by the other Waldensian ecclesiastics. Had he been, 
their example would have induced their flocks to adhere in a body 
to the Unity of Brethren, but they had become more jealous for 

80 The Waldensbs of Italy. 

their Koman consecration and the privileges it conferred than for 
their profession of poverty. Stephen's entreaties were all in vain, 
and, if the truth has been told, his zeal for union betrayed him 
to the Inquisitors of heresy, who condemned him to the stake at 
Vienna.^^^ A few years later Stephen's colleagues passed over to 
the Church of Eome and the Waldenses of Austria were no 
longer heard of. 

If it be true that a few degenerate Waldenses left the Brethren 
to themselves, it is not necessarily to be inferred from this that the 
Waldensian mission in Bohemia was fruitless. The Unity owes 
it something more than the martyred Bishop's hand of fellow- 
ship ; she owes to it, partly at least, her very cohesion, and that dis- 
cipline, which Peter of Chelcicky received fi"om the Waldenses as 
much as from his Hussite ancestors. At any rate, the mission of 
the Waldenses has been fruitful for Germany ; it there sowed the 
first seeds of the Eefonnation — the Bible — long before Luther's 
time.^*^ This is now being recognised. " We acknowledge," 
exclaims a learned man, " that the Waldenses exercised a more 
vigorous and wide- spread influence in Germany before the Eefor- 
mation than has been hitherto beHeved,"^*' and another writer 
adds, " their history is far from having enjoyed among us the con- 
sideration it deserves. ^^ 

We shall not follow the traces of the dispersion of the Wal- 
denses any further ; indeed, they cannot be followed. What 
we have said suffices to prove their missionary zeal, which made 
them carry out their Master's order, " Go into all the world."^*' 
Less than a century after their first banishment, one of their 
persecutors confessed that they had spread everywhere. " Where 
is," he exclaimed, "the country to be found, in which their sect 
does not exist ?" Unfortunately, the Inquisition also was 
spreading everywhere on their track, putting out, one by one, the 
torches that were gleaming in the darkness, and we are assured 
that one of the Waldensian mai-tyrs confessed to his judges that 
the cause for which he was about to die ' ' was a fire soon to 
disappear. "^^^ With all that a light does still hold on to bum 
upon yonder " Alpine-altar." 

The Waldbnses op Italy. 81 


The Alpine Eepuge. 

Religious ideas, like birds, have a tendency to build nests 
for themselves — llie retreat of the Waldenses into the 
Valleys of the Alps loas occasioned by two facts : their 
banishment from Lyons and the Crusade against the 
Albigenses — The Waldenses reach the Italian side and 
establish themselves there, thanks to the concurrence of diverse 
circumstances— The configuration of the country — Un- 
cultivated lands — Is there any reason to admit the existence of 
traces of ancient local dissent in the Italian Valleys ? — Dis- 
cussion upon this point tends to prove the vicinity, if not the 
presence, of the sect of the Gathari — The Abbey of St. Mary of 
Pignerol and the Castle of Lucerna — Thomas I., Count of 
Savoy and the House of Achaia — New Colonies : that of 
Calabria — First decrees of persecution against the Waldenses 
■of the Valleys : that of Turin, and that of Pignerol — The 
Inquisition : its " raison d'etre " and its establishment — The 
■strongholds capitulate : Podesta Oldrado in Milan and 
the repression in the country toivns — First assaults of the 
Monks at Perosa, Angrogna, Pragelas, and in Dauphiny — 
Two neiv decrees, one by Louis XL and the other by the 
Duchess lolante — First Crusade against the Waldenses : 
Innocent VIII. and his Bull : a check in the Valleys of Pied- 
mont and cruelties in Dauphiny — A Waldensian deputation 
at Pignerol — An inquiry at Freyssinieres and the letter of 
Louis XII. — Margaret of Foix and the first glorious return 
— What was going on within — The Barbes, the Mission and 
the School — Condition of the Waldenses on the eve of 
the Reformation. 

AS with primitive tribes, so it is with creeds ; after having 
wandered about for some time they finally settle down on 
the spot where their native genius can take root. It is a law of 

82 The Waldenses of Italy. 

nature. " As soon as a new creed is revealed to mankind it seeks 
a new country for its development. As the young birds which, 
as soon as hatched, set out all ignorant to find the climate and 
shelter most suited to them ; as the hidden stream which flows 
by the most direct route to the lake it has never seen; even 
so does a rehgious idea, hardly conceived in the genius of a people, 
go forth to seek in nature the type into which it is to develope."^^^ 
This was the case with religious ideas in the East until the 
appearance of Christianity, and it was also that of the religious 
reactions of the Middle Ages down to the Eeformation which was 
the crown of all. All seek nests for themselves ; the Cathari in 
Bosnia, the Albigenses in Toulouse, the Patarins in Milan, the 
Joachimists in Calabria, God's Friends in Alsace, the Apostolics 
in the mountains of Novara, the Taborites in Tabor. To-day the 
homes of aU of those ancient forms of dissent are deserted. 
Sheltered by the Alps, that of the "Waldenses stUl exists. 
It is worth whUe, therefore, to point out the circumstances in the 
midst of which they were led to estabhsh themselves there. 

We have already remarked that immediately after their exile 
from Lyons, there were some who took refuge in Dauphiny, and 
there constituted the stock from which the Waldenses of the Alps 
are sprung. This is the well-authenticated report of local 
tradition.^*' A chronicle of Mahnes in the Valley of Queyras says 
that " the Waldenses, having been driven out from Lyons, a 
number of them took refuge in the country and began to settle in 
Pimouzet ; thence they spread into Ginaillaud, Villar, La Pisse, 
and Les Pres, the other hamlets of the country being free from 
them."^^* Now these names correspond to a number of locahties 
contained in a little district situated at the junction of the valleys 
of Pelvoux and Durance. Pimouzet, which the Waldensian refugees 
are said to have made their first stopping place, is situated at the 
lower end of Val Louise, on the right, and is now known by the name 
of Puy-Saint-Eusebe. PinaUlaud is on the left ; it is now called 
Puy-AUlaud. Le ViUar is upon the left bank of the Durance, 
opposite Puy- Saint- Andre. La Pisse is at the bottom of a small 
lateral vaUey which terminates with the monastery of Briancon. 
Lastly, Les Pres are below the Vignaux, another vUlage of Val 
Louise, which was inhabited by the Waldenses.^** From these 
different localities, many of the refugees climbed the heights, crossed 
the frontier, and reached the valleys on the Italian side,^^^ pre- 

The Waldenses of Italy. 83 

ceded perhaps by the first scouts, if it be true that any were sent 
on by Waldo before leaving Lyons. This last supposition is 
credited by Gilles. "It is thought," he says, "that these perse- 
cuted Lyonnais, foreseeing the necessity of a retreat, had before 
moving them from Lyons, sent some one to reconnoitre and find 
out beforehand some places where they might put their house- 
holds in safety." Our historian adds that Waldo "accom- 
panied that band coming toward the Alps of Piedmont, and saw 
his flock settled there before he left it to return to the other 
bands, which had started out towards the North, and of whom he 
led a portion into Bohemia." All this is possible, only we must 
admit that it is not supported by any fact ; nay, more, there is 
nothing to indicate the presence of the Waldenses in the Italian 
Valleys of the Alps before the year 1209, which was the first year 
of the Crusade against the Albigenses. That event alone would 
suf6.ce to account for the emigration of which we are speaking ; 
but it is probable that its only effect was to increase the 
proportions of it. 

We do not propose to relate here the history of that famous 
Crusade. It is weU known that Innocent III. was the soul of it, 
Dominic the Apostle, Simon de Montfort the executioner, and 
Raymond VI., Count of Toulouse, its most illustrious victim. In 
the eyes of Eome the latter had become, right or wrong, the 
personification of the evil genius of Eebellion in religion even 
more than in politics. Now, let us not forget that this was the 
time of the most powerful Pontiff that ever lived. It was he who 
realized the aspirations of the Conqueror of Canossa, and put forth 
pretensions which were boundless. " The Pope," he himself 
said, " acknowledges no superior except God. He is the mediator 
between God and men ; less than God, more than man. He is 
set over nations and kingdoms. According to the divine law, kings 
and priests are anointed ; the priest, however, anoints the king, 
not the king the priest. Now he who anoints holds a higher rank 
than he who is anointed. Priesthood is as far above royalty in 
rank as the soul is superior to the body. At the beginning of the 
world God placed two great lights in the canopy of heaven, one 
to shine by day and the other by night. As the moon receives its 
light from the sun, so do princes receive their power from us."^^^ 
Such is the papal doctrine. The rule of action, which Innocent 
^3arried out, Jean-sans-Terre knew something of, as did also King 

84 The Waldenses of Italy. 

Philip Augustus. Nay, was not the Emperor Frederick compelled 
to bow his head ? Now, when emperors and kings bowed the head, 
it was not for an insignificant Count of Toulouse to lift up his. 
If his predecessors had practised toleration, it was now, thought 
the great Pontiff, high time to stop. From the very first year of his 
reign, he had recalled the monks of Citeaux to their ofi&ce, which 
was to preach the Crusade. There had been Crusades in Asia ; 
why not have some in Europe ? People had rushed upon the 
Saracens ; but were not heretics even more wicked and 
dangerous ? Hence, death to the heretics ! The Crusade was- 
proclaimed towards the end of 1207. It was a hunting field on a 
gigantic scale, worthy of Olympus and Tartarus. The king of 
France was invited to join, together with all the nobility who had 
willing minds. The Dominicans, those excellent hounds, were 
set loose, and all monkhood with them. The Count of Toulouse- 
wavered, yielded, and wished to capitulate ; it was in vain. This 
was not enough, there was another and necessary element in this 
Crusade. After all, it was not so much a question of bringing 
him back to obedience as "of catching the little foxes which d& 
not cease from devastating the vineyard of the Lord."^*' Eighteen 
cities and one hundred and twenty-four villages, with more than 
60,000 inhabitants, gave way. It was determined upon to lay the 
land under an interdict, as in the East. Was this caused by 
thirst for carnage, or was it a piece of strategy in order to produce 
a general panic, which should hasten on the victoiy ? One or the 
other it must have been, if we are to accoimt for the massacre of 
Beziers, for instance, where all the inhabitants were slain, 
including the 7,000 who, mad with terror, crouched down in the 
Church of St. Magdalen. " Nothing could save them," says a 
Troubadour, "neither cross, nor crucifix, nor altars; I do not 
believe a single one escaped."^^'' It was in this terrible hour that 
the legate Arnaud is said to have spoken the cynical words, " "Kill 
them aU; God knows his own.''-'^ United in their death or 
flight, Albigenses and Waldenses crowded the highways ; dazed 
with fright they rushed peU-meU, mostly toward the East. This 
new exodus, only to be compared to the one seen afterwards in 
France after the revocation of the Edict of Nantes, stripped the 
South of its industrious population. Whither should they flee ? 
The enemy were everywhere holding the outlets. In the meantime 
a large number succeeded in reaching Dauphiny, where they were 

The Waldenses op Italy. 85 

received by their brethren. Soon the country became unable to 
accommodate so great an influx of people. The valleys of 
Freyssinieres and Louise were invaded ; but the tide of emigration 
kept flowing in day by day. Finally, the most needy formed a 
group, and in their turn reached the frontier. The pass of Mont- 
Genevre unites the valleys of the Durance and the Doire ; that of 
Sestrietres makes a communication between the former and the 
smaller valleys of Cluson and Pragelas. Now it is unnecessary to 
demonstrate that natural communications determine the relations 
between contiguous populations. Habitual, even intimate rela- 
tions, must have been formed between the inhabitants of those 
three vaUeys, and the old Eoman road which crosses their tera- 
tories is a sufficient proof of the antiquity of this intercourse ; 
hence, the refugees had only to follow the established current to 
enter into relations with the Italian valleys. ^'^ They descended 
mostly into the graceful little valley of Pragelas, at that time 
comprised in the territory of Count Gui of Vienne. According 
to a certain local tradition, the road of the Traversette, near Viso, 
did not exist then, as it dates only from 1220 ; but if the pass 
were open for the Saracens who had gone up from the valley of the 
Po into that of Queyras, whence they had finally been driven out 
after much difficulty, why should it not be open for the fugitives 
who crossed it in an opposite direction ? More than one band 
ventured into the footpaths of the Croix and Julien passes, lead- 
ing up to the heights above the central valleys of Lusema, Perosa, 
and St. Martin, but the bulk of the colony settled in Pragelas, 
whence it soon overflowed into the neighbouring valleys. " Being 
once established there," says a Catholic writer, " their own needs' 
compelled them to be so industrious and skilful in cultivating the 
soil even to the remotest little patches of ground, that, with no 
other occupation or riieans of supporting their abeady numerous 
families, they gradually cleared enough to supply their wants. 
Still finding themselves much cramped for room in the Pragelas 
and the neighbouring mountains, which could only with great 
difficulty shelter them all — for they were multiplying with great 
rapidity — they passed thence into the mountains of Piedmont, 
which are above Perier, and into the valleys of St. Martin and 
those of Val Lucerne that constitute the upper part of the com- 
munities of Angrogna, Villar, and Bobbie."^"' 

■86 The Waldenses of Italy. 

The Waldenses have anived. They have earned by the sweat 
of their brow the places which will be their retreat from one gene- 
ration to another. The sky is seldom clear over their heads, 
but ftirther on it unrolls its azure vault. At their feet ravines 
run down to the valleys of Pelis and Cluson, intersected by dales 
whose upper end is closed by granite walls, but are bordered lower 
down with wooded and green hills. Pathways run along the 
rivers and debouche with them at the httle city of Pignerol. 
There the plain of Piedmont opens out, intersected by the Po. 
On its north are the snow-clad Alps ; on its south the dark mass 
of the Apennines, almost shrouded in the clouds. 

One might be tempted to believe that the fugitives had come 
there incontinent, like the leaves, blown hither and thither by the 
storm raging behind them. But it is not so ; their emigration 
was well reasoned. GUles tells us it was justified by different 
circumstances, by the simultaneous occurrence of which, the 
estabHshment of the Waldensian colony was destined soon to be an 
accomplished fact. 

In the first place, with regard to security, " the situation was 
favourable to their condition."^** An individual qualified to judge 
of this observed, not long ago, that the valleys of Piedmont, 
made up, as we know they are, of the valley of the Pelis and a 
part of that of Cluson, which are two afiluents of the Po, have as 
a whole " the form of a quadrilateral, with boundaries clearly 
marked by ridges of difScalt access." " On the Italian side," he 
goes on to say, " they have extremely steep slopes, and are 
separated by short and abrupt spurs, whose extremities, formed 
of granite rock, draw near each other and give to the Alps, when 
looked at from Turin, the appearance of an immense wall enclosing 
a garden."2S5 Indeed, it has been calculated that the double zone, 
which comes down from the ridge of the frontier to the plain of 
the Po on one side and to the Rhone on the other, stretches out 
raeven times further in the direction of France than in that of 
Italy. Furthermore, it is a fact worthy of notice, that in the case 
of the latter the valleys are joined together by upper passes, all 
directed towards a common entrance which can be easily closed ; 
while with the former, the valleys are independent, and open into 
France through separate roads which afford as many ways of ingress 
for an enemy. It is easy to see what might result from this. 
Moreover, history has confirmed the fact that, on the French 

The Waldenses of Ital'x. 87 

side, the Waldensian population hardly succeeded in liolding its 
own, except in the upper valleys, which communicate with the 
more privileged Italian valleys, while on the other side they were 
able to face attack ; hence we have a natural explanation of the 
fact, which is, however, none the less marvellous, that the Wal- 
denses were preserved in those countries in the midst of enemies 
bent on theu' destruction. If we compare their situation with 
that of their brethren dispersed in so many different lands, we 
can easily understand how, elsewhere, they finally disappeared, 
nor need their preservation here be — as it has often been — 
claimed as due to the intervention of miraculous power. The 
hand of Providence was sufficiently apparent in the fact of the 
fugitives' arrival, and especially in the circumstances which con- 
duced to theu' establishment in that lofty retreat ; and it is not 
reasonable that we should refuse to recognize that hand till later, 
and then only in a few isolated facts, and almost in such a manner 
as to give the impression that the God of the Israel of the Alps- 
is "a God of the hills. "^'^ Historians " more pious than 
erudite " — remarks iu this connection a writer who is both — have 
attributed to continual Providential intervention that victorious 
resistance to the multiplied attacks of the enemy. It is not 
necessary to explain their success by means of supernatural 
interference ; it is sufficient to examine the configuration of the 
country carefuUy.^''' An instinct almost as sure as that of the 
eagle guided the Waldenses to those high valleys, where we find 
the cradle of their generations. They were the more easily able 
to put their trust in God, in that they sought for safety under the 
covert of nature's wings. Such instinct oftentimes makes up for 
scientific strategical observation, nor withal renders faith useless. 
Faith wUl, when necessary, of itself perform miracles — who has 
not witnessed that ? Meanwhile, it cannot be questioned, as one 
of their historians has said, that the situation of the new centime, 
in which the Waldensian colony established itself, was favourable 
to their condition. With his opinion the following words of the 
Catholic chronicle seem to agree : — " The situation of the valleys, 
shut in on all sides by high mountains, caused them to be sought 
after as retreats by the heretics when driven out of France. "^^^ 
After that there is no need of becoming over-excited or of resorting 
to prophecy, after the manner of Leger, who explains the situation 
of the country by the purpose of God, " who had prepared it. 

88 The Waldensbs of Italy. 

according to the prophecy of St. John, for the preservation of the 
woman clothed with the sun, who holds the moon under her feet 
against all the floods of persecution which the great red dragon 
might cast out of his mouth against her."^^' 

If we examine facts, we shall find that the locaUty we are dis- 
cussing was favourable to the refugees from a second stand-point. 
There was in the Alpine Valleys, says Gilles, "a considerable 
amount of unoccupied land suitable for their wants." In other 
words, half of the country was, when the new settlers anived, 
still uncultivated, if not wooded. Its inhabitants, gathered here 
and there in isolated hamlets, " cultivated hardly any but those 
spots of more attractive appearance, the tilling of which was easy 
and profitable ; so that the new comers, by means of proper 
agreements, easily obtained from those who held it, sufficient land 
in the higher territory of all the valleys, on which to build their 
homes, with fields to cultivate for a subsistence. There, in the 
different districts, they built their best and most secure viUages.'"" 
To be convinced of this one has only to glance over some of the 
most ancient documents belonging to the noble house of Luserna, 
relating to the valley of that name and the smaller ones of 
Angrogna and Rora, bordering upon it,'"^ or study the act of 
donation by which Adelaide of Susa granted to the Abbey of 
Pignerol the right of sovereignty over the small territoiy which 
skirts the Cluson. It wiU be seen that in Val Perosa especially, 
and even in Val St. Martin, there were uncultivated localities in 
abundance, whilst the inhabitants were few. The Waldenses 
established themselves in these regions comfortably, and so as to 
leave but little room for the Catholic population ; this could not 
be said regarding the valleys nearest the plain. Furthermore, the 
aspect presented by the entii-e Italian slope, both as regards culti- 
vation and habitation, points to these conclusions. Indeed, "four 
habitable zones, one above the other, and clearly distinguished by 
their produce,"^"^ are distinctly visible ; so that the most super- 
ficial observer is struck by the fact, and asks himself what the 
cause of this may be. The reason is to be found in movements 
of the population upwards or downwards, according to the 
exigencies of the situation ; it had to mount upwards under 
the pressure of persecution by the troops of the Duke of 
of Savoy and of the outlaws turned loose by the Pope and the 
monks. The site of the highest hamlets, that of the churches 

The Waldbnses of Italy. 89 

especially, is very significant in this respect. It reveals, at one 
and the same time, the necessity for security from a surprise by 
the enemy and the effect of a continuous oppression, sanctioned 
by law. " It is a remarkable thing," someone lately observed,, 
" that, after more than six centuries and a half have elapsed since 
the Poor of Lyons came with their families to occupy the highest 
of the Waldensian Valleys of Italy, it would probably not be im- 
possible, even to-day, to draw approximately the line which marked 
the lower limit of habitation assigned by the natives to their 
ultramontane brethren ; so much difference is there between the 
patois used in the mountains and in the plain, and even in certain 
towns, between the patois of the hill and that of the lower 
valley. "^"^ But let us return to the soil itself, for it gives us even 
more information. At the foot of the rocky, bare, and water- 
bearing snow-capped heights, the gi'ound is covered with fine and 
sweet-scented grass only, utilized during thesummer in the pasturage 
of cattle. Lower down, the coniferous trees and beeches appear, 
and among them the first chalets Still lower we find chestnut trees, 
wheatfields and permanent dwellings. The refugees were un- 
doubtedly obliged to reach this zone to procure their food, and it 
was only little by little that they mingled with the native popula- 
tion of the hill- sides near the plain, to participate there 
in the raising of corn, the cultivation of the mulberry aud 
fruit trees and the vine with its waving tendrils. Gradually 
they brought the vegetation higher up, as it were, and took 
advantage for their sustenance of aU the resources of their 
limited temtory, so that " every undulation of the ground it) 
covered with cultivated fields, meadows, houses, and villages, with 
their thick frame of fruit trees and high trained vines. No 
portion has been permitted .to lie fallow, and life and vegetation 
are seen wherever the bare rock does not show above ground. In 
several places, even the rock itself, is clothed and blooming, 
thanks to the earth with which it has been artificially covered, and 
to the little streams of water skilfully directed thereupon."^'* 
The chestnut tree is the one that towers above this varied 
vegetation. It is as a king, and it has been named the national 
-tree of the Waldenses. It is found scattered about on 
all the hills, spreading out its green canopy, and gracefully 
breaking the line of the horizon. It bears a delicious fruit of a 
variety called the Lombarda, renowned for its size and sweet 

'90 The WiLDENSES of Italy. 

flavour, and this fruit serves the Waldensian population in the 
same manner as the polenta of com flour does the Piedmontese 
peasant, and the potato the Lishman. Often during the persecu- 
tions no other sustenance was obtainable ; hence it is that the 
Waldenses cultivate with a sort of filial affection that " Saviour 
tree,""" which at an early date covered the ground occupied by their 
ancestors and grew to a considerable height. It might be concluded 
that they hastened to plant chestnut trees on their arrival at the 
lower levels, and that afterwards they took them with them when 
they retreated to the heights, in order that their necessary bread 
might be within reach. 

So much with regard to the situation of the valleys, from the 
standpoint of their configui-ation and conditions of soU. We are 
thereby afforded good reasons for the anival of the Waldensian 
refugees and their attempt to settle there; without, perhaps, 
sufficient explanation of the stability and permanence of their 
establishment. In order to understand this, one must take into 
account, not only the natural smToundings, but also the induce- 
ments offered by the existing society with its more or less 
unsettled ideas. Now, on this point we must hear what GUles 
says. " The natives and their neighbours," he writes, " were 
not far from having the same feelings and knowledge, with 
regard to religion, and they gave evidence of this by the prompt- 
ness with which a great number of them joined the Lyonnais and 
professed the same reHgion."^"* Thereupon he invokes — ^rather 
vial apropos — the testimony of a Catholic wiiter of his time, in 
order to show that upon their anival in the valleys " the Wal- 
denses found there the true seed of reUgion."'"' This conclusion 
^oes too fai- ; it overleaps the facts. As yet there had been 
nothing that could positively justify such a conclusion, so that 
whatever value it may have is only that due to d priori reasoning ; 
in any case, in order to arrive at this conclusion facts should not 
be forced. Now what may be the meaning of this phrase — " true 
seed of religion ?" According to some, it refers to a certain 
more or less evangelic and anti-Roman tendency in a latent state ; 
according to others it means "Biblical principles," properly so- 
caUed, which already flourished before the Waldensian immigra- 
tion. In our opinion, the first interpretation does not give per- 
haps the fuH meaning of Gilles' words ; but, if it weakens them, 
it is in order to make them agree with the facts. The second, on 

The Waldenses of Italy. 91 

the contrary, strains tlie words of Gilles and invents freely. It 
expresses an absolutely gratuitous opinion, which is on that 
account unsustainable.^"* 

Is then the conventional belief to be repudiated ? We think 
that it necessarily must be. But it may be said by the reader 
that he has not yet been made able to form definite opinions 
on that poiat, and he may wish to know more about the matter. 
He may wish to know still more about the actual ongin ; he 
may say that at the beginning of the book that was discussed 
from a general standpoint only. We shall, therefore, succinctly 
restate the arguments. Some have contended that the Apostles 
Paul and James may well have sown the true seed of religion in 
Waldensian soil when on their way to Spain ; but this theory cannot 
be seriously maintained. Even were it the case, as has been 
asserted, that the Gospel penetrated to these valleys in the early 
days of the Church, when the persecutions of the Csesars were 
being carried on, this would not require us to admit that Christian 
faith took root there and maintained itself continuous and un- 
changeable. Such a conclusion could only be tenable on the 
assumption that the ancestors of the Waldenses had been more 
successful in escaping from the influence of the world than were 
the monks who retired into the desert. It is upon such an 
hypothesis, however, that it is possible to imagine that the Wal- 
denses dispensed with the Eeformation. It is true that GiUes 
does not venture thus far, but Leger and Rizzi go if possible 
further, and indeed reproach Gilles with having accepted the name 
of "reformed." It is stoutly asserted by them that the Wal- 
denses obtained their belief from the Apostles or their immediate 
successors, and that from that time " it has never changed in the 
valleys," and that, therefore, the Waldenses "have never under- 
gone any reformation." Were these things indeed so, the question 
would arise : Have the Waldenses been a race of living beings or 
a collection of immobile mummies ? Is there nothing for the 
Waldenses to repeat but the "apology of their evangelical 
immobility ?" 

The principal champion of the Waldensian legend is himself 
compelled to admit that " it would be absurd to ask for proofs of 
the apostolic succession of the Waldensian Church in times 
anterior to the seventh centui-y."^^^ Up to that time — indeed up to 
the time of Claudius, Bishop of Turin — there is no reason to sus- 

92 The Waldenses of Italy. 

pect the existence of Christian doctrines, other than Roman, in 
WaJdensian Valleys. Murton does indeed conjecture that Claudius, 
being a Spaniard, may have visited the Waldenses on his way to 
Italy, and he — the wish being father to the thought — goes on to 
say that he may there have imbibed Waldensian opinions.^^' Of 
course this is but a conjecture on which Murton laid no emphasis, 
for he elsewhere states that " the doctrine of Claudius spread 
from Turin even to the valleys. "^^* 

Claudius presumably imbibed his opinions at the seat of the 
Carlovingians — whose mouthpiece he became on the Italian side of 
the Alps — and from direct study of the Scriptures. It has been 
stated by Leger that with the population of the valleys, he " openly 
separated fr'om the communion of the Eomish Church and from the 
Pope." But Leger could not of his own knowledge know anything 
of this, for he is separated from Claudius by an interval of time 
as wide as that which separates the period of Claudius from that of 
the Apostles. Claudius, as a matter of strict fact, never did separate 
from the Chm'ch of Rome ; when Uving he protested with emphasis 
that he " was preserving unity and desired neither schism, sect, nor 
heresy," and he ever struggled against them^^* as becomes what 
he was — a Bishop. He himself states that while protesting 
against the errors in his church he stood alone in the breach ;^" 
and it seems likely that his protests perished with him, for unlike 
Fra Dolcino, of whose retreat in the mountains of Novara local 
tradition'^' still teUs, no record of any kind remains in the vaUey 
that commemorates his protest.'^' It is true that Leger states 
that the doctiine of the Waldenses differs in nothing from that 
of Claudius ; and other writers have repeated his statement, 
though it wUl bear no investigation.'^" Brezzi, on the other hand, 
asserts that the original articles of faith of the Waldenses were 
identical with those of Brays. 

Those conjectures are wide of the mark, and on careful 
examination of the matter a different conclusion is reached. The 
Waldensian re-action has its own distinctive character, and the 
settlement in the valleys of those who took part in it cannot be 
doubted and sufficiently explains the origin of the dissenting 
population there. Their establishment is possible under the con- 
ditions heretofore pointed out ; political circumstances fe,voured 
it as well. It has sometimes been claimed that there was in the 
Italian Alpine Valleys, or in their vicinity, before the time of the 

The Waldbnses of Italy. 93 

arrival of the refugees from Lyons, a distinct anti-Roman tendency. 
It has been claimed that a search in the archives of such houses 
as those of Lucerne and Pignol, and neighbouring monasteries 
"would reveal secrets which would establish this view. It was 
said by Leger himself that but for a fire which consumed his 
memoirs this theory would have been established, and Meytre 
seems to credit this.^^^ So much does imagination rule in ques- 
tions of this kind that there be many who imagine that the 
archives hold secrets that would establish their views about the 
apostolic origin of the Waldenses. Such forget the fact that the 
archives have been searched, and that nothing has been found 
which can be cited in support of the opinion that an evangelical 
population existed in the valleys before the arrival of Waldo's 
■disciples. Baron Manueli di S. Giovani testifies to this. He 
says : — " The first germs of the Waldensian heresy, in the vaUeys of 
Piedmont were brought there from neighbouring French provinces, at 
the end of the 12th century." Before that time they did not 
•exist there, and he adds the following proof, to those alleged by 
the most , creditable writers, Protestant as weU as Catholic : — 
■" No mention of them is found in any authenticated document ; 
neither in foundation deeds nor other documents concerning 
monasteries and churches, erected not long before in these 
very territories and in neighbouring ones. They contain 
no allusion to the existence of heretics in their vicinity. Had 
heretics existed allusions to them would have been sure to occur 
and the expediency of making these foundations with a view to 
combatting their errors and defending the Catholic faith would 
have been demonstrated in the deeds.^^^ It has been claimed by 
some that as early as the eleventh century some ghmmerings of 
evangelical light are discernible in the Waldensian valleys. Monas- 
tier is cited as saying that Pietro Damiani complained in a letter 
to the Duchess Adelaide of Susa that the clergy of her States " did 
not observe the ordinances of the Church."^^^ 

Monastier is mistaken, however. Damiani does not say that 
the law of celibacy, sanctioned by Pope Gregory VII., met with 
strong opposition everywhere, even in the States of the Duchess. 
On this account, Damiani wrote to Adelaide concerning the in- 
continence of his clergy — de clericorum in continentiaP^ On 
the other hand he found fault with Bishop Cunibert of Turin for 
permitting priests to marry.^^' The question, therefore, was that 

94 The Waldenses of Italy. 

of the marriage of priests, which the Pope wanted to put a stop 
to, and which he called incontinence. This had not anything to 
do with the Waldenses, who were chaste, even in the Koman 
sense of the word and upon the testimony of their enemies. 

Then the bull of Pope Victor II. to Viniman, Archbishop of 
Embrun is cited. It is dated in the year 1057, and according to 
Hudry-Menos, it states that Archbishop Viniman was invited 
" to take measures against heresy," and warned that his diocese 
" was wonderfully corrupted thereby."^^^ 

But the bull itself reads thus : — " The Church of Embrun, 
formerly so remarkable for its piety and wealth, has been plunged 
into misery and corruption — first, by the Saracen invasion and 
cruelties ; then by the arrival and sojourn of fugitives and people 
without discipline ; and finally, by the long oppression imdergone- 
by its pastors. "^-^ There is in this allusion to heresy, and if there 
be taken into account the political troubles of that epoch, the 
anarchy and disorder caused by the Saracens and Hungarians in 
Embran as much as in the surrounding country, the words of the 
bull are capable of a perfectly natural explanation. Again it is 
stated, on the authority of Murton that Urbanus 11., in the year 
1026, denounced Val Louise as " tainted with heresy."'^* 

The text, however, contains no such statement.'^' 

Then Monastier, quoting the so-called chi'onicle of St. Throu, 
in Belgium, states that a monk, called Radulphus, about to start 
for Italy, complained how, on crossing the Alps, he had to traverse 
" a territory contaminated by an inveterate heresy touching the 
body and blood of the Lord""^'" This chronicle dates apparently 
from the beginning of the twelfth centmy. It is claimed that 
the territory mentioned is in the Valleys of the Alps. These 
words are put forth as "an indication of evangelical and anti- 
Bomish tendencies among the inhabitants of the valleys, before 
the arrival of Waldo or of his followers. "''"^ 

But the quotation is unfortunate. The chronicle of St. Thron 
does not speak of a territory at the crossing of the Alps. Badal- 
phus went to Rome, it says, and reached that city after having been 
robbed by marauders. He stopped a few days there, and hardly 
knew how to decide with reference to the rest of his journey. He 
had just been told that one of the territories he intended to 
traverse " was contaminated by an inveterate heresy touching the 
body and blood of the Lord." What still further augmented his 

The Waldenses of Italy. 95 

uneasiness " was a pain in his hip which had troubled him for 
some time. It prevented his walking, and did not eyen permit 
him to ride on horseback." He therefore abandoned his plan and 
returned by the way of the St. Bernard.'^- There is, therefore, no 
occasion to look for a nest of heresy at the crossing of the Alps, 
and it must be admitted that, with his lame hip, Eadulphus would 
have been in a bad condition to visit the valleys. Furthermore, 
the heresy alluded to by him was precisely at that time professed 
by the Cathari in Italy and elsewhere, while it was far from 
characterizing the first Waldenses. 

The quotations cited to defend a view should, if possible, be 
obtained direct and not at second hand. Major Eochas d'Aiglun 
said not long ago, " so many books have been lightly written on 
the authority of second-hand documents that now-a-days a reader, 
anxious to get to the bottom of things, cannot rely upon simple 
statements. "^'^ An author should certainly be no less scrupulous 
than his reader, and it is for this reason that so many quotations 
are cited and examined here. 

There remain to be examined the arguments advanced in 
support of the proposition that the early Waldensian protest was 
derived from the reaction of Claudius, or from that of Peter of 
Bruys. The validity of this conclusion has been strongly denied.'^* 

In speaking of the hypothesis of the Waldenses' antiquity, 
Hudry-Menos confesses that he knows not how to prop it up. 
" In order to give an historical basis to this hypothesis," says he, 
" there is need of documents that are wanting."^'" 

In summing up the arguments that have been adyanced in 
proof of the antiquity of the Waldensian faith, we need not arrive 
at a directly negative conclusion. We may believe that the point 
of contact between the Waldensian refugees and the anti-Eomish 
re-action, which stirred the minds of northern Italy, is supplied 
by the Cathari, and the following reasons that support such an 
opinion may be stated. 

The Cathari had spread over the north of Italy before the 
twelfth century. As early as 1028 we have unequivocal indica- 
tions of their presence in the village of Montfort, in the diocese of 
Asti.^^° Afterwards they are found swarming in Susa, Coni, 
Saluzzio, Bagnolo, and other localities in the vicinity of the 
Valleys of Luserna and Pragelas. This being so, the refugees on 
their arrival could count upon their neighbourliness. If before 

96 The Waldenses of Italy. 

the Crusade, Waldenses and Cathari were able to approach each 
other in a brotherly fashion, to the extent of living in harmony 
under the same roof, as we have seen in one instance,'^' it would 
not be extraordinaiyif the same thing should happen again, when 
in the face of such dangers as threatened aU now brought near 
together under the shelter of the Alps. Now this is precisely 
what happened, and we notice without the least surprise that the 
first inquiries of the Inquisition reveal the presence of Cathari 
in the very valleys. In the fourteenth centmy they lived there, 
and there in the following century they as a sect died. Pope 
John XXn. mentions, in 1332, a certain Martin Pastre as having 
preached in those parts " against the incarnation of the Son of 
God and the presence of Christ's body in the sacrament of the 
altar."^^^ If this accusation be correct, it can only refer to some 
of the Cathari. In 1387, Father Septo of Savigliano came to 
establish his tribunal in the Church of St. Dona in Pignerol, 
where he summoned before him a large number of inhabitants of 
the suiTounding places, both from the mountaias and from the 
plain, and very thoroughly indeed did he do his work of prosecution 
in the valleys. The fact that becomes most incontestably evident 
is the intimate and intertwined co-existence of Waldenses and 
Cathari. What brought them thus together? Was it a mis- 
understanding, or a comprise ? The fact is that the Inquisitors 
were puzzled to distinguish between them.''' In 1403 the monk 
Vincent Ferreri visited the vaUeys of the Alps, and there he too 
remarked upon the co-existence of the Waldensian refugees with 
" the Gazari."'*' Finally, in 1451, a man named Phihp Eegis 
came down from Val St. Martin to Pignerol, on account of a 
charge of heresy brought against him by the Judges. His cross- 
examination shows that he himself was no longer able to dis- 
tinguish between the doctrine of the Waldenses and that of the 
Cathaii ; and yet this is the man who, in the absence of the 
Elders, would have been obliged to fill their place.'*^ It is, there- 
fore, evident that a mingling had taken place between the Wal- 
denses and the Cathaii in the veiy bosom of the valleys. The 
question of the date at which this happened is an important one. 
Does it suffice to conclude with the historian of the Cathari, that 
their sect took shelter in those valleys " as early as the beginning 
of the fom-tcenth centuiy ?"'^^ We are inchned to believe tliat 
they did not wait till that time ; we think that the Cathari may 

The Waldenses of Italy. 97 

just as well have preceded the Waldenses in their retreat or have 
accompanied them thither.^*' This would not prevent us from 
recognising the fact that others may afterwards have joined them, 
during the time that they were established there, arriving 
either from France^** or from the upper regions of Italy.^*^ We 
thus see that even religious circumstances conduced to facilitating 
the establishment of the Waldensian colony in the valleys of 
Piedmont ; nor must we lose sight of political circumstances as 

At the moment of the Waldenses' arrival, anarchy threatened 
everywhere. The Pope reigned almost absolute ; he was the 
" roi-soleil " of nations. The Emperor, with his train of vassals, 
— a more or less luminous, but frequently eclipsed satellite 
circled around him. The feudal edifice was shaken ; it threatened 
to tumble down at the people's call for Uberty. The Church, ever 
encroaching, was taking possession of kingdoms, dukedoms, and 
lesser manors. Its power penetrated with that of the Empire, 
even into the Httle valleys of the Cottian Alps. In 1032 the 
royal dynasty of Burgundy ceased to exist. On account of their 
strategic and commercial importance of the passes over the 
frontier, the feudal lords struggled for their possession as they had 
done under King Cottius, the Longobards, the Saracens, and the 
Hungarians, and this struggle they earned on, notwithstanding 
Imperial intervention. The French slope belonged to the county 
of the Dauphin, as did also Val Pragelas ; the Italian slope 
formed a part of the domain of Savoy. Sometimes one Prince, 
sometimes the other, was dominant ; both had to deal with 
bishops, to whom were confided certain privileges and the charge 
of Abbeys which were being enlarged. Among the latter was the 
Abbey of St. Mary of Pignerol, of the Benedictine order, whose 
foundation dates back to a very early period. In 1064 it 
received from the Duchess Adelaide a rich grant of territory. 
Twelve years later, this princess ceded to it all her rights over 
the valleys of the Perosa and St. Martin, and finally she presented 
to the Abbey the Castle of Pignerol and its dependencies.^*^ All 
these gifts were confirmed by the Popes Calixtus II., Victor II., 
and Urbanus II., together with the grants of new privileges.'*'' 
While the Abbey of Pignerol was flourishing, that of Villar in Val 
Pelis was in ruin. The lord of those places had chosen for his 
residence the hiU that rises on the right bank of the river, at the 


98 The Waldenses of Italy. 

point where the little vaUey of Rora opens. He was placed there, 
it is believed, by the Marquis of Susa, to keep the passage of the 
Alps.^* It would be difficult to say from whence this lord sprung. 
It has been supposed that he had Longobard blood in his veins, 
and was related to his sovereign ; a family tradition states that 
the head of the house of Lusema was a monk.'^' If this be 
so, the monk did better service to the Chui-ch by breaking his 
vow of celibacy than by keeping it, for the house of Lusema 
furnished more than one Prior to the abbeys of St. Justus, 
Noralese, St. Michael, Staffarde, Cavour, and Pignerol. The 
genealogical tree begins ■nith Henry of Lusema. His son 
William exercised full right of seigniory in the valley. In 1154, 
he granted some lands in the Alps to the Abbot of Staffarde. He 
had three sons — Henry, whose line soon died out ; Hubert, from 
whom the Manfredi and BiHours are sprung ; and, finally, Peter of 
Angrogna, father of Eichard, Podestat of Pignerol, and of Berenger 
from whom the Eorengs were descended. The three families of 
the Manfredi, BiUours, and Rorengs, were perpetuated to modem 
times ; the last two have now disappeared ; that of the Manfredi still 
exists.'^" On the an-ival of the Waldenses, the seigniory of the 
valley was divided between WiUiam's sons. The prestige of the 
house of Luserna was on the increase ; and although there are no 
traces of their having used a coat of arms down to the thirteenth 
century, this is not very strange, for the same thing obtains with 
the house of Savoy, and every one knows that coats of arms are 
the result of gradual development. At first they have a personal 
and therefore imnoticed origin ; then they appear in public, after 
which they flourish and bloom with the name they adorn and 
symbolize, when, in consequence of the alliances and privileges 
which are successively entered upon from time to time, fresh 
quarterings and additions are made. During the thirteenth 
century, the seal of the lord of Luserna was a littie star, 
surrounded by thick darkness.^*^ Later, it bore the well-known 
inscription, " Iauc in tenebris lucet," and the addition, " Verbum 
tuum, Domine, lucerna pedum meorum." This religious 
symbol, its origin easily explainable by the monkish origin of the 
house of Lusema, contains nothing which would indicate the 
existence of any protest in the bosom of the Church.^"- That 
motto, like so many others of its kind, was, after all, and notwith- 
standing all embellishments, but a lamp without oil.^*' With the 

The Waldenses of Italy. 99 

coming of the Waldenses came the oil to fill that lamp which then 
was kindled, and continues to burn even unto this day.'^* 

By crossing the frontier and descending into the valleys, the 
Waldenses escaped from the power of Gui VI., Count of Vienne. 
This at first they may have regretted, but it seems highly im- 
probable that at that critical time, and in the face of an uncertain 
future, they should have thought of soUcitingfromhim the annexation 
of the higher localities of Angrogna which they had just invaded. 
A chronicle, but one too modern to deserve absolute credit upon so 
special a point, goes so far as to state that they obtained this 
privilege.^'' Even if credence be given to the chronicle, it 
only indicates that, under the reign of that prince, settlements 
were possible, and some measure of liberty was enjoyed at a time 
when, on the other side of the frontier, all was anarchy and 
disorder. About this time there arose upon Italian soil another 
prince, whose valour and Uberal-minded dealings caused him to be 
beloved by his new subjects. 

Count Thomas I. of Savoy, born in 1178, the son of Humbert 
III. and Beatrix of Burgundy, came of age in 1192, and from the 
beginning strove to bring about the union of his hereditary 
estates, divided by recent revolutions. The difficulties he had to 
encounter in his task were due to clerical reaction and small 
vassals. At Pignerol the people groaned under the yoke of the 
monks, and as early as 1198, Count Thomas had been called 
thither by the inhabitants, to support their complaints against the 
jurisdiction of the Abbot of St. Mary. " This is the first time," 
writes a Canon of that town, " that there has ever been seen princely 
authority disputing with the abbots concerning the exercise of 
their temporal power, without, however, daring to contest it or call it 
in question. "^^^ The Bishop of Turin also had provoked disorders 
owing to his grievous exactions; but he had been obliged to 
yield. Jacques Carisio, Abbot of the Benedictine order, who suc- 
ceeded him in 1206, acted as if he meant to hinder the prince in 
his purpose. Tired of his intrigues, and those of the Prior of 
the Pignerol Abbey and a few other lords, Thomas took up arms 
and carried war into Piedmont. When he arrived under the walls 
of Pignerol, the citizens opened the gates to him, put the city in 
his power, to the Abbot's great displeasure, and proclaimed him 
sovereign.'*'' The times were favourable to emancipation; the 
question for the districts was the shaking ofi' of the old feudal yoke, 

E 2 

100 The Waldenses of Italy. 

which had now become intolerable. Pignerol was among the first 
to claim the restoration of her franchise, which dates from the 
year 1220. From that time she continued, day by day, to increase 
in importance, and became the principal city of the still very 
limited territory which constituted the province of Piedmont. In 
the meantime Thomas was raised to the dignity of Vicar of the 
Empii'e, and the credit of his policy was only increased thereby. 
The Waldenses who had settled upon the heights above the valleys 
were beginning to come down, bringing with them the light of the 
Gospel. The monks of the Abbey were alarmed ;^^* the Bishop 
of Turin, indeed, bethought himself of driving them back, and 
even out of his diocese ; but he troubled himself without taking 
action, for Prince Thomas, busy in conjuring up still more threat- 
ening storms, needed all his thunderbolts, and thus his attention 
was called elsewhere. There is no necessity, in order to account 
for Thomas' moderation, to make it appear that he, followed 
by all his vassals, had set off on the Crusade against the Albi- 
genses.'^' He had, in fact, something better to do than to mount 
guard over blaspheming and troublesome monks, while the Wal- 
denses were there to hold them in check at the least sign. As for 
his nobles, they, of course, observed the same attitude, both dis- 
creet and judicious.^^*' The chronicle, therefore, speaks the truth 
when it says that while the Prince was " so busy elsewhere, these 
poor Waldenses, who were hardly known, or were looked down 
upon as miserable wretches, were not hindered in the least, either 
by Thomas or the Lords of the VaUeys of Piedmont, from settling 
in those mountains, almost by the same means and under the same 
conditions as in those of Pragelas in Dauphiny."'*^ 

In 1226, Frederick II. descended into Lombardy, and there 
organized the Grhibelline party. The following year, Turin and 
Pignerol, with Count Gui VII. of Vienne, together joined the 
Lombard alliance. Pope Gregoi-y IX. hurled a sentence of 
excommunication against the Emperor, whilst an army went up 
from Milan into Piedmont, and was there defeated by Count 
Thomas. Overpowered by new complications. Count Thomas was 
afterward persuaded to grant the franchise to the city of Chamberi ; 
then he betook himself to the siege of Turin, where he was over- 
taken by death on the 1st of March, 1233. Amadous IV., his 
successor, was also obliged both on the north and south side of 
the Alps, with sword in hand, to stand for his rights. On the 

The Waldenses of Italy. 101 

south side his sovereignty had not taken deep root. The city of 
Pignerol, like Turin, professed to be loyal, but the profession 
was all; Amadeus, thsrefore, surrendered his claims upon Pied- 
mont to his brother, Thomas II., and constituted him his repre- 
sentative. The latter repaired to the spot ; he negotiated with 
Alboin, Abbot of Pignerol, and he obtained the rights and 
privileges which the latter had quietly re-appropriated, and, by 
an agreement concluded on the 31st of January, 1246, he founded 
in this city the house of Achaia.^^^ The treaty concluded with the 
Abbot, who guaranteed him all rights over the castle, the city, and 
territory of Pignerol, as also over the valley of Cluson, in short, 
the entire sovereignty. On his side, Thomas II. agreed to defend 
the rights of the monastery against all comers. This alliance 
seemed to forebode no good to the Waldenses ; but it does not 
appear to have at once produced those evils which subsequently grew 
out of it. 

The Waldenses dwelt a long time in the valleys before they 
were molested by persecution. The first colonists had sufficient 
time to estabUsh themselves ; they increased and prospered, and 
many of them died full of years, leaving to their children ■ a safe 
asylum. With every returning spring came seed-time, with every 
autumn came the increase, and in the villages the sounds of the 
flail on the threshing-floor were mingled with the voices of 
children at happy play. 

The colony visibly prospered, nor lacked the observance of country 
festivals and recurring public rejoicing. Here, as in Pragelas, the 
Waldenses are said to have "multiplied furiously."^^' Their increase 
beyond the power of the land to sustain them caused new swarms 
to leave the Alpine bee-hive. Some bands once more crossed the 
frontier to colonize the banks of the Durance, between Cisteron 
and the county of Avignon. Their activity was soon crowned with 
unparalleled prosperity, as is evident from the foundation of the 
villages of Cabrieres, Merindol, and Lormaret,^^* and the enlarge- 
ment of the hamlets which akeady existed. Other bands spread 
abroad in Piedmont, especially toward Saluzzo, in the valleys of 
Paesano, Crussol, and Onvino ; and also toward Meane and Susa. 
Many of the Waldenses ventured further away into the plain ; but, 
of all those attempts at colonization, the most celebrated is un- 
questionably that of the Calabris. 

102 The Waldenses of Italy. 

The kingdom of Naples, subjugated by the house of Anjou, 
was in course of consolidation under the sceptre of King Robert. 
This Prince lavished upon his subjects grand promises of peace and 
protection, and they, unmindful of the proverbial untrustworthiness 
of princes' promises, credited them. Eobert had certain rights in 
Piedmont, and seneschals in his service were busy bringing back 
to obedience the rebel communities of Coni, Fossano, and Cherasco. 
Their soldiery, consisting entirely of adventurers and plunderers, 
were, from Saluzzo to Tm'in, carrying desolation into the adjoining 
neighbourhood, causing more than one Waldensian family to vyith- 
dl:aw to the shelter of the mountains. With or against their will the 
territories submitted ; but peace did not seem to be established.'*^ 
Meantime while the tide of Waldensian population was at its 
flood and ready to overflow, and when the young and impatient 
were anxious to emigrate, opportunely enough, some of the 
Waldenses happened at an inn to meet a nobleman of Calabria, 
who was then staying in Turin.'*^ Some have thought, and it 
seems highly probable, that this personage was in the service of 
one of the king's seneschals, whose duty it was to enrol emigrants. 

The venerable Gilles relates that in the course of the con- 
versation which took place between the Calabrian nobleman and 
the Waldenses, the former, " having heard from them that they 
had need of new habitations, ofiiered to procure for them vacant 
and fertile lands in Calabria, as much as they might want, 
on the condition that they should in the fatm-e pay a reasonable 
revenue to those to whom they might become subject. These 
things were promised on the condition that they should demean 
themselves well and virtuously. Thereupon the Waldenses sent 
capable men to examine the place, and they, having found it a 
pleasant one, were granted a great stretch of country, producing 
abundantly, as the fruit which there grew uncultivated (and was 
wasted for want of hands to gather it) amply testified. There 
were plains and lulls covered with all sorts of fruit trees, growing 
in utter confusion ; among them chestnuts, walnuts, olives, 
oranges, larches, and firs ; there were good pastures and also 
good fields for arable tillage. The bargain which was concluded 
was that, in exchange for a rent for the land occupied, the Wal- 
denses should have the privilege of forming among themselves 
one or more communities, and should be allowed to estabhsh the 
necessary leaders of their people, and impose and exact taxes 

The Waldenses op Italy. 103 

without permission asked or obtained, or. the rendering of any 
account to any but their own people. An agreement with the lords 
and magistrates, concerning all ordinary and casual rights, was 
also made ; and an authentic deed embodying all these matters 
was obtained. This deed was subsequently confirmed by Ferdinand 
of Arragon, King of Naples. The deputies having returned to 
the valleys, and having reported the above, a large number of 
people prepared for the journey, selling their claims to their 
relatives who remained behind. Young people got married before 
their departure, then, taking leave and commending themselves to 
God's keeping, they set out on their five and twenty days' journey 
to their new home, near the town of Montalto in Calabria. In 
the immediate vicinity of Montalto, they first erected and peopled 
the village called Borgo d'Oltremontani, so called from the 
Apennines which lie between the valleys and the new territory. 
About fifty years later, their number having multiplied and 
increased, by the addition from the vaUeys of new comers, who 
joined them from time to time, they built another village about 
a mile distant from the first, and named it St. Sixtus ; it was 
here that one of their most famous churches was afterward 
placed. Subsequently, in consequence of their rapid increase 
and new arrivals from the valleys, they built and populated 
Vacarisso, Argentine, and St. Vincent. Finally, Marquis 
Spinello allowed them to build on his estate the walled city of 
Guardia, which stood on elevated ground near the Mediterranean, 
he granting to the inhabitants important privileges, which in time 
caused it to become a rich and notable city. In all these places 
those Waldenses, or Ultramontanes, multiplied greatly. About 
the year 1400, several of the Waldenses of Provence, being 
persecuted at the instigation of the Pope reigning at Avignon, 
returned to the Valleys, whence their fathers had gone forth, and 
thence again, accompanied by dwellers in the VaUeys, they went 
to live within the boundaries of " I'Apouille," toward the city of 
Naples, in time building there five small walled cities, namely, 
Monlione, Montalto, Faito, La Cella, and La Motta. Finally, 
about the year 1500, a few from Fraissiniere and other Walden- 
sian Valleys went to live in the town of Voltura, near the five 
small cities, founded by their predecessors. After this exodus in 
1500, the Waldenses of the Valleys did not to any great extent 
go forth colonizing, though it is true that in time they spread to 

104 The Waldenses of Italy. 

the other parts of the Kingdom of Naples, and as far as Sicily, 
as well as to other places.^*^ 

Thus did the population of Calabria gradually increase. In the 
days of the Reformation it numbered nearly fom- thousand souls.^'^* 
We shall later .recount how the colony came to an end. Far from 
its sheltering mountains, isolated in a Roman territory, exposed 
to pohtical stoims, it is a mii-acle that it lived at all ; but it was 
destined to succumb to the first persecution instituted against it, 
^^^lat astonishes us at first is that this should have teen so long 
in bursting out, when we consider that it had already been 
ordered, by the head of the house of Anjou, against heretics, 
undoubtedly for the most part Cathaii, who more than fifty years 
before had scattered themselves throughout the Southern countries 
of Italy.'"^' There are, however, two circumstances which will aid 
us in understanding the matter. On the one hand, the lords of 
Pnglia and Calabria, as well as their King, were evidently 
interested in fosteiing the establishment of the colony ; on the 
other, although denounced in open council, the schism of the 
Waldenses was not an accomplished fact. They went to mass 
now and then, and still had theii- children baptized by CathoHc 
priests. It is true that missionaries visited them occasionally, for 
the purpose of instinicting them in the Holy Scriptm-es, hearing 
theu' secret confession, and keeping up their relations with their 
brethren in the North ; but aU this was carried on without any 
noise and with all the precautions rendered necessaiy by danger. 
Nevertheless, persecution began to trouble the Waldenses in their 
Alpine reti-eat. 

We saw that the monks of the Abbey of Pignerol were not 
ill-situated for spying out the arrival of the Waldenses. The first 
to take alarm, they natm-ally denounced them to the Abbot of 
their order, Carisio, Bishop of Turin. He meditated an appeal to 
the Emperor Otho r\'., who had just overcome his rival in 
Germany, and had gone down into Italy to receive the Imperial- 
crown at the hands of the Pontifl'. To that end the Prelate 
prepared an edict of persecution and waited for a favourable 
moment to have it sanctioned by the monarch ; but just as the 
opportunity seemed to present itself, it suddenly disappeared. 
The Emperor, who had granted the clergy of Turin certain 
privileges,*'* was excommunicated by the Pope for invading the 
States of Frederick 11., King of Sicily. Thereupon he hastened 

The Waldenses or Italy. 105 

cnce more to cross the mountains, and the edict was not signed ; 
but the draft remains, and it has its value, for the Waldenses are 
there mentioned, for the first time since their arrival in Piedmont. 
It was drawn up about the year 1210, and this is its tenor : — 

" Otho, by the grace of God, an ever-august Emperor, to his 
well-beloved son, the Bishop of Turin. Grace be unto you and 
good-will. God's clemency is manifestly visible in this, that, 
actuated by the error of incredulity, he reveals to bis faithful ones 
the truth of faith. Indeed, the just live by faith, and whoever 
believes not is already condemned. Therefore, not having received 
the grace of faith in vain, we desire that those who endeavour, by 
means of the wickedness of heresy, to extinguish in our Empire 
the light of the Catholic faith, be punished with severity and be 
everywhere separated from the body of the faithful. We send 
you, therefore, upon the authority of these presents, an order to 
expel from the entire diocese of Turin the Waldensian heretics, 
iind whomsoever there may be who are sowing the tares of false 
doctrine and opposing themselves to the Catholic faith, no matter 
what the error be founded upon, conferring upon thee at the same 
iime permission, complete authority and fuU power, in order that 
by thy diligent care the gamer of the diocese of Turin may be 
thoroughly cleansed from all wickedness, which raises its head 
against the Catholic faith." '" 

This decree remained a dead letter. There remained nothing 
for Carisio to do but to place the matter either in the hands of 
Prince Thomas, or before the Apostolic See. The Prince was 
hardly in the proper humour to gratify his wishes ; but when, a 
few years later, he received the keys of the Castle of Pignerol from 
the hands of the prior of St. Maiy's, in compliance with the 
entreaties of the latter, it is possible that he may have authorised 
the following decree, which we read, under an uncertain date, 
.among the first statutes of that city : " Whoever shaU knowingly 
harbour a Waldensian man or woman shall pay ten sols for every 
offence." ^'^ This fine seems insignificant, but it is estimated that 
it was equivalent to about 280 francs.''' The decree this time is 
really authentic. It is nevertheless possible that the sanction of 
one of Thomas's successors ought to be recognized here and not 
his own.'*" 

This much had to be said, concerning the Prince. The 
Eoman Pontiff naturally listened intently to the statements of the 

106 The Waldenses of Italy. 

Bishop who had heen outwitted, owing to the unexpected 
departure of the Emperor Otho, whose coveted signature he had 
hoped to obtain. The anathema was hurled, and there was no 
thought of stopping it for so small a matter as the want of a 
signature. The Waldenses of the Alps, unlike the Albigenses, 
did not constitute a danger or obstacle to the establishment of 
papal supremacy. Innocent III. had just then received the 
backshding Waldenses into the fold. He was out of patience 
with the recusant and did not feel inclined to spare them any 
more than their brethren the Cathari, but his power was limited. 
Although let loose against heresy, the Albigensian crusade was 
confined by political circumstances to certain localities. Had he 
but been able to double it, so as to strike Lombardy also and 
cleanse it of its inveterate and manifold heresies, then would 
certainly have been seen fire and sword spreading terror abroad, 
and the fate of the Alpine refugees might well have been an evil one. 
However, even under such circumstances, the Pope could not 
have flattered himseK that he would certainly witness the dis- 
appearance of all the little foxes, so much was his entire vineyard 
infested by them. To destroy them there would have been need 
of an ideal, a universal, Crusade — that is to say, one which it would 
have been impossible to carry out. Nevertheless, this ideal and 
regular Crusade, which realized the dreams of priestly tyranny 
was in another way instituted. Every one recognizes it in the 
Inquisition. Instead of rushing like wolves upon the heretics, 
the priests seemed to say to themselves, "Let us like the spider 
lie in wait for them in the dark ; or in the garb of the shepherd, 
let us kill them after the manner of Agnelet, ' to keep them from 
dying.' " Did Innocent foresee how profitable this change of 
tactics would be to the Church ? Perhaps not. He had foreseen, 
however, that the Church might look to the armed bands of the 
Mendicant Orders for powerful assistance. It is even said that 
towards the close of his life he became a monomaniac on this 
subject. The Basilica of St. John of the Lateran appeared to 
him in a vision to be on the point of falling down, when two 
unknovm men stepped out of the darkness and nashed forth to 
support it ; they were Dominic and Francis of Assise. However 
that may be, at the fourth Lateran Council, held in Rome in 
1215, he confirmed to the letter the condenmation of the Waldenses 
pronounced more than thirty years before at the Council of 

The Waldenses op Italy. 107 

Verona, not howeYer, without adding special prescripts, conceived 
with the purpose of enclosing the ecclesiastical world in the 
meshes of the Inquisition. Each Bishop was ordered to estahlish 
in every parish a lay committee of informers against heresy.'^' 
Yet, after the idea had been started, it was soon discovered that it 
would not succeed in that way. The machine was perfect, but 
one wheel would not work, and this was the part assigned to the 
laity. The fact is that they had not the instincts of the hound, 
which, with keenness of scent, are only to be acquired in the 
seminary. Gregory IX. knew this very well, and he let the 
monks loose. He had the choice between two orders — the 
Franciscans and the Dominicans. It is known that, in order 
better to overcome the Waldensian protest, both brotherhoods had 
begun to imitate it ; the former by leading a life of poverty, the 
latter by filliag the of&ce of preachers. The vocation of the 
Dominicans was particularly obvious. They had made their first 
sortie before the Crusade, and were upon the heretics' tracks ; 
they had also gained the confidence of the Bishops, by their self- 
denial, zeal, and dialectic skUl. Briefiy, they had become 
the monks of ready help ; it was to them, therefore, that the 
Pope applied. He succeeded by their means in disciplining the 
Inquisition, and in urging it to action of a resolute kind ; that 
was not done in a day, but still sufficiently speedy. What was 
needed to establish the Inquisition was a solid and legal 
foundation, namely, dogma, law, a code, and the support of the 
secular power. Now, none of these elements were lackiag. 
Dogma was there, within reach of all, saying by the mouth of 
every priest, that heresy is the greatest of crimes, because it 
offends against the Divine Majesty. If anyone, therefore, be guilty 
of it, he must be dealt with by the Vicar of God, the Supreme 
Judge, the Emperor who does not bear the sword of Justice in 
vain. Of course the heretic deserves, at least, the penalty 
iucurred for high treason, namely, the loss of all property, 
and death ; yet the Church desires not the death of the 
sinner, but rather that he should turn from his wickedness 
and live. If he be converted he shall live ; but for this 
clemency he must recant and do penance. If he refuse to be 
converted, then shall no mercy be granted to him. It will not 
suffice that he be excommunicated ; he must be delivered up to 
the secular arm and die ; it will be but justice.'*^ Thus heresy 

108 The Waldenses of Italy. 

was made to become a public crime — even the gi-eatest. The law 
which made it so, being once obtained and formulated, the anvil 
was at last found upon which were successively hammered out 
the codes of inquisitorial jirocedure. The Dominican Code was 
sanctioned in 1232 for Aragon, Germany, and Austria ; the 
following year, thanks to the decrees of the Princes, who seem to 
have been as zealous as was Gregory IX. on this point, it was 
authorized in the South of France and Lombardy. Among all 
these decrees, we easily understand the decision of tone of the 
Emperor's ; yet it is surprising, and justly so, that Frederick, 
the old heretic, should have been the promulgator, and that he 
should have devoted all his Teutonic fuiy to such a villainous 
enterprise. At the time of his coronation in Eome, on the 22nd 
of November, 1220, he assumed an Olympian attitude, and hurled 
his first thunderbolts in the shape of a decree against the heretics. 
Nor did it strike the air only, for that decree was only the first of 
a whole series of legislative edicts. "SYhen he an-ived at Padua 
he reiterated his edict more than once, aiming at Lombardy, 
Then he entirely dropped the mask ; his religious intolerance was 
evidently made to subserve his fierce political ambition, and this 
led him to sacrifice whatever principles he may have had, and to 
ape the Pope, at the veiy time, perhaps, when he flattered himself 
that he was deceiving him. When he writes fi-om Catania to the 
Bishop of Madgeburg, his legate in Lombardy, concerning heresy 
which was springing up, it might well be thought fi-om his language 
that he was quite disconsolate. He sighs over the hostile 
heretics.'^^ He complains of them to Pope Honorius III., and 
impeaches those free — nay, too free — cities which are so ungrateful 
to him for his zeal.^'^ Meanwhile, his decrees are enacted into con- 
stitutions, and he goes on adding to their number. Yesterday, 
the thunderbolts ; to-day, hail. He took measures for having his 
decrees weU posted up, and above all, observed by all his officers, 
podestas, consuls, and rectors.'*" Nay, more, like a good 
successor of Barbarossa, he took the trouble to urge even the 
priests to hunt up heretics''^ and to revive the zeal of the 
Pope,'** which was hardly necessary, as it had not grown cold. 
Meanwhile, his cunning and angry glance had turned toward the 
North of Italy, for there the heart of Italy was still beating ; there 
was yet a remnant of liberty, which upon him had the effect of a 
pestilence. It might be thought from his words that he was 

The Waldenses of Italy. 109 

alarmed. If the North were to defile the Mecca of the West, he 
would be gripved, and he would not hke to have his sainted island 
contaminated by it.^*^ Was he in earnest, or was he laughing 
behind his political mask ? At any rate, liberty of thought, 
which he misused so badly, had in him a deadly enemy, and the 
tribunal of the Inquisition could not have been set up under better 
auspices. Undoubtedly, if the infernal machine had worked 
according to the wishes of its sponsors, it would have anticipated 
a certain steam guillotine imagined by a modern satirical poet, 
which in three hours 

fa la testa a centomila 
messi in fila.'°" 

But the heretics were a stirring folk, who did not allow them- 
selves to be thus dressed in line. Theoretically, it could be very 
quickly done. Cathari, Poor of Lyons, Patarins, Passagins, 
Josephites, Amaldists, Speronists, etc., all would be aimed at, 
riddled with bullets, and sent to the gibbet. A stroke of the pen : 
the signature : and the decree would be enacted. Practically, it 
was another thing ; here is a case of art being difficult. The 
opposition was strong. The executioners had their martyrs. 
Victory in the Crusade soon smiled upon them in the South of 
France ; but two Inquisitors of the province of Alby were mas- 
sacred, and those of Toulouse and Narbonne escaped the same 
fate, but not without dif&culty. Finally, heresy disappeared. 
Thousands of fugitives had reached the sea or the mountains to 
take refuge in Lombardy. It was there that resistance centred, 
but in vain, for it had to be broken. Honorius III. first sought 
to apply to that resistance the decrees of the last Lateran Council. 
The podestas were slow to obey, for they feared to cause an 
uprising; they contented themselves for a while with slight 
vexations. Here, a house where the heretics held their meetings 
was puUed down ; there, the castle of a Patarin lord was razed 
to the ground. Nor did the Waldenses' house in Milan — no 
doubt well known, as the Pope had heard it spoken of — escape 
these first severities. Once before it had been destroyed and 
again rebuilt. ^^^ Its days were now surely numbered. One more 
message from the Pope, and then the repression began in earnest. 
Until the monks of the Inquisition arrived or set about their work, 
the Archbishop took charge of heresy ;''^ but he was driven out 

110 The Waldenses of Italy. 

of the city. Quiet was re-established ; then, suddenly, a loud 
alarm bell was heard ; the Emperor Frederick has sent out a 
decree which concerned the civil power, and, therefore, the com- 
munes. The clergy, hardly secure, attempted a decisive step 
with the podesta ; the latter still hesitated, and convened the 
assembly of the people. It met on the 13th of Januaiy, 1228, 
and decreed that : Heretics should be forbidden to reside either in 
Milan or in the villages under its jurisdiction ; their houses should 
be demolished ; their property confiscated ; whosoever should 
harbour them should pay twenty-five pounds ; whoever should 
rent them a lodging, fifteen pounds ; finally, an inquisitorial com- 
mission should be elected to seek out the guilty, it should be 
composed of twelve citizens and four mendicant monks. This 
was a mark of deference to the Pope, but he clamoured for 
decrees. The following year a Legate made the podesta and the 
assembly of the people swear to obsei-ve that law without mercy.''' 
Everything was sworn to ; stiU, somebody had to be found who 
would bell the cat. The Cathari and Patarin party had adherents 
among the leading citizens ; the wealthiest belonged to them, 
and sheltered the " perfect " in their castles, just as their co- 
religionists had done in the South of France. Robert Pacta and 
Lantelmi received them in their domains ; the latter even put 
them in possession of one of his castles. StUl the clerical tide 
was rising. The podesta looked to see which way the wind was 
blowing, and said to himself that it was favourable to clerical re- 
action, and that he was ready for anything. Thereupon he started 
and began to incite people to fall upon the heretics. He enforced 
the decrees of the Council, of the Emperor, and of the Arch- 
bishop. He even issued one after his own taste, which reads as 
follows : — 

"In the name of the Lord and in this year 1233, of the 
Incarnation, on a Friday, the 15th of September, the seventh con- 
vocation under the administration of Oldrad of Tresseno, Podesta 
of Milan, the Dominican friar, Peter of Verona, by virtue of the 
authority in him vested by the Pontifi' against the heretics, as set 
forth in a charter attested and drawn up by Obizzon Scazzago, a 
notary of Milan, in 1232 ; by virtue also of the authority in him 
vested by the conmiune of Milan, and bestowed in the general 
assembly against the above mentioned heretics, as stated in 
another charter extracted and translated by Singhimbaldo della 

The Waldenses of Italy. Ill 

Torre, notary and knight of this community, the said Peter has 
decreed and ordained that the chapters, hereinafter set forth, be 
numbered among the other statutes of this republic, which chap- 
ters are contained in the letters of the sovereign Pontiff, addressed 
to the friar Peter of Verona, by virtue of which all heretics are 
anathematized ; Cathari, Patarins, Poor of Lyons, Passagins, 
Josephites, Arnaldists, Speronists, and others , of divers names, 
having different faces but united together by the tail, which 
heretics, being condemned by the Church of God, must be in like 
manner condemned by the secular arm." 

The decree does not end here, but it goes no further than to 
ti-anscribe the dispositions already issued by the Pope as well as 
the Emperor. These state that the impenitent heretics render 
themselves liable to the penalty of imprisonment for life ; those 
who conceal or uphold them, to excommunication first, which 
involves the forfeiture of civil rights, then, in case of impenitence, 
the penalty inflicted upon the heretics themselves. Finally, the 
decree concludes : — 

' ' No layman is allowed to discuss, either in public or in private, 
the subject of the Catholic faith, under penalty of excommunica- 
tion. Anyone who may hear of heretics gathering in secret 
conventicles, or celebrating rites and usages apart from the com- 
munion of the faithful, shall hasten to report to his confessor or 
other person, who shall also surely inform the prelate, this again 
under pain of excommunication. Children of heretics, and those 
who conceal or defend them shall, until the second generation, be 
incapable of holding ecclesiastic offices and benefices. Further- 
more, the houses of those who shall rashly recttve such heretics 
into the city shall* be demolished without delay or appeal. If 
anyone knows a heretic, and does not denounce him, he shall be 
fined twenty pounds ; and in default of payment he shall be 
banished. Moreover, the sentence shall not be remitted without 
payment of the said sum. Finally, those who conceal and defend 
heretics shall be deprived of the third part of their possessions, 
for the benefit of the commune of Milan ; and in the case of a 
second oifence they shall be driven out of the city and jmisdic- 
tion, and shall not be permitted to return within a certain time, 
without having dreed the aforesaid penalty."^^* 

The podesta kept his word, and the proof is that an eques- 
trian statue was awarded him as "the defender of the faith." It 

112 The Waldenses of Italy. 

was placed on the facade of the ancient palace of the commune, 
in the Broletto Nuovo, now called the Merchants' Square, and there 
it stands unto this day. Upon it is the following inscription : — 

Atria qui grandis solii regalia scandis 
Civis laudensis fidei tutoris et ensis 
Presidis hie memores Oldradi semper honores 
Qui solium stnixit Catharos ut dehuit uxit.^^^ 

But all these things did not happen in a day, though Peter of 
Verona, the invincihle, of Moneta, Khenarins Saccho, and many 
others co-operated and gave themselves heart and soul to the work 
of repression. ^Mien the persecution began to rage Frederick 
accused the Pope of growing slack — nay, he accused Gregory IX. 
of actual compUcity.*'* It was, thanks to that perfidious monarch, 
who, with a Ught heart, sacrificed the holiest of liberties on the 
altar of his human ambition that the Inquisition worked prodigies ; 
Milan purged itself with the blood of heretics of the offence 
given to Frederick 11. to such an extent as to earn the praise of 
Gregory IX. ^^^ Even after all these things heresy stUl existed. 
Several of the principal lords of the city continued to protect it ; 
meetings were held, sometimes at the house of the chief standard 
bearer, d'AUia, sometimes at the castles of La Gatta, or Mon- 
gano. The rage of the Inquisitors urged them to such unheard 
of excesses, that at last the indignation of the people burst forth. 
Peter of Yerona was killed ; Rhenarius Saccho fled ; Moneta only 
escaped death by, crucifix in hand, arresting and sending to the 
stake those who had sworn to do away with him. The monks 
were again hindered in their work of repression by the influence of 
Ezzelino da Romano, a sateUite of Frederick II. In 1280, the 
famous Guillelmina, mth her dreamy ideas concerning the Holy 
Spirit, of which she beUeved herself to be the mouthpiece, had a 
whole people for her admii-ers. The Inquisition had now paused 
in its work, and by degrees quiet was restored. At the same 
tune the other communes of Lombardy submitted in their turn, 
each one reading in its own fashion the decrees issued by the 
authority of the Chm-ch and backed by that of the Empire, though 
this also was gaiaed only at the price of sanguinaiy struggles. At 
Brescia resistance had even got the upper hand. Pope Honorius 
m. tells us that the heretics burned the churches and that, from 
the top of the towers, they threw firebrands down upon the city 

The Waldenses of Italy. 113 

as a symbol of anathema against the Church of Kome and its 
adherents. He commanded the Bishop of Rimini to repair 
thither, and to raze to the ground the castles of the most guilty 
lords, such as the Gambara, Ugoni, Orani, and Bottazzi, but only 
to half pull down the towers of those who were less compromised, 
It may be doubted whether this order was literally carried out. At 
Monza, Bergamo, Plaisance, Modena, as far' as Liguria in 
Tuscany, and in the cities of Umbria, fighting everywhere took 
place at the approach of the monks, but they were eventually 
obliged to succumb. Notwithstanding aU her shrewdness and 
prestige, the Queen of the Adriatic herself became resigned to 
the intrusion of the abhorred tribunal ; she insisted, however, 
that her three " wise men in matters of heresy " should be 
admitted to seats that they might watch over its proceedings. 

Thus fell the strongholds of the dissident reaction. The 
Waldenses are hardly mentioned, for the Patarins had the same 
precedence here as the Albigenses in the South of France. It is, 
however, certain that they met with more than one check. 
In spite of all this, their school at MUan was still standing; 
whence a constant stream of missionaries proceeded to reap a 
harvest at a distance ; and from all quarters of Germany loving 
eyes were turned toward her as the " Alma Mater." Several, up 
to the year 1325, still went there ; some from the depths of 
Bohemia, to receive instruction from the lips of their venerated 
masters ; others to do homage to the Bishops, and to deliver up 
the amount of the coUeetions made in their churches. ^^* In the 
year 1368, the Waldenses gave the last sign of Hfe that we know 
of, by sending out a circular letter addressed to the Brethren in 
Austria, who had become alarmed at the news of the recent 
defections. The ebb tide had set in with full force, but in the 
midst of this raging sea, where everything was being lost, a pale 
ray of light still shone. It came from the lighthouse fixed 
upon the rocky summits of the Alps. Let us retm-n there. 
Rome had abeady cast angry glances in that direction, and now 
began to bellow forth Anathemas. 

While the tribunal of heresy triumphed everywhere, thanks to 
the odious complicity of papacy and the empire, it has been said 
that the Lord of Luserna demanded a certain tolerance in 
favour of the Waldenses. Such is the assertion made, and 
furthermore, it is added that this act of magnanimity is connected 

114 The Waldenses of Italy. 

with the treaty of submission to the house of Savoy, made or 
ratified in the year 1233.'*' If this be so, the escutcheon of 
Lusema did momentarily shine with a pure light, too soon, alas ! 
obscured by the darkness of intolerance. It must be granted that, 
with the Abbot of St. Mary on the qui vive, and the Bishop of 
Turin on the watch, the Mendicant friars were early invited to 
come and spy out the Waldenses' retreat. They were, however, 
hardly bold enough to venture in there — and indeed they had good 
cause for their temerity — ^but were obliged to stay for some time 
in Pignerol. At last a station was established in Perosa. It is 
mentioned in the reign of Amadous Y., under the following circum- 
stances : Amadeus' grand-nephew, Philip, having received Pied- 
mont in appanage, had gone thither to receive the oath of fidelity 
of his vassals of Lusema, Piossasque, and other localities. His 
jurisdiction extended to the fiir end of the Val Perosa, and we 
read that he maintained an Inquisitor there at his own expense.**' 
In 1301, he married the Crown Princess of the house of Achaia. 
It has been ascertained that, on this same date, a monk of 
Bergamo was residing in Perosa, invested with full power to 
" seize heretics of whatever sect, condemned by the Church of 
Rome."^^'^ Later, toward the year 1812, allusion is made to a case 
of death by fire for the crime of " valdesie."^^'^ The Inquisition 
did not stop there ; it succeeded in planting a garrison in the chief 
town of the valley of Lusema, under the protection of her Lord. 
Thence, slinking into the neighbouring places, the monks made 
their way into the valley of Angrogna, as far as the pastor's 
house, and there hatched their plots. Once they are said to have 
paid dearly for their audacity. One Pope tells us that the 
Inquisitor, John Albert , of CasteUazzo, having displayed an 
intention to exercise his office, the inhabitants of Angrogna 
hastily armed themselves and assembled upon the pubKc square. 
Their angry eyes were tamed in every direction to find the Priest 
GuiUaume.**' He appeared after celebrating the mass, deprecatory 
and paternal, as to his air. A cry was raised, " Down with the spy 
and teaitor ! " and he was stricken down. Then the people rushed 
tumultuously down the valley and besieged the Inquisitor's 
residence. The place had to be abandoned, of course.^'* CastaUazzo, 
no doubt, carried his complaint to Pignerol, to the Prince of 
Achaia, and further stiU. The Lord of Lusema had his mandate 
and he was ordered, not for the last time,**** to lend assistance to 

The Waldenses of Italy. 115 

the judges of heresy. The monks retraced their footsteps, but 
noiselessly. It might be thought that they profited by their 
lesson. In one sense there is no doubt they did ; but if their 
caution increased, their zeal did not diminish. We can now only 
suirmise what went on for some time after these events. In 1374, 
an Inquisitor feU at Briqueras, at tlie pntrance of the valley ; it 
was Father Antonio Pavo of Savigliano.^"^ Some time before this 
happened there had been a disturbance at Susa ; the monastery 
had been broken into, and the famous Pietro di Ruffia, Inquisitor- 
General of Piedmont, had been despatched.*"' Thereupon Pope 
Gregory complained to Amadous VI., of Savoy, and took advantage 
of this opportunity to exhort him not to permit the thorns of error 
to grow in his States, but to fight valiantly against heretics ; "as 
vaUantly," he added, "as thou didst against the Turks. "*°^ At 
the same time the Bishop of Turin received positive instructions ; 
as a consequence there succeeded some acts of repression. But 
now there was heard a sharp cry of despair, which no iron hand 
could smother. We hear it still re-echoed, as from age to age it 
has been, in the mountains and huts of Pragelas. It was at 
Christmastide of the year 1400 that Borrelli, a Franciscan monk, 
accompanied by a band of hired assassins, intent only on violence 
and carnage, fell upon the villages occupied by heretics. Fathers 
and mothers rushed out of their dwellings, and fled toward the 
mountains, carrying their children with them ; the snow covered 
the ground, arid there was none to succour. Without shelter, 
famished, dying of fatigue, the fugitives fell one by one. Men, 
women, and children, they feU asleep upon nature's breast, never 
more to wake. It is said that a band of these unfortunates were 
lost in the ravines of Alberjean. When daylight dawned, the 
mothers held in their arms nothing but dead bodies, and they 
numbered upwards of fifty. For once, pity was not dumb ; its 
voice reached the ears of the Pope, who, it is said, now begged 
the Inquisitor to use moderation.*"' It may be supposed that on 
the other side of the frontier, times were no less hard. 

In France, the Crusade had mown down its victims by thou- 
sands. Monks and prelates followed the reapers to glean what 
might have been left. The Inquisitor Pelisson mentions in his 
chronicle more than one execution ; for instance, that of the 
woman burned on the day of the canonization of St. Dominic. 
The learned and voluminous reports of Bernard de Caux and Jean 

116 The Waldenses of Italy. 

de St. Pierre deal with 106 localities, and are well worth 
reading. That of Bernard Gui is no less eloquent ; he is respon- 
sible for the death of 630 persons. " The exact trath," observes 
M. Donais, " is that he knew of 930 cases of heresy, and 42 
persons were handed over to the secular arm between 3rd March, 
1308, and 12th September, 1322."*^" For his sei-vices Gui was 
promoted to a bishopric. The victims of this Crusade were, how- 
ever, mostly Gathari, rarely Waldenses. There were many, as 
may be inferred from the names we find, who, Cathari at that 
time, afterwards became Waldenses.*'^ Heretics of any kind were 
accused of " Vaudoisie.""^ A nun of Lespinasse, of the order of 
Fontevrault, was accused of having given alms to Waldenses. 
Hers was a serious case, so she was condemned to go in peace, 
which meant that she was to be confined in a sohtaiy cell, to see 
no one, not even the person from whom she received her food, as 
it was to be handed to her through a little window.*^' In these 
actions we recognise the relations which existed between the 
South of France and Lombardy ; but as they refer almost alto- 
gether to the Albigenses, their history may be left to that body's 
historians.*^* The Waldenses being less numerous than the Albi- 
genses, scattered less ; they endeavoured to keep together, and 
their tracks did not remain unknown to the " Hounds of the 
Lord,"*^' who voiced the Bishop to the chase. But the Bishops 
were slow to move, and had to be urged on by the Pope, as we 
see by the admonitions addressed to the Bishops of Vienne and 
Valencia by Benedict Xn.*^* The number of Waldenses had been 
diminished ; but again, by reason of the increase in the population 
of the higher valleys, and above all, by the return to Dauphiny 
about the year 1350 of those who had fled into Italy, it increased 
sensibly. Dauphiny, and even certain localities of Provence and 
Savoy, were again fuU to overflowing with heretics, so much so 
that the clergy hardly dared to molest them, or lend assistance to 
the Inquisition, whilst the civil authorities resisted prosecutions. 
Gregory XI. was obliged to interfere. His remonstrances to 
Charles V,, King of France, were earnest and oft-repeated.*^' 
He was particalarly vexed with the Governor of Dauphiny. His 
most pressing appeals were directed to the Archbishops of Viemie, 
Aries, and Embrun. His complaints singularly resemble those 
of the Abbot of Cluny, of venerable memory. " We are in- 
formed," he tells those too peaceful prelates, " that your teni- 

The Waldenses of Italy. 117 

tories have, for a long time past, become a den of heretics. Your 
predecessors neglected to deal as they should have done with 
such a state of things, and you follow their example only too 
closely. When such is the case, is it surprising if heretics 
swarm and spread around you?""^ That was in 1375. Five 
years later, from his see at Avignon, Clement VII. gave the 
signal for new reprisals.*'" Then the fierce Franciscan monk, 
Borelli, who had acquired such an unenviable reputation in the 
valley of the Pragelas, appeared on the scene. First, he sum- 
moned the inhabitants of Freyssinieres, Argentiere, and Val 
Louise before him. That was to satisfy a mere form. As they 
did not appear, he had them condemned in default, and several 
were burned at the stake, the victims being mostly from Val 
Louise. Perin says that " as many as one hundred and fifty men, 
several women and a number of their grown-up sons and daugh- 
ters perished." He mentions as being amongst that number, 
Guillaume Marie of Vilar, Pierre and Jean Long, Albert and 
Jeanne Vincent. The victims of this slow persecution were less 
numerous in the other two valleys ; says the same historian, 
they were " to the number of eighty," and he names in that num- 
ber three women, viz. : Astrue Berarde, Agresonne Bresson, and 
Barthelemie Porte. This general sentence was pronounced in 
the Cathedral of Embrun, in 1393, and was executed at Greno- 
ble.*^" BoreUi had undoubtedly undertaken to prove that the 
order of St. Francis could be as useful to the Holy Office as that 
of St. Dominic. The proof was, as we have seen, only too con- 
clusive for a leaden silence, doleful and cold, he left in the places 
through which he had passed. It might be compared to that 
which makes itself felt in the mountain hut when a vulture has 
been hanging over it. Half-a-century elapsed, and danger 
seemed to have again drawn off to a distance, when once more it 
approached, and this time very ominously. It was in the 
year 1460 that a Franciscan monk named Jean Veylet, provided 
with the authority of the Archbishop of Embrun, took up against 
the Waldenses of the valleys of Freyssineres, Argentiere, and 
Louise, the indictment of Borelli, of bloody memory. Peace, 
life, and property — especially property — were threatened; the 
Inquisition, with its villainous mode of procedure, " bled and 
swallowed." The Waldenses' distress was great ; compassion 
was aroused for them, and they were advised to carry their com- 

118 The Waldenses of Italy. 

plaint direct to the sovereign. They therefore appealed to Louis XI., 
who ordered an inqnii-y to be made, which was slow, of course, hut 
advantageous to them. It established two points — first, that 
the Waldenses were not such as the judges of heresy had been 
pleased to represent them, but faithful subjects, neither wicked 
nor heretics ; second, that the pei'secution which they were 
made to undergo was too much fomented by the avarice and 
cupidity of judges whose proceedings were most venal. There- 
upon King Louis issued the memorable decree, dated Arras, 
May 18th, 1478, which began as foUows : — 

" On the part of the villeins and inhabitants of Tal Loyse 
Fraissiniere, Argentiere and others of our land of Dauphiny, it 
has been made clear to us that whereas they have lived, and 
desire to live Kke good Cathohc Christians without holding, 
believing, or maintaining any superstition, not iu accordance 
with the observance and discipline of om- Holy Mother Church, 
nevertheless certain Mendicant Monks, calling themselves Inquisi- 
tors of the Faith, and others, believing that by means of vexation 
and molestation they might unduly extort possessions from them, 
and otherwise personally ill-use them, have attempted and do 
attempt falsely to impute to them the holding and beheving of 
certain heresies and superstitions against the Catholic Faith, 
and under cover of this have involved and do involve them in 
great complications of suits, as much in our Court of Parliament 
of Dauphiny, as in various other countries and jurisdictions. And 
in order to bring about the confiscation of the property of those 
whom they charge with the said accusations, several of the 
judges and likewise the said Inquisitors of the Faith, who are 
usually Mendicant Monks, have instituted, and do daily institute, 
proceedings against many poor people, without reasonable cause, 
under the cover of the ofiice of Inquisitor, and have also tortured 
some and put them to the rack without preceding inquiry, and 
condenmed them for crimes they had never committed, as has 
been afterward found ; and have taken others and exacted large 
sums of money to set them at liberty, and have by various means 
unjustly vexed and molested them, to the great prejudice and 
damage, not only of the said petitioners, but of us and of the 
entire common weal of our estate of Dauphiny. Therefore, 
desiring to provide for this, and not to suffer our poor people to 
be vexed and molested by such unjust means, inasmuch as the 

The Waldensbs or Italy. 119 

inhabitants of the said localities say that they have ever lived, 
and desire to live like good Christians and Catholics, without 
having ever believed, or held any other belief but that of our 
Holy Mother Church ; nor maintained or desired to maintain or 
believe anything contrary to the sincerity of our faith, and as by 
right, no one should be condemned for the crime of heresy except 
those who, by continuous obstinacy, would persistently maintain 
and affirm things contrary to the sincerity of our faith — We, after 
long and mature deliberation, and in order to obviate such frauds 
and abuses, vexations and undue exactions, have granted to those 
suppliants, and do hereby grant, and of our own certain know- 
ledge, special pleasure, full Eoyal and Dauphinal power and 
authority, have desired and decreed, and do desire and decree 
by these presents, that those suppHants and all others of our 
country of Dauphiny be relieved from all proceedings ; and all 
the suits which some of them may have been obUged to institute 
because of the above-mentioned matters, we have of our certain 
knowledge full Koyal and Dauphinal power and authority abolished 
and do abolish, have put and do put to naught, by these presents, 
and desire that never, for all past time to the present shall any- 
thing be expected of them, on account of these matters in person 
or estate ; nor shall they be even reproached therefor, except, 
however, there be. some who obstinately, and with hardened 
courage, maintain and affirm anything against the Holy Catholic 

In consequence of this decree, restitution was to be made of 
confiscated goods, without appeal or delay, and the will of the King 
would protect the owners in the future against the rapacity of the 
judges. For, says the decree, " in order to obviate the frauds 
and abuses perpetrated by the said Inquisitors of the Faith, we 
have forbidden and do forbid the said Inquisitors of the Faith to 
be henceforth permitted to proceed against any of the said inhabi- 
tants of our country of Dauphiny, or to maintain any suit in court 
against them, for the above mentioned or similar causes, without 
having previously obtained for that purpose letters patent from 

One sighs with relief on reading this decree, which would 
appear to have been dictated by a heart that felt for the "poor." 
At all events it is worthy of a prudent king, who was slower than 
the priests to shed blood. It is true that upon one point it sur- 

120 The Waldenses of Italy. 

prises us, especially if there lurk in our mind any prejudice with 
respect to the creed of the Waldenses before the Reformation. 
According to the letter of the decree those who were protected by 
the King had represented themselves as a body of " good Chris- 
tian Catholics." Did this denote cowardice on their part in 
order to avoid ruin, or did the king allow himself to be ill- 
informed by benevolent agents, who were filled with compassion 
for those unfortunate and oppressed people ? The reason may be 
found elsewhere. The Waldenses had the right to call themselves 
Christians — nay, even good Catholics, especially as compared with 
their persecutors, who really were neither the one nor the other. 
Besides the king was not then in the humour to suffer their pro- 
test to be scrupulously examined by the light of theology ; for it 
is evident that, if he had left things to take their course, he would 
have lost the oppoi-tunity of re-establishing peace. Let us not 
forget that "Louis by the grace of God, king of France," was, 
even according to the address of the decree, " Dauphin of 
Vienne," and not long before, in writing to the " faithful governor 
of his estates of Dauphiny," he had been interested in doing an 
act of wise poHcy. The inquiry must have proved to him that 
public conscience, in Dauphiny, revolted against the iniquities of 
the Liquisitor monks. It became important, therefore, to satisfy 
public conscience and run no risk of alienating from himself the 
afi'ection of those living on the frontier. After all, that would 
always have been the sentiment which would have prevailed in 
the policy of the Princes of the house of France, as well as in 
that of the house of Savoy, had it not been so resisted by the 
corrupt and fatal action of the clergy. Alas ! Princes yield but 
too easily, though sometimes with but an ill-grace. In this case, 
it might be thought that a word wovUd have sufficed to stop the 
persecution, and that the decree having been issued, the appeal of 
the Waldenses would have been satisfied ; but the use that was 
made of the decree by the Ai-chbishop was to cling to the excep- 
tion it contained, and to hold that there existed indeed in the Valleys 
of Dauphiny ' ' some who obstinately maintain things contrary to 
the Catholic faith." In support of this he produced the testimony 
rendered by curates and other agents interested in his cause ; so 
that the case had to be begun over again. " For lack of means 
to defray the expenses of such a long suit," says Perrin, " most 
resorted simply to flight, there being only one among the perse- 

The Waldenses of Italy. , 121 

cuted, a certain Jacques Paliveri, wlio protested against the undue 
vexation, to the prejudice of the letters obtained from His Majesty, 
and demanded a copy of their proceedings that he might have 
recourse to those whom it concerned. The Archbishop left him 
in peace, persecuting those who had not sufficient courage to 
resist his violent measures." It appears that even some of the 
boldest paid dearly for opposition. Thus " the consuls of Frais- 
sinieres, Michel Kuffi, and Jean Giraud did not get off so 
easily," adds our historian, " for being summoned to appear before 
the said Archbishop, to answer in their own name and in that of 
the inhabitants of the valley, they answered that they had nothing 
to say before the said Archbishop, inasmuch as their suit was 
pending before the King and his Council, that therefore they pro- 
tested and asked for a copy. Being urged to answer, notwith- 
standing all protestation to the contrary, Michel Ruffi, tossing his 
head, answered in his language : Veici rages ; and upon renewal 
of entreaties : Veici una bella raison. The Archbishop, irritated 
against the said consuls for such contempt, sent them to the 
stake without more ado. "^"^ 

While the clergy of Dauphiny rendered the just edict of Louis 
XI. useless, those of Turin obtained an iniquitous decree from the 
Duchess lolante, elder sister of the King of France, and widow of 
the most easy-tempered of the Dukes of Savoy. 

The Inquisition had never really withdrawn from the attack ; 
on the contrary it was ever on the watch, and took advantage of 
every opportunity to oppress, still further, the peaceful inhabitants 
of the valleys. An Inquisitor, named Jacques, of Buronzo, near 
No vara, weary of preaching in the desert, and not knowing how to 
proceed against an entire population, had obtained an interdict 
against the valley of Luserna. By this means, which was never 
without result in the Middle Ages, he had been only too successful 
in bringing back more than one Waldensian to the fold of the 
Church. Yet, as the rope will break if it be stretched too much, 
he stopped in time, and in 1453 *^' invoked the suspension of the 
interdict by means of a decree from Nicolas V., holding himself at 
liberty to take up again at any time, with renewed zeal, the 
course of his inquisitorial proceedings. Twenty years later, the 
Waldenses had to deal with a new Inquisitor called Jean Andre, 
of Aquapendente. We gather from the decree hurled by him 
against the Lord of Luserna, that the Waldenses who had yielded 

122 The Waldenses of Italy. 

to the thi-eats of his predecessor Jacques, had not not become 
Catholics, but had lived and died impenitent ; whence he is care- 
ful to conclude that their possessions had thereby been forfeited. 
His object was to gather this inheritance, to take it away from 
those who held it, in order to divide it between the Lord of the 
Manor, the Bishop, and the Holy Office. On the very first Sunday 
following the communication of the decree, officials who were 
recommended to read the proclamation veiy distinctly,*^ made it 
known to the inhabitants of the valley after mass. The house of 
Lusema had then a woman at its head. She decided to submit 
to the decree, but held herself at liberty to do as she pleased 
about carrying it into execution. She regretted, perhaps, that she 
could not appeal to the clemency of a prince, hke Amadeus IX., 
of blessed memory, for he had died three years previous. Under 
his reign the oppressed could indeed breathe, and the Jews of 
Chamberi knew something of this. A Dominican monk having 
preached there to incite the people against them and drive them 
out, the crowd was about to rush upon them, thanks to the 
countenance of an impetuous and brutal nobleman called Aimar 
de Yai-ax, when the Ducal Commissioner appeared on the scene, 
threatening the fanatics with the indignation of the Prince. But 
the times had changed. The regency had just been thrust into the 
hands of the Duchess lolante, and the moment was favourable to 
the judges of heresy. In the towns several Waldenses were seized ; 
more than one promised to change his religion, but for them it 
was a mere change of torture, for they could not avoid the burning 
fii-e of remorse. To some it appeared that there was but one way 
of escape, namely, by flight ; some fled in the direction of 
Provence, others towards Calabria. However, the Inquisition got 
wind of their project, laid its snares, and recaptured some of its 
victims. Their fate was no longer doubtful. The martyrdom of 
Jordan Tertian, burned at Susa, and of HyppoUte Eoussier and 
Hugon Chiamp of Fenestrelles, executed at Turin, are cases in 
point ; fm-thermore, there are those of Ambroise YiUennin and 
Antoine Hiun, who were hung upon the Col de Meane.*^'° Besides 
these there were many others ; but their names are lost. Still 
the grand Inquisitor was meditating a radical repression. The 
decree issued not long before in the name of the Bishop of Turin 
had not produced the desired result. It was trae that it could not 
be expected that the heretics of the valleys would be in the 

The Waldbnses op Italy. 123 

humour to permit their rights of property to be violated, now that 
they were settled there ; but the Lords of Pignerol and Cavour, 
and he of Luserna especially, were not over-devoted to Mother 
Church. The fact is that they did not afford the support which 
was demanded of them, so something had to be thought of which 
v.'ould be effective in making them yield it. In the days of the 
blessed Amadeus "those people did not care a bit about us," said 
the monk, " but under the regent we shall see whether they wiU long 
turn a deaf ear." Thereupon, Andre of Aquapendente went to the 
Bishop Campesio ; they conferred together for a time ; a clerical 
messenger started for the country residence of lolante at RivoU, 
and a short decree soon appeared, reading as follows : — 

" lolante, elder sister to the King of France, Guardian and 
Regent of our very illustrious son Charles, by the grace of God 
Duke of Savoy. 

" To the beloved and faithful Lords of Pignerol, and Cavour, and 
to the Lord of Luserna, and to all other officers or lieutenants, 
and to the mediate and immediate subjects of our son, to 
whom these presents shall come, Greeting : — Having looked 
into the request and the letter of the Inquisitor of heresy, a copy 
of which is herewith attached, and after • examination has been 
made of them by our Council, in our residence, we enjoin you so 
to act, that more especially the people of the vaUey of Luserna 
may enter within the fold of Holy Mother Church. ^^ And we 
enjoin you all, as many as you may be, imder penalty of a fine of one 
hundred marks of silver each, and, with regard to officers, under 
penalty of being deprived of their charge, that the said letter of 
the Inquisitor in its form, spirit, and tenor, and in conformity 
with the requirements of justice, be by you received, considered, 
and observed, and that ye may cause it to he received, considered, 
and observed in its integrity, by all whom it may concern, and that 
you insist upon the full and entire execution of it, without per- 
mitting yourselves to be hindered by any opposition, excuse, or 
frivolous exception whatsoever, and without waiting for any 
further order ; and let every one of you fear lest he may incur 
the penalties here above imposed. And since thou, Lord of 
Luserna, here above mentioned, hast refused to carry out the said 
request, and, furthermore, hast retained that letter in thy pos- 
session, at the instance of the Fiscal Attorney- General of Savoy, 
and through the above-mentioned Ducal officers, we summon and 

124 The Waldenses of Italy. 

enjoiD thee to appear on the 10th of the month of Februai-y before 
oui- Council, in our residence, where thou shaJt be present and 
appear, under the pains and penalties as aforesaid, in order to 
answer before the Fiscal Attorney concerning the charges brought, 
and to be brought, against thee. Failing in which, on that same 
day, through the Council, thou shalt ba made to see and hear the 
declaration of the penalties imposed, and the consequences which 
may result from them. 

" Given at Rivoli, this 23rd day of Januaiy, in the year of the 
Lord, 1476."*^' 

According to what we have just read, the refasal of the Lord 
of Luserna seems to have been explicit.^* That does him honour. 
Stm, there is no reason for suspecting him of siding with the 
Waldenses in attempt to break the union of the Cathohc Chm'ch. 
AH his merit lies in his not responding with warmth to the more 
or less arrogant requirements' of the Holy OfBce.^^' His prede- 
cessors had protested quite sufficiently concerning their orthodoxy, 
their faithfulness, and the sincerity of their efforts towa,rds the 
extirpation of heresy at Angrogna and St. Jean, as well as at Bobi 
and ViUar. Nor was it their fault if, when they lent themselves 
to be the instruments of inquisitorial intrigues, the population 
rose against them ; but that was what did happen.^^** However, 
the Regent of Savoy had hardly signed the decree when her atten- 
tion was called off elsewhere by changes in her Kingdom. The 
clerical party, however, who watched so carefully to prevent the 
execution of Louis XI.'s decree, worked just as hard to ensure that 
the one issued by his sister lolante should not remain a dead letter. 
They endeavoured to enforce it, but at first, almost without result. 
When Charles I. came into power, after the premature death of 
his brother Philibert, he sent delegates to the spot to enquire into 
the state of affairs, ■''^ and finally left the decision with the court 
at Rome. That was the match which exploded the mine of the 

Innocent IH. had proclaimed the Crusade against the Albi- 
genses ; Innocent Viii., of bad eminence,^^^ was to proclaim the 
Crusade against the W^aldenses. John Baptist Cibo, for that was 
liis name, had attained the apostolic chair, thanks to the venality 
of his electors. He had nothing to recommend him. Just as 
the other Innocent had been powerful in character, the present 

The WAiiDENSES of Italy. 125 

one was weak and violent. The Eomans hailed his accession 
humming the lines : — 

Octo nocens pueros genuit, totidemque puellas : 
Hunc merito poterit dicere Roma patrem.*^^ 

If Innocent VIII. had not a soul of steel, he had a face of 
brass. Far from being ashamed, he married off his sons in the 
face of the world, and with every wedding there was a feast at the 
Holy Father's. We do not wish to recall certain wanton scenes, 
which, moreover, were hardly noticed in those days ; but there 
was much talk concerning a mysterious personage, a prisoner in 
the Vatican. His name was Djem. Fleeing from his brother, 
the Sultan Bajazet II. Djem had thrown himself into the arms 
of the great Prior of the Order of Malta. The Pope, seeing in 
this a possibihty of gain, made an agreement with Bajazet. "I 
will hold your brother Djem behind the bolts of St. Peter," said 
he to him, " if you pay me 40,000 ducats per annum for the ser- 
vice," and the bargain was struck, for Innocent was ever ready to 
turn a penny. The curia fixed a tariff upon sins. A crime could 
be expiated for a specified charge, and those able to pay indulged 
in sin at the market price. The Roman chronicle relates a 
villainous anecdote on that subject. Someone chatting one day 
with the Chamberlain of His Holiness, asked why penance was 
no longer obligatory. " It is," said the Chamberlain, "because God 
desireth not the death of a sinner, but rather that he should live 
and pay." They had gone to that extent. The holy city, a prey 
to anarchy and every vice, was imprecating fire from Heaven 
upon herself. The Pontiff, instead of dressing in sackcloth and 
ashes, in order to avert such a calamity, set himself up as censor 
of the universe, and began to bring about a rain of fire and brim- 
stone. He commenced with the heretics, and aj^pointed the most 
ferocious Inquisitors ; in Spain he appointed Torquemada ; in 
Germany, Kraemer and Sprenger, whom he provided with a special 
bull, in which Germany is designated a country inhabited by 
sorcerers, male and female, " who had made an impious compact 
with the devil. "^^* Finally, he proclaimed the Crusads against 
the Turks, and that, too, while he himself was the Sultan's 
deputy gaol keeper. It need not surprise us, if, in the estimation 
of such an Innocent, the Waldenses were nothing but " sons of 
iniquity," worthy of the Papal Gehenna. 

126 The Waldenses of Italy. 

Charles VIII. had succeeded Louis XI. upon the throne of 
France and Charles I., the warrior, had followed his mother 
lolante and his brother Philibert, the Hunter. The Pontiff, as 
eai-ly as 1485, for the repression of the Waldenses of Piedmont 
and Dauphiny, accredited a nuncio and a general inquisitor to 
those two Princes. When the moment had arrived, he addressed 
the buU which was to be the signal for the Crusade to the Nuncio. 
It bears the date of May 5th, 1487,*'^ and begins thus : — 

" Innocent, Bishop, servant of the servants of God, to our 
beloved son, Albert Catanee, Archdeacon of the Church of 
Cremona, our Nuncio and Commissary of the ApostoHc See for 
the Seigniories of our dear Son, the noble Charles, Duke of 
Savoy, both on this and the other side of the mountains, and 
Vienne in Dauphiny, and the City of Zion, comprising the diocese 
and neighbouring locaHties, greeting and apostolic benediction. 

" The desii'es of our heart induce us, with vigilant solicitude, 
to look for some means of extricating from the abyss of error, 
those for the salvation of whom the Sovereign Creator of all 
things was himseK pleased to endure the sufferings of human 
nature, and to seek their salvation by the help of Divine grace ; 
we, to whom he has committed the charge and government of his 
flock, have at heart the triumph of the Catholic faith during our 
reign, and the extii-pation of the wickedness of heresy from the 
midst of the faithful. Now we have been informed, greatly to our 
displeasm-e, that several sons of iniquity, inhabitants of the 
province of Embrun, adherents of that very pernicious and 
abominable sect of wicked men, called Poor of Lyons or Waldenses, 
which has unfortunately raised itself up for a long time in Pied- 
mont and in the neighbouring places*'^ by virtue of the evil one, 
who endeavours with fatal sagacity to ensnare by artful and 
circuitous ways, and in the darkness of precipices the sheep con- 
secrated to the Lord, and to lead them finally to the perdition of 
their souls, causing them to wander, under a certain false appear- 
ance of sanctity, rejected by theu- own sense, hold the foUowing 
of the path of truth in great abhorence, and observe superstitious 
and heretical practices, say, do, and commit many things contrary 
to the orthodox faith, offensive in the eyes of his Divine Majesty, 
and very dangerous in themselves to the salvation of souls. Our 
beloved Son, Blaise de Mont-Koyal, of the Order of Preachers, 
Professor of Theology and General Inquisitor of those localities. 

The Waldenses of Italy. 127 

has therefore betaken himself there to induce them to abjure the 
above-mentioned errors and profess the true faith in Christ, and 
to extirpate from among them all sorts of evil, having been 
previously destined for that purpose by the Master- General of the 
said Order, and afterwards by our beloved Son, Dominic, Cardinal 
Priest of the title of St. Clement, Legate of the Apostolic See in 
those regions, and finally by Pope Sixtus IV. of blessed memory, 
our immediate predecessor. These people, far from abandoning 
their very wicked and perverse errors, stopping their ears like the 
deaf adder, and adding to the evils already committed, still 
greater ones, have not feared to preach them publicly, and have 
drawn by this means to these same errors, others of Christ's faithful, 
to vilify excommunications, interdicts and other censures of this 
same Inquisitor ; to throw down his house and to take away or 
alienate his goods, as also those of several other faithful men ; to 
kill his servant, to make open war, to resist their temporal Lords, 
to ravage their properties, to drive them with their families out of 
their parishes, to bum or destroy their houses, to prevent them 
from receiving their revenues, and to do them aU possible harm ; 
&s also to commit an infinite number of other iniquities likewise 
execrable and abominable." 

These things being so, there is nothing for it but the 
extirpation of this accursed sect, and the devotion thereto of aU 
possible energy. Consequently, the Nuncio is authorized to call 
for the co-operation of the Archbishops, and to invoke the support 
of the secular arm from the King of France, the Duke of Savoy 
and the Lords, as they shall judge expedient, " in order to pro- 
ceed with armed hand against the said Waldenses and all other 
heretics, and to crush them like venomous serpents," neglecting 
everything, whether threats or promises, for " so holy and so 
necessary an extermination."^^' To aU those who shall obey is 
granted plenary indulgence, together with permission to seize the 
heretics' possessions. Their neighbours and servants, debtors 
included, are loosed from all obligations, but they must withdraw 
from their company at the earliest opportunity. Woe to the 
refractory ! Princes and Plebians, Lords and Slaves, aU are struck 
at by the interdict. 

Such was the signal for the Crusade. What the Waldenses 
had endured thus far in the shape of bloody molestations was but 
" roses and flowers," says Leger, as compared with what was 

128 The Waldenses of Italy. 

about to follow. The threatened region was divided among three 
Sovereigns : the King of France, the Duke of Savoy, and the 
Marquis of Saluces. It has been remarked that they took no 
part in the Crusade. That is untrue. They authorised it. Even 
had they been satisfied to remain passive, their attitude would 
have resembled that of the shepherd who permits the wolf to 
enter the sheepfold, but their asistance was not of this negative 
kind. Charles Vin., King of France, hastened to respond to the 
Pontiff's appeal, with express orders ; he enjoined the authorities 
to lend their support to the Nuncio Catanee.^'^ It is true that 
these orders can refer only to the district of Dauphiny ; but when 
the King of France set the example, the Duke of Savoy was, of 
course, obliged to bow his head. Charles I., the warrior, was 
therefore, though somewhat against his will, submissive. He 
himself declared his unwillingness, and we must believe him. 
As for the Lord of Saluces he was of no importance, and more- 
over he was not primarily concerned. Albert of Catanee had 
only to follow the path marked out for him. ^Miilst a few bands 
of soldiers were recruited for him, he reached Pignerol, and 
stopped at the convent of St. Laurent, belonging to the order of 
the HumiHati. From there he sent out a few preaching monks 
towards the valleys, to invite the Waldenses to repentance ; but 
it was of no avail. Seeing this the Nuncio allowed the time of 
grace to elapse; for he tells us eveiything was done according to 
law and order ;^^^ after which operations commenced. The 
Legate's strategy does not seem to have roused the enthusiasm of 
experts in such work. It is beyond our comprehension ; it seems 
to have been a chase in the dark. Instead of directing his 
forces against a given point, he scattered them in order to let not 
one escape ; but the net of his militia was so much stretched that 
the meshes broke, and the haul seems to have been but inconsider- 
able. It is a matter somewhat sm'prisiug that the Legate's 
writings include no mention of the double attack directed against 
the valley of the Angrogna. Perhaps he was not present ; besides 
the check received by his men there does not constitute an ele- 
ment necessary to his narrative, which is essentially apologetic. 
Let us pause a little before taking up again the ttread of his blood- 
besprinkled journey across the frontier, while we hear of the 
attack from other sources. 

The Waldenses of Italy. 129 

If we believe the Waldensian tradition, which, as will be seen 
is borne out by witnesses, that against the valley of Angrogna, 
deserves to be mentioned among the principal attacks. The 
reader knows that at the summit of this valley is the Wal- 
denses' sacred refuge, " their last earthly refuge," caiUed Pre du 
Tour. Protected as it is on the north by the bare ridges of 
Infemet, on the south by the rampart of Vandalin, on the west 
by the heights of Sella Veglia and Mount Eoux, it is almost in- 
accessible, except from the east ; that is to say, to reach it one 
must enter by the door. Now the door is overhung on the left of the 
stream by rocks, which command it like the bastions of a gigantic 
fortress, and these natural bastions are guarded by all the force 
available, for behind the front ranks were sheltered the old people 
and the women and little children. So good was the guard that 
the enemy never succeeded in penetrating there during all the 
days of the persecution. Once they almost succeeded, however, 
but before reaching the spot they had already received a check. 
A band of Crusaders had just climbed the border line of St. Joan, 
the name given to the hUls which, at the approaches of the 
Valley of Angrogna, overlook this locality. They had hoped to 
force a passage at the village of Eocciamaneout, but were suddenly 
brought to a standstill by the advanced guard of the Waldenses. 
The mountaineers, well stationed, had provided themselves with 
cuirasses and targets made of hides or chestnut bark, and these 
protected them against the arrows of the enemy. The latter, 
greatly superior in number, were obHged to shoot upwards, and 
were therefore at some disadvantage, but the assault was a severe 
one nevertheless, and the position seemed for a moment to be in 
jeopardy. More than one of the Waldenses fell, but the ranks 
were maintained close. The irritated assailants renewed the 
attacks with greater fury. One of the leaders, followed by a band 
of soldiers advanced, breathing out threatenings and violence.**" 
All eyes turned towards him. " God, help us " — the women's 
voices cried — Dio aintaci.^^ Tradition describes the leader of 
the assailants as a giant of swarthy complexion— a Goliath, full 
as to his mouth of curses and blasphemies, and called by 
the name of the Black One of Mondovi. As he advanced 
suddenly, whether from bravado or because of the heat, he raised 
his vizor, and quickly a swift arrow, sped by Pierre Eevel, 
stretched him. on the dust. Then terror seized upon the enemy. 

130 The Waldenses of Italy. 

and they fell back in disorder, only to rettmi to the assault by 
another way. The Waldenses now hastened to reach the heights 
of the valley while the Crusaders reascended, and drew out their 
bands in echelon on the left of the stream. Having reached 
Serre, they disappeared in the lowlands beyond the hill and 
entered iato the pass of the Rodraille, at the approaches of Pre du 
Tour. At that instant a dense fog unexpectedly fell upon and 
surrounded them, and the path which winds along the Angrogna, 
was lost in darkness. Suddenly, some Waldenses posted in that 
vicinity came out of their retreat ; arrows flew through the fog ; 
rocks were hurled down from the mountain sides ; and with their 
noise the earth trembled and shook. Heaven and earth and the 
inhabitants thereof seemed to have formed a holy alliance against 
the redressers of heresy. The Crusaders, confounded and amazed, 
tried to beat a retreat ; but the narrow path was obstructed by the 
troops behind. Confusion and panic in such a situation was fatal, 
many, looking for a means of escape, slipped and fell from the 
rocks into the torrent below ; many threw themselves down head- 
long, as eager to anticipate their fate. Amongst the number of those 
who perished was Captain Saquet of Polonghera, of the province 
of Coni. It is said that he had just threatened the heretics with 
certain ruin. Tradition says, " This man having fallen from a 
rock into the stream, which is called the Angrogna, was carried 
away, and thrown by it into a large and deep hole, formed among 
the rocks." The pool received thereafter the name of " Gouflfre 
de Saquet," and its name ever since has helped to preserve the 
memoiT of that signal victory sent by heaven to its people.**^ 

The rout was complete and disastrous, and little likely to 
appease the wrath of the Nuncio against those who had brought it 
about. According to his account, the case was very different in 
the teiTitory of Dauphiny, which comprised, as will be remembered, 
the valley of Pragelas, where Catanee caused twenty-twi 
Waldenses of Briancon and Cesane to be arrested and brought 
into his presence ; they were, if he is to be beHeved, among the 
principal people of those localities. He adds that the heretics, not 
satisfied with assaulting the Inquisitor, Veyleti, and covering him 
with wounds, had caused much grief and apprehension to certain 
magistrates and to the good souls in general who had been 
interested in their safety ; and now they wished to drive him from 
amongst them, for when they should have done with the Nuncio, 

The Waldenses of Italy. 131 

they thought they would be left in peace. In short, they had 
stirred up the water ; moreover, Catanee was there to testify to 
the fact, and to re-establish order ; they were, therefore, put to 
torture and forced to confess their faith. Two of their number 
having refused to recant, were handed over to the executioner ; 
as for the others they re-entered the bosom of the Church, safe if 
not sound.**^ The report of this was sedulously disseminated, 
and the preaching monks called upon the people to seize the 
golden opportunity and obtain pardon. Several of the inhabitants 
of Val Pragelas, and of the neighbouring places, took advantage of 
the occasion, and their return to the faith was celebrated with 
solemnity in Briancon.*''* But not aU bowed the knee, for many 
belonging to Mentoules, Usseaux, Fenestrelles, and several 
villages in Val Cluson, wishing to avoid this, withdrew to the 
summits of the mountains, and there prepared for resistance. 
When the attack was about to commence, the Waldenses sent 
two men to parley ; they were Jean Camp and Jean Desidere. 
This is what they had to say : — ■ 

" The true faithful of Val Cluson entreat you, reverend and 
magnificent Lords, not to be led by the speeches of our enemies 
to condemn us without hearing our defence. We are the king's 
faithful subjects, and hold it an honour to bear the name of 
Christians. Our Barbes, who are educated and respectable 
persons, declare themselves ready to prove to you in a manner as 
clear as day, and in open conference, either on the testimony cf 
the Old or New Testament, that we are orthodox with regard to 
the articles of onr faith, and deserve not abuse but praise ; for 
we will not follow the transgressors of evangelic law, and those 
who turn away from the tradition of the Apostles, nor obey their 
wicked institutions. We delight in the poverty and innocence 
which marked the origin and development of orthodox faith. We 
despise wealth, luxury, and lust for power, and all these things 
which are, alas ! too truly the characteristics of our persecutors. 
Now you say that the destruction of what you call our sect, has 
been ordered. Beware, lest you make war against God, and draw 
down His wrath upon your heads, and lest, believing you are 
doing right, you be guilty of a great crime, as was the case 
with St. Paul. We have put our trust in God, for we are 
endeavouring to be acceptable unto Him rather than unto men. 
We fear not those who kill the body, but cannot kill the soul, 

F 2 

132 The Waldenses of Italy. 

Know ye, therefore, that if it be not God's will, the forces you 
have gathered together against us will avail nothing." **' 

The Nuncio Catanee answered, and it is unnecessary to say 
how ; that can be easily imagined. He pretended that his 
answer terrified the Waldenses to such an extent as to induce 
them to ask for eight days' grace for reflection, declaring them- 
selves ready to abjure, if convinced of error, Aymar de la 
Roche, Prior of Mentoules, vidth some few preachers, went to 
visit them, in the hope of touching the heart of this people ; but 
they were not received in the manner they had hoped for and 
desired. " We are in the right ; it is you who are the leaders 
into evil," the people cried to them,*** and the messengers were 
obliged to return without having concluded anything. Then the 
Nuncio, having exhausted aU his legal proceedings,**' gave the 
signal for the combat to commence. The Waldenses, who had 
withdrawn to almost inaccessible heights, armed with arrows 
and short javelins, made a fierce resistance; nevertheless, a 
number of them perished, especially at the defence of the Mont 
Fraisse cave. Fifteen of the most prominent heretics were sent 
to the stake. The next day the Crusaders attacked another refuge, 
steeper and more formidable : that above the rock of Eoderie. 
They combined all their forces for this assault, but the Wal- 
denses were protected by the nature of their position, and the 
soldiers were obliged to fall back before an avalanche of stones. 
Several were killed, and a still larger number were wounded, 
being then precipitated over the rocks. The battle raged with 
much fury firom daybreak till evening.*" In this case, however, the 
persecuted folk were dealing with much more skilfol adversaries 
than the Black One of Mondovi and Captain Saquet. King 
Charles VHI. had sent for his Heutenant, Hugues de la Palu, who, 
assisted by the Councillor Jean Ribot, went straight at his work. 
The very next day the Crusaders returned to the assault with 
engines of war, and the Waldenses were obliged to surrender. 
" Prostrate upon the earth," says Catanee, they promised to 
abjure if they were pardoned. Peace was granted them, and by 
the order of the Nuncio, all that multitude set out for Mentoules ; 
there, after a solemn celebration of the ordinary rite, leaving 
their old leaven, and having been made into a new lump, according 
to the word of the Apostle, they re-entered the Catholic 

The Waldenses of Italy. 133 

Then the Nuncio Catanee crossed Mount Genevre, and went 
to Embrun, for the purpose of directing the Crusade in the 
direction of the valleys of Louise and Preysainieres. There he 
repeated the menaces and promises contained in the Pope's Bull, 
and, with burning words, stirred up the zeal of the faithful, who 
had hastened to him from several locaUties of Dauphiny. After 
this prelude, Hugues de la Palu arose, and, at the head of his 
army, invaded first the narrow valley of Freyssinieres. At the 
sight of the soldiery, the inhabitants scaled the heights, and con- 
centrated themselves upon four different points, especially on the 
rock called the" Church Rock." Hugues, by taking a cross-road, got 
at this last-named vantage ground, and compelled the defenders to 
surrender, the rest soon following their example. Almost 
all went down to perform the act of submission. "You ask for 
mercy, come and ask it at Embrun," answered the Nuncio.*"" 
They went, but we do not know to what number. 

In Val Louise, the rage of the Crusaders had freer scope, and 
their irritation at the care the persecuted people displayed for 
their Uves and their faith rendered them furious. The refugees 
for the most part betook themselves to a cave, which owes almost 
all its celebrity to this Crusade. It is situated on the slopes of 
Pelvoux, the Viso of the Briangonnais. Almost half-way up that 
mountain is a narrow gorge, which leads to the cave called Aigue 
Fraide, because of the spring which there issues from under the 
glaciers. In front of the opening, stretching out on a projection 
of the mountain is a platform, from which the eye looks down 
upon the surrounding ravines. This can only be reached by a 
frightful path, overhanging the precipices. Such is the spot 
where the Waldenses awaited their persecutors. They had pro- 
visioned themselves for two years, says the Nuncio, who was 
present at the assault. At first messengers were sent to summon 
them to perform the act of obedience. That was of no avail,. 
Measure the height of those rocks, answered they, and go 
and teU him who sent you that we are resolved, if necessary, to 
die for our faith.*'^ Catanee harangued the devout troops before 
they mounted to the assault ; but the stones began to roU down, 
and all attempts to reach the platform by a direct ascent had to 
be abandoned. At night Hugues de la Palu bethought him of a 
stratagem, and he conceived the idea of putting it into execution 
the very next day — a Sunday. He managed to get a number of 

134 The Waldenses of Italy. 

young men to climb from behind, and unperceived to the summit. 
From this point they, by means of ropes, lowered one another to 
a rock that overlooked the entrance to the cave. The Waldenses 
could not see them, nor had they any suspicion of their presence, 
as their attention was taken up by a feint attack, which was 
renewed in order to effect a diversion.^^^ At the proper moment, a 
simultaneous rush was made upon the besieged from above and 
below, when, taken by surprise, and disconcerted, they were 
vanquished. They were possessed with such terror that more 
than ninety precipitated themselves from the rock. The Nuncio 
says that the survivors were pardoned,**' but tradition says differ- 
ently. It alleges that the soldiers piled up green wood at the 
entrance to the cave, set lire to it, and transformed that refuge 
into a tomb.*** When an entrance was afterwards made, 3,000 
victims were found, it is said, among whom were 400 children, 
who died in their cradles or in their mother's arms.*** According 
to another version, which perhaps falsifies in a different direc- 
tion, there were " thirty families only, numbering in all 70 
persons — men, women, and children."**^ It is to be beheved that 
"had the Waldenses been in such small numbers, it would not 
have been necessary to send the lieutenant-governor of the pro- 
vince with a miniatm-e army against them."**^ The cave is still 
there : a place of horrors. It is called the Balme des Vaudois, or 
the Balme Chapelne. 

The city of Embrun also witnessed the arrival of the poor 
inhabitants of the valley of Argentiere, seeking for pardon. The 
goods of the heretics were confiscated, especially in Val Louise, 
which it was intended to re-people with Catholics. " Never since 
that time," says Muston, " has the Waldensian Church risen again 
in those valleys."**^ On quitting these desolated spots the 
Nuncio left the care of fulfilling his mission to a Franciscan 
monk, named Francois Ploireri, who immediately went to work. 
He summoned to Embrun those Waldenses who had not re- 
entered the pale of the Church, or were backsliders. He insti- 
tuted a number of proceedings against them, and, in order 
that no appeal might be had from his decision, condemned them, 
with the assistance of a Councillor of the Parliament of Dauphiny, 
called Pons. The general sentence having been once pronounced, 
it was posted up on the door, " and at the foot of it were the 32 
articles of the creed of the said Waldenses."**' 

The Waldenses of Italy. 135 

The account of this Cnisade may he closed with one more 
incident, for which we are indebted to tradition, narrated by Gilles. 
A battalion 700 strong, climbing over the pass of Abries, reached 
the heights of Val St. Martin more or less unexpectedly, and fell 
upon the village of Pommiers in the township of Prali.*"" The 
advent of the soldiers was discovered in time, so that while the 
Crusaders were scattering for the purposes of plunder, the " Pralins " 
fell upon them. All, except the colour-bearer, were killed, 
according to Gilles; or, "killed and put to flight," according to 
Muston. The colour-bearer had, during the flight, hidden himself 
in a ravine under the snow. Cold and hunger drove him out at 
last, and his life was spared. " Having cooled down a Uttle, the 
' Pralins ' let him go unharmed, to carry the news of the total 
defeat of his companions."''" 

Thus ended the Crusade, the date of which is not yet fixed. 
According to Waldensian historians, it took place in 1488 f^ 
but the accuracy of this date may be doubted, as it does not agree 
very well with the circumstances which accompanied the event. 
Indeed, we know that the bull of Innocent VIII., first proclaimed 
at Rome, May 5th, 1487, in the third year of his pontificate, was 
less than two months afterwards (June 26th) repeated " in the 
convent of St. Laurent, without the walls of Pignerol."*^^ The 
season was propitious for its execution, and there is nothing that 
indicates delay. The Crusade, therefore, probably commenced in 
the year 1487.*'=* 

Charles I., Duke of Savoy, had not been indifferent to the 
vicissitudes undergone by his subjects in the valleys.*^^ Their 
sufferings, as well as their courage, had touched his heart. He 
delegated a Bishop to confer with, and assure them as to 
his true feelings. The prelate went up to Angrogna, and 
delivered his message of sympathy at the village of Prassint. 
It was agreed that the Waldenses should send a deputation, 
composed of twelve of their principal men, to do homage to the 
Duke. Charles awaited them at his castle of Pignerol. He had 
doubtless heard much about the heretics, and what he had heard 
seems to have whetted his curiosity. The deputies arrived. 
The Duke received them with the courtesy and breeding due fi-om 
one of the house of Savoy ; his youth — he was then only twenty — 
rendering it the more charming. According to some, he excused 
himself for having tolerated such a cruel war ; according to 

136 The Waldenses op Italy. 

others, " he granted pardon on receipt of such a sum of money 
as should defray the expenses of it."**' These two versions cer- 
tainly dififer materially, but one does not necessarily exclude the 
other ; still, whatever the means, peace was re-established, and the 
Waldenses had the opportunity of becoming convinced that, but 
for clerical interference, they might have enjoyed some little 
liberty. The audience ended in familiar conversation, during 
which children were mentioned. The Duke, who could hardly 
overcome his sm-prise at the nursery tales which had been palmed 
off upon him, asked with a smUe : " Is it true that your children 
are bom with a black throat, four rows of hairy teeth, and one 
eye in the middle of the forehead ? " Some were presented to 
him, and they took it upon themselves to answer. The Duke 
blushed for having been so credulous, and was indignant with the 
slanderers. This is an anecdote worthy of being chronicled, as 
showing what fanaticism could invent. 

The most advantageous result of the conference at Pignerol 
was peace — a lasting peace which, in the valleys subject to the 
house of Savoy, was not again interrupted until after the Reforma- 
tion. The comments made upon the Prince by the deputies as, 
with light and joyful hearts, they retm'ned to their firesides, may 
be sm-mised, and are undoubtedly reflected in those of Waldensian 
writers. " God has touched the heart of the Prince," some said ; 
'• God be praised," others added, " our young Duke has harked back 
upon the natural kind ways of his race."**' They were jubilant in 
the valleys, and bonfires were kindled on the mountaiu-tops as a 
sign of rejoicing ; but a mysterious, unexpected, and unforeseen 
grief soon quenched the joy in every heart. The young Duke 
died in that very Pignerol on March 13th, 1490. It has been 
suspected by some that he was poisoned.*** Nothiug, however, 
is known for certain ; stiU, one thing we do know, namely, that 
suspicion did not fall upon the Waldenses, and that none mourned 
his death more sincerely than they : indeed, it came near being 
fatal to them, for its effect was to place the power once more in 
the hands of a regent. Only two years later another death took 
place, which, however, did not cause any regret — that of the 
author of the Crusade. Innocent VIII. had just received a sin- 
gular present from the Sultan ; it was a portion of the lance 
which had pierced the side of om* Saviour. He rejoiced so much 
over this, that he ordered a procession to go out and meet 

The Waldenses of Italy. 137 

Bajazet's messenger, in order to receive and instal with suitable 
ceremony the relic, which might indeed, as a symbol, have 
suggested some serious reflections to him. As he was about to die, a 
Jewish physician suggested, as a last remedy, a draught of human 
blood. Three apparently motherless young boys were brought ; 
they permitted their veins to be opened, for money which other 
hands received ; but the innocent blood did not help the Pontifi", 
who had already drunk too much of it. He went to his grave on 
the 15th of July, 1492. 

Still, the peace granted by the Duke of Savoy had not put an 
end to all the effects of the Crusade. In Piedmont it left a door 
open for the molestation of inquisitorial procedure, both regular 
and secret ; clerical reaction, however, had at least been checked. 
In Dauphiny people envied the fate of the subjects of the house of 
Savoy, and not without cause. After the Crusade there happened 
that which always followed war in those barbarous days ; the 
vultures and crows came down upon their prey. In this case the 
vultures were represented by the officials of the Eoyal Treasury, 
and this is shown by the following decree, issued March 4th, 
1488 :— 

" Charles * * * We, having received a humble petition from 
our friends and faithful counsellors, Hugues de la Palu, Lord of 
Varas, Lieutenant-Governor of our country of Dauphiny, Sire 
Pons, Counsellor in our Court of Parliament at Grenoble, and 
Charles Baron, our Counsellor and Chamberlain, setting forth that, 
by our other letters-patent given at Angers,? in the month of June 
past, we appointed and delegated them to take, seize, and put into 
our hands all estates and property whatever of certain inhabitants 
of the said country of Dauphiny, called Waldenses, who, by sen- 
tence of our dear and beloved master, Albert de Cappitaneys, 
learned in every law, appointed by our Holy Father the Pope for 
that purpose, had been declared confiscated and belonging to us, 
because of the evil schisms and heresies which they had heretofore 
held and were holding against the Holy Apostolic Faith."*"' 

Another share of the confiscated property had fallen to Jean 
BaUe, Archbishop of Embrun, and it increased day by day, in con- 
sequence of new confiscations. On the arrival of his successor, 
Kastain, in 1497, the patrimony of the Archbishopric had attained 
very goodly proportions. The latter prelate examined it care- 
fully, and compared it with the documentary titles. He ascer- 

138 The Waldenses of Italy. 

tained, also, that the people of Freyssinieres were still under the 
burden of excommunication ; therefore, he said to himself, " I 
shall not go to visit theii- accursed valley." One day he was 
approached by a certain Fazy Gay of Freyssinieres, who said 
to him : — 

" We are expecting you up yonder," your Grace. " Shall you 
not come up and see us ? " 

" No, indeed." 

" "Why, pray ? " 

" The excommunication which was huiied against you has not 
been taken away." 

" I beg pardon, your Grace ; it is a long time since we were 
freed from it. You must forget that we obtained absolution by 
the decree of Louis XI." 

" Nonsense. You are imder condemnation by the authority 
of the Pontiff : authoritate pontijkis romani. I beHeve that's 

" So that we shall be deprived of your visit." 

" You wiU not see me in Freyssinieres, so long as you are not 
reconciled with the Pope." 

" But then, of what use was om- promise to live Mke good 
Cathohcs ? " 

" I have nothing to say in the matter, I teU you. That is to 
say, I am quite willing to send you Sire Jean Colombi ; he will 
find out all about the rights of things. Moreover, I wUl wiite to 

It was found afterwai'ds that the Pope never sent any reply to 
that communication . Alexander VI. had his hands full elsewhere ; 
he was just then stirring up the Are which burned Savanarola. 
Meanwhile, Chai'les Vm. having died, Eostain went to attend the 
coronation of Louis XTT., and the people of Freyssinieres sent their 
delegates to the new king, charging them to present to him their 
everlasting request. It was the old question of recovering their 
property, unjustly withheld by the Archbishop. The Mng referred 
the matter to his Chancellor, who questioned Rostain. He, 
shrugging his shoulders, answered, " T\Tiat can I tell you ? it is 
none of my business. The goods that are claimed were con- 
fiscated before my installation. In Paris you will find members 
of the Parhament of Grenoble, Counsellor Eabot among others. 
Ask them ; they wiU give you information." The Waldensian 

The Waldbnses of Italy. 139 

deputies were heard in their turn; they said: "We ask that 
the decree of Louis XI., of blessed memory, be observed. Our 
best property is annexed to the patrimony of the Archbishopric. 
AU our complaints have been in vain. After the king has 
decided, we to the prejudice of his legitimate authority, are 
referred to the Pope." 

Thereupon the Royal Council decided upon an inquiry. The 
commissioners delegated for the purpose arrived in Embrun, 
on July 4, 1501, and Rostain, out of deference to his rank, was 
permitted to take part in the inquiry. He soon, however, got into a 
very bad humour, because the royal officers, from a feeling of delicacy, 
refused his interested attentions, and he showed his displeasure 
very plainly — first, by disputing their right to examine the papers 
in the case ; afterwards, by fuming during the whole inquiry ; and 
finally, by spreading annoying reports of the procedure. What 
made the Prelate most bitter was that the commissioners should, 
although with reserve, have granted the Waldenses absolution 
as regards contumacy .*'° He at once protested, and began to aver 
that his colleagues showed too clearly by their remarks that they 
had espoused the cause of the heretics. 

" We wish to be just, first of aU. If our remarks are at 
fault, let your Grace denounce them," said the commissioners. 

" Well, Monsieur d'Orleans, since you invite me to do so, I 
win tell you that I was pained to hear what you said at the Inn of 
the Angel." 

" What was that ? " 

" Oh ! What you said there goes beyond anything I could 
have imagined, and I am so deeply grieved at it, that I still 
wonder whether you really spoke the words which are attributed 
to you." 

" May I ask what they are ? " 

" It is affirmed that you said, ' I would that I were as good a 
Christian as are the worst inhabitants of Freyssinieres.' " 

" And that distresses you." 

" It seems to me there is good reason why it should." 

Malicious people averred that what most distressed the 
Archbishop was the fear of having to restore to the Waldenses 
the beautiful vineyards of St. Clement, St. Crespin, and 
Chanteloube, as well as the estates of Chateau Roux.*'^ 

140 The Waldenses of Italy. 

Upon receipt of the Commissioners' report, Louis XII. issued 
the following decree : — 

" Louis, by the grace of God, king of France, etc. 

" It having come to our notice that the inhabitants of 
Freyssinieres have suffered great wrongs and vexations, difficulties 
and labour, desiring to relieve them, and that they may be 
reinstated in the possession of their property, chattels, and 
estates, we order by these presents to all those who are with- 
holding the said properties, incontinently and without delay to 
dispossess themselves of them, and hand over the said properties, 
and return and restore them to the said suppliants or their pro- 
curators, each one in his place, and in case of opposition, refusal, 
or delay, we, having regard to their poverty and misery, in the 
which they have long been and still are detained, without being 
able to obtain justice — WE desiring with all our heart that right 
shall be done to them, will our own selves know the reason 
thereof, &c., &c. 

" Given at Lyons on the 12th of October, 1501." *'2 

After this new decree, nothing, it would seem, remained but to 
obey. However, the Archbishop did not see matters in that 
light. He drew a distinction. " I am not indebted to the 
inhabitants of Freyssinieres for my property," he said, " I 
received that from my predecessor. I am quite willing," he 
added, "to conform to the orders of His Majesty; let us 
return confiscated property to the Waldenses; I wait but for 
one thing, namely, that the Lords of Dauphiny set me the 

The reader will not have forgotten that, as the representatives 
of the civil power, these latter had had their bountifQl share. 
Besides which, on this matter, Lords and Prelates always went 
hand and glove. Several personages were summoned before the 
king. They excused themselves without much ceremony, and 
actually went so far as to say that in order to caiTy out the desired 
restoration, they required, as did the Archbishop, the absolution 
of the Pope. Perhaps the Papal Bull which followed was 
obtained, if not directly by the Archbishop, at least by one of his 
dignitaries on a mission to the the Court of France. Such is 
with fair probability aJBBrmed.*^' If this be so, it must be confessed 
that when hope was lost, the Waldenses found an unexpected 
protector, whose favour, however, was more venal than efficient : 

The Waldenses of Italy. 141 

venal, for we are speaking of the Pope, whose conduct suggested 
the well known distich : — 

Vendit Alexander cruces, altaria Christum. 
Emerat ille prius, vendere jure potest. 

The protection was insufficient, because Archbishop Rostain 
laughed at the Bull, and did not consider it obligatory. In order 
to be so, he replied, it must proceed directly from the Holy 
Father. In short, we learn here that nothing availed against his 
sacerdotal avarice, and the Poor of Lyons, or rather the faithful 
amongst them, would have lost less time, and perhaps less credit, 
had they kept Waldo's ideal in sight, and had ceased to protest 
against it. 

The narrative thus far has not led us to the valley of the Po, 
into which, however, we know that the Waldenses had a long time 
before penetrated, either from France or from the valley bordering 
upon that of Luserna. Had the valley escaped the storm of the 
Crusade ? Judging from his memoirs, Albert de Catanee would not 
seem to have betaken himself thither ; no known fact indicates the 
presence in those parts of his soldiers, renowned as they were for 
their fanaticism.*''^ The conclusion that may be drawn from this 
is, that the Waldenses had not yet collected there in sufficiently 
large numbers to draw upon themselves general attention ; or, as 
we prefer to believe, that during the raging of the Crusade there 
was no need of Eomish thunderbolts to reduce the heretics lo 
silence, and that the mUd inquisitorial hail alone was sufficient. 
After the Crusade, those who fled from Val Luserna, and particu- 
larly from the localities of Bobi and Rora, seem to have contri- 
buted to swell their number, but, at the same time also, the 
danger which threatened them. Be that as it may, persecution 
did later faU upon them, and our business is to relate the facts, 
but before doing so we must go back a little. 

It will be remembered that the valley of the Po had received 
the refugees from France, after the famous Crusade against the 
Albigenses. They had reached it — a part of them at least — 
by the more or less frequented paths in the vicinity of Viso. 
The whole frontier, as far as the Maritime Alps, was traversed 
by the stream of emigration ; divers points of the territory now 
comprised in the province of Coni being repeatedly attained. This 
city witnessed the rapid increase of heretics, either within its 

142 The Waldenses of Italy. 

walls or in its neighbourhood, as far as Dronero, Busca, Savig- 
Uano, Saluzzo, up toward the Alpine frontier, from the valley of 
the Po to that of Maira, and the pass of Tende. Yet it was 
further on, into the free cities of Lombardy, that the stream of 
emigration finally flowed. Coni was for the Albigenses hardly 
more than a city of passage.''^' In the XV. century, heresy had 
by no means disappeared from it. In 1417, the Inquisitioi; asked 
to be permitted free entrance and assistance, as it had learned on 
good authority that in more than one localiiy heretics abounded, 
and that they even enjoyed sufficient favour to dare to hold meet- 
ings, and to teach their doctrines by means of which they out- 
rageously lacerated the bosom of Mother Church, and precipitated 
souls into the abyss of perdition.*" It has been doubted whether 
at that time the Inquisition obtained the desired support.*'" 
Thirty years later, its action was only too manifest. This was in 
the time of Duke Louis of Savoy.*'* A local chronicle says that 
in 1445, some thirty houses were destroyed by fire in one of the 
streets of Coni, and that this accident seemed to herald the 
avenging flames of the Catholic faith. With the assistance of 
monkish zeal, the omen was realised. Twenty-two inhabitants of 
the village of Bernezzo were summoned to Coni and burned. The 
chronicle is ambiguous as to whom they were. It says : " They 
profess the heresy of the Poor of Lyons whom some call Gazares 
and others Waldenses.**" But it was in the domain of the Mai-quis 
of Saluzzo mainly that the heretics succeeded in settling. It is 
the opinion of more than one writer, that Bagnolo was one of the 
most renowned centres of the Cathari,**^ and some Waldenses 
may have intermingled with them. Still the latter shewed a 
tendency to settle more to the west, towards the som'ces of the 
Po, in the villages of Pravillelm, Biolet, and Bietonet, notwith- 
standing the Inquisition that aimed at theii' destruction. 

We have now arrived at the year 1509, in the month of 
November.**^ Margaret of Foix, for the last five years widow of 
the Marquis Louis 11. of Saluzzo, still young, but morose and 
bigoted,**' " was free as respects her own power, but a slave to 
her confessor."*** There is little doubt that her zeal alarmed the 
lesser Lords of Paesane, and that would explain the conflict of 
jurisdiction which we find arose between the Marchioness and her 
vassals. The latter, jealous of their rights, claimed to manage 
the inquisition of heresy in concert with the monks and the bishop 

The Waldenses of Italy. 143 

and without the intervention of the Princess. Margaret thereupon 
bought up the rights of the monks and of the bishop, though without 
relinquishing her own, and intimated to her feudatories that she 
freed them from all care as regards the necessary expenses, 
including the cost of wood for the piles.*^^ Then Angelo 
Ricciardino, a Dominican monk, Inquisitor "at Saluzzo, betook 
himself to Paesane, and caused it to be proclaimed in the public 
market place, that the inhabitants of PraveUelm, Biolet, and 
Bietonet, and of the Serre of Momian should come down to him 
and do penance. No one went down. Iq the meantime an 
unknown man from the borough of Saint Front was aiTested. His 
name was Pierre Faro Julian.**^ 

" TeU me what you know about the Waldenses of your village," 
said the inquisitor to him ; "I promise you that you shall there- 
by save your life and property." 

" Well, they are all heretics, from the first to the last." 

The Inquisitor desired nothing more. A second witness was 
examined, and the same confession obtained, with respect to aU 
the neighbouring villages. Thereupon, on the 25th of November, 
St. Catherine's Day, the monk sent out myrmidons with orders 
to arrest the principal heretics of PravUlelm and Oncino in church 
and during Mass. They were able to seize two only, Francois 
Maria and Balangier Lanfre. 

" Are you Waldenses ? " 

" We are.«7 " 

On hearing this the Marchioness sent out 200 soldiers, with 
orders to assist the monk Ricciardino. The latter directed them 
toward the villages of Pravillelm, Bietonet, and Onciao. Go, 
said he to them, and bring all those heretics to me. Warned be- 
times, most of the intended victims fled to Barge, with their 
cattle ; but some were arrested and thrown into prison, and the 
deserted homes were pillaged. The inquiry began, not without 
the aid of torture, and on the 24th of March, 1510, Jacques, 
Mainero, Antoine Lanfre, Francois Luchino, and GuiUaume Maria 
were sentenced to be burned at the stake the very next day. That 
day had been chosen for the execution on account of its solemnity, 
it being the feast of the Annunciation and Palm Sunday, and 
the execution was to take place at Croes, in the territory of 
Paesane, in a meadow opposite the house of the said Mainero. 
The pile was ready awaiting its five victims ; but snow and rain 

144 The Waldenses of Italy. 

fell in such quantities, that the execution had to he postponed 
till the morrow. At night, the prisoners hroke the bars of their 
window, and escaped with great difficulty, dragging their chains 
as far as Bosco Piano. There a friend came to their assistance, 
their chains were taken off, and they were free to go where they 
pleased ; they reached Barge safe and sound. After this the rage 
of the Inquisitor may be imagined. He insisted that the 
spectacle should take place just the same. To be sure there were 
no condemned culprits available, but that could be managed. In 
the prisons of Saint Front were three Waldenses, who had been 
promised their pardon, because they had, without any need for 
the application of the torture, confessed everything. We have 
already named one of them, Belangier Lanfre ; the others were 
Julian and Maria.**^ To break promise to heretics could be no 
sin ; moreover, in some way or other, justice must be satis- 
fied,*** so these men were burned alive on the banks of the Po, 
on May 12th of the same year. Many others of their co-religion- 
ists were arrested, and after being cudgelled, were sent out of the 
country.'"^ Among the number was a man of the Bianchi family 
and his mother, Antoine, George Mainero of SeiTe Oncino, 
and Luchino Yerminella of PravUlelm. Nicolas Rosso of Mom- 
bracco and his brother went to the stake a few days later at 
Saint Front. Finally, on the 18th of July, the house where the 
Waldenses were holding their meetings was demolished. Exter- 
nally it had, we read, a pretty appearance ; within it looked like 
a labyrinth.*** Even the name of the village of Pravillelm was 
by order changed to that of St. Lam-ent; tradition, however, 
laughed at the ceremony, and the former name continued to 
be used. All the property of the heretics was confiscated; one 
third went to the Lords of Paesane and Oncino, and the rest to 
the Marchioness.*" 

Nevertheless, the fugitives had reached the valley of Lusema, and 
had scattered through the locahties of Rora, Angrogna, and Bobi. 
They were not satisfied with the cordial reception given them by 
their co-rehgionists. In vain more than once did they send up 
petitions to Margaret to be permitted to return to their firesides. 
Finally they resolved upon an heroic course. "A valiant 
and courageous man among them — having been promised 
by other exiles that they would foUow him and imitate his 
example — went, well attended and unexpectedly, to visit the 

The Waldenses of Italy. 145 

liouses and properties they had abandoned, then occupied by the 
neighbouring papists. With his two-handed sword he cut in 
pieces all whom he met with on the properties, both men and 
beasts ; then, having done this in one district, and having carried 
away the goods found in their houses, in order to defray the 
expenses of the journey, the party withdrew to another district. 
Continuing in like manner, they so frightened the papists of the 
surrounding country, that not only did they no longer dare to be 
found in PraviUelm, Bioletz, or Bietone, but even trembled in their 
own houses, so that they themselves prevailed upon the Marchioness 
to permit the Waldenses to return and occupy their dwellings in 
peace, with the enjoyment of their liberties. "*'' 

Such, in brief, is the account of the return into their homes of 
the Waldenses of the Valley of the Po.*^* This took place in 
1512. The local chronicle, which, as we note in passiag, does 
not agree with GiUes' History, says not a word of the individual 
who directed the return ; on the other hand, it furnishes new 
details concerning the compromises stipulated for between the 
Lords of the place and Margaret, and we are surprised to have to 
note the intervention of the Pope. " In the year 1513," says the 
chronicle, " about the 8th of July, Madame having seen the par- 
don and absolution granted by Pope Leo to the men of PraviUelm, 
Biolet, Bietonet, and Serre of Momian, her ladyship, in her turn, 
pardoned the aforesaid, that is to say, as far as her jurisdiction 
extended. Madame furthermore remitted to them two-thirds of 
their goods, which had not yet been sold, and authorized them to 
re-establish themselves in their homes on payment of 4,400 
ducats, which they agreed to pay within a certain time. "*^^ All this 
property put together did not amount, however, to even one-third 
of the required sum, so that when the period had elapsed, as the 
Marchioness did not receive her money, she issued a decree, dated 
April 24th, 1514, ordering the Waldenses to leave the country 
within three days, under penalty of death. This decree appeared 
so cruel that the public conscience was shocked. A remonstrance 
was addressed to the Marchioness, who finally agreed that the 
Waldenses should pay down 600 ducats, and the rest of the 
sum at the rate of 40 ducats per year. The Lords of Paesane, to 
whom had fallen a third part of the confiscated property, gave it 
up in their turn, under the following conditions : — 

146 The Waldenses of Italy. 

The Waldenses were to pay the sum of ten golden ducats 
yearly on St. Martin's Day ; they should see to it that the mill was 
kept in good order, and they should be expected to bring in to 
the Castellan of Paesane partridges, hares, and nests of hawks at 
the price of three drachms.*'* After that, we learn that the Wal- 
denses of the Valley of the Po began to lead, if not a peaceful 
life, one that was much more free from torment. Margaret of 
Foix, more papist than the Pope, never became reconciled to 
them ; and yet they had one thing in common with her, namely, 
the Gospel text : " SiDeus pro nobis quis contra nos ? "*'^ — with 
this difference, however, that the Marchioness carried the motto 
engraved upon her shield, whilst the Waldenses bore it in their 
hearts. Wereitnotfor theirfaith,one could hai-dly account for their 
return being so obscure (and yet so glorious) or even for its taking 
place at all. It was indeed a glorious return, for it proved some- 
thing better than their attachment to legitimate but material 
property, which was, moreover, assm-ed to them neither by 
right of conquest nor by that of re-purchase, nor yet by right of 
birth. What the retm-n of the Waldenses does prove, is fondness 
for their homes, and also love, a holy love, for their country.' 
From this point of view, so limited an undertaking, hidden in the 
darkness that surrounds the name, the figure, and the memory of 
its hero, is far from being insignificant. Some have attempted to 
throw ridicule upon it,*'* but the ridicule has recoiled upon the 
traducers. Who knows, after all, whether this first glorious 
return did not suggest the idea of the second, the splendour of 
which had the effect on the other hand of relegating the patriots 
of the Valley of the Po more than ever to obUvion ? 

Let us pause a moment to throw a final glance upon the 
mother-colony of the Alps. We may, without circumlocution, 
confess that it is impossible to ascertain with any certainty what 
went on there. Persecution compelled the Church of the valleys 
to sink into a silence which too often conceals her from our sight ; 
her history, like the lofty mountain-tops, is enveloped in the 
mists of obscm-ity. We have noticed in the people certain move- 
ments in diverse directions. These movements cannot be altogether 
accounted for by the numerical increase of the inhabitants ; it was 
largely due to the inquisitorial repression, which enclosed the 
settlers mthin ever-narrowing limits, and contended with them 
for their property and the soil consecrated by their labour ; hence 

The Waldenses of Italy. 147 

emigration became necessary to tiie people, and it served, too, for 
the development of spiritual life. The emigration, too, especially 
where the least danger threatened, as between the two slopes of 
the Alps, was continuous. But even there a danger was to be 
apprehended : viz., the ruin of the community through dispersion, 
unless indeed the Waldenses were careful to anticipate the danger 
by pastoral action among their missionaries. 

Who has not heard of the Barbes ? They are the most legiti- 
mate representatives of the early Waldenses, so much so that the 
latter derive from them the nick-name of Barbets. The name of 
Barbes was not invented, but borrowed from popular use. It 
meant " Uncle."*'^ We know that in ancient times — even now it 
may still be observed — the uncle was a conspicuous character in 
the family, especially when, renouncing matrimony, he gave himself 
wholly to family Ufe. He was the jealous guardian of the 
family traditions, the tutor or pedagogue.^"" The children had as 
much veneration for him as for their father, nay, even more when 
the latter wis neglectful of his office. By degrees, the name of 
Uncle became a title of respect, which was applied to every man 
who was venerable either by age or character. The Waldensian 
Barbe may therefore be compared to the Elders in Israel and in 
the primitive Church.^**^ He was not a Priest, nor did he aspire to 
become one ; he did better — he threw the priest into the shade. ^"^ 
His essentially moral authority was fed by the decadence of 
ofi&cial priesthood, and became the more real as the ecclesiastic 
consecration became more illusive. The Barbe did not desire 
schism in God's family, he wished to see discipline ; he did not 
assume, as a rule, the privilege of administering the sacraments. 
He aimed, first of all, at preaching the good lessons of the Scrip- 
tures when on his visits, and in hearing the confessions of the 
faithful; hence the title of teacher, applied to the Barbes by 
their disciples as well as by their adversaries,^"^ and hence, too, 
the usage which gives the name of schools to the places of wor- 
ship and the meetings at which they presided. 

Attempts have been made to draw up a list of the Barbes, 
that is to say, of the leaders of dissidence in the valleys of the 
Alps before the Keformation ;'"* but these attempts must be 
renounced. The following are the names of some of the principal 
Barbes : — 

148 The Waldenses of Italy. 

Barbe Paul Gignoso of Bobi. 
Pierre of Piedmont. 
Aiitoine of Val de Suse. 
Jean Martin of Val St. Martin. 
Mauliien of Bobi. 
Philippe of Lusema. 
George of Piedmont. 
Etienne Laurens of Val St. Martin. 
Martin of Meane. 

These, according to Leger, dwelt in the valleys.**' 

Barbe Barthelemi Tertian of Meane may have been of the 
same family as Jordan Tertian, the martyr. Leger says he was 
called " the large-handed Barbe." 

Barbe Jean Girai-d of Meane. 

,, Tomasia Bastia of Angrogna. 
,, Barthelemi ,, ,, ,, 

The first withdrew to Geneva, and became a printer ; the 
second died in Puglia, and the thii-d in Calabria. 

Barbe Jacques BeUonato of Angrogna. 

,, Jacques Germane of Val Perosa. 

„ Jean Benedetto. 

,, Jean Romaguolo of Sienna. 

,, Francesquin of Val Freyssinieres. 

,, Michel Porta of VaUouise, or of Pragelas. 

,. Pierre Flot of Pragelas, 

„ Jacques of Legero.*"^ 

There is no attempt here at specifying the time at which they 
lived, or even at uniting them in the same epoch. The weU-known 
names of four contemporaries of the Reformation mar be set down 
here : they are 

Barbe Pierre Masson of Burgogne. 

,, George Morel of Freyssinieres, or of 

„ Jean of Molines. 
„ Daniel of Valence. 

The Barbes have also been called pastors : they were so indeed, 
but their parishes consisted of the dispersed tribe of the Israel of the 

The Waldenses of Italy. 149 

Alps. Anyone of them might have said, as Wesley did later, " My 
parish is the world." They were both the messengers of God 
and of their brethren, having their heart set on replacing the 
light of the Gospel upon the hill-top, strengthening the bonds 
which united the communities, and reviving languishing faith 
everywhere. Their task was so vast that they were insufficient 
for it, and oftentimes then- gi-ave and sober pastoral epistles had 
to supply their places, as well as might be, during enforced absences. 
The letter of Tertian, auz grands mains, is a characteristic one.'^^ 

The Barbes carried on with very special solicitude the inter- 
course between the mother colony of the Alpine Valleys and the 
daughter colony of Calabria. So great was their zeal for the 
latter, that it might almost seem at times as if the ecclesiastic 
centre had been established there at the end of the XIV. century. 
According to a popular idea, based on the inquisitorial proceedings, 
the leader of the Waldenses resided in Puglia.^"* A monk states, 
after an inquiry had been held, that it was thence that preaching 
in the vaUeys was provided for.*"^ The reason for this probably was 
that the Barbes journeyed ceaselessly to and fro, between those 
two poles of the Waldensian mission in Italy. On the way they 
visited individual brethren or scattered communities who awaited 
their arrival, in order that the members might together receive 
absolution from their sins. It has been claimed that in almost every 
principal city there was some house used as a conventicle. It is 
true that, with the exception of the room at Milan, which has been 
mentioned before, there is no certain information on this point ; 
but traditions, vague though they be, are unanimous on the 
subject. On this matter Gilles says : — 

" The Barbes had in Florence a house belonging to them, with 
moneys for their various needs, in going and coming through 
Italy. They had another in Genoa, and several disciples there, 
as also in Venice, where the minister informed Gilles, on the 
occasion of a visit made by him to this place, that the faithful 
numbered six thousand. There were also a great number 
of disciples at Rome, and almost everywhere else."'^'^ It is 
possible that the statements are exaggerated, nay, it is quite 
probable. ^^^ We certainly know that the presence of a mission 
house was rather the exception, and its absence a rule. Whether 
by preference, or of necessity, the Waldensian missionaries 
followed the example of the Apostles, and accepted from their 

150 The Waldenses of Italy. 

co-religionists hospitality for themselves, and accommodation for 
their meetings.*^^ We may notice too, the general assemhlies ia 
which unity of faith and action was declared ; they were convened 
with such circumspection that for the most part, they were 
unknown to the Church poUce. They are only mentioned once or 
twice in the chronicles of that age. Here is an allusion to an 
assembly of that character. Pope John XXH. in his brief of the 
year 1332, says : — " We have heard that in the valleys of 
Luserna and in the territory of Perosa, the heretics, and the sect 
of the Waldenses especially, have multiplied to such an extent, 
that they permit themselves to assemble frequently in the form of 
a chapter, and their meetings number at times as many as five 
hundred persons." 

This was in the time of Aimon le Pacifique, and of Prince 
Philip of Achaia. If the number seem a large one, it can after 
all be accounted for without any need of asking whether Wal- 
denses only were there spoken of. It only requires to be admitte J, 
what is very obvious, namely, that the assembly was composed 
not only of Barbes, but also of those faithful to the example of 
the primitive Church, which class might include the Cathari. These 
general assembhes were essentially missionary in character, as 
proved by the assembly's management of the Waldensian mission 
interests, and by their connection with the propaganda of their 
brethren in Italy and elsewhere, and above all, in Germany. More 
than once a collection of contributions of money for transmission to 
the leaders of the Hussite dissidence was decreed.'^^ There were 
periodical regulai- assembhes for the transaction of current and 
extraordinary business, as the needs of the day demanded. They 
always aimed at the " preservation of unity and the maintenance 
of uniformity in the churches." At times, " delegates fi:om aU 
quarters of Europe in which there were Waldensian churches " in 
a condition to send them, hastened to be present at such meetings. 
" Such was," says Gilles, " the character of the Synod held at 
Laus of Valcluson in la ter times, when there were present 140 
Waldensian pastors, who had come from different countries. At 
other times they kept up communication by letter, as far as they 
were able.""* 

The character of the Barbes is of primary importance ; they 
were the Levites and the Judges of the Israel of the Alps. The 
question whence they came may, however, still be asked. A man 

The Waldenses of Italy. 151 

did not become a Barbe in the same way as he became an uncle ; 
there was, it is said, a school of Barbes. What do we know 
about this school ? 

First, let us get rid of any ambiguity of expression, for words 
are sometimes deceptive. There are schools and schools. It 
was remarked before that this name was given to more or less 
public meetings presided over by the " teachers," that is to say, 
by the ministers of the community. This usage, as has just been 
said, °^° betrays the spirit of dissidence. Let it be added that, 
when coming from the pen of the Inquisitors, the expression is 
capable of still further explanation, as Roman Catholic custom is 
against the employment of ecclesiastic terminology, when speak- 
ing of the usages of a sect. We must keep these distinctions in 
mind, though it is to be confessed that, in certain cases, to do so 
is not an easy task. Thus, when the monk, Vincent Ferreri, in- 
forms his superiors that the Waldensian schools found by him in 
the valley of Angrogna were destroyed, ^^'' what does he mean? 
Does he refer to forbidden meetings, or to the pulling down of 
some house used for purposes of meeting, or to the school of the 
Barbes ? All these hypotheses are possible, the more so that if 
the school of the Barbes had a house of its own, it was according to 
the tradition, at Pre du Tour. Yet Pre du Tour hardly suifered 
any devastation but that effected by time, as before the Reforma- 
tion at least, persecution did not penetrate there. Another Pro- 
testant author, Flacius, sm-named Illyricus, whose testimony is 
often quoted upon the point in question, relates that, according to 
the official records of the Inquisition, there existed in Lombardy, 
ij the middle of the XIV. century, schools — that is to say, a 
species of academies — where "sound Christian theology" was 
taught ; thither contributions from Bohemia and Poland were sent, 
and more than one student left Bohemia to go and attend the lessons 
of his " Waldensian teachers. "^^'' This time we have to do with 
a school, above all a Waldensian school.^^* But where was it ? 
At Pre du Tour, Waldensian historians have until quite lately 
unanimously answered. ^^' It would seem that they are mis- 
taken ; not because Pre du Tour may not be comprised 
within the limits then assigned to the territory of Lombardy ; but 
because Milan is specified by the writer quoted as the place of 
residence of the teachers of the theology spoken of, and conse- 
quently the seat of the Waldensian school. Indeed, he adds 

152 The Waldbnses of Italy. 

that, as early as 1212, there were at Milan adherents to the Wal- 
densian doctrine, and that some Alsatians had sent collections to 
those Milanese " as to their teachers."*'"' This agrees perfectly 
with the testimony already gathered concerning that epoch. In 
fact, the school of Milan was mentioned hy Stephanas de Borhone. 
This Inquisitor tells us that a Waldensian, arrested at Jonvelle, 
on the Saone, near Jussey, confessed to him that he had quitted 
his country more than 18 years before to go to Milan and study 
the doctrine he was now propagating. Moreover, Flacius*^' does 
not ignore the existence of Waldenses in the valleys of the Alps ; 
on the contrary, he shows that they there survived persecution ; 
but he finds no mention of their school in the reports of the In- 
quisition. That leads us to think that the school of Pre du Tour 
was not so famous as has been thought, and that it has been 
confounded with the school at Milan. The impression becomes 
stronger when we find that " the college of Barbes furnished so 
many pastors and so many evangelists to all regions of Italy, and 
even to Bohemia, Moravia, Hungary, &c."*^^ Still, the school of 
the Barbes did exist, and although a very modest one, it had its 
mission and its merit, which need not be ignored. If thunder- 
holts of eloquence were not forged there, the students were 
taught to become something better than " riders of hobbies."'^' 
There, far fi-omthenoise of large cities, under the shadow of the Alps, 
there might be inhaled the peaceful calm necessary for meditating 
upon the Scriptures. Faith might grow in that austere soUtude, 
and character might be formed strong as the native granite. 

The college of Barbes is known to date back to the time of Waldo 
himself. '2* After his time it simply multiphed. The Waldenses of 
the Alps were not long in organizing it for their own uses ; their 
tendencies, being both bibhcal and didactic, made such a school a 
necessity. If, in addition to this, we consider the circumstances 
of their new condition, and the wants necessarily created by 
emigration, we shaU at once recognise the fact, that if a college 
had not previously existed, they certainly would have had to in- 
vent one. It appears to have had, for a certain time at least, a 
fixed domicile, which everything tends to locate at Pre du Tom", 
where, moreover, a vague recollection of it is preserved. Its name 
exists as that of a small hamlet situated on the left bank of the 
river, and overhanging the httie valley.'^' A house, which may 
be seen at the upper end of the hamlet, contained until lately a 

The Waldenses of Italy. 15S 

singular relic. It was a large stone table, more than two 
metres square, by ten centimetres in thickness, and weighing up- 
wards of 80 tons. " It is generally believed," remarks the pastor 
of that locality in connection with this subject, " that around this 
table were gathered the pupils who attended the ancient school of 
the Barbes. More than a dozen can be accommodated very com- 
fortably." ■' Formerly," he adds, " inscriptions might have been 
read upon it ; but now there is to be seen nothing but a cross, which 
might well be an argument in favour of the antiquity of the 
relic." The work necessary to reduce that enormous block of 
stone to the shape of a table, and the almost Cyclopean efforts 
necessary to transport it, and introduce it into the narrow room, 
wherein he found it, " show," says he, "very plainly that such labours 
were rather the work of an association of men, than of a single 
famUy."^^^ Be that as it may, the name of college, fixed by local 
tradition, has survived, and it will be difficult to explain it with- 
out admitting the existence at Pre du Tour of the school of the 
Barbes. It would be interesting to know exactly what was taught 
at the Waldensian school. On this subject the Barbe Morel 
speaks as follows^^'' : — 

" All those who are to be received among us seek admission 
on their knees, ^^* with the sole object of performing an act of 
humility, doing this while as yet they live with their parents. 
They ask, I say, those of us whom they meet, that we should be 
pleased to admit them to the ministry, and they ask us to pray to 
God for them that they may be rendered worthy of so high an 
office. When we assemble, we communicate their request to the 
brethren present, and if the applicants be well thought of, they 
are admitted by general consent to receive instruction. As almost 
all om- new members come to us from the class of shepherds or 
husbandmen, they are mostly from 25 to 30 years of age, and 
quite illiterate. "We keep them on trial for three or four years at 
most, and only during two or three months in winter, in order 
that we may be satisfied that their conduct is irreproachable.^^' 
This time is spent in teaching them to spell and read, and in 
making them learn by heart the Gospels of Matthew and John, 
the so-called canonical epistles, and a good portion of those 
written by St. Paul ; after which our new members are taken to 
a certain place, where several of our women, called sisters, live a 
single life. They live here for one, and sometimes two, years, 

154 The Waldenses of Italy. 

ordinarily attending to mundane duties, if I must so describe any. 
Finally, the aforesaid pupils are admitted to the pastoral office, 
and to preaching, through the ceremonies of laying on of hands and 
the sacrament of the Eucharist ; then duly instructed, they are 
sent out in pairs to the work of evangelizing.^'" 

According to this report, the school curriculum was vei-y 
elementary. It is difficult to find in it such elements of a com- 
plete preparation as have often been enumerated, viz., Latin 
and the living languages, arithmetic, moral philosophy, and 
the history of philosophy, medicine, surgeiy, and a technical and 
professional education, besides fourfold theology.^'^ Again, if 
Morel's words be authentic, it does not follow that they must be 
literally appHed to all the phases passed through by the School of 
the Barbes, then in decadence and apparently dispersed, nor in a 
special manner to the College of Pre du Tour, which he does not 
mention. During its flourishing period, that school might well 
have been a focus of light without enforcing such a curriculum a& 
that to which we have just alluded. Now it is this period that 
seems to be reflected in the current tradition, and especially in a 
page of GiUes, which may be worth while quoting : — 

" This Waldensian people has had very learned pastors, as 
appears from their writings, well versed in science, and languages, 
and in understanding of the Holy Scriptures, and of the writings 
of the doctors of the ancient church. Above all, these Barbes 
have been very laborious and watchful, both in instructing their 
disciples properly in the love and fear of God, and in the 
exercise of deeds of charity, and especially in transcribing for 
the use of their disciples, before they had the conveniences of 
printing, as much as possible the books of the Holy Scrip- 
ture ; for, as they were themselves maiTellously well versed 
and assiduous in the reading of it, so did they carefully 
recommend the perusal of it to their hearers. They were very 
careful in instructing the young, and especially the hopefnl 
students sent to them to be trained in true piety and the sciences. 
From amongst these they selected such as in due time they 
recognised to be fitted to enter the holy ministry, always retaining 
them near themselves, and exercising them in all needful things, 
untU they could be usefully employed ; the others they sent back 
to their parents, or taught them some honest trade. Every one 
of these Barbes, besides the knowledge and exercise of the 

The Waldenses of Italy. 155 

ministry, was acquainted with some trade, especially with medicine 
and surgery, in which they were very expert, and their skill was 
held in great esteem. They practised their art both with a view to 
render succour to their disciples, if need be, and to serve as a 
pretext for, and aid in defraying the expenses of their distant and 
dangerous travels." ^^^ 

On reading those words, one understands how, under their 
modest name, the Barbes were, after Waldo, the fathers of the 
Waldensian Church. Every institutioa has its vicissitudes, and 
after progress comes decline. On the eve of the Eeformation every- 
thing was on the decline — faith : light : life. But for the lantern 
of Morel, the school itself which represented these virtues, would 
have escaped our notice. It might be thought that the Walden- 
sian people had disappeared. However, matters were not so 
bad as that, though after the Crusade, there was retrogression ; 
they hid ; they dissembled ; they kept silence. The Brethren of 
Bohemia were so startled by these signs of decay, that they 
demanded to know whether they were the only ones left to raise a 
protest. They determined upon an enquiry, and a deputation 
started for the East. After having visited Constantinople, 
Thrace, Palestine, and Egypt, it returned and related to the 
assembled brethren the result of its mission. It wa.s pitiful and 
without fruit, they said ; their journey had been a useless under- 
taking. False doctrine, evil customs, superstition, and relaxed 
discipline, had become the general plague ; the world was sunken 
in iniquity. Some time after this enquiry — viz., in 1497 — a new 
deputation composed of two men, the Bishop Lucas of Prague, 
who had led the first mission, and Thomas, the German, started 
for Italy and France. ^^^ This time the result was more encourag- 
ing, for in several localities throughout Italy, the deputies found 
hidden a remnant that stUl feared God. There was such in 
Rome, for instance, that avoided superstition and worldliness, 
thanks to its clandestine meetings, though it escaped death only 
through dissimulation.^^* One day the Brethren went to visit a 
Waldensian, and to him they spoke of Rome, of the Beast of 
the Apocalypse, and of the pomp and general corruption which 
then existed under the reign of the Borgias. The Waldensian 
deplored what he saw as much as they did, and waxed indignant. 

" But why," he was asked, " do you not make a public 

156 The Waldenses of Italy. 

That, he said, would be of much use, forsooth ; he had known 
a man who had protested, and his fate was not such as to encourage 
others to follow him. This man dared to say quite loudly that 
Peter did not act as now did his successor. They took him, sewed 
him in a sack, and now he was drinking the water of the Tiber.*'* 
That was an instance of how it was free for some to sin to their 
heart's content, to perjure themselves, to He, to wallow in all the 
vices ; but as for telling the truth, that must be very circum- 
spectly gone about, for the truth -teller's life was at stake. As for 
the speaker, he believed that it was better to eat the beast than to 
be devoured by it. He held to that.*'* He might be asked as to 
his duty to bear witness to the truth, but certainly he did not see 
why, in such times as these, it could be wrong to act as did 
Nicodemus, Joseph of Arimathea, and so many others.*'" 

The good brethren were much displeased at all this.*'* On 
their homeward way it is conjectured that they may have 
been witnesses of the death of Savanarola in Florence. The 
purpose of their mission brought them — whether before or 
after their visit to Kome we cannot say — to the valleys of the 
Alps.*" Here they were given a cordial reception and per- 
fect unanimity.**" They were impressed by the number of the • 
Waldenses, and greatly rejoiced to see the spirit which animated 
them.**^ After having conferred with them to their hearts' con- 
tent, and not without profit to both parties,**^ they departed, 
carrying away with them two letters in Latin, of which one was 
addressed by the Waldenses to King Ladislas the Clement, for 
the defence of their brethren who had taken refuge in Bohemia ; 
the other from the pen of a certain Thomas " de fonte Citiculae," 
and destined for the missionary priests. The letter to Ladislas 
testifies not only to the survival of the Waldensian dissidence in 
the valleys of Piedmont, but also to the ardour of their polemics.**' 
Oppression had only succeeded in arousing it stiU more. Being 
obliged to dissemble, it became concentrated, and was the more to 
be feared. It is not surprising that such as be oppressed lose 
patience. Let it be remembered, moreover, that this time they 
were subjected to a trial that threatened something more precious 
than life, for their morals were calumniated, and their wrath 
broke out at this. They protest that so far from its being ti-ue, 
as has been said, that in meetings they gave themselves up to acts 
of the most revolting immorality,*** it is a notorious fact that for 

The Waldenses of Italy. 157 

more than forty years not one among them had with impunity 
violated the rule of good morals."' Everything was allowable to 
the accusers, because the calumniated passed for heretics; but 
their adversaries, and not they, were the heretics. By slander of 
that kind, their enemies had tried to persuade the King to drive 
them out of his kingdom as though they were plague-stricken.'*" 
Their reply to all calumnies and accusations was to ask that their 
lives might be equitably examined,"' and their great hope was to 
be found worthy to suffer in the cause of justice. Whatever might 
be done, they would never be shaken. Who, they asked 
with the Apostle, should separate them from the love of Christ ? 
Never should that plant, by Grod planted and watered with their own 
blood, be rooted up. They asked the king to be sure of this : that 
rather than abandon the truth and follow the path of falsehood, 
they would, with Divine help, endure chains, prison, and exile, for 
a long time, and in aU patience."* The reason that the Priests hated 
them was that their own deeds were evil, and the lives of those they 
hated condemned them. They were hypocrites, given to all kinds 
of vice ; they desecrated the temple of God, and drew down his 
just wrath upon themselves. They were suffocated with their 
own fat, and inculcated the duty of fasting ; they wallowed in 
debauchery and extoUed chastity ; they forbade people to enter 
inns, and when evening came they became drunk ; it was when 
they were fall of lust and iniquity that they dared to present them- 
selves before God on behalf of sinners, though then their prayers 
might ascend no higher than the roof of the church."' The clergy 
thought only of wielding power and heaping up treasures, and by 
then- means the church was being peopled with such as were as 
horses and mules, in despite of the Holy Spirit, who said by the 
mouth of the prophet : " Be ye not as the horse or as the mule, 
which have no understanding." 

The analogy between mules and monks was drawn, and it was 
sought to be shown that as the mule is neither a horse nor an ass, 
so is the monk neither man nor devil.''" To go to church where 
such men officiated was a crime. "^ The monks and priests were 
become as filth, like the smoke of the lamp that goes out, leaving 
only darkness and a mortal stench."^ 

The boldness of this language betrays the influence of the 
Bohemian Brethren, who had sufficiently reproached the 
Waldenses for their indecision. This influence is furthermore 

158 The Waldenses of Italy. 

acknowledged in another wiiting, only a few years later, in which 
the Waldenses explained the reason for their separation &om the 
Romish Church.'^' We shaU have to return to this. It is impos- 
sible after these events to follow the circumstances of that revival of 
AValdensian independence which preceded the Reformation, with 
its vicissitudes, the power it exerted, and the reactions it under- 
went. After a virulent protest, came compromises. To speak of 
hating the Church and having no part with the Priests, was 
very easy ; but it provoked annoyances of all kinds ; it was a step 
on the road to martyrdom, especiaUv when every move was spied 
upon ;'" for among those imitators of the Apostles, Judases were 
found. There is nothing surprising in this, hut it is none the 
less distressing to be compelled to admit that it is true. "Among 
the people of the lower class "' — we are quoting the words of 
Barhe Morel of Freyssiniere? — " we have false brethren, who go 
secretly to the monks, bishops, magistrates, or other agents of 
Antichrist, and say to them, ' TMiat will yoa give us if 
we deliver the doctors of the Waldenses into your hands ? 
We know where they are hiding.' " " As a matter of fact, we do 
not dare to show ourselves everywhere publicly. ^Tien we do, 
they consult together, after which these agents come in the 
night time, often without om- knowledge armed to arrest 
us. Thus does persecution begin anew; it ordinarily 
happens that one among us is led to the stake, sometimes 
followed to his execution by several of our people ; sometimes 
instead he is forced to pay a large sum of money."^"^ 
Under such circumstances one understands how, in order to avoid 
danger, more than one Waldensian would stiU attend mass,*^* 
and, instead of the Ave Maria, say, perhaps, in an undertone : 
" Den of bandits, may God confound thee ! "^"^ words which clash 
somewhat with the Litm-gy. All this was possible, even before the 
revival ; it is the shade in the picture. According to the allusions 
of Claude of Sayssel, Archbishop of Turin, in the first days of 
Luther's protest^'* the revival continued, and the small people he 
despised was still to be feai-ed in its profound retreat. He ascer- 
tained, indeed, the existence of a state not far removed from schism, 
for the Waldenses professed that the sacraments were not to be 
received save from the hands of a priest ;'^' he deplores the fact that 
certain people should believe the words of their heretical Barbes i^^' 
he believed it opportune to write a book to refute their tenets, and. 

The WaIiDenses of Italy. 159 

before laying down the pen, he entreats his flock not to give heed 
to " those false prophets who come to them in sheep's clothing 
hut inwardly are ravening wolves. "°" The Prelate had not finished 
writing his polemic, when the world resounded with the cry of 
alarm sent out from Wittemberg, and beyond any doubt, more 
than one echo reverberated through the Alpine Valleys. The 
following year Luther appeared before the Diet of Worms, only to 
disappear immediately from the public stage into his retreat at 
Wartburg. When he was thought to be dead he descended from the 
mountain, like Moses, with the book of God; and the Eeformation 
spread from city to city. At the same time it had sprung up in 
Zurich and Basle, whilst it permeated the surrounding country, 
thanks to the preacliiug of Zwingle and CEcolampadus. A son of 
Dauphiny then came to Geneva and found the lamp of faith, at 
the point of extinction. Upon it could stiU be read the inscrip- 
tion : "Post tenebras spero lucem." Farel reHghted it, and 
its first beams came to meet the little taper that had shone alone 
from the candlestick of the Alps. Three generations before, 
it is said that Bishop Reiser, on the point of death, had declared 
that the Waldensian reaction was about to disappear in Germanv. 
It did disappear indeed, like the morning star, which is lost in the 
fuU light of day. When the sun of the Reformation arose, the 
Waldensian light was shining still, if not as brightly, at least as 
purely as in the past ; but in the presence of the new sun, it might 
well appearto have grown paler. Morel testifies to this with childlike 
simplicity, and an ingenuous joyful expectation, which recalls that 
of the prophets of old : "Welcome ! blessed be thou, my Lord," 
he writes to the Basle reformer ; "we come to thee Jrom a far off' 
country, with hearts full of joy, in the hope and assurance that, 
through th^e, the Spirit of the Almighty will enlighten us."^''^ 

That is the last word of the history of the Waldenses before 
the Reformation. The cry of the navigator, who, at the early dawn, 
saw the New World appear, was neither more sincere, nor more 
joyous, nor yet of better omen. It was as if, from the valleys 
there re-echoed the voice of Simeon, welcoming again the 
Saviour of the Israel of the Alps. 

160 The Waldenses of Italy. 



Preliminary remarks. — The Waldensian dialect and a general 
view of materials. — Veksions of the Sceiptubes — Early 
versions which have disappeared — Those of IValdo and the 
Waldenses of Metz — Ancient versions that have survived, 
but which are contested — Manuscript versions of Lyons and 
Paris — More recent but recognised versions — MSS. of Cam- 
bridge, Grenoble, Dublin, and Zurich — Comparative specimens 
— Connection between these versions and what is inferred 
therefrom with respect t-o their origin — A version in a foreign 
tongue — MS. of Tepl. — Pkose Writings — Those which have 
perished — Gleanings of original writings — Compilations from 
a Catholic source — The Doctor and the Orchard — Brainless 
treatise — The commentary on the Lord's Prayer — The 
Virtues, the Canticles — Compilations from a Hussite source — 
The epistle to King Ladislas — The treatise upon the cause of- 
breaking with the Romish Church — The collection of the 
Treasure and the Light of Faith, containing The Ten Com- 
mandments, the Seven Sacraments, Purgatory, the Invocation 
of Saints — The Power granted to the Vicars of Christ, 
Antichrist, and the Minor Interrogations — Poetical "Writings 
— Contempt for the world — The Bark — The Lord's Prayer or 
confession of »ins — The new comfort — The new sermon — 
The Parable of the Sower — The Father Eternal — FinaUy, 
the Noble Lesson, with critical notes — The conclusions from 
this chapter summarized. 

WALDO commenced his work with the assistance of two 
scribes. "Without being a man of letters, he gave birth to 
a literature which was not only fortunate enough to live, but to 
survive much that disappeared ; that of the Cathari, for instance.'*' 
Viewed from a distance, it strikes the ere, much as might an 

The Waldhnses of Italy. 161 

oasis in the desert. Gleaners have been attracted to its field 
even before the harvest not yet ended. Let us also enter 
there to bind, if it may be, our sheaf, or glean at least a few ears of 
com. In order to enter, it is necessary to have the key. Now 
everyone knows that the key to any literature is the dialect in 
which it is written. 

For the sake of greater clearness, let us with a good guide 
begin on this subject at a somewhat early period. 

" After the Eomans had conquered a country, they wished to 
force their language upon it. They were, ia many cases, almost 
completely successful ; but by the continual commerce between 
the conquerors and the conquered, Latin soon became corrupted. 
This corruption was, in different parts of the vast empire of the 
Caesars, according to the influences which were at work, brought 
about in different ways. We may say that the popular language was 
soon subdivided into as many varieties as there had been, before 
the Conquest, populations speaking different languages. Of 
the dialects thus produced, some, owing to a combiaation of fortu- 
nate circumstances, obtained a political and literary development, 
which has raised them to the rank of languages ; such are French, 
Spanish, Portuguese, Italian, Provenpal, and Wallachian. Others, 
on the contrary, remained uncultured and confined within narrow 
limits ; these fell to the level of patois. The different patois or 
dialects of France are not, as has long been supposed, degenerate 
offspring of the French language; they are its real brethren, 
humble and rustic, it is true, but legitimate offshoots from 
the same stock, though their development ceased at different 
periods of their growth. The patois of France may be sub- 
divided into two great classes ; some approximate to the French 
language or langue d'o'il, others to the Provengal or langue 
d'oc. The langue d'o'il prevails in Dauphiny, as far as the right 
bank of the Isere, between the Ehone and the mouth of the 
Bourne, there it crosses the river to take in a portion of Eoyannais, 
Vercors, the valley of Gresse, that of Drac, as far as the Trieves, 
and finally, the lower portion of the valley of Komanche. From 
the Grave, the boundary line seems to foUow high crests of 
mountains, almost, deserted, in the direction of Mount Thabor, 
and onwards to Mont Cenis. Following from north to south, 
between Mount Thabor and Mount Viso, the principal chain of 
the Alps, which forms the dividing line of the waters, there is 

162 The Waidenses of Italy. 

found on the eastern slope the valleys of Bardonneche, Oulx, and 
Pragelas, which now belong to Italy. Descending toward the 
south there are found the valieys of St. Martin, Angrogna, and 
Luserna, generally known by the name of the Waldensian valleys. 
StUl further south, upon the side of Mount Viso, the valley of 
the Po begins, and debouches in the plains of Saluces. At the 
southern extremity of the Marquisate of Saluces lies the valley of 
the Vraite. On the western slope are the valleys of Monetier, 
Nevache, BryanQon, Quep-as, Vallouise, and Argentiere. These 
last two extend as far as the slopes of Mount Pelvoux. The 
region we have just indicated, forms, in the very centre of the 
Alps, a distinct country, with customs and languages peculiar to 
itself. This latter, which is a dialect of the langue d'oc, has 
almost become a language, thanks to the writings of the 
Waldenses, but being constantly encroached upon by its two 
powerful neighbours — Itahan and French — it has shown a ten- 
dency to disappear. Reduced to the condition of a mere colloquial 
patois, it is losing its traditions, its mles, its unity, and is 
becoming subdivided into a certain number of local varieties, in 
which the ancient terms are gradually making way for the words 
of the languages taught in the schools, these being more or less 
disfigured by the effects of local pronunciation."^" 

Thus far philologists being thoroughly agi-eed, we may enter 
upon the special subject under consideration. 

If the dialect of Queyras appears to have withstood foreign 
influences better than the others, that of the Waldenses has not 
been totally absorbed. Having been more than its neighbours 
employed in writings, we can imderstand how that circumstance 
would for centuries contribute to the preservation of the Vaudois 
dialect, and we might be amazed that to this day its character 
has not been more perfectly described, if we did not know that it 
had not been sufficiently used in writing to become thoroughly 
estabUshed as a language. This is no doubt the reason why its 
origin and formation are still discussed, without any definite or 
unanimous conclusion being arrived at. Let us fii-st repeat the 
contradictoiy opinions brought out by the discussion. Perrin 
hardly touches the point. He simply says that the writings of 
the Waldenses have been recorded in a language " partly 
Provengal and partly Piedmontese." GOles, Leger, and their 
successors, do not question his opinion, which is probably based 

The Waldbnses of Italy. 16S 

upon tradition. If this be so, from the very first, criticism has 
attempted to correct it. It is well known that the researches of 
the critics were inaugurated by their leader, Raynouard, and that 
he expressed himself most unmistakably on this subject. " The 
Waldensian dialect is identical with the Romance language," he 
says ; and goes on to state that " the slight modifications, noticeable 
when it is compared with the language of the Troubadours, are 
explainable in such away as to render additional proofs of this 
identity. "5«5 

Those are the two principal opinions, which to this day have 
striven for the mastery. We may profitably examine authorities 
before arriving at any conclusion as to which view should have the 

Diez writes : " The original birth-place of the Waldensian 
dialect must be the Lyonnais, where Peter Waldo lived. The 
dialect became properly Waldensian, only by the emigration into 
Piedmont of Waldo's followers, the dialect of that country having 
an influence upon the language, which was originally Provengal." ^^^ 
As to the relation between the Provencal and the Lyonnais, W. 
Foerster, a worthy successor of Diez, in a letter addressed to the 
writer, has shown that in certain particulars, the Lyonnais escapes 
from the influence of the ProvenQal, and that it deviates from 
the Waldensian dialect and approaches the French.^^'^ Therefore, 
there is no reason for deriving the Waldensian dialect from that 
of Lyons. ^^^ There may be nothing to prevent the idea that the 
primitive Waldenses carried the Lyonnais dialect with them into 
the Valleys ; but before admitting that it was implanted, there 
some traces of it should be pointed out. Thus far, no one has 
succeeded in doing this. Furthermore, the influence of the Pied- 
montese dialect must not be exaggerated. Diez lays too much 
stress upon it. If the old Waldensian seems to him already 
different from the Provengal in some of its phonic characters, the 
modern Waldensian is still further removed, " approaching the 
Italian " to such a degree that "its derivation from the ancient 
language is subject to great doubts. "^^' Griizmacher was inclined 
to favour this opinion,^'" as well as Herzog and Dieckhofl'.^''^ 
Montet adopts it resolutely, almost word for word ;"^ he even 
goes further. According to him, "the Piedmontese dialect even- 
tually took the place of the Waldensian " as early as the times of 
the Reformation. As a proof, he states that "the acts of the 

G 2 

164: The Waldenses of Italy. 

SvBod of Angrogna of 153'2 are ^Titten in a language greatly 
resembling the Italian "^'^ But the language in which these acts 
are recorded not only resembles Italian, it is Italian, as it was 
then spoken. It would be a rash conclusion to determine the 
character of the local dialect from the more or less frequent use 
of that language in official documents, and we should be obliged 
to draw an altogether different one from the use of the French 
language, when it in turn was introduced. Montet is on this 
poiut quite moderate when compared with Muston, who dates the 
first iofluence of Italian a few centuries back, ia order that the 
birth of the Waldensian dialect may be attributed to it. He gives 
himseK up so entirely to this opinion, that, in the face of the 
most reliable results obtained by the study of the Xeo-Latin 
languages, he has quite the appearance of wishing to uproot "Wal- 
densian dialect from its natui-al soil for the purpose of relegating 
it, we know not whither ; for he does not succeed in classifying 
it as he claims, "with the family of dialects of Italian forma- 
tion."''^^ Perhaps he hopes, by this new device, to restore faith in 
Waldensian apostolic antiquity.'" If so, his argument is founded on 
awrong basis.*'* Onthe one hand, he tries to prove that which needs 
no proof, namely, that the Waldensian language cannot be num- 
bered amongst "the French family ;""' while on the other, he 
invokes the support of the masters of comparative philology to 
refute the results obtained from the history of the Xeo-Latin 
idioms.*'^' Indeed, if there be a point now thoroughly established, 
it is that the origin and character of the Waldensian dialect are 
Provencal. The facts are indeed so striking — at least for those 
who make the matter a subject of special and thorough study — 
that it is useless to contest them. Professor W. Foerster writes : 
" The Waldensian dialect prior to the Reformation was purely 
Provengal in its idiom. With regard to the modem Waldensian 
dialect it also is pure Proven9al : but we must be on our guard 
agaiast comparing it with the old Proven9al. We shall be con- 
vinced of this if we compare it with the modem patois of Pro- 
vence on the Italian side of the Rhone. I must, however, after 
my recent researches, confess that the traces to be found in it of 
the influence of the Piedmontese, are more insignificant than I 
had expected to find, though La Tour is, of course, not the place 
in which it would be easiest to fiud these influences. Wherever 
the Piedmontese of the plaiu had not penetrated, the Proven9al 

The Waldenses of Italy. 165 

dialect has as to its construction remained intact. It is true that 
there exist a certain number of words common to the Waldenses 
and Piedmontese and unknown on the other slope of the Cottian 
Alps ; hut that number is exceedingly small." As for the words 
which we owe to the slow but irresistible influence of the French 
language, it is very well Imown that they do not suffice to alter 
the fundamental constitution of Waldensian dialect. 

Thus the progress of linguistic science brings us back 
to the principle established by Raynouard, according to whom 
the Waldensian dialect is Provencal, both in origin and 
character, though contrary opinions are still by some main- 
tained, less, however, with reference to the more or less ancient 
written speech than to the colloquial dialect, which has a tendency 
to deviate from it.^*" While the French continues its deleterious 
reducing action, the influence of the Piedmontese patois and of the 
Italian language have grown stronger, especially since the political 
events, which unified Italy and gave the Waldenses pubhc 
Hfe. Waldensian dialect, Provenpal as to its origia, is being 
transformed and resolved into its constituents, not only in the 
Valley of Luserna, but also in that of Perouse, more and more 
may we, therefore, expect it to assimilate the patois of Piedmont. 
Some think that a process of degradation may go on, which will ulti- 
mately cause it to be classed with secondary or tertiary groups 
of dialects still unspecified. A " secondary group of dialects, 
having a Latin basis, and holding an intermediate place between 
the tongues of oc and of si on the one side, and the tongue of oil 
on the other," is vaguely spoken of, upon the authority of Pro- 
fessor P. Meyer, who seems at one time to maintain that the lan- 
guage of the Waldensian Valleys resembles the Provencal most ; 
at another, that it has most afiinity with the Italian, while at yet 
another time he impartially declares that it is a " romance language, 
like Italian and Provencal, but equally distant from both."^'^ Facts 
show that if the influence of Piedmontese and French be undeni- 
able, the Provengal basis is stiU there, evident and visible. 

When we go back to the early transformations of the dialect, 
or seek to separate it from the mother branch, there is difficulty 
in understanding how the genesis and formation of Waldensian 
literature may be explained. Muston, the poet, in his mind's eye, 
saw literature springing up upon the Italian side of the Alps, even 
before Waldo's time f^^ but such an idea need only be mentioned 

166 The Waldenses of Italy. 

to be dismissed. Herzog himself was not far fi.-om going astray, 
when he thought that the Waldensian writings, already partly 
compiled upon a Latiu basis, had donned a Provencal form 
in their second edition, and had afterwards undergone a new 
revision in order to become Vaudois.*^ A literature so edited 
would thus be the one presented by the existing manuscripts. 
There is no need for such an hypothesis as that of Herzog. The 
ancient writings did not need to be re-translated into ProvengaJ ; 
they were Proven?al, and their Waldensian character is revealed by 
very sHght modifications, of which Montet, as quoted by Griiz- 
macher, has given us an interesting specimen.^*' 

The origiu and place of the Waldensian dialect having been 
radicated, the writings now come up for examination. 

These writings, as MSS. of the thirteenth, fourteenth, 
fifteenth, and sixteenth centuries, are to be found in some ten 
libraries, namely, those of Cambridge, Dublin, Paris, G-renoble, 
Carpentras, Geneva, Zurich, Munich, Lyons, and the village of Tepl 
in Bohemia.^'* Unfortunately, the history of these MSS. for the 
most part escapes research, and we must be content to glean a 
few items of information about the collections of Cambridge and 
Dublin. Archbishop Usher was the first to conceive the idea of 
making these collections. As early as 1611, he was in search of 
documents relating to Waldensian history, and in 1634, 
he obtained from a French lawyer a series of very rare 
Waldensian wiitings, for which he paid about 550 firancs. The 
series passed in its entirety to the libraiy of Tiinity CoUege, 
Dublin. When in 1655, by order of Cromwell, Samuel Morland 
betook himself to the Duke of Savoy to plead the cause of the 
persecuted Waldenses, he was exhorted by the old Archbishop, 
then almost on his death-bed, to profit by this opportunity for 
procuring memoirs, and other authentic vnitings which might serve 
to throw some new new light on Waldensian tenets. The British 
envoy took the matter up heartily, and, on his return, placed a 
valuable collection of ancient manuscripts in the library of Cam- 
bridge University. During the eighteenth centmy, an Italian 
assistant at the library catalogued the collection among the Spanish 
writings, so that until 1862, their existence was unknown. We 
can only surmise whence the manuscripts which are kept in the 
library of Geneva came. In 1662, Leger deposited there a volume 
which cannot be identified from the description he gives of it. 

The Waldensbs of Italy. 167 

Upon the cover of one of the manuscripts there is found an 
endorsement, which states that it belongs to the churches of the 
Valleys of Piedmont, " who pray the Genevese to keep it for 

As will be readily seen, these details are far from furnishing us 
with the necessary elements for an historical description of the sources 
of Waldensian literature. It might be thought that a chronological 
catalogue of these writings would be of service, but as yet no 
arrangement of them has been made, and what is to be desired is 
the work of eUmination and expurgation, rather than any addition 
to the compilations already in existence.^^^ Meanwhile, such a 
general classification as will serve the purpose of the narrative, 
must for the present be made to suf6.ce. 

The two scribes who worked with Waldo — one in the capacity 
of a translator and compiler, the other as a copyist — seem to have 
been the prototypes of a long succession of translators or com- 
pilers and copyists. If Waldensian literature does not shine by 
its originality, it must be remembered that the ancient Waldenses 
were not ambitious for literary fame. Those who reflect, will 
agree that they had not leisure for writing, their whole lives being 
spent in action. 

Below is given a list of the versions of the Bible due to that 
zeal in them for the Word of God ; which absorbed, as it were, 
nearly all the literary faculty they may have possessed. After- 
wards some mention will be made of their profane writings in 
prose and poetry. 

I. — The Eaely Versions. 

It is admitted, without contention, that attempts at the trans- 
lation of the Scriptures into the vulgar tongue had- been made 
before the appearance of Waldo, and that they served to sustain, 
in some measure, the faith of believers, and to feed dissent. 
Whether the Cathari were the authors, or even the users, of some 
of the translations is not certain.^*^ 

" The French Bible of the Middle Ages dates its origin back 
to the first years of the XII. century at least."^*^ Lambert le 
Begue, a contemporary of Waldo, busied himself with the trans- 
lation of the Scriptures. Nevertheless, it may be said with truth 
that the study of the Bible, which marks the commencement of 

168 The Waldenses of Italy. 

Waldensian history, also imbues its primitive literature in an 
eminent degree.^'" This is an ineontestible fact, but it has been 
exaggerated — so much so, that every time a new feature comes to 
hght in connection with the Scriptural movement of the Middle 
Ages, more than one writer hastens to recognize its Waldensian 
origin/'^ Is a discovery of translations prior to Waldo made, 
straightway without pausing they dash at a conclusion. They 
argue that, as they find in the writing under investigation, 
literal quotations from the Scriptures which are also found in 
this or the other ancient poem of the Waldenses, the poem 
must necessarily date from Waldo's time, or perhaps to a 
time anterior, and thus a conclusion is rapidly and illogically 
arrived at. If such reasoners were satisfied with agreeing that 
Waldo had predecessors, their logic would not be so much at 
fault ; but with this they do not rest content — they claim that the 
versions anterior to Waldo are necessarily Waldensian, without 
considering that what they advance as proofs are only very bad 
speculations, and they cite quotations which are nowhere to be found. 
"I formally deny," says Reuss, "that in any of those poems 
there is a single literal quotation from the Bible ; if there were 
any they might be taken directly from the Latin. "^^^ Moreover, 
there is no Waldensian poem which dates back so far as the time 
of Waldo. 

(a) Waldo's Translation. 

The circumstances of the coming into existence of Waldo's 
translation will be remembered.^*^ Waldo desired to understand 
the Gospels, and being a man of little education, he procured the 
assistance of two priests, residents of Lyons, Hke himself. One 
was a grammarian called Stephen, from the city of Anse, above 
Lyons, on the Saone, where at a later period he held an office in 
the cathedral. The other, Bernard Ydros, was a scribe by pro- 
fession. The merchant divided the work between them in the 
following manner : — One was to dictate the translation in the 
vulgar tongue, the other was to write it. " In this manner they 
wrote several books of the Bible, together with numerous excerpta 
from the Saints, grouped under titles ; these they called sen- 
tences."^"'' According to this testimony, which is entitled to more 
credit than any other ^"^ Waldo's share in this work was large 

The Waldenses of Italy. 169 

thougli modest. He is really entitled to the whole merit, though 
to give him this it is not necessary to surround him with a literary 
aureola or make him out a critic. Gilly, with misplaced zeal, 
goes so far as to see in Lyons, a committee of revision analogous 
to those that have sprung from the modern school.''^* However 
powerful our imagination may he, we cannot picture to ourselves 
Waldo shut up in his study, like a cathedral Canon, carefully 
and painfully collating the manuscripts of Vercelli, Brescia, and 
Verona, to disentangle from them the reading to be adopted in the 
subsequent versions, in France as well as in Italy, and even in 
Spain. ^'' Amusing though it be, under this fiction lies concealed, 
nevertheless, a serious idea, of which we shall speak further on. 
In the domain of fact we shall find something which concerns the 
early Waldensian version. 

From 1173 or 1177, the date of Waldo's conversion, to 1179, 
the date of the third Lateran Council, to which from Lyons went 
the Waldensian deputation, the interval is too short to expect that 
in it there originated any new translation, other than that 
of which we have been speaking. The Waldensian translation, 
seen at Eome, and presented to Alexander III., was therefore 
Waldo's, augmented perhaps, and already revised. Now, what 
follows is the testimony of an onlooker ; it has already been cited, 
and need now merely be recalled. " We saw at the Council," he 
writes, " some Waldenses, who presented our Lord the Pope vnth 
a book, written in the Gallic tongue, and containing the text and 
the gloss of the (Psalter^and a great number of the books of the 
two Testaments. "^^^ That is what Map, /a ecuidlng Lu Sli u ph t ^ n ■■> 
o f Bouil a o ^ tells us. Both of them might weU have been more 
explicit — -we should Hke to know more of the nature of that 
translation, its extent and its language. Two elements in it must 
be kept separate — the translation and the annotations ; Reuss 
attempted to define them, but did not succeed. If it were 
proven that Map examined the books to which he alludes, 
and that he was sufficiently well acquainted vnth the dialect 
in which they were written, Reuss thinks that " we should 
necessarily be obliged to admit that the work of the Lyonnese 
was an annotated Bible, and as that kind of edition or copy 
was very common, that would create no difficulty. "^^' On 
the other hand, is it not probable that if Map had been com- 
missioned to carry on a discussion with the Waldensian deputies, 

170 The Waldenses of Italy. 

he must have been able to go into their affairs with some know- 
ledge of the matter ? If we admit that, we are therefore 
brought to believe that the first Waldensian version com- 
prised a certain number of more or less isolated books, 
accompanied by notes, if not commentaries, aU collected 
into one volume.*"" It was at most a collection, as Tron 
says, " somewhat complete." As for the language employed, 
that is sufficiently indicated by the local circumstances at- 
tending its publication. It was the language then spoken at 
Lyons. But what was that ? This question, so natural thirty- 
five years ago, is now about to find a definite solution. The 
ancient Lyonnese dialect would seem to be " one of the best 
known " among those which abounded in France. It is classified 
with the Franco-Provenpal group. *"^ If this be so, Keuss may 
legitimately repeat, that it is " impossible to admit that the dialect 
used by the three citizens of Lyons in their work was the same as 
we find in the Waldensian documents."*"^ There is no longer any 
danger of confounding it with that of Provence, which served for 
other translations. What are we to conclude, if not that the 
original Waldensian translation has disappeared ? Only, that this 
disappearance may, after all, be more apparent than real. It is 
thought to be lost, and rightly so ; but it might be buried where 
it is not sought for, namely, in one or several of the subsequent 
versions, commencing with that of Metz, to which we are now 
about to turn om- attention. 

(b) The Translation of the Waldenses of Metz. 

Here, again, let us briefly recall some cii-cumstances which 
have already been adverted to.*"^ This time we have a Pope for 
witness ; but his testimony is not immediate. The reader will 
remember, that in his answer to Bishop Bertram, Innocent IH. 
wrote : " You intimated to me by letter, that in the diocese of 
Metz, as well as in the city itself, a multitude of laymen and 
women, carried away by I trow not what desire to know the Holy 
Scriptures, had the Grospels, the Epistles of St. Paul, the Psalter, 
the Moralities on Job, and several other books translated for them 
into French." *"* On this subject he asks for certain explanations 
which have been lost to us.*"^ 

The Waldenses of Italy. 171 

The testimony of Innocent III. does not take us very far ; 
still he learned what he here states, from a man at Metz, hest 
qualified to supply information ; he adopts the report unquestion- 
ingly, as in fact his investigation is founded thereon. Indeed, he 
requires nothing further than to discover the author of the trans- 
lation, and to verify in what spirit it was written. ''"^ We can form 
a shrewd guess from a hint that foUows. Possibly the author 
was one Crespin, a priest, if not a friend of the Bishop, 
for the latter particularly complains of the clergy.^"'' Be that 
as it may, the translation was made at the express invitation of 
the Waldenses,^"^ who in this imitated the example of their leader. 
It could only have been written from the Latin text, in the dialect 
of the country.^"' When the clergy came on the scene to destroy 
it, some copies that fell into their hands were consigned to the 

This seems to us to be clearly shown by the testimony we 
have just adduced, wherefore we must, to our regi'et, decline to 
follow Berger in his somewhat speculative deductions. " Did 
it occur to anyone," he writes in connection with this, " to con- 
sider that the question may here refer to something altogether 
different from a translation of the four Gospels and the fourteen 
epistles of St. Paul, which are supposed to have disappeared without 
leaving any trace ? Suppose we were to light upon a manuscript of 
The Gospels and Epistles for Sundays and Feast Days, with an ex- 
tensive commentary; suppose this manuscript were by its language 
referable to Lorraine, by its origin to Metz, and that its date carried 
us back almost precisely to the time of Innocent III., could one 
refuse to recognize in it a stray relic of Waldensian literature, and 
even a witness of the persecutions of 1139 ? What if the very size 
and the whole condition of the manuscript seem to indicate one of 
those little unpretending, inexpensive books made to be kept con- 
cealed, such as the books favoured by the middle classes at Metz 
and the Poor of Lyons must have been ? It is a small volume, 
written in long lines, the text in red, the gloss in black. The 
character of the handwriting belongs ito a period, not later than 
the begiiming of the XIII. century. The last sheet contains In- 
dulgences granted to the Minorite Brethren, written a hundred 
years later. As Abbe Lebeuf remarked, the volume contains the 
Gospels appointed for the last fortnight in Lent, with some 
Epistles for the same season, and the gloss attributed to Haimon." 

172 The Waldenses of Italy. 

Berger then goes on to quote the fii'st lines of this gloss, adding 
these reflections : " There never was seen a more pious work, more 
soher in sentiment, less tainted with the jargon and subtleties of 
the Schools — in a word, more suited to the edification of those 
simple and pious folk called the Waldenses. Nor would its title 
in those days imply the slightest reflection upon their religion, 
while in point of orthodoxy, the commentary is in-eproachable, 
and this, too, is quite the character which marks not a Vaudois 
book, for the Waldenses were not at that time bringing out books, 
but a pious work, such as they would have got translated and 
must have cherished. Among the hundreds of manuscripts of 
the French Bible which have been preserved, almost all more or 
less annotated and with commentaries ; this assuredly is the only 
one in which both commentary and text might find acceptance 
with Christians even at the present day, whatever their form 
of worship.""^ 

Curious and interesting as are such reflections, they do not 
suffice to convince us. We shall ofi'er no objection on linguistic 
grounds, although the question of language, discussed by the 
Secretary to the Protestant Theological Faculty of Paris, is from 
what we can learn still far from being solved. We will assume 
that " this New Testament in the Lorraine dialect, presents all 
the features of the orthography used at Metz in the most ancient 
records;" nor shaU we stop to "inquire whether this manuscript, 
in the same hand throughout, does not present inequalities of 
idiom, warranting the conclusion that there is a difference between 
the dialect in which it was written, and that in which it was 
copied." Even if that be granted, would that solve the question as a 
whole ? With difficulty, for in the first place, whereas it was a ques- 
tion of a translation, it is now only that of Lessons, with comment 
and gloss f^^ secondly — and this point seems important — ^the 
Vaudois' version contained the Psalms, but the book referred to 
by Berger does not. He is surprised that the Metz translation 
should have disappeared " without leaving any trace ;" but is he 
not content to believe that perhaps the same thing happened to 
that of Lyons — a hundred times more important from the great- 
ness of its prestige and the precious recollections which surround 
it? K the Metz translation did disappear, it was probably 
because it was Waldensian ; while Haimon's paraphrased version 
survives, doubtless because nothing about it rendered it suspicious ; 

The "Waldenses of Italy. 173 

neither its orthodoxy, which is irreproachable, nor the name of 
its author, who was no less a personage than the Bishop of 
Halberstadt.'^-'' Could Bertram have been ignorant of the fact that 
this was the translation of a pious Catholic manual, written by 
a brother Churchman ? If he knew, why keep silent about 
it in his first letter to the Pontiff, and above all, why be 
scandalized ? If he did not know, must we assume that the 
inquiry directed by Innocent III., and carried out by the clergy 
was insufficient to open his eyes ? But then, why should the 
clergy burn the translation ? We do not refuse to recognise the 
relation, if any there be, between the above-mentioned Book of 
the Gospels and the Biblical movement of Metz ; but why should 
this exclude a less fragmentary translation ? When Berger teUs 
us that " the Psalters, with and without annotations, were numerous 
at the end of the XII. century," and reminds us " that the 
period about 1170, was marked by one of the most remarkable 
Biblical movements in all the region which extends from Lyons 
to the country of the Walloons," we have no option but to conclude, 
without him it is true, that there must have been sufficient in 
the world at that time, both for the Waldensian version and the 
translation of the manual of the Halberstadt Bishop. ^■'^* 

This is what we had to say on the subject of our early Biblical 

Thus far the result of our researches has only been to notice 
translations that have disappeared. But others survived the per- 
secution. First, there are one or two ancient ones, more or less 
contested ; then comes a comparatively modern version. Let 
us speak of them with their manuscripts, according to their 
chronological order. 

II. — The Ancient Veesions. 
Each is represented by one manuscript. 

(a) The Manuscript of I/yons.^^^ 

There are several features which call the attention of the critic 
to the manuscript of Lyons. It is somewhat unique, as compared 
■with those that will foUow it in this summary. It differs from 
them indeed, and in more than one respect — first, outwardly ; then, 

174 The Waldenses of Italy. 

by the order in which the books are placed. First come the Gos- 
pels, the Acts, then the Apocalypse and the General Epistles ; 
finally, the Epistles of Paul ; but with this two-fold peculiarity, 
namely, that the Epistles to the Thessalonians precede that to the 
Colossians, and that the latter is followed by the Epistle to the 
Laodiceans, known during the middle ages, but since forgotten. 
Then, if we note that it is not divided into chapters as at present, 
we have proof that the manuscript of Lyons dates back to a 
remote period, inasmuch as this division was introduced in the 
year 1260, and was not received until much later.^^^ The text 
presents but two omissions.*^^. To this in itself very significant 
feature, are added others, which show it to be necessarily a manu- 
script of the Xin. century. It betrays, moreover, a hand that is 
ill-acquainted with Latin. Is it the hand of a Waldensian ? 
Fleck, of Giessen, who was the first to examine the manuscript 
of Lyons, attributed the translation of it to the Waldenses ; he 
hesitated a little, however, doubting whether it might not come 
equally well from the sect of the Albigenses. He conferred 
with Fauriel, who went no further than to establish that its lan- 
guage differs from the Eoman spoken in the vaUey of the Rhone. 
GOly as well as Muston number it among the Walden- 
sian manuscripts, without taking into account the considerable 
difference there is between it and the dialect of the Alps. Accord- 
ing to Eeuss, the contrast is striking. Comparing, from a linguis- 
tic point of view, the Lyons translation with the version of the 
manuscripts of Zurich and Dublin, he writes : " Not only does 
the linguistic mateiial differ, each making use of a great number 
of words unknown to the other, but the grammar also is subject 
to other rules, other forms, other terminations. Of course, in 
comparing the two dialects with Northern French, and that of 
to-day, these shades of difference seem to disappesir. On both sides 
is found a form of language which may be called Provencal, if this 
term be taken in a very wide sense ; but only the most superficial 
carelessness, and a total absence of philological instinct, can avoid 
noticing the differences. The dialect of the manuscripts of 
Zurich and Dublin, which we are told is really of the Valleys of 
Piedmont, is akin to the Italian ; it is most certainly an Alpine 
dialect, and we readily admit that it belongs to the eastern slope 
of the range. The dialect of the Lyons manuscript has nothing 
in common with the forms peculiar to the Italian ; it is akin to 

The Waldenses of Italy. 175 

Spanish. It belongs to the family of those dialects that were 
comprised in the Limosine language, one which was formerly- 
proper to the countries that extend from Auvergne to Murcia, and 
whose principal seat was Catalogne and Languedoc.""* There- 
upon Eeuss states, " with perfect assurance," that the translation 
we are speaking of is the Oathari in origin and character. His 
opinion is the generally receiyed one, and more especially so since 
the discovery made by one of his colleagues. This, in a few 
words, is the question. 

The text of the Lyons translation is followed by a few leaves, 
containing, as some have thought, a small ritual belonging to the 
sect of the Cathari, or Albigenses. Cunitz is the author of that 
discovery, and he hastened to publish the said ritual with some 
very useful notes. ''^^ From that moment the question was settled, 
for Reuss first of aU, and then for Herzog, Berger, and other 
writers, with the exception of Poerster, who has not yet hauled 
down his colours, and who deserves attention. In 1872, thia 
learned philologist devoted his holidays to the transcription of the 
entire Gospel of St. John, which he printed six years later. ^^^ 
He did not lose sight of this work, which he must have desired to 
complete. His opinion is therefore also based upon experience, 
as well as that which, as we saw was so positively expressed. 
Here it is: " The dialect of the Lyonnese New Testament is pure 
Provencal, as spoken on the right bank of the Ehone, probably in 
the departments of the Aude or the Tarn. I believe that version 
to be Waldensian ; only the dialect in which it is written is not 
the same as it was known in the valleys. It is only quite in its 
infancy, and the homogeneous relations between the two, does 
not imply an identity, which is lacking. I repeat, in my opinion, 
the Lyonnese manuscript belongs to the Waldenses. It is well 
known that they were numerous, especially in the department of 
Tarn." This is what the Professor at Bonn writes : " Here 
again we would not desire anything better than to be able to 
adopt his view, but there is one little difficulty we cannot get 
over. Admitting, what does not seem to be absolutely incon- 
testible, that the Lyonnese manuscript was written in the 
district indicated by Fcsrster, what positive reason have we for 
believing that it was the work of the Waldenses ? They were 
numerous there, he observes, but were not the Albigenses there 
before them ? It seems sufficient to us to recall the fact that. 

176 The Waldbnsbs op Italy. 

among the localities comprised in this department, is that 
of Albi, whence the Cathari deriyed the name which they 
bear in the South of France. However, we desired to place 
on record here the statement of the learned philologist, and 
we shall foUow it up with an avowal made by Eeuss himself. 
" I can affirm in the most formal and positive manner," 
writes the latter, "that the version of the Cathari, such as 
I know it through the manuscript of Lyons, shows not the 
shghtest trace of the dogmas peculiar to that sect."*^^ After 
this, what can we say, but that the ritual alone may 
decide the question, to some extent at least ? Fcerster, 
who has lately examined it again, thinks that it is not as certainly 
belonging to the Cathari, as is pretended, and he inclines to the 
belief that it is Waldensian.^^^ This is not our opinion. We 
beheve the ritual presents unequivocal traces of Catharism. The 
mention of the doxology in the Lord's Prayer, which is foreign to 
the Vulgate and Romish worship ; the quotation of the Prologue 
to the Gospel of John, which was ordinarily used in the 
Albigenses' worship ; the act of confession and the expression 
referring to the sins of the flesh, especially the ceremony 
of the consolamentum or spiritual baptism, are enough to give us 
grounds for an opinion as to the origin of the ritual, ^^^ even though 
we do recognize that it does not reveal that duaUsm which 
distinguishes, even in its moderate creeds, the sect of the 
Cathari; but for this, there is a very simple reason after 
all, namely, that to proclaim this dualism in acts of worship 
was contrary to usage. ^^* With these reservations, it seems 
to us that too absolute an importance has been given here to 
the fact of the ritual being appended. It has been held, 
indeed, that the bibhcal passages quoted, agree in a striking 
manner with the corresponding text of the translation opposite ; 
but care has been taken to add also, that there is more than 
one variation, hence some exceptions. This ritual does not 
prove that the version it accompanies is of Catharin origin, but 
only that the Albigenses adopted it. If the fact of a ritual being 
appended were sufficient to settle, once for all, a question of this 
kind, this argument in itself would settle the question relating 
to the version of Tepl, which is at present so much the subject of 

The WaIiDenses of Italy, 177 

(b) The Paris Marmscript. 

This mam^script presents to us the hooks of the New Testa- 
ment, with several omissions. ^^^ The order of these hooks is not 
that of the Vulgate, nor that of our ordinary Bibles. The Acts 
follow the Gospels it is true, but the General Epistle precede 
those of Paul, as in the Greek manuscripts, as well as in diverse 
documents of the Middle Ages. The text is not here divided 
into chapters, as it is now ; it reminds one of the lectionaries 
of the ancient Church. The portions taken for the Gospels and 
Epistles for Sundays and Feast-days are marked, either by means 
of special titles, or by an inteiTening space and a difference in the 
writing. Thus far the age of the manuscript has not been 
ascertained ; but several indications — notably those having a 
hearing upon the language — serve to show that it is very ancient. 
The preface fixes the date of it within the first half of the XIV. 
century, and Berger confirms this point. The dialect in which it 
is vmtten was the Provengal ; hence it is not demonstrated that 
the editing was the work of the Waldenses ; nay, more, there is 
nothing to prove that it was done by their desire. Still, this or 
that feature seems to betray a significant usage ; thus, for 
instance, the index, which marginally notes those passages which 
were the ordinary subject of Waldensian preaching. According to 
Berger, that indication betrays the hand of a Waldensian 
collater.^^'* More than one passage should be read, however, before 
arriving at conviction. Here are a couple of examples : — 

Non vulhas teiner, petita companha, quar plac a vostre payre 
dar a vos lo regno. Car ieu habitaray en els e seray lur dieus et 
il seran mon pobol. Car laveniment del senhor sappropria. Car 
ancar un petit tant o cant eel que es avenir venra e non tarzara.*^''* 

The following passage betrays both grotesque and menacing 
features : — 

vas rioz fatz ara ploras u dolas. Las vostras riquezas son 
fachas poyridas e las vostras vestimentas son maniadas darnas.^^' 

We again affirm that it would be arbitrary, from such examples, 
arrive at a final conclusion with respect to the origin of the 
version in question. We admit, on the other hand, that it is 
much less controverted than that of Lyons ; indeed, one can 

178 The Waldenses of Italy. 

hardly say that any doubt is thrown upon it. Keuss, who does 
not easily take things for granted, recognized the authenticity of 
it, although he had not the opportunity of examining the manu- 
script of Paris as thoroughly as he did that of Lyons. The only 
reservation he made was the expression of a doubt whether the 
translation of which we are speaking, although Waldensian, ought 
to be grouped with those we are about to mention.*'" 

We shall now deal with a translation of which there are 
several copies, all, with the exception of some slightly different 
readings, agreeing. 

m. — The Modeen Teanslation. 

This is represented by four manuscripts. We will say a word 
about each of them. 

(a) The Cambridge Manuscri'pt.^^^ 

This was thought to be lost. It was not even mislaid, but 
simply ignored ; which fact afforded the Librarian of Cambridge 
University the satisfaction of bringing it to light, about a quarter 
of a centuiy ago. Its place of origin interests us directly, for Sir 
Samuel Morland, who deposited it where it now is, received it 
from the hand of Leger.*^'^ It comprises, as a whole, the New 
Testament, with the addition of a. few fragments of the Old Testa- 
ment and of the Apocrypha. Its omissions make it more defective 
than its predecessors.*^' The order is as follows : The four 
Gospels, the Epistles of Paul, Chapter vi. of Proverbs, and 
Chapters v. and vi. of the Book of Wisdom, Acts, the General 
Epistles, the last few of which, as well as the Apocalypse, are 
wanting. The present division into chapters appears here for the 
first time ; it is marked m red, with Boman figures, and with 
ornamental initials. According to Bradshaw, the writing belongs 
to the end of the XIV. century, and Montet confirmed his opinion. 
Were other indications wanting, the dialect leaves no doubt as to 
the origin of this translation. 

(b) The Grenoble Manuscript.^^ 

Muston writes : "I have reason to believe that this Bible is 
the one which the Waldensian Synod purchased of an inhabitant 

The Waldbnses op Italy. 179 

of Pragela, for the purpose of sending it to Perrin, to whom it was 
conveyed by the son of Vignaux. Perrin exchanged it for 
historical documents, furnished hy a counsellor of the Grenohle 
Parliament, named Vulfon. This man bequeathed his library to 
the parliament, or the bishopric, and after their suppression, most 
of the books passed to the city Hbrary." ^'^ The manuscript of 
Grenoble, however, does not contain the entire Bible, but only the 
New Testament — complete this time ; together with Eoclesiastes, 
twelve chapters of Proverbs, ten chapters of the Book of Wisdom, 
and iifteen chapters of the Book of Jesus, son of Sirach.^'^ This is 
the order of the books : the four Gospels, the Epistles of Paul 
and General Epistles, Acts, and Apocalypse. Then come the 
excerpta of the Old Testament we have just mentioned, as well as 
the Apocrypha, and a few exegetic or homiletic selections, on the 
Beatitudes and the Lord's Prayer, with a table of Lessons for 
Sundays and Feast-days.''' The division into chapters is that of 
the Vulgate.^'* The books have each a prolegomena, borrowed 
from St. Jerome. The writing is of the XVI. century, according 
to Herzog ; ^'^ at any rate sufficiently close to the date of the 
manuscripts that still remain for us to mention. 

(o) The Dublin Manuscript.^^ 

This is so legible, that one is tempted to believe it to be the 
one referred to by Perrin, when he writes : " We hold in our 
hands a New Testament, on parchment, in the Waldensian dialect, 
very weU written, although in very ancient characters."'*^ This 
is the more probable, as among the Waldensian manuscripts pre- 
served in Dublin there is a certain document annotated by his 
hand. Herzog, having transcribed it, deposited the copy in the 
Eoyal Library of Berlin,'*^ in the hope that the Prussian Govern- 
ment, which had favoured him in his work, might direct it to be 
printed. This, however, did not take place. There we have the 
New Testament entire ; also. Proverbs, Ecclesiastes, Canticles, 
the Book of Wisdom, and the first twenty-three chapters of the 
Book of Jesus, son of Sirach. Nothing is omitted in this version. 
In examining this manuscript, we are led to believe that it is the 
copy of one more ancient,'*^ which Gilly and Muston erroneously 
thought to be that of Grenoble.'** The former has abandoned that 
opinion, and claims only a " certain affinity.'"*^ The books come 

180 The Waldensbs of Italy. 

in the following order : — The four Gospels, the Epistles of Paul, 
Acts, the General Epistles, and the Apocalypse ; then, as a sort 
of appendix, come the five Books of Wisdom, of the Old Testa- 
ment, following the Vulgate, as we have mentioned them. Almost 
every hook is preceded by a prologue from St. Jerome. The 
division of the text corresponds with that of the present chapters, 
with very slight exceptions, and there is no sub-division. In the 
handwriting of the copyist, at the end of Apocalypse, the words, 
" Deo gratias, 1522," are added. This date manifestly indicates 
that of the manuscript, and the point is not disputed. Another 
hand has noted on the margin a considerable number of parallel 

(d) The Zurich Manuscript.^^^ 

According to a note found at the head of this manuscript, we 
learn that it was presented to the Academy of the town in 1692, 
by a Waldensian pastor named Guillaume Malanot.'*' A second^ 
more recent note, also states in Latin that the New Testament 
therein contained was translated and written " in the ancient 
Waldensian-Piedmontese dialect, by a certain Barbet, or rainister 
of that church."^* Once more, therefore, we are dealing with a 
copy of the New Testament that came from Waldensian valleys ; 
indeed, we find here all the New Testament, with a very few 
omissions.^*' The books foUow in the order adopted at present, 
namely : the four Gospels, Acts, Epistles of Paul, the General 
Epistles, and Apocalypse. Excepting slight variations of read- 
ing, which have been marked,*^" the text again presents the 
ordinary division into chapters, as well as the sub-division of 
chapters into four or seven sections, or portions, indicated by 
the first letters of the alphabet. Finally, we read on the mar- 
gin, references to a large number of parallel passages, of which 
several are from the Old Testament and Apocryphal books. ^'^ 
These references are written by the copyist. The age of the 
manuscript is fixed. The subdivision alone proves that it cannot 
date further back than the year 1490, nor further forward than 
1550.^*^ But we find a still more significant feature. It has been 
proved for some time past, that this version, especially subsequently 
to the Epistle to the Romans, took into account the Greek text pub- 
lished by Erasmus in 1516.''^' This fact does not constitute a 

The Waldenses op Italy. 181 

separate version. The manuscript of Zurioli is a copy of an older 
■version, somewhat corrected, and that is all. 

After these rudimentary remarks upon the manuscripts that 
have preserved for the Waldenses the existing versions, it may 
not be out of place to extract a few parallel passages from them, 
in order to present a small comparative specimen. It is for this 
purpose that we reproduce here the prologue to the Gospel of 
John, and excerpta from the Sermon on the Mount, among others 
the Lord's prayer, and finally, the parable of the Prodigal 



MS. de LYON. 

In principio erat verbum, 
et verbum erat apud Deum 
e Deus era la paraula. 
Aisso era el comenzament 
ab Deu. Totas causas so 
faitas per lui, e senes lui es 
fait nient. Zo qu'es fait en 
lui era vida e la rida era 
lutz dels homes. E la lutz 
lutz en tenebras, e las tene- 
bras no la presero. 

MS. de PAHIS. 

Lo filh era al comensa- 
ment, el filh era am Dicu el, 
filh era Dieus. Aquest era 
al comensament am Dieu. 
Totas cauzas foron fachas 
per el, e nenguna causa non 
fon faeh senz el. So que 
fon fach era en Ini vida, e la 
Tida era lus dels homes. E 
lalus lus en tenebras, e tene- 
bras non compreenscron lui. 


liO filh era al commencza- 
ment, e lo filh era enapres 
Dio e Dio era lo filh. Aiczo 
era al comenczament enapres 
Dio. Totas cosas son fuc-i 
tas per luy, e alcuna cosa 
non es faicta senczi luy. Co, 
que fo faict en lui era vitaj 
e la vita era Inez de li ome. 
E la lucz luczit en las tene- 
bras, e las tenebras non 
compreseron ley. 

MS. de LYON. 

Bonaurat so li paubre per esperit, quar de 
lor es lo regnes del eel. 

Totz bom qui au la mia paraula aquesta 
et la fa, es semblantz a I'home savi qui 
endefiquet sa maiso sobre peira. E deis- 
sendet la pluia, e vengro li num, e bufero li 
vent, et espeissero la maiso, e no cazet, quar 
fermada era sobre ferma peira. E totz horn 
qui au la mia paraula e no la fa, es sem- 
blantz a Thome fol qui endefiquet la sua 
maisso sobre arena. E deissendet la pluia, 
et Tengro li fium, et espeissero, e la meissos 
cazet, e fo grans lo cazementz. 



Tot aquel loqual aa aquestas mias pa- 
roUas e fay lor sere semblant al baron sari 
loqual hedifique la soa maison sobre la 
peira. E la ploya deiscende e li fiom ven- 
gron e li vent bufferon e embriveron en 
aquella meison e non cagic. Car era fundi 
sobre la ferma peira. E tot aquel que aa 
aquestas mias paroUas e non &i lor sare 
semblant al baron fol loqual hedifiqne la soa 
maison sobre larena e la ploya deisende e li 
fium vengron e li vent bufferon e embriTeron 
en aquella maison e cagic. E lo trabuca- 
ment de ley fo grant. 

MS. de LYON. 

Le nostra paire qui es els eels sanctifi- 
catz sia lo tens noms, avenga lo tens regnes 
e sia faita la lua volontaz sico el eel et e la 
terra. E Bona a nosoi lo nostre pa qui es 
sobre tota causa. £ perdona a nos les nos- 
tres deuntes aissico nos perdonam als nos- 
tres deutors e no nos amenes en temtation. 
Mais deliura nos de mal. 


O tu lo nostre payre lo cal sies en li eel. 
lo tio nom sia santifica. Lo tio regne vegna. 
La toa Tolonta sia fayta enayma illi es feyts 
al eel sia fayta en la terra. Donas nos en- 
coy lo nostre pan cotidian e perdona a nos 
li nostre peca enayma nos perdonen a qnilh 
que an peca de nos. El nod nos menar en 
temptacionmas deyliora nos de maJ. Ames. 




Bra al comenza- 
filh era enapres 
!ra lo filh. Aizo 
nzament enapres 
s cosasson faitas 
ilcuna cosa non 
iza lui. Zo che 
ui era yita, e la 
; de li ome. E la 
n las tenebras, e 
IS non compre- 


Lo filh era al comenoza- 
ment, e lo filh era enapres 
Dio e Dio era lo filh. Aiczo 
era al comenczament ena- 
pres Dio. Tolas cosas son 
faitas per luy, e alcuna cosa 
non es faita seneza luy. Co 
que fo fait en luy era vita, e 
la vita era lucz de li home. 
E la lucz lucit en las tene- 
bras, elas tenebras non cum- 
preseron ley. 


Lo filh era al comencza- 
ment, e lo filh era enapres 
Dio, e Dio era lo filh. Aic- 
zo era al comenczament ena- 
pres Dio. Totas cosas son 
faitas per luy, e alcuna cosa 
non es fayta seneza luy. 
Czo que fo fait en luy era 
vita, e la vita era lucz de li 
home. E la lucz luczit en 
las tenebras, e las tenebras, 
non compreseron ley. 



jer sperit son beneyra, car lo 
li eel es de lor messeyme. 

1 que au aquestas mias parollas 
re semblant al baron savi loqual 
soa meyson sobre la peyra. E 
(fsende e li fium vengron e li vent 
imbriveron en aquella maison e 
Car era fun da sobre la ferma 
;ot aquel que au aqueslas parol- 
.y lor sere semblant al baron fol 
ique la soa maysen sobre larena. 
deysende e li fium vengren e li 
)n e embriveron en aquella may- 
! e lo trabucament de ley fo 


Li paure per sperit son beneura, car lo 
regne de li eel es de lor. / 

Tot aquel lo qual au aquestas mias pa- 
rollas e fay lor sere semblant al baron sari 
loqual a edifica la soa meyson sobre la peyra. 
E la ploya desende e li fium vengron e li 
vent bufferon e embriveron en aquella may- 
son e non cagic. Car ilh era fonda sobre 
la ferma peyra. E tot aquel que au aques- 
tas mias parollas e non fay lor sere sem- 
blant al baron fol loqual eydifique la soa 
mayson sobre larena. La ploya deysende 
e li fium vengron e li vent bufferon e em- 
briveron en aquella mayson e cagic e lo tra- 
bucament de ley fo grant. 


ostre payre, lo qual sies en li eel, 
1 sia sanctifica. Lo teo regne 
toa volunta enayma ilh es fayta 
lyta en la terra. Dona a nos 
ostre pan quottidian, e perdona 
bre debit enayma nos pardonen 
debitor. E non nos menar en 
las lesliora nos de mal. Amen. 


O tu lo nostre payre loqual sies en li eel 
lo teo nom sia santifioa, lo teo regne vegna, 
la toa volunta sia fayta enayma ilh es fayta 
al eel sia fayta en terra. Donna nos encoy 
lo nostre pan cottidian. E nos perdonna li 
nostre pecca enayma nos perdonen a aquilh 
que an pecca de nos. E non nos menar 
en temptacion. Mos deyliora nos de mal. 



MS. de LYON. 

Us hom ac dos fils e dix lo plus ioyes 
daquels al paire, paire dona a mi ma part 
de layer que mi pertanh. E departic ad els 
laver, e no seguentre moutz dias aiustec to- 
tas sas causas lo fils pus ioves. E anec sen 
en autra terra en rcgio londana, e aqui 
cspendec tot so aver ab las meretretz (1) 
vivent luxciosament. E seguentre que fo 
aio tot cosnmat, laita es grans fams en 
aquela regio. Et el comenzec fraitura az 
aver. E anec et aiustec se ab u ciutada 
daquela regio, e trames lo sa vjla que gardes 
los porx. E cobezeiava omplir so ventre 
dels esparx de que maniavan li pore, e negu 
hom no li dava. Mais essi tornatz dix cant 
servent e la maiso de mo paire avondo de 
pas, mais eu aici perisc de fam. Levarei e 
anarei al meu paire, e direili : Paire pequei 
el eel e denant tu e ia no so dignes esser 
appellatz tos fils fai me sieo i de tos sirventz. 
E levant venc a so paire. E cum encara 
fo lunh vi lo lo paire de lui, e pres lui 
misericordia, e corentz gite se sobrel col de 
lui e baisec lo, e dix a lui lo fils : Paire 
pequei el eel e denant tu ; ia no so dignes 
esser apelatz tos fils. E dix lo paire a sos 
sirventz : Viasament aportatz u vestiment 
prim e vestelz lol, et datz li anel e sa ma, e 
causamenta els pes, et aduzets i vedcl gras 
et aucisetz lo, e maniarem largament. Qui 
aquest raeus fils era mortz e resuscitec, peric 
es atrobatz. E comenzero a largueiar. Et 
era lo fils de lui maier el camp. E cum 
vene et apropiec de la maiso auzic las simp- 
honias els corns (2) e apelec us dels sirventz 
e demandec a lui que era also, et el dix a 
lui ; Tos fraires venc et aucis lo tens paire 
i vedel gras que salv lo recep. Et saub li 
mal, e no la vols intrar. Peraico lo pairo 
de lui issitz comenzec lo apregar. Mais el 
respondentz dix al paire. Vec te que tot 
an eu serviso a tu et anc lo teu mandament 
no traspasei, etanc nom donest i cabrit que 
ab los mens amix manies. Mais al seguen- 
tre lo teu fil aquest que despendec tot so 
averab las meretritz venc et aucizestalui u 
vedel gras. Et el dix a lui ; Eils tota ora 
est ab mi e totas las mias causas so tuas. 
Mais largueiar et alegrar nos covenia, que 
tos fraire aquest mortz era e resuscitec, pe- 
ric es atrobatz. 

MS. de PARIS. 

Uns ome at dos filhs, e dis al paire lo 
plus iove des filhs : pajre dona a mi la part 
della sustancia que me aperte. E departic 
lurla sustancia. Et apres non gaire iomg 
lo filh plus iove aiostadas totas sas causas 
annet en pellegrinage en lunhana terra, et 
aqui vivent laxurie sament destrui sa sus- 
tancia. E pueisque ac degastadas totas sas 
cauzas fon fac grans fams en aquella terra. 
Et el meteis comenses a besonhar et aius- 
tet se amb u daycella terra e trames lo en 
sa vila que pogues payser los pores. E 
desirava implir son ventre de las castanhas 
que maniavan li pore e nenguns non lui 
donava. E retornat en si dis : quans 
logadiers an habundancia de pan en la may- 
zon de mon paire et ieu perisc aysi de fam. 
Levaray me et annaray e mon paire e diray 
1 : Payre peccat ay contra lo eel e davant 
tu, e non sui dignes que sia appellatz ton 
filh. Si tis plas fay me aysi conudetos 
loguadiers. E levet se e venc a son paire. 
E can fon davant son paire el paire lo vi e 
fo mogut de misericordia. E corret ves lui 
et abrasset lo. E dis li lo filh : Paire ieu 
ay peccat contra lo eel e davant tu ; yea 
non sui dignes esser appellatz ton filh. E 
1 paire dis a so sers : Aportatz tost la prima 
estola e vistes lui e das li lanel en la ma, e 
causamenta es pes de lui, et aduzes lo vedel 
gras et aucizes lo e maniem e sadoUem 
nos, quar aquestz mos filhs era mortz e re- 
vioudes, era peril et es trobatz. E comen- 
ceron a maniar. E 1 plus aneians filhs de 
lui eran el camp. E vengron de foras e 
can foron prop de lostal auziron estrument 
e van demandar a un lur sers que es ayso, e 
1 sers va dir : Tos fraires es vengutz e tos 
payres fcs aucir lo vedel gres e fa gran 
f'esta. Bt aquel fon endignat e non velia 
intrar. Adonc lo paire issi e comenset lo 
a pregar, et el dis a son paire : Yen ay ser- 
vit a vos per tant de temps et anc non tra- 
passiez ton comandament, ni anc non mi 
doniesti mosel que manies am mes amix. 
Et aquest ton filh que es vengut a devorat 
sa sustancia en mala vida e per el as aucit 
lo vedel gras. E 1 paire va li dir : Fils tu 
lest am mi tota ora e totas mas cauzas son 
tieu as e covenia far festa, quar aquest tos 
fraires era mort e revioudet, era peril et es 

i. Ab las mtretretz is foreign to the text, and is taken from v. 30. 
ii. The Latin text has chorum. The translator has doubtless read comua. 





Un home ac duj filh, e lo plus jove dis al 
paire : O paire, dona a mi la partis de la sub- 
stancia que se coven a mi. E departia a los 
la substancia. E enapres non moti dia, lo 
filh plus jove, ajostas tolas cosas, ane en 
peregrinage en lognana region, e degaste 
aqui la soa substancia, vivent luxuriosament. 
E pois quel ac consuma totas cosas, grant 
fam fo fait en aquella region. E el com- 
mence have besogna, e ane e se ajoste a un 
ciptadin da queUa region. E trames le en 
la soa Vila qu'el paisses li pore. E cubitava 
umplir lo seo ventre de las silicas que man- 
javan li pore, e alcun ne donava a le. Me 
retorna en si dis : Quanti mercenar habun- 
dian de pan en la meison del meo paire, 
mes (?) yo perisso aici de fam. Yo me 
levarey e anarey al mio paire e direy a le : 
paire, yo pechey al eel e devant tu e ia 
non soy degne esse appela lo teofilb, fay mi 
enayma un de li teo mercanar. E levant 
venc al seo paire. Mos come el fos encara 
de long, lo seo paire vec lui e fo mogu de 
misericordia, e corrent, cagio sobre lo col 
de le e bayse le. E lo filh dis a le : O paire, 
yo pechey al eel e devant tu yo ne soy 
degne esse apella lo teo filh. Mes lo paire 
dis al seo serf: fo (?) raporta viajament la 
purmiera- vestimenta e vestic le, e done anel 
en la man de le e cau^amentas en li pe, e 
ameni vedel gras e I'occien, e manjen a ale- 
gran ; ear aquest meo filh era mort e es 
reviscola, e era perdu e es atroba. E com- 
menceron alegrar. Mes lo filh de le 
plus velh era el camp e cum el vengues e 
s' apropies a la meison, auvie la calamella e 
la compania. e appele un de li serf e de- 
mande qual fossan aquestas cosas. E el dis 
a le : Lo teo fraire venc e lo teo paire oceis 
vedel gras, car el receop lui salf. Mes el 
fo endegna e non volia intrar. Me lo paire 
de le issi, commence pregar li ; mes el re- 
pondent dis al seo paire : Vete yo servo a 
tu per tanti an e unque non tranpassey lo 
teo commandament, e unque non dones a 
mi cabri que yo manjes cum li meo amic. 
Mes poisque aquest teo filh lo qual devore 
la soa substancia cum los mere trices es vengu 
tu oceies a le vedel gras. Mes el dis a lui : 
O filh, tu sies tota vi cum mi, e totas las 
mias cosas son toas, mes laconventava man- 
jar e alegrar, car aquest teo fraire era mort 
e es reviscola, e era perdu e es atroba. 


Un homo havia duy filh, e lo plus jove dis 
al seo payre : payre donna a mi la partia de 
la substancia que se coven a mi. E el departio- 
a lor lasubstancia. E enapres non moti nia lo 
plus jove filh aiosta totas cosas, annejen pele- 
grinaie en lognani region e ilegaste aqui la 
soa substancia vivent luxuriosament. E pois 
quel hac consuma totas cosas grant fam fo fait 
en aquella region. E el comence a haver bs- 
song e anne e aioste se a un cittadin da- 
quella region. E el trames luy en la soa 
Vila quel paisses li pore. E desirava de 
umplir lo seo ventre de las silicas qu& 
maniavan li pore, e alcun non en donava 
a luy. Mas el retorna a si dis. 
quanti mercenar habundia de pan en la 
maiaon del meo payre, mas yo periso aiei 
de fam. Yo me levarey e anarcey al m eo 
payre e direy a luy : payre yo pequei al 
eiel e devant tu e ia non son degne esser 
apella lo teo filh, fay a mi enayma a un de 
li teo mercanar. E levant venc al seo 
payre. E cum el fossa encara de long lo 
seo payre vec luy e fo mogu de misericordia 
e corrent cagic sobre lo eol de luy e bayse 
luy. E lo filh dis a luy : payre yo 
pequey al eel e devant tu jo non soy degne 
esser apella lo teo filh. Mas lo payre dis a 
li seo serf : Aporta viaczament la prumiera 
vestimenta e veste luy e donna auel en la 
man de luy e cauczamenta en li pe de luy. 
B amena vedl gras e aueie luy e manien 
e nos alegren ; car aquest meo filh era agu 
mort e revisque e era peri e es atroba. E 
comenceron a maniar. Mas lo filh plus 
velh era, al camp e cum el vengues e se 
apropies a la mayson, auvie la sintonia e la 
cumpagnia, e el apelle un de li servitor e 
demande qual cosa fos aiezo. E aquest dis 
a luy. Lo teo fayre venc e lo teo payre 
aueis vedl gras e receop luy salf. Mais lo 
frayre fo endegna et non volia intrar. 
Donea lo payre issie e comence a pregar 
luy. Mas el respondent dis al seo payre ; 
Vete yo servo a tu per tanti an e unca non 
trapassey lo teo comandament, e unca non 
donies a mi un cabri que manjes cum li meo 
amic. Mas pois que aquest teo filh vene 
loqual degaste tota la sua substancia cum 
las meretricz, tu aucies a luy vedel gras. 
Mas el dis a luy : filh tu sies tota via cum 
mi et totas la mias cosas son toas. M s la 
coventava anos maniar e alegrar. Car 
aquest teo frayre era agu mort e rev que, 
era perdu e e,a atroba. 

186 The Waldenses op Italy. 

Of course the reader will understand thatthese specimens are not 
intended to serve for a comparative study, from an exegetic point 
of view ; but only to show the difference of the dialects. An 
exegetic study would require a more extended table, containing, at 
least, numerous fragments from the Book of the Acts of the 
Apostles, in which, more than elsewhere, are evident the variety 
of sources, or readings, followed by the translator. StUl, it is 
quite clear from these specimens that the six manuscripts we have 
referred to represent but three principal versions, rendered iato as 
many distinct sub-dialects. The third version has given rise to a 
series of revisions diffeiing only in slight peculiarities. It is true 
that the Zurich manuscript possesses pecuHarities which make 
of it almost a revised edition ; but it is only in the second part of 
the New Testament that we find these peculiarities. The above 
are by no means all the manuscripts that have been identified 
with the histoi-y of the Waldensian Bible ; but such as are men- 
tioned, besides these, could not be inserted in the above table. A 
manuscript belonging to Aix has been mentioned, but it is not 
known,^^* and as for the others, they are not Waldensian.*^^ Who 
can tell us, however, whether such a revised edition may not have 
met the fate of the primitive versions ? Who can enumerate aU 
the manuscripts that have been lost ? If we think of the manner 
in which the translation of the Scriptures was so frequently treated, 
as mentioned in the records of the Inquisition, the decrees of the 
Councils and the chronicles that reflect the Waldenses' religious 
life ; if we consider that the same persecution which has annihi- 
lated the Albigenses' literature, endeavoured to deal with the 
Waldensian in the same way and was bent on destroying it ia 
a Hke maimer, so that it would probably have disappeared in its 
turn, but for the refuge it found in the valleys, or in the hands of 
benefactors, it will be easy to see that one or more revised 
editions of the translation of the Scriptures may easily have 
perished, together with the manuscript copy. Even such refuge as it 
had was none too well sheltered from surprisals of the " enemy " and 
certain " false brethren," notwithstanding that the Barbes were 
dihgent " in transcribing the books of the Holy Scripture, as 
much as they could, for the use of their disciples."'*' It is 
well-known that almost all the manuscripts which sm-vived the 
destruction that threatened them, came from the Waldensian 
Valleys.*^* Several almost went astray, even though kept under lock 

The Waldenses of Italy. 187 

and key in libraries ; although such institutions are certainly more 
desirous of "preserving" them, as the register of the Geneva 
library has it, than of permitting their " glorious re-entrance." In a 
word, the Waldenses' manuscripts shared to the full the "mira- 
culous "preservation accorded to their faith. It is therefore 
natural to believe that at least a hundred copies of the versions 
have disappeared into oblivion, where our researches and regrets 
may easily follow them, though they will not bring them back. 
The best thing for us to do is to devote our attention to these 
precious relics of the Waldensian Bible, in order to ascertain 
their inter-relation, to know if we can establish that original unity, 
which Gilly hoped to discover, when he endeavoured to reconnect 
these versions with Waldo's — the fountain head.^^^ 

The six manuscripts we have recorded above differ, in the first 
place, with regard to age. If that of Lyons belongs to the 
Xm. century, and that of Paris to the XIV., the other four bring 
us down to the eve of the Eeformation. They are to be distin- 
guished, as we have seen, by their language, but they are not 
radically different. It is the same language, nay, even the same 
dialect ; but, whUe the former stiU reflects the period of the 
Troubadours, the latter indicates decadence and need for a helping 
hand. There is nothing, however, in that which would militate 
against the idea of their springing from a common origin. As to 
the theological point of view, there is no trace of that dualism 
which was in a high degree characteristic of the theology 
of the Albigenses, nor indeed of any heresy whatsoever.^^" If 
this feature be somewhat embarrassing for those who persist 
in tracing the hand of the Cathari in the oldest translation, it 
weighs in favour of the hypothetis that would attribute it to the 
Waldenses. The latter are at least free from the influence of any 
particular dogma. Their ideal is, the Bible made known to the 
people with the most scrupulous faithfulness ; that is their 
ambition — ^that is what they care for. This was noticed by an 
Inquisitor. He states that seeing that the Gospel was not 
in the letter known, they presumed to translate it into prac- 
tice,*'^ from which we may be permitted to infer that they did 
not aim at translating it differently upon parchment. Now the 
translation presented by Waldensian versions is so literal, that 
the best, judges are struck by it. " The translator has translated 
his text word for word," says S. Berger, in connection with this 

188 The Waidenses of Italy. 

relation.^^^ If, in addition to this, we consider that five out of six 
of the existing translations passed through the hands of the 
Waldenses, and that several noticeable expressions are familiar to 
them and are found in their treatises, '^^ must we content ourselves 
with coming to the conclusion that usage does not prove an origin, 
and that similarity of expression only indicates the influence of 
the assiduous reading of the Sacred Books ? That would seem to 
be straining a point. If the Waldenses did not write the 
version which passed through their hands, can it be the pro- 
duction of a Catholic pen ? We must admit that certain analogies 
would render that supposition admissible ; only, in such case, 
how can we explain the fact that the version so dear to the 
Waldenses and so odious to the Church — which could not find 
decrees sufficient to condemn it— should be of orthodox origin '? 
The first prohibition issued to laymen, forbidding them to keep in 
theii' homes the books of the Old and New Testament, was 
obtained specially through the efforts of the Councils of Toulouse, 
Tarascon, and Beziers. The decree is conceived in terms, which 
betray both great irritation, and a settled purpose to resist some 
radical tendency, which was the distinguishing trait of heretics in 
general and the Waldenses in particular.*^* Where then shall we 
look for the authors of the forbidden version, if not in the ranks of 
the Waldenses ? If that version be not too old, it may well be 
directly connected with Waldo's. If it be more ancient, then we 
should not be very well able to see, either the opening for Waldo's 
work or the importance he attached to it — an importance which his 
persecutors also have recognised after their own fashion. StUl, 
in order to arrive at a solution, we lack several positive data, 
especially with respect to the text that served as a basis for the 
work. Haupt was inclined for a moment to believe that it might 
have been the Latin version, anterior to St. Jerome, but he does 
not insist upon this supposition, and Berger absolutely rejects it. 
"For the present," writes the latter, "we may state with all 
appearance of probability, that the Latin text from which the 
Provencal Bible was translated, was scarcely used in the South of 
France, after the middle of St. Louis' reign ; and that this text 
differed very little fi;om the ordinary version, except in the Book 
of the Acts of the Apostles." 

With regard to this book, it is impossible to believe, as Haupt 
seems to, that the Waldenses knowingly preferred the lessons of 

The Waldbnsbs of Italy. 189 

the Itala, in which we are told they loved to find quotations from 
the Fathers. On the contrary, it is certain that whoever may have 
rendered the Bible into Provenpal, simply translated a certain 
text, mixed with fragments of the ancient Latin version, which 
we find in a more or less complete form in several manuscripts, 
the first of which is the famous Codex Toletanus. This text was 
probably very widely spread upon both slopes of the Pyrenees, 
ever since the time of the Visigoths."''" If this be so, the text 
we are looking for would bring us back into Languedoc, toward 
the beginning of the XII. century ; from which we should gather 
that the translator lived about that time, and nearer to the 
Pyrenees than to Lyons. In this way, the origin of the version of 
the Lyons manuscript would be in a fair way of being explained ; 
but the link, which connects it with that of Waldo, becomes mor6 
than ever indistinct, and it may be wondered whether any such 
connection ever existed. Was the text spoken of well understood ? 
" Faii'ly," says Berger. Therefore, the foundation we are seeking 
is not even absolutely identified. If this foundation, be it what it 
may, were to date yet a little further back, and if we should dis- 
cover that it had been within Waldo's reach, we should not be far 
from admitting that Waldensian manuscripts, beginning with that 
of Lyons,^^^ refer to more or less distinct revised editions of the 
early version, or to certain phases of that slow evolution, which 
constitutes the history of the Waldensian Bible. Meanwhile, 
with the knowledge we have, the paternity of these versions can- 
not, as Grilly thought, be attributed to Waldo. The last word, 
spoken by contemporaneous criticism upon this question, confirms 
the answer that was made to Gilly more than thirty years ago, 
namely, that as nothing indicates a tangible connection between 
the most ancient Provengal version and Waldo's, the origin of the 
Waldensian Bible, notwithstanding all conjecture, is still shrouded 
in utter darkuess.^^' 

Before closing this notice concerning the translations of Scrip- 
ture there must here be mentioned a version, written in a foreign 
tongue, in the native atmosphere of the Waldensian reaction. 

IV. — A Version in a Foeeign Tongue. 

This is the one at present being discussed with reference to 
the recent discovery of a manuscript of Tepl.^*^ The discovery 

190 The Waldbnses of Italy. 

has re-kindled the latent fires of an old controversy. While 
popular tradition hailed Luther as the first translator of the Bible 
into German, the reader knows that the Catholic party did not 
acquiesce in the assumption, and that it had good reasons for con- 
testing his right to this honour ; for that matter, the reformer 
himself laid ho claim to it. He could not even have thought of 
so doing, knowing that the German Bible had been printed in at 
least 17 editions before his time.°°' It has been proved, indeed, 
that he actually made use of the German version. ''" This, how- 
ever does not alter the fact that his translation, which was both 
classical and popular, did really inaugurate a new Uterary epoch. 
Now we are very much interested in knowing to whom belongs 
the credit of the first translation. Catholics and Protestants vie 
with each 'other in putting forth their claims. The latter are 
very much inclined to see in this translation some of the fruits of 
the opposition which preceded the Eeformation. When the 
manuscript of Tepl appeared, the attention of the learned was 
aroused by the fact that the text it presents corresponds word 
for word with that of the first three editions of the ancient Ger- 
man Bible.^'^ Then Louis Keller, an original writer, with thedecided 
opinions of a layman and versed in the history of the sects of 
the middle-ages, declared the Tepl manuscript to be Walden- 
sian.*'^ Another writer, Hermann Haupt, who belongs to the old 
Catholic party, supported his opinion vigorously.^'^^ His work 
soon became the subject of a virulent rejoinder from the Catholic 
pen of Franz Jostes.^''* The discussion was resumed once more 
on both sides f^^ more than one theologian taking part in it, 
the strident echoes of the strife reaching even to France, England, 
and far America.*'^ 

That is enough to excite in some degree everybody's interest 
in this Tepl manuscript, which seems to conceal a mystery, if not 
to prepare a surprise for us. It contains the New Testament 
entire, with the addition of the Epistle to the Laodiceans. If 
this latter reminds us of the manuscript of Lyons, the order of the 
books carries us back to that of Grenoble. Indeed, we find first 
the Gospels, then Paul's Epistles, and the General Epistles ; 
finally, the Acts and the Apocalypse. The Epistle to the 
Laodiceans is interpolated between the Second Epistle to the 
Thessalonians and the first to Timothy. This manuscript com- 
mences and ends with fragments, recalUng the ritual of Lyons, but 

The Waldenses of Italy. 191 

this time it is not reminiscent of the Cathari. There is first a 
word from St. Victor upon the confession of the sick, followed by 
a record of the lessons for Sundays and Feast-days, and three 
passages from St. Chrysostom's Homilies, intermixed with words 
from St. Augustine, upon the usefulness of reading sacred books 
and the priesthood of laymen. Those passages are in Latin. So 
much for the beginning. At the end there is a succinct exposition 
of the seven Articles of Faith and the seven Sacraments. If we 
add that the volume is of a very small pocket-size, annotated on 
the margin and worn, it will be easy to imagine that we have here 
a reHgious manual, both convenient and practical. As to its age, 
from several indications it belongs to the XIV. centui-y. 

Now let us come to a point which is particularly interesting. 
This manual, beyond a doubt, points to a dissident origin. This 
is the opinion of those who, like Biltz, for instance, examined it 
without ecclesiastic prejudice. " I have more than one reason for 
believing it to be a certain fact," says this learned philologist, 
" that the first German translation originated outside the orthodox 
centre, and in the midst of dissidence."^''' Keller noted emphati- 
cally certain distinctly characteristic differences between the text 
of this first translation, which was followed by Luther, and that 
of the version adopted by the Romish Church ; the result is a 
striking contrast in the dogmatic colouring. ^''^ But the dissident 
origin once admitted, we are not necessarily entitled to conjecture 
that the version is Waldensian.^^' We are brought to this point 
only by special indications, which must at least be touched upon. 

The version of Tepl, Haupt observes, strikingly reminds us of 
that of Dublin ; it presents a certain number of expressions 
peculiar to the Waldenses, such as " Son of the Virgin " and 
"torment," instead of "Son of Man," and " Gehenna."^^'' The 
same divergences from the Vulgate are found in the latter, and the 
list of Lessons, corresponds with that which accompanies the New 
Testament of Grenoble ; and the Seven Articles of Faith mentioned 
at the end, are precisely those which the Waldensian mission- 
aries professed at the commencement of their ministry.^^^ Jostes, 
on the other hand, generalizes the use of these expressions — 
Lessons and Articles of Faith — for the purpose of showing that 
there was nothing characteristic or definitely marked about them. 
Berger intervened to point out an unexpected solution. In his 
opinion, the early German translation, with which the New 

192 The ^YALDENSES of Italy. 

Testament of Tepl corresponds, shows imeqnivocal traces of inter- 
polations taken from the ancient version, anterior to Jerome, the 
author of the Ynlgate, as well as expressions horrowed from some 
ProTen5al translation. Might it not have heen "translated 
partly under the auspices of the Waldenses, from an original, 
written in one of the Provencal dialects ? " That is his hypothesis. 
Jostes thinks it somewhat far-fetched, but Berger, comparing the 
texts, came upon fresh indications, and was confirmed in his 
opinions, so that it begins to be tentatively accepted, although it 
is not yet quite decidedly adopted. If it can be proved that the 
German version is based upon the Provenpal, it is but one step 
further to conclude that it was the work of the Waldenses ; for 
let us not forget that the catechetical fragments, which are found 
along with it in the Tepl manuscript, indicate of themselves that 
it might have been used in their worship. If this be the case, 
the Romish Church had more reason than is at first apparent for 
reproaching Luther with having followed in the footprints of the 
Waldenses;*-- but caution should be used in anticipating a 
solution, which may probably elude the grasp of investigators, and 
which, after all, may well surprise us. 

After the translations of the Scripture, we must consider the 
other writings, both in prose and verse, which are attributed to 
the Waldenses. It is surprising, at the first glance, that they 
should be so numerous, when hardly any trace of them is discover- 
able in the records of the Inquisition ; and we cannot help thinking 
that this field, which — thanks to the conscientious researches of 
more than one writer, and especially as contained in the beautiful 
book of Montet, to which we shall often have to refer — ^is no 
longer unexplored, may still contain more than one surprise in 
reserve for us. Often, while reading certain pages, a doubt suddenly 
arises iu the mind, and forces the question : Is this really the 
Waldensian style ? Further reading dispels the doubt, whilst as 
we go on it arises again. But we do not intend to lose our way 
in the labyrinthine regions of hypothesis. We propose here to 
deal with facts, more or less authenticated. Between the blind 
prejudice of those who accept as Waldensian all that comes pour- 
ing out of the cornucopia of tradition, without even seeking to 
tabulate them methodically, and the denials of a boldly sceptical 
criticism, there is a vast field, which is aU that we desire for our 
task, consisting as it does in taking account of the condition in 

The Waldjenses of Italy. 193 

which we find the question, without pretending to solve it com- 
pletely. Furthermore, we reserve general remarks for the end of 
the chapter. 

" We have been called upon to pass through innumerable persecu- 
tions, which have often threatened to destroy all our writings ; 
so that it was with difficulty that we were able to save the Holy 
Scripture."^*' These touching words of the brethren of Lombardy 
are susceptible of a general application. They tell us plainly 
enough that the list of the writings which have disappeared would 
not be insignificant if it were possible to make one. We must, 
however, be content with some brief remarks. 

The gloss which accompanied Waldo's version disappeared 
with it we believe, being replaced doubtless, by one of those 
more or less discursive expositions which we afterwards find 
coming to Hght. An Inquisitor, subsequent to the year 1250, men- 
tions that the Poor of Lyons knew how to take advantage of 
isolated texts which they borrowed from the Fathers, from Saints 
Augustine, Jerome, Ambrose, Chrysostom, and Isidorus; they 
translated them he says, and impressed them upon their hearers.''^'' 
To do that, it would have been necessary to have a collection at 
hand. Was this the original collection more or less revised and 
augmented, or was it a new treatise, after the style of those 
which have come down to us ? We are unable to say. At 
Friburg, a woman was questioned concerning a book containing 
the explanation, if not the simple translation, of the Gospel and 
the Epistles of Paul.^*' Naturally it is impossible to say whether 
any connection whatever existed between this book, the work of 
Waldo, and that of the disciples at Metz ; or whether there is 
nothing to connect these first essays with any one of the then exist- 
ing compilations which we are about to mention. A writing in 
verse, mentioned under the title of the Thirty Degrees of St. 
Augustine, and containing a description of the gamut of Chi-istian 
virtues, ^^^ has given much trouble to the critics. Herzog believed 
that he had found the translation of it in the treatise on the 
Virtues, which we shall speak of hereafter ;^'"' but Montet, after 
.careful examination, declares that he is not inclined to admit this 
hypothesis. There is another writing that has disappeared, and 
it seems that it is not the last. Much discussion in connection 
with analogous excerpta to be found in the manuscript of Tepl 
has taken place lately, concerning a little Waldensian Catechism, 


194 The Waldenses of Italy. 

containing the Seven Articles of Faith in the Divinity, and the 
Seven Articles in the Humanity (of our Lord), as also the Ten 
Commandments and the Seven Works of Mercy ;°^'* but as a 
matter of fact no claim that the entire work has been found^^' has 
yet been set up. Finally, what shall we say of the treatises like 
the Book of the Just, barely mentioned in an epistolary fragment 
of the XIV. century,''"' and of other books, to which the Inquisi- 
tors allude, without even naming them, as was the case at Friburg 
and Strasburg, and undoubtedly in other localities ? ^"^ Let us 
leave all that and devote our attention to existing literature. Our 
review will begin with the prose writings. 

Perrin, Leger, Monastier and others incorrectly assign an 
ancient date to diverse writings not here classified. The reader 
knows we ai"e dealing with a confession of faith, a catechism, and 
a few polemic treatises relating to Purgatory and Antichrist, and, 
the worship of Saints. These writings, according to Gilly's own 
words, " were of a much later period."''''^ Discussion of the 
legend even for the purpose of refuting it is unprofitable, and 
therefore to be avoided. 

We may inquire whether none of the early Waldenses has 
settled the question of the historical tradition concerning Waldo 
and his first disciples. Gilles, it is true, observes that " our 
fathers were always more careful to do what was right in all 
things, than to note down and preserve the memory of their 
actions.""^' Still, this does not prevent our believing that their 
minds at times must have been, were it only for polemical pur- 
poses, exercised with the problems of their origin. Thus, the 
Book of the Just which has disappeared, touched, at least in one 
passage, upon the origin of the Waldenses. In our opinion, this 
reference is contained in the historical fragment quoted in the 
chapter in this book that discusses the origin of the Waldenses. 

Where the original text is we cannot say. Our early historical 
literature is therefore reduced to so small a compass, that we can 
understand how Gilles had no knowledge of it. It would be of 
great importance that we should possess at least, the most 
important letters ; but we believe that the very persons for whom 
they were intended must, for a very obvious reason, have decided 
upon destroying them. Whatever the reason, there remain 
to us only some three or four of their circular epistles. The most 
ancient has already been mentioned ; it is that of the heads of 

The Waldenses of Italy. 195 

the community of the Poor of Lombardy, written after the 
conference of Bergamo to their brethren of Germany. It was not 
the only one of its kind, and we are glad to be able to insert here 
in full, a letter of the year 1368, recently transcribed from the 
manuscript of St, Florian, in Austria. It was written by the 
Lombard Brethren, named John, Gerard, Simon, and Peter, and 
was addressed to their co-religionists who were grieved by the 
falHag away of some regenades.'^^* The document runs as 
follows : — 

"We received j'oiu- letter with the resi:)ect that is due to it. 
It informs us of several matters which greatly afflict us. But we 
belong to a good school, and we must profit by the example of our 
forefathers, remembering that the crown of glory is the reward of 
a patience which surmounts aU trials. Does not the word of 
God say that it is ' in patience we should possess our souls ? '"'*' 
For otherwise, after having been uplifted in the time of prosperity, 
we should soon be cast down. Let us remember what the 
Psalmist says, ' Thou, God, hast proved us: thou hast tried us 
as silver is tried. Thou broughtest us into the net ; thou laidst 
affliction upon our loins. '^^° We sympathize with you, brethren, 
in your adversity, as we did in better days, according to the words 
of the Apostle, ' If one member suffer, all the members suffer 
v.ith it.^^'' Therefore we exhort you to render thanks in the evil 
days, to Him who is powerful to turn your sorrow into joy.' 

" You have informed us to what perfidy you are exposed, from 
those who are our common enemies, as regards the faith, but it 
will be no hindrance to us if we listen to the voice of the 
Psalmist, ' Happy shall he be that taketh and dasheth thy little 
ones against the stones. '"''* We must break our little passions 
upon Christ our Eock, looking to the example He has given us, 
and to His precepts. '''^^ It must needs be," he says, 'that 
offences come.''''"' We read in the book of Job that when the sons 
of God appeared before the Almighty, Satan also came among 
them. These people do the same. They would by their wavering 
hinder your steadfastness, and introduce by wicked means their 
errors into your midst. ' Lo, the wicked travaileth with iniquity, 
and hath conceived mischief and brought forth falsehood. He 
made a pit and digged it, and is fallen into the ditch which he 
made. His mischief shall return upon his own head, and his 
violent dealing shall come down upon his own pate. I will praise 

H 2 

196 The Waldenses of Italy. 

the Lord according to his righteousness, and sing praise to the 
name of the Lord moat high.''^^ Now, as you have sought our 
aid in this matter, according to the saying of Solomon, who says 
that ' the brother succoured by his brother is a strong city,'™^ we 
feel that it is a question here of protecting our own members, and 
of our striving to bear with you the burden which, after all, weighs 
upon our own shoulders, as the Apostle teaches us.™' In the first 
place, we pray to God that He may hear your groaning, and 
answer you in the day of distress, as it is written in His word,'"* 
where He still says to us, ' Call upon me in the day of trouble ; 
I will deliver thee, and thou shalt glorify me. Give us help from 
trouble, for vain is the help of man. Through God we shall do 
valiantly ; for it is He that shall tread down our enemies.'™^ 
Then, as we cannot and will not answer all the objections of the 
wicked, we pray with all our heart that the Author of all things 
may be praised out of your mouth, as by the mouth of children. 
Say unto Him, ' Lord, open thou my lips, and my mouth shall 
show forth Thy praise.'™^ Let it suffice for us to answer some of 
the accusations that are brought against us. 

" It appears, that they are endeavouring to prove, by many 
arguments, that our life is of no merit, as respects salvation, and 
that for three piincipal reasons : (1) Because we lack knowledge ; 
(2) Because we lack' authority, which is false, as we shall soon 
show ; (3) Because, according to our adversaries, our life is 
neither good nor honest ; hence, neither holy nor meritorious. 
Let us examine these charges, point by point. 

" They reproach our brethren then, for being ignorant and 
without culture. We admit it, at least to a certain extent. We 
acknowledge with the Apostle that we do not excel in learned 
discourses and subtle reasoning ; but after all there remains to us 
some spiritual knowledge.''^' A peasant taught by the grace of 
God, needs in nothing to envy a prince, who has learned all that 
worldly science can teach. Bernard said that, in this respect, the 
simple will be happier on the last day than lawyers. But read 
rather what St. Paul writes to the Corinthians : ' I will destroy 
the wisdom of the wise, and will bring to nothing the under- 
standing of the prudent. Where is the wise? Where is the 
scribe ? Where is the disputer of this world ? Hath not God 
made foolish the wisdom of this world ? Because the foolishness 
of God is wiser than men, and the weakness of God is stronger 

The Waldbnses of Italy. 197 

than men. For ye see your calling, bi-ethren, how that not many 
wise men after the flesh, not many mighty, not many noble, are 
called. But God hath chosen the foolish things of the world to 
confomid the wise ; and God hath chosen the weak things of the 
world to confound the things which are mighty ; and base things 
of the world, and things which are despised, hath God chosen, 
yea, and things which are not, to bring to nought things ttiat are ; 
that no flesh should glory in his presence. But of him are ye in 
Christ Jesus, who of God is made unto us wisdom, and righteous- 
ness, and sanctification, and redemption ; that, according as it is 
\vritten. He that glorieth, let him glory in the Lord.''"^ You see 
therefore, dearest brethren that according to the teaching of the 
Apostle, Christian faith is not to be confounded with the wisdom 
of this or the other preacher. It has seemed fitting that this faith 
be preached by people, who could not be vain of their power, of 
their wisdom, or of their birth. This was the case with the 
Apostles, who were the first preachers ; for, as Gregory says, God 
hath chosen for the message of preaching, not rhetoricians and 
philosophers, but simple fishermen, absolutely devoid of all 
scientific culture.''"' You can therefore understand how Jesus 
exclaimed : 'I thank Thee, Father, Lord of heaven and earth, 
because Thou hast hid these things from the wise and prudent, 
and hast revealed them unto babes.'"" Why so ? Because, as 
St. Paul adds, ' Knowledge puffeth up, but charity edifieth ; and 
if any man think that he knoweth anything, he knoweth nothing 
jet as he ought to know. But if any man love God, the same is 
known of him.'"^ From this we learn that perfect knowledge 
must fulfil the seven following coiiditions : — 

" 1. — It must be humble, and not puffed up : humilis sine 
ivflacione. Knowledge that is humble says, with the Psalmist, 
' Lord, my heart is not haughty, nor mine eyes lofty, neither do I 
exercise myself in great matters, or in things too high for me.'^^ 
On the contrary, knowledgd that is paff"ed up reminds us of one of 
the plagues of Egypt ; the dust that produced a boil, breaking 
forth with blains upon man and beast."' Such is worldly know- 
ledge. But that of Jesus Christ is difi^erent. It says, ' Learn 
of me, for I am meek and lowly in heart.'"* 

"2. — It must be sober, unpresumptuous : sobria sine pre- 
siimptione. Indeed, 'let no one presume to be wiser than 
necessary,' says the Apostle. ^^^ 

198 The Waldenses of Italy. 

" 8. — It must be veritable and without guile : vere sine 
deceptione. Then it will not come to pass that men leam, without 
being able to come to a knowledge of truth/" 

" 4. — It must be useful for the edification of others : utilis cum 
proximorum (cUficacione. Such is the object of these words : 
' Let no corrupt communication proceed out of your mouth, but 
that which is good to the use of edifying, that it may minister 
grace unto the hearers. '"^'^ 

" 5. — It should be salutary, being accompanied by the love of 
God and of our neighbour : salutifera cum dei et proximi 
dileccione. For which reason it is written: " Though I under- 
stand all mysteries and all knowledge, and have not charity, I am 

" 6. — It should be liberal, and be communicated gi-atuitously : 
lihcralis mm gratuita communicacione. We must be able to- 
say: 'Freely I have received, freely I give; nor do I hide 
wisdom's riches.'^'" 

" 7. — It must be active, prompt, and efficacious: efficax cum 
prompta operncione. Because, says the Scripture, ' To him that 
knoweth to do good, and doeth it not, to him it is sin.'"" 

"Finally, let us recall a few maxims of Bernard on this sub- 
ject. Our knowledge must fulfil a threefold condition : as regards 
the order, the mode, and the object. First, as regards the order;- 
for to know what we do, and not the order in which it ought to 
be done, is not to know perfectly. Secondly, as regards the 
mode ; because it must be accomjjanied by charity, which consti- 
tutes the mcde and form of knowledge and of all vii'tue; so that 
without it knowledge would be vain. Finally, it is important that 
our knowledge have an object : for it is not for vain glory, but for 
the glory of God that we ought to have knowledge. There are 
those who have knowledge to make themselves known. Such 
knowledge is but shameful vanity. Others have knowledge, but^ 
only for the sake of knowing. Their knowledge is but shameful 
curiosity. Others aim at selling their knowledge. This is 
nothing but shameful cupidity. But there are also those who 
apply their knowledge to the edification of themselves and others. 
That is the knowledge of prudence and charity. 

" Thus, dearest brethren, be not in doubt as to knowledge. It 
is not a question of being without it, or of abounding in it, after 
the manner of the men of this world ; but to possess in abundance 

The Waldbnses of Italy. 199 

the truth which edifies. Let ue hope that the Lord by His grace 
will exalt us out of our abasement, for it is written : ' Whosoever 
humbleth himself shall be exalted.''^^ 

" Let us come to the second head of accusation. Our adver- 
saries say that we lack authority. To hear them, one would think 
that our order is not established on the true foundation ; that we 
do not hold it from the Apostles, since we do not adminster all the 
sacraments. They allege the well-known passage : ' I will give 
unto thee the keys of the kingdom of heaven ;''^^ and then, the 
directions of the Apostle Paul to Titus, for the establishment of 
presbyters in the island of Crete f^^ then again, the Levitical 
sacerdotal tradition ; concluding finally, that no one can give what 
he has not received. We concede all that. Does it follow that 
our authority is thereby diminished ? On the contrary, it will only 
be the greater. Let us grant them the origin and descent of which 
they speak, and ask them : Were those Bishops which were 
ordained by the other Apostles, who received plenary authority 
from Peter, ordained as though by him ? If they answer no, we 
reply with these words : ' Having called His twelve disciples, He 
gave them power;' and further: ' Whatsoever ye shall bind on 
earth shall be bound in heaven, and whatsoever ye shall loose on 
earth shall be loosed in heaven.''^* If they answer yes, then it is 
£lear that all their successors had the same power, according to 
the words of the Psalm : ' Their line is gone out through all the 
earth, and their words to the end of the world. ''^° This is the 
explanation of those words of our Lord : ' Neither pray I for thee 
iilone, but for all them which shall believe on me through their 
word. And the glory which Thou gavest Me I have given 
them.''^° Now, our order is derived thence, namely, from the 
Apostles. On this point it is a fact worthy of notice, that in the 
lime of Constantino, Pope Sylvester having received the treasure, 
his associates protested, saying : ' We have received of the Lord 
the precept that we shall possess no earthly goods. He said : " Pro- 
vide neither gold, nor silver, nor brass in your purses, nor scrip for 
your journey, neither two coats, neither shoes, nor yet staves ; for 
the workman is worthy of his hire." And again : "If thou wouldst 
be perfect, go and sell that thou hast and give to the poor, and 
thou shalt have treasure in heaven : and come and follow Me." 
And so it was done : " Peter said unto Him : Behold, we have 
forsaken all and followed Thee." '™ But Sylvester replied : ' If 

200 The Waldenses of Italy. 


you do not remain ^nt]l me, I wall send you into exile.'"' On 
hearing these words they rejoiced, saying : ' We give thanks to 
God, because if the earth is denied us for having obsei-ved His 
precepts, He offers us Heaven. Did He not say : " Everyone 
that hath forsaken houses, or brethren, or sisters, or father, or 
mother, or wife, or children, or lands, for my name's sake, shall 
receive an hundredfold, and shall inherit everlasting life ?" '''" 
The following night, whilst they were still disputing w-ith Sylvester,- 
a voice from heaven was heard, saying : ' To- day poison hath been 
poured into the Church of God.' Having heard this voice, the Poor 
of Christ went forth with more courage, and they were driven out of 
the s^^lagogue. Thus were fulfilled the words which are written : 
' They shall put you out of the synagogue ; yea, the time cometh, 
that whosoever killeth you will think that he doeth God service. ''^^'^ 
They were thereupon dispersed over all the earth. As they went 
away, they said to Sylvester and his successors : ' We leave 
the eai-th to you, but we shall seek after heaven.''^' It was 
Sylvester who had bidden them depart. They endeavoured to- 
lead a hfe of poverty, and their number multiplied for a long time. 
At last, owing to the envy of false Christians which raged 
against them, they were driven to the ends of the earth. Their 
enemies said : ' Let us break their bonds.'"'- This does not, how- 
ever, prevent our adversaries from pretending that Christians have 
only been persecuted by Pagans. They read the Scriptures badly ; 
for in them we find that the prophets were not put to death by 
Pagans, but by Jews. John the Baptist was beheaded by Herod. 
Jesus Christ came unto His own, and His own received Him not, 
but delivered Him unto death. James, the brother of om* Lord, 
was also killed by them, and many other disciples suffered perso' 
cution of them. AU of which is written for our instruction,''^ and- 
to serve us for an ensample.''* That which happened to Paul 
proves this sufficiently.'^^* It is, therefore, evident that the elect 
iire exposed to persecution on all sides, as much from Pagans and 
Jews as fi-om false Christians and all the world, according to the 
words of our Lord, who said : ' Ye shall be hated of all nations 
for my name's sake.'''' When He says ' all,' nothing is excluded. 
It is, therefore, certain that the saints will be persecuted by their 
brethren to the end of the world. Nevertheless, they cannot be 
entirely destroyed.'" The power of the wicked has limits : it 
could not prevail against the faith. We shall say, in our turn : 

The Waldenses of Italy. 201 

' Tliey imagined a miscbievons device, which they are not able to 
perform.''''* The more the disciples of Christ are persecuted, the 
more their zeal is kindled and their number multiplied. It is 
with them as with the tree of which Job speaks : ' For there is 
hope of a tree, if it be cut down, that it will sprout again, and 
that the tender branch thereof will not cease. Though the 
root thereof wax old in the earth, and the stock thereof die 
in the ground ; yet through the scent of water it will bud, and 
bring forth buds like a plant. ''^' Now, as regards the branches, you 
must know this, that formerly, when the servants of Christ seemed 
to have disappeared because of psrsecution, a man was raised up. 
He was nauied Peter of Val, and had a companion, John Lyonnais, 
so called after the city of Lyons.^*" Our adversaries see in him a 
fool, because he was driven out of the synagogue. He came up 
like a shoot from a tree watered by the grace of the Holy Spirit ; 
little by little he prospered. From what is said, he was not the 
founder, but the reformer of our order.'^*^ If he were driven out of 
the synagogue, it was only through the judgment of men, not of 
God. That happened to others.'*^ So that he was able to say 
with the Apostle : ' With me it is a very small thing that I should 
be judged of you, or of man's judgment ; yea, I judge not mine 
own self, for I know nothing by myself ; yet am not I hereby 
justified — that is to say, I do not think myself just for all that — 
" but He that judgeth me is the Lord." '"' Such are the Wal- 
denses, whom, doubtless, you have heard spoken of. They were 
called by that name, as also by that of the Poor of Lyons, because 
they had long dwelt in that city. It is said that what brought 
Peter to embrace poverty — which was professed before his day, and 
is still professed, as we believe, according to the Book of the 
Elect — was that word of the Gospel which he had read or 
heard, beginning : ' If thou wouldst be perfect, go.''** He roused 
himself like a lion awakened from his sleep,''*^ did his work, 
journeyed to Eome, and incurred the censure of the wicked.'*" 
Nevertheless he persevered, and his apostolic example brought 
many to embrace the rule of poverty, for he remembered that say- 
ing of our Lord : ' If two of you shall agree as touching anything 
that they shall ask, it shall be done for them of my Father which 
is in heaven. For where two or three are gathered together in 
my name, there am I in the midst of them.''*' Of his conduct 
some have said that it was influenced by pride. That is a very 

202 The Waldenses of Italy. 

rasli judgment ; being a transgression of the precept given by oui* 
Lord : ' Judge not,' and of the exhortation of the Apostle : 
' Judge nothing before the time, until the Lord come, who both 
will bring to light the hidden things of darkness and will make 
manifest the councils of the hearts, and then shall erer\- man have 
praise of God.'"''* Does not Augustine himself say : ' He who pro- 
nounces a rash judgment upon the secret thoughts of the heart, 
commits a sin ; especiaUj- when it is a question of a person kno^vn 
only by their good works ?' Knowing therefore, by experience, 
that the work of this man was good, we are astonished at the 
audacity of those who judge as they do. If that work were not of 
God, it would have perished already, so many persecutions did it 
have to endm-e.'^*' It may be said that the work of Mahomet also 
stands, and that it is the work of men, and not of God. That is 
true ; stiU, it does not prove the stability of his tenets. Let us 
say, rather, that God in His patience ' gave him over to a repro- 
bate mind,'"^" and that He has tolerated him also to prove His 
own, as it is written: 'There must be also heresies among 
you, that they which are approved may be made manifest among 
you.''^' Augustine, too, explains that this is necessaiy for the 
exercising of wisdom : Peter and all the faithful were obliged to 
net thus, by virtue of the Lord's precept : ' Flee out of the midst 
of Babylon, deliver every man his soul, and be not cut off in her 
iniquity. '^'^ 

" It is further objected that what we assert here is not proven, 
for they read in the Book of the Just this expression of the 
historian: 'from what I heard,''" and they found upon this a 
reason for scepticism. The writer does not, however, mean by 
this expression that he doubts what he narrates ; he avoids using 
i-ash language,''^ that is all. The reason why we cannot prove 
our statement is two-fold. The firs^ consists in the absence of 
witnesses ; no one has seen or heard the real beginning of the 
matter, because it took place very long ago. The second reason 
is stUl more important. It is this : we have had to pass through 
innumerable persecutions, by which om- writings have often been 
threatened with entii-e destmction, so that only with difficulty 
have we been able to save the Holy Scriptures. '^° We may, 
therefore, say with the Apostle, that ' we have received of the 
Lord what we have taught.'"^ And even if the aforesaid Peter 
of Val had not received ordination like others, which, God forbid 

The Waldenses of Italy. 203 

— for we claim that he received the sacred ordination as Presby- 
ter, with John his companion and colleague of the same order, 
and we do not doubt that he was confirmed in it by the Cardinal, 
who was favourable to him — might he not, with his brethren, have 
received the laying on of hands from the priests who joined that 
order in such large numbers ?^°' Some among us still remember 
brother John of Burgundy, and two minor brethren, who aban- 
doned their order to join that of the Waldenses ; also Bishop 
Bestardi, who, because he had been favourable to us, was called 
to Eome and returned no more ; and that other priest who was 
led to the stake. 

" Let our authority, therefore, be no longer disputed. We 
received it both from the Lord and from our superiors. More- 
over, we know with the Apostle that ' all things work together 
for good to them that love God.'''"* It is possible that this is not 
the case with our adversaries, and what happens may work to 
their detriment ; for he who loves not, dwells in death. 

"Let us pass to the third head of accusation, which bears 
upon our conduct. They condemn it for more than one reason. 
First, we are mercenaries in their estimation. Thatis what one might 
with reason say of those who abandon the sheep to the wolves he- 
cause they ' do not care for the sheep.'''"' Then they say that we do 
not administer the ecclesiastic sacraments as others do. There- 
upon we answer with the Apostle, ' for Christ sent me not to bap- - 
tize, but to preach the Gospel ; not with wisdom of words, lest 
the cross of Christ should be made of none effect.''^" Moreover, 
we would recaU what he says further on, ' Do ye not know that 
they which minister about holy things live of the things of the 
temple ? and they which wait at the altar are partakers of the 
altar ? Even so hath the Lord ordained that they which preach 
the Gospel should live of the Gospel. ''^^ It appears from the 
above that all cannot bear the same charge. Now, because we do 
not administer these sacraments in articulo mortis, they give out 
that some among us die without communion. That is false, for 
the Lord said, ' Whoso eateth my flesh and drinketh my blood, 
hath eternal life ; ' and further, ' He that eateth me, even he shall 
live by me.'''^^ Thereupon Augustine said, ' Believe, and thou 
hast eaten.'"'' True believers are, therefore, not deprived of the 
benefit of this sacrament. Alas ! there are but too many who 
communicate, and die, nevertheless, without communion, as there 

204 The Waldenses of Italy. 

are those who die with the communion, although without com- 
municating ; union with Christ and Holy Church is communion 

" Greet all your friends in common. The peace of our Lord 
Jesus Christ and the communion of the Holy Ghost be with you 
all. Amen." ' -* 

Thus ends the letter of the brethren of Lombardy. We have 
omitted merely such portions as have no particular interest. It 
was not left unanswered. We shall quote from a letter of the 
renegade Siegfried, these words only : " Indicate the places to us, 
name the persons who exercise the ministry of the sacraments. 
You cannot possibly do it. You hear confessions and that is aU. 
For the rest you send people to the Church. The Church, on the 
contrary, administers the sacraments and many other benefits to 
the people, while you retain only the confession which is but a 
semi-sacrament. You boast, it is true, of your good works, of 
your vigils, fasts, prayers, supplications, and thanksgivings."'^* 
Another reply bears the signature of a renegade named Johu.'^^" 
It repels the accusation against those who abandon Christ's sheep- 
to ravening wolves, and contains a few observations on the origin 
of the Waldenses. " Your order, from what I have learned, says 
that as the light of faith has never been wanting from Abraham 
to Christ, so, too, it cannot have been wanting from Christ down 
to the present day. We read there also, that in the beginning 
your community had increased to such an extent, that your faith- 
ful people, in Synod assembled, numbered sometimes as many as 
seven hundred or one thousand. From the incarnation of our 
Lord to the period of the Emperor Constantine, are 314 years. 
It was then that Sylvester was head and ruler of the Church. From 
the time of Constantine and Sylvester to the founder of your sect 
there be 800 years ; now add 200 years which have elapsed since 
the foundation. It is sraid that during those 200 years your order 
has manifestly lived. Barely 50 more years bring us do\ui to the 
present day, that is to say, the year of grace 1368 ; during that 
time you have ceased to preach pubUcly."'^' 

Finally, let us mention one or two letters of the Waldenses of 
France, or of the valleys. That of Barbe Tertian to the faithful 
of Prajela is well known. There is a letter which deserves to be 
mentioned, namely, the Letter to the Friends. According to the 
Cambridge and Genevan manuscripts it dates back at least to the 

The Waldenses of Italy. 205 

begiuning of the XV. century. It is true that Montet classifies 
it among the " spurious works;" but he does not say why. The 
original does not in any way shew that it is a work to be sus- 
pected : far from it.'"^ We have here a pastoral Epistle intended 
for the edification of "all the faithful Friends and Servants of 
Jesus Christ," who are invited to remember the mercies God 
grants unto His people, in order by means of them to promote 
their sanctification. As we read it, we seem to hear the first call 
to the Waldenses to bring them back to the God of their fathers. 
We find in it at any rate, indications, of a relapsing which has to 
be resisted. The authoritative accent is evident. We read in it : 
God who has called us, blesses us aU, and in divers manners ; but 
the devil makes the greater efforts to undo and corrupt His work 
in us. Be watchful, therefore, that ye may not fall into the toils 
of pride and covetousness. Time is short and fleeting ; there- 
foi.-, let everyone make use of transitory things, whilst keeping 
sight of eternal salvation. Husbands, Uve with your wives, in 
such a manner that they may not turn your heart away from the 
fear of God. Fathers, love your children and shew your love by 
bringing them up under constant discipline, that they may become 
His childi-en. Let nothing be a stumbling block unto you, lest 
the care of earthly things cause you to lose sight of the kingdom 
of heaven. Kefrain from all evil, in thought, word, or deed. It 
is through evU deeds that fools perish. Everything that is evil 
turns us away from charity, which places us under an obligation 
to our brethren. Moreover, do not forget to add to the love of 
God love toward your neighbour, whom you ought to love as your- 
self. Scriptm-e teaches us that he who does not love his brother 
shall perish, but that love is the fulfilling of the law. Conse- 
quently, avoid aU malice and quarrelling, seek after peace with all 
men, retm-ning good for evil, and blessing those who curse you, 
that you may inherit everlasting joy." 

There ends the letter.^^' Besides these historical and 
epistolary fragments, there are some of a different character, both 
dogmatic and Uturgical. Charles Schmidt has reproduced some 
from a Latin manuscript in the library of Strasburg.'''''' He 
recognizes in it the statutes of the Ancient Waldenses, apparently 
the very one above-mentioned, which the ministers learned by 
heart."^ Here we find, besides the creed in seven articles, some 
rubrics relating to the administration of sacraments, especially to 

206 The Waldensbs of Italy. 

those of Confession and Ordination. The critics now add the 
fragments preserved in the manuscript of Tepl. Moreover, we 
must not forget the discourse upon the Word of God, in the 
volume containing the historical fragments concerning the origin 
of the Waldenses, which is in the library at Cambridge. This 
discourse treats of the very intricate subject of ordination, or 
transmission of the office of the ministry of the word.''^ It 
divides it into four kinds ; that which comes from God alone ; that 
which comes from God and man ; that which comes only from 
man ; and finally, that which is claimed by false preachers. The 
application may be inferred,the introductory words already hint at it. 
" There are people who wish to bind the word of God, by following 
their own will ! "'^' Here it is cleai'ly expressed : " Priests and 
cm-ates cause the people to perish for lack of hearing the word of 
God." Not only at present wUl they neither hear nor receive the 
word of God ; but that it may not be made known, they issue 
orders and frame laws according to their own wUl, preventing the 
free proclamation of it. It shall be more tolerable for the land of 
Sodom in the day of judgment than for such. The Gospel of 
Christ must be freely preached, for it is manifest that it comes 
from God. In ancient times all could preach ; for this, Eldad 
and Medad, upon whom the Spirit of the Lord rested, preached 
freely without the intervention of Moses being necessaiy. For 
the same reason, the humble of Christ, upon whom the Spirit of 
the Lord rested, were enabled to preach the word of God to the 
people freely, and without any intervention of Pope or Bishop 
being requii-ed. Would to God that the Prelates possessed the 
Spiiit of Moses ; they would not hinder those who sing to Thee, 
Lord ! neither would they close their mouths." This is 
language which reminds us strongly of that used by the Waldenses 
at the dispute of Narbonne. It is characteristic and would, if 
some of the tpiotations, used ia the text, did not iodicate a later 
date, lead us back to the origin of the dissent. Indeed, in 
addition to the Fathers, St. Bernard, Pope Innocent III., even 
Nicholas of Lyra, and John of Andi-ea, are aU quoted. These 
last lived towai-d the middle of the XIV. century. From this, to 
the date prefen-ed by Montet, the distance is too gi'eat ; we cannot 
cover it without hesitation. If the manuscript belongs to the 
middle of the XV. century, it does not prove that the date we are 
seeking should be fixed at the same period. We must admit 

The Waldbnses of Italy. 207 

that, as a rule, the date of a manuscript is hxter than that of the 
original ; and, unless we have absolute proof, we cannot assume 
any manuscript to be the original copy. The fact that our 
discourse is found side by side with the historical fragment in 
the same manuscript, and that it has one point in common with 
it, in its allusion to the legend of Constantino,'''* is of a nature to 
make us assign nearly the same date to both. Then, why not 
prefer the date which is assigned to the fragment ; namely, the 
end of the XV. century ? Moreover, there is no doubting the 
fact that the date of which we speak cannot be |later than 1440 ; 
for it was at that time that Laurent Valla refuted the legend of 
Constantine's donation; and it is well-known that his refutation 
caused no little stir. 

The above constitutes the chief of the original matter gleaned 
from our ancient prose. Let us now pass to the translations and 

We were discussing, a few pages back, the fate of the gloss 
which accompanied the first Waldensian version of the Scrip- 
tures, and there seemed to be reasons for thinking that it had dis- 
appeared. There is more than one way in which such a docu- 
ment may disappear, It is just possible that it may still be lying 
concealed in some unsearched collection. Whatever its fate the 
sentences of the Fathers, grouped around the Waldensian Bible, 
seem to have accumulated and multiplied like limpets on a rock, 
as is shewn by the treatises, entitled the Doctor and the Orchard 
of Consolation. These two writings cause to dance before our 
eyes, as it were, hundreds of quotations, the origin of which pre- 
cisely corresponds to the description before noticed in the words 
of the Inquisitor, David of Augsburg. They are borrowed, as a 
matter of fact, from Saints Augustine, Jerome, Ambrose, Gregory 
the Great, and Isidore of Seville, as weU as from more recent 
writers.'''^ After these two treatises, we have an acephalous work, 
which deals in a monotonous style with virtues and vices, its title 
being a mere agglomeration of headings of the excerpta which it 
contains, thus : — The Ten Commandments, The Seven Deadly 
Sins, The Seven Gifts of the Holy Spirit, The Tavern, The 
Ball). The Sins of the Tongue, The Godly Virtues, The Car- 
dinal Virtues, The Gifts 0/ Nature and of Grace, and The 
Six Most Honourable Things in the World. These different 
pieces, except the two upon the Tavern and the Ball, are also 

208 The Waldenses of Italy. . 

present in a treatise, entitled La Somme le Roy, which a preach- 
ing monk, by name Laurent, composed in 1279 at the order of 
Philip III., King of France. There must be noticed next the 
treatise upon the Imposition of Penitence, which was found to 
be a manual of confession, and the Treizaines, a table of Lessons 
for the ecclesiastic year. This table is divided into four sections, 
each comprising thirteen Sundays, and it is from this number that 
it gets its title. We will mention in passing that, if it con-es- 
pond to the missals of the period, it possesses hardly any similarity 
to that which accompanies the Biblical versions of Grenoble and 
Tepl. Finally, we may put on one side, without any hesitation, 
all that mass of allegorical and fanciful interpretations which has 
been too long known in the Church — first under the name of 
Physiologue, then under that of Animanczax — for it was demon- 
strated many years ago that it had a semi-pagan, that is to say, 
Gnostic organ.''' By reducing these writings to their just value, 
which is very small, the critics rendered a real service, and did 
themselves much credit. There still remains, however, plenty for 
them to do. They would confer a favour if they could find a clue 
to that ravelled skein called Glosa Pater. A first examination 
revealed in that paraphrase of the Lord's Prayer some sm-prising 
variations. Five copies have come down to us, not all belonging 
to the same epoch. From these difi'erent copies we can coUate 
fit least two very distinct readings and a whole series of diver- 
gences. According to the most ancient reading, which, through 
its two manuscripts is said to date back to the XV. century, tran- 
substantion — a term then crudely defined — is stated to be a true 
doctrine ; according to the more recent reading, which had been 
subject to the influence of the Reformation, it is a false doctrine. 
Progress and remodelling are equally apparent here; but we must 
be permitted to question whether this early reading, which is 
Roman Catholic in its tendencies, be Waldensian at all. Montet 
has some doubts upon this point. After having classified this 
among the " spurious writings," he suspends his judgment, and 
wonders whether, after all, it does not belong to the category of 
mere translations. ''' After all, what is this book of Virtues 
which the critics make so much of even to the extent of finding 
therein superstitutions, which they attribute to the Waldenses ? 
It is true that it contains many quotations fi-om the sacred Scrip- 
tares, intermixed with sayings of the Fathers ; but is it not 

The Waldenses of Italy. 209 

Eoman Catholic throughout ? Where does it betray a Waldensian 
tendency ? Montet, who made this the subject of patient re- 
search, has been compelled to admit, nay, he has even proved, 
that there is to be found in it " not the slightest trace of antago- 
nism to the Romish Church or her dogmas."^^^ We give up any 
idea of analysing it, and we also pass by The Pains and the 
Joys of Paradise, minutely dealt with in Future Things. We 
shall not enumerate the unmeaning homilies, crammed with 
monkish allegories, which are found here and there in the collec- 
tions of these ancient manuscripts. We recognise at once, on 
reading these different productions, that criticism has by no means 
completed its work of elimination. Among the prose of the first 
period there is a book which the critics particularly appreciate, 
und are far from desiring to displace from the catalogue of Wal- 
densian literature. It is the Cantique, which was closely 
examined by Herzog.'''' Montet informs us that he, too, went 
over the work, and he adopts Herzog's conclusions, that is to say, 
he classifies this book among the Waldensian writings, " imitated 
from Catholic works."'*" Is this correct ? It is difficult to think 
so, and for the following reason : — 

The Cantique is a commentary upon the " Song of Solomon." 
Let us draw a distinction between the translation and the com- 
mentary, properly so called. The translation closely foUows the 
ordinary Vulgate, whose very alterations it imitates. Its divisions 
do not correspond with the chapters. Nothing, therefore, would 
prevent this book from dating quite far back in the XIII. century, 
were it not that some expressions are found, which are said to be 
borrowed from Thomas Aquinas. As to the commentary, it flows 
on in the full stream of Roman Catholic — nay, monkish — tradi- 
tion, with its quadruple method of interpretation ; very slightly 
historical, but on the other hand, tropological, anagogioal, and 
all aUegorioal.'^' Moreover, its origin may be easily guessed from 
the analogies already pointed out, which it presents to the writings 
■of Apponius, Angelomus, Bruno of Asti, and the Abbot of Clair- 
vaux. If, moreover, we find evident traces of a Latin original,^*^ 
we shall be inclined to imagine that we have before us one of 
those numerous paraphrases on the aforesaid Book of Scripture, 
for which we are indebted to the Middle Ages. Herzog grants 
this at first ; he even goes so far as to say that it could not have 
been written within the boundaries of the Cottian Alps, and that 

210 The Waldbnses of Italt. 

it was only amended there, for the pui-pose of facilitating the 
reading of it. But he draws a totally unexpected conclusion from 
these premises. He would have it, that the condition of the 
ATaldenses was more clearly reflected in the Cantique than in any 
other writing.'*' Montet shares his opinion ; he even affirms that 
this commentary evidently indicates " a long- continued develop- 
ment of the sect." We do not think that to be really the 

In the Cantique we meet more than once with references and 
quotations from the Scriptures ; but there is nothing unusual in 
that. So much is admitted by Herzog, therefore, there is no 
reason for us to stop to examine that point. We also find censures 
of unworthy Priests, bad Catholics, heretics, schismatics — in 
short, against " the Church of the wicked." The times are 
sad ; the faithful are persecuted, put to death, and given as 
a prey to the wolves and leopards. Are not these the plaints of 
the distressed Waldensian family ? Not necessarily so, per- 
haps ; they are only the stereotyped tones of the old clerical 
lamentation used by Apponius, Angelomus, and so many others 
before this period. Let us take up at random one of St. Bernard's 
sermons ; there we shall read the exhortation " to hate the 
Church of the malicious," according to the words of the prophet : 
" Ju hai I'eglise des malicious, et ensemble les fellons ne serai 
mies."'^' Then let us take the Gallo-ItaJic sermons preachedabout 
that time in Piedmont, probably by a cleric to clerics, and therein 
we find analogous expressions. Mention is made of persecutions, 
of martyrdoms, of hons and leopards, only there it is a question 
of the persecution of Jews by the Emperors. The latter are 
the lions. As for the leopards, they are the heretics, spotted with 
perverse doctrines, which devour the Church ; like Alius, SibeUius 
and the Simonides, the race of whom is not yet extinct.'** The 
writings of the monks during the XIII. and XIV. centuries bristle 
with analogous expressions, even more strikingly similar ; for the 
divers protests made dm-ing the Middle Ages, are no more Wal- 
densian by reason of their virulence, than those of the Canons of 
the Renaissance are Calvinist or Lutheran. But there are other 
indications which seem to be more to the point. They are — first : 
certain passing but repeated allusions to the " Poor of Christ," to 
the " people," the " Church of the Poor," the '"perfect," and the 
" saints," as opposed to "the wicked." Who could they have 

The Waldenses of Italy. 211 

been, if not Waldenses, asks the critic ? We answer that these 
last appellations were in 'common use amongst Catholics,'^'' 
and the word " perfect " is susceptible of a variety of applications, 
especially when it is employed in a general sense, as is here the 
case. Finally, what can be more vague than the appellation 
" Poor," at a time when poverty was the ideal of so many people — 
the monks themselves included ? " Poor of Christ " existed even 
before Waldo, as a proof of which we have the nunnery into 
which he placed his daughters. The Beghins also bore that name. 
There exists an ancient " Bible of the Poor," which has no con- 
nection with the Waldenses ; and the reader will not have forgotten 
the order of the " Catholic Poor," revived, as it were, by that of 
St. Francis, entirely composed of brave knights of the goddess 
Poverty, for whom many endured the scorn of the world, and the 
anger and persecution of the Prelates. Moreover, if there be some 
feature here which corresponds with the style of the Waldenses, 
it will serve to make us understand the object of the translation, 
unless we are to recognize in it, after all, merely the traces of an 
amended copy.'^* Let us not exaggerate the importance of this, 
the more so, as besides similarities, there are also discrepancies to 
be found. Thus, what has this manifold interpretation, which 
destroys the real sense of the text, in common with Waldo's 
school ? We shall clear up this point further on f^^ but, mean- 
while, let us quote some examples. The commentator of the 
Cantique tells us that all numbers up to 10 are perfect, as well as 
those from 100 to 1,000 ; that by queens, we must understand 
the souls of the saints ; by concubines, the heretics and false 
preachers. Elsewhere, he analyzes the walnut, dividing it into 
the " scorcza," or outer shell, the " grolha," or shell, and the 
" garilh," or kernel, in order to unfold to us that the first signifies 
tribulations ; the second, patience ; and the third, the soul de- 
voted to good works. The preachers are represented in a thousand 
difierent ways, as, for instance, by the pomegranate or the navel.'^'" 
Is that the style of Waldo's disciples ? We doubt it. Further- 
more, it is to be observed, that not only is the doctrine of the 
treatise CathoHc, but it is that and nothing else. Quotations from 
the Scriptures recur frequently ; but so they do in more than one 
other CathoHc treatise of the same kind ; but why, instead of 
adhering so closely to the Vulgate, did not the editor follow the 
translation in common use, and more especially as he was address- 

212 The Waldenses of Italy. 

iug his brethren ? He is positively addressing an entu'e com- 
munity, even women, recommending the exercise of discipUne and 
chastity, and finally, he commends himself to them lest the 
" preyres af poble de Dio " despise his teaching because of his 
youth: "per la niia joventu." Herzog here observes that a 
Catholic would not have dared to express himself so freely, and 
that it is not probable that he would have spoken Latin to women. 
But does this language become more natural in the mouths of the 
Waldenses ? Let others judge of that ; to us it would seem that 
the first editor was an ascete affiliated to the Beghins, if not to a 
regular order. If this be so, then all is clear : the Latin, the 
allegoi-y, the dogmas, the style. If, after that, the editor chooses 
to designate himself a "knight " carried away by the "gloriosa 
lautissima paureta,"'"^ we shall not be tempted to seek for his 
comrades among the shepherds of the Waldensian Alps. 

For all these reasons we must claim pei-mission to conclude 
that the treatise of the Cantique, probably carries us back, for its 
origin, to a source outside of the Waldensian dissidence. 

The other prose-writings, which remain for us to mention, 
escaped Eoman Catholic influences. On the other hand, they 
bear the mark of the Hussite reaction ; but let us hasten to add 
that the latter seems to us to have been exaggerated on certain 

The first which presents itself is a letter, the Epistle to King 
Ladislas, a boldly sarcastic apology, already quoted.^'^ 

The second is, the treatise upon the Cause of the breach with 
the Romish Church. The Hussite influence here is conceded.'^'' 
It contains an exposition of doctrine, morals, worship, and 
discipline, from an altogether dissident point of view, both 
Waldensian and Hussite ; finally, a general refutation of 
CathoHcism. The reasons for the breach with the Romish 
Church, are therefore given in detail. The chief reasons assigned 
are of a purely moral character, and may be reduced to this one, 
viz., the vices of the clergy and their indifference to the salvation 
of souls. These vices are lashed without mercy. Dogma also 
counts for something amongst the causes of the ruptui-e, but does 
not really constitute " la causa," as was the case, in the days of 
the Reformation. The points of contact with Rome are still 
distinctly marked, and it is curious to notice, even when raptm'e 
is spoken of, the existence of a remnant of admiration for the 

The Waldenses of Italy. ' 213 

Ohurck about to be quitted. As to the basis of this com- 
pilation it is well-known ; it consists of a less widely spread 
Hussite writing of the year 1496, relating to the " causes of the 
rupture."'"* From several indications, it would appear that it 
came to light in the interval which separates the erection of the 
pile upon which Savonarola was burned in Florence, and the bull 
of Leo X. at Wittemherg. 

Now we come to a series of treatises, the sources of which 
will appear more and more evident. As to these sources, we 
must remind our readers more especially of the Taborite Con- 
fession of Faith in 1431. The treatises are known for the most 
part under the title of Treasure and Light of FaithP^ We shall 
proceed to enumerate them. 

First, we have the treatise of the Ten CommandmenU. We 
find here a compilation possessing a two-fold origin. Catholic and 
Hussite. By the former it dates very far back ; the latter contri- 
buted to render its arguments clear and vigorous, especially 
ivith regard to the worship of the Virgin and Saints, which, by- 
the-way, the Waldenses no longer admitted. 

Secondly, we have the treatise of the Seven Sacraments. It 
is almost copied from the Taborite confession, though it presents 
certain divergences. If the number seven is still the rule, the 
exception has manifestly a tendency to come in. The second 
sacrament of the " Chrisma," is looked upon as devoid of 
scriptural basis ; others are modified as regards their interpre- 
tation, particularly those of Penitence, Ordination, and Extreme 

Thirdly, the treatise of the Dreamed Pargatorif^'^ The title 
itself is sufficient. The dream of purgatory constitutes the fact 
of the Latin or Romish Church. Among the names quoted is 
that of master John Huss, " of blessed memory." This treatise, 
however, is hardly anything other than a translation of the 
two fragments of the Taborite confession.''"'' 

Fourthly, the Invocation of Saiiits. This treatise consists of 
a formal refutation of the worship of saints, upon the basis of the 
said confession. According to the compiler, that worship is a 
veritable act of idolatry, by which man turns his back upon God 
to worship the creature. Quotations from the Scriptures and the 
Fathers abound ; even Wycliffe, " lo doctor evangelic," finds a 
place here.'"* 

214 ' The Waldenses of Italy. 

Fifthly, we liave the treatise on the Power given to the Vicars 
of Christ, a translation of a fragment of the Treatise on the 
Church, by John Huss. Although literal, this translation seems 
to deviate slightly from the train of thought of the author, at 
least upon the question of faith. While Huss speaks of receiving 
Christ through faith, the translator would receive Him through 
the fides formafa, according to the formula of Thomas Aquinas. 
This point has been especially pointed out. 

Sixthly, we come to the treatise on Antichrist. This exists 
only in quotations, fortunately, very extensively furnished by 
Perrin and Leger. Dieckhoff had suspected its Hussite origin, 
but to GoU belongs the credit of having demonstrated the fact.^'^ 
Ineed, it dates back to Lucas of Prague. The Waldensian 
compiler did not adhere strictly to the original arrangement of the 
matter, but the divergences appear to be very insignificant. 
According to his definition. Antichrist is not a person, but merely 
a vague personification of the hypocritical rebellion against the 
Church of God and its legitimate ordinances. Its acts are 
described, as well as the consequences thereof, and the appear- 
ances by which they are concealed. Montet concludes that 
originally this treatise must have been one with that which turns 
upon the causes of the breach with the Eomish Chiu^ch, because 
the latter is partly found again in the fragments of the treatise on 
Antichrist, preserved by Perrin and Leger. 

Finally, let us record the treatise of the Minor Interrogations. 
It is a Catechism, the origin of which has greatly puzzled investi- 
gators, at the head of whom are Professors Zezschwitz and Goll. 
At first this was considered to be simply a revision of the 
Catechism of the year 1524, belonging to the Brethren of 
Bohemia. Dieckhoff and Herzog were of opinion that the two 
Catechisms should be attributed to a common source, Bohemian, 
but lost. According to Zezschwitz, the Waldensian Catechism 
is older than that of the Brethren of Bohemia, which would not 
at all prevent their having a common source ; only it would have 
to be sought for farther back, in the literature of that country. 
Since then Goll has discovered a manuscript in the Tzech 
language, in which he thought he recognized the original text of 
the Bohemian Catechism. There the question rests. ^"^ 

This concludes our review of the prose writings of the first 
period. To be absolutely complete, we ought still to mention one 

The Waldenses of Italy. 215 

or other production, which, under the mass of compilations, may 
have escaped us. We ought to notice the rescriijt of more than 
one writing ah-eady mentioned — of Penitence or Glosa Pater 
for instance ; or, again, some letters and memoirs which appeared 
on the eve of the introduction of a Eeformation in the valleys of 
the Cottian Alps. A summary review has limits, however, be- 
yond which it is impossible to pass. Moreover, the direct con- 
nection of such letters and memoirs with the subsequent period 
will compel us to deal with them later on. Let us now, therefore, 
pass to the last division of our chapter, which we shall devote to 
the poetic writings. 

After having threaded our way through the somewhat dark 
tangle of the prose literature, encumbered with quotations, and 
bristling with unsolved and insoluble problems, we do not regret- 
fully look back upon its charms ; they are too few and mixed. 
We rejoice rather at the prospect of coming out into the bright 
light of day, or to gaze upon the stars that shine in the sky of 
poesy. Our metaphor, somewhat bold perhaps, will serve to- 
introduce in a measure the subject which is now about to engross 
our attention. 

The sky of Waldensian poetry is far from being as thickly 
covered as is the forest of prose. No stars of the first magni- 
tude appear, though some luminaries are visible even to the 
naked eye ; of course, more than one has disappeared. Had 
they shone with a brighter lustre, would they not have been 
noticed ? We have already mentioned a piece of rhymed prose, 
called Rithmes cle St. Augustin, a modest little comet, which has 
passed into oblivion,*"^ and we can hardly hope that any new dis- 
covery will be made. The last, which we owe to Muston, was 
made in 1849, and relates to an already known writing ; but one 
whose somewhat halting measure and rhythm, had not been made 
out. AU that has come down to us forms a graceful little group. 
The Noble Lesson is the principal poem ; then come seven less 
brilliant pieces of verse : The Scorn of the World, The Bark, 
The Neiv Comfort, The Neiu Sermon, The Lord's Prayer, 
The Parable of the Sower, and The Father Eternal. Have 
we here works that are united only in appearance, as the stars of 
some constellation ; or, do they really form a group — like that of 
a planet for instance, with its little train of satellites ? Montet 
observes that they present " something like an appearance of 

216 The Waldenses of Italy. 

relationship," yet he does not venture to infer fi-om this a com- 
mon origin. According to Muston they were seen to rise in the 
east and follow a westward course ; but others are of a conti-ary 
opinion, and hold that the Waldensian gi'oup, even though not a 
planetary one, naturally follows the reverse course ; that is to say 
that the majority of the poems have the same source as the Wal- 
densian versions of the Scriptures and most of the other prose 
writings, and came from ^^'rance with the refugees who escaped the 
persecutions. We shall look into that question at the proper 
time and place. We have now to deal with these eight poems, 
one by one, reseiTing to the last a few critical notes upon The 
iVo/jZe T.esson.^^ 

I. — The Scorn of the World.*"' 

This poem treats of the vanities of life and its fictitious 
treasures down to the 95th verse, which says : 

L'onor del mont yo te volk racontai*. 

Here we expect a new depai-ture ; but twenty lines further on 
the poem is suddenly interrupted. It would seem, therefore, to 
be incomplete. More than one author has remarked, towai-ds the 
end of it, certain allusions which seem to be inspired neither by 
the spectacle nor the experience of the hard life endured in the 
valleys of the Alps. Those towers, palaces, great banquets, 
beautiful vineyards, and spacious gardens, carry the mind back to 
the luxurious life of the plain and the opulent Lords of Pro- 
vence, rather than to the humble domains of the castle of Luserna 
and the shepherds of the valleys. Among those descriptions 
one is particulai-ly admired ; it is that of death which we give 
here : — 

Tot czo qu'es crea de earn la mort desti'uy e auci ; 

Ilh apremis li gi'ant e li petit asi ; 

Dh ten de li noble la poysencza, 

E non ha d'alcun neuna marczeneiancza. 

A li due e a U princi ilh es mot cuminal ; 

A jove asi a velh ilh non vol pardonar. 

Par alcun enging non po scampar lo fort 

Qu'el non sia atrissa sot lo pe de la mort. 

The Waldenses of Ital'x. 217 

II.— The Baek.8« 

This poem begins by describing 

De la bumana condicion la vilecza. 

Man, formed of the basest of the four elements, lives in a 
world full of misery, iniquity, and vanity of all kinds. At last lie 
will be the food of worms. It would have been better for him 
had he never been born. Death menaces him. He knows not 
when it will come. If he be not prepared, he will be taken 
unawares, and the result will be ruin and perdition ; therefore 
let us awake and lead a wise life. Life here below may be com- 
pared to a bark making for a port — the Kingdom of God. We 
are the passengei's. All depends on the manner in which the 
bark is laden ; for, once arrived, the cargo cannot be changed. 
Happy is the careful man who shall be found to have laden it with 
gold and precious stones, rather than with wood, hay, and stubble j. 
but the plight of the careless will be pitiable. 

Lo paure marinier que la barca guidare 
A I'nitra d'aquest port trey gran cri gittare, 
Diczent : Ay, ay, ay ! del grant paur qu'el aure ; 

and he will be cast into hell. What use wiU his amassed riches 
be to him then ? Therefore, sinner ! look and recognize thy 
misery. Would'st thou have nothing to fear ? Then humble 
thyself before God. Cry to him that he may have mercy upon 
thee ; and, going to thy confessor, say unto him : — 

Yo peccador, a Dio e a vos soy veugu 

Qui vos me done bon conselh a vera penetencia. 

Make confession with an open heart, concealing nothing. 

E cant tu te seres confessa entierament 
De tuit li teo pecca, cum plor et pentiment. 

resolve to commit no more sins, and keep the resolution. 

E non te sia greo d'far bona e vera penedeucza 

while it is time. 

Car en enfern non ha ledempcion 
Ni alcuna perfectivol ni bona confession, 
Del cal nos garde Dio pev la soa passion 
E nos alberge tuit en la soa sancta maison. 

218 The Waldenses of Italy. 

Muston claims that the poem concludes with the sinner 
acknowledging his faults, and accepting as his only pUot, Jesus 
Christ, and as his only treasure His merits.*"^ If this were so, 
wfc should have before us a Protestant poem, whereas, it is hardly 
Waldensian. Certain rather trivial expressions betray the jargon 
of the monks j"*"^ whilst some words seem to indicate a relatively 
modem period.*"'' At any rate it is very doubtful whether this 
poeti-y was written in the valleys of Piedmont, unless we admit 
that there, as elsewhere, there was occasion for saying : — 

Li autre meton lor temps en servir ben lo cors, 
De beore e de manjar e pilhar grant deport; 
En cantai- e ballar meton poc de mesura, 
E la noyt e lo jorn segont lor grant luxura, 
Durmir e repausar sencz neuna mesura ; 
En ornar ben lo cors, aquil es lor grant cura. 

3. — The Lord's Pkayer.'*"*' 

This production somewhat disguised by the prose accompany- 
ing it, was first noticed by Muston.**" Pemn and Leger trans- 
lated it, without noticing that it was poetiy, under the title of 
Confession of Sins of the Ancient Waldenses. It is indeed a 
confession of sins. It begins thus : — 

Dio de li rey e Segnor de U segnor, yo me confesso a Tu, 
Car yo soy a quel peccador que t'hay mot offendu. 

We soon discover here the idea derived fi.-om reading the 
Psalms, and an example of that confession to God recommendei 
in the Bai-k. It is very different to analyse this piece; it 
abounds so much in paraUehsms and repetitions. Nevertheless, we 
will try. 

Lord, I implore Thy forgiveness, for I have gi'eatly sinned. 
I have no excuse to oft'er, for I have done evil, not through 
ignorance, but through wickedness and ingi-atitude, and have for- 
saken Thy commandments, to give myself up blindly to covetous- 
ness. Not only have I sinned against Thee dii'ectly, but I am 
also guilty toward my neighbour. Now, I confess that my 
repentance is valueless. What is it, as compared with my 
iniquity ? Nevertheless, Lord, Thou seest ; I cast myself at Thy 
feet, with tears and gi-oans. 

The Waldenses of Itali-. 219 

Segnor Dio, tu sabes tot czo que yo hay confessa ; 
Encara hi a moti mal que yo non hay reconta. 
Mas tu sabes li mal peDsier e li mal paiiament 
E las perversas obras que yo fax a temp present. 
Segnor, perdona me, e dona me alongament 
Que yo poisa far penitencia en la vita present ; 
E dona me tal gracia al temp que es a venir 
Que ayre tant lo mal que yo non lo facza plus. 
E ame tant las vertucz e las garde al meo cor ; 
Que yo ame tu sobra tot, e te teme tant fort 
Que yo haya fayt lo teo placzer al jorn de la mia mort. 
E dona me tal iiancza al jorn de jujament 
Que yo non tenia demoni, ni autre pavantament, 
Ma iste a la toa dreita sencza defalhiment 
Segnor, tot ayczo sia fayt per lo teo placziment. 
Deo gracias ! Amen. 

Muston does not admire these verses unreservedly ; but their 
very defects seem to him to be a sign of " great antiquity."^^" 
Now and then a verse would lead us to suppose the author had 
read the Noble Lesson. At any rate, this piece unmistakably 
bears the seal of the Waldensian dissidence. 

IV. — The New Comfort.^ii 

The subject is indicated at the very commencement : — 

Aquest novel confort de vertuos lavor 
Mando, vos scrivent en carita e en amor ; 
Prego vos carament per I'amor del Segnor, 
Atandona lo segle, serve a Dio cum temor. 

First comes a somewhat monotonous description of the 
wretchedness of life ; after that, some striking passages ; for 
instance these three quatrains upon faith and works ; — 

San Jaco mostra e aferma clarament 
Que I'ome non se salva per la fe solameut ; 
Sri el non es cum las obras mescla fidelment : 
La ie sola es vana e morta veiament. 

220 The Waldenses of Italy. 

E sant Paul conferma aquest tal parlar, 
Que I'auvidor de la ley non se poire salvar ; 
Si el non vol cum la fe las obras acabar, 
La corona d'gloria non es degne de poi-tar. 

Cai- enayma en I'ome son dui compliment, 
L'esperit e lo cors en la vita present ; 
Enayma la fe e las obras son nn ligament 
Per local I'ome se salva, e non ja d'autrament. 

Further, the poet resumes the law of Jesus Christ, and 
exhorts the reader to yield his rebel heart to Him : — 

Emperczo al seo cor se conven batalhar 
E a li seo desiiier fortment contrastar, 
Cum la sancta scriptura lo cor amonestar, 
D'esperita cadena fermament lo ligar. 

Let him therefore serve the Lord in a spirit of fear and 
fideUty, patiently enduring tribulations, even persecutions and 
martyi'dom ; let suffering complete the purification of his soul and 
its preparation for heaven. Moreover, the eye of Christ, the 
Good Shepherd, is upon them who foUow Him, to keep them. 
Has he not sealed them as His own? They are "His little 
flock," His sheep and His lambs. Therefore, He calls them by 
their names, leads them to His pastures and to the very fountain 
of life. It has been so from the beginning, and He is faithful to 
the end. Those who follow Him shall be partakers of His 
victory, coronation, and triumph. The poem concludes with the 
following lines : — 

car amic ! leva vos del dormir. 
Car vos nou sabe I'ora que Xrist deo venir : 
Velha tota via de cor en Dio servir, 
Per istar a la gloria, lacal non deo fenir. 
Ara vene al dia clar e non sia neghgent, 
Tabussa a la porta, faoze vertuosament. 
E lo sant sperit vos hubrire dyoczament 
E amenare vos a la gloria del eel verayament. 
Vene. e non atende a la noyt tenebrosa, 
Lacal es mot scura, orribla, espavantosa ; 
Aquel que ven de noyt, ja I'espos ni I'esposa 
Non hubrire a lui la porta preciosa. 

The Waldbnses of Italy. 221 

Eaynouard, struck with the relative perfection of the rhythm, 
■was the first to state that this piece could not be very ancient. 
Moreover, does not its language prove this sufficiently ? If we 
admit a date that brings us near the Keformation, we shall be 
more easily able to account for what is said in it concerning 
persecution, and the allusion to the " wicked Antichrists." 

V. — The New Sermon.*^^ 

In this we have depicted the contrast between the being who 
waUows in his sin, and the sacred nobility of the penitent. First, 
we have a description of those who live for earth, then of those 
who live for heaven. The poet begins by saying that men have 
gone astray ; there are but few who care to do right, to be num- 
bered with the elect. They would like to enter Paradise without 
taking any trouble to gain it. Now, who does not know that the 
work of our salvation demands our whole energy ? Here again, to 
will is to be able, if we be guided by knowledge. Wisdom advises 
everyone to serve God ; but many a one, who has grasped this 
fact, goes to perdition just the same. Such is the fate of many 
who allowed themselves to be seduced by covetousness. In this 
respect princes, peasants, merchants, usurers, artisans, and 
clergy, all join the same path. The la.tter have the greater 
blame, for : 

Aquesti ban promes, per propria voluntia, 

-De segre Yeshu Xrist per via de poverta, 

E ensegnar a li autre la via d'vita e d'salvacion ; 

Ma car fan plus lo contrari ilh son fait pejor d'tuit. 

Entende saviment que yo non die d'li bon, 

Que son serf del segnor, ma die d'li fellon. 

Do any of them enjoy the money they heap up ? No, in- 
deed ; they live too much in dread of losing it ; meanwhile, death 
steps in, and then they are compelled to part with their treasure ; 
therefore let us avoid coveting the goods of this world. On the 
other hand, excessive poverty has its snares ; we must not be 
entangled in them. Let us earn our living honestly, giving away 
any surplus, and we shall lay up for ourselves treasure in heaven. 
Yet, while some heap up treasures, others follow the lusts of the 

222 The Waldenses of Italy. 

flesh, and give themselves up to idleness, gluttony, and luxury. 
They will find at last that they have served a false god. Death 
will precipitate them into hell, where every sin will receive its 
appropriate punishment. If, during life, you wore sumptuous 
apparel, you shall be naked and cold. If you slept too much 
your couch will be invaded by insects. If you enjoyed good 
cheer, you will be consumed by hunger and thirst. The impure, 
freezing with cold, will be lashed by the storm. "^^ Ribald 
laughter will be followed by unceasing tears ; foolish songs will 
be changed into cm-ses, and he who shone by his comeliness, will 
be black as coal. Let us learn, therefore to give our body 
nothing but clothing and food, and to hold it in check. But here 
is yet another band of sinners ; pride is their banner. This one 
because he was placed in a position of authority, has no feeling 
but that of scorn ; another can only breathe forth vengeance, 
another prides himself on his own sense, or else he swears and 
prejudices himself, and threatens and cm'ses. Their end is in the 
burning lake of fire and brimstone. 

Such is the triple cohort of those who serve the world, the 
flesh, and the devil. But there are also those who serve the 
Lord. These may be classified into three categories. 

La primiera paria es de li contemplaut 
Lical son dit perfeit en segueut paureta, 
Vivent concordialment en pacz e en carita ; 
Per paya auren lo regne que Dio lor ha dona. 
Ma I'autra compagnia que veu al segont gi-a 
Es la nobla guarnacion, clara per castita, 
Amant Dio e le proyme, lavorant justament, 
Eetenent per lo vivre, donant lo remanent. 
Aquesti am'en terra nova per la dreita hereta, 
La call Xiist ha promise a li sio benaura. 
]Ma la tercza paria es de li noceia 
Gardant lo matrimoui fidelment e en bonta, 
Departent se de mal, faczent vertuos lavor, 
E ensegnant a li lor filh la temor del Segnor. 

Taken altogether, thete are the elect, the redeemed of Chritt. 
Humility is theii- banner. They are a " small company," but thtir 
valour is not measm-ed by their number. 

The Waldbnses of Italy. 223 

Aqiulh son poc per numbre, que portan aquella ensegna ; 
Ma ilh son mot per valor, car en compagnia degna, 
Czo es Jeshu Xrist, filh cle sancta Maria, 
Que li conforta mot e lor mostra la via 
Novella, e vivent, e de salvacion. 

From this language, it is evident that this poem is not ancient. 
It dates, perhaps, from the XVI. century. The allusions found 
in it relating to the pleasures of an opulent, luxurious, and 
frivolous state of society, recall much more forcibly the civilization 
of large cities, than the rustic and arduous life of the Alps. 

VI. — The Parable of the Sower.'*" 

This is a paraphrase on the parable of Our Lord. An analysis 
would therefore be superfluous. The exposition proceeds without 
protection. It is sober, simple, and touching. It afforded a 
favoui'able opportunity for polemical allusions ; but the author 
avoids them, as will be seen from the following verses : — 

Aquisti fals oysel son li maligue sperit, 
L'escriptura o demonstra, e en I'evangeli es script : 
E volon devorar lo tropellet petit 
Del cal es bon pastor lo segnor Yeshu Xrist. 

Aquesta mala herba, semencza de tristicia, 
Czo son li iilh feilon, plen de tota malioia, 
De persegre li just ham mota cubiticia, 
Volent lor deviar la divina justicia. 

Tribulacions lor donan e li trabalhan fort, 

Fac/en a lor motas angustias e torment entro a la mort ; 

Mas li just son ferm ; en Xrist ban lor confort ; 

Al regno de paradis istaren cum deport. 

Emperczo temon Dio, gardant se de nial far ; 
La ley del Segnor s'efibrczan de gardar 
E totas adversitas en paciencia portar, 
Entro que sia vengu lo temp del meisonar. 

The applications, which have reference to the good seed, are 
particularly interesting to us. Let us note the principal ones. 

224 The Waldenses of Italy. 

D'aquesta tal semencza sou li bou auvidor, 
Que Bcoutan volentier la vocx de Salvador ; 
Ben lor par docza, bona, complia d'resplendor ; 
De bon cor la recebon, cum spiritual amor. 

La paroUa divina se planta en lor cor, 

E fenna la soa reicz dedincz e de for. 

Que per neuna adversita nou es arracba ni mor. 

Fin son, a tota prova, coma lo metalh de Tor. 

Ben venczon lo demoni e la soa temptacion, 
E la soa grant bataUia, e la soa decepcion. 
La parolla de Xiist tenon cum devociou 
Cum tota bonas obras, complias de peifeccion, 

Non lor po noyi'e vent ni autra mala tempesta, 
Ni la perseguecion, ni autra cans molesta, 
Non volon laisar Xrist qu'es lor veraya testa, 
]\Ias amon lui e lo temon, e lo servon cum festa. 

Non temon lor torbilh de la cura mondana, 
De la mala cubi&itia, ni de la gloria vana, 
N i desirier carnal ui temptacion humana ; 
Car sei-vison a Dio cum la fe cristiana. 

Lor niayson hedificau per durar lougament, 
Cavant en aut fan ferm fundament 
Eu la cantonal peii'a de Xrist omnipotent. 
Non la po more fluz, ni u dilivi ni vent. 

Paures son per spent de la cura temporal ; 
Non segnon avarieia, la reycz de tuit mal : 
Mas queron las riqueczas e lo don celestial, 
La corona de gloiia, lo regue perpetual. 

Per czo meton lor cor en servir Yeshu Xrist 
Per aquistar riqueczas al regne sobre dit, 
Al cal nou pon intrar li avar e li cubit ; 
L'escriptura o demostra, e en sant Paul es script. 

Si alcona vota ploran en la vita present, 
Suffrent las angustlas e moti apremiment, 
Ilh seren benaura al dia del jujameut ; 
Istaren a la dreyta de Xrist alegrament. 

The Waldenses of Italy. 225 

Mot son pacific, humau e ben suffrent ; 
Non se volon deffendre, non son mal repondent, 
Mas porton en paciencia greo cosas entre la gent ; 
Emperczo son apella filh de Dio tot poysant. 

Tribulacions suffron, e perseguecion grant ; 
Son tormenta e aucis e en grant career istant ; 
Per ezo son plen de temor e de grant spavant, 
Sovent d'un luoc en autre fuon trafugant. 

E cant perdon la roba de que devon campar, 
Conven qu'ilh se fatigon en fort lavorar, 
Car non van mendigant, ni almona demandar : 
Del lavor de lor mans se volon ajudar. 

Per czo son benaura, enayma es script, 
E volon ben complir czo que lo Segnoi- ha dit, 
Que non f'aczan venjancza de grant ni de petit ; 
Non rendan mal per mal ni maldit per maldit. 

After what we have just read, we shall have no difficulty in 
admitting that the origin of this poem must be looked for not far 
from the refuge of the Cottian Alps, perhaps even before the time 
of the last great persecutions. 

VII. — The Father Eteenal.^'^ 

We have here a poem sui generis in the Waldensian group. 
First, it differs from the others in the train of thought ; though 
that is dogmatic, or even scholastic ; secondly, in the style ; the 
artifice which, at the expense of simplicity, dominates it, of itself 
proves that this piece has no relation to the origin of Waldensian 
dissidence, but constitutes an exceptional production, if not a 
foreign one, in which we vainly seek for that grace accompanied 
by picturesqueness of figure and that natural style which we admire 
in the other poems. A short quotation, however, will say more 
than many words. Here are the first three, and the last 
stanza : — 

Dio, payre eternal poisant conforta me ! 
Enayma lo tio filh I'arme gouverna me : 
Enayma degainant, retornant a tu, recep me ! 

226 The Waldenses of Italy. 

Ameistra me, Dio filh sapiencia 
D'entendament e d'auta sciencia, 
En parolla e en veraya speriencia. 

Dio sperit, bonta, vita de tota gent, 
Dona me la toa gracia en la vita present; 
E a la fin tu me garda de tot amar torment. 

Dio autic, novel, per ta bonta un en tres, 

Hosta de mi lo ment que destruy en mi czo qu'es, 

LaiTsor sia a tua, ben compliament de tot cant es. 

Ought we, with Herzog, to admit that this poem is full of 
allusions to Catharism, and think, as Montet does, that the author 
had left the sect of the Albigenses to embrace the principles of 
Waldo, and that in this poem " he poses as the adversary " of 
the doctrines of the Cathari ? We are not convinced of this ; 
the passages quoted to support this hypothesis seem to us 
insignificant, and to perceive all that in it appears to us to require 
a great deal of the wish that is father to the thought. We have 
also been unable to perceive that the Albigenses were pointed at 
in the peaceful Parable of the Sower, and if there is "an intentional 
enunciation of the Anti-Catharin truths," we confess that it has 
escaped our attention ; in other words, we are not prepared to 
believe anything of the kind. It is pretended that this allusion 
to Catharism is found again in the principal Waldensian poem, 
which we shall now examine. 

VIII. — The Noble Lesson."" 

The poeti-y of the Waldenses natm-ally savours of their 
school. The title of Sermon or Lesson corresponds very well 
with the character of its most remarkable pieces. Still, lessons 
differ in kind. This one excels in its contents, so that it is 
especially entitled to our attention. 

The object of the Noble Lesson is indicated in the first lines : 

frayres, entende una nobla leyczon : 

Sovent deven velhar e istar en oracion, 

Car nos veyen aquest mont esser pres del chavon ; 

Mot curios deorian esser de bonas obras far, 

Car nos veyen aquest mont de la fin appropriar. 

The Waldenses of Italy. 227 

As to the matter of the poem itself, here is an epitome ot it : 

Breoment es reconta en aquesta leyczon 

De las treys que Dio done al mont. 

La prumiera ley demostra a qui ha sen e raczon, 

Co es a eonoiser Dio e honorar lo seo Creator. 

Ma la seconda ley, que Dio done a Moysent. 
Nos ensegna a temer Dio e server luy fortment, 
Car el condampna e punis tot home que I'offent. 
Ma la tercza ley, lacal es ara al temp present, 
Nos ensegna amar Dio de bon cor e servir purament. 

Antra ley d'ayci enant non deven plus aver, 

Si non en segre Yeshu Xrist, e far lo seo bon plaper. 

Such a resume as we can give here cannot be satisfactory/^'' 
The verses we have just quoted indicate one of the salient features 
of the poem, or, we might say, the skeleton of it ; and it is evident 
that, looked at from this point of view, the Noble Lesson presents 
the three successive divisions marked by Muston : the first ending 
at the 138th verse ; the second at the 207th ; the third at the 
348th ; then follows the final application or conclusion. We shall 
not endeavour here to substitute any other division. Only, this 
skeleton being admitted, we must try to clothe it with what is 
necessary to constitute a body. Wliat we have to say further 
will serve that purpose. 

The end of the world is near ; it is foretold by signs. The 
hour of judgment is about to sound for all. Then 

Li bon iren en gloria e li mal al torment. 

To be convinced of this, one has but to consult the Scriptures. 
There we shall also find that the good are in the minority. If we 
desii-e to belong to that number, let us learn to invoke the aid of 
the Holy Trinity, love our neighbour, and turn a hopeful eye upon 
the blessings to come. Our salvation depends upon that. But 
the wicked find no pleasure therein. Carried away by love of the 
world, they forsake the promises and God's laws ; they even com- 
pel others to follow them ; and evil has invaded everything. 
Whence does this arise ? In this way : Adam sinned first ; the 
seed of sin passed to his descendants, and with sin, death ; but 

I 2 

228 The Waldenses of Italy. 

the good are redeemed by the sufferings of Christ. Evil has only 
increased with the generations of mankind. First, we have cor- 
rupted in ourselves that noble law of natm-e which taught us to 
love God, to sei-ve Him, to keep inviolate the holy marriage bond, 
and to love our neighbour as ourselves. Then God's thi-eat was 
fulfilled, contraiy to what men now say, namely, that He did not 
create man in order that he should perish. The deluge came and 
destroyed the idlers. Xoah and his house were spared, and God 
promised to send no more deluge upon the earth; but Noah's 
descendants having gi"eatly multiplied, gave themselves up to 
evil, and doubted of God's faithfulness. In order to guard them- 
selves against the deluge, they built a tower or city of refuge. 
God rendered their foolish undertaking of none effect ; He con- 
founded their language, so that they were obliged to disperse. As 
they continued to transgress natural laws, five cities were destroyed 
by fire firom heaven. All their inhabitants perished except Lot, 
his wife, and his guests — though afterwards his wife, because of 
her disobedience, perished also. After that, God called upon 
Abraham to leave his own country. Through him He prepai-ed a 
separate people, which first lived in Egypt. Afterwai-ds, being 
delivered by the hand of Moses from the yoke of oppression, it 
crossed the Red Sea and entered the desert, where it received the 
law, written upon tables of stone. At that time discipline reigned 
amongst the people of God. When they were finally established 
in the promised land, they prospered by reason of their faithful- 
ness ; and, finally, having become unfaithful, they were earned 
away captive into Babylon. When they repented they were 
restored to Jemsalem; this repentance, however, was of short 
duration, and soon there j-emained to observe the law but a small 
number of the pious. 

Mas hi ac alcuna gent plen de si gi-an falsita ; 
Co foron li Pharisio e li autre scriptura; 
Qu'ilh gardesan la ley mot era demostra, 
Que la gent o veguessan, per esser plus honra ; 
Mas poc val aquel honor que tost ven a chavon : 
Hh persequian li sant e li just e li bon. 
Cum plor e ciun gemament oravan lo Segnor, 
Que deisendes en tena per salvar aquest mont. 
Car tot' I'uman lignage annava a perdicion. 

The Waldenses op Italy. 229 

Then God sent His angel to " a noble maiden of royal 
lineage," to announce to her that she would bring into the world 
Jesus, the Saviour. Jesus was born poor ; he escaped the perse- 
cution occasioned by the visit of the "trey baron," and selected 
iwelve Apostles, 

E vole mudar la ley que devant avia dona ; 
El non la mude pas, qu'ilh fos habandona, 
Mas la renovelle, qu'ilh fos mehl garda. 

The new law is superior to that of Moses ; the Sermon on the 
Mount is a testimony to that. Jesus having himself been bap- 
tized for the salvation of men, conferred upon His Apostles Uie 
power of baptizing and instructing every creature in the law of 
the Gospel. To this power He added that of performing 
miracles, and of foretelling the future. He had instructed them 
-to follow the path of poverty, and had taught them by means of 
parables, which have been preserved to us in the New Testament ; 
hence it follows that if anyone love Christ, and desire to imitate 
Him, he must begin by reading the Scriptures. We find there 

Que solament per far ben Xrist fo persegu 

E cant el faczia mais de ben, plus era persegu. 

Finally, Jesus was betrayed and crucified. 

Taut foron li torment amar e doloyros 

Que I'arma partic del cors per salvar li peccador. 

After His resurrection. He appeared to His disciples, and 
promised to be with them to the end. Then He ascended up into 
heaven, whence the Holy Spirit descended upon the Apostles on 
the day of Pentecost. Since that time these latter have gone 
into the world preaching the Gospel, and there soon sprung up a 
people of believers. 

Cristians foron nomma, car ilh creyan en Xrist. 

All were persecuted, not by the saints, for that has never been 
«een, but by people who acted mostly from ignorance. To-day, 
as then, there are those who persecute, and they call themselves 
His disciples ! 

230 The Waldekses of Italy. 

Mas enapres li apostol foron alcuns doctors 

Lical mostravan la \ia de Xrist lo nostre Salvador. 

Mas encar sen troba alcun al temp present, 

Lical son manifest a mot poc de la gent, 

La via de Yeshu Xrist mot fort voMan mostrar, 

Mas tant sou persegu que a peno o pon far ; 

Tant son li fals Xiistian enceca per error ; 

E maiorment que li autre aquUh que devon esser pastor. 

Car ilh perseguon e aucion aquilh que son melhor, 

E laysan en pacz U fals e H enganador. 

Mas en czo se po conoyser qu'ilh non son bon pastor, 

Car non aman las feas si non j)er la toyson. 

After that, praise was reserved for the wicked. It was he who 
was exalted as " prudom e leal home." But let such as act in 
that manner beware ; they will be confounded at last. It will 
avail them nothing to call in the confessor in their last moments. 
However, we shall see by an example how they are accustomed to 

Cant lo mal lo costreng tant que a pena po parlar 

El demanda lo prever e se vol confessar; 

Mas segont I'escriptui-a, el ha trop tarcza, lacal di : 

" San e vio te confessa e non atendre la fin ! " 

Lo prever U demanda si el ha neun pecca; 

Duy mot o trey respont e tost ha despacha. 

Ben K di lo prever qu'el non po esser asout, 

Si el non rent tot I'autniy e smenda h seo tort. 

Mas cant el au ayczo, el ha grant pensament, 

E pensa entre si que, si el rent entierament. 

Que remanre a li seo enfant, e que dire la gent ; 

E comanda a li seo enfant que smendon K seo tort, 

E fay pat cum lo prever qu'el poysa esser asout : 

Si el n'a cent Uoras de I'autruy o encara 2 cent, 

Lo prever lo quitta per cent sout o encara per mencz 

E li fay amonestancza e li promet perdon, 

Qu'el faga dire mesa per si e per li sio payron 

E lor empromet perdon sia a just, o sia a fellon. ^'^ 

Adonca li pausa la man sobre la testa ; 

Cant el li dona mais, li fay plus grant festa. 

The Waldenses of Italy. 231 

E li fay entendament (lue el es mot ben asout : 

Mas irtal son smenda aquilh de qui el ha li tort. 

Mas el sere enganna en aital asolvament; 

E aquel que lio o fay encreyre hi pecca mortalment. 

Ma yo ruso dire, car se troba en ver, 

Que tuit li papa que foron de Silvestre entro en aquest, 

E tuit li cardenal e li evesque e li abba, 

Tuit aquisiti ensemp non han tanta potesta 

Que ilh poissan perdonar un sol peeca mortal : 

Solament Dio perdona, que antra non ho po far. 

The pastors and the faithful who are worthy of the name do 
not act so. Their confession is sincere and thorough ; for if any- 
one desire to foUow Christ he must practice these three virtues : 
spiritual poverty, chastity, and humility. 

Such is the permanent law — the way open to us. Let us walk 
in it, and remember we are told to watch. 

E esser mot avisa del temp de I'antechrist, 

Que nos non crean ni a son fait ni a son dit. 

Car segont I'escriptura, son ara fait moti antechrist, 

Car antechrist sont tuit aquilh que contrastan a Xrist. 

Once more, the end is near at hand ; the judgment will soon 
£ome, when heaven and earth shall be shaken. Grod grant that 
an that day our place be found on the right hand of the just 
Judge for ever and ever. 

Such is a summary of the Noble Lesson.**^' We shall not 
here consider the special doctrine that characterizes it ; but we 
akeady feel, and shall moreover demonstrate further on, that it 
coincides in every respect with the doctrine of the Waldenses. 
We would prefer to examine the question of the date of the 
poem, which is still such a subject of dispute. 

According to an interpretation, which has become traditional, 
the Noble Lesson dates back to a period before Waldo. According 
to modern criticism it goes back only to the eve of the Reforma- 
tion. We shall show that this tradition is tainted with prejudice, 
and that the critics in this matter have proceeded with a certaia 
degree of haste, which has not accelerated a definite solution. 

The great point in the dispute that has taken place with 
regard to the date of the poem is furnished by two lines, which 

232 The Waldenses of Italy. 

are read in two dififerent ways. The reading first followed was 
this : — 

Ben ha mil e cent aucz compli entierament 
Que fo scripta I'ora car sen al derier temp. 

The other reading, generally followed now-a-days, is a» 
follows : — 

Ben ha mil e 4 cent an compli entierament 
Que fo scripta I'ora car sen al derier temp. 

Of these two readings which is the correct one ? That, 
really, is what the whole question is about. Let us enter 
into some details, and examine first the one that bears the most 
ancient date. Raynouard translated it literally. He says : 

Bien a mille et cent aus accomjjUs entierement 

Que fut ecrite I'heure que nous sommes au dernier temps. '^ ' 

But did he interpret it aright ? " The poem of the Nvhia 
Leirzon, he writes, bears the date of 1100." Raynouard did not 
■weU consider that statement ; undoubtedly because he thought 
only of appropriating the popular and traditional interpretation of 
Morland, Leger, and their repeaters ; moreover, he was interested 
in mating it fit in with his theory of the primitive Romance lan- 
guage. Reuss, accustomed to more strictly accurate language, 
opens his eyes in astonishment, and exclaims : " Can it be 
believed ? almost all the authors who have written upon these 
Terses, and the poem from which they are taken, claim that they 
contain directly and explicitly the poet's indication of the epoch — 
the year 1100 of our era.^^^ This would mean that, at the 
moment of om- Lord's bh-th, someone predicted the end of the 
world at a given time, and that his writing was accepted as 
authoritative at the end of the XI. century ! Is that common 
sense ? Where are the inspired books, or those passing as such, • 
which are contemporaiy with the year one ? How could those 
■writers, one after the other, repeat a statement contrary to the 
best established facts recorded in sacred history, which even 
our children know by heart ? Evidently the date, from which to 
compute the 1100 years of the poet, must be the epoch of a 
■writing, containing a similar prediction ; which writing, in its 
time, preoccupied the minds and awakened the anxious attention 

The Waldenses of Italy. 233 

^t tlie ])arty to which it belonged."''-- Now, wliat is that writing '? 
According to Reuss, " it can be none other than the Apocalypse," 
and he does not even think it necessary to prove his statement. 
Herzog is not of that opinion ; he believes that the writing 
designated by the poet must be the first Epistle of the Apostle 
John, which the Waldenses all knew quite as well as the Apo- 
calypse.*'*^ Be this as it may, as, according to tradition, those two 
writings date from the end of the first century, whether it be one 
«r the other, the questions remain unchanged. We must, 
therefore, count the 1100 years from the year 100 or thereabout. 
If we take the indication given by the poet, in its literal sense, 
we come down to a period later than the year 1200 ; for it is only 
fair 10 recognize that this indication — somewhat approximative 
and general as it is — -refers less to the year than to the century ; 
it means that the XII. century was ended and past sometime 
before."*^* Our conclusion is, that if the reading of the verse 
.quoted be correct, its literal interpretation fixes the date of the 
poem at the beginning of the XIII. century ; that is to say, from 
the year 1200 to 1240. Muston has not yet given his adherence 
•to this view ; still even he no longer dates the Noble 
Lesson back to the year ilOO ; the name of Vaudes 
iound in it no longer seems to him a proof that the Waldenses 
existed before Waldo ; and he is ready to " bring that composition 
.down to a period posterior to that of Waldo." We make a note 
of this concession. But why stop short of the term indicated in 
the poem '? That is what the historian does when he states that 
the Noble Lesson "belongs to the second half and probably the 
.end of the XII. century," whilst at the same time adding " it might 
without anachronism be brought down still nearer to our time."*^' 
It must, in our opinion, be so brought down — arithmetic and logic 
demand it ; and that is undoubtedly the reason why, in a recent 
study of the Noble Lesson made by a Waldensian pastor, the 
following conclusion, as here quoted, is arrived at: — " We are 
led to fix the dates of the composition of the poem at the end of 
the XII. century, or the beginning of the XIII., say between 1190 
smi 1240."^^^ On this point we are nearly in complete agreement 
with the writer. 

It remains to verify the date. From au historical point of 
view nothing can be easier. Everybody knows that at the begin- 
ning of the XIII. century the end of the world was expected : 

'234 The ^VALDENSEs of Italy. 

many predicted a universal upheaval ; in shoii;, it was an hour of 
general expectation.*^^ Without being won over by the Apocalyp- 
tic ideas of Joachin de Flore and his school, the Waldensea 
yielded in part to the spirit of the age ; they, too, distinguished the 
great epochs of the human race, but after their own fashion ; that 
is to say, according to the Scriptural reading. This, however, is 
the fact which may most clearly indicate the date of the document 
we are considering : the Noble Lesson con-esponds fully and dis- 
tinctly to the testimony of the Inquisitors, respecting principles 
of doctrine and morals of the Waldenses during the Middle Ages. 
This point will be made clear further on ; only we must acknow 
ledge that the considerations ordinarily brought forward on this 
subject, our own included, do not apply exclusively to the XIII- 
century ; they do not prove that the composition of the Noble 
Lesson was, in the following century, out of the question — for frona 
it. That which makes us insist upon the Xm. century, is solely 
and entirely the indication of the poet. Had he wi-itteii : 

Ben ha mil e 2 cent an compli entierament, 

we should feel quite easy iu our minds ; the entii-e poem would 
still be accounted for by reasons of a general kind, such as justify 
the accepted date. 

But is that date authentic ? That is the kernel of the 
question. The critic, Dieckhoff of Goettingen, doubted it before 
lie could adduce any apparent reason for his doubts. This learned 
man, gifted with great perspicuity, but with too fertile an 
imagination, bethought himself one day that the Noble Lesson did 
not emanate directly from the Waldensian reaction, and might 
have issued from that of the Taborites of the XV. century. In 
that case, what became of the verses that indicate the date ? 
Dieckhoif explains away their significance, by stating that the 
verses had been interpolated. The idea that the poem should 
have originated in Bohemia is almost ridiculous. That notion 
had no interest for philologists, nor did it long attract the 
attention of readers ; Herzog mentions it, only in a few words to 
refute it.*^* That point had been reached when the librarian of 
Cambridge University laid his hands upon the manuscripts 
— deposited by Sir Samuel Morland — thought to have 
been lost, perhaps stolen, by the Waldenses or their fiiends.^^^ 
On that day foi-tune favoured Bradshaw. He was looking over 

The Waldenses of Italy. 235 

the old manuscripts, when his eye was attracted hy a copy of the 
Noble Lesson. Whilst reading the \erses, which we are now 
discussing, he came upon a variation : — 

Ben ha mil e* cent an compli entierament 
Que fo scripta I'ora car sen al derier temp. 

The point, marked with an asterisk, showed an erasure. 
By the aid of a magnifying glass, the librarian eventually made out 
■ — so he said — -a 4, barely recognizable, owing to the action of an 
eraser. " Habemus confitentem reum," cried he, with great 
satisfaction. ''^'' A meeting was called, and Bradshaw proved him- 
self equal to the occasion. After having mentioned with pride 
the discovery of the manuscripts — slurring over the fact of their 
long oblivion, the result of ignorance — he showed all the 
^•esurrected volumes, and at last came to the subject of the erasure. 
He pointed it out and indicated the figure, which had been 
operated upon by the blade of the forger, proceeding by comparing 
jt with the other " 4s " which are to be found, in more than one 
a-rticle forming part of the same volume, to establish its identity 
with them. The similarity was evident, and constituted a 
primary indication. But the proof was to come. In the following 
volume of the series, discovered by him, was a very short fragment, 
till then unexamined, containing the first verses only of the Noble 
Lesson, written hke prose, in uninterrupted lines. Then the 
mystery was solved ; for here the four hundred was evident, in 
Roman figures : — 

Ben ha mil e cccc anz compli entierament 
Que fo scripta I'ora ara sen al derier temps. 

That is the second reading. It is more authentic than the 
first ? Criticism this time scarcely admits of any discussion ; 
one would think that, weary of doubting, it had become credulous. 
The manuscripts produced are four in number. Their age seems 
to be fixed. Two are at Cambridge, and date, one from the 
beginning and the other from the middle of the XV. century. 
These bear the modem date. The others are in Geneva and 
Dublin ; the former belonging to the end of the XV. century, the 
latter only to the XVI. These bear the ancient date. Now, 
according to Bradshaw, Todd, Herzog, and Montet, there is 

'236 The ^\'ALDENSES of Italy. 

uotbing more to be said on the matter ; a decision has to be- 
arrived at. OdIt lately Montet wrote : " The question of the time 
of the Noble Lesson, the only poem whose date can be approxi- 
mately fixed, is decided by the respective age of the different 
codices which contain it."'^'^ However, if the truth must be told,, 
for us the question is not solved. Can we be sure that no manu- 
script of the Noble Lesson existed prior to that of Cambridge and 
the accompanying fragment ? If such a manuscript did exist, did 
it bear the ancient or the modern date ? In other w^ords, what 
guarantee have we that the reading of the Cambridge manuscript 
is the only authentic one, when, in order to believe that, we must 
give up the idea of taking it literally ? The attempt to count the 
centuries from the year 100 is now given up ; for that would bring 
us to the century of the Reformation. Montet seems at first to 
wish to make an exception in this case, but he rapidly becomes 
confused. He may be judged by his own words. He says : " In 
the more ancient manuscripts, the manuscripts B and C of Cam^ 
bridge — one of the first half, the other of the middle of the XV. 
century — the Waldensian author states that he writes in the XT. 

II y a bien mille et quatre cents ans accomphs entieremeut 
Depuis que fut ecrite I'heure que nous sommes au dernier temps. 

" The author taking as a point of departm-e for his chronologjv 
the time in which the First Epistle of St. John was written, 
namely, about the end of the first century of our era, the fourteen 
hundred years of which he speaks, bring us down well into the 
fifteenth."*''^ We beg to correct this ; one centuiy, plus fourteen 
centm-ies fully elapsed, bring us to the beginning of the XYI. 
century. Let us not forget that, according to Eeuss, it is a 
question of " common sense." If any one possessed that kind of 
sense, it was surely the poet, who thought of what he was saying ; 
but with the copyist it is a difi'erent matter. Little zealous for 
the integrity of the text, uneducated, or, it mav be, 
moderately mindful of the rales of prosody, he may have 
been ; hence the mistake. It is not necessary to imagine, 
with Muston, that the four manuscripts may have been written 
from the same dictation, in order to agi-ee with him, that 
it is possible the copyist on arriving at the words, " Ben 
ha mil e cent an," may have said to himself, " This will not do,. 

The Waldenses of Italy. 237 

we ave in the fifteenth century"; we must therefore write, "Ben 
ha mil e 4 cent an.""'^ A copyist might coniniit such an eiTor ; 
common sense is not as necessary to such an one, as to the 
inditer— rand, shall we say ? to his critics. 

This is, as far as we are concerned, the main obstacle ; for all 
the other allegations with regard to this less ancient date have 
no real value. For instance, what have we to do here with argu- 
ments derived from the mention of persecutions, or allusions to 
the coming of Antichrist ? Persecutions belong to all ages, and 
the idea of Antichrist was as widely spread, if not more so, 
during the XV. century as at any former period. One may be 
surprised that the poem should speak of Saracens ; still, 
although the expression was an old one, does that prove it to have 
been obsolete? Again, the mention of Bishop Sylvester has 
seemed to betray a recent date, because it is said the legend 
concerning him was not known among the Waldenses in their early 
days. What does that signify ? Traces of this legend are not to 
be found in all the revised editions of the poem. The Dublin 
manuscript is free from it, Sylvester not being named therein. 
Herzog verifies the fact only to observe that " his name may have 
been introduced in a subsequent revision ! "''* Here is another 
imbroglio. According to the unanimous opinion of aU the students 
of ancient writings, the Dublin manuscript is the most modern, 
and Sylvester is mentioned in the codices of Cambridge and 
Geneva. These manuscripts, therefore, present variations that 
are not insignificant ; they indicate more than one revision. What 
is there to tell us whether the Geneva or Dubhn revision may not be 
anterior to that of Cambridge ? The age of the manuscripts by 
no means decides the question ; their independence is possible, 
notwithstanding their age, which, after all, does not appear to be 
fixed with gTeat precision. The most recent manuscript may give 
a more ancient version ; so that the reading of those of Geneva 
and Dublin, with reference to the date of the poem, is not necess- 
arily explained by a pious fraud ; whilst the erasure at Cambridge, 
attributed to the hand of a forger, was, perhaps, the act of an 
awkward but scrupulous corrector. Who knows, even, whether we 
do not owe the erasure to the hand of the copyist himself? 
In my case the explanation is not clear, and the question of the date 
of the poem is so far from being solved, that we despair of its 
ever heing so on purely historic ground. Let us, therefore, con« 

238 The Waluensbs of Italy. 

sign the solution to the hands of philologists ; at the same time, 
however, warning them that, as has heen too often the case, if they 
take upon themselves to decide the question lightly, their verdict 
\vill have no other effect than to confirm others in their previous 
opinions. We hope for a more satisfactory result, which must 
necessarily he facilitated hy the recent progress made in Neo-Latin 
philology.*'^ We heartily wish them God-speed, the more so as 
the date of the Nohle Lesson, once established, wiU serve as 
a basis from which to determine that of the other poetical 

We have now arrived at the end of our chapter, which may be 
here recapitulated in a few words. Let us confess, without hesi- 
tation, that the impression it leaves is not a very clear one, this 
being partly explainable by reason of the imperfection of our 
analysis ; but, besides this, we would also ask the reader to take 
cognisance of a much more serious and deeper-lying cause, which 
belongs to the very natm-e of Waldensian literature, such as we of 
the present day imagine it to have been. Lideed, the two principal 
elements of which it is composed diverge too much in thought ; 
they are not homogeneous. The poetry, as a i-ule, bears the 
Waldensian imprint ; but the prose bears it only in exceptional 
lases. The former is authentic in matter and in form ; generally, 
one needs but to read to be conviaced. Everything, except some 
very slight pecuhaiities, recalls what we leam from the judges of 
heresy, concerning the dogmatic and moral character of the Wal- 
densian reaction. The prose, on the contrary, is derived from 
concealed foreign sources ; so much is this the case, that, to become 
doubtful regarding its authenticity, it is here also only necessai-y 
to read it. How many pages ai-e Waldensian only in foi-m, or in 
translation ? It may be that the name Waldensian is all that many 
have. We need not then be surprised, if critics have found in these 
writings material for showing the early Waldenses to be Catho- 
lj(.g_836 Tj^g shall see that the Inquisitors were more just towards 
them. Verily, what the Waldenses lose in being known by the 
prose attributed to them, they regain through the writings of the 
judges of heresy and the testimony of persecutors. What does 
this amount to, but a confession that side by side with a poetry 
that is truly Waldensian, we have a prose that is very little so ? 
This doubt crossed our minds at the commencement of this 
research. It continued whilst we proceeded ; and now that we 

The Waldenses of Italy. 239 

have reached the end, we confess that it has not left us."^'^ 
Doubl has its advantages ; it will preserve us from making the 
contradictory statements for which critics are now-a-days notorious, 
and it may furnish us with the means of re-establishing the facts 
concerning the religious life of Waldensian dissent. • 

240 The Waldenses of Italy. 


The Religious Life. 

The materials for this picture refurnished by Wahio — The rule 
of religious life is Christ's laiu according to the Scripture — 
Have the Waldenses adopted the scJwlastic method of inter- 
pretation } — Their articles of faith, mainly derived from 
Catholic tradition, are reformed as regards two points : 
eschathology and worship — Their morals, copied from the 
precepts of the Gospel, give evidence of the influence of 
Gatharism, and are especially marked in the protest against 
falsehood, oaths and the death penalty — Divers names : the 
one that remains — The community and the triple vow of 
admission — Bishops, Presbyters, and Deacons ; the Bishop 
and the general administration — The Chapters — Worship : 
remarks upon the times, places, and elements — The Bene- 
dicite Prayer : the Lord's Prayer only used, the Ave Maria 
given up — The reading of the Holy Scriptures: reading, 
learning by rote, preaching — The Sacraments : their number 
according to Waldensian usage — Variations in the conception 
and observance of baptism — Ordination by the laying on of 
hands : rubric — Confession and Penances— The Eucharistic 
rite and the consecrated bread — Polemics — Ethics : praise 
and calumny — Different usages: costumes, disguises; the 
hawker — The epoch of decadence ; religious life in the valleys 
of the Alps toward the end of the XV. century and at the 
approach of the lleformation, according to the testimony of 
Inquisitors, of Bishop Seyssel and of the Barbe Morel — 
Concluding remarks. 

THE framework of Waldensiau history is now completed. Let 
us tlien endeavom- to sketch an outline of Waldensian 
religious life. It should be a finished picture, but that is not 
possible for us. We shall ti-y to give the main featm-es of it at 

The Waldenses of Italy. 241 

least, and our first question is : Where shall we find the initial con- 
ception of the ideal which determines the real character of the 
reaction we are studying ? 

There is no doubt upon that point. We must look for it in 
Waldo. He was the Father, the Abraham of the Israel of the 
Alps, before he became it's Moses. He possessed, in short, all 
the qualities that constitute a Reformer, and he excelled in 
communicating his own convictions to others f^^ consequently he 
has left a deep, indelible impression. His powerful individuality 
towers above all others in the period prior to the Reformation ; he 
arose in the midst of a world of serfs attached to the Papal glebe, 
to follow Christ and obey His word. His entire programme is 
contained in the command that re-echoed from the depth of his own 
conscience : " Come, thou, and follow me." It includes all the pre- 
cepts of evangelical law, from that of voluntary poverty to that of 
free preaching. These two precepts of opposite extremes meet 
here ; in reality they constitute but one, and that unity is the 
ideal of the Waldensian reaction. The Franciscans and Domini- 
cans understood it well ; they were even influenced by it ; but, 
making it subservient to Papacy, they changed its nature. If the 
Waldensian reaction presents an original type, it owes it to 
Waldo. The Mendicant Orders are only an imitation or a carica- 
ture of it.^'^ Between the Waldensian principle, and that of the 
monks, there is aU the difference that separates obedience from 
servile cringing. If, according to his disciples, Waldo was " like 
a lion that awakes from his sleep," the monks were canes Domini, 
but dogs that allow themselves to be muzzled. In a word, the 
Waldensian idea is summed up in the apostolic word : " It is 
better to obey God than man." Thus Waldo imitates the 
Apostles; he is a continuation of them more than the Popes, for they 
do not maintain their veritable tradition as he claims to do. Hence 
the double aspect assumed by the Waldensian reaction, according 
to the point of view from which it is regarded. On the one hand 
it is positive, for it is, above all, an act of obedience to Christ ; on 
the other, it is negative, in that it necessarily implies rebellion 
against His pretended Vicar. Some think that it bears upon its 
banner the vital principle of all reform worthy of that name ; 
others, that it proclaims heresy, the mother of all discord. 
Nothing in it, however, points to anarchy, and there is a wide 
difference between the free investigation practised by Waldo, and 

242 The Waldenses of Italy. 

that which is preached in modern times. Liberty is looked upon 
by the early Waldenses as a condition of obedience ; it emanci- 
pstes the soul from the yoke of the Church, only to briug it back 
captive to the feet of its Divine Master. 

Such is the initial conception which dominates the Walden- 
sian evolution. Let us descend from these general considerations 
to the facts, which we desfre to determine ; and first, let us 
see what is the rale that governs the religious Ufe of the 

This rale was not new. It was but necessary to put forth 
a hand in order to take it from the ait of tradition, whel'ein lie 
the treasures of faith, " sacred, only, because never touched." 

It was not absolutely forbidden to touch them ; but it was no 
longer customary to do so, owing to clerical prejudice, which hud 
almost consigned to oblivion both ancient practice and the voice 
of the Fathers of the Church, such as Saints Augustine and 
Chrysostom. From time to time that voice found a feeble echo 
in the words of the pastors ; then the Waldenses listened. 
Waldo, it will be remembered, did so, and his disciples likewise. 
A priest one day composed a homily upon this text of the Gospel : 
" The sower went forth to sow the seed." If ever there were a 
text likely to interest the Waldenses this was it. On that 
occasion the preacher spoke words which were recorded in Wal- 
densian dialect. Here are a few of them : — 

" The word of God is the salvation of the souls of the poor ; 
it is the medicine of those who faint ; it is the food of 
those who hunger ; it is the teaching of those who remain ; 
it is the consolation of the afflicted ; it is the rejection of 
vices ; it is the acquisition of virtues ; it is the confusion of 
devils ; it is the light of hearts ; it is the path of the 
traveller. The word of God fills the thoughts of man with all 
vii-tues. The word of God teUs thee whether thou be an un- 
reasoning animal or a reasonable man. The word of God is the 
beginning of spiritual life. The word of God is the preservation, 
not only of the vu-tues and graces, but of all Christian faith. "'^'^ 

The Waldenses, however, were not satisfied with these pious 
sentiments alone ; they also used their reason. The Scripture was 
for them the very fountain head of religious knowledge. Superior 
to reason, tradition, and the authority of the Church, it takes iU 
stand as the iiile of faith. 

The Waldbnsbs of Italy. 243 

L'Escriptura di, e nos creire ho deven 
Ayczo deven ereire car I'Avangeli o di.'**' 

They distinguish in it three successive laws : the natural law, 
the law of Moses, and the perfect law of Jesus Christ. This 
latter alone is permanent. To meditate upon it and observe it is 
all their wisdom, as it also is their life. 

Se Xrist volen amar ni saber sa doctrina 
Nos coventa velhar e legir I'Escriptura.**^ 

It would be puerile to pretend that the early Waldenses attempted 
to criticise sacred questions, at a time when nobody thought of so 
doing. They knew the Scriptures according to the Vulgate; but 
after what we have just seen, it is not surprising that they should 
prefer to translate the New Testament.^*' In this they were 
acting logically. They only partially attempted to translate the 
Old Testament, if we may judge from such portions as have come 
down to us, and they did not exclude the .Vpocryphal books. If 
their notions regarding the canon of the Scriptures betrayed at 
first the influence of Catholicism, they became modified later on 
by that of the Renaissance and Reformation.'^ 

The rule being given, how do they interpret it ? 

In Waldo's time, a knowledge of the meaning of the Scriptures 
was arrived at by four roads. These had been traversed by the 
Fathers, the theologians and the monks. Waldo did not much care 
for these beaten paths ; he had no time to lose. Had he heard the 
precept, which caused his conversion, preached in several difierent 
ways, it is probable that he would never have quitted his farm 
and mills. He brought to the study of the Scriptures that 
practical common sense which had guided him in his business 
transactions. Fault was found with his interpretation for being 
too literal, and on that account it did not, whatever some writers 
of our day may think, agree with the scholastic method.'*^ 
Is it even probable that Waldo selected any particular method ? 
We think not. He seems to have gone on his way without any 
theory or interpretation, even in the theological sense of the 
term.**^ The word of Christ was clear enough ; for Waldo it was 
simply a question of furnishing a literal translation. His school 
remained faithful to this j)rincii)le ; nowhere did it produce 
theorists. Bernard Gui states, concerning the Waldenses scattered 

244 The Waldenses of Italy. 

in the South of France, that thej' insisted upon the observation of 
the precepts of the Gospel, just us they were wiitten, and without 
commentaiT.*^' It was not different in Germany. David of Aug- 
boui'g and his colleague of Passau, accused their victims of adhering 
too closely to the literal meaning, and of rejecting all mystic 
intei-pretation."^'' It would not seem that the alles;oiical method 
was at aU palatable to the early settlers in the valleys of the Alps, 
for Morel, wiiting to Oecolampadus, actually asked whether he 
thought that interpretration admissible, and adapted to the 
instruction of the people.^' It is true that cei-tain Waldensian 
compilations of Catholic origin, like the ti-eatise on the Vii-tuea 
and the commentary on the Songs of Solomon, had admitted it ; 
and it is upon these that Herzog and Montet base their assertions, 
when they impute to the early Waldenses the /fourfold 
scholastic interpretation. Of com'se such a mode of^ argument 
could be made to prove anything. 

We repeat, the Waldenses were not theorists, w^ must not go 
to them for forms and rubrics. Their reaction, wnich was essenti- 
ally moral, departed at first, but very sHght]/, from traditional 
dogmas ; like an Alpine brook that flows a long while under the 
snowfield upon which it feeds, before the latter breaks down, 
that departure was not the result of calculated speculation, but of 
a practical observance of evangelical morals. It wiU not be 
difficult to form some idea of this. 

A new life, according to the perfect law of Christ, commences 
with repentance ; that constitutes the first round of the ladder 
of perfection. 

La ley de Yeshu Xrist haven abandona, 
E non haven temor ni fe ni carita. 
Confessai- nos coventa : non y deven tarpar.^'" 

As everj"one ought to repent before death comes to take him 
unawares, there is no time to be lost. If God waits for the 
sinner, if he prolong the time of his patience, it is only dui-ing 
our pilgrimage here below. 

Car atent lo peccador e li doua alongament 
Quel poysa far penedenga en la vita present. ^^' 

Does not this principle lead to the denial of purgatory "? At 
least, we must confess, it is veiy far n-om leading to an admission 

The Waldenses of Italy. 245 

of that doctriiib. Let us not forget that during the XII. century, 
the doctrine of purgatorj' was disputed not only by the Cathari, 
but even in the bosom of the Roman Church ; moreover, such vague 
deductions as the above are not the only proofs we possess ; we 
have within reach the most explicit testimonies. There are but 
two paths, said the Waldenses — one is the path of life, the other 
that of death. "*^ The first leads straight to paradise ; the second, 
to hell. There is no middle road."'^ The most ancient Walden- 
siau writings ignore purgatoiy f^* it is mentioned, it is true, in 
subsequent writings, but only to be refuted.*'^' Was it rejected from 
the commencement : that is to say, by Waldo and his original 
followers in Lyons. This is a doubtful point f^'^ however, the 
doctrine of purgatory and the monoply of Scriptural inter- 
pretation and preaching are the first Romish doctrines decidedly 
put aside. '*°' There are punishments which serve to purify 
the soul, but they are those of this life."^*' From this, to 
rejecting purification through punishment in another Ufe, was but 
a single step,**'^ and the conclusion must be — Purgatory does not 
exist. *"^" The priests invented it solely for the purpose of justify- 
ing the masses for the dead, suffrages, indulgences and bountiful 
alms. All that scaffolding therefore crumbles from the base.*"' 
Even the doctrine of the intercession of Saints becomes illusory 
and the worship of them isrendered futile. ^'^^ The fact is that neither 
the Virgin nor the Saints can do anything for the salvation of 
sinners, except by their example, which renders them worthy of 
veneration. The Waldenses venerate the Saints, but with discre- 
tion. They learn in early life that worship belongs to God alone. 
We read in the Gloss on the Lord's Prayer, "We owe to God fear, 
honour, and obedience in all things ; also honour is due, after 
that to God, to the blessed Virgin Maiy, first among all created 
beings, for she is the mother of Christ ; then a like honom- to 
all the saints who rest in gloiy, together with all the heavenly host." 
Then we owe obedience to our superiors. *°^ It would be more 
than hazardous to deduce from this passage that the Virgin and 
the Saints divided the honour of worship with God, even in the 
minor degree of " duKa cultus " to use the jargon of the schools. 
It contains nothing more than a somewhat vague definition of a 
religious homage. Again, is that homage quite authentic ? Tho 
jjassage is taken from too mixed a source to be reliable ; and 
whereas a homily of rather suspicious origin is quoted, to show 

246 The Waldenses of Italy. 

that the Waldenses looked up to the Vii-gin Maiy as the " Queen 
of Heaven,"*^* it is contradicted hy the testimony of the very 
persons who sat in judgment upon them. Indeed, the judges tell 
us that the Waldenses, in Germany for instance, do not admit 
that the repose of the Saints can be distm-bed by our prayers.*"^ If 
they had to pray for sinners every time the latter afforded them 
an opportunity, theii- state would not be very enviable. "''*' No, 
they are not cognisant of our miseries, neither can they prevent 
them.*^' They cannot see them, being absorbed in the contem- 
plation of the Godhead.*^* To invoke them is a waste of time, nay 
more, a moral siu.^*^ Help comes from God, the only object of om* 
faith. 8'" He has atoned for our sin on the Cross, in the person 
of His Son, born of the Virgin Mary, and he expects from us 
obedience to His holy law, and works meet for repentance. 
That is the price of om- salvation. Man is not saved by faith 

Si el non vol cum la fe las obras acabai'. 

La corona de gloria non es degne de portar. 

Works are the demonstration of faith, and an eai-nest of our 
election. There are but few who endeavour to put them into 
practice ; with most it is as though it were sufficient to desire 
an eutiy into Paradise to obtain it. That is a mistake. God 
has promised it to us as He has promised om- daily bread — but 
we must earn it. 

Poc curan d'obrar per que iUi sian eleit, 

Ben voh-ien paradis, a cant per desii-ar. 

Ma czo per que el s'acquista non vokein gaire far; 

Ma segout I'escriptura la lo conven comprar.-" 

Here we are, back again in the fuU blaze of Catholic tradition. 
We shall, whatever ultra-apologists may say, seek in vain in the 
creed of the early Waldenses for those tenets which characterise 
Protestantism. "When the Waldenses separated themselves, 
they held but very few dogmas opposed to ours," says 
Bossuet. He would have been right had he stopped there ; but 
when he goes on to add that they had " perhaps none at all,"**'^ 
he ^'oes half-way to meet modem criticism, which is on the point 
of going astray. We must recognize the fact that the Waldenses 
did not aim at reforming creeds. They bear on their banner a 
moral ideal ; that perfect standard which is practically summed up 

The Waldenses of Ital-x. 247 

iu the triple vow of poverty, chastity and obedience to the law ol 
the Gospel. 

Si no3 volen amar ni segre Yeshu Xrist, 

Paureta sperital de cor deven tenir, 

E amar la castita, Dio humilmeht servir*"^' 

We may mention that just as their dogmas adhere to Catholic 
tradition, so, too, their moral teachings recall those of the Cathai-i ; 
at least in such precepts as escape the influence of the double 
principle. Here again the analogy is striking. The Waldenses, 
following the Cathari, rejected the doctrine of purgatoiy and the 
practices relating thereto, whilst the Cathari have quite the 
appearance of having borrowed the articles that condemn false- 
hood, the oath and the death-penalty from the Waldenses. The 
features they have in common do not end here ; we shall yet 
notice several others, relating to organisation and worship. It 
may be said that we have seen how the origin of the Waldensian 
movement was free from Catharin admixture. True ; but the 
first deviations from Catholic tradition, except the one referring to 
lay preaching, do not date back to Lyons. Nevertheless, it seems 
to us, that the influence of the Cathari has been exaggerated,^'" 
and that the following fact has not been taken sufficiently into 
account, namely, that the moral teachings of the Waldenses are 
copied, as it were, from the Sermon on the Mount and the precepts 
of Christ.*'' Here are the salient features : — 

Se n'i a alcun bon que volha amar Dio temer Yeshu Xrist, 

Que non volha maudire ni jurar ni mentii-, 

Ni avoutrar ni aucire ni penre de I'autruy, 

Ni venjar se de li sio enemic. 

Hh difon quel es vaudes e degne de punir.*'^ 

Three of those precepts have been much emphasized. They 
are those to which we have just alluded, and which we shall con- 
sider separately. 

I. — The Peecept Condemning Falsehood. 

According to the Waldenses, every man is bound to tell the 
truth, as much out of regard for his neighbour as from self-res- 
pect. Lying kills the soul.*''' The judges of heresy must at first 

248 The Waldenses of Italy. 

have gi'eatly relished this scruple, which so much facilitated theu- 
task. It is true, that face to face with torture and the stake, some 
tried to compromise. Hence the ambiguous, equivocal language, 
extorted by suffering from so many poor victims who had not 
courage enough to face martyrdom. This is sufficiently laid 
down by the questioners, who minutely analyzed the answers 
with a sagacity becoming enough in mere grammarians, but 
repugnant to all our feelings at such an occasion. To follow the 
analysis still makes us feel as though assisting at an operation 
when the knife is cutting through the living flesh. These 
sophisms are even classified and ticketed, with all the cai-e that 
might be bestowed upon a collection of shells, flowers, or 
precious rehcs.^'^ 

n. — The Precept Condemking Oaths. 

Every man must abstain from swearing. According to the 
Waldenses the oath is in no case allowable. " Swear not at all," 
says the Gospel, " neither by Heaven, for it is God's throne, nor 
by the earth, for it is His footstool ; neither shalt thou swear by 
thy head, because thou canst not make one hair white or black ; 
but let your communications be 'yea, yea,' 'nay, nay': for what- 
soever is more than these tendeth to evil." They assiduously in- 
culcated this precept ; so we are told by one of their judges, and 
they cared not at all for commentaries.*'^ Swearing is classified 
by them as a mortal sin. If any man be compelled to take an 
oath,*^^ he must hasten to confess his sin and do penance. That 
is the rale everywhere in France,''" as well as in Italy and Ger- 
many.^^ But exceptions are tolerated, even authorized, in order 
to avoid the total ruin of the community, which was ali-eady 
threatened by so many dangers. "Formerly," observes an Inquisi- 
tor, " the Waldenses had detennined not to swear at all ; then they 
easily fell into our hands and a great number were despatched.*"**' 
Kow they are prudent ; they swear, but only to escape torture and 
not to betray one another;"*'^'' they were especially careful not to 
compromise their teachers, who were pai-ticularly exposed. To 
betray a teacher was to commit the sin against the Holy Ghost.*"^' 
" Hence we have," adds our Inquisitor, "those evasive and decep- 
tive answers which give us so much trouble and render om- task 
almost desperate.*""" Rather than die, they deny, swear and per- 

The Waldenses of Italt. 249 

jure themselves, unless in cases where we are dealing with their 
teachers or other persons determined to confess their faith to the 
end. "8" 

III. — The Pkecept Condemning the Death Penalty. 

"V\'e must get an acem-ate conception of this precept, for it has 
heen the cause of misunderstanding and false deductions. Let us 
again hear the testimony of the Judges. 

" The Waldenses afiBrm," says Bernard Gui, " that all judg- 
ment, being forbidden by God, is a sin ; and the judge, who, 
under whatever circumstances, and for whatever motive, condemns 
a man to torture or to death, acts contrary to the Gospel, in which 
it is written : ' Judge not, that ye be not judged.' They also 
appeal to the commandment : ' Thou shalt not kill,' nor regard 
any commentaries thereon f*'^ and the same principle is professed 
in Lombardy and elsewhere.^*" It does not only refer to a par- 
ticular form of the death penalty or its application to heretics, as 
might be imagined ; on the contrary, it condemns all manner of 
violent death, whether by the sword of ,the soldier or of justice.*'" 
In Germany some, perhaps under the influence of Catharin super- 
stition,*"' seem to have extended the application of it to animals. 
From this, to question the salvation of professional violaters of 
this law, namely. Princes, Lords and ofiicers of justice, is certainly 
not a long step."*"^ We can now understand how the Waldenses 
were suspected of anarchy by people who knew them imperfectly, 
or were seeking for a pretext to slander them.**^^ 

Let us add, that the condemnation of the death penalty 
naturally implied the reprobation of murder, and, by implication, 
of all deeds of blood ; for the horror of blood was not with them 
a mere feint, as in the dominating Church, but a veritable and 
sincere feeling."^* 

Such are the characteristic features of the creed and moral 
teaching of the Waldenses. It is quite clear that they diverge more 
and more from the world and the official Church. 

And do they not also form themselves into a distinct society, 
having a special organization ? It is now time to inquire into 
this. Let us begin by noticing the names the Waldenses give 
themselves, or permit others to give to them . 

250 The Waldenses of Italy. 

The first name they are ambitious of, that of " Poor of Christ," 
was not new, nor was that of " Brethren."*" Catholics sometimes 
call them after the name of Waldo, their teacher ; sometimes 
"Poor of Lyons," or "Leonists," to mark theii- oi-igin; or again, 
Imahates, because of the sahates they were in the habit of wear- 
ing. " They are called 'Poor of Lyons,'" Stephen of Bourbon 
remarks, " because there they fii'st began to profess poverty ; as 
for them, they call themselves ' Poor in Spirit,' because the Lord 
said : ' Blessed are the poor in spirit.' "*'* If the name " Poor of 
Lyons " recall to us the original root of the Waldensian reaction, 
that of " Poor of Lombardy " designates the most prosperous of 
its off-shoots. lu the valleys of the Alps we find only the three 
names that refer to the Lyons origin and to Waldo. The only 
other one is that of " Waldenses."'*'^ If the name of Waldo is 
susceptible of several intei-pretatious, as we have seen;*^" it is 
different with that of Waldenses, which designates the disciples of 
the reformer of Lyons in whatsoever locality they may live. This 
is proved both by the testimony of the Judges of heresy*'" and 
the early Waldensian tradition,'"" again confirmed in the XVI. 
centuiy,"" and noticed by Grilles. " The aforesaid people, having 
come fi-om Lyons," writes the before-mentioned historian, " were 
liy their adversaries called ' Waldensian People ' on account of 
Waldo, although the said peojjle at first refused to accept that 
title, not that they despised Waldo, but in order not to biing any 
slight upon the vei-y worthy name of Christian, nor wishing to 
seem to acknowledge being sectarian and schismatical, as their 
adversaries falsely accused them of being; and of their said 
refusal the proof is to be found as much in the books of the Wal- 
denses themselves as in those of their adversai-ies. In the epistle 
they wrote to King Ladislas of Bohemia, they designate them- 
selves " the little Christian flock, falsely called Waldenses ;" and 
among other instances, also, in the book entitled Vittovia I'lioin- 
phale, of the Cordelier monk, Samuel of Cassini, where he says in 
the first chapter : " Thou sayest thou art not a Waldensian, but 
a member of the Church of Christ." " It is evident, therefore," 
Gilles concludes, " that this name was by their adversaiies forced 
upon them against their wiU."""^ The name of Waldenses, how- 
ever, is the only one that survived the first period. 

Let us now consider what relates to their organization. 

The Waldenses of Italy. 251 

If the Waldensian reaction had not been in flagrant opposition 
to the traditions of the Church, it is possible that Waldo's 
co-religionists would have accepted, to the advantage of the people, 
the office of co-adjutors or helpers, as distinct from the clergy, 
as was the case with the first disciples of St. Francis 
of Assis. But they were condemned and driven out. Then, 
what were they to do ? Did they decide to found independent 
churches by the side of the Komish Church, or resolve to pursue 
their missionary work at a distance, as it were, and secretly, 
without creating a schism ? This point has not been examined 
closely enough by historians ; nay, a schismatic movement 
was believed in without reason, although the Waldensian mission, 
in Gallic territory at least, and in the valleys of the Alps, never 
exceeded the limits of simple dissent. The Waldenses evangelize, 
hear confession and communicate ; but, whUst still leaving the 
faithful in the Church in which they were born, these latter are 
benefited by then- pastoral care without renouncing their member- 
ship in the Catholic Church.""^ 

A distinction between the Waldenses and their faithful 
members is here drawn ; this was only to be seen in the beginning. 
Afterward, it was particularly maintained in the French tradition, 
which was comparatively consei-vative, and to such an extent that, 
on the eve of the Eeformation, this distinction had not disappeared 
from the valleys. The tendency to schism was one of the character- 
istic features of the Brethren of Lombardy; still, as we have 
clearly seen, it was not actually realized."'"* 

We have just observed that the Waldenses liked to call them- 
selves " Brethren." This is the more easily understood in that 
they observed the same rule and Uved in common. Together 
they formed an association called the " Fraternity," or the " Com- 
munity," or simply the " Society."""^' Brothers and sisters were 
soon designated by the name of " perfect " — a custom undoubtedly 
borrowed from the Cathari, because they professed the perfect 
law. The faithful who admired the Waldensian maxims, but were 
not admitted to the profession of the rule, were called " imper- 
fect," or more usually " friends " or " behevers."'"'' To learn how 
the primitive community recruited its ranks, we must once more 
go back to the early period. 

After Waldo had taken the vow of poverty, we saw that he 
gained over proselytes, who pledged themselves to imitate him. 

*252 The Waldenses of Italy. 

All divested themselves of their property, led a chaste life in the 
ecclesiastic sense of the term, and at the caU of their master, 
went out, two by two, from village to village, reading or preaching 
the Gospel. The society, thus founded in Lyons, increased after 
the first persecution and multiplied eveiywhere, especially in the 
Houth of France and in Lombardy. Before admission, the triple 
vow of poverty, chastity and obedience to superiors, continued to 
be enforced. That was the general rale. Let us now go into 
some details. 

Bernard Gui tells us : " When a man was received into this 
society, called Fraternity, and had pledged himseK to obey his 
superior and observe evangelical poverty, he was from that moment 
bound to observe the law of chastity, and own nothing in his own 
right; consequently, he was obliged to sell all his goods, hand over 
the proceeds to the common treasury, and live upon the alms of the 
faithful, which the leader took upon himself to distribute to each 
one according to his need."""' These alms were of vaiious kinds. 
They consisted either of money or produce, which was sold for 
cash f'"* to say nothing of lodging, food and clothing, which the 
brethren were sure to receive on their missionary visits. Further- 
more, the society accepted legacies.""' It was so everywhere in a 
measure, only there is one difference to be noticed relating to 
the question of work. While the Waldenses of France renounced 
all material occupation, in order to give themselves up exclusively 
to tlieu- mission — "'" but resei-ving the right to take up any trade 
as a disguise when it was a question of avoiding the attention 
of the spies and hirelings of the Holy Office"" — the Poor 
of Lombardy and their brethren of Germany claimed in 
this respect perfect liberty of action ;"^- nay, more, they 
were proud of working and reproached the Romish clergy 
with theii- idleness."^' We can surmise how, in their lively discus- 
sions, they took advantage of the words of the Apostle Paul."'* 
However, they finally looked at the question from another point of 
view and confoiined to the rule of their French brethren."'* 

The second vow was that of chastity. 

Here agam Waldo set the example. The reader will not have 
forgotten how he gave up his family life and separated from his 
wife. He consented, it is true, in compliance with the injunction 
of the Archbishop, to take his meals at her house ; but this act of 
obedience was followed by their final separation. Could he have 

The Waldbnses of Italy. 253 

required his brethren to take the vow of chastity had he not 
observed it himself ? They observed it from the very day of their 
entrance into the community. If the candidate had a wife he was 
obliged to separate from her. If a married woman were to be 
admitted she had to be separated from her husband whether she 
desired it or not.^'" Let us also add that the sanction of the 
community was necessary, so that no step could be taken on the 
caprice of the moment.*'" The Poor of Lombardy insisted that 
the mai'riage contract was indissoluble, except in the case provided 
for by the Gospel law, and that consequently neither husband nor 
wife had the right to withdraw from it, without the consent of the 
other party.**^* However, this in no wise restrained the Lombards 
from insisting, as eagerly as their French brethren, upon the 
observance of the vow of chastity on the part of those aiShated to 
the community; and that practice is found again among the 
Waldenses of Germany.^^' After all, the mention of women cannot 
always be accounted for in the same manner. In one case it is a 
question of women admitted into the community through the 
regular vow f^" in another it might well be a question merely of 
some faithful person, "^^ if not of some local and subordinate order, 
which escapes us. It is certain, at any rate, that in the begin- 
ning at least, the community gave women the right of participating 
in the triple vow prescribed by the rule.''^^ 
The third vow was that of obedience. 

Waldo had made that vow to God, as others had done, for 
the matter of that ; but, in the way that he understood it, it was 
not pleasing to the Pope. Waldo kept it nevertheless ; and what 
was the consequence '? He in a way supplanted the Pope in the 
eyes of his brethren, who recognised in him both the founder of 
their order and their legitimate superior. He was in the com- 
munity of Lyons what Zinzendorf was during the last century in 
that of Hermhut, namely, the Bishop of his brethren. He ruled 
them by the prestige of his powerful individuality more than by 
the exercise of any right conferred on liim.°^^ His opinion had 
sometimes more weight than he desired, and it is very possible 
that he may have felt the burden of his power as much as his 
subordinates. He was at the same time both Bishop and Rector- 
General of the community.'^ What a task and what a responsi- 
bility was his, in the midst of dispersion ! Is it a matter for 
astonishment that he was not able to preserve unity everywhere — 

254 The Waldenses of Italy. 

in the cities of Lombai'dy, for instance, which were a prey to so 
much discord ? His brethren assembled at Bergamo shortly after 
his death ; all attributed to him a saying which is not altogether 
clear to us, namely, that he did not consider it right that supreme 
dii-ection should be conferred upon any one man, either dui-ing his 
own lifetime or after his death."" These words not only 
expressed the feeling that the sole head elected by the Lombards 
could not be recognised by the ultramontane Waldenses, but also 
the conviction that the direction must be divided. There is 
nothing to prove that Waldo ever arrogated to himself alone the 
supreme power. He undoubtedly had, as colleague in the Kector- 
ship, that Vivet, who, by his side, filled an eminent position, and 
whose name is coupled with Waldo's in the recollections of the 
deputies assembled at the conference of Bergamo. At any rate 
we find that the two Rectors of the Waldenses of France presided 
over that assembly, namely Peter of Relana and Beranger 
d'Aquaviva."-^ They were not elected for hfe, like the Lombard 
President, but for a tei-m — for one year only.'^'' The residence of 
these Presidents is not indicated ; but the Poor of Lombardy un- 
doubtedly had their chief at Milan. Still that residence was not 
absolutely fixed, inasmuch as their colleagues, Bishops, Presby- 
ters and Deacons, upon whom devolved the different ofiices of the 
community, led an itinerant life. 

" What have we here ? Bishops ! " 

" Yes ; we find here three very distinct classes of ministers ; 
Bishops, Presbyters and Deacons.'-* The Bishop was elected by 
the assembled Presbyters and Deacons. He had the power to 
administer the Sacraments of Penance, of the Order, and of the 
Eucharist, and to preach the Gospel where he thought best ; 
besides, it was he who gave the Presbyters theii- commission to 
preach and to hear confessions."^" Finally, he could absolve from 
all sin anyone who confessed to him, and although the latter 
power was very rarely exercised,"'" remit fully or in part, the penalty 
due for sins. The Presbyter received power to hear confessions, 
but not to remit penalties or to administer the Sacrament of the 
Eucharist.'^^ As for the Deacon, he was by the very act of 
ordination rendered subject to the vow of poverty, chastity, and 
obedience. Before admission to the order of Deacons, no one is 
perfect."'^ Any adherents to Waldensian practices, who have not 
submitted to ordination, do not count among the members of the 

The Waldensbs of Italy. 255 

community properly so-called ; they are not brethren, but friends. 
It is from these that the brethren receive their means of subsist- 
ence."^' The Deacons were the organs of this work of supply ; 
it was their office to provide for the wants of the Bishop and 
Presbyters. ''* They had no power to hear confessions."^^ 

What we have just read with respect to the Bishops is not as 
clear, at first sight, as that which relates to the other offices. We 
Msk, for instance,^^^ What relation was there between the office 
of Bishop and the Rectorship ? W^e lack infonnation upon this 
particular point. It is natural to think, however, that the rectors 
were chosen from among the Bishops, without such election 
necessarily involving any identity between the offices of Bishop and 
Rector ; each of which had its distinct and peculiar character. 
But was the Bishop-Rector the sole head ? It seems so, for the 
mention of the sole head is very explicit.^'^ Did we not, however, 
in one case find two Rectors co-existing ? That is true. Still, 
there is nothing to prevent us from assuming that one was the 
Chief Rector, and the other his co-adjutor ; nay, is it not likely to 
have been so ? Furthermore, if the chief stood alone in his capacity 
of Rector, he did not do so as Bishop.''^ There was more than 
one Bishop. Now the Bishops as such are equal. The election to 
the office of Bishop was therefore distinct from the election to the 
office of Bishop-Rector."'^ The latter presided at ordinations. If 
he were absent another Bishop took his place. If there were no 
Bishop present, the right of presiding passed to the Presbyters. 
It would appear from this that the diiFerence between Bishop and 
Presbyter was not as great as amongst Catholics. This difl'erence 
lies less in the dignity itself, than in the right of precedence. It 
is true that the Bishop enjoyed, in addition, the privilege of cele- 
brating the Eucharist and pronouncing complete absolution, and 
that this privilege did not pass in its entirety to the Presbyters, 
even in cases of special delegation. 

We now know who this " superior " was who received the 
vows of the new brothers, and of whom it is wi'itten that " all are 
bound to obey him as Catholics do the Pope.""*" He had supreme 
authority in the general direction and presided over the Chapters. 
He decided and disposed of all matters concerning the Presbyters 
and Deacons ; it is he who designated them to collect at con- 
fession the alms of the faithful, and in all things he controlled 
their actions. 

256 The Waldenses of Italy. 

We have just alluded to the Cliapters. It is time to say 
something about them, in bringing our remarks res2)ecting organi- 
zation to a conclusion. 

There undoubtedly were particular or district Chapters, since 
mention is made of " General Chapters " ; but the chronicles are 
silent coaceming the fonner. "With respect to the General Chap- 
ters, Uiatters stand on a different footing. We leam that they 
assembled, in the XIY. centuiy at least, once or twice a year, and 
ordinarily in a large city, in order more easily to avoid the eye of 
the enemy. The Brothers disguised themselves as merchants in 
order to succeed better, and assemblies were held without any 
demonstration at the house ot some co-religionist of long-stand- 
ing.**' The perfect Bishops, Presbyters, and Deacons were con- 
vened ; all were admitted to participate in the elections, perhaps 
the above were joined by the faithful of the place.'*- The authority 
of the Chapter was supreme ; although limited by the power of 
the superior who presided in TOtue of liis office, and who at one 
and the same time both consulted and controlled the Chapter. It 
was on such occasions that the Deacons presented their accounts ; 
and the general interests of the mission were decided upon, 
especially the delegation of Presbyters or Deacons to the brethren 
and friends of different countries.'*' 

Such was the organization of the Waldenses. It was in force, 
in a special manner, in France and Lombardy. In the latter 
country it differed somewhat, but rather in the matter of names 
and titles than in the offices themselves. The General Chapter 
acted under the name of the community, used also on the other 
side of the Alps, or under that of the congi-egation ; the simple 
Bishop is called minister ; the head Bishop, as we stated, bore 
the title of Prepositor. In Geimany, we can veiy easily infer 
what the meaning of this was, when we recall the iafluence of the 
Poor of Lombardy that prevailed there. Nevertheless, as the 
influence of the Poor of Lyons also counted for something, in 
Bohemia particulai-ly, it would not be sui-prising if imiformity was 
less rigorously maintaiaed there, than below the Alps. The union 
with the Hussites and the Brethren of Bohemia afterward brought 
on modifications, with which we have nothing to do. Bishop 
Stephen, the mart^T of Vienna, is perhaps the last Waldensian 
who bore that title. 

The Waldenses of Italy. 257 

Let us now enter into the sanctuary of the religious life of 
the Waldenses, to examine their worship. 

We might unprofitably seek to distinguish here between the 
worship at which Waldenses alone were present and that in which 
the faithful took part. We should find the same elements on both 
sides. Moreover, we are bound to admit that, on the first point, 
we have no large amount of information. We may well infer that 
their statutes compelled them to observe regular practices. They 
undoubtedly had both individual and congregational worship ; that 
is to say, among the members of the community, when the latter 
was not dispersed in a thousand directions ; but we learn very 
little concerning either. This is quite immaterial after all, for 
the principles of that private worship will be revealed to us in the 
outward worship to which the faithful were admitted. Only we 
must not here look for that regularity which distinguished the 
practices of the Association properly so-called. Of course there 
was no place consecrated for worship. In the commencement the 
Waldenses appeared before the people in the churches and 
chapels ; but persecution forced them — like the early Christians — 
to take refuge in the sanctuary of the family with their friends. 
They met in secret, in retired places ; sometimes in the caves of 
the earth.'** When the wind of persecution had passed, they 
ventured out into the open air, in the majestic temple of nature. 
As to the hours of worship they were not fixed, except, perhaps, 
in the large cities, where adherents were numerous. In the 
villages the day was marked by the visit of the missionary. The 
opportunity was eagerly made use of, for it came only about once 
a year, usually toward Easter. The best thing we can do to be- 
come conversant with the forms of Waldensian worship is to follow 
the steps of the minister on his arrival. He shaU be our guide, 
and, at the appropriate time and place, we shall be successively 
initiated into the elements of worship, especially the Benedicite 
prayer, the reading of the Scriptures, and finally, the Sacra- 

The minister, even though it be his first visit, is soon 
recognised by some slight conventional sign, or by some expres- 
sion. He does not usually come alone, but is accompanied by his 
young assistant.'''^ They go to a friend's house, who makes pre- 
parations for lodging them. From that moment every meal, 
especially the evening one, is made to partake of the character of 


258 Jhe Waldenses of Italy. 

a more or less eucharistic reunion, recalling the daily communion 
in apostolic times. The minister pronounces the Benedicite. 
This custom is described by an Inquisitor in the following 
terms : — 

" Before they sit down to the table they bless it saying : — 
Benedicite, Kyrie eleison, Christe eleison, Kyrie eleison, Pater- 
noster. Thereupon, the oldest person present says, in his own 
dialect : ' God, who blessed the five barley loaves and two fishes 
for His disciples in the wilderness, bless this table, whatever is 
upon it, and whatever may be brought to it.' Then, making the 
sign of the Cross, he blesses it saying : In nomine Patris et Filii 
et Spiritus, Sancti. Amen. In the same manner, when they 
rise from table, be it after dinner or supper, they return thanks in 
the words of the Apocalypse, pronounced by the senior present, 
in his own dialect : ' Praise, glory, wisdom, thanksgiving, 
honour, power, and might, be to our God for ever and ever.' He 
further adds : ' ]May God grant ample reward and good return to 
all those who do us good and bless us, and after having given us 
material bread, may He give us spiritual food. God be with us, 
and we with Him for ever;' whereupon the rest answer ' Amen.' 
Either during the Benediction or at the moment of rendering 
thanks they often join hands and lift them up toward heaven."'*^ 

After the meal is over, the muiister commences to exhort the 
persons around him, unless there be cause to mistrust some ser- 
vant or stranger who may happen to be present. But the 
preacher generally reserves himself until after supper, when the 
faithful, having returned from their daily work, have time to 
assemble, and night has come. That hour is the safest. Then 
all prepare themselves by meditation, and the worship, properly 
so-called, takes place. We shall not endeavour to indicate the 
, ritual of it ; but at all events it closes with prayer."" The other 
elements are the reading of sacred books, preaching, and com- 
munion. As for singing that was out of the question, as in order 
not to attract the attention of the neighbours, the windows had to 
be closed, and sometimes even the light had to be dispensed 
with. Silence took the place of song, and the Waldenses 
preferred that to Church smging."*^ Let us examine the acts of 
worship a little closer, in order to discern tlieir true character. 

First, there was prayer. 

The Waldenses of Italy. 259 

The prayer of the Waldenses was the Lord's Prayer. Is it 
not the only one prescribed, the prayer par excellence ? More is 
gained by repeating it once, than by chanting a Mass.''*^ Thus, 
according to the proceedings of the Inquisition, the Waldenses 
were satisfied with that, and repeated it with a constancy that 
Catholics ought to have found exemplary. The following words 
testify to this ; we borrow them again from Bernard Gui : " They 
say many prayers during the day, and, in Uke manner, they teach 
their followers to do the same, and join with them. This is the 
way they act : They Imeel on the ground, bend down and lean 
upon a bench, or some such other piece of furniture which answers 
the pm-pose. Then all begin to pray in silence, and long enough 
to repeat the Lord's Prayer thirty or forty times, and sometimes 
more. They do this regularly every day when they are alone, 
with their faithful or adherents, before and after dinner and 
supper, in the evening before retiring, in the morning when they 
rise, and several other times during the day, morning or afternoon. 
They neither say, teach, nor practice any other prayer than 
that."°^" But do they not recite the Ave Maria ? No ; they are 
satisfied with the Lord's Prayer."^^ It has been stated, even 
quite recently, that it would not have been surprising " to hear 
Waldenses repeating the Ave Maria."^^^ Facts do not justify 
that assertion. The Waldenses are as careful to leave out the Ave 
as they are to repeat the Lord's Prayer. " They think nothing 
of it," says Bernard Gui.''^' If they happen to recite it, it is 
quite an exception, and they make excuses for so doing. After 
all, they say — Is it a sin to recite a passage of the Gospel ?''^* We 
must know it by heart, if only, when necessary, to foil the judges 
of heresy.'''^ But it sometimes happens, on the other hand, that 
some have been brought into straits, because they neglected to 
practice.^^^ They also suffered — and this was a more frequent 
occurrence — for not being able to recite the Apostles' Creed.'" 
The Waldenses did not despise that Creed; as we have seen, 
they retained the principal articles of it, but they did not ah 
endorse the adopted form ; for, said they, Christ did not prescribe 
it."^* They have a Creed drawn up in their own fashion, of which 
they are even proud ; so says an Inquisitor."^" It by no means 
follows that this Creed found a place among the elements of 
ordinaiy worship ; but, even though the Lord's Prayer excluded 
the other pravers or practices used in the Church, did it leave no 

K 2 

260 The Waldenses of Italy. 

place for free or improvised prayer ? As a rule it did not ; still if 
anyone ask whether this rule admitted of no exceptions our answer 
must be that there is not a word to indicate the fact. Do we not 
read that some did not even permit themselves to adopt the 
Psalms as prayers ?^^'' The prayer was long, or short, according to 
the number of times the Lord's Prayer was repeated, which 
absolutely depended upon the inclination of the senior minister 
who presided.'^^ 

Another element of the Waldensian worship is the reading of, 
and the insistence on, the Holy Scriptures. This is character- 
istic, and one word wiU suffice to define it ; it is the Lesson."*^ 
The part played by the Scriptures in the assemblies of Lyons and 
Metz has been noticed, and this will assist us in accounting for 
the general — sometimes extraordinaiy — knowledge of them, of 
which the least educated of the faithful were capable. If the sacred 
books were less wide-spread then than we generally imagine, it was 
not for want of zeal. They were passed from house to house, 
at all hours. Men and women, small and great — all were at work, 
night and day, learning them by heai't ia more ways than one ; no 
one grew weary .'"' A disciple of seven days' standing already 
began to teach another.'"^ This work, hke that of bees in the 
field, pre-supposes a hive. The hive was with them the assembly, 
or, better, the school; hither, for pm-poses of learning and teach- 
ing, the members stealthily came together. The minister — or, 
as they called him, the teacher — was there, with his little book in 
his hand,'^' containing various portions of the Scripture, some- 
times the whole of the Xew Testament, with chosen selections 
from the Old.'*^ The spirit of Waldo is here easily recognized, so 
faithful are his disciples to the work commenced by him. Some 
who were more educated used the Latin text ; but most of them 
simply employed the vulgar text.'"^' A certain Inquisitor states 
that there were those who preached without knowing how to read. 
And why not ? In such a case, he adds, they quoted from mem- 
ory, and not the less faithfully for that.'^^ All aimed at inculcating 
the text, without commentaries ;'*" for, said they, what is not in 
conformity with the text of the Scripture is mere fable.''" Waldo 
had insisted upon the words of Scripture, nothing more ; his 
followers did the same, and the consequence was that their hearers 
learnt it by heart.''' Men and women, old men and children, down 
to the humblest Httle one, aU listened and turned over in their 

The Waldenses op Italy. 261 

minds the Word of Truth. "'^ According to the trite yet precious 
expression of one of their judges, they meditated on it during 
worship ; then, after they got back to their firesides, each one 
meditated on it again with others;"^' they vied with each other 
in writing it upon the tablets of their memory, to meditate upon 
it day and night. It was their passion, but it was also their 
merit. However, theii- industrious application would have passed 
unnoticed if, instead of having the Word of God for its object, it 
had been bestowed upon the large volumes consulted by others 
without enduring profit. They had but one book, but it was the 
Book. From infancy everyone spelled it, line by line, learning at 
the same time to read, think, believe, and pray. If anyone de- 
clared he could learn nothing, it was replied : " Try to remember 
one word each day; at the end of the year you will know so much, 
and you will have made a commencement,"'^* Others distin- 
guished themselves by their great wilhng-ness. " I have seen," 
relates Stephen of Bourbon, " a peasant who had been only one 
year in the house of a Waldensian heretic. He had so well 
cogitated over what he had heard, that he knew, word for word, 
forty of the Gospels for Sunday." He was not the only one of 
his kind. The same Inquisitor adds : "I have seen laymen who 
knew almost the entire Gospels of St. Matthew and St. Luke, 
especially the discourses of our Lord ; so that one could hardly 
quote a word without their being able to continue from mem- 
Qj.y_"975 Yet another example : this time it is an Austrian 
peasant. "I have seen and heard," says the Inquisitor who 
narrates the fact, " a peasant who knew by heart the whole book 
of Job, word for word, and I have known others who knew the 
New Testament perfectly."^^* Those are the more rare cases, to 
judge from the manner in which they are related ; still, they con- 
firm the characteristic principle of the Waldenses. They may 
not be all able to recite the Creed, but they are ready to give a 
reasonable account of the faith that is in them.*'' This confounds 
the clergy, their audacity goads on the judges of heresy ; the 
more so that such knowledge is a more or less direct protest 
against the learned ignorance of the high dignitaries of the Church. 
Indeed, it was said that it would be easier to find, among the 
simple Waldensian faithful, persons who could recite the text of 
the Scriptures, than to find a doctor capable of repeating only three 
chapters in succession.''^ The theologians were furious : " Very 

262 The Waidbnses of Italy. 

good, you recite the Gospels and Epistles ! What of that ? Yoii 
have indeed great reason to be proud ! Our scholars know their 
grammar at twelve, and can read with ease any Latin book. Are 
they not a hundred times more learned than your teachers, who at 
sixty Tiave no other learning than verses of the Bible stored away 
in then- memory 7^^^ If you knew youi- grammar better, you would 
read the Gospel according to the real meaning, and would not 
falsify it." 

" Give an instance." 

" Here is one : St. John says that Christ ' came to his own, 
!uid His ovm received Him not ' — siti eum non receperunt ; and 
you read, ' the swine received Him not ' — confounding somewhat 
maliciously sui with sues^^" You would do better to leave our 
Latin to us." 

The reply ■\\ould not fail to be given that, with all their Latin, 
the Cathohc doctors had not succeeded in arriving at the most 
necessary knowledge of all, the fountain of which never ran dry 
during the worship of the Waldenses. 

But the teacher's lesson was not confined to reading. When 
preaching on the Gospels or Epistles he brought forward examples 
and quoted maxims of the holy men of God."^' " Thus is it 
WTitten in the Gospel, or Epistle of St. Peter, or of St. Paul, or 
of St. James. "''^- That constituted his whole argument, according 
to the report of an Inquisitor, who adds that " this did not prevent 
him from occasionally making use of the testimony of this saint, 
or that doctor, so long as the text of Scripture seemed to be 
adhered to ; otherwise he would have nothing to do with it."^^^ 
In short, he appUed the precepts of Scripture, without discussing 
the dogmas. His preaching ran upon virtues and vices, upon 
good works ; the maxim of " doing unto others as we would that 
they should do unto us -"^^^ above all, upon the duty of abstainiug 
from lying, sweai-ing, or the shedding of blood. He concluded 
with: " The time is short ; confess your sins and do penance."^** 

The visit being over, the missionaries resumed their journey, 
accompanied by some of their hearers, and on their way they still 
expounded the Scriptures."""' 

We may well think, however, that this visit did not conclude 
witli the preaching of penitence. It was also the occasion for 
liic admiuistration of the Sacraments in use with the Waldenses. 

The Waldensbs of Italy. 263 

We have now come to the Sacraments. The subject is an 
important one, and demands our whole attention. We must 
first ascertain how many Sacraments were recognized by the 
Waldenses, and how they modified them; more especially in 

" The Waldenses," Montet writes, " enter into competition 
with the Catholic priesthood as regards preaching; but they 
accept the Sacraments at their hands. "^*^ That was true at the very 
commencement of the work; but, little by little — when the first 
condemnation of the Waldenses was sanctioned by the Lateran 
Council, and persecution was let loose by means of the Inquisitors 
— the qiiestion of the Sacraments changed its aspect. Some were 
put aside, particularly by the Poor of Lombardy and of Germany. 
First, that of marriage, which had nothing to do with the Wal- 
densian ordinances. It continued to exist for the faithful, and the 
Waldenses did not dispute with the clergy the right of administer- 
ing it ; only it happened that they did not appreciate it as much 
as celibacy, and that they curtailed the rights of it, owing to the 
bi-fold influence of Komish tradition and Catharin principles. ^^'^ 
They also very soon disregarded the Sacraments of Confirmation 
and Extreme Unction, and finally rejected them, at least in some 
districts of Germany."^* The other Sacraments, namely. Baptism, 
Ordination, Confession, and the Eucharist, were fuUy recognized ; 
but the Waldenses, being forced to re-assert their right to parti- 
cipate therein— always owing to the intolerance which oppressed 
them — modified the practice of them more or less. That is the 
point we shall now consider ; and first, as regards Baptism. 

Upon this point the Waldenses neither anticipated the belief 
of Luther, nor of the Baptists, as has been asserted. They were 
originally so completely under the dominion of Catholic tradition, 
that a reaction was not long in taking place. Without baptism no 
salvation, they said unanimously ; then, while stiU following this 
same tradition, added that it might be administered by any one.'"" 
StiU, on the Italian side of the Alps, a very perceptible divergence 
of opinion was soon manifest. Many began to hold that children 
might be saved without baptism.'"" It would even seem that, for 
some time, this opinion prevailed in Lombardy and in some parts 
of Germany."'^ Whilst the Poor of Lyons continued to recognize 
as valid the baptism administered by the Church in Lombardy, 
they were liberating themselves from their superstitious practice. 

264 The Waldenses of Italy. 

Why do you not baptize ? asked the Catholics. We have abeady 
seen the answer : " Christ did not send us to baptize ; but to pro- 
claim the Gospel."*"^ The Brethren of Lombardy did not stop 
there in abandoniug rites ; they went so far as to treat with 
levity the pretension to administer the Sacraments, of which their 
predecessors had been so jealous. Otherwise how could we 
explain the fact of one of their perverts writing to them in a 
defiant tone : " What are the Sacraments you administer ? You 
no longer retain more than a semi- Sacrament, that of Confession; 
that is all. As for the other Sacraments, you refer people to the 

Let us pass on to the Sacrament of Ordination. 

Evidently it is here no longer a question of Ordination in the 
ordinary sense. The admistration of this Sacrament is a sequel 
to the vow of obedience to God, which the Pope and Clergy do not 
accept, and which the Waldenses, from the time of their forma- 
tion, had taken to their superior. At all events, they had a rite 
of Ordination, properly so-called, and it is not just to imagine that, 
amongst the early Waldenses, " the first comer, wearing wooden 
shoes, could mount the pulpit steps and preach the word of 
God."'** But did they not profess equality as regards the priests? 
Undoubtedly ; but we have seen that they had ordinances. We 
must remember this, in order not to be deceived as to the character 
of theii- priesthood. They condemned the exclusive sacerdotal 
privilege, but the distinction between the special and universal 
priesthood remained, notwithstanding some expressions which 
would seem to cast a doubt upon it. " They say," so an Inquisitor 
reports, " that the Sacrament of Ordination is void, and that every 
good layman is a Priest, according to the example of the Apostles, 
who were themselves laymen. Nay, every layman, in theii' 
opinion, even women, should preach."'*' Still, the laity are 
ordained,''^ and in the following manner. Bernard Gni describes 
to us, in successive order, the ordination of a Bishop, Presbyter, 
and Deacon. 

" The election of the Bishop having taken place, after prayer 
in common and the private confession of sins, there follows a public 
and general confession ; if there be a Bishop present, it is he 
who perfonns the ceremony ; if not, one of the Presbyters who 
may be present prepares to pray, and, while he recites the Lord's 
Prayer, he lays his hand upon the head of the Bishop elect, that 

The Waldensbs op Italy. 265 

he may receive the Holy Spirit. After him, all the others, 
Preshyters as well as Deacons, impose their hands, each in his 
turn. Thus is accomplished the ordination of the Bishop, without 
further formahty, without the least trace of tradition, without 
anointing of any kind, or sacred ornaments, but solely by prayer 
and the laying on of hands. "^"^ The ordination of a Presbyter is 
performed in like manner. "After prayer and the confession of 
sins," Gui adds, " the Bishop lays his hand upon the head of the 
candidate, then all the Presbyters present do the same, that he 
may receive the Holy Ghost." "We have seen that, in case of the 
absence of a Bishop, the Presbyter may proceed to ordain a 
Bishop ."'* Much more then would he be permitted to proceed, in like 
case, to the ordination of a Presbyter, Finally, comes the turn 
of the Deacon. " When the Deacon has been elected, the Bishop 
alone, after the usual prayer and confession, imposes his hands 
upon him, repeating the Lord's Prayer, that the candidate may 
receive the Holy Ghost," and with that, all is over. Thus, con- 
eludes the Inquisitor, with almost naive astonishment, the ordina- 
tion is performed without any more formality than prayer and the 
laying on of hands. Whether it be that of Bishops, Presbyters, or 
Deacons, ignorant laymen, or learned persons, it is sufficient that 
the candidate should have been approved and elected in the manner 
just described."*' 

Such, according to Bernard Gui, was the practice of ordination 
among the Waldenses of France. This is not the only information 
we have on the subject. Here is more, relating to another branch 
of the Waldensian family. 

Another Inquisitor writes : " When they wish to admit any 
one to their number, they first examine him during a certain 
time,^""** after prolonged instruction.^""^ At the moment of ordina- 
tion, they require of him a confession of all the sins he can 
remember from his youth up. Moreover, to be received into their 
ranks, one must be chaste. "^""^ And here an important detail is 
mentioned, which apparently escaped the researches of Bernard 
Gui, unless — and this is not impossible^ — it was a subsequent 
addition. We read that the candidate was interrogated upon the 
seven articles of faith, that is to say, he was asked whether he 
believed : — 

1. In a God, in three persons, one in nature. 

2. In a God, Creator of all things, visible and invisible. 

266 The Waldenses of Italy. 

3. In the Divine promulgation of the law of Moses on Mount 

4. In the incarnation of the Son of God in the Virgin's 

5. In the election of the Holy Church. 

6. In the Resun-ection of the Body . 

7. In the Judgment to come. 

The other articles of the Creed are not mentioned.^""^ The 
candidate was further questioned upon the seven Sacraments. As 
to the vows required of him, they are the thi-ee we already know : 
obedience, poverty, chastity,^*"** in addition to the two foUowiag 
pledges : When he shall be in prison or in danger of death, he 
shall not redeem his life or that of his brethren, by a false oath or 
any other mortal sin ; and he shaU not maintain with his kindred 
gi-eater relations of intimacy than those which unite him to his 

We now come to a third Sacrament assiduously practised by 
the Waldenses, namely, that of Penance. 

This Sacrament is in such perfect hannony with the character 
of the Waldensian reaction, that one might almost say, if it had 
not existed, the Waldenses would have invented it. At first 
they preached penitence, but without confession. The adminis- 
tration of this Sacrament, on the part of the Waldenses, marked 
one of the fii'st consequences of their breach with the clergy. 
They contented themselves with consecratiag it by religiously 
practising it. Many behoved that they had re-estabUshed it; 
they said that the power of the keys, lost by the Popes, had 
passed to Waldo. ^'""' Their notion of penance is already known 
by the quotations borrowed from then' writings. It was taken 
both from the Scripture and from tradition. Their sincere and 
rigorous confession was addressed to God, but it was far from 
excluding the office of the confessor, as some have thought. This 
office was subject to conditions and limited, according to the 
spirit of the Gospel, and certain liberal notions of the time, 
emanating fr'om the teaching of the Fathers. It was only re- 
formed. More than once the Waldenses profited by the maxims 
of Peter Lombard, in re-caUing the fact that the right of pardon- 
ing belongs to God alone, and that the office of the confessor 
consists on the one hand in pronouncing or declai-ing forgive- 
ness 5^'""' on the other, in directing by his evangelical councils the 

The Waldenses of Italy. 267 

soul that repents and prescribing the penance.^""* Between the 
Eomish confessional and the Waldensian conscience there was not 
the needful point of unity. Little by little the Waldenses had 
drawn themselves back; their faithful disciples, who were still 
seen going to the Priest it is true, but only in cases of necessity, 
or to elude the vigilance of the persecutors, acted in the same 
manner.^""^ Even in such cases they seldom confessed to the 
Priest any but venial sins.^"^" They usually said : It is better to 
confess to a pious layman than to an unworthy Priest.-'*'^^ More- 
over, a layman has as much power as anyone.^"^^ One of the 
reasons which urged penitents to confess to the Waldenses was 
that they were sure to be weU received. Then- confession was not 
more frequent than that of the Church ; it took place at least once 
a yeai-,^"^^ from childhood.^"^* It was serious, complete, sure, and 
efBcaeious.-'^''^^ The common people in the retired districts of 
Germany went so far as to attribute to it a species of magic 
virtue. A sin remitted by the Waldenses was remitted effectually ; 
the individual was as free from it as if he had just been born.^''^^ 
If anyone confessed to those holy men and died before the end of 
the year he was sure to go straight to heaven. ^"^^ The reason is 
because they are not ordained Hke others ; they received their 
authority from God;^"^* they received it from an angel from 
heaven. Every seven years they ascend thither, to listen to the 
voice of Divine wisdom, and receive the sacred seal of their 
mission. ^"^^ 

The form of Absolution varies. Two are known, of which 
one is used in France, the other in Germany. The first is the 
prerogative of the Bishop, to whom is reseiTed the right of com- 
plete absolution. When he absolves, says the Inquisitor Gui, he 
speaks thus : " God absolve thee from all thy sins. I enjoin 
upon thee contrition for thy sins until death, and the performance 
of such a penance. "^°^'* The second formula which has been pre- 
served is less summary. " May our Lord, who forgave Zaccheus, 
Mary Magdalene and Paul, who delivered Peter from his bonds, 
and Martha and other penitent women, deign to remit thy sin 
The Lord bless and keep thee, the Lord make His face to shine 
upon thee, and be gracious unto thee, the Lord lift up His coun- 
tenance upon thee and give thee peace. And may the peace of 
God, which passeth all understanding, keep thy heart and mind 
in Jesus Christ. Blessed be thou by God the Father, and the 

268 Thk Waldenses of Italy. 

Son, and the Holy Spirit. Amen."^"^^ During absolution, the 
confessor probably laid his hand upon the head of the penitent.^"^^ 

Penance, always rigorous, was sometimes excessive. ^"^^ It 
cjnsisted of fasting and prayer. ^**^* We are ah-eady aware that 
by prayer we must here understand the repetition of the Lord's 
Prayer. It was prescribed for every day, especially for Sunday .^"^^ 
The Ave Maiia, on the contrary, never was; it was only tolerated, 
and the reason is already known. As to fasting, the Waldenses 
in France observed it as follows : Mondays and Wednesdays, 
semi-fasts, not excluding the use of meats ; Fridays and part of 
Lent, strict fasting, not for conscience's sake — for Christ does not 
command fasting — but in order not to give office.'^"^^ Their 
brethren of Lombardy seem to have followed an analogous custom, 
perhaps more rigid.^"^^ On Fridays they fasted on bread and water, 
except in cases of toil, journeying, or sickness. They also fasted 
on Saturday.^"^* The confessor, although strict, ^"^^ had regard to 
the health of the penitent ; sometimes the use of a Httle wine or 
light beer was permitted.'^"'" Of com-se, there was no con- 
fessional ; nevertheless confession was seldom heard but in secret ; 
generally in the hospitable house where the minister lodged, and 
in which the meetings were held.^"'^ 

Finally, the Waldenses attached a great importance to the 
Sacrament of the Eucharist. 

This Sacrament also underwent at their hands a beginning 
of reform. Of a truth, they professed to believe in the dogma of 
transubstantiation, which was several centm-ies old ; this profes- 
sion is common to the Waldenses of France and those of Lom- 
bardy. We have seen that their differences had no reference to 
the dogma itself ; they disagreed in their manner of explaining it. 
According to the Waldenses of France, transubstantiation is the 
result of the magical virtue inherent in the sacramental words ; 
or it depends upon the ofiBcial character of the priest ; or again, 
upon the aU-powerful mediation of the God-Man. Their brethren 
of Lombardy emphasize this latter causation without admitting it 
to be sufficient. In their opinion it matters but little whether 
the celebrant be consecrated or not ; he must, above all, be a good 
man, inasmuch as God does not answer the prayers of the wicked. 
Such are the diversities of opinion which entail a certain difference of 
practice. The sacramental consecration was accepted even from 
laymen, almost the same as baptism.^"'^ The holier the celebrant 

The Waldenses op Italy. 269 

was, from the point of view of the Churcli, tlie more his moral 
authority seemed to be questioned.^"'' Nevertheless, amid all this 
discussion, there was no apparent doubt of the reality of the 
transubstantiatiou. Was it always and everywhere thus ? Cer- 
tainly not. A doubt soon arose, not only among a group of 
Waldenses of Alsace, evidently influenced by notions that were 
foreign to their dissidence,^"'* but also in Germany.^"'^ It found a 
form quite ready to embody it, in the symbolic interpretation 
adopted by the Cathari. More than one Inquisitor tells us that, 
in their meetings, the Waldenses celebrated this Sacrament by 
reciting the consecrated words, and they administered it one 
to another, as at the Last Supper.^"'* The cup was then beginning 
to be withdrawn ; but the Waldenses retained it.^"'' Let us now 
go back to the manner in which this rite was celebrated among 
them in the beginning, that is to say, in the XIII. century. 

" The Poor of Lyons," we read, " celebrated their mass once • 
a year, namely, on Holy Thursday. At night-fall he who pre- 
sides, if he have received the order of priesthood, gathers 
around him all the members of his family,^"'* of both sexes ; he 
causes a bench or a box to be set up before them, which is covered 
v?ith a clean table cloth, upon which are placed a lai-ge glass of 
pure wine and an unleavened loaf of bread.^"'^ Then he who 
presides says : ' Let us pray that God in His mercy may pardon 
our sins and transgressions, and deign to answer our prayers ; to 
this end we wiU repeat the Lord's prayer seven times, to the glory 
of God and the Holy Trinity.' Whereupon all kneel and say the 
Lord's Prayer seven times ; then they rise. Afterwards, he who 
consecrates makes the sign of the Cross over the bread and the 
cup, and, after having broken the bread, he gives a piece to each ; 
then he passes the cup to all. They remain standing during the 
whole time of the celebration ; and this closes their act of sacri- 
fice. They firmly believe and confess that it is the body and blood 
of our Lord Jesus Christ.^^*" If aught of the sacrifice remains 
nnconsumed, they keepittiUEaster and finish eating it on that day. 
If anyone present ask permission to receive it, they give it to him. 
For the space of one year, they give nothing to their sick but con- 
secrated bread and wine.^"*^ Such was originally the custom of 
the Poor of Lyons, or Waldenses, before division came in among 

270 The Waldenses of Italy. 

Tbe following deductions luive been drawn from tMs testimony: — 

The Waldenses of France did not celebrate the sacrament of 
the Eucharist more than once a year, on Maundy Thursday. This 
celebration embraced only the regular members of the primitive 
community. Nevertheless, other persons were permitted to attend, 
even to participate, if any of the consecrated elements remained. 
The consecration of the elements implied transubstantiation. It 
was performed by a Priest, and, as a rale, by the chief of the 
community, if in holy orders. The blessed bread and wine, which 
was distributed during the rest of the year, must not be confounded 
with the consecrated elements ; they evidently differed. Finally, 
this form of celebration is the one that was in use in the com- 
munity at its commencement, that is to say, before the separation. 
It would appear that the Brethren of Lombardy did not retain it.^"*' 

Such was apparently the rule ; but it had exceptions. In this 
case again, the Priest was dispensed with, if necessary ; that is to 
say, when the choice lay between a Priest suspected of mercenary 
motives and a good layman.^"** Then the communion was handed 
from one to the other.^'^^ The form therefore, we see, varied. 
Some, we read, celebrated their Easter communion as follows : — 
One of them took an unleavened loaf, and placed it upon a little 
board ; beside it he placed a wooden spoon with some water. 
After having pronounced the benediction, he communicated and 
passed the elements on to the others. "When the ceremony was 
finished, both the board and the spoon were thrown into the fire.^*^^ 
It is true, confesses here the anonymous narrator, that this fashion 
is not much liked ; it is repugnant even to most of the Waldensian 
teachers, who desire either to communicate in the Church or to 
go without communion during entire years. In such case, they 
hide themselves so as not to be noticed.'"'' Besides, aU Waldenses 
do not wait for Holy Thiursday to communicate. The custom 
was general, we grant, but it did not in any case exclude 
frequent, even daily, communion, if opportunity should offer.^**^ 
Still, we are not quite free from doubt on this point. Is it not 
possible that the narrator confounded the Eucharistic communion, 
properly so-called, with that of the blessed bread ? This brings 
us to this last rite ; let us try to understand it. 

How is this custom of the blessed bread explained ? Thus 
far, no satisfactory reason for its use has been assigned. It must 
be acknowledged that the allusions to this subject, presented by 

The Waldenses op Italy. 271 

our sources of information, are few and obscure.^"*^ This bread not 
Deing that of the Communion proper, does it not have some refer- 
ence to the benedicite pronounced at meals ? That custom is 
l[nown to have come, Hke so many others, from the Cathari. " It 
yas the intention of those who first took part in them, that these 
repasts should be a renewal of the love-feasts of the early Christians, 
and symboHze, not the participation in the benefits of the death of 
Christ, but the oneness of the brotherhood existing among all the 
members of the sect. Where the perfect were numerous and 
eould frequently visit their faithful members, they blessed bread 
for them, in sufl&cient quantity that they might partake of some 
every day. In the times of persecution, when the perfect were 
obhged to conceal themselves, and could not make their rounds, 
excepting at rare intervals, this custom must have undergone some 
modification ; blessed bread was at such periods eaten only on 
solemn occasions, especially at the feasts of Christmas and 
Easter ; faithful messengers carried it into the towns and villages 
to the believers, and the latter preserved it religiously. It was 
then no longer necessary to eat it in common, in order to celebrate 
a love-feast ; a bit of it was taken in secret, iq commemoration of 
admission into the community of believers, and of the fideHtyowed 
to the Goodmen and their Church.^"'" So much we know concern- 
ing the practice amongst the Cathari ; that this rite should have 
passed from them to the Waldenses is not at all surprising.^^'^ 
Only, amongst the Waldenses, the blessed bread does not take the 
place of the Eucharist, either because they attached a different 
dogmatic interpretation to it, or because they still hesitated to set 
themselves up as a separate sect. Meanwhile, the use of the 
blessed bread constitutes the first deviation. From this to the 
reformed Eucharist is no great stride. 

Such are the various modifications imported by the Waldenses 
into the observance of the Sacraments. 

We see, by what has been said, that the religious life of the 
Waldenses, Hke their historical tree, has its various ramifications. 
It is, for instance, impossible to identify the original reaction which 
spread over GaUic soil with that which had its source in Lom- 
bardy, and from thence sprang up again under a difierent 
form in Switzerland, Alsatia, Swabia, and Austria. Moreover, 
those different forms became more marked during the controversy 
with the dominant Church. 

272 The Waldenses of Italy. 

The Poor of Lyons were dissenters and not schismatics. As 
a matter of fact, they did not invite the faithful to shake off the 
yoke of the Eomish Church. They recognised the right of the 
clergy to administer the Sacraments, with the idea that their 
flocks might derive the benefit thereof.^*"' It has been claimed 
that the Waldenses even exhorted their hearers to frequent the 
Church and pay their tithes to it.^"" That may have occasion- 
ally been the case, in order not to provoke too inconvenient 
reprisals, and we admit the fact ; still when it becomes a question 
of arguing on their own account, do they not cast a doubt upon the 
moral authority of the Catholic priesthood'"'" — the Popes as well 
as the Prelates P^"'^ They go even further; they betray no 
anxiety about being excommunicated,^"*" any more than about 
their decrees and statutes. ^"^' They have very good reason for 
this ; in that the Romish Church clergj- have dech'ned to accept 
apostoHc poverty. That is the crime, the mortal sin, which renders 
their authority vain and their priesthood of none effect ; so much 
so that, according to popular opinion, instead of feeding souls they 
would do better to go and feed swine.'"'*' Here we find a decided 
advance made since the conference of Bergame. But this some- 
what plain spoken language did not always entail corresponding 
results. The Waldenses consider themselves the Church within 
the Church ; reform may be possible without schism, if not in the 
head, at least in the members. This remark is particularly 
applicable to the Waldenses of France. Those of Lombardy and 
other countries were less patient ; their protest rose up against 
the Church in outspoken indignation. The Romish Church, say 
they, is no longer the Church of Jesus Christ, but the Church of 
the wicked, the beast and the whores, described in the Apoca- 
lypse.^"*' It is weU to go out of her, for she is only governed by 
Scribes and Pharisees ; whosoever obeys them shall be damned.^""" 
We are the Church of Christ, and he who would be saved must 
follow us.^""^ The authority of the Chm-ch of Rome is null and 
void ; the Pope has lost the right to palm himself off as successor 
to the Apostles, seeing that he has become the leader of the 
apostacy, and with him the entire hierai'chy, abeady smitten with 
the interdict, totters to its faU. After that, what have we to do 
with tithes, royalties, prebends, donations, legacies, privileges, 
immunities, dispensations, indulgencies, canonizations, vigils, 
litanies, legends, miracles, relics, feasts, dedications, consecrations. 

The Waldbnses of Italy. 273 

\candles, ashes, palms, fastings, Chrisms, purifications, pilgrimages, 
temples, water, salt, incense, mitres, chasubles, and the rest ?^'"^ 
Everything, even to the graves, is profaned by the benediction of 
)jaercenaries. It would be better to be buried in the open fields 
than in the cemetery, and we should prefer it if we were free.-'"^' 
How much money is wasted in ornaments which would be much 
Ijetter spent in benefitting the poor ? ^"^^ If we had a voice in the 
chapter, we would say to the Priests : Sluggards that ye are, earn 
your bread Hke other people,^""* instead of wasting your time at 
Church, after having frittered it away in the seminary. ^"^^ AU 
their work consists in rendering the law of God of none effect, 
in order to estabHsh their traditions, after the manner of the 
Pharisees. ^**^'' The traditions, forsooth, sustain the prohibition of 
the seven mortal sins, whereas they should add the command- 
ments directed against lying, calumny, and swearing ; thus having 
ten precepts instead of aeven.^"^* Many others are got rid of for 
that matter. Are not violence and persecution a continual violation 
of divine laws ? Conscience ought not to be forced; but should 
be free.^"^' Then what shall we say of murder ? Have you the 
power of giving life ? No. Then that of taking it does not 
belong to you.^**™ Death makes ravages enough, when we consider 
that every sin is mortal ;^'''^ only a fool thinks he can rob it of its 
prey, by means of the mediations of Saints. As for us, we 
beHeve, as the Book of Ecclesiastes says : "In the place where 
the tree faUeth, there it shall be." The just have no need of 
mediations ; they do no good to the wicked. This being the 
case, of what use are the masses for the dead ? The mass ! The 
Apostles knew nothing of the kind.^"'^ All the display made there, 
and aU the mutterings are but lies, in so far as they are not a 
rehearsal of the word of Christ ;^'"' but they hold to it, because 
it opens the money bags. What has become of the worship 
practised by the Apostles ? It has disappeared. Look at those 
images ; what idolatry is there ! They are not even ashamed of 
rendering homage to the infamous Cross upon which our Lord 
was nailed. They prostrate themselves here and there, kissing 
the hand of the Priest and the. foot of the Pope, as if they were 
more worthy than the Apostle Peter, or more holy than an angel 
from heaven. What is their singing ? Listen to that uproar ; 
one would take it to be the grunting of unclean animals — an 
infernal noise. The temple, which should be a house of prayer, 

274 The Waldenses of Italy. 

is but a house of stone, when it is not made of straw ;^'"* it would 
be better to pray in one's room, or even in a stable. Everything 
is falsified, even to the parochial definitions, which form the very 
basis of their ecclesiastic constitution. It is not just so to divide 
the land and the population.^"^^ As for us, we hold to the doctrine 
of Christ and His Apostles, whilst we ignore the statutes of the 
Church.^"'* General rule : everything that cannot be found in the 
Gospels ought to be repudiated. ^"^^ To be legitimate, the 
ordinances of the Church must date back at least to the day of 
Our Lord's Ascension ; otherwise, they should be regarded as 

Under these words we can trace the existence of a fire that was 
ready to burst forth. The struggle was certainly a serious one. 
What impetuosity there was on the one side ; still victory 
remained on the side of the fire and the stake. After the struggle 
came decadence. The reaction drew back ; it re-entered its 
original centre, that of dissidence, whilst approaching still nearer 
to that of France and the valleys of the Alps, which at fii-st 
seemed too conservative. It was, however, late in the day ; the 
ranks begin to waver ; they became visibly thinner, the bravest 
struggle in the shade, soon to disappear in the darkness of the 

We have now nearly reached the end of our review, so far as 
it relates to the early religious life of the Waldenses. Before 
closing our narrative let us glance back on the field we have just 
run hastily over. There are still many more facts to be gleaned. 
For instance, with reference to manners and customs. It is true 
that we have already spoken of the manners, but one point, 
and a very deUcate one, remains to be cleared up. 

The purity of morals amongst the Waldenses has been so 
generally recognized, that more than one judge of heresy testifies 
to it. We will quote, as an example, the testimony rendered by 
the Inquisitor of Passau : 

" They may be recognised by. their manners and discom-se. 
These are sober and modest ; they avoid pride in their dress, 
which is composed of materials neither valuable nor worthless. 
They have nothing to do with trade, as they have no vnsh to 
expose themselves to the necessity of lying, swearing, or cheating. 
They live by the work of their hands as journeymen. Then* very 
teachers are weavers and shoemakers.^"^' They do not accumu- 

The Waldenses of Italy. 275 

late wealth, but are content with what is needful for this life, 
hey are chaste, the Leonists especially,^"^" and moderate at their 
eals. They frequent neither taverns nor hall-rooms, not being 
find of that species of vanity ; they refrain from anger ; although 
always at work they find means to study or teach ; therefore 
they pray but little.-'"^^ They go to church, participate in the 
worship, confess, communicate and attend preaching, but for a 
purpose, namely to criticise the preacher.^"*^ They are also 
known by their discourse, which is both sober and modest.^"^^ 
They avoid speaking evil of anyone and abstain from all foolish or 
idle conversation, as from lying. They do not swear ; they do 
not even use the expressions " verily " or " certainly," or anything 
of the kind, for, in their estimation, such are equivalent to 

That is no portrait [to be lightly esteemed. It is clearly 
enough limned. We must now try to account for a villainous 
calumny, which is in strong contrast with what we have just 
read, as well as with all that we know regarding the morals and 
manners of the Waldenses. 

Certain suspicions were thrown out with respect to their meet- 
ings, quite hon-ible enough to be simply ridiculous, if they had 
not been at the same time infamous. In short, more than one 
Catholic writer says, that at a given moment the lights were put out, 
and this, they add, was the signal agreed upon for misdeeds that shall 
be nameless.^"^^ This foul calumny has been so often repeated, that 
it is our desire to have it looked into. For this purpose let us 
draw a distinction between the source of, and the occasion that 
gave rise to, such reports. The source is hatred and prejudice, 
those two eyes of the spirit of fanaticism, which has from time 
immemorial been the demon of a dominant state religion. The 
early Christians fell victims to it. "It was said that at the love- 
feasts which they attended, accompanied by their mothers and 
sisters, on a given signal the lights were put out, and adultery 
and incest were committed in the darkness. "^"^^ The slander is 
therefore an old one, but so much the more tenacious, and agaiast 
it the apologists of that period had to defend themselves.^"*' When 
the reins of dominion passed into the hands of the Catholic 
Church, her priests repeated the old calumny, with a thousand 
other errors and prejudices having the same origin. From that 
time till now the same calumny has been uttered against the most 

276 The Waldenses of Italy. 

varied sects ; but for their wickedness there can be no excuse. It 
is true that certain Gnostic sects of the early period may have 
given reason for a suspicion of immoral practices. When we see, 
however, that — for iustance, with reference to the Cathari — ^this 
suspicion is perpetuated without the least proof being adduced 
in support of it, and that eveiy movement of reform is attacked in 
the same way, must we not conclude that the vinis of Pagan 
intolerance has entered into and vitiated the blood of the Cathohe 
priesthood ? The history of the Waldenses, which presents many 
similarities to that of the early Christians, recalls this fact to 
our minds in the matter under consideration. The old calumny is 
uttered against them in order to avenge ofBcial worship upon those 
w)io denounced the vices and scandals of its Priests. 
Such was the cause, and the occasion is as foUows : — 
The Waldenses met in secret, protected by darkness. They 
lighted a lamp, and often after the reading was ended the light 
was extiaguished, lest it might attract the attention of the neigh- 
bours. How many a time has the dim little taper been extin- 
guished in the middle of a meeting, upon the slightest signal of 
alann ! Sometimes it was not even lighted. We are not invent- 
ing ; the Inquisitors themselves tell us so. Says one of them : 
" The preaching being over, they kneel for prayer, and they some- 
times, if there be a light, put it out, so as not to be seen or 
surprised by anyone from without."^*'*'* The timid were impressed 
by this ; at times even — if they were novices — ^firightened.^"^ 
Thus, there is contemporary assurance on this point as to the 
reasons for the practice, and, indeed, they were quite understood. 
It must not be supposed that the Inquisitors, because of this, 
withdrew the opprobrious slander. No ; it was not without its 
use to them.^*"" Still, they do not know how to prop it up ; vyit- 
nesses are lacking, or else they contradict themselves ; more than 
once they are procured from amongst suspicious, unscrupulous 
persons, ten-oiized by tortm-e,^"'^ or influenced by the hope of 
escaping it, if not by the allurement of some reward. In any case 
such witnesses are not in any way entitled to credit. Indeed, an 
Inquisitor declares explicitly that he does not believe any such 
villainous stories about the Waldenses. He says: " They assem- 
ble particularly at night, duriug the hour of sleep, in order more 
freely to indulge in their iniquitous rites. It is .said, that after 
they have extinguished the lights, Ihey aU give themselves up to 

The Waldenses of Italy. 277 

fornication ; but I do not believe this can be said of this sect ; and 
ofia truth, I have never heard any such report from the lips of 
trustworthy persons."""^ Moreover, calumny did not end there. 
It 1 asserted by the mouth of gossips, that ridiculous animals made 
their appearance, and even the devil himself, to whom worship 
was rendered. Really, an immense amount of credulity and 
depravity must have been required to believe such fables. By 
some these old slanders, with new ones added, are still believed.'^"'^ 

Meanwhile we call attention to the fact that the purity of 
Waldensian manners was attested by the testimony of those most 
interesting in discrediting it. Of course they take some excep- 
tions, for are they not theologians ? To hear them one would 
think they held a brief from Satan himself. Instead of concluding 
that the tree could not be evil which bore the fruit- of such good 
manners they do just the contrary. They say the 'manners of 
the Waldeuses present a double aspect : on the one hand, there 
are their relations toward men ; on the other their relations to- 
ward Grod. The former, the only visible one, is luminous ; the 
latter is in the darkness of heresy. Here, therefore, is the 
reality which is falsehood ; there the outward show, which is 
hypocrisy.^"'* In this way the devil gets his full share, thanks to 
the subtle metaphysics of the Inquisitors. As far as we are con- 
cerned their deductions are of very little importance. Their 
testimony is of value, only in as far as it bears upon outward life. 
Now this testimony is such that the highest praise has, with 
justice, been found underlying it.^"^^ Criticism, which has 
searched so much, has found nothing of a nature to attentuate 
this. If anyone does so, it is the Waldenses themselves, as vrill 
be further seen in their confession to the fathers of the Reforma- 
tion, humility being one of the attributes of their religious life. 

We shall now add a few more details about Waldensian cus- 
toms. The early Waldenses, as we have seen, were distinguished 
by a particular costume. They wore a woollen tunic,^°^^ a cloak 
and a particular kind of shoes.^""^ They cut the upper part of 
these latter, so as to recall the apostolic use of sandals,^""*' and 
marked them with a sign resembling a shield, on account of which 
they were called Ensabates or Insabbatati.^"*^ They were like the 
Nazarenes in respect that they wore their beards and their hair long. 
A monk, whose halting jests have been already noticed, mocks at 
them in his own fashion. He says : " They find it more con- 

'278 The Waldenses of Italy. 

■venient to cross the straps of thek sandal than to crucify their 
members ; they crown not their head but their shoes. "^^''** That 
sign was, however, a cross in the days of the persecution. Little 
by little it disappeared, stiU not before the end of the XTTT. 
•centuiy.^^"^ Persecution obliged the Waldenses to exercise much 
prudence and even shrewdness ; they travelled mostly by night, 
often cai-rying disguises with them in case of need, in order to 
circumvent spies and to be able to disappear, or to pass unper- 
ceived from one house to another. ^^"^ One day one of their leaders 
was arrested. He had enough upon him to rival Proteus, says an 
Inquisitor.^^"* If he had been once seen, he quickly changed his 
costume. At one time he would be dressed as a pilgrim, at 
another as a penitent ; one day he was a shoemaker, another a 
barber, a reaper, or a bowyer.^'^'** The object of the Waldenses 
in thus disguising themselves was not merely to escape danger ; 
they frequently only desii-ed to disarm prejudice and gain a more 
ready ac?ess as missionaries ; in such cases they assumed the roU 
of pedlars. An Inquisitor has given us such a faithful description 
of one of their visits, that we can almost imagine ourselves to be 
present. The scene is laid on the confines of Austria and 

" They endeavom- to insinuate themselves into the intimacy 
of noble families, and then- cunning is to be admired. At first 
they offer some attractive merchandise to the gentlemen and 
ladies — some rings, for instance, or veils. After the purchase, 
if one ask the merchant : Have you anything else left to ofier us ? 
The latter will reply : I have stones more precious than those 
giems ; ^^"^ I should be veiy willing to give them to you, if yon 
will promise that I shall not be betrayed to the clergy. Being 
assured on this point he will add : I have one peaii so brilliant, 
that with it any man may leam to know God ; I have another so 
resplendent that it kindles the love of God in the heart of 
whoever possesses it.^^**^ And' so on; of coui-se he speaks of 
pearls in a figurative sense. After that he will recite some 
passage of Scripture, such as that of Luke : ' The angel Gabriel 
was sent,' etc., or some words used by om* Saviom-, like those 
beginning thus : ' Before the feast,' etc.'^"* When he begins to 
fix the attention of his hearer, he will add : ' The Scribes and 
Pharisees sit in Moses' seat,' etc., or: 'Woe unto you Scribes 
and Pharisees, hypocrites, for ye shut up the kingdom of heaven 

The Waldenses of Italy. 279' 

against men ; for ye neither go in yourselves, neither suffer ye 
them that are entering to go in '; or else : ' Beware of the 
Scribes who devour widows' houses, and for a pretence make 
long prayers. '^^'" The listener will then ask : To whom are 
these imprecations addressed ? He answers : To the Priests 
and Monks. ^^^^ Then the heretic compares the condition of the 
Eomish Church with that which concerns his party. Your teachers, 
says he, are fastidious in their dress and manners ; they like the 
chief places at feasts and to be called masters, Eabbi, Rabbi t 
We do not look for such Rabbis.^^^^ They are incontinent ; 
while each one of us has his wife and lives in chastity with her.^^^^ 
They are those rich men and misers of whom it is said : ' Woe 
to you that are rich, for ye have already received your consolation.' 
As for us, we are content if we have food and raiment. They are 
those voluptuaries to whom it is said : ' Woe to you who devour 
widows' houses,' etc. We, on the contrary, satisfy our own needs, 
in one way or another. They fight, stir up wars, cause the poor 
to be kUled and burned ; of them it is written : ' Whoever kills 
with the sword shall be killed by the sword.' We, on the 
contrary, suffer persecution at their hands, for justice's sake. 
They eat the bread of idleness, like drones. We, on the contrary, 
work with our own hands. They wish to be the only teachers ; 
thus it is said of them : ' Woe unto you who have taken away the 
key of knowledge,' etc.^"'^ With us, the women teach like the 
men, and a disciple of seven days' standing teaches another. 
Among them it is rare that a doctor of divinity is able to repeat 
by heart, and word for word, three consecutive chapters of the 
New Testament ; while with us it is seldom you can find any 
man or woman unable to recite the text in the vulgar tongue. 
And because we have the real faith in Christ, and all of us teach 
a pure and holy doctrine, the Scribes and Pharisees persecute 
us to death, as, indeed, they did Christ himself.^^^* Besides, 
those people talk and do not act ; they bind burdens that are 
heavy and grievous to be borne, and lay them upon men's 
shoulders, but they themselves will not touch them with one of 
their fingers. As for us, we practice all that we teach.^'-^' They 
endeavour to observe human traditions rather than Divine 
precepts ; they observe fast-days, feast-days, and go to Church, 
bound as they are by the rales prescribed by men. For us it 
suffices to persuade men to observe the doctrine of Christ and 

■280 The Waldenses of Italy. 

His Apostles.'"^ So, too, they load the penitent with very heavy 
punishments, which they do not touch ^vith a finger. We, on the 
contrary, following the example of Christ, say to the sinner : 
Go and sin no more, and we remit their sins by the laying on of 
hands.^^^' In the hour of death we send souls to heaven ; but 
they send them all to hell. After this conversation, the heretic 
says to his listener : Now see which is the most perfect religion — 
the purest faith — ours or that of the Romish Church ? think the 
matter over and make your choice. ^^^* Once turned aside from 
the CathoHc faith by such en-ors, om- members leave us. Anyone 
who credits these heretics begins to favour and defend them ; 
he conceals the man in his house for months together, and in this 
way becomes initiated in all that concerns then- sect." 

Here we have a truthful story, simple and chai-ming. There 
now only remains for us to discover to what class the personage, 
thus placed before us, belongs. Some have thought it was a 
Bai-be.^^" But let us not forget that we are neither in the valleys 
of the Alps, nor on the road to Calabria, and that this appeai-s to 
have been a married man. Was he a hawker? Some have 
thought and still think so.''^^" At any rate, we have here a Wal- 
densian, such as many were, bom to evangelize, just as the 
Dominicans were bom to hunt heretics — without consecration, 
perhaps without salary, without any obligation of reporting to 
superiors, but none the less zealous. The zeal of such a man is 
capable of anything. A river intervenes to prevent one like him 
from arriving promptly at the hamlet where he is expected ; winter 
though it be, he swims across."^^ 

It is true that with all their zeal, the missionaiies generally 
limited their efforts to seeking for the scattered sheep, in 
order to lead them to the fountain of life, and to feed them 
with the reading of Holy Writ. Of com-se they are reproached 
for this. If you be right, why do you hide ? it is asked. Come 
out of your retreat ; cast aside your modest, itinerant mission, and 
come out into the full light of day ; preach to the scandalous 
sinners. But no, you prefer to go to those who ai'e peaceful, 
gentle, and quiet.^^^^ The answer was easy. How can we preach 
publicly, when we are pointed out as heretics, and hunted down 
like wild beasts ?"^' That is not a mere excuse, but the real truth. 
Under such circumstances, not only did they avoid exciting 
attention, but they seldom assembled, and even then in small 

The Waldenses of Italy. 281 

numbers,"^' and witli a thousand precautions. Before beginaing^ 
tbey made sure there was no suspected person present.^i^*^ More- 
over, there were several ways whereby the faithful recognised each 
other, especially in the manner of shaking hands. ^^^^ It is evident 
that all had not a vocation for addressing multitudes. Many 
acknowledged this frankly."" If opportunity offered, the Waldenses 
were not slow in seizing it. They were then seen disputing in 
the public square, preaching everywhere, even upon the roofs, and 
the judges of heresy were aware of it.^^^^ Surely, if the Reforma- 
tion did not take place before Luther came, it was not their fault. 

Such was, in general, the condition of the religious life of the 
Waldenses during the early period. 

Upon reading the foregoing, a doubt may have arisen in the 
mind of more than one of our Waldensian readers. We can well 
understand it. Having been accustomed to read romance rather 
than history upon the subject, certain details have seemed to him, 
if not new, at least somewhat odd, and at any rate inexhaustive. 
He feels somewhat hurt, and suspects us of concealment. The 
silence we have thus far maintained, regarding the particular con- 
dition of religious life in the valleys of the Alps, appears to him 
suspicious. Upon seeing the principles and practices of the 
ancient Waldenses, scattered in France, Alsace, Lombardy, Ger- 
many, and Austria, as it were unfolded before him, he has said : 
That sheds no Hght upon the faith of my ancestors, properly 
so-called, and there is nothing to prevent my believing that they 
professed in those valleys the good apostolic tradition which 
remained unchanged, notwithstanding the lapse of centuries. 
What is said concerning our ultramontane co-religionists, and even 
concerning those of Lombardy, is surely interesting to us ; but it 
could not apply to us, the more so that they did not always agree 
on every point. If we have seen the Waldenses of France holding 
fast their sentiments, upon certain secondary practices, in opposition 
to their brethren of Lombardy, we may be permitted to conclude 
that our ancestors also had something to hold fast. 

Now, that is what we are anxious to know. 

This objection serves our purpose, for it gives us the opportu- 
nity of returning to our narrative to complete it, and justifies before- 
hand certain inevitable repetitions. Indeed, it must not be 
forgotten that our review of the religious life of the Waldenses has 
not come down to the XY. century. It has thus far only marked 

282 The Waldenses of Italy. 

the eai'ly and flourishing period. We still have before us the 
period of decadence, which precedes the Refonnation. Where 
shall we look for what is lacking in our sketch, if not in the 
Talleys of the Alps ? This will also be a means of bringing into 
reHef that too much ignored tradition of the more direct ancestors 
of the Waldenses of the Alps. 

This tradition has been established by the Inquisitors ; then 
by a Bishop of Turin ; finally, by one of the Barbes. We have 
but to record it, according to their testimony. That of the 
Inquisitors relates to the time of the Crusaders, and the j'ears 
immediately following, hence to the end of the XV. century. 

It will be remembered that Albert Catanee subjected the 
Waldenses to more than one examination. There were those who 
sealed their faith with maiiyrdom, others who were weak and 
recanted. There can be no doubt that this great Inquisitor 
founded the report upon his notes of the proceedings against them. 
From that report we shall borrow an interesting page. 

" These heretics, who do not excel either in knowledge or 
in mental endowments, do not cast any doubt upon the hidden 
mysteries of our religion, as for instance the procession of the 
Holy Spirit, concerning which very learned men have put forth 
very different opinions. Devoted to their vow of poverty, they 
have carried insanity and blindness to the point of denying to the 
Apostles, Martyrs, and others Saints, and to the Divine Majesty, 
the worship and homage which is their due. They think, indeed, 
that we ought not to build temples to God, nor sing his praises. 
Their scorn for the Saints is so great, that they believe their 
prayers to be of no benefit to mankind ; and therefore say we 
ought neither to invoke them, nor observe festivals in their 
honour. Finally, they endeavour to puU down several very legiti- 
mate institutions, which serve to maintain Christians in the 
fulfilment of their duty ; for they believe and preach as follows : — 

The Romish Church is a house of lies. 

Its decrees are worthless. 

Neither ordination, nor dignity, make a man a priest, but 
merit. Ordination and office count for nothing ; dignity being in 
proportion to moral goodness. 

The soul, after death, ascends straight to heaven, or descends 
into heU. 

The fire of purgatory exists nowhere. 

The Waldenses of Italy. 283 

Prayers for the dead are vain and superfluous, being only 
inventions created by tlie avarice of the clergy. 

The images of the Deity and Saints ought to be abohshed. 

Holy Water is ridiculous. 

Priests must lead a life of poverty, and be satisfied with ahns. 

The preaching of the Word of God must be free and accessible 
to all. 

No sin ought to be tolerated ; not even for the purpose of 
avoiding a greater evil. 

If anyone has committed a mortal sin, it is not necessary to 
obey him. 

Confirmation and Extreme Unction ought not to be numbered 
among the Sacraments of the Church. 

Baptism must be celebrated with clear water, without holy oil. 

The use of cemeteries is needless ; it was invented for the 
purpose of traffic. It matters little how the dead are buried. 

The temple of God is vast ; it embraces the whole creation, 
and to erect temples, monasteries and chapels, is an attempt to 
circumscribe His power, as if Divine goodness would be more 
propitious in them.^^^^ 

Ecclesiatical vestments, the decoration of the altars, cups, 
sacred vessels, all these have no significance as regards 

The Priest may consecrate and administer the body of Christ 
at all times and in all places. The Sacramental words are 

It is useless to invoke the mediation of the Saints, who reign 
with Christ in heaven ; for they Imow not what is going on ; they 
do not hear the prayers, and if they did, they could do nothing. 

Singing and the repetitions of Canonical hours, is but 
lost time. 

Work should be suspended only one day in seven, namely,, 
on Sunday. 

The solemn festivals dedicated to the Saints ought to be 

The fasts established by the Church are of no avail. 

Indulgences and censures should be looked upon as worthless.. 

Such are the dreams of the Poor of Lyons. Not content with 
propagating them in their little assemblies, they have the 
boldness to preach them and affirm them publicly .^^*' 

284 The Waldenses of Italy. 

It will be noticed that every one of these ai-ticles brings us 
back to the general tradition of the Waldenses, particularly to 
those of France. There is nothing in this detailed enumeration 
to indicate the slightest deviation. They are, furthermore, 
confirmed by the records of trials duiing the same period, 
concerning the Waldenses of Freyssinieres, a Barbe named 
Martin, arrested at Oulx, and a woman belonging to the diocese 
of Valence.^^^^ If we examine them with attention, this is what we 

Catanee is right when he obsei-ves that the Waldenses 
"throw no doubt upon the hidden mysteries," or dogmas, of the 
Cathohc religion. Metaphysics and theology, properly so-called, 
remain untouched. It is the doctrine of worship and others akin 
to it, that the priacipal divergences concern. Purgatory is rejected 
hecause it does not exist, except in this life,^^^^ inasmuch as it 
was invented by the avarice of the Priest.^^^^ Our fate is decided 
here below : after death, devotions will in no way change it.^^^* 
Worship belongs to God alone, as to the Creator ; ^^^' the Virgin 
Mary and the Saints being but creatures, have no share in it ; 
besides, is it not doubtful whether they hear our prayers ? At 
any rate help can come from God alone. ^^'^ What is to become 
of the Ave Maria ? Should it be repeated as a penance ? No : 
it is not a prayer like the Lord's Prayer, which being taught us 
of God, should suffice.^^^' Images are vain ;^^'^ as to festivals we 
must make a distinction. There are the festivals, properly so- 
called, which God has ordained, namely, Sunday and the festivals 
of Christmas, Easter, Ascension, and Pentecost. Of course we are 
bound to observe those ;^^'^ the others cannot be obligatory 
nor do they exclude work.^"" Everyone is free to act according 
to his own consience, but above all, let Sunday be observed ; 
whilst the memory of the Apostles or of any who are among the 
Saints may also be honoured.^"^ However, God is not in the 
Church more than elsewhere. He may be equally well prayed to 
at home, nay, even in a stable ; he is present everywhere.^^*^ The 
Romish Church has become a Babel, a Synagogue of Satan ;^^*^ 
it is the Church of the wicked.^^** The Prelates are worldly 
and lead scandalous lives,^^*' hence they are unsuited to their 
office ; for legitimate power in the Church of Chi-ist is always 
in proportion to the holiness of those who exercise it."*^ 
The oflice of the Romish clergy is therefore an empty for- 

The Waldbnsbs of Italy. 285 

mality ; its practices are worthless, and its holy water very 
harmless. ^^*' God blessed the waters from the beginning of 
creation, and He blesses them every year on Ascension Day, 
together with every one of His creatures. '^■'*'' Eain water is just as 
good.^^*' Aspersions are, therefore, matters of indifference, as 
well as the singing that accompanies them.'^°° If this be so, has 
the Church a right to tithes and offerings ? Certainly not. As 
for alms, we shall give them to the poor instead of handing them 
over to the curates. What matters it to us if these latter remon- 
strate ? Clerical censures affect us but little ; we are not bound 
to obey either the Church or her Prelates ; not even her Pope, 
for he is very far from being holy.^'^^'^ It is a long while since he 
usurped the power he is wielding ; since Sylvester, of blessed 
memory, there has been no true Pope.^^^^ Once we had the same 
ordinances : but the Priests having given themselves up to avarice 
and worldly vanities, we have been obliged to separate, in order to 
hold fast the rule of poverty.^^*' As we are not numerous, we live 
concealed, and for very good reasons ;^^°* but, whatever may be 
said, we are the Church of God,^^^^ and those who are not with 
us wLU go to perdition. ^^^* We are but a handful of people ; but 
it may be on our account that the world has not perished.^"' Our 
rule forbids all swearing,^^^* even mitigated oaths ;i"' it also con- 
demns the death penalty, except for the crime of killing a man.^i^" 
We recognize in our Barbes the power to bind and loose ; it is to 
them that we are bound to confess our sins ;"^^ that is to say, 
mortal sins.^^^^ In pronouncing absolution, the confessor lays his 
hand on the penitent's head.^^"' Penance consists in repeating the 
Lord's Prayer a certain number of times, '■^^'' without the Ave 
Maria ;^^^^ in fasting — not on Saints' days, nor after the Lenten 
j.^jeH66 — |jy^ Qjj ^jjg gyg Qf |}jg fgyj, gj-Qg^^ festivBls Rud of Sunday, 

and at any rate on Friday. ^^^' The Barbes do not receive the com- 
munion at Church any more than their flocks. They bless the 
bread, and that serves us as Eucharist. Their benediction is 
more effectual than ecclesiastic consecration. This latter is null and 
void ;^^^* hence we desire no communion with Catholics. We avoid 
also uniting ourselves with them in the holy bonds of matrimony,^^^^ 
were it only out of respect for this last Sacrament, which is not 
badly kept in the nest of the Alps.^^'" 

If all this be true, how can we believe certain confessions of 
abominable practices, attributed to the Waldenses of Freyssini- 

286 The Waldbnses of Italy. 

eres/^'^ and even to Barbe Martin ?*"^ The veiy form of these 
confessions betrays, first of all, a contradiction,^^^^ and then an 
absurditT.^^""* Let us not forget that a few years later the Wal- 
denses did take notice of this cynical slander in order, in a letter 
to King Ladislas, to denounce it, complaining that an inquiry was 
not granted them.^^''^ No, there can be no doubt ; those infamous 
stories are the last resort of a clergy which avenges itself in its 
own fashion upon those who did not lay bare the corrupt practices 
of the priests to laugh at them, but to place in juxtaposition to 
them a pm-e Ufe. It is true that thereby the scandal was rendered 
more publicly outrageous, and the clergy more and more hateful 
and unpopular. 

So much having been determined, we must note a few histori- 
cal details concerning Barbe Martin. 

His father was named Girondin. From Spoleto, where he 
ordinarily resided, he had more than once visited the valleys of 
the Alps, in the capacity of a Barbe, preaching and hearing con- 
fession from village to viUage."'" To him Martin owed his 
early religious instruction."^' This was carried on, by some other 
Bai-bes, belonging to the little to^ii of Camerino, one of whom was 
named Barnovo, and another Josue. Martin had accompanied 
them several times on their missionai-y tours, and eventually he 
was one day brought to the great teacher Jean Antoine, who 
lived in Cambro, on the territory belonging to the Pope.^^'^* He was 
consecrated Barbe, and on the occasion, as was customary, 
exchanged his baptismal name for that of Martin. This is the 
way the ordination took place. When a Barbe is consecrated, 
Martin writes, the Master assembles a few other Barbes, and the 
candidate is required to swear as follows : " You, so-and-so, swear 
upon your faith to maintain, multiply, and increase our law, and to 
betray it to no one in tbe world ; you promise in no wise to 
swear, to observe the Sabbath, and to do to no one that which you 
would not have them do unto you ; .finally, that you believe in 
God, who made heaven and earth.""" When the candidate had 
taken this oath, the great Master handed him a cup, and at that 
moment, he assigned a new name to him, saying : " Henceforth 
thou shalt be called thus.""*" It is on this occasion, the accused 
adds, that I received the name of ]\Iartin, in lieu of my former one 
of Francois, for this ceremony takes the place of baptipm."*i 
We learn furthermore, that Martin's co-religionists bore several 

The Waldenses of Italy. 287 

names ; beyond the mountains in France, they were called Poor 
of Lyons ; on this side simply the Poor.^^*^ He had set out that 
year, with a companion named Barbe Andre. They visited 
Genoa, Nice, Acqui, and Vivarais, as well as several districts of 
France ; they held a C ouncil in Lyons, with six other Barbes, 
and saw on their way home a goodly number of Waldenses in the 
mountains of Valence and the neighbourhood of Embrum and Gap. 
In the month of March last, Martin adds, we met near Acqui, 
three persons, refugees from Dauphiny, whence they had been 
exiled, who recognised us by our cloaks. "^^ We spoke of our 
business, they said they were waiting for pardon to re-enter their 
home, and continue as in the past. . . To return to my 
narrative, it happened that on my retm-n from Lyons, with 
another Barbe, named Pierre, we arrived at Oulx. As we were 
crossing the mountain, towards Pragelas, we were arrested. 

Did you know that there were people of your sect there ? 

We were told so, so we thought of utilizing our ministry in 
favour of the Waldenses.^^** 

The two Barbes, just mentioned, were not the only ones who 
has been seen arriving in the valleys of the Alps about the same 
time. A woman tells us that she received some into her house, 
while her late husband, Pierre FomTiier, was living. One day 
she saw two of them,^'^*^ who from their speech would have been 
taken for foreigners, for they spoke Italian or Lombard; and 
they were dressed in grey.^^*^ Her husband lodged them " for 
the love of God." After supper one of them pulled out a little 
book from his pocket, stating that this book contained the 
Gospel together with the precepts of the law, and that he was 
about to expound it to all present : that he had a mission from 
God for the reformation of the Catholic faith, and that to this end 
he went about the world after the manner of the Apostles, 
preaching quietly the mode of serving, God and observing his 
commandments. Thereupon he began to read :^^*'' 

" What was their name ?" 

" I do not know." 

" Have you seen them since ?" 

"It is twenty -five years since I saw them for the first time; 
I may have seen them altogether nine or ten times ; not always at 
my house, however." 

" Did you often confess to those men ?" 

288 The Waldenses of Italy. 

" Every time that we received them at our house ; therefore 
four or five times. When they went away they sometimes gave 
us some needles, and my husband gave them some little money 
for their trouble."ii"s 

" How much, do you know ?" 

" I did not see it counted." 

" Did you not hear these heretics preach at Barillonne ?" 

" Yes, some ten years ago. My husband and I were visiting 
a relative, named Jean Favre. We lodged at his house. One 
evening we went to call upon his brother, Monnet Favre, and lo ! 
we found there our two preachers with the assembled family. 
Monnet, who was not expecting to see us, was quite put out. This 
was so evident that we soon withdrew." 

" What did the preachers say ?" 

" Nothing." 

" Did they discontinue their preaching on your arrival ?" 


According to these different testimonies we must conclude 
that the Chief of the Barbes at that time usually resided in 
Southern Italy.^^*° He presided at their ordination,^^'" assigning 
to each one a new name ;^^'^ finally, after the example of our 
Lord, he sent them out, two by two, to preach repentance and feed 
the scattered sheep of persecuted Israel in the valleys of the Alps, 
in Liguria, Puglia, and other localities.^^'^ 

These somewhat lengthy details — but of importance here — 
briag us to this two-fold conclusion : first, dissent in the valleys 
of the Alps during the XV. century, is connected with that of the 
early Waldenses, whom we' know ; secondly, it shows a certain 
fusion — already noticed^^^' — with the Cathari.^-'^* The influence 
of these latter upon the Waldensian rule had been sufficiently 
marked to induce the Cathari in theii- turn to yield more than one 
poiat. One would think their dualism had gradually become 
melted down by the fire of the Crusades and the stakes. The 
fusion was complete ; the name, place, and future were all left to 
the Waldenses. The population thinned and partially dispersed, 
ebbed away in different directions, especially towards Calabria ; 
but at the time of the visit of the Brethren of Bohemia they had 
already got together again, and from the writings which emanated 
from them, we have seen that the faith of their fathers was far 
from being extinguished.^"^ A few more years, and we approach 

The Waldenses of Italy. 289 

the Reformation. Luther had just boldly proclaimed his theses ; 
and a broken-down Savoyard Prelate, at the end of his days — for 
he had served the French monarchy under three of its kings — 
had risen to the Ai-chiepiscopal see of Turin. This was Claude 
of Seyssel. Though he did not visit the Waldenses, he made 
some inquiries concerning them, examined their doctrine, and 
undertook to discuss it in a treatise that was posthumously pub- 
lished in 1520."^^ What did he find to reproach them with ? This 
point has been studied by Jacques Cappel, " minister of the Holy 
Gospel and professor of theology in the Church and Academy of 
Sedan.""'' He takes up the Archbishop's complaints in order ; 
it must suf&ce us to sum them up.^^'^ 

The Waldenses accept only the contents of the Old and New 
Testament. They hold that the Pontiffs and- Priests with their 
doctrines and commentaries have attacked the authority of the 
Scriptures. Tithes, first fruits, consecrations of churches, indul- 
gences, benedictions, holy water — all are condemned as of human 
invention ; even the mediations also, for, say they, " Christ is 
fully sufficient for all persons and things. "^^'* Moreover, the 
saints do not know what is going on here below. Images and the 
sign of the Cross are destestable. It is idle to repeat the Ave 
Maria, as it is not a prayer, but a simple salutation. Marriage is 
permissible in all cases, except those of immediate consanguinity. 
Purgatory does not exist ; everything done to deUver souls from 
it is labour lost and absurd. The Priests have not the power of 
forgiving sins ; this belongs to every Christian who treads in the 
Apostles' footsteps, and the Waldenses, more than the Church of 
Kome, have a right to the name of Catholic. With respect to 
prayer, men ought to accept only that which was transmitted to 
them by the sacred authors. Lying is a mortal sin. 

Here a^ain the same characteristic traits remain ; but we 
long to hear a witness who is not a Cathohc. The last word on 
the subject under consideration naturally belongs to Barbe Morel, 
The reader has not forgotten that to more than one reformer he 
opened his mind on the religious condition of the Waldenses. He 
is so evidently candid, that to learn the plain truth we have but to 
Usten to him.1200 

After the usual salutations. Morel explains how the ministry is 
recruited. Ordination crowns the preparation ; it is accomplished 
by means of the laying on of hands, and the administration of the 


290 The Waldensbs of Italy. 

Sacrament of the Eucharist. Once consecrated, the young 
ministers set foi-th, two by two, to evangelize. That has abeady 
been mentioned.'^"^ 

Morel goes on : " As for rank we have regard to years of 
service ; that is to say, the order of consecration determines 
seniority in everything, whether it be honour, dignity, or office. 
He who precedes is the master ; he who follows, the disciples.^^"^ 
It is our custom, and we think so much of it, that the latter does 
nothing without the former's permission, although it may be the 
most insignificant thing — to drink a glass of cold water, for 
instance.^^"' Not that we consider it sinful to act otherwise, we 
only desire that eveiything shall be done decently and in order. 
As a rule, our ministers do not marry; but I must confess 
— for I speak to you in all confidence — that chastity is not always 
the better kept for that.^^"* Bread and clothing in sufficient 
quantities, on an emergency, for our absolute needs, are fiir- 
nished to us gratuitously by the people who receive our instruc- 
tion. We work at different trades to please our people and 
to avoid idleness, ^^"^ but, to tell the truth, the time we give 
to that would not be of any profit in acquiring a knowledge 
of the Scriptures. We pray kneeling, at different hours : 
morning, evening, before and after dinner, before and after supper, 
at noon, and sometimes also during the night; and also after 
preaching. Our prayers last about a quarter of an hour. Before 
eating or drinking, we almost always repeat the Lord's Prayer; but 
our prayers are not the result of any superstition, or vain desire 
for formality, or of respect for the times. We have no other 
object than the glory of God and the good of our souls. Our tem- 
poral goods, which, as I have said, are — thanks to the alms of our 
people — abundantly assured to us, are managed in common. People, 
when on their death-bed, frequently offer us money and varied 
gifts ; I must confess that I never had the courage to accept any- 
thing at the hands of a dying person. Every year the ministers 
assemble in general council, to talk over their affairs, and we 
change our residence in pairs ; for we do not reside for more than 
two or three years in the same locality, unless perchance, in the 
case of some old man who may be permitted to have a fixed resi- 
dence somewhere, for the remainder of his days. All we receive 
from our people in the way of money is handed over to this same 
general council, and placed in the common treasury, in the hands 

The Waldenses of Italtj. 291 

of our leaders.^^"^ It is destined, in part, to cover the expenses of 
travelling, as they may deem necessary ; sometimes a portion is 
reserved for the poor. Before separating, we unite in the mutual 
confession of our sins. If one of us falls into any carnal sin, he is 
excluded from our community i^^"'' he is forbidden to preach, 
and he is directed to earn his bread by the sweat of his 

Thus far Morel has hardly spoken of anything but what has 
reference to the organization; however he mentions also the 
beliefs, religious practices, and manners.^^"^ 

" With regard to our articles of beliefs, we teach our people, 
as well as we can, the contents of the twelve articles of the 
Symbol, called the Apostle's Creed, and every doctrine deviating 
from it is looked upon by us as heresy. We believe in a God in 
three persons ; we hold that the humanity of Christ is created and 
inferior to the Father, who wished by means of it to redeem man- 
kind ; but we admit at the same time that Christ is both very God 
and veiy man. We hold also that there is no other mediator and 
intercessor with God than Jesus Christ. The Virgin Mary is 
holy, humble, and full of grace ; the same with the other saints ; 
and they await with her in heaven the glorification of their bodies 
at the resurrection. We believe that, after this life, there is only 
the place of abode of the elect, called paradise, and that of the 
rejected, called hell. As for purgatory it was invented by anti- 
Christ, contrary to truth, therefore we reject it. AH that are of 
human invention — such as Saints' days, vigils, holy water, fasts on 
fixed days, and the like, especially the mass — are, as we think, an 
abomination in the sight of God. We believe the sacraments to 
be the signs of a sacred thing, or a visible figure of an invisible 
grace, and that it is good and useful for the faithful sometimes to 
partake of them, if possible ; but we believe that, if the oppor- 
tunity to do so be lacking, a man may be saved nevertheless. As 
I understand it, we have erred in admitting more than two sacra- 
ments.^^"^ We also hold that oral confession is useful, if it be 
observed without distinction of time and for the purpose of com- 
forting the sick, the ignorant, and those who seek our advice, 
according to the Scriptures. According to our rule, charity ought 
to proceed as follows : — First, everyone must love God, above all 
creatures, even more than his own soul ; then his soul more than 
all else ; then his neighbour's soul more than his own life ; then 

L 2 

292 The \Yaldenses of Italy. 

his own life more than that of his neighbour ; finally, the life of 
his neighbour more than his own property." 

Such are the articles of faith noted by Morel. The following 
details merely serve to amplify them.^^^" 

We, continues the Barbe, once a year visit our people who 
are scattered over the mountains in different villages. Each one 
confesses to us in secret. ^^" On such occasions we exhort married 
people to live together honestly, and to give each other their 
due, to avoid evil and not from voluptuousness.^^^^ Finally, we 
entreat everyone to abstain from aU sin, and inculcate upon them, 
as best we may, the doctrine of original sin. K anyone be sick, 
if we are called, we visit him, to comfort him with our exhorta- 
tions and prayers. At the time of being called we are sometimes 
asked to bring material assistance also, because of the sick per- 
son's indigence. AiMien we preach two of us officiate. We sit 
near each other ; the elder speaks first, then the younger. As we 
have no share in civil power and as — whether they like it or not — 
our people are subjected to the jurisdiction of infidels ; we advise 
them to elect two or three men of recognized honesty, and to 
entrust them with the arrangement of their affairs.^^" We ex- 
communicate those who steadfastly refase to accept our instruc- 
tions and warnings ; the consequence being that they cannot, 
after that, take part in business matters or listen to the 
preaching.^^" K this be done it is to the end that they may be 
ashamed ; for we remember, in connection with this, that it is not 
becoming to give sacred things to the dogs, or expedient to throw 
pearls before swine. Thus there are several, who, when re- 
admitted to hear the preaching, have treated it with scorn. We 
ourselves do not administer the sacraments to the people — they 
ai-e Papists who do this ;^^^* but we explain to them as well as we 
can the spiritual meaning of the sacraments. We exhort them not 
to put their trust in anti-Christian ceremonies, and to pray that 
if they be compelled to see and hear the abominations of anti- 
Christ, it may not be imputed to them as a sin, but that such sort 
of abominations may soon be confounded to make room for truth, 
and that the Word of God may be spread abroad. Besides, we 
absolutely forbid our people to swear. All dancing is prohibited, 
and, generally speaking, all kinds of games, except the practice 
of the bow or other arms. Neither do we tolerate vain and 
lascivious songs, delicate clothing, whether striped or checked, or 

The Waldenses op Italy. 293 

cut after the latest fashion.^^^* Our people are generally simple 
folk, peasants, having no other resource but agriculture, dispersed by 
persecution in numbers of places very distant from each other. 
From one extremity of the district to the other is more than 800 
miles.^^^^ Although we are everywhere subjected to Papist magis- 
trates and priests, it seldom happens that one of us is called 
in judgment or condemned, or that he frequents places of 

After these positive data, Morel states his doubts, which are 
those of his co-religionists. They bear upon forty-seven points. 
Most of them have their importance, if it be a question of ascer- 
taining the condition of beliefs, of practices in vogue, and even 
current opinions. Let us make a note of them, without, however, 
wandering from the text before us. These doubts suggest as 
many questions. ^^■'^ 

1. — Ought we to admit degrees in the dignity of the ministers 
of the Word — for example, those of Bishops, Presbyters, and 
Deacons P^^^" We clearly see that the Apostle commands it to 
Timothy and Titus ; Christ set Peter over the other Apostles, 
giving him the keys of the kingdom of heaven ; and among the 
Apostles themselves some were pillars. At any rate, those 
degrees are not recognized amongst the Waldenses. ■'^^^ 

2. — ^What are we to understand by the keys which were given 
to St. Peter ? 

3. — Can such ministers of the Word as lead a wicked life, 
usefully preach the word of God to the people, if they teach it in 
truth ? 

4. — Should we recognize Presbyters, who neither preach nor 
teach, except by their exemplary life ? 

5. — Are the ministers of the Word permitted to possess any- 
thing of their own ? seeing that it is written : "If thou wilt follow 
Me, go sell that thou hast ;" and elsewhere, " have neither gold 
nor silver;" and, "the Son of God had not whereon to lay hia 

6. — Are the ministers of the Word permitted to lead a life of 
celibacy ? 

7. — May the said ministers take about with them women who 
wish to devote themselves to celibacy ?'^^^ 

294 The Waldenses of Italy. 

8. — ^What difference is there between the ministers of the 
Word of the Old Testament, and those of the New ? 

9. — ^Which are the books of Scripture we are to hold as tnily 
canonical ? 

10. — ^Is allegorical interpretation useful for the explanation of 
the Scriptures 'i^^^* 

11. — Were the judiciary and ceremonial precepts, given in the 
law of Moses, abolished by the coming of Christ, or should we 
still observe them? 

12. — Must the ministers of the Word teach aU that is con- 
tained in the Scriptures, without any distinction ?^^^* 

13. — How are we to understand the true and faithful inter- 
pretation of the holy Scripture, so as not to be led astray by the 
numerous commentaries and different interpretations, now exist- 
ing and daily accumulating ?^*^^ 

14. — Are there more than two Sacraments ?^^^'^ 

15. — Can marriage be sacredly contracted by persons who 
have not reached years of discretion ? 

16. — Is marriage legitimate in all degrees of relationship 
except those indicated in chapter xviii. of Leviticus ? 

17. — Is a woman permitted to marry again when her husband 
has given no sign of life for a number of years ? 

18. — If a man seduce a virgin, is he bound to marry her ? and 
if he do marry, must he give her a dowry ? 

19. — We exhort the betrothed not to marry for the sake of 
luxury or avarice, and we tell them that such marriages are of the 
Devil. We admonish them to marry to the honour of God and for 
the begetting of children. Is this right ? 

20. — Is it allowable for a woman to alienate a portion of her 
husband's property without his knowledge ? 

21. — Do the Gospels contain certain teachings of Christ 
which should be called precepts, and other teachings which should 
be looked upon as counsels ?^^^* 

22. — Would it be desii-able that ministers should celebrate 
the rites and ceremonies of the Sacraments whenever they have 
an opportunity ^^^' 

The Waldenses op Italy. 295 

23.— From the fact that Christ said " Swear not at all," must 
we conclude that every oath is forbidden as a mortal sin P^^^" 

24. — Is it allowable to mourn for the dead ? We read some- 
where that the saints mourned for them, while again we read 
elsewhere that such is forbidden them. 

26. — Is it allowable on Simdays to occupy oneself with 
manual labour ? Are there feast-days which we are bound to 
observe ?'^^' 

26. — Is it allowable for a person, who may be assailed by evil 
men, to defend himself, even if he cannot do so without taking 
their lives ?i232 

27. — If we recognize that Christ is our sole justification, and 
that we are saved only through His name and not by our own works, 
how are we to read so many passages of the Scripture, which rate 
works so highly ? The souls of the simple may easily be deceived 
thereby. Is it not written : " By thy words thou shalt be justified 
and by thy words thou shalt be condemned ?" Do we not read : 
"Not everyone that crieth unto me : Lord, Lord, shall enter into 
the kingdom of heaven, but he that doeth the will of my Father, 
which is in Heaven?" And elsewhere: "Ye shall possess the 
kingdom for ye have given me to drink ?" And again : " As water 
extinguishes the fire, thus do alms extinguish sin ?"i233 rpj^g 
alms and prayers of Cornelius seem to have had the effect of 
bringing about the appearance of the angel, and thus he may have 
been justified. We might think also that the publican who went 
up^to the temple, went away justified through his prayers. If Jesus 
loved John particularly, is it not because the latter loved him more 
than the other disciples ? We read that Mary Magdalene 
experienced a better reception than Simon, because she loved 
more. We should conclude from this that works count for some- 
thing. Moreover, do we not read that on more than one occasion 
God revoked his chastisements, upon seeing that the sinners 
repented ? Is it not written that we shall be judged according to 
our works ? And lastly it seems that there will be a difference, 
in paradise between the just. We pray thee to enlighten us, 
especially on this point.^*'* 

28. — It is written : "Suffer little children to, come unto me, 
for of such is the kingdom of heaven." Ought we not to con- 
clude from this that children who have not reached the age when 

296 The Waldenses of Italy. 

they can use their reason, will be saved by the grace of God and 
the merits of Christ, whatever people they may belong to ? And 
on the other hand, as it is written that "it is impossible, without 
faith, to please God," and that " he that believeth not the Son, shall 
not see life ; but the wrath of God abideth on him." Must we 
conclude that all those who have the use of reason, without faith 
in Christ, shall be rejected ?"'' 

29. — Are civU or other laws invented by men, and by which 

the world is ruled, as to temporal things, legitimate in the sight 

of God ? For it is wiitten, " The laws of the nations are 

30. — Did God ordain that magistrates should inflict the death 
penalty on murderers, thieves, and other such evil doers, or does 
he wish that a punishment be inflicted upon them, which by sub- 
jecting them to a severe penance, shall make them better ? For, 
according to the opinion of many, the magistrate carries the sword 
to inflict this punishment, but not the death-penalty, as God does 
not desire the death of the sinner, but rather that he should turn 
from his wickedness and live.^^*' 

31. — Is it allowable for the faithful to plead before an infidel 
judge ? That seems to be forbidden them by St. Paul. 

32. — ^Is it allowable for anyone who has been unlawfully 
deprived of an article^^'* to regain possession of it, even without 
the knowledge of the one that has it in possession, in- case he can 
not obtain it otherwise ? 

33. — If a labourer be treated with unjust hai-shness, is he 
permitted to retain anything which he may have promised to 
retm-n P^^ss 

34. — Does the inheritance of children revert by right to the 
mother, when there is no wiU ? And if she marry again is it 
just that the inheritance should pass to the children of the second 
husband ? We doubt it. 

35. — ^Must all that is added to the principal be considered 
usuiy ?"« 

36. — Must aU profit be considered ilKcit which, in commerce, 
exceeds that of labour ? 

37. — Is the distinction between mortal and venial sins 
legitimate ? 

The Waldenses of Italy. 297 

38, — Is there any ground for distinguishing between inevitable 
ignorance and that which is simulated, or the effect of negligence ? 

39. — Does ignorance make sin excusable ? 
40. — Is the passion of our Lord only applicable to original 
sin ?i2« 

41. — Is the passion of our Lord of no advantage to those who 
abide in sin, and are the good works they do of any avail to 

42. — What council must be given to one who may have com- 
mitted a deadly sin, like that of murder ; to one who may have 
children of another man's wife, which are fed by the husband who 
believes them to be his own ; or to one who has lived in sin to 
the last ? 

43. — If one who has obstinately lived in sin, notwithstanding 
all the warnings he may have received, calls us on his deathbed, 
ought we to hear him and give him counsel ? 

44. — Is a deathbed repentance, caused by fear alone, of any 

45. — What advice must be given to one who has accidentally 
found an article of which the owner is unknown ? 

46. — Can we, as ministers of the Word, accept food, money, 
or other earthly goods from the faithful ? 

47. — Is it allowable for us to counsel our people to kiU the 
false brethren in our midst, when they seek — as has happened — 
to deliver us into the hands of the papists that we may perish, 
and thereby to hinder the preaching of the Word of God ?''^^*^ 

48. — Finally, the question which troubles us more than all the 
rest, is that of free vdll and predestination, upon which Luther 
and Erasmus are far from being agreed.^^*' What we have read 
upon the subject has troubled us ; we are, alas, so ignorant ! I 
confess that, thus far, we have believed that God has placed 
within every man a certain natural virtue, according to the 
individual capacity, as seems to be taught by the Parable of 
the Talents. Moreover, does not experience teach us that even 
inferior creatures are gifted with a certain capacity of their own ? 
Therefore, we believed that man must be able to do something ; 
he has only need to be excited and stimulated thereunto by God, 
as is done when He says : "I stand at the door and knock " ; so 

298 The Waldenses op Italy. 

that he who will not open to Him, according to his innate capacity, 
will meet, by his voluntary refiisal, the fate he has deserved. If 
not, how must we understand all those positive and negative com- 
mandments of which we are reminded by Erasmus ? So much 
for free will. As for predestination, we believed that before 
creating heaven and earth, the Almighty had foreknowledge of 
those who should be saved, as well as of those who should be 
lost, but that He nevertheless created all men unto eternal life, so 
that no one need be danmed if he do not elect to be so, by 
refusing to obey His commands. But if, as Luther says, all 
comes to pass of necessity, then those who are destined to life 
cannot be damned, and vice versa, for Divine predestination can- 
not be without effect. In that case, what need of so many 
writings, preachers and physicians? Nothing can change our 
destiny if everything be of necessity.^^** 

" We hope," Morel concludes, " that the Spirit of God will 
enlighten us through thee, 0, CEcolampadus ! that you wiU come 
to our help, according to the grace that has been given thee. We 
entreat thee earnestly, knowing that the Good Shepherd will 
not leave helpless those sheep that seek Him. Is it not 
wiitten that whosoever asks receives, that he who seeks finds, 
and that it shaU be opened to him who knocks ? There is but one 
Shepherd and one flock. As the great Apostle felt himself to be 
debtor to everyone, so it is with thee, for thou walkest in his foot- 
steps. Be it here or there, it is always a question of God's cause. 
Now, if there be with God no acceptation of persons, so wiU it be 
with thee ; for art thou not His vicar ?^^^' that we might be 
firmly united together !^** After all, do we not agree with you in 
aU things ? We always have had the same sentiment as regards 
the faith, from the time of the Apostles ; only, through our fault, 
alas ! we have neglected the study of the Scriptures, so that we 
have not understood them as you do.^^^ We therefore come 
to thee to be guided, instructed, and edified. Greeting. The 
same God is over us all."^^** 

Thus ends the confession of the Waldenses.^^*' It is touch- 
ing, it is lacking in nothing, neither sincerity nor truth. Whilst 
reading it we feel the Waldensian soul to be in that critical hour 
that precedes the Keformation, when it opens like the virgin flower 
to the first rays of the sun, which gave it life. If this confession 

The Waldenses op Italy. 299 

indicate a certain decadence, let us not be in a hurry to read any- 
thing else ia it. Isolation, joined to oppression, had condemned 
the Waldenses of the Alps to comparative inaction. With light 
still burning, they, like the sentinel, waited for the break of day, 
and lo ! several went to sleep ; but the awakening was as rapid as 
it was easy. In this awakening there is a movement of repent- 
ance and the earnest of a future about to commence. Thus every- 
thing is ia harmony with the true history of Waldensian origin. 
Those who prefer the legend are embarassed by it. They speak, 
not of a relaxation, but of decadence, if not of original fall, in 
order to be able to believe in a pre-historic, apostolic, and immacu- 
late age of the Waldensian faith. As compared with their 
ancestors, the Waldenses of this period show at least " a sensible 
ioferiority in the knowledge of things pertaining to salvation, and 
especially in the profession of the evangelical faith. "^^^^ Why so ? 
Because, we are told, they are invaded by Romish ideas to such an 
extent that even oral confession becomes known among them.^^^"^ 
But oral confession has been practised by the originators of this 
work ; we have sm-ely seen that. It seems to us, on the contrary, 
that the Waldenses of the Alps profited by the Lombard and 
Hussite reaction, and that with respect to Romish ideas, their 
mode of thinking shows, here and there, signs of advance upon the 
original tendency of France.^^^^ After all, the rule always remains 
the same. As we found the Waldenses at the dawn of the early 
age, so we find them at the end, excepting as regards their zeal, 
which has somewhat diminished, either because of the dispersion 
or because of local circumstances. StiU these variations, similar 
to those which had distinguished other groups of the Waldensian 
family, are so far from making a breach in the unity of the original 
rule, that this latter is recognisable in the valleys of the Alps, as 
it was in France, in Lombardy and to the confines of Germany. 
This rule became moulded by a new general and powerful reaction, 
that of Protestantism. Need this be regretted ? 

We answer frankly, no. Infancy has its charms ; all origins, 
seen from afar through the medium of the imagination, are clothed 
in tender colours. They make us dream. Our recollection carries 
us back to them, and we begin to mourn the good old days, as 
in the song of St. Alexis. We have something better to do. 
The days of the Apostles were not exempt from imperfections, 
any more than those of Abraham and Waldo. Let us admire 

300 The Waldenses op ItatuY. 

them, but without preferring them to the future. The ideal is 
higher, for it is before us, and the road which leads to it is called 
progress. The idea of Waldo springs up like a fountain, it runs 
into the river of the Eeformation, and the river flows on. Where 
is the .river that flows back to its soui'ce ? la there any kind of 
civilisation which carries nations back to the primitive condition 
of wandering tribes ? Can a man enter again his mother's womb ? 
We have seen the Brethren of Lombardy separating themselves 
from the ultramontanes, because, weary of thinking like children, 
they wished to reason like men ; and here we find Barbe Morel, 
who hails with inward joy the great day of the Reformation, which 
he at last sees breaking upon the horizon. Let us learn of our 
fathers to plough our furrow without looking back. 

But, someone will say, beginning with Waldo, did they not go 
back ? The legend of our apostolic origin, already deeply rooted 
in Morel's time, must mean something. It repeats to us in its 
own language the words of the prophet : — 

Ye that seek the Lord, 

Look unto the rock whence ye are hewn. 

Certainly. But for the Israel of the Alps, that rock is Christ 
and His eternal Gospel. More than one child of His will proclaim 
the fact in a loud voice before the whole world, in some such 
words as these : — 

" We beHeve all the commandments of God, as Jesus Christ 
taught them to His holy Apostles, and as the Holy Church holds 
and believes them, and God forbid that we should wish or 
undertake to increase or diminish, correct or reprove the law and 
doctrine of God, who is all- good, aU-wise, and aU-perfect ; who 
never uttered an imperfect word or thing, in which there is any- 
thing to be repented of or to be amended ; by which law, as sacred 
and perfect, we wish to live and die. And we take God to om* 
witness that we hold no opinion of any particular sect, and that 
we believe and have believed neither in Waldo, nor Luther, nor 
anyone else, except inasmuch as he proclaimed the Word of 
God and not his own, provided we have been able to know. 
That is what we hold and believe, protesting before God and all 
the world, that if we have been made to say otherwise, by any 
means whatsoever, be it by cunning, threats, prisons, tortures, 

The Waldensbs of Italy. 301 

or torments, it was contrary to the truth and our faith and 

Now, who is there that does not know that on looking upon 
Christ we see, at one and the same time. Him who was, who is, 
and who is to come ? Yes, that look embraces the very life of the 
religion which will not be surpassed ; it contemplates the ideal. 
Waldensian legend expresses that continuous contemplation, and in 
that it is historical. We may even say that in that sense it is truer 
than history, " for it fits closer and translates the invisible ideal 
more correctly than real facts, which follow its evolutions only 
from afar, and with a slow step."^^'* It sums up beforehand, as it 
were, the programme of our destiny as a people ; it is like the 
anticipated vision of a golden age — believed in, hoped for, and 
continually being realized. 




^V^len tivo numiers are found together, the one distinguislied T>y an asterisk is 
the one ichioh exists as the reference number in the text. 

1 Michelet, Hist, de Prance Edition 1855, vol. viii., ch. 16. 

2 Eeaders of the writings of Eeclus, the eminent geographer, from whom 
we have quoted, will discover in them many analogies of this kind. 

3 Id. La Ter7'e, vol. 1. 

4 Titus-Livius had already said : " Datur haec venia amtiquitati, ut, misoendo 
hiimana divinis, primordia urbium augustiora faciat." 

5 Gretser, Contra Valdenses, iv. " Diuturnior," says the text. Michelet 
translates: " more durable." 

6 Preger, Beitracje, etc., p. 6 — 8. 

7 Almost all have been mistaken on this point, historians as well as polemi- 
cal writers. It is surprising, however, that Michelet should not be an excep- 
tion. See Hist, de France, ii., 401. 

8 Ps. Isidore, Mdietum Constantani Imperatoris. 

9 " In donatione ilia audita est vox angelorum dicentium in aere: Hodie in 
Heclesia venenum effusum est." Joh. de Parraisus. De potestate regia etpapali, 
Paris, 1506 ; also G'oldast, Monarchia, vol. ii., p. 108. 

10 We know that Constantine deferred being baptised until the end of 
his life, and that the ceremony took place at Nicomedla, under the auspices of 
the Bishop of that city, who was the leader of an Arian faction. The legend 
originated at the end of the V. century from a baptistry in Rome, named after 
the Emperior. At the time of the commencement of our history, the legend 
was becoming less known ; but papal ambition was reaching its climax and 
had no longer any need of it. 

11 Fleury, Hist. Eccl., vol. xi., disc. 4. 

12 " Mendacium vero illud et fabulo haeretioa . . . itadelecta est, utetiam 
mulierculae super hoc ooncludant." Wesel, disciple of Arnaldo, ep. 384 (ap. 
Mart, and Durand) from Rome, to the Emperor or Germany. The legend was 
only exposed by Laurent Valla, in the XV. century. 

13 " In his successisti, non Petro, sed Constantino." De Consid., vol. iv., 
ch. 6. 

14 "B. Sylvestrum dicunt Antichristum fuisse, de quo in 2 Thess. ii., 4. A 
tempore illo dicunt Ecclesiam esse perditam." 'BonacuTaua,Vitae liaereticorum seu 
laianifestatio haeresis Catliarorum, ap. d'Achery, Spicilegium, vol. i., p. 208, and 
Baluz. Misc. vol. ii., p. 581. This witness is a competent one, for he came from 
the ranks of the Cathari. 

15 " Quousque ipsi eam restaurarunt." Summa, ap. Mart and Durand. 

16 " Quod semper fuerunt aliqui qui Deum timebant et salvabantur." IMd. 

17 " Instinctu diabeli fuit aediftcator eoclesiae romanae primus." MS. of 
Clermont, ap. d'Argentre. 

18 "In temporibus autem istis restitutum esse per ipsos, quorum primus 
fuit Valdesius." Adv. Cath. et Wald. 

19 Preger, Der Tractat B. von Augsl., Munich, 1878. 

20 The expressions quousque, temporibus istis, of Sacconi and Moneta, are 
significant. They are quite irreconcilable with the idea of an historical 
transition, properly so-called. 

21 "Non enim multum temporis est quod esse coeperunt. Quoniam, sicut 
patet, a Valdesio cive Lugdunense exordium aooeperunt." Moneta wrote these 
words in Lombardy, in the year 1244. 

304 The Waldenses of Italy. 

22 •• Ilia pars a tempore Silvestri non fuit usque ad tempus Valdesu, quod lU 
pussis ostendere." 

23 Adv. Cath.ct TFaZii., passim. 

24 Valdesiani, Socu Valdesu, Sociotas Valdesiana. Vide the Reicriptvm 
relating to the conference of Berzarao, ap. Preger. We shall return to this 

25 Schmidt AUenstuBlte, ap. Hist. Zeitschnft, 1852, p. 239., of. MS. of Cam- 
hridge, vol. A., f. 236-238 and NoT>la Leicznn, v. 403. 

2B See the words of Barbe Morel, at the end of this volume. A transient 
!il lusion to the tradition may be noticed in the Lib. sent. ing. Thol., p. 377 ; that 
is all. 

27 " Non prinoipium sed reparacio »(i«<)v' ordinistaiae diciim.'' Letter of 
the year 1368. See below, p. . Cf. R. Saeconi. 

28 CI. of Seyssel, Disp. adv. crrores et sectam Waldensium, 1520. 

29 Justinger, Chron., year 1420, according to the original text, ap. 

80 Michelet, Hist, de France, ii., 402. 

31 This note refers to an Appendix to the French Edition, not included 
i n the English Edition. 

32 "Caudas ad invicem coUigatas, quia de vanitate conveniunt in id 
ipsum." Inn. III., ap. Baluz. I. I'j). 94 and 509. The sentence is repeated by his 

33 C. Schmidt, letter of April 28th, 1850, ap. Muston, Israel des AVpes, 

34 One finds more than one indication of this in the ancient funeral in- 
scriptions. One of them runs : " To the memory of a legionary veteran, paper 
merchant." See Michelet, Hist, de France, vol. ii., 1. iii. 

35 "Civitatis splendorem . . . longe superavit ecclesia lugdunensis." 
Gallia Christiana, iv., 3. 

36 "Novam induoendo celebritatem, quam ritus Ecclesia nescit, non probat 
ratio, non commendat antigua traditio." Ep. 174 ad eanonicos lugdnnenses. 

37 " Patrite est, non exilii, frequentia haec gaudiorium." Hid. 

38 The Abbot of Clair vaux says of this same Church of Lyons, that "haud 
facile unquam repentinis visa est novitatibus adqmeseere." Ibid. 

39 " Cum per totam fere Galliam, non solum inter scholas, sed etiam trivi- 
atim . . . disputaretur." St. Bern. opj). i. 309. Cf. ib. ep. 88 ad Cardinales. 

40 H. Martin, Hist, de France, vol. iv., b. xxiii. 

41 See C. Schmidt, Hist, ct doctrine de la secte des Cathares on Albigeois, 
Paris, 1849. Tocco, who is reserved on the question of the origin of this sect, 
calls them "manicnei imbastarditi." See his Eresia nel Medio Evo, p. 100, 
et seq. 

43 " Eo quod aliae nationes hsereticos Provinciales Albigenses consueverint 
appellare." Math., Paris ap. Bouqet xxii., and P. Vaux-Cernay. Hi^. Albig. 
ap. Duchesne. 

43 See Hist. Pontif. ap. Pertz and Wesel's letter to the Emperor Frederick. 

44 " Haeres nequitiae ejus . . . non quidem emendavit sed immutavit." 
Ep. adv. Pefrob. Jiaereticos. 

45 "Evacuant sacerdotium Eoclesiae." Evervinus, S. Bernard. a,p. 
d'Argentre I., 33. 

46 " Nos pauperes Christi." Evervinus. 

47 "Ipsum papam non esse quod profltetur, apostolicum virum." Hist. 

48 " Si fidem interroges, nihil christianius . . . Panem , non comedit 
otiosus." Sermo 65 in Cant., ap. Mabillon iv. 

49 "Qui antea Apostolia et Continentes appellabantur, sine dubio postea 
Beghardi et Beguinea dioti sunt." Mosheim, de Begliardis, Leipsic, 1790, p. 122. 

50 " Fratres Beghardi . . . qui udem et Alexiani, Cloloniae ob. reliquias 
S. Alexu in eorum oratorio asservatas." Quotation ap. Mosheim, p. 552. 

51 " Quis mihi det, autequam moriar, videre Bcclesiam. Dei sicut in diebus 
antiquis ? " Ep. 238 to Eugene III. 

52 MS. poem of the Vatican on Arnaldo. Coll. Ottobotii, n.l463. 

53 Clerion, Hist, de Lyon, iv., 176. 

54 Gallia Christiana, vol. iv. 

55 C. Schmidt notes several examples, ap. Muston, ib., p. xxxiii., n. 2. 

56 So says the Rescriptum ap. Preger. The less precise inquisitorial 
chronicles have Valdus, Valdensis, sometimes Valdius, etc. 

57 It is known that family names were not as yet in use. The name of 
Peter is mentioned for the first time in a writing of the year 1368 wrongly 

The Waldenses of Italy. 305 

atti'ibuted to Pilichdorf ; and soon afterwards it is mentioned in the double 
Wfildensisn MSS. of Cambridge and Strasburg, tlie Latin reading in which bears 
the date of l-tOi The former says : " E regione Waldis Petrus nominatiis ;" the 
lattsr still mere distinctly : "Lopropi nom del cal era Piero duna region dicta 
Vaudia," or " Cujus proprium nomen Petrus fuit, sed a quadam regione dice- 
batur Waldis." A more or less wooded locality was called Waltt, Vauda, Vaudia 
or Vaud. As to deriving Valdez from Vallis^ it is a mere waste of time and 
trouble. vSober men have taken in a serious light the puns of the monks, Ber- 
nardus Fontis Calidi and Bberardus de Retunia, the former of whom says that 
Valdenses comes from Vallis "eo quod profundis et densis errorum tenebris in- 
volvantur ;" and the latter that the name of Vallenses is accounted for " eo quod 
in Valle lacrymarum maneant." He also derives Montanists from "montani." 
We read again : " Valdenses dicuntur a valido mago, vel a valle, ut alu dicimt, 
quia in valli orti sunt quia alio nomine dicuntur paupereB de Lugduno." Schmidt 
AcktenstucJie, etc., n. 1. " Petrus de Walle," says a letter of the Brethren of 
Lombardy, dated 1368. See below, note 740. After this we are not so much sur- 
prised that writers should have made Valdesi synonymous with ValleH. But 
this latter word does not exist, although it is mentioned by Thou, Leger, Brezzi, 
Gilly, etc. 

58 " He was born at Lyons," says the MS. de I'Histoire Veritailii des Vau- 
dois, n. 169, King's Library, Turin. But this MS., which is far from deserving 
its title, belongs to the XVIL century. According to the chronicles of the 
XIV. and XV. centuries, Waldo was born out of Lyons. 

.59 Guy Allard, for instance, claims that Waldo was a native of Vaux in the 
Veliu or Viennese. Melia repeats this. Origin, etc., p. 15. Gauduel believes he 
came from the Brianyonnais, according to A. Lombard, Pierre Valdo et les Vam- 
do'is du Brianconnms, p. 9. 

60 According to documents of the XL century, the territory of Vaud was 
called Comitatus and Pagus Waldensis, and its Lord was called Dominus Vaudi, 
or Lord of Vaut. See Mem. et Doe. jmhlies par la Sob., d'Histoire do la Suisse 
BomaTide, vol. vi. and vii., passim. 

61 Ochsenbein, Der Inqniuti ons— process, etc., p. 23. 

62 Chastel says simply that Waldo is so callett "from the Marquisate of 
Vaux, of which he was the first to bear the title." Hist, du Christ, iii., 479. 

63 " Valdenses dioto a Valde cive lugdunense, in loco dicto vulgariter 
FaZ^7-a» moram facieute." Seript. /«(?. araoTs., ap. Allix. Some Memarks, etc., 
London, 1690. cf., Melia, oj}. cit,^ p. 2. The author, who advances this opinion, 
wrote subsequently to 1494. It is as well to note that in 1492 some of the Barbes 
met behind the church of St. Nizier, for purposes of drill. See AUix, op. cit., 
p. 314. Can this fact have given rise to the aforesaid idea ? M. Berges is inclined 
to see in all this nothing more than a "mere play upon words." Rev. Hist. 
xxxvi., 2nd part. 

64 " Per inquitatem foenoris multas sibi, pecunias coacervaverat." Ohron. 
Land., ap. Bouquet, Eecueil, xiii., p. 680 — 682, and ap. Pertz, Men. Germ. Seript, 
xxvi., 447 — 449. The reading of Jr'ertz is more complete. 

65 " Contigit cuidam ex eis mori subito coram eis." Anon, of Passau, ap. 
■d'Argentre I., 92. Some add that this accident happened upon the threshold of 
his house (Rubuys, Hist, de Lyon, p. 268) ; others, under the porch. (Fl. Illyr. 
CMal., 1666, p. 631). 

66 Gaston Paris, LaVil de S. Alexis, etc., Paris, 1872. See Rimsta Cristiama, 
No. for May, 1887. 

67 " De multis modis eundi at Deum edootus." Ohron. Laud. 

68 " Cui magister dominicano sententiam proposuit : Si vis esseperfectus, 
■etc. Matthew xix. Ibid. It is known that these same words decided Anthony 
of Egypt to become a hermit. 

69 " Immobilibus haesit." Itid. 

70 "De mobilibus lis a quibus injuste habuerat, reddidit." Ibid. 

71 Fleury. b. Ixv., c. 49. 

72 Ibid, c. 50. 

73 " Da pauperibus, non ribaldis." Chron. de Salvmb. 

74 "Non enim insanio sicut vos putatis." Chron. laud. 

75 " Velut ameus affiecta . . . arripiens virum suum per pannos. Ibid. 

76 "Nonlicuitei . . . in ipsa urbe cum alus cibum sumere quam cum uxore." 

77 "Currente an. MOLXIIL," so the narrative begins in the Chronicle of 
Lyons. The catalogue of the Gallia Christiana states that the successors of 
Humbert II. were Heraclius, Drogon, and this Guichard, who is elsewhere erro- 
neously called Guilbert. The latter would be installed about the year 1165. 

306 The Waldenses of Italy. 

78 Stephen of Borbone, Richard of Cluny, and a nameleis writer of Passau 
make him out a man of some literary knowledge ; Gaguinus deems him quite 
illiterate, while M. Flacius lUyricus, Pen-in. Basnage, etc., consider him learned. 

79 " Audiens Evangela, curiosus intelligere quid, dicerent, fecit pactum cum 
dictis sacerdoribus." Etienne de Borbone, ap. A. Lecoy, Anecdutes Mstoi-iques, 
Paris, 1877. 

80 Our chronicler claims that he obtained these details from eye-witnesses, 
even fi-om this Bernard, who was one of the richest men in Lyons and friendly 
to the monks. He adds that he often saw Stephen, and relates that he, in his 
turn, having become wealthy, thanks to his share of thi! benefices of the Chap- 
ter, died afterwards of an accident that happened while building his house. See 
if Ebrardu.'< {HaridiucTi d. chrMl. Kirch, a. Dogm. Orxrh.lSt^o, ii., 317) is right 
in suspecting them of being Cathari or precursors of Waldo ! 

81 " Cum saepe legeret et corde tenus firmaret." Jb. 

82 " Pauperes qui ad eum confluxerunt docuit N.T. textum rulgariter.' ' An. 
of Passau. Cf. with St. de Borb. 

83 " Couperunt paulatim. . . . sua et aliena culpare peccata." Cliron.laud. 
84: Amaldo da Brescia had already seen in these words : " beati pauperes 

spiritu " the "primum mandatum evangelicae doctrinae," the A B C of apostolic 
life. See Wesel's ep. to Frederiik. 

8.5 " Putabat . . . quod vita apostolica jam non esset in terra." Treatise 
ovntra Jiaer Maid, hitherto attributed to Pilichdorf. 

86 " Quod etiam Apostoli Christi non solum erant pauperes, imo etiam prae- 
dicatores. Coeperunt et ipsi praedicare verbum Dei." IJ>. 

87 '■ Multos homines et mulieres ad idem faciendum ad se convocando, fir- 
mans eis evangelia." Etiennede Borb. 

88 " In giving alms he desired tn preach sermons," jeeringly remarks Moreri. 
ZKct. Itiit., art. T mulois. 

89 According to the Gallia Christiana, iv., col. 126, he had condemned a 
certain Olivier at the Synod of 1176. The Synod in question is that of Lombers. 
The error has been rectified ; that Synod was held in 1165. .See Gieseler i^/u'- 
huch, vol. ii., part 2nd, paragraph 8.5. 

90 " Vocati ab archiepiscopi Lugdunensi," says St. de Borbone. It is true 
that he adds ''qui Johannes vocabatur ;" but he is mistaken, for John was not 
Archbishop of Lyons, under Alexander III. 

91 " Prohibuit eis ne intromitterent se de Scripturis exponendis vel praedi- 
candis." Et. de Borbone, Acts i v., 17 and is. 

92 " Magister sorum, usurpans Petri uflicium, sicut ipse respondit principi- 
bus sacerdotum, ait : Obedire oportet, etc." ll-id., where reference is made to 
Acts V. and Mark xvi. 15. 

93 " Post, expulsi ab ilia terra." St. de Borbone, Ibid. The MS. of the 
Hist, veritable ilex Vaudni.i has it, that Waldo was sentenced by Guichard (whom 
it calls Guilbert) at this apocryphal Synod of 1176. Cf. Baronius, who falls into 
the same error. It is, perhaps, nothing but a confusion of names and dates. 

94 According to the chronicle of Laon ap. Pertz, Waldo determined that 
very year publicly to proclaim his vow of poverty and to make proselytes. 

95 Gregorovius, whose impartiality is recognised, thinks that the Pope may 
have been fortunate, but deserved no credit ; "sein Gluck. nicht sein Verdienst." 
Gesth d Stadt. Bom. 1862, vol iv., ch. 6. 

96 At that time, the year began and ended at Easter. The Council was held 
from the 5th to the 19th of M,areh, 1178, according to the chronicle, i.e., 1179. 

97 "Eos et defensores eoruin et receptores anathemati decernimus 
subjacere." Cone. Lat. iii., gen. can. 27. 

98 "Ad concilium quod fuit Rome ante Lateranense vocati." El. de Bour- 
bon, Op. cit., p. 292. 

99 " In concilio etiam Lateranensi in eos sententia excommunicationis lata 
est : unde eis etiam communicandum non est, cum sententia Apostolica ab 
Bcclesia praecisa sunt." Alanus. Contra JHaercticos. Walden-ies, etc. Schmidt 
persists in believing that this Alanus i.s " de Podio." He is mistaken. It cer- 
tainly refers to " Alanus ab Insulis." or " de Lille," who died in 1202. — See 
Cliron. Alb. monaelii. Trium. Fontium, ap. Pertz. Mon. Germ. 88., xxlii. 
DieckhofE has held this passage to be interpolated, but ihe is far from having 
proved it. As to the inscription noticed by Buxhoin, Blair and Tron, to the 
effect that ." under the Pontiff Alexander III., and the Emperor Frederick I., 
the Waldenses were condemned as heretics," it has never been verified. 

100 Besides the Chron. of Laon, see Moneta, Schmidt ATttenstuche quoted, 
and the MS. of Cambridge ; finally the letter of the Brethren of Lombardy, of 
the year 1368, and Justinger ap. Ochsenbein, p. 86. 

The Waldbnsbs of Italy. 307 

101 Aroux, La chf de la eomedic aiiti-oathoUque de Dante- Alia hicr I, 
Paris, 1855. 

102 " These Waldenses were simple enough to ask for authority from the 
Pope; which was equivalent to asking permission to secede from tlie Church." 
Miehelet, Hist, de Fi-anc.i; Paris, 1835-44, vol. ii., p. 401-402. 

103 "He always lived in Borne, as if in an enemy's country." — Gre- 
gorovlus, iJ. 

104 Besides Gregorovius see Comparetti, Virgilio nel medio evo, vol. i., 
ch. 7. 

105 "Valdesium amplexatus est papa." C'hrnn.laud. 

106 The mention of this embrace is immediately followed by these words : 
"Approbans votum quod fecerat voluutariaepaupertatis.'" Cliron. laud. Given 
to a mere disciple of Waldo, as Tron, in spite of what the chronicle tells us, 
imagines it to have been, it undoubtedly becomes "benevolent," even 
" brotherly." The whole story savours of legend. It is inexplicable. 

107 "E disputa devaut laresiarca." MS. of Cambridge. 

_ 108 " Era aqui un cardenal de Pulha lo cal era amic de lui e laudava la via de 
lui e la parolla, e amava lui." Ihid. 

109 _ " Promisit servare iv. Doctores, scilicet Ambrosium, Augustinum, 
Gregorium et Hieronymum." Moneta v., 1. 

110 The Beguins, for example, accused of usurping the office of preaching, 
resort to this distinction, which is less subtile than it seems. " In suam excusa- 
tionem fictitie praetendentes quod non praedicant, sed loquuntur de Deo." 
Mosheim, De BegliMrdis, 1790, p. 206. This distinction is admitted by the 
adversaries, when they have an interest therein. See further on, at the dispute 
of Narbonne. 

111 " Sic accepit a papa praedioations offioium." Moneta. 

112 " Nen dement el meseyme predicant en la cipta fey plusors disciples." 

113 " A primate ipsorum Valde diotos, qui fuerat civis Lugduni super Eoda- 
nuni." This "fuerat" has puzzled the critics. According to Eeuss (Rev de 
Theol, June, 1851) Map "says explicitly that Waldo did not attend the Council." 
Dieckhoflf tries to evade the difficulty by referring the statement of Map to some 
other Council. We would observe that Waldo having been turned out of Lyons 
was no longer a citizen of that town. Although we cannot understand how 
Waldo being there, Map does not mention the fact. On the other hand, it being 
certain that Waldo did go to Rome — Reuss admits this — how can we account 
for his not remaining there to plead his own cause ? Who could have presented 
it better than himself ? After all we are obliged to leave this point undecided. 
Waldo may have been prevented by some hitherto unknown cause, from being 
present, at least on this particular day at the Council. On the other hand. Map's 
narrative does not explicitly deny his presence. 

114 Credere in is seldom if ever employed in Church Latin, unless with 
reference to the persons of the Trinity. The answer to this last question ought 
to have been, according to the examiner, " We do not believe in, but on the 
mother of Christ." For that matter if men do anywhere believe in mMrem 
Christi, it is in the Church of Rome. Moreover, the jargon of the'schools did 
not always observe this rule. These grand theologians, in full session, strained 
at a gnat and swallowed a camel. 

1 15 " Humillimo nunc incipiunt modo, quia pedem Inferre nequeunt ; quos 
si admiserimus expellemur." Mapes, De nmgis curialium, rediscovered and 
printed by Wright, London, 1850. 

116 " Inhibens eidem ne, vel ipse aut socii sui predicacionis officium pre- 
sumerent nisi rogantibus sacerdotibus " Chron. Laud!' A laperfiu receop repost 
en la cort que la gleysa romana non poya portar la parolla de lui." Cambridge 

117 " Facent camin per las regions de Ytalia fa aiostament." Cambridge 

118 Cliron. Laud ap. Pertz. See above in Chapter iii. 

119 " Quod preceptum modice tempore observaverunt." Hid. 

120 Seenot«745. 

121 "Valdesium et Vivetum.'' Bescriptum, p. 19,i 58. He has also been 
given, as colleague, a certain " socius Johannis " of Lyons. See note 740. Is 
there not some confusion here ? Fuesslin {Kirch, u. Ket:erhist, 1170, part I., 
p. 137) observes that certain writers, having misread the name of Jean de Lugis, 
a Catharian, have converted it into Johannis de Lugduno. Moneta and others 
as fir down as M. Tron seem to have repeated the error. 

122 Gallia Clirigtiania iv., col. 1130-133. Stephen of Borbone calls him 
" aux Belles-mains." 

308 The Waldenses of Italy. 

123 " Anunente papa Lucio." Ibid. 

124 " Vir magna? litteraturae et eloquentiiE." Ibid. 

125 " Mandat dominus Apoatolicus quod cessarent cum predicatio verbi Dei 
rubidua et illiteratis non conveniat." Anonymous writer of Paasau. 

126 Here again the passage from Stephen of Borbone, which we do not 
require to requote, would have its application. 

127 " Eorum numerus octena millia excedebat." Ughelli, Itdlia Sacra, vol. 
iv., col. 1041, ed. 1719. 

128 Gallia Christiana. Therelis no question of a crime of intolerance. We 
know that his two daughters had not ipassed the period of first youth. On the 
other hand, in the year 1218, at the conference at Bergamo, his death is spoken 
of as something quite recent. 

130 " Qui se Humiliatos vel Pauperes de Lu^duno falso nomine mentiuntur 
. . . anctoritatem sibi vindicant prsedicandi . . . pari vinculo perpetui 

anathematis innodamus." Lueu dccii. c. hcer. ap. Mausi xxiv. 

131 Thus far there are no certain indications of the'origin of P. de Bruys, 
but he must have been born in the Alps of Gap. The letter of P. de Cluny,- 
hereinafter mentioned, would lead us to think as much. We learn, furthermore, 
that there still exists in that territory a town by the name of Bruis (canton de 
Eosans (called Brusoum in 1147, Brosium in 1153, Brossium in 1294, Brueys in 
1351, Bruys in 1516 ; which, according to the custom of the XII. century, may 
have given him its name. See leDiot. topog. du Dep. des H. Aljtes, by J. JRoman 
1844, p. 22. He was not yet confounded with a canon of Lucca, as was done by 
Iselin and others before him. Fuesslin I., 191 — 194! 

132. Peter the venerable, abbot of Cluny in his Ep. adv. Petrob. liaereticos. 

133 " Ex longiuqua regione istuc accedere potmt et fortasse ex Italia, ut 
postea dicturi sumus," says Mabillon ; but he does not return to this subject. 
Pref. to his Ed. of Opera S. Bernardi, 1690, vi. Is his surname of Italicus truly 
historical, and if so, what justifies it ? The description of his person is the only 
clue left us. It is of some value. 

134 " Visa tantum eorum facie, cognosceret. . • . Asserebant quoque sibi 
a Domino Deo anticam et authenticam Prophetarmn collatum fuisse benedic- 
tionem et Spiritum." See the Cliron. ap. Mabillon HI., 313. 

156 The letter of P. the Venerable is addressed to the Bishops of Embrun, 
Die, and Gap. 

136 "Facti estis velutcolumba seducta non habens cor et velut bos ductus 
ad victimam." Tbid. 

137 '• Duobus tantum homuncionibus . . . tam facile cessistis." Ibid. 

138 '.' Tamen in eisdem vestris regionibus non parva semina reliquisse cog- 
novi." Ibid. 

139 " Ne putridae reliquiae reviviscere queant." Ibid. 

140 " Ut de latibulis vestris ad publicum nostrum prodeatis invito." Ibid. 

141 " Non habet Veritas angulos, nee lumen sub modio vult latere." Ibid. 

142 Hudry Menos. Ret. des Deux Mondes 1867 — 68, art Vlsrael des 

143 E§veille, art. Lis Albigeois in the Hci: des Delia; Mondes. May 1, 1874. 

144 Napol§on Peyrat, Les Albigeois et V Inquisition, Paris, 1872. We note 
the more willingly the justness of this observation, as the book, from which we 
borrow it is full of more or less whimsical hypotheses. 

145 " Quandoquidem cuivis sua religio debet esse libera."' Perrin, b. ii., c. 8, 
and Sandius. Nucleus hist. eccL^ p. 410. 

146 G. of Puy-Laurens, Hist., ney. Franc, adv. Albigenses. Vaissette repro- 
duces it in his Hist, du Languedoc, lii., p. 129. 

147 '• Digito demonstrarent, nos apostatas, nos hypocritas, nos haereticos 
conclamantes," Baronius, an. 1178. 

148 It was, according to him, the opinion also of the Toulousains. The 
Cathari, we know, passed for Arians. Ibid. 

149 "Etiam evangelistas qui ... nova Ulis evangelia cuderent. Ibid. 

150 P. de Vause-Gernay, op. cit., 

151 Perrin, op. cit., b. i., p. 1. 

152 By representing them as united by the same faith, hence, one in all 
things, the Jesuit Gretser aimed at bringing the Waldenses into discredit ;. 
Flacius Illyricus, Lfeger, Monastier,Basnage, Abbadie, etc., aimed at the opposite 
result. " Only ignorance or bad faith could have confounded them," says Hudry- 

153 Guill. de P. L. Ibid. 

154 See Contra Wald., ap. Bibl. P. il. vol. xxiv. Bernard, Prior of the 
Fontis Calidi on the confines of the dioceses of Xarbonne and BSziers, has 

The Waldenses of Italy. d09 

woven the arguments cited in this dispute into his treatise, and has added a few 
notes at the end, which he expressly declares refer to other heresies. His aim 
thus far, he asserts, is to bring the principles of the Waldenses to the knowledge 
of illiterate ecclesiastics, and to show how they may be refuted. This leads one 
to suspect that if he reproduces in an abridged form the arguments of the dissi- 
dents, he also permits himself to amplify and complete those of his co-religionists. 
This possibility should be noted. 

155 2 Thesa. iii., U ; Heb. xiii., 17; Matt, xviii., 17. 

156 " Quia aliter quam S. Ecclesia decent." Gieseler observes that this must 
refer to their biblical method of teaching, inasmuch as they are accused of no 
heresy here, save that of de inohedientia. 

157 " Non tamen debent nos prohibere." 

158 " Multi laici verbum Dei m populo fideli disseminaverunt." 
169 " Isti omnes, licet laici, verbum Dei praedicaverunt." 

160 "Viri femineae debilitatis." 

161 " Seducunt mulieres prius, per eas viros." 

162 " Taurus vocent haereticos. Cf. Ps. xxii., 13, and Ixviii., 31. 

163 " Praeter errores jam diotos, graviter errant, quia feminas, etc. 1 Cor. 
iv., 34. 

16i '■ Loquuta est de Christo . . . Non est idem praedicare et loqui." Luke 
ii., 36—88. 

165 It took place about the year 1190. According to Vaissette (iii. 128) 
Gaucelin was Archbishop of that city from the year 1181 to 1191. A consider- 
able interval must be admitted between the exile from Lyons and the disputation 
which took place, far away in Languedoc, and on the other hand, rather a short 
one between this disputation and the decrees which sanctioned its conclusions. 

166 " Per scriptum definitivam dedit sententiam, et haereticos esse in 
capitulis, de quibus accusati fuerant, pronunciavit." 

167 This name must be understood as alluding to the apostolic Sabates 
(or sandals)^ which they wore, as we shall see further on. 

168 -Eaictum Alph. reg. Arag. contra haereiicos^ ap. Bibl. M. P., xxv. 

169 Stai. Syn. Odon., anno 1192, ap. d'Argentr^, i. 

170 See the Bible de Gniot de Provins, written in 120?, in the Failiaux et 
oontes des poetesfrancais, etc., ed. Meon, Paris, 1808. 

171 " Pro toedio renunciare volentes." P. de Vaux-Cernay. 

172 " Oporteret eos a praedicatione desistere." Ibid. ~ 

173 " Per omnia formam apostolioam imitantes." Ibid. 

174 Guill de P.L., ch. 9. 

175 " Ite, doraina, filate colum vestram ; non interest vestra loqui in 
hnjusmodi coutentione." Ibid. 

176 See epistles of Innocent III., b xi. to xv., passim, ap. Baluzius. 

177 JBp. ad Tarrag. Arehie2>, January 15, 1209. 

178 Ep. ad Bwrandwrn, same, date. 

179 Ep. Helen epise, June 7, 1213. 

180 " Ne error novissimus fiat pejor priore." Ep. ad Dur. de Osca etfratreg 
ejus, July 3, 1210. 

181 "Cum essem astutus, dolo vos cepi," 2 Cor. xii., 16. This passage often 
occurs in Innocent's writings. Ej} ad Karb. epise, et suffrag. ejus, same date. 

182 Ep. ad Narb. et Tarrag. et Medial, arcliiep., May 4, 1211 ; ep, ad 
Burandum, May 3, 1211, and ep ad Tarrac, et Narb. arcliiep., of the same day. 

183 Hurter, Hist, du Pope Inn. III., b. xiv. But this point does not come 
out clearly from the correspondence of the Pontiff. 

184 Vidimus tunc temporis aliquos de numero eorum qui dicebantur 
Pauperes de Lugduno, apud sedem apostolicam cum magistro suo quodam, ut 
puto Bernhardo, et hi petebant sectam suam a sede apostolica confirmari et 
privilegiari." Chron. Burchardi et Cuonradi Vrsperg., ap. Pertz, xxiii., p. 
396, and Ep. d'lnnoo. III., ap. Baluze, xiii., 94, xv., 137. 

185 " Ipsi dicentes se gerere vitam Apostolorum, nihil volentes possidere aut 
certum locum habere, eircuibant per vicos et castella. At Dominus Papa qua3- 
dam superstitiosa in conversatione ipsorum eisdem objecit, videlicet quod cal- 
ceos de superpedem prjeoidebant et quasi nudis pedibus ambulabant. Prseterea 
cum portarent quasdam cappas, quasi religionis, capillos capitis non attondebant 
nisi sicut laici. Hoc quoque probrosum in eis videbatur, quod viri et mulieres 
simul manebant in una domo, et de eis diceretur, quod quandoque simul in 
lectulis accubabant." Ibid. 

186 "Qu£e omnia ipsi asserebant ad Apostolis descendisse.'' Ibid. 

187 Letter of July 18, 1211, ap. Baluze. 

188 Multo fortius . . . repellendi non sunt." Ep.episo.crewon, Aug. 15, 1213. 

310 The Waldbnsbs of Italy. 

189 Cf., with the references given there Chron. Burch. et C. Ursperg., ap. 
Man. Germ. Script., xxiii., p. 396. 

190 " Exortas sunt duse religiones . . . videlicet Minormn fratrem et 
Praedicatorum. Quoe forte hac occasione sunt approbatse, quia olim duse sect* 
in Italia exorfee adhuc perdurant, quorum alii Humiliates, alu Pameres de 
Lugduno se nominabant. Chron. Vsperg. cf. Muller Aufange des Jmnoriten- 
ordeut, ap. Brieger, Zaittch.f. Kircheng, vol. vi. 

191 Helyot Hist des Ordres monagtiquet, 1839, vol. ii., p. 238 et seq. 

192 Hurter, op. cit. 

193 See the two epistles of Innocent, dated January 15, 1209, and August 10, 
1213. Hahn, while making this remark, goes so far as to take those, who 
favoured separation, for Manicheans, and this quite simply. See his Gegchd 
Ketzer, i., p. 186, n. 2. In order to account for certain points which, in their 
signed confession relate manifestly to Catharism, it suffices to suppose that the 
group of those favouring separation had admitted to their number a few converts 
from Catharism, and aimed at gaining adherents among them also. Hahn sup- 
poses that Innocent III. is mistaken, and that he gives the name of Waldenses 
to Cathari. But Durand and his associates declare that they separate " a Lug- 
dunensibus," and Bernard and his acolytes are called " Pauperes de Lugduno " in 
the chronicle which mentions them. Besides, according to the PontiiFs corres- 
pondence^the above-mentioned confession was to serve as a banner for a general 
return. We shall see further on that it was again utilized in Milan. 

194 Michelet, Hist, de France^ ii., b. iii. 

195 M. Berger remarks on this point : " If we had not, in this respect, the 
formal testimony of the chronicler Alberic, we should stUl know, by a number of 
other proofs, that under the episcopate of Bertram, the Waldensian heresy found 
its greatest development at Metz. La Bible franeaise d% iihoyen age, p. 39. 

196 Cses. Heisterb. Mirac.. dist. v., c. 20, ap. Bihl. dsterc., li., 138. 

197 " In urbe Metensi, pullulante secta quae dicitur Valdensium." Alberic, 
the author of the chronicle, is almost contemporary. See Pertz, Man Germ. 
Script, xxiii.j p. 878, an. 1199. 

198 " Ipsi eis in faciem restitei-unt" Bp. Inn. III., b. ii., 141, ap Baluz, cf. 
Migne, ^. 699, 793. 

199 " Dicit Apostolus : Non plus sapere quam oporteat sapere, sed sapere ad 
sobrietatem." See Bom. xii., 8. 

200 " Dt qui noluerunt obedire spontanei, discant adquiescere vel. invitl." IWd. 

201 " Ut . . . quid statu! debeat, melius inteUigere valeamus." Ep. 142, 
IMd, July 12, 1199. 

202 " Obediendum esse soli Deo." Ep. 235 a%x albes de Citeaux, de Mori- 
iiiond, etc. Tbid. 

203 "Injurias contumeliasque hac de re perpessus," Gallia Christiana, 
xiii., 754. 

204 " Directi sunt ad piaedicandum quidam abbates, qui quosdam libros de 
latino in romanum versos combusserunt et praedictam sectam extiri)averunt." 

205 " Omnes libri romane vel feuthonicfe scripti de divinis scrijjturis in 
manus tradantur episcopi, et ipse, quos reddendos videri, reddat." This decree 
is from Bishop Guido, of Palestrina, Plenipotentiary of the Pope in Belgium. 
See Miraei, Op. dipl. et hist., \.j 564. 

206 Gallta Christiana, xiii., 7.54. 

207 Cses Heisterb. 

208 The Ihsti Corbeienses, quoted by Harenberg (1762, i., p. 72), mention 
hostile laymen of " Suavia, Suicia et Bavaria," seduced " ab antiqua progenie 
simplicium hominum qui Alpes et viciniam habitant et semper amant antiqua." 
These are called Manicheans ; we read further that some came originally from 
Hungary. Half a century ago, Gieseler doubted whether we should recog- 
nise among them partisans of Arnaldo da Brescia. Others endeavour to twist 
the sense of this passage for the purpose of finding Waldenses. But it is proven 
that the whole passage, from page 45-89 of Harenberg's Mini. Hist., is not 
authentic, as the above-mentioned Fasti does not contain it. C. L. Scheid was 
the first to notice this fact in 1758. Pertz, in 1839, laid the fraud bare, in his 
Mon. Germ, iii., p. L et seq. 

209 Citron., of Justingerj anno 1277 and 1399, ap. Ochsenbein, op. cit., p. 95. 

210 One himdred and thirty Waldenses were discovered in Berne, and fifty- 
three at Friburg, says Herzog, Meal Bneycl., 1st ed., art Waldenses. Cf. Och- 
senbein, op. cit., p. 95-122. 

211 " Um des Ungloubens der sekten Waldensium," dated December 9, 1400. 
See Recueil Biplom. au canton de Fribourg, b. v., p. 170. 

The Waldenses of Italy. 311 

212 One of the women accused of Waldensian heresy in Friburg, in 1430, 
confessesto having learned from her co-religionist, Conrad Wasen, that, in the 
Roman districts, there were a good number of people professing the same faitli 
—"in partibus Romanife." See Ochsenbein, up. rit., p. 284. 

213 The public called it "the beautiful street of the prelates — die sohone 

214 T. W. Rohrioh, according to Speoklin, Mittluuluiigi'naus der Gegcliichte 
iler eiMv/iL'lisclwn Kirclw dcs Mlsasses, 1855, 1st. vol. 

215 'Chntit., Domin., Colmai:, ap., Urstisuis, Germ. iHUt., ii., 5, 90 ; and 
Chroii. Hirsanq., ap. Trithemius, i., 643. Cf. Rohrich, op. nit. 

21B Speckfin thinks that these are Waldenses still. " In the year 1230," he 
says, " the Waldensian heresy again raised its head here." Collectanea in usum 
chrowicl Argent., to the year 1230. 

217 Mosheim, Se BegliariHs. If we read, for instance, pages 115, 317, 482, 
484, and 486, we cannot understand how M. L. Keller can pretend to rest upon 
the testimony of Mosheim, for confounding the Waldenses with the Beghms. 
Cf. his book Die Reformation u. die dltesteu Reformations parteieu, 1885, p. 23. 

218 The recent researches of M. Miiller have confirmed our conviction on this 
point, and on many others also. We desire to offer him here our best thanks. 
See his book on the Orttieber, entitled : " Die Waldenser v. Hire einzelnen 
Grapven, bis zun) Aufanq des 14 Jalirlmndert.H" Gotha, 1886, p. 130 et 169. 

_ 219 That is to say, " Winkelprediger " litt. prsedicatores augulorum," because 
" ipsi secreto prcedicant et paucis hominibus in angulis." M. Haupt recognises 
in them Waldenses (see Die relig. Sekten, p. 26) and M. Miiller shows that he is 
right, op. cit., p. 165. 

220 Et de Borbone Anecdotes, etc., n. 343. Cf. Ing. of Passau, ap J/. BiM. 
Pair. XXV., p. 266 — 267. There is no doubt Michelet borrowed his colours from 
here, in order with them to paint the Waldenses in such colours as he liked. 

221 These are the " Sifridenses." Anonymous writer of Passau, p. 266. 

222 See Et. de Bourbon, iMd,., and the Inquisitor of Passau ihid., p. 264. 

223 Tocco op. cit., p. 207, et seq. 

224 " Recognovit quod bene noverat apud Mediolanum septemdecim sectas 
a se invieem divisas et adversas, quas ipsi eciam de secta sua omnes damnabant, 
et eas mihi nominavit et differenclas earum." Et. de Bourbon, Anecdotes, n. 330. 

225 " Fuerunt schismatici judioati. Postea in Provinoie terra et Lombardise 
cum aliis hiereticis se admiscentes, etc. Ibid., n. 342. 

226 See ante note 47. 

227 Cf. the letter of his disciple Wesel, writing from Rome, ap. Mart and 
Durand, Coll. ii., 554, and Jaffe, i., 539, 543. 

228 " Politicorum ha;reticorum patriarcham atque principem se constituit." 
Baronius, Ann. Ecel., anno 1141. 

229 ' Hominum sectam fecit, qua; adhuc dicitur ha^resis Lombardorum." 
We read in the Hist. Pontiticatis ap. Pertz, xx., p. 515. On the other hand, Dav. 
of Augsburg, op. cit., ch. 20, classes the "Arnostuste " among the sections of the 
Waldenses. M. Tocco does not hesitate to affirm that " the Poor of Lombardy 
descended in a direct line from the Arnaldists," op. cit., p. 187. M. Preger, 
although more moderate in his language, is still positive on this matter. 
Beitrdge, p. 31.- M. Miiller hesitates to commit himself ; but he admits, in any 
case, the possibility of a connection between the movement of Arnaldo and that 
of the Waldenses. Die Wald. p. 58. 

230 " Sed ne conventicula ab eis fierent, signanter interdixit et ne in publico 
predicare presumerent distriote inhibuit. Ipsi vero mandatum apostolicum con- 
tempnentes, facti inobedientes, se ob id excommunioari permiserunt. _ Hii se 
Humiliatos appellaverunt, eo quod tincta indumenta non vestientes, simplici 
sunt contenti." Cliron. Laud., ap. Pertz, xxvi., p. 449, 4.50. 

231 V. TirabOBchi, Fei. Humil. Mon., passim. Cf. Preger, Beitrdge, p. 32 — 34; 
Miiller, op.cit,, p. 59 et 60. 

232 " Humiliates vel Pauperes de Lugduno," says the decree of this Council, 
which we have before quoted. 

233 " Quam bonse memoriaa priedeeessor tuus destrui fecerat." Ep. d'Inn. III. 
to the Archbishop and Chapter of Milan, 3rd April, 1210. 

234 " Et nunc iterum est erecta." Ihid. 

235 " Pratum prajdictum seu alium locum idoneum . . . concedatis eisdem 
sine gravi scandalo aliorum." Ibid. 

236 The letter of Innocent III. in which we find this is dated 14th June, 
1210. Buchardt was a witness of the reappearance of Bernard and his com- 
panions. Chron. Ursperg, ap. Pertz, xxiii., p. 396. Cf. Tiraboschi, op. cit., \., 79. 

237 " Cum olim ima secta fuisse . . conscissi in diversas hereses divisi 

312 The Waldenses of Italt. 

sunt." Day. of Augsberg, ch. 20. We shall Bee in our last chapter that the cele- 
bration of the Eucharist was an invariable practice, before this division: '• Eun- 
dem modum"tenebant aute divisionem quse fuit inter eos." Mart and Durand, 
v., 177.0. Bernard Gui explains these words by adding : " Videlicet quando 
diviserunt se in Pauperes vocatos Lombardos et in Pauperos Citramontanos." 
See la Praotica irajMrniiowis, published by Canon C. Douais, Paris, 1886._ 

238 " Dividitur haeresis Leonistarum seu pauperum de Lugduno in duas 

?artes. Prima pars vocatur Pauperes Ultramontani, secunda vero Pauperes 
.ombardl . . . Isti descenderunt ab illis." Baccom, Surrnna ap. Mart, et Dur., 
v., 1775. 

239 See note 924. 

240 According to the Rescriptum liei: Lonib. ad Pauperes de iModuno qui 
sunt in Alamamia, ap. Preger. Cf. the examination of the three MSS. which 
contain it, ap. Miiller, p. 22. The most ancient would probably be of XIII. 
century, or at latest the commencement of XIV. Cf. Preger, Ueber dagVcrhSlt- 
niss der Taboriteti zu deu Waldensiern des 14 Jahrhunderts, Munich, 18?8, 
p. 16—19. 

241 The Ultramontanes were: " Petrus Eelana et Berengarius de Aquaviva 
<jui ambo time temporis accionem ultramontanorum annualem juxta suam oon- 
suetudinem procurbant, G. de Cremano et G. Tvirantus, Optandus de Bonate 
et Julianus." Those of Lombardy were : " Johannes de Samago et Thateus, 
Thoma set Maifredus^ Johannes Franoesohus et Jordanus de Dogno." Hid., n. 15. 

243 '■ Pacem nobiscum habere non possent." Ibid., n. 15. 

243* " Si pro omnibus culpis satisfecerint . . . posse salvari." Ibid. . 

245 " Non homini sed verbis Dei virtutem attribuimus." Ibid., n. 16. 

245* " Cum nee sanctificari illic oblacio possit ubi spiritus sanctus non sit, 
nee cuiquam dominus per eius preces et oraciones prosit, qui dominum ipse 
violat." lbid.,n.2i. 

246 " Sacerdotes qui eucharistie serviunt et sanguinem eius indigne confici- 
unt, impie agunt in lege Christi putantes, euchai-istiam imprecantis facere verba 
non vitam, et necessariam esse tantum solempnem oracionem et non sacerdotimi 
merita, de quibus dicitur: sacerdos in quacunque fuerit macula non accedat 
oblaciones oiferre deo." Ibid. 

247 " Quomodo ergo si sancti non sunt, sanctificare alios possunt ? " Ibid. 

248 " Audiant illi . . . dicentes : Ego non symoniacum attendo, sed verba 
benediccionis, yiss ex illius ore procedunt." Ibid. 

249 " miseri, omnibus hominibus miserabiUores, qui ore sacrilego talia 
audent feri nefaria . . . Dominus per Malachiam, quod maJorum sacerdotum 
benediccio pro malediccione imputetur, ait : Maledicam benediccionibus vestris." 

250 " Breviter respondemus : Cum essem parvulus, etc." Ibid. 

251 " Eespondemus : quia contra yeritatem scripturarum jam propalatam 
credere non possumus, nee eciam licet Valdesiani in hoc nos vellent cogere, 
volumus confiteri. Oportet emin obedire Deo magis quam hominibus." IMd. 

252 Cf. with another conference, apparently of Cathari, in Et de Bourbon, 
up. clt., n. 329. 

253 We have taken the facts respecting the conference from the Rescript 
itself. This is the address : "Oto de Bamezello dei gracia confrater pauperum 
spiritu, I de Samago, Tadeus Marinus, G. de Papia, L. de Leganio, G. de Mol- 
trasio, I. de Mutim, J. Franceschus, Jordanus de Dogno Bononius Atque Thomas 
dllectis in Christo fratribus ac sororibus, amicis et amicabus trans alpes pie 
degentibus in vero salutari salutem et dileccionis perpetue firmitatem." Preger 
supposes that this Rector was Thomas, but he is evidently mistaken. The letter 
must have been written a short time after the conference ; according to M. 
Miiller, M. Preger stiU thinks it cannot have been written until about 1230, and 
gives reasons for his opinion. See ZTeber das Vi'TlialtuiM, etc. 

254 " Et ibi sohole." We know already that these schools were places of 
meeting, where particularly the " magistri." who came from afar to visit the 
communities, were received. See Preger, Batrage, in appendix notice to n. ii., 
entitled Orte in der Diocese Passau, n-n die italischen Armen nm 1250, Auhanger 
luttten. The writing of said notice, as well as the one that follows, dates as far 
back as 1260. 

255 " Et ibi schole et episcopus." Ibid. 

25(5 " Et ibi schole plures (x) et plebanus occisus est ab eis." Ibid. The 
plurality of schools is an indication that, there as elsewhere, there was more than 
one sect at work. 

257 Preger reproduces it in his Beitrage, no. iii., under the title of Der 
Passauer anonymus uber die Kirchlichen Missbrauche. 

The Waldenses of Italy. bl3 

258 " Tempore interdicti exultant haeretioi, quia tunc possent corrumpere 
christianos," said an Inquisitor quoted by Fl. lUyrieus, op. cit., p. 653. 

269 Fr. lostea, in his dispute with M. Haupt, had held that the Waldensian 
movement in Germany did not proceed from the ranks of the people. M. Haupt, 
in his reply, proves that it penetrated higher. Der -maid. Urxpning des Codrx 
Tcplensis, p. 4 — S. 

260 " mmcupaverunt se inter se dy Kunilen et nos dy Fivmdeji." Kunder, 
in Latin, not'i. These designations are ratified by usage, in Bavaria, Austria, and 
Switzerland. Haupt, Die rdigidsen sehten, etc., p. 24. 

261 M. Haupt even thinks it was on the point of coming about, as it did, two 
centuries before, in the South of France, liid. 

262 For details we refer to Haupt, op. oit., and with regard to Pomerania 
and Braudeburg, to W. Wattenbach, Ui-bcr KeUergericJite in Pommern, u. drr 
MarTi Brandenburg, ap. Sitzungsbcr, d. Mnprmiss. Aliad. d. Wiss. 1886. 

263 Ochseubein, 02>. cit. 

264 Duverger, La Vauderie, 1885, especially p. 17-27, and T. T. Altmeyer 
Les Precur saurs de la Refurme aux Pays Bas, 1886, vol. i., p. 54 — 62. 

265 Haupt, Die relig. Seltten, etc., p. 26, and Der maid Urspruiig, etc.,. 
appendix No. 4. Flacius Illyricus names still more in his Catalogus, p. 660. 

266 GoU, Quellen u Untersncliungen, etc., i. p. 121, et seq. 

267 From calix, cup. Also called Ultraquists, because they celebrated the 
Holy Communion in two kinds : sub utraquc. 

226* 268 M. Schmidt in his Precis, etc., remarks that Tabor in the Slavonic 
dialects signifies a tent. Being compelled to lead a rather nomadic life, on 
account of the persecution, they finally got that name applied to their sect, called 
the Tabor. 

269 " I no longer doubt now but that Peter Chelcicky was acquainted with 
the doctrine of the Waldenses, from an early age, and found pleasure in it — u. 
daran Gefallen fand." Palacky, Ueher die Bczieliunger der Maid zu den Secten 
in Bohmen, 1870. He adds, it is true, that he says not a word about it. M. Goll 
agrees in admitting that, when Chelcicky came to Prague from the South of 
France, he adhered to the views of the Waldenses, and that he continued therein 
— " u. habe in der Folge immer au ihr festgehalten." Quellen, ii., 42, n. 2. 

270 M. Preger even thinks that they were numerous in Bohemia, on the eve 
of J. Huss's appearance. Beitrdge, etc., p. 51. 

271 Thus far the existence of any community had not been verified. 
Palacky, ibid., Zezschwitz, Die KatecMsmen, p. 154 ; Goll., op. cit., p. 37, n. 1. 

272 Preger comes to the conclusion in his work, Xjfeber das Verlidltuiss, etc., 

£, 110, that " that the Taborites are the sjjiritual offspring of the Waldenses." 
echler thinks this is an extreme conclusion. See Theol. Literatur blatt, 11th 
November, 1887. Cf. Haupt, Husitisclie Propaganda i7i Deutsehlaud {Sist. 
Taschenbuch, sixth series, vol. vii., 1888, p. 235). 

273 " Frederick, by the Grace of God, bishop of believers in the Komish 
Church, who reject the donation of Constantino." Haupt, op. cit., p. 46. 

274 "II cuore, nonla fibra." This expression is taken from Gino Capponi, 
who applies it to Savonarola, in his St. di Firenze. 

275 Consult authorities ap. lung and Boehm. This account is given here 
from Haupt, op. cit., p. 44—46. 

276 Wattenbach, p. 9— 11. 

277 Replique a Itohycana, ap. Goll. Quellen, etc., ii., 42, n. 4. 

278 " We have also heard from those who trace their origin back to the 
primitive Church, how even then, when Sylvester accepted those gifts his col- 
league Peter did not yield, but said : It is not in accordance with the doctrine 
and the example that Christ and our fathers, the Apostles gave us." Gregory,, 
Ti'aite de VEglise, ap. GoU., op. cit., i., 10, 23. Cf. treatise Wie die Menschen, 
etc., ap., Goll. i., Beilage. 

279 A bishop of the Brethren went so far as to believe that Waldo was the 
first founder of their opposition, and he was not the only one of that opinion. 
Goll., op. cit., i., 49, n. 2. 

280 F. S. Hark, Die Entsteliu/ng d alien Bruder TJnitat u Hires Bisthums, in 
the Briiider-Bote, April and May, 1883. 

281 " He performed the services secretly for the Waldenses among the Ger- 
mans, and on that account he was burnt at the stake." " Wil sie die Menschen,, 
etc., ap. Goll. 

282 This is the thesis now maintained by M. Haupt, and to which we shall 
have to come back. 

283 " Than has been recognised until now." Preger, Beitrage, p. 3. 

314 The Waldenses of Italy. 

284 "The history of the Waldenses has until now by no means received the 
attention which it deserves." Keller, op. vlt., p. 20, n. 1. 

285 It is the watchword given to every departing missionary. Thus, 
Matthew Hagen confesses to his judges that his Bishop Keiser sent him " in 
order that he should proclaim the lour Gospels, as the Apostles did, when Christ 
said to them : Go, etc." Wattenbach, ihid. 

286 "Fere enim nuUa est terra in qua haec secta non sit," Ing. of Passau, 
op. cit., ap. Bibl. Max, Patr., c. i. 

281* 287 " Like a fire on the point of going out." These words are attri- 
buted to F. Reiser. Haupt, op. cit, p. 46. 

282* 288 Edgar Quiute^ Melanges, chapter on the Ave/m de la religion, and 
mm in his book on the Genie des religiims. 

283* 289 According to Perrin, who had the advantage of consulting docu- 
ments collected for him in the valley of Luserna and especially in Angjogna by 
Vignaux and other pastors of the Valleys (see GUles, ch. U.), " it is believed by 
certain among them that they (the Waldenses) are sprung from the Waldenses 
of Dauphiny, Pragela, Fraissini^res, etc." Hist, (des Vaudois, part i, p. 150? 
ibid. p. 5 — 64. 

284* 290 It is the chronicle called the Tranjetons de Molines. These words 
are quoted after A. Muston. See Le Temoie, echo des valUes vaudoises, year ix., 
n. 47. The chronicle quoted by Muston, and which he dates back to the XV. 
century, is dated 14th February, 1816. The author was the person who fotinded 
the village of Font Gillarde. The copy of it which is preserved, presents, in the 
few lines that are known, some gross errors. Berger, Jtev. Hist., xxxvi. 

285* 291 Huston, ibid., n. 49. Another village of the name of Villar is found 
further north, below Briancon. 

286* 292 A MS. of Cambridge, entitled Oj'igo Valdensiwm, by an Inquisitor 
of the XV. century, contains the following words, concerning our fugitives : 
^' Lugduno fugientes ad ultimas Delphinatus partes, se transferentes in Bbred- 
unensi et Taurinensi dioecesibus in Alpibus et intra concava montium accessu 
■difScilia, plures ibi ex ipsis habitaverunt." Allix, Some Remarks, etc., at the 

287* 293 " Minor Deo, major homine . . . Sicut luna lumen saum a sole 
sortitur, sic," etc. Inn. III., Ep. 401, a,n6.passivi, ap. Baluz. i. 

294 " Pejores sunt ilUs." Ep. 28, ibid^, xi. 

289* 295 " Ad capiendas vulpeculas," writes Innocent, Bp. 149, ibid. x. 

290* 296 Fauriel, Croisade cojvtre les Albigeois, par un troubadour, p. 37. 
Peter Vallis Cernaii says the same thing. 

291* 297 " Caedite eos, novit, enim Donimus qui sunt ejus." This expres- 
sion is contested. See, for instance, la Science Gatholiqitf, rev. des questions 
relig.j 1st year, p. 224. But, " if the letter be incorrect, the fact is strictly true," 
we still say with Duverger, op. cit. p. 9. Moreover, it does not contradict the 
report written to the Pope by the same Arnaud, in which he relates this massacre 
of 20,000 persons, with the unction of a Jlahdi, and closes by saying : " Facta 
hostium strage permaxima, spoUata est tota civitas et succensa, ultione divina in 
■eam mirabiliter saeviente. ' Ep. of Inn., b. xii., 18. 

292* 298 A- Muston, ibid., n. 49. Thus far we agree with our poet. But 
from this to admitting " the Italian origin of the Waldenses of Piedmont," there 
is what is called Saltus inprobando, a very long stride. 

293* 299 Bist. Veritable, etc., MS., of Turin. Ct De Rubeis, after Perrin, 
op. cit,, b. i., ch. 3. 

294* 300 Gilles, op. cit., ch. i. 

295* 301 i«« Valtees Vaudoises, etude de topographic et d'histoire militaires, 
by A. de Roehas d'Aiglun, chef de bataillon du G§nie, Paris, 1880. 

296* 302 1 Kings, xx., 23. 

297* 303 Hudry-M^nos, I'Israel des Alpes, Rev. des D.M., Nov. 15, 1867. 
However, some attention is occasionally paid to this. Monastier, for instance, 
admits that Pre du Tour is "unassailable," and that to attempt to attack 
Angrogna on a certain side, " is folly." Hist, de VEglise VavdoiseA., p. 181. 

298* 304 MS. of D. L. Garola in the archives of Count Emmanuel of 
Luserna, p. 19 — ^23. 

299* 305 Hist. G6n., b. i., ch. 1. Of. Bfi: xiL 

300* 306 Gilles, ibid. 

301* 307 The documents of the house of Luserna are in manuscript, private, 
but accessible, thanks to the courtesy of Count Emmanuel. Moreover, their 
impoi-tance is infinitesimal, as regards this history. With respect to the act of 
donation of Adelaide, see Mon. Hist, Patriae, vol. i., p. 607. 

302* 308 A. de Roehas d'Aiglun, l.c. 

Thk Waldenses of Italy. 815 

3U3* 309 Tron, m. cit, oh. xii. 

3U4* 310 Hudry-Mfenos, I.e. 

305*311 The same, -iWrf. 

306* 312 Gilles, l.c. 

307* 313 Ill-timed, we say, for that testimony narrated iu an inexact manner, 
is not a real testimony ; such as it is, it weakens instead of justifying its own 

308* 314 Recently it has again been advanced by Tron, 02>. cit., ch. xii. 

315 These tales are taken from Jacques Brezzi, Timoleon, and J. R. Peyran. 
Pierre, Bert, etc. 

316 Brezzi, IKst. iJck Vaudois, preface. Cf. ch. 11., p. 46.- 

317 " Quando importava ai Valdesi di fare, per dir cosi, Tapologia della loio 
f vangelica immobilita." A. Bert, I ValdcH, etc., p. 32. 

312* 318 Leger, Hist. 6fcn., etc., li., p. 131. 

313* 319 ///.?<. i/es Vaudois, 1834, p. 160. 

314*320 iJW., p. 196. 

321 Op., oit., p. 137. 

316* 322 " Non sectam doceo qui unitatem teneo. . . . Sectas et schis- 
niata atque haereses in quantum valui compressi, contrivi et pugnavi et expug- 
navi, et expugnare in quantum valeo prorsus Deo adiuvante non cesso." A2)ol. 
ii4v. Theod. 

317* 323 " Quod homines colebant, ego destrui solus coepi." Ibid. 

318* 324 Artiaco, Fra Dolcino e la, tradisione, ap. Miv Crist., v. 146. 

319* 325 " It is possible," wrote Charles Hase, not long since, " that, since 
the time of Claude of Turin, a tendency, which anticipated the mission of the 
Waldenses, and assumed a definite form in consequence of its influence, was 
maintained among the labouring congregations of the valleys of the Alps." See 
his Hist, de VJEglise, x. edit., year 1877, p. 276. But when we asked the cele- 
brated historian whether he had any evidence to give in support of his assertion, 
he confessed that those words expressed a timid hypothesis, to which he attached 
no special importance. 

320* 326 Ex. G-illy in his Wald. Researches, Hudry-M6nosin his Israel des 
Alpes, ap. Rev. des B. M., etc. 

321* 327 Etude mr Vorigine des Vaudois du Piemont, Geneva, 1871. 

322* 328 " Non vi ha alcun cenno che in quei luoghl vi fossero eretici." Un 
Episodio della Stoi-ia del Piemonte wl seoolo xiv., etc., 1874, p. 10 — 11. 

323* 329 Hist, de VEglise Vaudoise, ch. iv. 

324* 330 B. Petri Dam. Ejrist. 1606, b. vli., ep. 16, ad Adelaidom ducissam et 
marchioihissam Alpium Cotiarum. 

325* 331 " Permittisenim ut Ecclesiaetuae clerici . . . velut jure matrimonii 
oonfederentur uxoribus." IHd., b. iv., ep. 3, ad Oiinibertum episcopum taurin- 

326* 332 See his Is. des Alpes in the Rev. des D. M. 

327* 333 Gall. Christ, iii., p. 178. Cf. Reeherclies hist, sitr les Ilautes Alpes 
by the Abbot Guillaume, p. 108. 

328* 334 Is. des Alpes, p. xxxii., n. 2. 

329* 335 The verification is founded upon the very indications furnished by 
Muston. The inaccuracy was established by J\ Albert of Grenoble and F. Guill- 
aume of Gap, to whom we hereby express our gratitude. The Bull alluded to by 
Muston "says not a word about heresy or heretics." 

330* 336 Monastier, op. cit., ch. 4. That is repeated by H. Martin, A. Bert, 
and others to the present day. 

331* 337 These words are from the Temoin, echo des Vallees Vaudoises, anno 
1881, in the course of a discussion upon the origin of the Waldenses. 

332* 338 Pertz, Man. Germ., xii. 

333* 339 Op. CTl.p. 324. 

334* 340 Ag. de Gasparin, Ze Christianisme aw Moyen-Ai/e, 1859, p. 141. 

335* 341 Lettre a A. Lombard, July 12, 1865. The latter published it in the 
appendix of his book upon J. L. Pascale et les Martyrs de la Calabre. 

336* 342 Landulphi senioris, Hist. Mediolani, ii., 27, ap. Muratori, Rer. Ital. 
Script, iv. 

337* 343 I allude to the house of Covmt of Foix. 

338* 344 " Specialiter praedicat contra incarnationem Filii Dei," etc. Brief 
dated Avignon, July 8, 1332. 

339* 345 Processus contra VaWenses in Lombardia superiori, ap. Bibl 
Casan., Rome, D. iii., 18. The notes of this trial appeared in the Arch St. Ital. 

340* 346 " Quam plures conveni valles haereticorum turn Waldensium quam 

316 The Waldenses of Italy. 

Gazarorum perversorum." Vine. Ferr. ap. Raynald contin. ann. Baron., an. 1403, 
n. 24. 

341* 347 "Quando veniebant ad dictas partes, pro majori parte temporis 
veniebant ad ipsum exponentum, et quando recedebant aliquantulum constitne- 
bant sum eorum Locumtenentem." State of Arch, Turin, Mat. EccL, Inqui- 
sizione, mazzo i., categ. 9. This document was published in the Rivista Crigtiana, 
October, 1881. 

342* 348 Schmidt, Hist, de Cathares, etc., vol. i., p. 186—188. 
343* 349 The Albigenses and the Poor of Lyons retired thither, says the MS. 
of D. L. Garola, which, moreover, is of a later date than Eorengo and Th. 

344* 350 The existence of a Catharin current of emigration about 1250 has 
been ascertained. See Ch. Molinier, L" Inquisition dansle midi de Id France, 
1881, p. 253—257. 

34i* 351 Costa de Beauregard held that the Cathari in Italy " rejoined their 
co-religionaries of the Valleys of the Pignerol." Mem. hist., quoted by Monastier, 
i.. 42. 

346* 353 " Me exinde foris expuli, absentem me feci," says the Duchess, in 
one of the acts of donation. Croset Mouchet, Abhaye de Ste Marie de Pignerol, 
1845, Notes and Documents. Gilles {op. cit., ch. xiv.) claims that the abbey 
'• was founded in the year 606. by Adelaide, daughter of the last Marquis of 
Susa." This error, repeated by Muston (Hist. d. Vaud., p. 7), is rectified by him 
(Is. des Alnes, i, 253). 

347* 353 Among other privileges, the monastery had that of being classed 
among the abbeys, called nullius dicecesis, which are held directly from the 

348* 354 "I vecchi conti di Lusema hanno avuto principio dai piimi 
casteUani che furono deputati assistenti ai marchesi di Susa alia custodia de 
passi dell Alpi." Delia Chiesa, Corona Reale, part i. 

349* 355 MS. of Garola, passim. We heard this last point from the mouth 
of Count Emmanuel of Lusema. 

350* 356 It is represented by Alexander, Marquis of Angrogna, and 
Emmanuel, Count of Lusema. 

351* 3-57 Garola claims to have kept the imprint of the seal of Count Man- 
fredi, of the year 1256, and remarks as follows : " There was a small light 
surrounded by darkness," and the motto ran : Sigillum Whelmi Manfredi de 

352* 353 From these coats-of-arms, L6ger and Monastier go so far as to con- 
clude that the Waldensian Chiu-ch existed, ai antiqno. But the middle ages are 
full of such. We know that the coat-of-arms of the city of Geneva, before the 
Eeformation, had for its motto : Post teneiras spero lucem. The sequins of 
Venice, as late as the XVI. century, had on one side the likeness of the Doge 
kneeling at the feet of Christ, with the inscription : Ego sum lux mundi. And 
does not the coat-of-arms of Leo XIII. bear a star with the words : Immen de 
Coelo? So true is it that the name and the thing do not necessarily go together. 

353* 359 They were, moreover, rather whimsical. Here is an example : 
Lucida lucenti lucescit, luxque, iMcema, tua. 

354* 360 Besides the fact that the Waldenses have restored its true sense to 
this symbol, one might further question whether without them the coat-of-arms 
of Lusema would not be absolutely forgottten as that of Leo XIII. At any rate, 
we may be permitted to believe that the Waldensian name reflected credit upon 
it, when we hear the abbot Botero of St. Michael singing 

i Manfredi 
La cui virtii I'alta Lucerna ammanta 
Di Valdo e di Calvin contro gli eredi. 

355* 361 •■ Angroniam . . . jam ad Delphmatus principe soUicitantibus 
Valdensibus praeoccupatum UgheUi, Italia Sacra, iv., 1051. If it were speaking 
of Pragelas, we might understand it more easily. 

356* 362 Croset-Mouchet, op. cit., p. 13. 

357* 363 " Con gran disgusto dell Abate," says Cibrario, cited by Croset- 
Mouchet, iMd. 

35:?* 364 " Territi monachi," says Ughelli, I.e. 

359* 365 Such is the opinion of the author of the MS. of the Histoire 
Veritable des Vavdois^ that of (Jarola, Monastier, and A. Bert ; but there is 
absolutely nothing to justify it. 

3G0* 366 " In quella valle non vi furono gentilhuomini ch'opponessers 
all 'introduttione dell'heresie ma ben i monaei dell'Abbazia," 'RoTengo,Mcm.Hist., 
«h. vi. 

The Walbenses of Italy. 317 

361* 367 MS. of the Uist. Verifirble. 

362* 36S See Croset-Mouchet, ibicl.v.n—19, and the Tra/imzionifatt/^tra U 
signori predecessori della serenissima Casa di Sai-oia e U Itn\ mi Abhati ed 
iwniinl del Monastero di S. Maria in Pincrolo, Turin, 1622. 

368* 369 That does not make it necessary to represent the author of Origo 
Valdensium. as saying that the Waldenses, who took refuge from Lyons, in the 
Alps, were " more than fifty thousand " (Lfe. op. cit. ii., p. 32). This expression 
is not found in the text, as reproduced by Allix. 

364* 370 According to Camerarius the date of the foundation of this colony 
must be brought back to the middle of the XIV. century : according to De 
Thou, to the middle of the XIII. 

865* 371 The origin of the emigration Into Calabria dates, according to 
Gilles, from about the year 1315 ; according to Perrin, about 1370 ; Mustou, about 
1840. With Vegezzi-KuBoalla we incline towards the date indicated by Grilles. 
See Rill. Contcmp.. Nov., 1862, p. 161, H seq., art., entitled ; Colonia piemontesu 
in. Calabria. 

366* 372 Korengo claims that he heard this detail from the lips of Grilles, 
who, by his family traditions, seems to us to be the best informed writer on this 
point. However, Rorengo is far from doing him justice {Mum. Hist., ch. xvi.) ; 
still his criticism is quite insignificant, and Vegezzi-Euscalla alludes to it only 
to reject it. 

867* 873 Gilles, op. clt., ch. iii. 

374 Comprising the natives. See Jerome Zanohi, Ep. ad Joh. de Lasco, b. 
ii., p. 360. 

375 See the two edicts of the year 1269, mentioned by Vegezzi-Euscalla, ibid., 
at the end, and by De Boni, the Inquisizione ed i Calabro-Valdesi, in the 
appendix. The second of these decrees gives the names of about 70 heretics 
denounced by the Inquisition. 

376 "Eodem anno (1210) Otho IV. Imp. Taurini aliquot diebus reaedit, 
plui'ima privilegia ecclesiis concessit, maxime Hipaltae Abbatiae^" Dghelli. 

377 •' Haeretioos valdelses i (sic) ... a toto Taurinensi episcopatu im- 
perial! auctoritjte expellaj." See Man. Hist. Patrice Script., vol. ii., 1839, col. 488, 
by P. Gioffredo, according to the archives of the archbishopric of Turin, categ. 
i., mazzo i^ n. 17. The reading has been corrected by Manuel de S. Giovanni, 
tin Episodio della St. del Piemonte, p. 11 — 16, ap Mi.$o di Sloria Ital., vol. xv. 
(1874). Cf. as to the authenticity of the edict, Winkelmann, Philip of Stvabia 
and Otto IV. Leipzig (Jahrb. d. deutsch. Gesch., vol. ii., 1878, p. 221) and T. 
Ficker, Die Ri-genten, des Kaisorreichs, number 2, Othon iv., u. 363. M. Manuel 
de S. Giovanni' contests the authenticity of it ; Winkelmann hesitates to admit 
it ; Ficker accepts it, but without any proof ; Berger supports his view by the 
conclusions of these two last writers, whilst mixing them up together. Rev. 
Hist., xxxvi., part 6. 

^78 " Statutum est quod si quis vel si que hospitaretur aliquem vel aliquam 
a'd -=.sem vel Valdensam se sciente in posse Pinerolu dabit bannum solidorum 
aee«-i quotiescumque hospitabitur." Liber Statutorum civ. pinerolu, Aug. Taur., 
1602, c. 84. 

379 Vegezzi-Ruscalla, Miscell. Patria, vol. 122. 

380 The collection of statutes bears the date of 1220, indicating the year in 
which the compilation was begun, by order of Thomas I. This date does not 
refer to all the statutes indiscriminately. A note at the end of the first book, 
p. 54, tells the reader that the different chapters were modified and sanctioned 
per dominum in condone^ March 31, 1280. On this point Cf. librario St. della 
Man. di. Savoia, 1st ed., i., 268, with Manuel di S. Giovanni, (w. cit., p. 16. From 
this decree, especially from the expression " Valdensem vel Valdensam," Herzog 
draws two conclusions : 1st, that the Waldenses were isolated ; 2nd, that the 
women still accompanied their preachers, Rom. Wald., p. 272 — 3. 

381 "Adjicimus insuper ut quilibet Arohiepiscopus vel Episcopus, etc." 
CoTic. Lat. iv., 0. iii., § 7. 

382 Tocoo recognizes it very clearly. Op. cit., p. 170. 

383 Thomas Aquinas, the angelic doctor, subsequently defined this point in 
unequivocal terms. " Non solum ab ecclesia per excommunicationem separari, sed 
etiam per mortem a mundo excludi . . . Possunt non solum excommunicari, 
sed et juste ocoidi." Summa ii., 2, 9, xi., art. 3. 

384 " Quod hostilis invaleat haeresis, proh pudor ! in partibus Lombardiae, 
quae plures inficiat." Message, dated March, 1224. 

385 Eaynaldi, ad an. 1226, n. 26. 

383 " Hanc constitutionem nostratu per totam Lombardiam facias publicari." 
Message quoted above. 

318 The Waldenses of Italy. 

387 "Vigor debet ecclesiasticus excitari," wrote Barbarossa, during the same 
year as the Waldenses were condemned at the Council of Verona. Frederick 11. 
followB the same i»ath, and says more resolutely : "A viris ecclesiasticis et 
praelatis examinari jubemus." 

388 " Eogamus beatitudinem vestram . . . diligentem operam assumatis." 
Letter of Messine to Gregory IX 

389 See his Sicilian Constitutions, and Cantii, Eretiei, discourse v. 

390 That is to say : " Cut the head off a hundred thousand men placed in 
line." Verse of Guisti. 

391 Vide Ante. 

392 He was named Henry of Settala. His epitaph bears the words •.jugvlaeit 

393 Corio, Storia di Milano, part ii., f. 756 et seq. ; according to Schmidt, 
op. cit. i., 156. 

394 Cantii, Stoi-ia Univ., Documenti ii., n. xviii. Cf. A. Lombard, Paulieieng, 
etc., appendix, letter L. 

395 That is to say : Thou who ascendest the royal steps of the great 
throne of the citizen of Lodi, protector and sword of £tith, always call to 
mind on this spot the honours of Governor Oldrado, who raised this throne and 
burned the Cathari as it was right to do." Muratori, Antiq. Ital. v., 90. 
Guilini, Mem. della citta e campaqna di Milano, vol. iv. Cf. Lombard, op. cit., 
p. 210. This equestrian statue is not in the best taste. Galvano Flamma, 
although a monk, says, concerning it : " In marmore super equum residens 
sculptus fuit, quod magnum vitupenimi fuit." Cantii, Eretici, V disc. 

396 " Mediolanensium ci>-itatem, quae pro maxima parte inhabitatur 
haereticis, contra, nos et Imperium manifesto fevore tuetur." Pet. de Vineis, b. 
i., ep. 21. 

897 " Mediolanenses autem, tunc temporis, formidine poenae potins quam 
rirtutis amore, haereticos, qui civitatem suam pro magna parte inhabitabant, ut 
faman isuam redimerent, et accusation! imperiali Uberius responderent, com- 
busserunt." Matth. Paris, H. A., p. 366. Cf. Ripoll., Bull, proed., i., 65. 
See Schmidt, op. cit., i., 162. 

398 Anon, de Passau, ap. F. Illyr, pp. 540 and 547. 

399 The Counts of Luserna submitted to the Prince of Savoy that year, "A 
condizione d'esser mantenuti ne'loro privileggi, libero esercizio del culto a' Val- 
desi, oltre la confermazione senza dubbio delle loro proprieta ed immunita velle 
Valli." We give this quotation on the good faith of Sieur Gaston de Bez, who 
states that he read it in the MS. of Garola, entitled Doeumeiiti Storici di Luserna 
e Valle (January 5, 1831). We have had this MS. before us, but it seems that 
these lines escaped our notice, as was the case with Count Emmanuel and others. 
Monastier, who has not been in a position to see them, reads them in anticipa- 
tion, as it were. See his HiMoire, vol. i., p. 92, 170, and 186. 

400 " 1297. Philippus libravit inquisitori Vaudensium pro medietate ex- 
pensarum per eundem inquirendo Valdenses in valle Peruxie." Cibrario ap. 
Kromer, Fra Dolcino ii. di^ Patarener, Leipzig, 1884, p. 22. 

401 Patent i di jiomijta, etc. State of Arch., Turin, Mat. Eccles., categ. ix., 
mazzo i. 

402 " Becepit de xvii. sold, pro quodam parvo casaU dirupto, sibi vendito 

E' ro parte doraini, quod acquisitum propter raldesiam cujusdam valdesie com- 
usti." Cibrario ap. Kromer, I.e. 
4(B " Qnadam die quondam Gulielmum rectorem parochialis ecclesiae de 
Engravia Taurin diocesis celebrata missa per eum in platea dictae VUlae nequi- 
ter occiderunt suspicantes quod dictus rector eos penes Inquisitorem praefatum 
de ipsorum haeresibus detuUsset." Brief of John XXII., in the year 1332, ap. 
Baynaldus, ad. an. 1332, n. 31. Hagravm is evidently an erratum which should 
TeaA Engronia. With regard to villa, yre do not see why Monastier wants to 
make a proper name of it, in order to read Villar. 

404 " Praenominati haeretici ipsum Inquisitorem in quodam casteUo ^patenter 
et publice obsederunt, sic quod oportuit eum inde recedere inquisitioms hujus- 
modi officio relicto totaliter imperfecto." Ihid. Muston arbitrarily attributes 
this fact to the Waldenses of the Valley of the Po. Is. des Alpeg, i., 254. 

405 Rorengo. Mem. Hist., p. 17. We there read that Jacques d'Acha'ie, at 
the request of the Inquisitor, Pierre de Ruffia, gave orders in 1354 to different 
personages of the house of Luserna to cause the Waldenses in their valley to be 

406 See upon this subject a letter of Gregory XI. to Amedeus VI., as given 
by Raynaldus, ad. an. 1375, n. 56. Cf. Rorengo, iMd., p. 17. The two reports do 
not entirely agree in the details. This incident is mentioned in the Processus 

The Waldenses of Italy. 819 

contra Valdenses, ap. Aroh. St. It., an. 1865, p. 29—31, and so ae to leave the 
impression that the murderer was not a Waldensian, but probably one of the 

407 See again the above-mentioned letter of Gregory XI. Of. Rorengo, iVid. 

408 Letter of Gregory XI., at the end. 

409 Perrin, Lfiger, etc. 

410 Science CatkoUnue revue, etc., 15 March, 1888. Cf. Ch. Molinier, Z'ln- 
qiiiigition dans le midi de la France a% XIII. et XIV. siecle, part ii., ch. v. 

411 Ex. Arnaud, Pons, Jourdan, Bonet, Maurel, Boer, Pascal, Maraude, 
Soulier, etc. Ihid., passim. 

412 Exempli gratia., the priest Jean Philibert, ihid., p. 10. 

413 " Vidit et adoravit pluries liaereticos et in pluribus loois praedicationes 
eorum audivit, pluries reoepit eos, dedit elemosinas Valdensibus . . . Inoludatur 
infra septa monasterii, etc. Ihid., p. 71. 

414 See Schmidt, Hist, des Cathares,i3TA period, ch. iii. Cf, Molinier, op.oit., 
part ii., ch. vi. 

415 The Dominican.s were fond of having the double meaning, of which it 
is susceptible, attached to their name. Domini cani and JDomini canes. 

416 "Ad quos abolendos a Benedicto episoopus Valentinus exoitatus, cen- 
sores fidei zelum explicare jussi, denique Humbertus delphinus Viennensis." 
Raynaldi, ad. an. 1335, n. 63. 

417 " Qui yocantur Waldenses, maxima multitudo, et quod quidam ofBciales 
tui dilectos Alios inquisitores, non solum non juvant, ut deberent, in suo inquisi- 
tionis ofticio, immo multa impedimenta contra ipsos praestare presumunt." 
These obstacles are afterwards indicated. Kaynaldi, ad. an. 1373, n. 20. The 
reproach is renewed two years later. See ihid., ad. an. 1375, n. 25. 

_ 418 " Audivimus quod in eis (provinciis) haereticorum multitudo moratur 
etiam ab antiquo, contra quos vos et praedecessores vestri negligenter omisistis 
vestrum exercitium exeroere ; unde fit quod multiplicantur execrabiles haereses, 
et haereticorum numerus, proh dolor ! adaugetur," Eayn., ad'an. 1375, n. 25. 

419 Perrin, i., 113. 

420 Ibid., p. 114. 

421 Perrin, op. eit., p. 118—124. 
402* 422 Perrin, i., 126. 

423 '' Vallem ipsam ecclesiastico supposueris interdicto." The papal brief, 
dated August 17th, is addressed to the Bishops of Turin and Nice ; to the Arch- 
deacon of Vfircelli ; and to James of Buronzo, a monk of the Order of St. 
Dominic, Inquisitor in Piedmont. Eorengo, op. cit., p. 19. The absolution 
extends to all the heretics of the Valley of Luserna and especially to the 
Waldenses — "in Valle Lucernae Taurinensis dicecesis commorantes diversarum 
haeresum, et praesertim Valdensium seu Pauperum de Lugduno labe infecti." 
It is applicable to all the heretics scattered in the different dioceses hereabove- 
mentioned, even to those who had experienced more tha,n one relapse — " pluries 
relapsi fuerint." What is most clearly sho?m by this brief, is not so much that 
the heretics are being converted, as he claims, but that they are numerous. 

424 " Proclamari . . . alta et intelligibili voce faciatis." This decree, 
dated November 28th, 1475, was given at Luserna, "in ecclesia dicti loci, 
praesentibus testibus notaris . . . coram spectabilibus cum Domini s 
Lucernae videlicet Ugeta de Rorengis, Joanne de Giannoto, Gulielmo de Laia, 
Damiano de Nicia, Filipo de Bobio, Antonio de Campiliono potestate Lucernae, 
Jacobo de Beneitinis, ac Domina Catherina tutrix filiorum suorumooudominorum 
ut supra." Rorengo, ibid., p. 22 — 24. 

425 Perrin, i., 151. It does not appear that all those names are there indicated 
in any order, the more so as Perrin makes mention of Catelan Girard. Gilles is 
silent ; Lfiger names only the first three ; Brezzi follows Perrin, and is followed 
by Monastier. 

426 " Vobis sic omnino fieri volentes, ut potissime hi de Valle Lucernae ad 
gremium Somctae Matris Ecclesiae venire possint." This word venire has 
excited the imagination of two writers ; they twist it to make it mean that it 
was not for the Waldenses a question of re-entering but of entering into the 
Church of Rome, and that, consequently, according to one, " the Duchess openly 
recognizes the antiquity of our origin, I had almost said our apostolic succes- 
sion ;" according to the other, " at that time there was as yet no idea of calling 
in question the simultaneous and anterior existence of the Waldensian Church 
to that of the Romish Church." Cf. Brezzi, Hist, des Vaudois, part ii., p. 19, and 
Monastier, op. cit., i., 174. 

427 Raccolta degli editti, etc. Turin, 1678, p. i. Four pages further on, 
mention is made of four former edicts concerning the Waldenses ; two are by 

320 The Waldenses of Italy. 

Duke Louis, auiio 1448 and 1452 ; the third by Duke Ainedeus IX, auno 1446 ; 
the fourth by Duchess lolante, auno 1473. Those edicts did nothing more than 
confirm existing privileges, relating to the valley of Luserna and the localties 
near Bubiane, Fenil, CampUlon, etc. There is no question of religious liberty. 

428 "fit quia tu Potestas Lucernae . . . iUa ut supplicatur exequntioni 
demandare renuisti, imo iUas retinuisti." Ibid. This podesta was Antonio di 

429 " Perchft alcuni officiali e massime Antonio di Campiglione pedesti di 
Lucerna non procedeva con quel calore che richiedeva la causa," etc. Korengo, 
op. cit.,v. 24. 

430 Here is a request of the Lords of Luserna to the Duke of Savoy. The 
date is unknown. " Vobis illustrissimae, D.D., nostro Duci Sabaudiae, reverenter 
et devote exponitur parte spectabilium et generosorum Dominorum Lucernae 
et ValUs eius. Quod ipsi Domini exponentes, tanquam veri ac fidelis orthodoxi 
Chrigtiani, conati saepe, et saepius lueruntj omnem rabian, TnaTnillam et labem 
heresial Gazariae et Apostasiae, de et a locis iin^roniae, Sancti Joannis, Vilarii 
et Bobii praefatae eorum Vallis, abstergere, expeUere et exterminari facere, qua 
labe homines et personae ipsorum locorum erant et sunt infecti et infecta ; ipsis 
autem Dominis exponentibus, banc materiam in honorem Dei soUicitantibus, 
homines et personae ipsorum quatuor locorum contra ipsos exponentes eorum 
immediatos Dominos et Superiores insurrexerunt, et anna acceperuut beUumque 
movenmt, etc." Rorengo, I.e., p. 18. Is it not remarkable that heresy should 
there be designated as Gazaria or Apostagia, and the name of Waldenses not 
'ven hinted at ? Korengo concludes that his ancestors took " Grazari per Valdesi 
e Valdesi per Gazari." I do not believe them to have been as foolish as that. I 
am rather inclined to infer this : that the Cathari, as compared with the 
Waldenses, seemed to them more turbulent, and that it is the former who, in 
their opinion, deserve to be signalized as revolutionists. 

431 " Ho aruta notizia d'altro ordine del Duca Carlo 1. dell'anno 1484, col 
<iuale deputd alcimi delegati a conoscere sopra le violence commesse ad 
Augrogna, ViUaro e Bobbio, perchfe i loro signori s'opponevano alle loro heresie, 
registrato nel protocollo del Bessone nell archivio di Chiamberi." Korengo, 
p. 25. 

432 It is not necessary to be a Waldensian to feel this repugnance and to 
confess it. " I am happy," said a Catholic historian, " not to be obliged to 
recount the history of his reign." Cantii, Eretici, etc., xi. disc. 

433 " Innocent was eight times fether, without counting his eight daughter^. 
By calling him father, Rome wiU only do him justice." 

434 It is the Bull Sunimis deiideranteSj of December 5, 1484. 

435 Leger, who reproduces that Bull, give.* by mistake the date of 1477. Ojj. 
cit., part ii., p. 8 — ^20. 

436 " Xonnulli iniquitatis filii, incolae Provinciae Ebredunensis, sectatoret; 
illius perniciosissimae et abominabiLis sectae hominum malignorum Pauperum 
de Lugduno sen Yaldensium nuncupatorum, quae dudum in partibus Pedemon- 
tanis et aliis circumvicinis . . . damnabiliter insurrexit." 

437 " Adversus Valdenses praedictos . . . insurgant, eosque veluti 
aspides venenosos conculcent ; et ad eorumdem haereticorum tarn sanctam 
tamque pernecessariam exterminationem et dissipationem adhibeant omnes 

438 This is what he says in his memoirs : " Simul ac Pontificis litterae ad 
eum perlatae sunt, presidibus Delphinatus mandavit, ne qua in re Alberto archi- 
diacono ad nM;otium ex sententia conficiendum deessent." Godefroy Histoire de 
Charles VIIL, Paris, 1684, p. 277, et seq. The MS. there cited is in the Paris 
Bibliothique Nationale. 

439 " Omnia enim juris ordine agebantur." IMd. 

440 "Imiei, i mieifaranno la passada." This saying is related by Perrin 
{Ix. 153). He quotes it undoubtedly from the memoirs of Vignaux which he had 
before mm ; and he adds : " Youlant dire que ces soldats crioyent £1, eux pour les 
mettre ^ mort." This explanation seems to us the true one, because pasma is 
used in the Piedmontese dialect to signify death ; moreover, how could Perrin 
give it, who was ignorant of this dialect, if he did not take it from a competent 
author ? 

441 " Women and children, on their knees, crying out in their language : 
Bio, aiutaci." Perrin, ibid. 

442 Gilles, op. cit., ch. iv. Those are recollections derived from that 
traditon " which continually runs side by side with Waldensian history," as 
Hudy-JIenos says on this subject. Perrin and Gilles do not agree in the details. 
Thus, according to Perrin, the Black of Mondovi fell in the last attack, from an 

The Waldenses op Italy. 321 

arrow which hit him "in the throat," whilst, according to Grilles, he fell in the 
first assault, near Rocciamaneout, from an arrow that wounded him " between 
the eyes." If Perrin is correct, we might ask whether the pool called Toumpi 
Ner is not connected with the fate of the Black of Mondovi. Still, although 
Perrin had the memoirs of Vignaux before him, he may easily have made a 
mistake. He lacked in his interpretation the check of living tradition. Gilles 
wrote a little later, but upon the sjjot. The leminiscenoes attaching to the pool 
in which Saquet perished, have lived to this day. or very nearly. I observe 
further, concerning these Captains, that only one of them is named ; they oarae 
from the same province ; they fell, according to the first narrator, " at the same 
time," both, according to the second historian, imitated Goliath of Gath. But 
these data are far from sufficient to make us admit that it is simply a question 
of a single individual multiplied by the legend into two. 

443 If the accusation made by the Nuncio be correct, weoannot conceive 
how 20 of those prisoners were spared. 

444 Omnes incolse Pratigelati et circumvicinorum locorum .... veniam 
petiere." ihid. 

445 The!?e words, so sublime in their simplicity, are handed down to us by 
the leader of the Crusade ; they are undoubtedly authentic, and deserve to be 
quoted, even in the Nuncio's Latin : " Eegi fideles obedientesque sumus et veri 
Ohristiani dici possumus. Prassti erunt le^is nostrte Magistri — 'Barbas ipsi 
vocant ' — vitas merito et doctrina insignes, qui sive in generalibus sive synodali- 
bus conciliis, luce clarius novi et veteris Testamenti auotoritatibus probabunt 
nose recte de Christiana fide sentire, nee insectatione sed laude dignos esse. Quia 
transgressores evangelicse legis, longeqtte ab Apostolorum traditione recedente 
sequi volumus, et eorum pravis institutionibus obedire; sed paupertate ao inno- 
centia delectamur quibus orthodoxa fides et fundata fuit et crevit. Divitias 
autem et luxum ac dominandi sitim, quibus nostri persecutores inhiant, asperna- 
mur. Nam quod vobis statutum esse dicitis legem et sectam nostram extinguere, 
videte ne deo inimici sitis, neve eius iram in vos provocetis et, sub specie 
boni, ingens piacuium admittatis, ut Paulus quondam fecisse dicitur. Nos 
in Deo speramus, magisque ei quam hominibus placere studemus, neo timemus 
eos qui corpus occidunt, animam autem nonpossunt occidere. Bt tamen scitote 
quod si Deus voluerit, nihil contra nos vires valebunt vestrae." 

446 " Se vera, sentire, illos seductores esse vociferautes." Hid. Catanfie 
adds that they were even beaten. Is the Nuncio always well-informed, and does 
he always speak nothing but the truth ? We beg leave to doubt the fact. ' 

447 " Omnia prius juris ordine expertus." Ibid. 

448 " Hseretici natura loci tuti, per prona montium ingentia saxa devoluentes, 
Christianos repulerunt, ac nonnullis csesis, multis vero vulneratis, ex rupe de- 
jecerunt. Pugnatum tamen est summo nunc usquo ad vesperam magna conten- 
tione animorum." Ibid. 

449 "Nova conpersio facti, unitati Catholicorum sunt restituti." Ibid. 
Muston attaches no importance to this fact, and, for this reason, Manuel of 
S. Giovanni handles him somewhat roughly, as maybe seen in his Memorie 
Storicke di Dronero et delta valle di Maira, 1868, part ii., p. 40, n. 2. 

4.50 " De montibus descendentibus Arohidiaconi misericordige se submiser- 
int: cujus jussu ad veniam petendam miaericordiamque consequendam Ebre- 
dunum petiere." Ibid. Chorier, Hist, du DaupMni, vol. ii., p. 502, says the 
same thing. 

451 " Archidiaconi nuntiis rupis altitudinem metiri jussis se inexpugnabiles 
esse, et pro secta sua mori deorevisse respondissent." Ibid. 

452 "Super parvula quadam rupe, quaj tumulo Valdensium imminebat, 
vicissim se magno discrimine dirsisere. Quod Valdenses qui .... aliquibus 
semper levibus pra3liiB inferius tentabantur, et ad eos repellendos intenti erant. 
non animadverterunt." Ibid. If Muston had noticed this detail he would not 
have said that " nothing could have been more simple and natural than to have 
cut the ropes by which they saw their enemies descending." Op. eit., i., 64. 

453 " Ca^teris venia concessa est." Ibid. " Ipsi vero," repeats another 
Inquisitor, "tunc quasi omnes .... ad gratiam benigne recepti fueruut." 
Seriptwn Inquis-itoris, Cambridge MS. 

454 Catanee is nearer right than he thinks, when he uses the word tumulus 
to signify the cave. 

465 This is Perrin's version, followed by Chorier and Muston. 
456 An anonymous writing, quoted in the Bulletin de I'Aeademie Dclphin- 
ale, vol. i., Grenoble, 1846, p. 455. 
451* 457 Bulletin, etc., ibid. 
458 Op. cit., i., 65. 


322 The Waldensjss of Italy. 

459 Perrin, op. cit., i., 131. Cf. Script. Inq. anon., ap. Morland and Allix, and 
Chabrand, Vaudois ct Protestants des Alpes, Grenoble, 1886. 

460 According to Monastier (i., IhO), the soldiers came up fi'om Bobi and 
were " detached from the papal army which occupied the Luserna." He does 
not follow Gillea' version, to which Muston brings us back. 

4B1 Gilles. The date of this inroad cannot be fixed. 

462 See Perrin (i., 129, 152). ; Gilles (i., 39) ; Monastier (i., 176, 186) ; 
Muston (i., 61). Lfeger, who assigns no date, enables the reader to fix it more 

463 L6ger, ii., 20. Innocent VIII. had succeeded to the pontifical See, 24th 
August, 1484. It is true that L^ger prints 1477, instead of 1487 ; but that is a 
lapsus which he himself corrects in the lines which precede the Bull. See ibid., 
p. 7—8. 

464 See on this point Chabrand, «p. eit., p. ih — 64. He concludes that the 
Crusade must have raged against the Waldenses of Piedmont in 1487? against 
those of Dauphiny, in 1488 ; and that it was brought to a close by the massacre 
of April. 1489, in the Val Louise. 

465 According to Perrin and Gilles, this should be Philip of Savoy. How 
shall we explain fliis qui pro quo ? Philiji. imaternal uncle of King Charles 
VIII., was then ''Governor of Dauphiny." according to the GuneaUigit:, etc., 
before quoted. Now Dauphiny included Val Pragelas. Later, in 1496, he 
ascended the Ducal throne, after the death of Charles II. He died in 1497. 
Monastier tries to correct Perrin and Gilles ; bu'; he also makes a mistake ; for 
he states that it is here a question of Charles li. This prince was bom 24th 
June, 1489 ; hence, rather late to receive the deputation, and he died in child- 
hood, 6th April, 149o. See Cibrario Stnria delta Monarehia in the Specchio 

466 Gilles, l.r. Kieotti tells us of a compromise. " On the intercession of 
the Bishop of Turin an agreement was come to between the Waldenses and the 
Duke of Savoy ; binding the former to lay down their arms, to defray the 
expenses of the war, not to erect Churches nor make any outward show of their 
form of worship, and moreover, to attend mass. But this compact did not 
satisfy either party ; not the Catholics — because, under it heresy remained un- 
touched — any more than the Waldenses, because, it involved the practice of 
degrading dissimulation. Storia della Man. PU-m., 1861, ii.j p. 173. The sources 
of information indicated by M. Bicotti do not bear out his opinion ; but the 
probabilities are sufficiently in its favour, and we should not be surprised to find 
it proved and established one of these days. 

467 Gilles and Hudry-M6noB, l.c. 

46S " Con sospetto di veleno," says Cibrario, Specchio cronol, l.c. 

469 Bulletin, de VAoad. Delphinale, p. 454. On the following page is 
inserted an extract of manuscript forwarded by the Mayor of Vallouise, according 
to which the Crusade took place in 1487, as the royal decree already infers. It is 
true that the writing of this manuscript, whose author is unknown, is not con- 
temporaneous with the event. 

470 " Sine prejudicio causas principalis et juri cuicunque acquisiti." 

471 Perrin i., 137 £b 144. 

472 Ibid., p. 145. 

473 Perrin confines himself to stating that the Waldenses obtained a Bull, 
nay, a double apostolic Bull, through the mediation of Cardinal George of S. 
Sixt, then in France (i., 147). Muston adds, but without proof, that the BuU 
was issued by Cesar Borgia, who had just received from the King of France, 
•' with the title of Duke of Valentine, that part of Dauphiny which precisely 
comprised the valley of Freyssinifere " (i., 76). We hold to Perrin's version. 

474 " Alexander sells crosses, altars. Christ. Why should he not, since he 
first bought them ? " 

475 Bicotti, who is not a fanciful writer, takes the liberty of asserting upon 
this point, what no authority indicated by him warrants him in saying, namely, 
that Crusaders were beaten in the valley of the Po as elsewhere. See his St. 
della Mim. piem., 1. iii., ch. iii. Cf. with Manuel of S. Giovanni, Mem. St. di 
Droneni, p. 40. Gilles (ch. iv.) and Lfeger (ii. 26) hardly say a word concerning 
the Crusade in that valley ; but it is an unfounded rumour, from which nothing 
can be inferred. 

476 Baron Manuel of S. Giovanni imagines that this is not proved. Mem. 
St. di Dromero, p. 39, et seq. We refer him to Molinier, op. cit., ch. vi., where 
mention is made of the Eegister of the Inquisition in Toulouse. See especially 
the travels of Fournier, the Cathari. Conclusive data are therein founcf, which 
justify the opinion of Bicotti on this point, and not the denials of his critic. 

The Waldenses of Italy. 323 

477 _ " In nonnulUo partibua dicti marduonatus Salutiaruin sunt multi 
heretici." Letter of the Inquisitor inonlis of Aati and of Turin, dated 8th May, 
1417, to the Recent Valerian of Saluoea. Muletti, J/ciiwrii' storico-diplomatiohe 
appartenonti alia citta ed ai marclien di Saluzzo, 1831, v. 6. 

478 Muletti, op. cit, vi., 28. 

479 Anno 1440—1465. The Marquisate of Saluces, dated back almost to the 
time of Adelaide of Susa, and it was still a dependency of the house of Savoy. 

480 Korengo. op. eit., p. 18. Cf. Fr. Aroangelo di Salto, Idea di ruLigioso 
ajico rappresi'iUata nella vita dd B. Anrjflo di CIdvasso, 16^4, p. 103. 

481 Such is the theory set up by Manuel of S. GioTanni. Un iJjrisodiii, etc.. 

p. 17—21. 

482 According to Gilles, the persecution of Margaret of Foix began in 1500, 
according to Huston in 1499. I do not find any reason for this discrepancy. 
Muletti, whose testimony Muston adduces, says expressly: "Le perseouzioui 
contro i Valdesi della valle del Po ebbero principio fin dal novembre dell' anno 
1509, come imparo dal uianoscritto ohe attentamente io svolgo." Op. cit., vi., 
381. Moreover, Muston wanders here more than once from the sources he 
alleges, and others before us have remarked it. See Manuel of S. Giov'anni, 
Mem. di Dronrni, p. 40 — 42, note 2. 

4S3 " luvenis delicata, tota tristis ae languens." Muletti, v., 329. " Madama 
nostra era tuti del pupa, et madama mandava ogni anno a dito papa (Jules II.) 
una tranteua de botalli de vino de Pagno et del Chastellaro, perchfe el bon vin 
gli piasia." Ibid., vi., 388. 

484 Muston, i., 255. 

485 " Furono liberati d' ogni spesa di commissarii, di fanti e perfino de lo 
borelo i-t de lo facinero." Muletti, vi., 381. 

486 " Uomo per assai vici che in lui regnaveno infamissimo,'' says the MS. of 
Giov. Andrea del Castellaro, quoted by Muletti, ibid., p. 382. This MS. is the 
more interesting to us, in that we owe it to the pen of the "consignore" of 
Pcesane and Cast^llar. 

487 " Incontinente senza martirio confessarono esser Valdesi." Ibid. 

488 " Gieuet Julian, Glenet Maria," says Muletti. Muston reads " Maria 
and Julia Gienet." Julian and Maria are family names, whilst Gienet is a 
baptismal name. 

489 " Perche li altri fusiteno volseno pura fare qualche iusticia . . . et gli fu 
rotta pereo Lnquisitore la fede, et per Francesco Arnaudo che seidesia proquorore 
de la fede, et fu mal fato a mancargli alia promessa da poi che aviano ohonfessato 
liberamente." MS. ibid., p. 383. 

490 "Chrossati et bandesati." Ibid. 

491 " La choBsa donda li Valdesi fasiano loro sinagoga era chossa bella a 
vedere, et era fata como esquasi un lanbarinto." JW«?.,p. 384. Muston sees in 
this house "the temple of the Waldenses;" whereupon Hudry-Menos speaks of 
it as "the first Waldensian temple mentioned in the annals of the sect," and 
thinks that '• this innovation " provoked the razzia we are narrating. 

491* 492 Our MS. records that the nuns of Rifredo were also benefited by 
this windfall. Their monastery inherited the property of Jean Motos, con- 
demned to perpetual imprisonment on account of heresy. 

493 Gilles, op. cit.,_ ch. iv. 

494 Muletti sums it up as follows : " Nel correre del 1512 non poohi di queqli 
alpigiani banditi dal marchesato, che si erano rifuggiti nella valle di Lucerna, 
vennero piil volte alle loro case, e tro vandone alcune m possesso dei nuovi acqui- 
sitori nfe potendo riaverlej per dispetto le incendiavano. Nelle loro scorrerie 
uccisero cinque uomini e piil di cento bestie ; terribili conseguenze di piil terri- 
bili persecuzioni." Ibid., p. 385. 

495 " Madama aveudo veduto la perdonausa et absolucione que avia fato el 
papa Lione a li homeni de Pravigliermo, etc." Ibid. 

496 Muletti, ibid., p. 386. These agreements vrere owing principally to the 
good work of FranQois Violi of Saluces and Bernardin de Biandrata of Saint- 

497 "If God be for us, who can be against us?" Rom. viii., 31. The medal 
bears on one side this inscription : Ludovicus marchio et Margareta D., Fois, 
1603 ; on the other, an eagle with outspread wings, with the arms of Saluces and 
Foix, and the above-quoted biblical passage. Muletti, v., 381. 

498 I allude especially to the prior Eorengo, who cannot find sarcasms suffi- 
ciently biting when speaking of the man with the long sword whom Gilles 
mentions. Mem. Hist., p. 91. We can but say, every one to his taste. We leave 
to others the relish for large battalions— for the Nuncios and the captains, sati- 
ated with their easily acquired glory. When the Prior reproaches Gilies witli 

M 2 

324 The Waldbnses of Italy. 

the fact that the Waldenses re-establish reform by the use of the " spadone," he 
forgets, in the first place, that such was not the purpose for which the Waldenses 
re-entered the valley of the Po ; moreover, he fails to observe that his argument 
strikes at the heart of the theology of the Church and her angelic Doctor, 
smiting at one blow the intolerance of the Popes, the feats of the Inquisition, 
and the Crusaders. 

499 From the Latin larhanus, a word used in the middle ages vrith the idea 
of patruus, avuncnlus,u1icle. Adelaide of Susa mentions two barbani in the act of 
donation before cited, in relation to the Abbey of St. Mary of Pignerol' 
Ducange adduces still further examples. See his Glossarium. Manage remarks 
in his Orirj. Ital., that harhanus was derived from baria, "because they mostly 
wear beards, i. zti." It has also been observed, with gjreater humour thaja 
reason, that the Barbes preserved their beards when the priests began to shave. 
Barbanus was hardly employed anywhere except in Lombardy ; we know that 
the word barba is used in the Waldensian Valleys of Piedmont and in Venetia. 
Do not the modern Greeks designate the maternal uncle by the name, Barba 
avunculnn ? Again, it is Manage who tells us this. 

500 Patrwus, according to the classics, meant uncle, censor, tutor, a grave 
and sober man. " Ne sis patruus mihi," says Horace. Most of those meanings 
are found also in the word barba. 

501 Presbytaros indicated both the age and the gravity which render a man 
venerable, without the least particle of the real clerical notion of its derivative 
presbtre. Now barba preserves the same idea. 

502 Father, abbot, pape, pope, etc., are so many synonymous titles, ^vith 
which that of Barbc has no identity. 

503 The Inquisition calls them barba, pi. barbae, or magistri. See e.g. 
the interrogatory of Regis, already cited, or further, Seyssel, adv. errores et 
xcefam Valaen^ium. 

504 L§ger gives the list of the principal Barbes. It Is not long, and, never- 
theless, with the names of Pierre de Bruys, Henri de Lausanne, and Waldo, it 
iacludes those of several leaders of the Catharin communities, op. cit., i., 202. 
Cf. Perrin, op. cit., and Chabrand, Vaudois et Protegtantt dcs Aljies, 1886 
p. 277. 

505 iJ/VZ., p. 203. 

506 This di we owe to the pen of Leger. 

507 " We give the letter here textually, as follows : " La present §s per ad- 
vertir la vostra fraternity, pagant lo meo debit, de mi a vos, de la part de Dio, 
maximament sobra la cura de la ealil de las vostras armas, segona lo lume de 
verity depart! a nos del Altissime, que la plaza a un chascun de lo mantenir, 
acreieser et favorir segond possibilita, et non venir a mens de tot bon principi, 
uzangas et costumas don^s de li nostres Antecessors, et a nos non degnes. Car 
poc prof eitaria a nos esser muda de Tinstantia paternal et dal lume dona de Dio 
a nos, per donar nos a la mundana et diabolica et carnal conversation, abandon- 
an lo principal, que fes Dio, et la salil de las armas, per la breo vita temporal. 
Car loSeignor di en I'Evangeli : Qual cosa prnjeita al'Jwme H el gaigna tot lo 
mond, et suffre dhtrniment a la sua arma; car meil seria a nos non aver cono- 
hm la via dejustitia, que aveni la conoissua far lo oontrari. Car al judici de 
Dio nos saren non escusivols e damna plus profondament, car plus fort torment 
serfe donna a li plus fort e a li plus conoissent. Per la qual cosa yo prego vos per 
la carit^ de Dio, non voilla diminulr, ma accreisser la caritA la temor et I'obedi- 
entia degna a Dio, et a vos entre vos, et totas bonas costijmas apparterent et 
auvias et entenduas de la part de dio et nostra, et ostra et purgar d'entre vos tot 
deffect et mancament conturbant la paaz, I'amor, et la concordia et tota causa de 
vos ostar la liberty de servici de Dio, et la vostra salii ; et de I'administration de 
la veritEl, si vos desir^ que Dio vos prospere li ben temporals e spirituals." (Here 
L%er inadvertently omits a few words, which he translates thus : " Car vous ne 
pouvez faire chose aucune sans luy." Op. cit., i., 200). Et si cubits esser 
heritiers de la soa gloria, fapa co ^uel di : Si tu votes entrar a vita, garda li 
meo commandamcnt. Item : Faze gue entre vos non sc musse juoc ni gowr- 
mandarias, ni ribauderias, ni bal, ni autras desordonnaiigas, ni questions, ni 
I'engan, ni barat, ni usura, ni malvolengas, ni diseordias. Ni voilm supportar 
entre vos, ni sostenir personas de mala vita ni que done scandol et mal example 
entre vos ; ma carit^ et fidelity regne entre vos et tot bon exemple, tractant Tun 
1 'autre enaima un chascun volera esser faictper si meseime. Car autrament non 6s 
possible alcon poer esser salva, ni haver la gratia de Dio ni de home en a quest 
mond, ni en I'autre la gloria. Et tot aigo s'apparteu principalment mantenir et 
favorir a li regidors et gouvernadors. Car quand li cap son enferm, tuit 11 
membres ensemp se dolon. Pertant si vos spersl et desirS possessir vita eterna, 

The Waldenses of Italy. 325 

et bona voouz, et boua fama et bon crfidit, et prosperar en aquest mond en li ben 
spiritual et temporal, purga de tota vita desordonnil, entre vos, loqual non aban- 
dTonna unqua li sperant en si. Mas sapia aigb per sort que Dio non exaucis, ni 
habita com li pecoador, ni en I'arma malvolent, ni si I'home sotmfes a li pecci. 
Bertant un chascun pause lo sec cor sobre la soa via, et fugia li perill si el non 
vol perir en lor. Non autre ^er lo present, sinon que vos mettas en effect 
acquestas cosas, et Dio di paaz sia com tuit vos et accompagne nos a las vrayas 
devotas et humils orations, salutant tuit li fldel et am^ de Christ. Totus vester 
Bartholomeus Tertianus, ad omnia secundum Deum possibilia paratus." 

508 See the Processus contra Valdenses of 1387, passim. Thus on page 40 it 
says : — " Magistris valdensibus missis a summo pontifice eorum de Pulia . . . 
Promisit servare ritum et omnia qui magistri valdenses predicant in manibus 
predicti Johannis Baridon de Pulia missi in partibus istis (a Barge) a papa 
eorum de Pulia." From this to deriving the Waldenses from the Pauliciens is 
but a step, according to A. Lombard. See his art. Martyrs de Calabre inserted 
in Clioses rieUles et choses noueelles, Lausanne, 1865, and his book entitled 
Pauliciens, Sulgares et Bons-Hommes en Orient et en Occident, Geneva, 

509 Vincent Ferreri, after his visit to the Valleys, writes : " Nullus 
prfedicaverat nisi Waldenses hjeretici, qui ad eos oonsuetudine veniebant de 
Apulia bis in anno." Kaynald., an. 1403, n. 24. 

510 Op. cit., ch. iii. Cf. Perrin, Lfeger, etc. 

511 We should not be the first to make this supposition. V. Herzog, art. 
Waldenser in the Real-Bnoycl., 1st edit., p_. 518. 

512 The Processus contra Valdenses invariably mentions the meetings as 
taking place in the house of one or another of the accused ; several are spoken of 
in the Valleys of St. Martin and Pragelas. Such an assembly would be exce^)- 
tionally numerous. Thus we read on page 34 : " Martinus Carbonarlus vidit 
modicum super Perruxiam unam congregationem valdensium numero ccxi^ et 
unus magister sedebat super cathedram et prasdioabat omnibus." There Jean 
Borelli is mentioned as the preacher, " filius condam Antonii Burrelli de Villari 
Pyonasche, cui pater fuit combustus." Pierre Pascal of Val St. Martin, Frangois 
Zapella of Piossasque, Turin of Angrogne, etc. In the interrogatory of Regis, 
mention is made of ■' Co grosAmcheFde Fraissinierfe," of other Barbes of Mfeane, 
of Puglia, etc. 

513 One of these contributions is noticed in the year 1431, with these 
words : '■ Nonne etiam in Delphinatu est quasdam portio inter montes inclusa. 
quEB erroribus adhaereus prEedictis Bohemorum, jam tributum imposuit, levavit 
et misit eisdem Bohemis, in quihua fautoria manifesta hasresis prsedicte debet 
judicari ? " Mansi, Cone. Coll., t. xxix., p. 402. Cf. Palaoky, Las Verhdltniss 
der W aldenser zu den eJiemaligen SeMen in Boli/men. 

514 Op. cit., ch. ii. 

515 See ch. iii., p. 92. To the examples indicated might be added the fact 
related by Heisterbach. This writer tells us that on the occasion of Emperor 
Otho's entrance into Kome, two ecclesiastics of his suite found a public meeting 
presided over by a heretic, and this is the way he expresses himself : " Simul in 
gressi sunt cuiusdam haeresiarchse scholas. Locum quern tunc legebat is erat : 
Jam judicium mundivenit; jamprinoeps mundi huius ejlcietur foras. Quern 
locum ita glossavit : Bcce Christus diabolum priucipem huius mundi vocavit, 
quia huno mundum oreavit. Cum quo . . . satis diu disputavit." III. Mir., 
1. v., ch. 26. It is evident, however, that this was a meeting of Cathari. 

516 " De scholis Waldensium, quas inveni in valle qu£e dicitur Engroiia 
(sic), et earum destruotione . . . taceo de prsesenti." L.c. 

517 " Fuerunt enim in Longobardia veluti Schol£e sen Academise qusdem 
hujus vera3 Christi theologiaj . . . Habeo inquisitionem in Bohemia et 
Polonia contra Waldenses sub, Kege Johanne circa 1330 Domini annum factara, 
ubi inter alia diserte fit mentio collectarum, quos fratribus et Prseeeptoribus suis 
in Lombardiam soliti sunt mittere, et in alia inquisitions invenio eos esse solito 
sex Bohemia causa disoendi Theologiam, ad sues Prasceptores Waldenses in 
Lombardiam proficisci, velut ad Scholam seu Academiam quandam." Matt. Fl. 
Illyr., Catal. Test. Ver., Franco! 1666, p. 638 et 639. 

518 Tron sees but one. Op. cit., p. 63. 

519 " This school was nothing else than the College of Barbes," wrote a 
Professor of Torre-Pellice, in June, 1866, in the BcJio des ValUes, art.. Mole des 
Barbes. " Questo istituto era la scuola de'Barbi Valdesi^" repeated another pro- 
fessor in Florence, in 1872, according to the Besoaonto Stenoc/. del Conf. Bvan- 
c/eliche, p. 43. Both based their assertions upon an incomplete quotation of the 
words of M. Fl. lUyricus. 

326 The Waldenses of Italy. 

520 " Nauclerus narrat eodem tempore fl212) etiam Mediolani et circa fuisse 
ejusdem sententias ac doctrine homines, misieseque Alsatos MediolanensibuB, 
tanquam Praeceptoribus suas collectaa, sive eleemosynas. Unde licet conjlcere 
utrosque fuisse Waldenses." Catal. p. 639. 

521 " Quod bene erant octodecim anni quod ab ilia terra recesserat, causa 
heresis adrtiscende. Qui. ut ipse recognovit nobis, per totum dictum spacium 
apud Mediolanvun studuerat in secta hereticorum Valdensium." De Septem 
donis Sp. Siiiii-ti. V. D'Argentre, i., 86. Cf. with the new edition of A. Lecoy de la 
Mavche, Paris, 1877. 

522 Lc i!p?H«vH, Dec. 22, 1876, art. entitled : Uncjiierrs precinse in, forme de 
Table, signed E. Bonnet, pastor. 

523 Perrin, o/;. cit., p. 12. 

.")24 See Tron, nj). cit., the chapter on the School. 

525 It is called li<u college, i.e., the college. Those who visit Pra du Tour 
hear sometimes sach language as this: Ax-tu vt mown, figl? Si Vai ri passa a 
mount vee lou Coulei/e. Dinnit xoun li tei maoutounl" Isouu lai dlai dar 
Cimlege. The term therefore designates a well-known locality. 

526 Ihiil. When M. Bonnet put his hand upon that table and had it transported 
by " twenty of the strongest men " to the place destined for it, namely, to a room 
iidioinin<; the Waldensian chapel, it was covered with a damp dust, and evidently 
indicated the use made of it by its former owners. Horreiico referens, " they 
placed upon it their pans of milk." Must we conclude from this that such was 
the original purpose for which it was designed .' M. Bonnet answers : " They 
would not have taken so much trouble to prepare a place upon which merely to set 
milk pans.whifh are ordinarily placed simply upon a board that is not even planed." 
As to the idn.T that this table was used at the meetings of our Church Board, 
"which, from this fact, perhaps, may have borne from ancient times the name or 
Waldensian table," it is simply ridiculous, notwithstanding M. Bonnet, in whose 
eyes historical probity is suspicious. For an instance of his lucubrations, ex- 
hibiting such bad ta^te, see an article signed Barbet in the Zemoin, anno 1881, 
and certain bibliojjraphic reviews on the occasion of M. Worsfold writing on 
Waldo and the Waldenses. Ibid. 

527 The letter of Morel exists in a two-fold reading, namely, in Waldensian 
dialect and in Latin, but with more than one variation. 

528 '■ Cum genolh plega," or, " genibus curbis." 

529 "S'ilh son de mauier as covenivolo e agradivols," or, "Si congrius 
praestent moribns." 

530 "Hoc modo instructi ac edocti ad evangelizandum bini emittuntur." 
For the Latin text see Scultetus, Amialium Hvangelii, etc., p. 294 — 316, or Dieek- 
hoff, die Wald., app. n. 1 ; for the Waldensian text, the MS. of Dublin, entitled : 
Ejyistola ad Oecolampadium. 

531 See art. quoted : L'Ecole des Barbes. 

532 Ov. cit., ch. ii. 

533 This last is mentioned as " indoctus," and also under the name of Thomas 
of Landskron. He had already visited the Waldenses of Brandeburg, who had 
finally taken refuge with the Brethren of the Unity. 

534 " Vulgo ignotos," dit Lasitius, ap. Gomenius, Emc. ix. " Hi passim in- 
venere in Italia, Roma quoque, aliquos vera pietate et religione Deum colentes, 
in profana atque superstitiosa gente, cum periculo et variis difficultatibus degen- 
tes, et clandestinis congressibus exercentes religionis studium." Camerarius, 
Hiftorica Narratio, etc., p. 120. 

535 " Hoc ipsum cernens et clara voce : Non sic Petrus dicens^ saeco 
protlnuB inclusus aquam Tiberis bibit." Lasitius, ibid., ou. ap. GoU. i., Beilage P. 

536 " Malle se ita bestiam devorare, quam ab ea devorari." Ibid. 

537 " Tuebatur suam opinlonem illo Josephi et Nicodemi, occultorum Christi 
discipulorum exemplo." Ibid. 

538 " Quod quidem sinceris Fratribus displicnit." This word of comment 
and that which follows is from the pen of Gomenius. 

539 " Inciderunt et in Gallia in Waldenses," remarks Lasitius. But Camer- 
arius says : " in Gallia togata," otherwise called Cisalpine ; hence, in Piedmont. 
Thereupon, discussion still continues, but without profit, for it is not necessary 
to pass our frontier to find one's self in communication with the Waldenses, both 
of Dauphiny and Piedmont. 

540 " A quibus hospitaliter accepti sunt atque tractati." Lasitius, ibid. 

541 " Plurimi tunc sunt reperti. Cum quibus gratulantibus tantam veritatis. 
scientlam Fratribus, et gaudentibus colloquio ipsorum." Camerarius, ibid. 

542 " Multum versati, et de religiouis negotio sententias contulerunt, et 
admonitione alicubi sua eos adiuverunt." Ibid. 

The Waldbnses of Italy. 327 

543 " QuiEdaru aliquando audacius importuniusque disseruntur, quam rei 
temporique oonveniebat. " Lasitiue thinks we shall have to return to this again. 
A MS. of Dublin, which we are uaingj contains a considerable fragment of the 
Waldensian text of this letter, beginning as follows : " Al Serenisaimo princi Key 

54i " Car entre las autras cosas ilh predican enayma cans molestos, o renos, 
che nos haven per ley : dona te a tot demandant, one nos rionen nostras deleic- 
tanczas per cavernas resoonduas, o scuras, cum qual que qual nos occorra, o sia 
de mayre, o de filha, o de molher, o de seroij che e es de lor maniera, o costuma, 
e non de nos." Epistola al Ser. Ray Lancelau. 

54:5 " Dio devant gardant e perse verant nos d'40 an e de plus non es auvia 
fornicacion non punivol enayma entre nos." Hid. 

546 " lid dyon, o mot bon Key, de gitta lor del vostre Eegne aquilh pestil- 
lencials p. o. v. o. b., car petit de levan corromp tota la massa." Ces initiales se 
lisent ordinairement ainsi : " Picards ou Vaudois ou B^guards." 

547 " Si alcun examine dreytament la nostra vita." 

548 "0 serenissime Key . . . devant que nos habandonan la .verita e 
segan lafalsita, nos sostenren cum laiutori divin, ligam, careers, exilhament, per 
grant temp pacientissimament." 

549 " Non monte sobre lo teyt de la gleysa." 

550 " Car de lome ilh han la natura, mas del demon las errors e lengan.'' 

551 ''Ilh benayczisson, e Dio maleiczis . . . Nos non intren en las 
gleisas de lor." 

552 " Nos despreczen e fuye lor, car ilh son fait enayma stercora de la terra 
e enayma lo fum de la lucerna steincta, loqual manda neyror e pudor mortal." 

553 " Nos haven conoissu per luoc de tota las cosas ia dictas per las sacras 
scripturas, per 11 script human e per predicaoions de moti de la part de 1' unitil 
de li boemienc." Aiiczo es la causa del departiment de la qleysa Romaiia. 
Dublin MS., p. 71. 

554 " Proditores . . . inter plebeculam ssepioule puUulant." Ep. a 
Ecolampade, ap. Scultetus. It is true that these words were written later ; but 
they are referable as well to the generation preceding the Reformation as to the 
period when they were penned. 

555 " Quantum vultis nobis dare, et in manus vestras Waldensium doctores 
trademus." I hid. 

556 " Saoramentorum signa plebeculas nostrje non nos, sed Antichrist! 
membra administrat." Xbul. 

557 Gilles, op. cit., ch. iv. 

558 Born in Savoy, he became Bishop of Marseilles, then Archbishop of 
Turin, where he spent his last years, i.e., from 1515 to 1520. 

559 " Sed et dimittendorum peccatorum nullam sacerdotes nostros potestatem 
habere aperte protestantur, et proinde neque illis eonfitendum esse affirmant, 
neque sacramenta reliquia ab his susoipienda." Adv. errares et sectam Valde/ir 
sium, §d. 1520. 

660 " Quicumque ab his bar bis et hsereticis decepti estis." Ibid. 

661 " Hortamur et obsecramus ut ab istis falsis prophetis caveatis." Ibid. 

562 " Salve nd Domine benedicte CEcolampadi ... A longinqua regione 
animo vehementer exultanti ad te veminus, Bperantes atque multum confidentes 
prcedictum spiritum per te nos illuminare." Morel to Ecolampadius, ap. 
Scuttetus, np. cit. 

563 "We are completely ignorant," says Ch. Schmidt, op. cit., ii., p. 2, 
"whether any book of the Catharins escaped the flames." We should now per- 
haps add, except the Ritual discovered by Cunitz ; and according to others a 
version of the N. T. 

564 Chabrand and Rochas d'Aiglun, Patois des Alpes Cottiennes, 1877, 

565 Clioix des poesies des troubadours, 1817, vol. ii., p. cxl. Let us notice in 
passing that Raynouard's opinion is in harmony with his theory of the early 
Romance Language, which need no longer be discussed, since we know it has 
been abandoned. 

566 Grammaire des langues ronianes, vol. i., p. 100. I have compared this 
passage again with the 'original. 

567 " The Lyonnese," Foerster writes, " is a dialect with a Provencal basis as 
regards the rules of sounds and the formation of verbs and substantives, as well 
as from its vocabulary. But to confine ourselves to a point that is quite 
elementary, the Latin a is transformed according to a phonetic proceedini 
peculiar to the French, and becomes i or e under the influence of the palatals, 
Its strong verbs also assume the French appearance. The Waldensian dialect. 

328 The Waldenses of Italy. 

on the contrary, does not know that kind of transformation ; it preserves its 
Provencal type even in the strong verbs. 

ofiS It was G-riizmacher's opinion, according to his article upon the 
Waldensian Bible, v. Yahrhuch f. rvm.u. engl. Literatur, 1862, p. 398. Diez 
accepted it, but with some attenuations. 

5B9 Jhiil., p. 101. Diez notes here that Biondelli {Sami, etc., p. 481) " refers 
It, without hesitation to the Piedmontese." But Biondelli has read our dialect 
in a bad version, sui gewrh, neither Waldensian nor Piedmontese, of the 
Gospels of SS. Luke and John, by Pierre Bert (London, 1832). Moreover, more 
than one master of the Neo-Latin languages has not yet gone beyond that 
point ; even Diez's grammar is not exempt fi-om inaccuracies. For instance, he 
states that " the letter 7, after a consonant, becomes /, as in Italian." The words 
he quotes show that upon this point his researches stopped at La Tour. The 
Waldenses of the Valleys of P^rouse and St. Martin, do not say ghies-ia. Mar, 
piassa, but gleisa or gliiso clar, plassa or plassn. The affirmative particle is 
not «» but oui in the Valley of St. Martin, and both owl and H in that of 

570 Wahlcnmsche Spraclw, in the Arch/c of Herrig, 1854, vol. xvi., 4th book, 
p. 400. 

571 Jium. WaM. p. 31, and Die WaPI. im Mittelaltn; 1851, p. 37, n. 1. 

572 The examples taken by Montet from Diez, are precisely those we called 
attention to as being erroneous. Uist. lift. dcK Vaudnii f!u Pieiiiotit, Paris, 
1885, p. 11 and 12. Page 203. 

573 /bill., p. 11. Montet has recently written some new remarks on the 
Waldensian dialect in his work. La Nohle Leqon, texte original d'ajjres le MSS. 
de Caiitbridge,etc., Paris, 1888. 

674 Aperqu dc Vantiquite des Vaudois des Alpes d'apres leurs poevies en 
langue roiiianc. Pignerol,, p. 11. 

575 His aim is manifest. He is fond of concluding : " The origin of the 
indigenous Waldenses, is, therefore, anterior to that of the Waldensians who 
immigrated." Ibid., p. 2ti. 

57t) See the article of W. Foerster in the Rir. Cristiana, March, 1882. 

577 " My demonstration might have been more conclusive," he confesses. 
See his Examen de qtielques observatioiu but I'idiome et les manuscrits vavdois. 
Pignerol, 1883, p. 8. There is a very simple way of convincing him. He pre- 
tends that the most characteristic writings of our ancient literature are the ripe 
fruit of the dialect of our valleys, which he derives from the Italian stock, 
rather than from that of Provence, and that they take us back to the time of 
Waldo's appearance. Very good, we shall now proceed to place before our 
readers a specimen of a dialect of the pure Piedmontese, as it was spoken in the 
XIL century. It is an extract from a manuscript containing some notes of hom- 
ilies delivered about that time. The subject is amusingly interesting ; the lan- 
guage is such that it was almost attributed to some Waldensian Barbe. The 
subject is the explanation of that passage of Scripture which speaks of our 
Saviour driving the money-changers out of the temple. " Aquesta sentenza e 
aquest flael dun Xrist catze eels qui vendeau e acatavan el temple de so pare, oi 
en aquest iorn regnen, zo son 11 hereti qui acaten e venden les maisuns de Deu. 
Zo sun las ecclesies qu i est una . . . Si cum dit Salomun in canticis ; Una est 
eolumba mca, zo. est gleisa. Aquesta columba sovent es vendua e achataa a 
sgmoniacis hereticis, qui son li mal volpil qui vasten e meten a vilta I'esposa de 
Xrist . . . Capite nobis vulpes parvulas que demolmntur -cineas, zo est prendi 
nos las petite volp qui catzun a mal nostre vigne . . . Lanzai lor las pere e cat- 
zai los de la vigna . . . Vos qui devez varder la vigna zo est sancta ecclesia, 
decatzai los heretis. E cum que los catzare 1 Cum lo flael de resticuKs. Zo sun 
le parole de Xrist qui dis : La mia maisun si est maisun d'oraciun, mas vos en 
avez fait balma de lairuns. Lo premer maistre d'aquisti larun simoniay si fo 
un encantaor qui avea num Symon Magus . . . Enquora regna en la xrestianta 
a questa heresia qui confunt e destrui la gleisa qui est maisun e vigna de Deu, 
mult la peora e aflevolis. E 11 pastor, zo son 11 evesque e li prever, non tenent 
plai, mas il meesme o fan o consenten. Or que deven far cil qui son bon homes 
e an lor corage vers Deu ? Dolent e corrozos en deven eser e preer Deu que el 
per la soa misericordia los fatza venir a emendement queiil no seieu dampnai . . . 
Or nos vardem que nos non abiam cum lor compaignis si nos volem aver la 
misericordia de Deu e aver part ab los saint apostoil, li quail foron car ami del 
nostre seignor Jhesu Xrist qui en la sancta cros sofri passiun per reemer I'umana 
generaciun." Between the above dialect and that of the Waldenses there is cer- 
tainly not that affinity which connects the latter with the Provencal ; there are 
some analogies, which would betray contact, but not consanguinity. Galhrital- 

The Waldenses of Italy. 329 

isclie Preiligten aun Cod. iimo. lat. Tanrinensis B. vi., Wteii Jahrhunderts her- 
auxqegohen von W. Foerster, ap. Rom Studien, vol. iv., p. 1 : and the following 
14th Homily. It would be interesting to compare it with the Sermons du Xllme 
siecle en vieux proven^al, published by Fr. Armitage, Heilbronn, 1884. Cham- 
pollion Figeao nad said : " This collection of sermons seems to me to belong 
to the dialect and to the church of the Waldenses of Piedmont." Thp professor of 
Bonn is of a different opinion. He demonstrates that the dialect of those sermons 
does not present the characteristic type of the Provencal, but the distinctive 
features of a Gallo-Italic dialect spoken in Piedmont, and that it is sufficient to 
compare these fragments with our ancient writings and our modern patois, to see 
that the Waldensian dialect is not found therein. Ihid., p. 4,S. However, Preger, 
in his turn, from internal reasons — no longer linguistic, but historical — is brought 
to the same conclusion as the last witness : that those sermons are not Wal- 
densian, but undoubtedly of a churchman speaking to churchmen. See ibid., 
p. 80. 

578^ Apergw,etc.,'p.\\. That is the end of Huston's first argument. The 
following page begins thus : '' The Waldensian dialect is of an Italian and not a 
French formation." 

579 Our venerable poet is now showing that French is " the chief of the lang- 
uages which emanated from the Neo Latin;" which, however ,does not hinder him 
from stating, on the same page, that it is " nfe du rapprochement de la langue d'oc 
et de la langue oil. " He classifies the Eoman de la Rose with Proven9al literature, 
and brings forward Italian words to prove the Italian origin of the Waldensian 
dialect, without even asking himself whether these words do not belong to the 
Proven5al as well. After that he quotes some Spanish, but at the same time 
Provencal, to prove that " the formation of the Waldensian, dialect took place 
before the three languages (Italian, Provengal, and Spanish) became completely 
distinct." As if it were possible to judge of the character of a language from a 
few words of its vocabulary ! See Apergu, etc., passim,, particularly p. 2, .5 — 11 
and 30. 

580 That is what particularly explains the apparent, rather than real 
variations of Montet, who, however, after what we have read, admits that the 
ancient Waldensian is a " Provengal dialect," or " derived from the Provengal." 
Op. cit.,v. 13 and 17. 

581 Letter of a Professor to the College de France to A. Muston. Examen 
etc.. p. 5. 

5S2 Letter of P. Meyer to Muston, November 17, 1881. Ihid., p. 7. We 
also wrote to Dr. P. Meyer. Here is what . he had the kindness to answer : 
" To tell you the truth, I believe that the language of the Valleys, tends, in its 
development towards the Provencal and French, and that in its very forms it 
has a close connection with the idiom of Dauphiny ; but I do not know whether 
some linguistic affinities could not be shown to exist on the Eastern side. The 
documents which I possess for that part of Piedmont, where Pignerol and 
Saluces are situate, are not sufficient for me to decide." Moreover, he confessed 
to Muston that he had only looked at the MSS. of Cambridge and Dublin, " super- 
ficially and without taking anjr interest in them." So that, up to this point, at 
least, the opinion of M. Meyer is neither decided nor certain. 

.5S2» Mention has been made to us of a discovery by Professor Ascoli of 
Milan. Some of his disciples In Italy support it warmly, and go so far as to 
imagine that it will soon bring about the classification of our dialect with a new 
grcup. The point is this. Ascoli affirms that he has observed near the Alps, but 
on the French and Swiss side, as far as the Jura and the Vosges, an interesting 
family of dialects, containing, besides certain characteristics of their own, some 
features common to French and Provencal. This family does not owe its 
formation to a tardy concourse of divers elements, but to its own historical and 
independent traditions, more or less like the Neo-Latin languages, whose type is 
recognized. It was waiting its turn to be established, and Ascoli has the merit 
of having described it, and even of assigning to it a name. It is called Franco- 
Provengal. Ascoli, Schizzifranco-provengali, in the Arch-glottol. ital., vol. iii., 
pp. 61 — 120. Boehmer, nevertheless, continues to give it the name of " Bur- 
gundian." Roman, Studien, passim. But the description given by Ascoli, does 
not embrace the dialect of the Valleys ; it passes auite close to it, on the fi'ontier. 
This is not mere chance ; for that scholar could not be more explicit. Indeed, 
what is the distinguishing feature of the Franco-Proyengal family ? This, 
namely, that the atonic or privative a, which is preserved intact in Provengal, is 
changed here, as in French, and is transformed after a palatal into ie, i, or e. 
That, says Ascoli, is one of the most characteristic phenomena of the Franco- 
Provengal patois. " L' antitesi piA decisiva tra 1' idioma provenzale e 1' idioma 

380 The Waldenses of Italy. 

francese, si inanifesta ne' riflessi dell' A latino, oosi in accento come fiiori di 
accento. L' A tonico rimane inooluine, anche nel francese, quando egli sia in 
posizione ; ma fuor di posizione vi si suole alterare, e si riduce di solito ad e. 
Oosij arme. arma, apre asper, quart quartus, quattre qu&ttor ; ma aimer am&re, 
aimee amata, etc. Nel provenzale, all, incontro, e nell' antico in ispecie, 1' A 
tonico si rimane costantemente inoolume : aspre, amar, amada, etc. L' A 
essendo atono nella sillaba finale, riducesi nel francese ad un' e muta ; nel pro- 
venzale rimane a (che ne' moderni dialetti fe prevalentemente o). Cos! : fr. 
cimronjie, pr. oorona ; fr. ai'm4e, pp. amada. Ora tra i fenomeni piii caratterlstici 
de' vernacoli franco-provenzali, egli 6 codesto dell' avervisi ic. i, e per 1' antico 
A' preceduto da suono palatile." IHil., p. 70 etseq. Every Waldensian maydraw 
the conclusion. We say cimronna and courmmo, amS,, canto, or cmnta, prija, hucd, 
111 ingid, etc. Foerster, noticing this, holds, therefore, that the group indicated by 
Ascoli includes the Lyonese and excludes the Waldensian ; which is the out- 
come, after all, of the foregoing observations. A. Rosiger, speaking of a 
Waldensian colony in Germany, places the written Waldensian of the Valleys, 
and of Dauphiny, by tlw side of the Franco-Provencal group, and explains 
its decadence by the intrusion of the French. Xeu-Hengstedt (Bourset), 
GeschwJite u. Sijrache Hner Wald. Ci'lonie in Wiirttember^, Greisswald, 1882. 
It is clear, then, that the Waldensian dialect — as, in this particular, it especially 
reproduces the ProvenQal type — could not be classed in the family described by 
Ascoli, so long at least as the distinctive trait which characterizes it remains 
such as he has described. Romania, anno 187.'5, p. 293 — 29e. But is this deiini- 
tion justifiable and immutable ? Some doubts have been entertained ; nay, more, 
it has been seriously contested ever since its appearance. Meyer held that the 
system of grouping set forth by Ascoli was erroneous in its foundation, and in 
this connection he adds an obsei-vation which it is well to recall. He says : 
" Does the new group proposed by Ascoli — one that offers no geographical unity 
— at least ob^aate the difficulty of grouping together very dissimilar dialects ? 
Not in the least. He brings together dialects which offer a very small number 
of facts, selected among many, as being particularly specific. It is very evident 
that the Dauphinois resembles the Provencal more than the Franc-comtois and 
the Lorrain ; still, the Lorrain, Franc-comtois, and Dauphinois are embraced by 
the new group, from which the Provencal is excluded." Ibid. M. Ascoli has 
replied to M. Meyer in an article entitled : P. Meyer e il Fi'anco Provencal, ap- 
Arch. Glott. Ital., ii., p. 385—395. In it he maintains his thesis touching the 
definition of the group which he has described, without, however, succeeding in 
proving that the doubt enunciated by his critic is an arbitrary one. Whether 
this definition of Ascoli's be right or wrong — which is a point we need not dis- 
cuss here — it is certain that the group characterized by it could not comprehend 
the dialect of the Valleys. Meanwhile, the fact that this dialect bears one of the 
most characteristic traces of the Provencal language is well proven ; whereas 
the new combinations cannot prevail against it, as has been seen by the example 
adduced. Professor Morosi, of the Florence Superior Institute, who is studying 
the Waldensian dialect, has agreed with this after the examination of a transla- 
tion of the Xobla Leiczon into the principal patois of our Valleys and of Queyras 
which I have just submitted to him, and he permits me to record here his 

."183 It is his old thesis, already brought out in his Bibliograpliie, p. 81 — 93, 
and p. 101. He there said that " our dialect, in which the ancient Waldensian 
books are written (XH. to the XIV. century), was not the common language of 
France," by which he meant the dialects of Provence, Dauphiny, and Lyons 
together. He added that it "approaches much more to the language used 
during the VIII. century, than to that of the XII." According to his latest 
writings, Muston is still at that point. Nevertheless, he admits that, compared 
with the actual dialect of the Valley of the Rhdne, ours " presents the most 
similarities to the ancient Roman," from which it is not derived ! 

584 " We must certainly admit the possibility of the unknown documents 
having been written in a more ancient language, which is already rendered 
somewhat unrecognisable in the oldest of the copies which have come down to- 
us." Rom. Wald., p. 45. As an example of the application of this, see Ms study 
on the Cantica. 

585 Op. cit. p. 13 — 17. It is true, Meyer observes, that this study " might, 
without harm, have been omitted." Romania, XIV., 319. But thus far the 
Romanists have given us nothing better. 

586 Strasburg is excepted ; the Waldensian MS. it contained having been 
destroyed by the burning of the library, August 23rd and 24th, 1870. 

587 See Lfeger, vol. i., ch. 3. The catalogue we read there had been given by 

The Waldenses of Italy. 331 

Sir Samuel Morland in his history. See further, and especially Muston, 
Bihliograpliie, at the end of the last volume of his. Is ties Alpes ; Todd, The 
JSooIts of the Vaiulois ; Herzog. Rom. Wald., p. 46 — 66 ; Montet, Hist litt., 
p. 1 — U. 

588 Ch. Schmidt, uj). cit., ii., p. 117 and 274. Cf. Reuss Mc-o. tie Th. et dc 
Phil, .-/inf., 18 2, p. 330. 

589 With these Iwords commences the learned book of S. Berger : La 
Sible frangaiseau vioyen age, Vans, 1884. Cf. Eeuas, Fragm. litt. et critiques 
ri'lati/s a I'Mstoirr ae la BiMefrangai.ii', ap. Re'C. de thiol, et de phil 
■chritlentui, 1851, page 322. 

590 Even Perrin recognised this. " The point of departure of the Walden- 
.sian sect was the study of the bible," says this Jesuit at the 49th page of his 
pamphlet : T Valdesi, etc., Turin, 1871. 

591 Tron, however, hesitates, op. cit., p. 23. 

592 Ibid., p. 324. 

593 See ante. 

594 "Similiter multos libros Bibliae." This .smiMto- seems to puzzle more 
than one reader. Berger, for instance, who translates it " Igalement," op. cit., 
,p. 37. 

595 Stephen of Borbone, a Dominican monk, was born in Belleville on the 
Eh6ne, toward the end of the XII. centuiy ; he was Inquisitor for 25 years, and 
lived in Lyons, where he died about 1261. He can say : " Secundum quod ego 
'(anclivi) a pluribus qui priores eorum (Waldensium) viderunt et a sacerdote illo 
. . . qui dictus fuit Bernardus Ydros." Anecdotes historiques, etc., p. 342. 
This incident is repeated by Bchart and others. 

596 "Like the translators of our own authorized version." The Rom. 
version, introd., p. c. He invents at pleasure on the subject of the composition 
of this committee. I noted a little way back that Ebrard believed these two 
priests to be Cathari. Gilly makes them out Lombards. " As their names in- 
dicate natives of Lombardy, Ydros and Ausa being towns in the North of 
Italy." 2bid., p. xcLx. Eeuss confesses that his geographical knowledge " does 
not reach so far." Afterwards, Gilly gives them an associate, again " from 
Lombardy," namely, John " de Lugio ;" which is, in his opinion, an abbreviation 
■of "deLugduno." And then we have a disguised Manichean sitting with the 
Waldensian committee ! However, we have noticed above (note 121) the 
jnistake which gave rise to the creation of this new personage. 

597 Gilly, ib'id. Tron remains of Gilly's opinion. See Pierre Waldo, p. 25. 

598 " In quo textus et glossa Psalterii plurimorumque Legis utriusque 
librorum continebantur." Ojj. cit., dist. i., c. 31. 

599 Mecue, etc., 1851, p. 332 — 334. The doubts there expressed by Eeuss 
.seem to us excessive. Cf. with his book, Die Geschichte der heiligen Sehriften 
^'. r., 5th ed., § 465. 

600 Berger is of the same opinion. Op. cit., p. 37 and 38. Only, why does 
he think that those books and notes " differed in their origin and character? " 
"There seems to be no good reason for that exception. 

601 As we observed before, it is the settled opinion of W. Foerster. Muston 
says that the Lyonnese in Waldo's time " was already the dialect of French, 
whence the Romance language was derived." BibKographie, p. 101. 

602 Revue, etc., 1851, p. 335. Muston is of the same opinion, from a differ- 
•ent standpoint. See I.e. 

603 Vide ante. 

604 "Evangelia, Epistolas Pauli, Psalterium, Moralia Job et plures alios 
libros sibi fecit in gallioo sermone transferri." Migne, Sp. 699. Another letter, 
addressed to the three abbots, has these words : " Multitude gallicae cuidam 
translationi divinorum librorum." Ibid., Sp. 695. 

605 Bertram undoubtedly replied ; but his second letter, like the first, is 
unknown. To get at the bottom of the matter it would be necessary to have 
-the key to the private archives of the Vatican. 

606 " Quis fuerit auctor translationis illius, quie intentio traiisferentis . . . 
■cum opinionem et vitam eorum penitus ignoremus qui sacras Soripturas taliter 
-transtulerunt." Ibid., Sp. 689. 

607 "Magister Crispinus presbyter et R. socius ejus." Ibid. 

608 " Multitude non modica, traeta quodammodo desiderio Scripturarum . . 
sibi fecit transferri." Ibid. 

609 " In gallico sermone." Ibid. 

610 " Quosdam libros de latino in romanum versos combusserunt." Ihid. 
This expression, which may refer to other books, must primarily refer to such 
.as had been particularly forbidden, namely, the sacred books. 

332 The Waldenses of Italy. 

611 Op. cit., p. 40 — 42. The Evangfiliare mentioned in these lines is found 
in the Bibl de TArsenal, No. 2,083. 

612 Keuss, who had not seen the MS. described by Berger, and knew it only 
from Abbfi Lebeuf's mention of it, says at once: "If it did not contain more 
than the Lessons, it does not answer to the idea one has of a Waldensian ver- 
sion." L.C., p. 341. 

613 This point is settled now. Berger disputed it. " It is a mistake," he 
said. In liis opinion the author must have been Hamon de Landacob, a monk 
of Savigny, of the order of Citeaux, in Normandy. ZMd.j p. 46 — 47. But H. 
Suchier has proved that the person referred to is really Bishop Haimon.' See 
his art. Zu den altfranzSsischen Bibeliibersetnimgen, ap. Zeitschrift fii/r roman- 
ische Philologie, 1884, p. 413 and foil. Berger now admits that^ upon this point 
at least, his critic is right. Montet followed Berger. See op. eit, p. 2. 

614 With regard to the Moralia Job, besides Berger and Suchier, see some 
observations of Foerster contained in his preliminary remarks to lA, sertnon taint 
Bernart, edited by him in 1885, p. 11. 

615 Bibl. du Palais-des-Arts, A. i., 54. For the description, see Uilly, p. 
.57 — 61 ; Muston, Biiliog., p. 94 ; especially Keuss and Foerster, who had it in 
their hands, one to analyse it, the other to transcribe the Gospel of John. 
Revue, etc., 1852, p. 334 et seq., and the Revue des lanques romanes, vol. v., n. 3 
at the beginning. 

616 That does not prevent the MS. from having a division by chapters, 
resembling that of the Codex Vaticanus. 

617 They are : Kom. vii., 18 to viii., 28, and Luke xxi., 37 to xxiii., 14. 

618 Revue, etc., 1853, p. 75. Keuss adds the following marginal note : "The 
Limousin dialect (spoken by the Cathari) omits voluntarily the nasal n, forms 
the plural in s ; changes the d placed between two vowels into z ; terminates 
the first person plural of verbs in in, participles and generally all nouns absolute 
in 8, and this s becomes z after t etc. I have collected hundreds of examples 
from all parts of the New Testament, lin order to compare the difference in 
words even amongst those in constant use. 

619 Kin Katartsches Ritual, Jeua, 1852. 

620 Mevue des langues romanes, March 15, and April 15, 1878. 

621 L.C., p. 87. It is true that in a subsequent article, Keuss claims that 
two passages must be excepted, namely : (1) The one which in the Lord's 
Prayer iMhstituiies partem supersnbstantialem (according to Matthew), for ^ara«»i 

Siotidianum (according to Luke), and adds the doxology, according to the 
reek rite ; (2) Prov. viii. 22, translated from the Greek ho Kvuios ektise, not from 
the Vulgate Dominus passed it me. Keuss sees here an indication of the relations 
of Catharism with the tradition of the Greek Church. Rev. citee, 1852, p. 327. 
All that is very hypothetical ; is it not sufficient to admit that the version of 
the Lyons MS. is taken from a text dLfEerent from our common Vulgate 1 Then 
we should not be led astray by the traces of Catharism, which Keuss sees in the 
Waldensian versions. Haupt has demonstrated where these traces come from, 
namely, from his own pen. 

622 Such is the opinion of Chelle, who has a note in the manuscript itself 
that reads : " This MS. contains a translation of the N. T., as used by the Wal- 
denses, following the text and the order of the Vulgate. It appears to belong 
to the commencement of the fourteenth century. It has a Waldensian ritual at 
the end." Now, remarks Keuss, we read the word Albigenses in two places 
instead of Waldenses. 

62S See the Rituale, passim. Of. Keuss, tJi(?., 1852, p. 338. It is interesting 
to note here the interpretation given to the following passages : Jude 23 ; Matt. 
X., 8, and Mark xvi., 17, etc. ; Matt, iii., 11 ; John i., 26, etc., John xx., 21. 

624 We are told that Eeusch, whilst lately employed in putting Doelliuger's 
papers in order, found a refutation of Cunitz's thesis. But Doellinger could not 
in this piece of work have taken into account the Practioa of Bernard Gui 
recently printed. Let the ceremony of the Consolamentum , according to the 
Rituale, be compared with the report of that Inquisitor (ibid., v., p. 1, 2, and 3), 
and it will be seen that Cunitz is right. The Kitual is Catharin. 

625 Bibl. Nationale, fonds fran^ais, n. 2425 (old n. 8086 of the Bibl. du Koi), 
For the description, see GUly, op. eit., iutrod. p. Ixvi. — Ixix., Keuss, Revue, etc.. 
1852, p. 343. , 

626 Let us notice the following : All the Gospel of Matthew, the first 
twenty verses of Mark, 2 John v., 4 to the end, the 3rd Epistle of John, that of 
Jude, and the first three verses of the Epistle to the Romans, ch. ii. to iv. of 
2ud Epistle to Timothy, and the first two verses of_ Epistle to Titus. Finally, 
here are a few omissions : Mark xi., 1 — 11 ; Luke xvi., 1 — 12, xvii., 30 — ^xviii., 10, 

The Waldenses of Italy. 333 

etc. Bei'ger thinks these omissions were generally made for the purpose of 
abbreviation, or were caused by the negligence of the copyist. 

627 We can hardly doubt but that this precious volume was about the XV. 
century, in the hands of a Waldensiau hawker. Revue historinue, January, 

627* 628 Luke xii., 32 ; 2 Cor. vi., 16 ; James v., 8 ; Heb. x., 37. 

628* 629 James v., 1. Here are some other passages indicated: Luke xv., 11, 
xix., 42 ; John ii., 17, iii., 18, vi., 61 xviii., 23 ; Acts xiv., 21, xv., 29, xvi., 18, 
xvli., 3-1 ; James ii., 8, v., 12 ; 2 Peter li., 6 ; Eom. v., 12 -1 Cor. ii., 9 ; xv., 16, 54 ; 
2 Cor. iv., 13, vi., 16 ; Bph. iiy 1 ; 1 Tim. i., 9, iii., 12 ; Heb. xi., 9, etc. We are 
indebted to the kindness of M. Berger for these notes. 

630 Revue de thiol, etc., 1852, p. 324. 

631 University Library, Waldensiau MS. Dd 15, 34, or vol. F. For des- 
cription, see BradshaWj ap. Todd, Books, etc., p. 214. This description, corrected 
by means of notes, which Bradshaw intended for us, has been revised and com- 
pleted by his successor, Mr. Robertson Smith, to whom we here desire to express 
our gratitude. 

632 L6ger, Histoire, etc., i., p. 21—22. Cf. Morland liist. of the Evang. 
Churches of Piedmont, p. 98. 

633 The following are the omissions which have been detected ; viz., the 
beginning of Matthew as far as vii., 10 ; all of Mark ; Luke iii., 7 to the end ; 
John vii., 33 — xiii., 28, and xv., 21 — xx., 29 ; Epistle to the Romans U. to Corin- 
thians, Epistle to Colossians, and the 2 to Thessalouians, except the very first 
words of the i. ; written through carelessness and without a title ; 1 Timothy 
from commencement to ii., 7 ; Epistles to Philemon and that to the Hebrews ; 
Acts iv., 17— v., 4 ; xxii., 5—25 ; xxvi., from 5 till toward the end. Finally, the 
MS. ends at 2 Peter ii., 5. Nothing, therefore, of the Epistle of John, or the 

634 Bibl. de la ville, n. 488 (old 8595). For description see ChampoUion 
Figeac, Nour. reoherclws sur les patois ou idiomes vulgaires de la France, 1809, 
p. 24 et seq. ; Gilly, I. c., p. 45 — 51 ; Muston, who says in his Examen, etc., that 
it is " la seule Bible Vaudoise qu 'il ait studies up pen ; " iMd.,^. 36, and Bibliog., 
p. 95 ; Herzog, Rom. Wald., p. 62 ; Reuss, Revue, etc., 1852, p. 342. 

635 Bxamen., etc., p. 36—37. Cf. Perrin, op: cit., p. 57. 

636 Ch. Figeac and Muston mention the Book of Songs instead of that of 
Jesus, son of Sirach. Gilly refers to these two writers. We follow Herzog, who 
saw the MS. after them. 

637 This table is written on paper. It begins thus : " Aici commenqa lo 
registre de li evangeli de las Escripturas per lo cercondament del an premiera- 
ment en lavenament del Segnor." 

' 638 Generally speaking. According to Muston and Herzog ; but Reuss calls 
attention to the fact that if there are some divergences from the actual order, 
the same are also found in certain MSS. of the Vulgate. 

639 Oh. Figeac believed this MS. to belong to the XIII. century, but he was 
led astray by Leger and PerriUj whom he accepted as guides in discussing and 
reckoning the age of Waldensiau writLogs. Gilly notices it in passing ; " C. P. 
follows the error caused by Perrin 's mis-statements." Nevertheless, he adheres 
to his opinion upon this point, while Herzog clearly disposes of it. 

640 Trinity College Library, CI. A., Tab. iv., n. 13. For the description see 
especially an art. in British 3Iag., by Todd, reprinted in his Boohs of the Vau- 
dois, p. 1 — 7. Besides, Gilly, l.o., p. xxviii.; Muston, l.c., p. 95; Reuss, I.e., p. 342; 
Herzog, I.e., p. 55. 

641 Perrin, l.c. 

642 This copy consists properly of a revision of the Gospel of St. John, pub- 
lished by Gilly, and the immediately following transcription of the other books 
of theN.T. 

642* 643 Herzog supposed this, from certain little omissions and slight mis- 
takes which are not explained by any reading of the Vulgate. He indicates them 
in his Rom. Wald., p. 55 and 56. 

644 Todd, Books of the Vaudois, p. 190. 

645 Rom. version, p. xxxvi. 

646 City Library, c. 169, 706. For the description see Gilly, I.e., p. Iii.— Ivi.; 
but especially Reuss, who examined it very thoroughly. I.e., p. 344 and foil., and 
also Herzc^, ibid., p. 61. 

647 " Guilemus Malanotus pastor pedemontanus valdensis hoc N. T. celeber- 
rimae Tigurinae Academiae dono dedit die decimo Septembris, 1692." 

648 '• Per Barbetum quemdam, i. e. ministrum ejusdem ecclesiae." 

834 The VValdenses of Italy. 

649 Namely : the begianing of Matthew to Hi., 17 : Acts xxvii., 14 — 32 ; 
Eev. XX., 6— xxl., 23. 

650 ReuBS counted six of them. Ibid., p. 345. 

651 There are no leas that 32 books of tlie 0. T. indicated in that manner ; 
with them Judith, 'J'ohias, the Uh book of Esdrap, Wisdom, Ecclesiastecus, the 
13th chapter of Daniel, which is the story of Lusanna. Herzog mentions also 
the book of Jesus, son of Sirach. 

652 This kind of sub-division for the Old Testament, dates from 1490. The 
division into verses was introduced from 1551 to 1560. Eeuss, I. c, p. 347 — 349. 

653 Reuss. Btvur, etc., 18'3, p. i-0— 85. 

654 This specimen is taken in part from the texts reproduced by Gilly, 
Reuss, Foerster, Todd, and Chabrand. We have made use of the manuscript 
corrections of Herzog upon Gilly 's reproductions, and especially of his copy of 
the New Testament of Dublin. But, still, our specimen would be incomplete 
and less exact also, without the co-operation of Professors Berger of Paris, 
Cl^dat of Lyons, and Ulrich of Zurich, of Dr. Ingram of Dublin, and the 
librarians Bradshaw and R. Smith of Cambridge. We desire here to express 
to all of them our sincere thanks. 

6.55 helong, Bibl. tlacra,i.,'i^'lV. Cf.GiWy a^^. Todd Books n/thr Iaa(7o?>,p.l64. 

656 I allude to those recorded by Gilly (Mom. em., p. Ixx^iii.), and Muston 
(Bibliog., MSS. bibliques ii., vi.. and vii.). People have been misled more 
especially by the title of Bible <lfs Paucnx, of Paris. This is definitely laid 

657 Gilles, o^. cit., preface and ch. ii. 

658 Particularly in Val Pragelas. Perrin, ch. iii., p. 57. Cf. Leger, i., 23, 24. 
652* 659 "May have been wholly or partially the productions of Waldo and 

his associates." Rom. nrs., introd., p. xcvi. 

660 This fact is weU authenticated. M. Berger writes us after his last 
researches : " I have been unable to discover either in the bible of the Cathari, 
or in the texts of the Waldenses, the slightest expression that would indicate a 
heretical origin, or that in any way gives a hint of the theology professed by 
the translators." 

661 " Quia sensu proprio verba evangelii interpretari priBsumpserunt, 
videntes nullos alios evangelium juxta literam omnino servare, quod se faoere 
velle jactaverunt." Dav. d'Augsb. 

662 I take this statement again from his private correspondence, which I 
am authorised to use for my own benefit and that of my readers. 

663 E.g. ■■ Ora Dio," to Acts X., 2« (Cf. Herzog, iJraf. (laW., p. 321), and 
" filh de la vergena," " pena," etc., passim. 

664 " Arctis sime inhibemus," says the decree of the Council of Toulouse, 
anno, 1229. Vaissette remarks "' We find, in the informations laid and the 
judgments pronounced, that the heretics commonly called Waldenses, in the 
country read the Gospels in the vulgar tongue." Hist, de Lanquedoc, iii., 411, 
anno 1237. 

665 Bic. Ilisturiqwe, 1st art. quoted. 

666 Muston makes Fterster say that ''this translation is, perhaps, by Waldo 
himself." Ej-amni. exc, p. ii6. But he is mistaken. Not only does Foerster 
not say that, but he could not do so consistently. The dialect of Lyons 
and that of Provence are two different things. What Foerster admits, is, that 
the language of the MS. of Lyonsiis so far from being irreccncilable with our 
dialect, that it already contains it in a germ. I would addj that according to 
Berger, it is to be hoped that the link connecting this version with that of the 
MSS. of XVI. century will still be found. " 1 do not know," he says, "whether 
the MS. of Paris is not very near being this connecting link." Ihid. 

667 Reuss declared in 1851: "I find it impossible for the present to recog- 
nize the hand of Waldo in the Waldensian Biblical MSS. which now exist." 
.Bef .iquoted p. 328. Now, M. Berger recently wrote to us as follows : '' There is no 
reason to think that there is any connection whatsoever between the Proveneales 
versions, the Waldensian versions, and Waldo. Everything tends to exclude 
this hypothesis . . . We must, then, until the contrary is proved, deny his pater- 
nity in the Provencal version, which was that of the Waldenses." While quoting 
these words of the eminent Parisian professor, we feel constrained to acknow- 
ledge that he tries in every possible way " to prove the contrary." We would 
offer him here our best wishes for his success, together with the expression of 
our heartfelt gratitude. 

668 Library of the Convent of the Prfimontrgs of the Abbey of Teplis, near 
Marienbaden, Bohemia, vi., 139. For the description see Preface to Codex 
Tepleusis, printed in 1881 to 1884. 

The Waldenses op Italy. 335 

669 Kraft, Dio deutsche Bibel vor Luther^ Bonn, 1883. 

670 Biltz, Die neuesten Sehriften, etc., article inserted in the Archiv filr das 
Studium der nenereu Spraclien u. Litteraturen, vol. Ixxvi., n. 1 and 2. 

671 F. Klimeach, author of the publication of the Codex Tepleusis, had not 
mistrusted it at first. Biltz was the first to elucidate this point. See the 
Simntags beiJnpni d. neiien Prev,ss,Ztg. Nos. dated 3rd and 17th July, 1881. Let 
us remind the reader that there still exists another MS. preserving the old Ger- 
man version. It was described by Rachel, Die Freiherger Bibelkaudschrift, 
1866. This learned man proves that the two MSS. have a visible bond of 
relationship as regards the text of the version. 

672 See his work, Die Reformation u. die alteren Reform parteien, 1885, 
pp. 257—260. 

673 In his pamphlet entitled : Deutsche Bibeliiber setzvmg d. mittelalter- 
li-cJien Waldenser, 1885. 

674 His pamphlet is entitled : Die Waldenser u. die vorlutherische deutsohe 
Biieliiher setzwng, 1885. 

675 It is first the turn of Haupt to reply with Der maldensiscke Xlrspmng 
des Code.c Teplemix u. der t'orlutherisohen deutschen Bibeldruclte geqen die Atu}- 
n^e ton Dr. lostrs. 1886 ; then followed Keller : Die Waldenser u. tlie deutselicii 
Bibelilher setzmigr/i, 1886 ; and, finally, the new answer of Jostes : Die Teplei- 
bibeliibersetzung ^ine zmeite Xritili, 1S86. 

676 Berger, Rn'uc Uistorique, two articles inserted in vol. xxx. and xxxii., 
1886. He supports the theory of Keller and Haupt. Ph. Schaff, on the con- 
trary, hastened to side with Jostes. See The IndejjeThdemt, October 8th, 1885. 
Karl Mtiller is inclined that way (see Zeitschrift filr Kirehen gesohichte, vol. 
viii., 3rd ed.), without giving any decisive reason. See, moreover, his article in 
the Studieii u. Kritiken, 1887. 

677 "Appears to me to be uncertain for more than one reason." Ait. Die 
neuesten Sehriften, etc. 

678 Die Waldenser, etc., p. 84 et seq. Berger thinks that Keller there 
follows a dangerous road, which may lead him to very unexpected discoveries ; 
for, is he aware, upon what text the version he is analyzing is founded ? See 
the end of the second article of the Rev. Bistorique. Cf. Kolde, Gott. gel. 
Anx., 1887, n. 1. 

679 Biltz. for example, vaguely attributes it to the Friends of God, the more 
so, he says, that the preface to the German Bible, edition of Cologne, tells us 
that this Bible had been circulating for a long time in the valleys ot the Upper 
Ehine. Ibid. We note, however, after Haupt and Berger, that the Waldenses 
of Strasburg (1400), and of Basle (1430) possessed the German Bible. The Synod 
of Treves (1231) already finds that the heretics of that city had it in their hands. 
Now several among them seem to have been Waldenses. If, after this, we take 
into account the very small size of the Teplis volume, we shall not be far from 
recognizing in this one of those little books which the Waldensian evangelists 
earned with them, hidden under their rough cloaks. 

680 Gilly had already remarked that the expression " lo filh de la vergena " 
is used in the same sense as indicated above in the version of Dublin, and that 
it is found also in that of Zurich, Grenoble, and Paris, and in several Waldensian 
writings, but not in the version of Lyons. Rom-, vers., p. xlii. and 95. 

681 Allusion is here made to those which Gh. Schmidt published in 1852. 

682 Indeed, we know that at the diet of Worms, the representative of 1 he 
Roman court said to the Reformer ; " Plurima eorum, quse adducis .... 
Waldensium sunt, Pauperum de Lugduno sunt . . . hereses." P. Balan, 
Man. Ref. Luth., 1884, p. 182. 

683 See a letter of the year 1368, hereinafter reproduced. 

684 Dav. d'Augsb., ap. Preger, p. 29. ' 

685 '• Expositiones," says the inquisitorial record. Oehsenbein, op. cit., p. 
220. Cf. ibid., p. 251 et 387. 

686 " Finxerunt quosdam rithmos, quos vocant triginta gradus s. Augustini, 
in quibus docent quasi virtutes sectari et vicia detestari." Dav. of Augsb., ap. 
Preger,.p. 35. 

687 Abriss der gesamDiten KirclieTigeseMcMe, 1879, vol. iii., p. 406. 

688 " Articulos fidei septem de divinitate, et septem de humanitate, et decem 
precepta dechaloghi, et septem opera misericordise, sub quodam compendio et 
sub quodam modo ab eis ordinate et composito, diount et docent." Bern. Guid., 
Practica inquisitionis hereticce pravitatis (Paris, 1886), p. 250. 

6«9 It can hardly be a question of a compilation, from the Inquisitor's 
remark. See Montet. Hist. Lift., etc.. Pieces justifioatives, n. 3. Compare 

336 The Waldenses of Italy. 

those seven articles of faith with the Credo, after Thomas Aquinas. See, more- 
over, the Zmiiite Krltilt of Jostes, p. 9 — 10. 

690 Cod. S. Florian, xi., 152. 

691 At Strasburg it is a question of a book which the iiiar/inti-r uses during 
the ^e^vice ; at FribUrg, divers writings in more than one language, especially 
a treatise, in which it is said that suffrages and other such works are of no avail 
to the souls of the dead. 

692 " They were of a much later period." Rom. vers., introd. p. 35 — 37. 

693 Op. rit... ch. ii. 

691 That letter is in Latin. See Cod. S. Florian, vol. xi.. p. 1.52. The tran- 
scription was madp by Professor Karl Miiller, of Giessen, who had the kindness 
to send it to us. We are the more obliged to him as his task was a difficult 

695 The quotation is taken from the Vulgate, which is not very correct. 
Segoad translates : " Par votre perseverance vous sauverez vos ames." Luke 
xxi., 19. Of course the letter ignores the division into verses. 

696 Ps. Ixvi., 10—11. 

697 1 Cor. xu., 26. 
6ilS Ps. cxxxvii.. 9. 

698a Cf. Matth. xxi., 44 ; and, Luke xx 1«. 

699 " Parvulos motus animi nostri ad Christum debemus allidere." 

700 Matth. xviii., 7. 

701 Job ii., 1; and Ps. vii., 14—18. 

702 See Prov. xviii., 19 ; but according to the Vulgate. In the English ver- 
sion the text is totally different. 

703 Gal. vi., 2. 

704 Ps. XX., 1 — 5, 7; cxix., 1: cxx., 1; cxli., 1, 2. 

705 Ps. 1., 15 ; Ix., 11, 12. 

706 Ps. Ii., 17. 

707 " Fatemur enim nos, ut apostolus ait, imperitos sermone vel sermocinali 
scriptura, non tamen sine sciencia spirituali." 

708 1 Cor., i., 19—20, 25—31. 

709 These are the words of St. Paul, to which the editor had added a few 
complimentary words. 

710 Matth. xi., 25. 

711 1 Cor. viii., 1—3. 

712 Ps. cxxxi., 1. 

713 Exodus ix., 9. 

714 Matth. xi., 29. 

715 Kom. xii., 3. 

716 2 Tim. iii., 7. The text of the letter contains an ut. instead of ne, but 
this is probably only a lapsus. 

717 Ephes. iv., 20. 

718 1 Cor. xiii., 2. 

719 Widom vii., 13. 

720 James iv., 17, 

721 Matth. xxlii., 12. Compare also 2 Cor. iii., 5 ; Rom. xii., 3; 1 Cor.iT..20: 
Eccles X.. 1—6. 

722 Matth xvi., 19. 

723 Titus i., 5. 

724 Matth. x., 1 ; xviii., 18. 

725 Ps. xix., 4. 

726 John x\-ii., 20, 22. 

727 Matth. x., 9 ; xix., 21, 27. 

728 " Nisi mecum manseritis, terram vobis prohibebo." 

729 Matth. xix., 28, 29. 

730 John xvi., 2. Cf . iUd., v. 33, et xiii., 16. 

731 '■ Terram vobis relinquimus, nos vero celum appetimus." 

732 Ps.ii, 3. 

733 Rom. xv., 4. 

734 1 Cor. X., 6. 

735 Rom. XV., 30 et suiv. 

736 Matth. xxiv., 9. 

737 Matth. x., 23 et suiv. 

738 Ps. xxi., 11. 

739 Job. xiv., 6— 8. 

740 " Petrus de WaUe et ejus socius Johannis Ludinensis a Ludone civitate 
dictus (sic)." 

The Waldenses of Italy. 337 

741 " Tanquam ramus a vero , trunco aqua sancti spirifcus irrigato paulatim 
pullulans, non principium sed reparaoio nostri ordinis fuisse dicitur." 

742 John ix., 34. 

743 1 Cor. iv., 3, 4. 

744 " Dioti sunt Waldenses et postremum Ludinensea pauperes a Ludone 
civitate, in qua multo tempore oonversati sunt . . . Viam scilicet paupertatis, 
quam predict! viri secuti sunt paueo ante eum tempore et adliuo sequentes eoruui 
secuntur ut credimus juxta librum electorum." 

745 " Tamquam leo a somno consurgens." 

746 The MSS., which is very dirticult to decipher, is here somewhat 
embarrassing. It seems to read: Sic in curiam uthabetis (or perhaps "hereticus") 
est ingressus ab invidis reprobatus." '• Curia " can only refer to Borne." 

747 Matth. xviii., 19, 20. 

748 Matth. vii., 1 ; 1 Cor. iv., .-.. 

749 Acts v., 38. 

750 Rom. 1, 28. 

751 1 Cor. xi., 19. 

752 Jer. li,, 6. Cf. Matth. x., 5 ; Bphes. iv., 17 ; Rev. xviii., 4. 

753 " Ut audivi." This expression is found precisely in the historical frag- 
ment heretofore noticed. The sentence is : " Post autem anuos DCCO a Constan- 
tino, surrexit quidam, cujus proprium nomen Petrus, lit audivi, fuit, sed a 
quadam regione dicebatur Waldis." See my Introcl. alia Storia della Itiforma 
in Italia, appendix n. 1. There is evidently a connection between this fragment, 
or the writing from which it is taken, and the Book of the Just. The nomo- 
genity of the matter in both, is, moreover, evident. 

754 Col. iv., 6. 

755 " Est duplex : prima est propter testium absenciam. Nemo enim 
hominum est qui audiverit sen viderit proprium rei principium, qui multum 
tempus jam est elapsum. Secunda racio magis principalis est propter persecu- 
oiones innumeras, quas passi siimus ; unde multociens produoti sunt libri nostri 
quasi in niohilum, ita ut vix sacram paginam possemus reservare." 

756 1 Cor. xi., 23. "Accepi quod tradidi vobis," dit la 


757 " Et licet Petrus dictus Waldensis non acoepisset, quod absit (fatemur 
enim fuisse presbyterum sacris ordinibus ordinatum cum Johanne suo socio sive 
confratre e;jusdem ordinis et postmodum ab illo cardinali de quo audistis favente 
eidem confirmatum non dubitamus), tamen multi et innumerabiles saoerdotes 
qui hano vitam sive fidem secuti sunt, nonne fratribus imponere poterunt ? " 
We know that this Cardinal is mentioned in the historical fragment. 

758 Rom. viii., 28. 

759 John x., 13. 

760 1 Cor. i., 17. 

761 Jbid., ix., 13, 14. 

762 John vi., 47, 54, 57. 

763 " Crede et manducasti." 

764 " Cum communio sit unitas Christi et sancte ecolesie." 

765 " Audi tis solum confessiones : pro reliquis mittitis ad ecclesiam popu- 
lum . . . Vos tamen unum semisacramentum." The letter is addressed : 
" Profunde speciilacionis viris, fratribus in Italia, etc." 

766 En voici I'adresse : '• Dilectis, utinam in Christo fratribus universis et 
specialiter hiis quorum legacio ad nos usque pervenit, Johannes, Petrus et 
eorum consodales salutem in domino Jesu Christo." 

767 " Vestra Begula narrat, ut ego memorie mee tradidi, quod sicut a tempore 
Abraham usque ad Christum nunquam deficit lucerna fidei, sic a Christo usque 
ad nunc. Dicitur eoiam ibidem, ijuod in prineipio vesjri ordinis vehementer mul- 
tiplicati fuerint fideles vestri qui aliquando M, aliquando verso (?) DCC in uno 
synodo congregatur . . . Eta Constantino et Silvestro usque ad inventorem 
vestre sects Di!CC, additis CC annis ab invencione, quibus manifeste dicitur 
earn extitisse, remanent vix L anni usque nunc so. anno domini MCCCLXVIII, 
inquibus predicare publics desit." Here we are brought back again to the 
hibtorical fragment. ■ 

768 The Waldensia,n ministers and preachers were sufficiently acquainted in 
a general way with Latin, and bilingual readings, Latin and "Waldensian, 
are not uncommon. We have an example of this at the present day, in the 
writings of Morsl. 

769 At least, according to the Genevan text published by Hahn, Gescli. d. 
Wald., p. 623—626. 

770 Ahten-if iiche, etc., ap. Zeitschrift f. die hist. Theol., 1852, p. 238, et ssq. 

338 The Waldenses of Italy. 

Schmidt published them underthe known title of Regale seote Waldensivm, and 
conBiders that the whole forms a discourse. 

771 '"Vestra regula narrat, ut ego memnric meetradidi" sniitheveDsgaAe 
Jean, whom we have just quoted. 

772 " Trametament," says the MS. See Montet, op. cit, p. 136—139. 

773 " Alcuns volou ligar la paroUa de Dio segont la lor voluntA." 

774 The allusion is in this passage : " Dont lo es script que Costantin dis a 
Silvestre e a tuit li successor de luy meseyme : Nos donen la nostra corona en la 

775 Montet, p. .57, et seq. 

776 The discovery of this is due to Professor Alphonse Meyer. The original 
treatise is in Greek. Pitra published it in his Spicilegium Tolesnienge,vo]. iiL, 
p. 338 et seq. See the report of Mayer ih the HitzugscericJite d. philos-philol v,. 
hist. d. d. k., Akad. d. Wissensclkaften :u Miinclien, 18S0, 5e liv. 

777 Op. cit., p. 76. Cf. iUi}., p. 43—46. 

77.S Op. fit., p. 72. Cf. Rivista Cristiana, x., p. 235. 

779 See Rovi. IVald., p. 72—76 ; but, above all, the detailed study he made 
of it, in theZriUchri/t /. die Hist. Theol., 1S6I, 4th part. 

780 0». ci^,p. 64— 68. 

781 "Li 4 entendement czo es estorial, alegorial, tropologial, anegogial." 
Cantiea iii., 10. 

782 " Nos latin diczen," says the commentator. See, moreover, the alluBion 
to the meaning of the word martyr in Latin (iv., 1), and more especially the 
Latin verses at the end. 

783 Zrifschrift, I.e. Cf. Rom. Wald. p. 31—34 and 63—65. 

783* 784 " Such a living picture of the condition of the Waldenses we shall 
he unable to find anywhere else.'' Zeitschrift, I.e. 

785 Fnerster, Li nernum saint Bernard, serm. xxi. 

786 " Enquor n'est assez." Rom. Studien, I.e. 

787 Traces of them are found in the Gallo-Ital. I'redigten; it may have 
been noticed that even that of bans homes is found there. See our quotation in 
a note of the preceding chapter. 

788 For example : the designation of people, flock, or Church of the Poor, 
already mentioned, and the passage concerning the jus gladii (v., 16), and 
such expressions as '■ fllh de la vergina " (viii., 4), "devant pausa " (vi., 9), etc. 

789 See following chapter, concerning the rule of faith. 

790 "L'emburilh son li predicador " (yii., 2). 
701* 791 Cf. vi., 9 ; iv., 4 ; vi., 2. 

792 See above (p. 194—196). MS. of Dublin. 

793 See above, p. ISi;, orMS. of Dublin, p. 71. We quote these two MSS. 
from a copy we have which belonged to the lamented Pro) essor Zezschwitz. 

794 On this point cf. the art. of Zezschwitz on the Bohemian Brethren. 
Real Eni-ycln., 2nd edition, p. 655 — 658, and Goll, Qiteller u. Uiitersvehwngen, 
part 1., p. 2.S. Professor Goll informs us that instead of '' Bohfemiens " (see 
above, p. 19(;, n. 4), the original reads " Utraquistes." 

795 Accordins to three MSS., of Cambridge, Dublin, and Geneva. Montet, 
p. 50 — 53. and Xoble Leqon appendix. 

796 Purgatfli-i soyma. Herzog, iiom.TraZrf., app., n. i., reproduces the com- 
pared text of the MSS. of Geneva and Dublin. The MS. of Geneva alone is 

797 Lydius. Waldenaia, vol. i., p. 42 et seq., 90 et seq. Montet is right 
in wondering how Lfeger could have given to this treatise the date of 1120. 

798 Lfeger, in his history (i. 162), reminds the reader that the superstition of 
the worship of the Saints was an ancient one, and hastens tn conclude : " It is 
therefore an obvious fact that the aforesaid feature of the Waldenses opposing 
the newly-horn, ot a rowing doctrine of the invocation of Saints, must be of much 
older date than that of Antichrist," and he dates this back to 1120, namely, 
" fifty years previous to Waldo." 

799 This in a writing, in the Trech language, upon Lucas of Prague. See- 
Montet, Litt., p. 173—175. 

800 Montet, p. 176. We learn that Goll handed over to M. J. Miiller, of 
Hermhut, the duty of continuing the researches upon this point. 

801 The Inquisitor who mentions these Rythmes indicates their object to us, 
and adds, that they are not the only attempts of this kind. " Callide inserunt 
ibi ritus suos et hereses, ut melius alliciant ad ea disceuda et forcius inculcent 
ea memoriter, sicut nos laycis proponimus symbolum, oracionem dominicam, et 
alia pulchra huius modi causa confinxerunt carmina." Dav. of Augsb., ch. 17. 

802 All but one have been published by Hahn, op. cit., p. 560 et seq. 

The Waldbnses of Italy. 339 

803 iff Despree:i ih-1 m-oiit, after two MSS., one of Geneva, end of XV. 
•century, the other of Dublin, beginning of the XVT. century. A Poem of 115 
decasyllabic verses. 

804 La Baroa, after the two above-mentioned MSS., containing the pre- 
ceding poem ; furthermore, a MS. of Cambridge, belonging to the beginning of 
the XV. century. A Poem of 5t> stanzas of six Alexandrine verses, of which the 
48th is irregular, being of 7 verses. 

80.5 BihUographie, p. 107. 

806 See especially a few lines of the stanzas 17 and 19, which there is no 
necessity for citing. 

807 Ex. " en g§n6ral " and '■ pas " at the 74th and 314th verses. According 
to Tron, the Bark is of the XII. century. 

SOS Oragim, according to the MS. of Dublin before -mentioned, fol. 47, a. 
They are 94 verses of uneven measure, sometimes even devoid of measure, with 
rhymes that are simply jingles. 

809 See the Echo des Valleen, 1849, n. 10, p. 150 et seq., and the BiHiog. of 
the Israel drs Alpes, p. 129. 

810 BlbUngraj)hie, I.e. The editor of the lUchn des ValUes does not hesitate 
to greet the Oraison, as a poem that comes to swell the list of the " numerous 
poems composed five or six centuries ago." 

811 I/O luirel confort, after the three mentioned MSS. Poem of 300 verses, 
or 75 " quatrains." The 40th lacks one verse. 

812 Zu Xucel Her iiwn, after the same three MSS. Poem of 408 verses, 
divided into 21 couplets. The length of the couplet as well as that of the verse 
is uneven. 

813 Dante in his Inferno, v., 31 — 45, makes use of the same idea. 

814 L'Arangeli or ti Ikangeli de K quatre semenez. after the two MSS. of 
Geneva and Dublin. Composition of 300 verses, divided into 75 mono-rhythmic 

815 Lo Fayre eternal, after the three afore-mentioned MSS. Poem of 156 
verses, divided into 15 sections, or 52 stanzas of three lines each. Every section 
is composed of 3 stanzas, the first of which refers to the Father, the second to 
the Son, the third to the Holy Spirit. The poet also addresses himself directly 
to the Trinity, twice in 2 stanzas during the course of the poem, and once at the 
end. A capital letter precedes evei^y stanza, joining the three lines with a brace, 
and indicating the subject with a P. an F. or an S., and also a T. The title, 
therefore, does not correspond with the subject. It is taken from the fii'st 

816 The Nohla Leiozim, a poem in Alexandrin verse, after the three afoie- 
mentioned MSS., and a fragment at Cambridge. Eaynoua.rd was the first to 
reproduce this poem with a translation. He took as his ground work the 
Genevan MSS., and made use of L§ger's copy. Many an error has crept into 
this reproduction, as well as in that of Gilly, and later in that of Herzog ; which is, 
however, much less inexact. We have followed, in our first edition, the reading 
of Geneva, after the only diplomatic copy in existence, due to Appelstedt. We 
follow here the MSS. of Cambridge, recently published by M. Montet. It is 
more complete and more ancient than those of Geneva and of Dublin. It con- 
tains 481 verses. 

817 Herzog suspects the interpolation of verses 439 to 456, and calls attention 
to the direct relation between the verses that precede, and those which follow. 
But this does not suffice to prove the fact. Bom.. Wald., p. 78 — 79. 

818 These last two lines are wanting in the Genevan and Dublin MSS. 
They are reproduced from the MS. of Cambridge, according to Morland. 

819 Cf . for the summary, Montet, La Xotle Lecon, p. 11 — 18, which we have not 
made use of in our work. He conclude.i thus : " The poem is above all things an 
apology of the party, of which it sets forth, very plainly, the moral and religious 
principles. In the midst of the persecutions, it forms a confession of faith, a 
testimony which ought to demonstrate ther innocence of the Waldenses, and at 
the same time a banner, a rallying point for reanimatmg their courage and con- 
firming the hope they cherished, that justice would be done them. IMd. 

820 Sir Samuel Morland erroneously translates car hy for, which corresponds 
to the French car. L^ger does not fall into that mistake. We know that car 
had two meanings, one of which is rendered by que, the only one applicable in 
this case. 

821 Ex. Lgger, i., Ifil, and all the ancients; Eaynouard, ii., 137 et seq., 
Hahn, i., 65, Leroux de Lincy. p. 7 ; Muston, passim ; Plathe, i., 247 ; Monastier, 
i., 105 et seq. 

822 Ben. de Thiol., etc., anno 1851, p. 325. 

340 The Waldenses of Italy. 

823 Rom. Wald., p. 85. Cf. 1 John ii., 8, with verses 451 and 453. This last 
verse renders the expression of the Apostle to the letter. Montet adopts 
Herzog's opinion. That of Mandet, which establishes a relation between the 
verse of the Noble Lesson with passages of St. Paul, seems to be abandoned. 

824 Todd, op. cit., pp. 183 and 184, remarks that we do not read ben luin but 
ben ha, and that we should say in Latin : Undecies centum anni completum est. 
He adds that the Provencal, did not any more than the Latin, admit of the 
agreement of a verb in the singular, with a noun in the plural. After that, Is it 
necessary to demonstrate the force of the two adverbs joined together : ben and 
cniieravient ? 

825 See the new Preface which Muston adds to the edition of his Israel des 
AVpes lately put into the market, and which has been neither revised nor re- 
printed. He stops there, for he says on p. 16 of his Examen, etc. : " I only wish 
to maintain here that the JVoble Legon had already appeared, or did appear, at 
the time of Waldo's arrival " in the valleys. 

826 H. Bosio, ia JVohla Li-yczcm considiree au triple point de rue de la doc- 
trine, dc la morale et de V histoire, ap. Bull, de la Soc. d' Hist.Vatidoise, n. 2, 
p. 20—36. 

827 See the chapter on the Fraticelli, in my Introduzione alia Storia della 
Riforma in Italia, 18'<1, p. 285 et seq. 

828 He claimed : ( 1 ) That the Noble Lesson does not bear the seal of the Wal- 
denslan reaction. (2) That the Waldenses did not caU themselves by that name 
before the XV. century. Herzog had no difficulty in showing that the Goettin- 
gen critic was in error as to the first point, and that as regards the second, the 
Noble Lesson does not authorize us to imagine that the Waldenses called them- 
selves by that name, but rather to conclude that it was inflicted upon them by 
their adversaries at an early period. Cf. Die Waldcnser, etc., p. 339, and Roni. 
Wald., p. 8i>— 81. 

829 The foolish statements given currency to by the Britislt Magazine, con- 
cerning Morland and Lfiger ; who are there suspected of having sent the Cam- 
bridge MSS. to Geneva, would, on the Continent, be sufficient to discredit any 
Review whatever. Toai. Books, eic.^.lio — 150. It is, therefore, not right to 
quote them as specimens " worthy of the school of critics," as has been done by 
M. Boslo, BullHtin de la Societe d'Hixt. Taud., n. 2. 

830 " It is highly satisfactory." Discovery, etc., after Todd, op. cit., 
p. 210—223. 

831 Op. at., p. 1=2. 

832 Ibid., p. 132 — 133. Montet, however, adopts the same method for the 
interpretation of the other reading. Can this be sustained .' He tells us after- 
wards, in his Xnble Legun, p. 5, that he has changed his opinion. The terminus 
a quo is now Interchangeable for him with the Christian era. Berger was 
already inclined to swallow this hypothesis, as more likely to be true. Bev. 
Sist. xx:svi., 2nd part. L%er is avenged. 

833 Examen, etc., p. 45. 

834 " This name was probably introduced in a later revision." Bom. Wald., 
p. 84. 

SS.'J P. Meyer wrote to Muston, 17 Dec, 1881 : " Since writing my article of 
186fi, I have seen the MSS. of Dublin and of Cambridge ; but only superficially 
and without taking any interest in them. All of them appeared to me to be of 
the XV. century at the earliest." How is this ; even those whose date is fixed 
at the beginning of the XV. century and at the end of the XIV .' That is 
going a little far. But Meyer will not long be of this opinion. He wrote to us 
recently : " Some day I intend to set to work on the Waldenslan literature, as I 
am but very little satisfied with all that exists on this subject." Moreover, 
Foerster also pledged himself to this. Some 5 years ago he wrote, that, in his 
opinion, the text of the Noble Lesson did not date back further than the XIV. 
century, and he proposed to prove It one day ; desiring first to publish a 
grammar of the Waldensian dialect. See Bir. Crist iana, 1882, p. 102. We hear 
that promise Is about to be fulfilled. Jlr. Boehmer, after reading what we have 
above said, writes : " The impression made upon me — which I informed you 
of — that the Nobla Lciczon might be very much older than is generally supposed, 
has been increased by your exposition of the matter. 

836 See Montet, passim, and after him Brldel, Anderson Scott, etc. 

837 We had just written these lines when we read the opinion given by 
Professor K. Muller upon the origin of our literature. " All that has been given 
out as Waldensian literature, before the Hussite period, is, without exception, of 
Catholic origin, and has never been Waldensian." Zeitsch f. Kircheng, by 
Brieger, 1886, p. 506. Here we have a thesis going thoroughly to the root of the 

The Waldenses of Italy. 341 

matter. It is a pity, that, tlius far, the author has not seen fit to justify it, and 
that he has not had the time to do so as he had announced in his preface to his 
book. Die Waldenser, etc. 

838 "Avea 1' istinto del riformatore religiose, e ben sapeva trasfondere 
altrui Fintimo suo oonvinclmento." Tocco, op. cit., p. 169. 

839 Tocco appears to find nothing but that. "Come ad imitazoine dei 
Poveri dl Lione sorsero i Poveri d' Assisi o frati minori, cosi ad imatazione dei 
predieatori valdesi naequero i frati predioatori." IVul., p. 170. 

840 According to two MSS. of Cambridge and Dublin. See Montet, p. 85. 

841 TSloUa Leiczon, v., 19, 217. 

842 7W(?., v., 287— 288. 

843 Some were not far froni leaving the Old Testament on one side 
altogether. " Vetus Testamentum non reoipiunt ad oredendum," observes Day. 
of Augsburp, " sed tantum aliqua inde discunt, ut nos per ea impugnent et se 
defendant, dicentes quod superveniente evangelic Vetera ommia transierunt. 
One reading gives simply : " Vetus Testamentum non habent vel reoipiunt, sed 
evangelia." Ch. .5. 

844 For ex., in the treatises concerning Antichrist and the Cause of the 
Rupturi; an inferior rank is assigned to the 2nd and 3rd epistles of St. John 
than to the 1st. Cf., upon this point, the letter of (Bcolampadius to the 

845 Thus Herzog and Montet, v. Rom. Wald., p. 130—135, and Histoire 
Litter., p. 81—84. 

846 In our days, L. Desanotis held that the interpretation of the Holy 
Scriptures was not necessary ; this he did fi-om a practical standpoint, and to 
put an end to the sophistry of the Romish theology. Whatever is true in this 
opinion was practised by the early Waldenses. 

847 " Nee aliquam expositionem super eis recipiunt." Praetiea, p. 252. It is 
here a question relating to the oath, etc. 

848 " Sensu propno verba evangelii interpretari presumpserunt, videntes 
nullos alios evangelium juxta literam omnino servare, quod se facere veils 
iacfaverunt . . . Mysticum sensum in divinis SS. refutant." They give their 
believers the impression that they are following the true reading : " boni et 
sancti homines, qui haberent rectam soripturam." Watteubach, Ueher die 
Inquisition qeqen die Wald. in Pommern ii. der Marlt, Brandenhurg , Berlin, 
1886, p. 44. 

849 " An sensus allegorici sint admittendi, et si ad plebem docendam sint 
utiles." Scultetus, Ann. Evanq.. etc., 1620, p. 295 — 315, vers la fin. 

850 Xob. Leiczon, v. 426— i28. 

851 7J'«/., V. 454— 455. 

852 The teaching of the " duae viae " is constantly found in the Waldensian 
writings. It is proven, moreover, by the inquisitorial documents. It is, there- 
fore, characteristic. Is it necessary, in order to account for it, to find in it a link 
with the Didach^ so-called of the twelve Apostles, as L. Keller does, for in- 
stance ? See Harnack, Tcxtc u. t/ntersuchunr/cii, vol. ii. It is in our opinion 
more natural to recognise in it one of the maxims of the Sermon on the 

853 " Dicunt et decent quod anime, quando exeunt de corporibus, immediate 
vadunt, vel in paradisum . . . vel in infernum, et non est alius locus animarum 
post hanc vitam nisi paradisus vel infernus." Praetiea, p. 252. 

854 Montet confesses that " there is no question here of our most ancient 
documents. The word purgatorl is not to be found in any rescript of that 
period." Op. eit., p. 89. 

855 Thus in the treatise of the Purgatori soy ma. 

856 According to Bern. Fontiscaldis, one would imagine that the ideas of 
the Waldenses of his acquaintance on this subject were not definite. Op. cit. 

857 " Primo . . . purgatorium esse non credunt." Ahtenstiiclic, dans la 
Hist. Zeitschr. 1852, p. 253. 

858 " It is in this sense that St. de Borbone mentions " poenam purgatoriam," 
and Renier Sacconi the " presentem tribulationem." 

859 " Dicunt et decent quod vera poenitentia et purgatorium de peocatis est 
tantummodo in hac vita et non in alia." Praetiea, p. 252. Cf. Limborch, Hi. 
sent, inquis. Tholos., Amsterdam 1692, passim. 

860 "Negant post hanc vitam esse purgatorium." Praetiea, ^.iVl. "Dicunt 
non esse purgatorium." Dav. d' Augsb., ch. 5. 

861 " Consequenter orationes et elemosinas ac missarum celebrationes et alia 
suffragia pietatis que fiunt a fidelibus pro defunctis, ipsi asserunt non prodesse." 
Praetiea, p. 247. Cf. ihid., p. 246, 248, 252, et Lih. Sent., p. 208 ; Cons. Tarrac, 

■342 The Waldbnses of Italy. 

p. 1,800 ; Alamos, ch. 12, p. 387—388 ; Wattenbach, UeUr die Inquisition, 
p. 57— 59, (!0— 61. 

862 " Non concedunt sanctos intercedere pro nobis, sive pro vivis vel defunc- 
tis." Alcfinstiicke, etc. 

863 Montet, p. 91. 

864 Homily on Herod and Herodias, quoted by Montet, ibid. Of. the 
"treatise on the TiHbulations. 

865 " Venerationem sanctorum dicunt esse ydolatriam." Alite7istilo'ke,_6ta. 
Of. Oohsenbein, op. cit., p. 110; Preger, Beitrdge, p. 246. 

866 " Si pro nobis deberet orare, et alii sancti, quid tunc gaudii haberent ? " 
Wattenbach, ibid., p. 55. 

867 " Quia beata Maria nullam haberet potestatem, nee sancti." Ibid. 

868 " Quia non averterent faciem suam a Deo et a facie sanote Trinitatis." 
IbuL, p. .56. 

869 H aupt, Uer maid, Urspi'ung, p. 36. 

870 " Ideo solum Deum invocaverit ... In solo Deo figere fidem." Ib-irl. 
The passage from the Glosa Pater was corrected in this sense by the Wal- 
denses. L.c. 

871 Nov. Sermon, v., 10 et seq. 

872 Hist, des Variations xi., 37. 

873 Nobla Li iczon, v., 434-^36. 

874 Tocco, op. cit., p. 139—1.50 ; K. Miiller, op. cit., p. 136—138. 

875 Keller has strongly emphasized this point. Die Bi-formation, etc., p. 48 
et seq. Cf. DieckhofE, op. cit., p. 189, and Zezschwitz, Die Eateehismen, etc., 
p. 102, where we read : "For the Poor of Lyons the Sermon on the Mount poss- 
essed the importance of a Gospel." 

876 Nob. Lciczon, v. 369—373. 

877 " Dicunt quod homo non debet mentiri ; quod omnis qui mentitui 
occidit animam." Practica, p. ^1 et passim. Cf. Alanus, ii., 15 — 17; Limborch, 
Lib. Sent., passim ; Consult. Tarrac, p. 1,797; Ren. Sacconij I.e., etc. 

878 See, for instance, the Practiea^ vp. ii., 78. A distinction is drawn between 
sophisms "per verborem equivoeationem, per conditionis adjectionem, per 
responsionis extorsionem, per admirationem, per translationem, etc." Cf. Dav. 
D'Augsb., ch. 42. 

879 " Quia Deus prohibuit omne juramentum in Evangelio .... Et ista 
verba multum imprimunt credentibus suis." Practica, ibid., ch. 6. Cf. ibid., 
ch. 3, et iii. part, ch. 34, where we see that the Waldenses rest upon the words of 
James v., 12. 

880 " Si aliquis de credentibus ipsorum compellatur." Ibid. 

881 Cf. Alanus, ch. 18 — 19 ; Limborch and Pierre de Valdis Cernaii, passim, 
and the Consult. Tarrac. de I'an 1242, etc. 

882 " Pauperes Lombardi concordant ... in juramento." K. Sacconi, 
l.c. " Dicunt illicitum esse omne juramentum, etiam de vero, et peccatum mor- 
tale. Sed tamen dispensant ut juret quis pro evadenda morte corporis vel ne 
alios prodat vel secretum revelet perfidie sue." Dav. of Augsb., ch. 5. Cf. Anon, 
of Passau, p. 547. 

883 " Per hoc facile tunc poterant deprehendi et multi de medio auferri." 
Dav. of Augsb., ch. 18 et 31. 

884 "Pro se vel alio a morte defendendo." Ibid., ch. 18. Some accused 
persons think that they are allowed to swear, if it he a question of witnessing to 
the truth ; but this is deviation from the Waldensian usage. Wattenbach, 
Ueber die Inquis., p. 63 — 66. 

885 " Dicunt enim esse crimen inexpiabile et peccatum in Spiritum Sanctum 
prodere aliquem de secta sua perfectum." Practica, Vme partie, 3. Cf. Dav. 
d'Augsb., ch. 5. 

886 " Hereticos deprehendere A'el convincere modo est valde difficile, ut 
quasi desperent." Dav. d'Augsb., ch. 28. 

887 " Bxceptis valde raris, qui pertinacius errores suos aperte oonfitentur, 
qui eciam perfecti apud eos reputanturet pro magistris reputantur vel habentur.' 
Ibid., ch. 31. 

■888 " Sine expositione debita." Practica, I.e., Cf. Alanus, ch. 20 — 23, and 
the 'Other sources indicated by us. 

889 " Concordant cum primis ... in justitia sceculari." R. Sacconi. 

890 " Dicunt non lioere occidere maleficos per judicium seoulare." Dav. 
d'Augsb., oh. 5. Cf. Anon, de Passau, ap. Flacius, Catal. test, verit., 1597, 
p. 547. 

891 " Quidam quadam supersticione asserunt, quod eciam animalia et bruta 
non liceat occidere, ut pisces, oves et huiusmodi. Cum autem volunt talia man- 

The Waldenses of Italy. 34S 

ducave, suspendunt ea super ignem in fumum, donee per ae moriantur. Pulices 
eeiana et huiusmodi animalia excuoiunt contra ignem vel vestem ipsam intin- 
gnnt in aqua calida, et tunc nolunt ea oocidisse, sed dicunt ea per se mortua 
esse." Dav. d'Augsb., ibid. 

892 "Dampnant et reprobant imperatores, reges et principes, marohionea, 
lant^ravois, duces, baronea, justiciarios juratos, judioes et scabinos propter 
quodcunque homicidium qnamcunque iudicialiter et juste factum." P. Cfilestin, 
ap. Preger, Beitrage, etc., n. 72. Cf. Anon, de Passau, l.c., et Wattenbach, op. 
cit., p. 6.5. 

893 Indr-r errorvm, n. 8, ap. Ma.r. Bihl. Pair., xxv., p. 308. 

894 It may be said that the resistance of the Waldenses in times of perse- 
cution does not go to prove this horror. We answer that the deeds of those 
who were only termed the faithful, must not be attributed to the early and pro- 
perly called Waldenses, in addition to which, while theory may be easy, practice 
is difficult. As for criticism, not only i.s it easy, but odious in this case, 
especially on the part of Catholics. 

895 " Ipsi inter se vocant se Fratres sen Pauperes Christi." Practica, 
I.e., n. 9. 

896 Matt, v., 6. " Vocant autem se pauperes spiritu, propter quod Dominus 
dicit : Beati pauperes spiritu." Anecdotes, etc., n. 342. Cf. ibid., n. 330. 

897 More correctly Valdesiens. 

898 See above, note .57. It is to legend we owe the idea of deriving " Wal- 
denses, a valido mago, vel a valle," and the name of " Petrus a Valle. ' 

899 St. de Borb., who procured information in Lyons itself, writes : 
"Dicuntur Valdenses a suo heresiarcha." Op. cit., n. 330. Map, who examined 
the Waldensian deputation at Rome, says : " Waldesii a primate ipsorum Valde 
dicti." De nugix curialium, l.c. Alanus, Gui, Valdis-Cernau, etc., testify to the 
same' thing. 

900 See especially the Rescript of the Poor of Lombardy. 

901 In the letter of the Waldenses of Provence to the Protestants of Ger- 
many, of the yearl535, we read : "Valdenses olim invidiose nominati." Schmidt 
Ahtenstiirke, l.c. 

902 Sistoire, etc., ch. ii. Perrin had enunciated the same opinion. He 
says : " Waldo commenced teaching the people, who were afterwards called by 
his name." And on the subject of those of the Alps, who had fled from Lyons, 
he adds : "Who from Waldo, were called Waldenses." 

903 Dieckhoif had noticed that ; he had even partly proved it. But to 
Professor Miiller belongs the honour of setting it forth clearly in the aforesaid 
book, p. 11 et seq. 

904 Miiller asserts that the name of Waldenses does not, any more than that 
of the Poor of Lyons or of Lombardy, designate in the primitive literature of 
the Inquisition, dissenting communities, or their faithful members, but merely 
the preachers. He quotes in siipport of this the testimony of Bernard de Pontis- 
caldis, Alain de I'lsle Ebrard of Bethune, Peter of Valdis-Cernau, Peter of 
TaiTagona, the Doctriyia de mode prooedendi, Bernard Gui, and the lAber 
Sentent-Xnmi-i s. Thnlos., ap. Limborch v. 02). cit.,}). 12^15. The German Inquisitors 
would stilfmake the same distinction, according to Miiller ; they were, however, 
the first to extend those appellations to the adherents of the "sect." M. Pr§ger 
is not of this opinion. He has shown that the above distinction has been at 
the least exaggerated. See Ucber das Verhiiltuiss, etc., p. 57et seq. 

905 See pas.iiw, the authorities quoted. It was also called the " Family." 
90fi "Perfect! enim inter eos . . . ; imperfect! vero ..." Inq. 

anon of Passau, I.e., p. 266. Concerning the designation " credeutes," see St. de 
Borbone, I.e., p. 294 ; the Practica, iii. part. n. 34 ; v. part, !!., 5 et 9, and 

907 "Ex tunc debent servare castitatem et non ha.bere proprium, et vivere 
de elemosinis." Practica. Vme partie, ii., 5. 

908 " Dedit pecuniam . . . Pluries vendidit bladum in foro quod datum 
erat Valdensibus et reddidit eis pecuniam." Zih. sent, inquis. Thnlns., p. 224, 
233. Cf. ibid., p. 232 : Dav. d'Augsb., ch. 7, et Wattenbach, Ueber die Inquis., 

909 " Legavit in infirmitate, de qua decessit, clamidem suam Mandine 
Valdensi et viginti solidos societati pauperum de Lugduno." Form,, inquis. 
Carcass., n. 14. 

910 "Ambulant inquiete nil operantes," dit Bern, de Fontcaude. "Non 
laborant manibus suis postquam sunt fact! perfecti, nee faciunt aliquod opus ad 
lucrandum." Practica, I.e. Cf. Alanus, ch. 24 ; Ebrard de B^thume, eh. 25. 

911 " Nisi forsitan in casu ad dissimulandum." Practica, l.c. 

844 The Waldenses of Italy. 

912 Mesoriptum lier. Lombard., n. 6 et 7, quoted above in oh. iii. 

913 " Comedunt pauem otiosum, nil operantes ; nos vero manibus opera- 
luus," say they, according to the Inquisitor of Passau, who observes that such is 
their principle : " Omnem clerum damnant propter otium dicentes eos manibus 
debere operari sicut apostoli feoerunt." Bibl. Max. Pair. 

914 1 Cor. ix., 4 ; 2 Thess. iii., 7. 

915 Muller obseri'es that at the end of the XIV. and the beginning of the 
XV. century, the abstaining from work is considered by the Waldenses of 
Germany as an advance. Op. cit., p. 125. Cf. Eohrich op. cit., p. 42 and 51, and 
Krone, Fra Bolcino, p. 201, on the subject of the " Keguloe Valdensium." 

916 Dicunt quod uxor a viro recedere eo invito et e contrario, et sequi eomm 
societatem vel vicim continencie." St. of Borbone, Hid., n. 342. Cf. Mart, and 
Durand, v., 1754 et seq„ and Alttenstiicke. 

917 " Xon sal ratur nisi per voluntatem utriusque, nisi occasio justa inter- 
venerit secundum quod communi videbitur." Mescriptiim, n. 12. 

918 " Credimus legitime coniugatos nisi ob fornicacionis causam aut utri- 
usque conseasum neminem debere separare et hoc obsecramus fratres ultramon- 
tanos credere et fateri." Ihid.-n. 9. 

919 " Neo coniuges (liabere), quas, si antea habuerunt, relinquunt." Dav. of 
Augsb., ch. 7. 

920 It is to these regular sisters, we believe, the following words of Alanus 
refer : " ilulierculas secum ducunt et eas m conventu Melium prsedicare 
faciunt." Cf. Aktemtiicki: 

921 Thus might, perhaps, be explained the following declaration related by 
the Inq. of Passau " Sed unusquisque nostrem uxorem suam habet." 

922 See the superabundant indication of confirmatory testimony, ap. Muller, 
op. cit., p. 73, n. 3. 

923 '• Magister eorum," says St. of Borbone. 

924 " Sciendum quod dlxerunt quod Valdesius ordinem habuit ab universi- 
tate fratrum suorum." Moneta, Adv. Cath. et Vald., p. 403. Thomas, the 
Lombard, admits the fact, since he strives to justify it, in opposition to the 
Eomish Church. In fact, he says : " quilibet de Ula congre^atione potuit dare 
Valdesio jus suum sc. regere seipsum et sic tota congregatio ilia potiut conferre 
et contulit Valdesio regimen omnium, et sie creaverunt iUum omnium pontili- 
cem et proelatum." Moneta replies to this, that if this reasoning justifies the 
ofBce of Rector, it does not legitimatize that of Priest, which ofSoe Waldo could 
not have received in that manner, from a Catholic point of view. Dieckhoff did 
not recognize in Waldo the priestly office, and Preger was the first to point out 
this error. Beitrage, p. 19 — 21. 

925 " Se nolle aliquem in societate ultramontanorum aut ytalicorum fratrum 
fore prepositum in vita sua neo post mortem." Rescriptum, n. 4. The reader 
will remember that the Lombards had their " prepositus " for life, called 
Oto de RamezeUo, who signed himself : " Dei gratia confrater pauperum 

926 RegcHptum, n. 15. Cf. Miiller, op. cit., p. 33. 

927 " Qui ambo, we read concerning them, " tunc temporis accionem ultra- 
montanorum annualem iwa-te suam cd/iavetvdiiwm procurabant." Ibid. 

928 An accused Waldensian declares : " quod in Ecclesia non sunt nisi tres 
Ordines ; episcopalis, sacerdotalis et diaconalis." Zib. .scnt.j p. 290. Cf. ibid., 
p. 289, 291, etc. Moneta writes : " Ordinem ecclesiasticum ipsi ad minus tripli- 
cem confitentnr, scil. Episcopatum, Presbyteratum et Diaconatum, sine quo 
triplioi Ordine Ecclesia Dei non potest esse, nee debet, tit ipni testantur." Op. 
cit., 1, v., ch. i. " Peregrinantur," says the Inq. of Passau, "et ita Lombardium 
intrantes visitant Episeopos suos." We shall see further on that Bishops were 
not recognized by the Waldenses of the Alps. 

929 " Ad cujus potestatem pertinere dicunt sacramentapenitentie et ordinis 
et eucharistie ministrare, nen con Evangelium ubicumque voluerit predicare, et 
potestatem predicandi Evangelium et confessiones audiendi presbiteris dare." 
Bern. Grui, Practica, iii. p., ii., ch. 35, entitled : Ordines qnos dicunt Valdenses 
esse in sua ecclesia, scilicet episcopi,presbijteri et dyachoni. 

930 "Licet communiter hoc non fiat." Ibid. 

. 931 '■ Ad potestatem presbiteri pertinet confessiones peccatorum audire, 
non tamen potest penas peccatorum remittere, neo potest celebrare." Ibid. 

932 " TaUter ordinatus dyachonus efficitur de eorum statu cum voto quod 
facit paupertatis, castitatis et odedientie ; uec ante receptionem dicti ordinis 
aliquis est perfectus in eorum statu." Ibid. 

933 " Alii qiu non sunt ordinati vocantur credentes et amici eorum, a quibuB 
etiam recipiunt sustentationem." Ibid. 

The Waldenses of Italy. 345 

934 " Ad (iyachonum pertinet ministrave tam majori quam presbiteria 
necessaria corporis." IHd. 

935 Non tamen habet potestatem audiendi confessiones." IHd. 
93« Thus says MuUer, op cit., p. f-'6 — 88. 

937 " Major omnium," says Gui. He mentions him also as "majorem seu 
majoralem." Do these two titles indicate the same office, or is that seu, which 
means or, used there in the sense of and, according to a frequent custom in 
the Middle Ages ? Cf. Lib. sent. ing. Tholoa p. 346 and 377, where mention 
is made of a certain Crispinus " qui erat major inter eos." 

938 This point will be brought out by what we shall have to say further on 
about ordination. Gui supposes that the participation in this ordination by 
other " majores " was possible, and he says that the Presbyter was allowed to 
1^ hands on him only in case of the absenoeor decease of colleagues " majores." 
Hence "major" and Bishop are interchangeable titles. But is the "major" 
necessarily "majoralis ?" We are inclined to think not, and that " majoralis " is 
equivalent to "major omnium." 

939 Such is the opinion of Miiller, which we think he justifies very clearly. 
IMd., I.e. 

940 "Valdenses habent et constituunt sibi unum superiorem super se, 
quem voeant Majoralem suum, cui omnes tenentiir obedire sicut omnes catholici 
sunt sub obedientia domini Pape." PracHca, v. partie, ii., 5. Cf. Zib. sentent,. 
etc., p. 291. 

941 " Singulis annis tenent aut celebrant unum vel duo capitula generalia in 
aliqua soUempni villa ocoulte quantum possunt, convenientes in aliqua domo con- 
ductam per aliquem vel aliquos de credentibus diu ante." Practica, I.e. The same 
instinct is to be found also in all dissenting bodies. These words correspond,, 
for instance, in a striking manner with what the Venice Inquisition teaches us 
concerning an Anabaptist reunion, held in that city, in 1550. See Riv. Cristiwna, 
18f 5, January and March. 

942 For instance, in the case mentioned above, Miiller is not of that 
opinion. He believes the idea of admitting the presence of laymen to the 
Chapter held in the Valleys in the XIV. century, to be absolutely erroneous, 
op. cit., p. 89. But is it proved that the rule does not admit the faithful ? We 
doubt this somewhat. See ante, n. 767. According to our interpretation, the 
number mentioned, either by John XXII. or the separated brothers John and 
Peter, is more easily explained. 

943 " In illis capitulis major omnium ordinat et disponit de presbiteris et 
dyachonibus et de mittendis ad diversas partes et regiones ad credentes et 
amicos suos pro confessionibus audiendis et elemosinis coUigendis, et audit et 
recepit rationem de coUectis et de expensis factis." Practica, I.e. 

944 See Dav. of Augsburg, ch. 9. 

945 "Bini et bini circumeunt." Map. Z.c. Cf. Wattenbach, CeSer (?ie Zwj., 
p. 44. They were the " major " and the " minor," the " senior " and the " junior " 
the "payre religios major " and the " menor," called also the "devant pausa," 
and the "menor pausa." This "minor" or "junior" seems to have been a 

946 Practica, v. part, ii. 5. The Benedicite has already been mentioned in 
the Consult. Amnion., 1235, and the Tarraeon, 1242. The custom was not 
adopted evei-ywhere. "They do not pronounce the blessing," confesses 
Anguilla Breohiller of Friburg in his interrogatory, March 23, 1429. See 
Ochsenbein, op. cit., p. 186. 

947 " Facta predicatione, flexis genibus." Practica, I.e. 

948 An accused person being asked " an cauticum ecclesiasticum crediderit 
magis valere quam simpliciter sub silenti celebrari," answers that he had learned 
" quod melius esset sub silencio fieri." It is a question of the mass, but this 
avowal is none the less significant. Another one declares to the judges that 
" inelius secrete orare," and that " esse cantum sicut grimnitum porcorum ante 
portain." A third confesses that he sang, in the Church, of course, but not to be- 
observed. A fourth says that he does not think singing glorifies God, and that 
it is preferable to serve him in the secret of one's heart. Wattenbach, op. cit., 
p. 31, 34, 62, 63. 

949 " Unum Paternoster plus valeat quam decem campanarum sonitus, et 
plusquam Missa." Inq. of Passau. , , , . . 

950 "Nullam aliam orationem diount tunc nee decent nee habent nisi 
orationem Paternoster." Practica, I.e. ,^ . , 

951 " Non orant aliud nisi Paternoster, non addenlo Ave Maria vel symto- 
liim " AMenstiicke de Schmidt. 

952 Montet, p. 92. 

346 The Waldenses of Italy. 

953 " Neo aliquid reputant salutatiorxem beate Marie Ave Maria." Ibid. 

954 One of the accused avows that his Waldensiau confessor directed him 
to recite the Lord's Prayer a hundred times, and not the Ave Maria ; adding, 
however, that the Ave is from the Gospel: "esse evangelium et non esse 
pecoatum si diceret." Wattenbach, UeMr die Inquis., p. 33. 

955 The confessions of the two accused persons, are as follows : (1) " Quod 
dixerint sibi heresiaroej quod Avemaria scire deberet propter homines ; " 
(2) Jusserunt tamen ei scire Avemaria propter sacerdotes de hoc fortasse quesi- 
turos." Ibid., p. 56. 

956 " Plurimi eorum ignorant Ave Maria." Index, etc., ap. Bibl. M.P., p. 
307. Witness this woman, who recites it thus : " Ave Marge gracia plene 
Domine delu-n ey benedictus Jhesus Cristus amen." Wattenbach, ibid. 

957 'Nee symbolum apostolorum Credo in Denm." Praetica, ibid., Cf. 
Inq. of Passau, ap. Fl. lUyr. who notes : " Id est negant Symbolum esse oratio- 
nem." So true is it that they do not recite it, that Gui observes that in order to 
surprise them, one has only to ask them : Can you repeat I believe in God ? 
They will answer: "Nescio, jjuia nuUus me docuit ita." According to Bt de 
Borbone, or to the interpretation of him given by M. Miiller, it is not the same 
in Alsace, any more than in the valleys of the Alps. 

958 Dicunt ilia per Romanam Eoclesiam et non per Christum fuisse 
ordinata seu composita." Ibid. How shall we reconcile those words with the 
legend of the Creed, composed of 12 articles, each having an Apostle for its 
author? Hahn gives it as Waldensian, because he found it in a so-called 
Waldensian writing, but of Catholic origin. Op. cit., p. 605 - 611. Cf. with the 
Articles de la Fe, reproduced by Montet, op. cit.. Pieces justificatives, n. 3. 

959 " In illo plurimum gloriantur." Ibid. 

960 "Non orant Psalmos ac orationes alias quantumounque devotas." 
Index, etc. 

961 " In orando non habent numerum determinatum, sed senior inter eos 
incipit orationem et faoit earn vel proUxam vel brevem, secundum quod sibi 
videtur expedire." Aktenstilcke, I.e. The author had just remarked that th§ 
Waldenses made use of no other than the Lord's Prayer. As a private penance, 
this prayer was repeated a great number of times, as we shall see. 

962 " Praedicatio vel lectio." Cone. Tarrae of 1242. Cf., on this point, 
Montet, Noble Legon, p. 18. 

963 "Omnes scilicet viri et femin«, parvi et magni, nocte et die, non 
oessant docere et discere. Operarius enim in die laborans, in nocte discit vel 
docet." Inq. of Passau. 

964 "Apud nos vero," says a Waldensian hawker, " tam f eminse quam viri 
decent et discipulus septem dierum docet alium." Ibid. 

965 Ochsenbein, op. cit., p. 284,387, etc., and Rohrich, op. cit., p. 40, 49, etc. 

966 It is difficult to admit that this book they were anxious to be able, if 
need be, to conceal, contained the whole Bible : although it may all have 
been translated in Germany at least. Indeed, the Inq. of Passau says : " Novum 
Testamentum et Vetus vulgariter trans tulerunt." 

967 " Pro maiori parte sunt illiterati et scripturum lingua materna in corde 
retinentes et experimentes." AMenstiiche, etc. 

968 "Habente Evangelia et Epistolas in vulgari communiter et etiam in 
latino, quia aliqui inter eos intelligunt, et aliqui sciunt legere, sed ea corde tenus 
didiscerunt." Praetica, ibid., ch. 6. 

969 " Expositiones sanctorum respuunt, et tantum inhserent textui." Inq. 
of Passau. 

970 " Quicquid praedioatur quod per textum Biblise non probatur, pro fabulis 
habent." Ibid. 

971 Consult. Amnion., 1235. 

972 " Puellas parvulas decent verba evangelii et epistolas, ut a puericia oon- 
suescant." Dav. d'Augsb., ch. 15. Cf. ch. 5. 

973 " Alter alteri ruminat . . . Ruminant aliis." St. de Bourbon, o». cii., 
n. 349. 

974 " Disce quotidie unum verbum." Inq. of Passau. 

975 Anecdotes, etc., n. 349. 

976 " Et plures alios, qui N. T. totum sciverunt perfecte." Inq. of Passau. 

977 " Statim offerunt se promptos ad respondendum de fide sua." Praetica, 
v., part ii, 5. 

978 " Qui tria capitula continuata N. T. literaliter sciat corde.'' Inq. of 

979 " Omnis gloriaoio eorum est de singularitate, quod videntur sibi pre 
■ceteris s6ioli, quod aliqua evangeli verba vel epistolarum sciunt fcorde vulgariter 

The Waldenses of Italy. 347 

reoitare. In hoc preferunt se nostris non solum layois sed eoiam literatis, stulti, 
non intelligentes quod sepe puer XII. aunorum scolaris oenoies plus soit quam 
magister hereticorum LX. anuorum, dum iste sola ilia soit, que usu oorde affir- 
mavlt, illo vero per artem grammatioe mille libvos seit legere latine et ad 
literam intelligere quoquo modo." Dav. of Augsb., oh. 13. 
ySO See John, i., 11. " Plus jocus," says Flaoius. 

981 " Dicendo et allegando : Istud dicituv in Evangelio, vel in epistola, 
sanoti Petri." Practioa, I.e. 

982 " Dicta Sfinctorum nihil curant, nisi quantum pro seota eorum 
confortanda retinent : sed tantum Novum Testamentum ad literam observant."' 
Index, etc. 

983 We see, therefore, that the notion which attributes this maxim in its 
negative form to the Gospel, is not recent. It is not likely it was the work of 
people who committed the Scriptures to memory. Bo that it would seem that 
it is the Judge who displays his ignorance in this case. Praotica, I.e. 

98i " Dicunt et doceut credentibus suia quod oonflteantur sibi peccata sua et 
audiunt confessiones eorum." IMd. 

985 " Predicationem suam faciunt in domibus credentium suorum, aliquando 
in itinere, seu in via." Ihid. 

986 Op eit._, p. 36. 

987 "Matrimonium dicunt esse fornicacionem iuratam, nisi oontinenter 
vivant." Dav. of Augsb. ch. .5. " Mortaliter peccare conjuges, si absque spe 
prolis conveniant." Inq. of Passau. We must here note an isolated opinion : 
" Quod erraverit Ecclesia clericis matrimonium prohibendo, cum etiam orientalis 
concedat ut contrahaut." IMd. 

988 " Confirmacionis sacramentam respuunt. Unctionem extremam res- 
puunt et oleum consecratum et orisma nil valere plus quam aliud." Dav. of 
Ausgb., iMd. Cf. Inq. of Passau, Ibid. It was not the same at Friburg. See 
Ochsenbein op. cit. p. 187. According to Dav. of Augsb., I.e., " magistri eorum 
imponunt manus discipulis vice illius sacramenti." The imposition of hands,, 
therefore, occasionally took the place of confirmation. Another Inquisitor says 
the same thing, according to Preger, Beitrage, p. 69, n. 14. 

989 This perfect momentary agreement between the Waldenses of France 
and those of Lombardy is noticed in the Reseriptum. It is Ethere really a ques- 
tion concerning baptism "aque materialis." It is valid, not only if it be admin- 
istered "per homines layeos et maliciosos," but also "per mulieres etiam 
meretrices." Ibid., n. 8, 11, 17. 

990 We see by the tone of the Lombard brethren, that they are preoccupied 
by it in their Rescript. "Dicimus quod nemo aque materialis baptismum res- 
puens potest salvari, parvulos vero non baptizatos minime credimus salvari et. 
hoc oramus eos credere et fateri." Ibid., n. 8. There were, therefore, some 
Brethren who rejected this doctrine. 

991 R. Sacconi, writing some years later, says : " Pauperes Lombard! .... 
dicunt quod infantes salvantur sine baptismo." Dav. of Augsburg, I.e., adds : 
" Quidam dicunt baptismum non valere parvulis eo quod nondum — one reading 
gives nunquar)! — actualiter possint credere." We read again : " Quod ablutio, 
quae datur infantibus, nihil prosit." Inq. of Passau. Cf. St. of Borbone, np. eit., 
n. 343. This latter writer says, on the subject of the Cathari : " Dicunt baptis- 
mum parvulis non proflcere ad salutem, qui nee motum neo actum habent fldei." 
Ibid., n. 346. 

992 See ante, p. 2.54. 

993 " Certe non habetis. Auditis solum confessiones ; pro reliquis mittitis 
ad ecclesiam populum. Cum igitur ecclesia populis ministret et sacramenta 
et multa alia beneficia et vos tamen unum semisacramentum. . . ." Cod. S. 
Flor., I.e. 

994 Ad. Franck, Reformateurs et Publioistes, 1864, p. 162. 

995 " Sicut Apostoli laid erant." Inq. of Passau. Cf. Bern, of Fontis Caldis 
and Alanus. 

996 Unordained laymen are distinct from the community. " Quidam dicuu- 
tur perfect! eorum, et hi! proprie vocantur Pover de Leun." Dav. of Augsb., 
ch. 7. "Aliiqu! non sunt ordinati, vocantur credentes et amic! eorum;" but 
not "brethren." Praetica, iii. p., 35. 

997 " Sic, sine aliquia jalia forma verborum . . . per solam orationem et 
manuum impositionem apud eos episcopus ordinatur." Praetiea, iii. part, ch. '■ , 
intitul6 : Ordines quus dieunt Valdenses esse in sua ecelesia, scilieet episeo2]. ,, 
p^-eshyteri et dyaeKon. 

99c> " Potest tamen ordinare majorem seu maj oral em ipsorum." Ibid. 

999 "Tam layci et ydiote, quam etiam litterati, dummodo probati prius 

348 The Waldenses of Italy. 

fuerint in dicta secta et electi poBtmodum, sicut superius est expressum.'' Ibid. 

1000 " Prius per aliquod tempos examinant eum." Akterixtilehe. 

1001 " Nee omnes ad banc formam assumuntur sed prius diA iaformantur, ut 
et alios sciant docere." Dav. of Augsb., ch. 7. 

1002 " Quia alias nuUus suscipitur nisi sit castas et ab onmi consortio muli- 
erum immunis, quoad opera carnalia." ATitenstuche, etc. 

1003 " De aliis articulis nullam faciunt omnino mentionem." Hid. 

1004 " Vota vero que ab eo requiruntur sunt hec ; primo, ut promittat obe- 
dientiam Deo ; secundo castitatem . . . ; quarto, quod nullam habeat spam 
seu suttentationem manuum suarum, sed paupertatem voluntariam imitetur." 
Ibid. The third point relates to the oath, and the fifth to the relation with 

1005 " Non redimat vitam eorum, in captivitate constitutus, vel quocunque 
mortis perioulo preventus, falso imamento vel aliquo peccata mortaJi . . . 
Quod non habeat maiorem confidentiam de consanguineis suis, quam de aliis 
hominibus ejusdem secte." Ibid. 

1006 '• Credunt quod a beato Clemente citra exclusive, nullus successit B. 
Petro apostolo aut Lino vel Clementi, qui haberet potestatem ligandi vel 
solvendi usque ad Don Valdense." .See Martina and Durand, v., col. 1754. 

1007 " Ponunt solum Deum a peccatis absolvere." Et. of Borbone. " Sacer- 
dos non est nisi pronunciator. ... Xon valent indulgentise prEelatomm. cum 
niillus peccatum possit dimittere, nisi solus Deus." Index errorum. Cf, lib. 
Sent., passim. 

1008 lUe cui fit confessio peccatorum, solummodo dat consOium, quod 
debeat homo facere. et injungit poenitentiam, et hoc potest facare homo sapiens 
et discretus, sive sit sacerdos, sive non." Lib. sent., inq. Tholos., p. 290. Cf. 
?i'oblaLeic:iin^ v. 408 — 413, the Barca, etc., passim. 

100 " Ipsi esiam ad ecclesiam ficte vadunt, offerunt et confitentur et com- 
municant ficte." Anon, de Passau. ap. Flacius, p. 647. Cf. Dav. of Augsb., 
ch. 14 and 21. 

1010 See Rohrich, op. cit., p. 39, 53 et 68. However, all do not make this 
distinction between venial and mortal sins. " Dicimt quod omne peccatum sit 
mortale, et nullum veniale," notes the Inquisitor of Passau. 

1011 "Non tenetur quis coufiteri sacerdoti, si praesto sit laicus.'' Alanus, 1. 
iii., ch. 9 et 10. 

1012 " Bonus laicus potestatem habet absolvendi." Inq. of Passau. 

1013 Wattenbach, Ueber die Inq., p. 35, 36, 42, etc. 

1014 From the age of 10 years. Ibid., p. 36. 

101.5 Some of the accused expressed themselves thus : " Tenuarit eos pro 
conf essoribus melius presbiteris potentibus dimittere sibi peccata . . . Sanctos 
homines, melius peccatoribus dimittere peccata presbiteris," etc. Ibid., 
p. 30, 42. 

1016 " Tanquam a pueritia . . . Sicut quando quis nascitur de ventre 
matris." Ibid., p. 42, 44. 

1017 "Si moriretm- ipso anno, statim evolaret ad oelum . . . Cui 
loqueretur semel in anno, non posset dampnari. lb id., 45, 43. 

1018 " Xon ordinatos presbiteros, nee missos ab ordinario . . . Habent 
potestatem a Deo . . . ab ore Dei." Ibid., p. 42, 44. 

1019 " De septennio ad septennium venirent ante paradisum ad audiendam 
sapientiam . . . Semel in anno venirent ad paradisum duo ex ipsis et 
reciperent ibi a Deo autoritatem melius presbiteris dimittendi peccata.!' Ibid., 
p. 44. 

1020 •' Dicit ita : Deus te absolvat ab omnibus peccatis tuis, et ego injungo 
tibi contritionem de peccatis tuis usque ad mortem, et talem poenitentiam 
faciendam." Practica, iii., p. 35. 

1021 Alitcnstilclu; etc. This form is borrowed from an ancient German 

1022 " Dicuut confessionam in morte facile aboleudam, val per manus 
imposicionem aUcuius doctoris ipsorum." Dav. of Augsb., ch. 22. Cf. Anon of 
Passau, p. 545. 

1023 Some cases of faUing away are accounted for by the excessive rigour 
of the penances imposed. Ex. Wattenbach, Ibid., p. 47. 

1024 '• Puta orationes, vel jejunia, vel utrum que," adds Gui, after quoting 
the formula of the Bishop's absolution. This expression corresponds exactly 
to the penances which we find in the trials. 

1025 Wattenbach observes, that, as a rule, penitents were to repeat this 
prayer as often as 50 times on working days, and on Sundays about 100 times. 
lHd.,y. 45. Cf. Lib. sent., passim. 

The Waldenses op Italy. 349 

1026 "Ne ceteris veniant in horvorein, quia dicunt quod oarneu eon- 
oedere quacuiuque die non eet pecoatum, quia Christus non prohibuit veaoi 
carnibus nee ijrecepit ab eis abstiuere." Praotica, v.. p., ii., 5. 

.1027 " Quidam autem . . . affligunt se muitum leiuuiis et yigiliiB et 
nuiusmodj." Dav. of Aiigsb., oh. 5. Cf. the words of Siegfried, ante, p. 255. 

1028 Quatuor dies m ebdomada, jejunaut, videlicet 2, 4, 6 feriaa et 
sabbatum, unum illorum dierum in pane et aqua, scilicet feriam sextam, nisi in 
itmere vel in alio gravi labore sive alia causa rationabili impediantur." AUen- 
stiicJie. Cf. Fl. Illyricus, p. 559. 

1029 " Jejunandum in pane et aqua." Wattenbach, Ibid., p. 46. 

1030 " In pane et cervisia . . . In pane et tenui cervisia." Ibid. 

1031 " Supra celarium in camera." Ibid., p. 49, 42. Penitents frequently 
did not know the names of the confessors. Ibid., p. 41. 

1032 " Quod cpncessum est ouilibet homini sine peccato mortali consecrare 
illud." _ E. Sacconi. " Quidam dicunt tantum per bonos fieri, alii autem per om- 
nes qui verba consecracionis sciunt." Dav. of Augs., ch. 5. "Quod bonus 
laicus, etiam muHer, si sciat verba conflciat." Anon, of PassaU, ap. Fl. lUyr., 
p. 545. 

1033 " Quod sacerdos in mortali peccato non possit eonficere." Anon, of 
Passau, I.e. In France there is this expression, taken from Consult. Tarracon., 
I.e., p. 1800 : " Quod in sacramento altaris panis et vinum postquam consecratum 
est, non efEcitur corpus et sanguis Christi, si sacerdos sit peccator, et quemlibet 
reputant pecoatorem, nisi sit de secta eorum." These words are repeated in 
Praetica, v. ii., 3. 

1034 See what we said on the subject of the Ortlieber in ch. 3, p. 83, and cf. 
St. of Borbone, ojp. eit., n. 343. 

1035 " Corpus Christi et sanguinem non credunt vere esse, sed panem tan- 
tum benedictum, qui in figura quadam dicitur corpus Christi, sicut dicitur ; 
Petra autem erat Christus, et simile." Dav. of Augsb., ch. 5. Cf. Haupt, Diir 
Wald. JJrsprung, p. 36, n. 8. 

1036 "Sicut in cena Christi." Dav. of Augs.. ibid. " Conficiunt in vulgari 
et dant sacramenta." Anon, of Passau, p. 546. 

1037 " Conficiunt in picario, i.e., poculo domestico, pro calice." Anon, of 
Passau, p. 547. 

1038 " Ille qui prseest inter eos, si est sacerdos, oonvocat omnes de sua 
familia," that is to say of the community, thinks MiiUer. See appendix to the 
Digp. inter eathol. et pater, hasreticum, ap. Mart, and Durand. Thes. nov. 
aneedot., vol. 5, 1754. Gui reproduces this excerpt but with some variations. 
Praetica, v. p., ii., 4. 

1039 "Unum bonum scyphum de bono vino puro et unam fugaciam 
azimam." Ibid. 

1040 "Credunt firmiter et confitentur quod istud est corpus et sanguis 
Domini nostri Jesu Christi." Ibid. 

1041 " Nisi panem benedictum et vinum." Ibid. 

1042 " Omnes Pauperes utrius que seotse eumdem modum consecraudi teue- 
bant, scilicet proedictam ante divisionem quoe fuit inter eos." Ibid. 

1043 MuUer, op. cit., p. 82. These details are gathered partly from the 
Sum-ma of R. Sacooni ; partly from the Disputatio inter Cathoticum et Patari- 
num liceretieum ; finally, from the Doctrina de modo proeedendi eontra 

1044 " Dicunt quod mains sacerdos non potest eonficere." Along with this, 
the predominating principle, diversities of opinion are to be found ; thus ; 
" Quilibet potest absolvere, eonficere et ligare, dummodo sciat verba." AMen- 
■'!t:iielie,l.c. Again: "De corpore vero Domini sentiunt (Pauperes Lombard!) 
etenim pejus quam primi (Pauperes Ultramontani) dicentes quod concessum est 
cuilib it homini siue peccato mortali consecrare illud." Rsg. FaW., ap. Krone, 
p. 202. Cf. Rsn. Sacconi. This right appears to have been recognised, even in 
women. " Bonus laicus, etiam mulier^ conficiat." Inq. of Passau, ap. Placius. 
Et. de Bourbon says : " Quidam . . . dicentes quod ordo requirit sexum virilem : 
alii non faciunt difl^erenciam . . . Vidi hereticam que super arcam ad modum 
altaris paratam coaseorare. . . ." Op. eit., n. 343. 

1045 " Sibi mutuo partecipantes." Dav. of Augsb., ch, 5. 

1046 " Quo facto, tam asserem quam cochlear in iugem projicit comburenda." 
Index, etc. 

1047 " Plurimi tamen magistrorum suorum abhorrent hoc . . Abscondentes 
se . . . pasohali tempore, ne a Christianis agnoscantur." Index, etc. 

1049 MiiUer has collected the foUoiving : " Credentes qui comederunt 
anpem etjneem in die cene juxta maledictum morem suum a Valdensibus bene- 

350 The Waldenses of Italy. 

dictum, cum firmiter existiment ipsi consiliarii quod Valdenses tunc credunt 
conficere corpus Christi." What is this iricem ? Perhaps a derivative ofpieari- 
um or of pieeum, the cup. V. Can-tult. Ai'inwn. 1235. Cf. Ducange on this 
expression. ■' Si cum eis (that is to say, with the Cathari and the Waldenses) 
comedit aut bibit vel de pane benedicto ab eis accepit." Consult. Tarrac, 1242. 
" Si pacem ab hsreticis ^el Valdensibus vel panem ab eis benedictum a quocun- 
que sibi missum vel datum scienter et dampnabiliter receperunt." Comult Nar- 
ion, 1243. " Accepisse pacem a mulieribus valdensibus, comedisse eciam de pane 
in cenadominiab ipsis valdensibus benedicto . . . Et multociens pacem ab eis 
accepit et comedit de pane etjngee benedicto a Valdensibus in die cene." Ibrm 
Inq. Carcass, n. 8. 

1050 Schmidt, Hut. di» Catliares, ii., 130, 131. 

IO-jI If il filler had examined attentively, would he not have found that the 
origin of this rite is, after all, less mysterious than he thinks. 

1052 " Quando audiunt confessiones, dicunt confitentibus quod quando con- 
fitel^ntuT sacerdotis non dicant nee revelent eis quod confessi fuerunt ipsis 
Valdensibus." A^in : " Si confitebantur peccata sua semel in quadragesima rel 
ante pascha proprio sacerdoti."' Praetica, v. part, ii., 6 et 9. This does not pre- 
vent us from comprehending that beUevers neglected to confess to the Priests 
of the Church. lAb. gent., etc., p. 241 and pasHm. 

1053 " Eatis ad ecclesiam, soh ite decimas et jura, sua clericis." Consult. 
Tarracon, an. 1242. 

105 4 See the quotations mentioned by Muller, op. cit., p. 95, n. 1. 

1065 " Non esse subjectos domino pape . . nee aliis prelatis Bomane 
Bcclesie." Practifa, ibid., chap. 3. 

1CB6 " Asseverant se non posse excommunicari ab eisdem romano pontifice 
et prelatis." Ibid. 

Wo! " Sanctiones canonicas decretalesque constitutiones summorum pontifi- 
cum et statuta de jejuniis et de festis colendis ac decreta Patrum predicta secta 
dex-ians a via et recta semita non recepit nee valere reputat, sed sperait et respuit 
et condempnat." Ibid. 

1058 ■' Melius esset vobis quod essetis custos porcorum quam quod celebratis 
missam, quia estis in peccato mortali.' So says Crispin to a Priest. Lib. sent., 
p. 253. 

1059 ■■ Ecclesia malignantium et bestia et meretrix qu£e leguntur in Apoca- 
lypsi." Een. .Sacconi. Cf. Anon, of Passau, ap. Fl. lUyr., p. 544, and Dav. of 
Augs., ch. 5. 

1060 •■ Omnes obedientes dampnari." Dav. d'Augsb., ibid. 

1061 " Quod ipsi sint Ecclesia Jesu Christi . . . Ipsi soli juste vivant.'' 
Anon of Passau, l.c. " Se solos esse Christi Ecclesiam et Christi discipulos 
aflirmabant.'' Dav. of Augsb., l.e., Cf . Index, etc. " Dividunt unitatem Bcclesie 
crede-ntes et dicentes hominem virtuose viventem solum in sua fide salvandum." 
Aktt-nstiicke, l.c. Keller inteiyrets this passage arbitrarily, for the purpose of attri- 
buting to the Waldenses the doctriDe of salvation by faith alone. Die. Sef., p. 249. 

1062 " Haec omnia dicunt agi propter qusestum." Inq. of Passau. 

1063 " Velle etiam potius sepellri in campo quam in coemeterio, si Ecclesiam 
non timerent." Hid. Cf. Index, etc. 

1064 " Omatum Ecclesia» dicunt esse peccatum, et quod melius esset vestire 
pauperes, quam ornare parietes." Inq. of Passau. 

1065 " Universitates scholarum . . reputant inutiles et temporis per- 
ditionem." Index, etc. 

1066 " Omnen clerum damnant propter otium, dicentes eos debere manibus 
operari." Ibid. 

1067 " Quod omnes observantiae religiosorum sint traditdones Pharisasorum. 
Quod traditio Ecclesise sit traditio Phansaeorum." Inq. of Passau. 

1068 ■' Hoc vocant decern precepta." Ibid. 

1039 •' Quod nemo cogendus sit ad fidem." Ibid. 

1070 " Sicut nos non posse vivificare, sic non debere occidere." Index, etc. 

1071 " Quod omne peccatum sit mortale." Inq. de Passau. 

1072 " Quod missa nihil sit, quia Apostoli eam non habebant." Ibid. 

1073 "Nisi tantum verba Christi vulgariter," i.e., the sacramental words. 
Ibid. Cf. Index, etc. 

1074 " Ecclesiam vocant Steiiihauss vel Strohhauss . . . Ecclesiam 
muratam reputant ut horreum . . . nee Deum ibi habitare autumant" (See 
Acts xvii., 24). 

1075 "Quod terra et populus non sit per Parochiasdividendus . . Quod 
omnia jura parochialia sint tantum ad inventiones." Ibid. 

The Waldbnses of Italy. 361 

1076 Quod doctrina Christi, sive Apostolorum, sine statutis BcclesiiB suffieiat 
ad salutem." Ibid. 

1077 "Omnes oonsuetudines Eocleaije approbatas, quas in Bvangelio non 
legunt, contemnunt." Ibid. 

1078 " Omnia Statuta Boolesie post asoensionem Christi dicunt non esse 
servanda neo alicuius esse valoris." Dav. of Augab., oh. 5. This principle is a 
radical one, but still Waldensian. Of. among other sources upon the polemics, 
the 92 articles enumerated by the Inquisitor Peter ap. Preger. Beitrage, p. 68. 

1079 This detail, which is true of the Waldensea of Germany, would not, 
generally speaking, have been so of the Waldenses of France. The rest is 
susceptible of a general application. 

1080 " Casti etiam sunt, maxirae Leonistse." Man-. Bihl. Pair., xxv., col. 
272. This reading is doubtless more correct than that of FI. Illyrious, who says : 
" Casti etiam sunt Leonistoe." Catal., p. 668, 659. 

1081 "Semper operantur, discunt et decent, et ideo parum orant." Ibid. 
We read also, in the same volume, col. 263 : '■ Operarius enim in die laborans, in 
nocte discit vel dicet : et ideo parum orant propter studium." Instead of 
"semper operantur." Fl. Illyricus says : "Si autem operantur vel discunt vel 
docent," etc. 

1082 " Ut capiant in sermone." Ibid. 

1083 " Cognoscuntur etiam in verbis prseoisis et modesta." Ibid. In lieu of 
these words, Fl. Illyrious reads as follows : " Consimiliter et mulieres eorum 
sunt modestiE." 

1084 "Nee dicunt vere vel eerie, et similia : quia hsec reputant juramenta:" 

1085 " Stinserunt lumina dicendo : Quilibet faeiat pro quo est ibi quis habe- 
bit tenrat." See the trials of the year 1387, inserted in the Arch. St. Italia, anno 
1865, and examined in the Revista Oristiana, 1876, p. 169 and 217j the trial of 
Philip Regis in the same Eeview, 1881, p. 363 ; that of Barbe Martin, reproduced 
by Morland and AUix, and which we shall analyse further on ; moreover, vide 
ante and Rorengo, Mem. Hist., ch. 2, and Lgger, b. i., p. 182, etc. 

1086 Gaston Boissier, from whom these words are borrowed, adds : " Five 
centuries before, the fanatics assembled for celebrating the Bacchanalian feasts, 
had been reproached with the same crime." Rev. d. D.M., 15th April, 1876. The 
origin of the calumny is, therefore. Pagan. 

1087 See Minitius Felix, Octave, en. 8 ; Athenagoras Leg., ch. 3 ; TertuUian, 
Apol., ch. 2 and 7, etc. 

1088 " Aliquando faciunt extingui lumen, si sit ibi, propter hoc, ut dicitur, ut 
non videantur vel deprehendantur ab extraneis sen exterioribus non consentien- 
tibus in facto eorum." Practiea, v., p. ii., 5. 

1089 "In nocte maxime perterrebatur," confesses a woman, "propter 
ablacionem luminis in commodo ubi sedebat." Wattenbach, JJeber die Inq., 
p. 40. 

1090 " Dicitur," says Gui, in recording the circumstance we have just men- 
tioned. Elsewhere, he shows clearly that he has not reiected the calumny. 

1091 Thus do we account for the depositions of G^alosna and Bech in the 
Processus co-iira Valdenses, ap. Arch., St. It. The first recants. The second 
contradicts himself in two ways : first in his testimony itself, and then where 
he states that the heretics, of whom he speaks " nunquam tangent mulierem, 
et mulier unquam virum nee aliam personam quamcunque." Moreover, the 
heretics there called Waldenses are principally Cathari. 

1092 " Quod autem ut dicitur . . . extinotis lucernis pariter fornicentur, 
non puto istius esse sectae, neo aliquod horum veraciter, intellexi ab illis, quibus 
fidem adhiberem." Dav. of Augsb., ch. 10. This was said of the Cathari : 
" Cathari diountur hoc facere." Cf. Ibid., ch. 5. The same is repeated in the 
Practiea, v., part ii., 5. 

1093 See the observations of G. Amati upon the above noted trials, in the 
Arch. St. Ital., and what the procurator Pagano of Cosenza stated not 
lono- ago, in speaking of the sect of the Saints of Calabria. Tribuiia, 12 January, 

1887, " . , , • ., 

1094 " Magnam habent speciem pietatis, eo quod coram hominibus juste 
vivant." Inq.°oE Passau, iW(i., p. 264. "Speciem sanctitatis et fidei pretenden- 
tes." Et of Borbone, n. 342. 

1095 " Could greater praise be given to the Waldenses, from the mouth of 
one of the Inquisitors who was persecuting them?" exclaims Haupt, Die relig. 
Sehten, p. 25. 

1096 " Laneis inductis," says Map. 

1097 See above on the subject of the Poor Catholics, p. 71 and 73. 

352 The Waidenses of Italy. 

1098 " Sandaliis desuper perforatis." Innocent III., Epist. xii., l.c. 

1099 "Insabbatati dicti sunt, quia . . . speciale signum in modum quasi 
scuti in parte superiori cotulariuin deferebant, in quo signo ab aliis suis compli- 
cibus et credentibus differebant." Practica, v. part, ii., 2. 

1100 " Eb. de Bethuue, Contra Valdensen, ch. 25, ap. Bib. M. Pair., xxiv., 
p. 1572. C. P. Valdis Ceraaii, ap. Duchesne, Hist. Franc. SS. v., 557, or Bouquet, 
Becueil, vol. xix., 6. 

1101 " In domo tna te presente in loco multo suspecto plures latentes 
heretici cum libris et sandaliis et varia supellectilia sunt invecti." Form. inq. 
Carcass., n. 8. This is how a presbyter, who came from Daupliiny to Avigliano 
is described a century later : '• Kiger, cum quadam oppellanda de panno bruno 
et uno mantello de blaveto scuro." Proccsius, ap. Arch. St. It., n. 39, p. 8. 

1102 " Vadunt autem in diversis habitibus vestium . . . ne agnoscantur, et 
cum transeunt quandoque de domo forte in domum, aliquod onus deferunt palee 
vel vasis, et in obscuro vadunt, ne quis perpendat quid agant." Dav. of Augsb., 
ch. 8. Cf . ch. 17. 

1103 " Aliquando quidam maximus inter eos fuit captus, qui secum ferebat 
multorum artiticiorum indicia, in que quasi Proteus se transfigurabat." St. of 
Borbone, op. cit., p. 293. 

1104 "Si quereretur in una similitudine, et ei innotesceret, in alia se trans- 
mutabat. Aliquando ferebat habitum et signacula pegrini, aliquando bacculum 
penitenciarii et ferramenta : aliquando se fingebat sutorem, aliquando barbiton- 
sorem, aliquando messorem." IMd. Cf. ibid., p. 280. 

11(B We take this description from its source, namely, the writings of the 
Inquisitor of Passau, Max. Bibl. Patr., xxv., col. 273. 

1106 " Habeo pretiosiores gemmas." 

1107 " Tantum rutilat, quod amorem Dei ascendit in corde habentis eam." 

1108 Luke i., 26 ; John xiii., 1. 

1109 Matth. xxiu., 2, 13 ; Mark xii., 38—40. 

1110 " De elerieis et religiosis." 

1111 " Rabbinos vero tales non quajrimus." 

1112 Already quoted, note 921. We should be inclined to conclude from this 
statement that there is here no question of ministers. But it is well to bear in 
mind that this took place in the centre, where universal priesthood was most 
marked, and where they condemned the enforced celibacy even of the Priests. 
See ante, note 987. 

1113 Cf. the following passages. Luke vi., 24 ; Matth. xxiii., 14 ; Rev. 
xiii.. 10 ; and Luke xi., 52. 

1114 '• Quia veram fidcm Christi habemus, et sanctam vitam et doctrinam 
docemus omnes nos, ideo . . ." etc. 

1115 " Nos vero omnia facimus quae docemus." 

1116 "Nos vero tantum doctrinam Christi servare suademus et Apostolorum." 

11 1 7 " Per manus impositionem omnia peccata relaxamus." 

1118 " Eligite eam." 

1119 See Echo di-s Vallens, 1st year, n. 7. 

1120 That was the idea on which is founded the graceful poem of the late 
Professor G. A. de Felice, entitled, Ze Colporteur Vaudoi^. 

1128 "Audivi ab ore credentis cujusdam, quod quidam haereticus, quern 
novi, ad hoc tanti'im, ut cum a fide nostra averteret, et ad suam perduceret per- 
verteretque, nocte hy email tempore per aquam, quae dicitur Ibsa (Fl. 111. dit : 
TJis) natavit ad ipsum." The astounded Inquisitor here exclaims : "Erubescat 
negligentia fidelium Doctorum . . . Observa fervorem in docendo et dis- 
cendo." Inq. of Passau. 

1122 " Hoc tu Valdensis hasretice non facis ; non vadis ad mnndum, non 
prsedicas peccatoribus magnis . . . sed solos illos attrahis, quos audisse esse 
pacificos, quietos, silentiosos, composites." Contra Vald., ap. Sibl. M. Patr., 
p. 277-299, ch. 10, et 11. 

1123 '■ Xon possum esse talis lucema publica propter instantespersecutiones, 
quia vocant me hcereticum." Ibid., ch. 13. 

1124 Seven, twelve, or twenty persons, according to Watteubach, ibid.. 
p. 49. 

1125 " In locis occultis decent et discunt, nee aliquem admittunt, qui non 
sunt fidei eorum. Gum iu unam conveniunt, primo dicunt : Caveto ne inter von 
sit currum ligmini, id est, ue aliquis extraneus adsit, et suam doctrinam 
proecipiunt occultare elerieis." Inq. of Passau. This figurative expression was 
doubtless agreed upon, and, moreover, it may have implied that they had 
hut little hope of "depriving the lion of liij talons." 

112u In Piedmont the conventional sign consisted in the men touching the 

The Waldenses of Italy. 353 

little finger, saying : " Welcome." Thu woman touched two lingers : "' De more 
ipsorum est quod mulieres tangunt duos digitoa et homines digitum aurioularem 
ad cognosoendos se ipsos heretioos intra se." Processus, ap. Arck. St. It., n. 
39, p. 6, 7, 32. 

1127 "Quod haberent potestatem a Deo predicandi hominibus, sed non 
omnibus." Wattenbaoh, ibid., p. 44. 

1128 The Inquisitor of Passau says, concerning the preaching of the 
Waldenses in Lombardy, Provence, and other places, that crowds 
gathered to hear them, "et in publico disputabant, et populum vocabant ad 
stationes solennes in foro, et in campo, et prssdioabant in teotis." Ap. Fl. lUyv., 
p. 642. 

1129 " Templum Dei late patere, orbem terrarum illud esse ; coarctare ejus 
potentiam qui templa, monasteria, saoella construunt, tanquam divina bonitas 
magis favens et niagis propitia in illis sit." 

1130 " Hjec sunt Pauperum de Lugduno opiniones et deliramenta. Neo jam 
satis habebant in conciliabulis communicare, sed propalam priedicare atque 
adstruere audebant." Op. cit. 

1131 Here are three pieces which refer to it : 1. Scriptum liiq. awjusp. anon. 
2. Proc. Inij. contra Sarbaiit Martinum. 3. Proc. Inq. contra Peyronettam. 
They are reproduced by Morland and AUix, after the Cambridge MSS. 

1132 "Tantum Purgantur viventes in prwsenti." Seriptum, ap. AUix, 
p. 300. Cf . the trials, iUd., p. 311, 323, 324. 

1133 " Ad extorquendas pecuniae pro missis et orationibus dicendis quaj de 
nihilo prosunt." Ibid., p. 311. 

1134 " Bona opera quas fiunt ante mortem hominis plus prosunt quam 
omnia quaj fiunt post mortem." Ibid., p. 323. 

1135 Ibid., p. 301, 309, 310, 322. 

1136 Ibid., 301, 310, 322, 323, 324. We read there that the Apostle Peter was 
worthy of credit, but not Paul : " S. Paulum vero non credunt quia fuit 
assassinus ! " Have we not here an indication of the influence of the Cathari ? 

1137 " Ave Maria non est oratio sed annunciaoio et salutatio, et ideo non 
injungunt in poenitentiam eis qui sunt de eorum secta quod dicant Ave Maria, et 
quod Solus Pater Noster est vera oratio, quia a Deo facte fuit oratio ilia." Ibid., 
310—311. Cf. p. 317. 

1138 JJi<Z., p. 324. 

1139 "Festa qute sunt praecepta a Deo, prout est Dies Dominicus, festum 
Nativitatis Domini, festum Paschee, Ascensionis et Pentecostes, sunt celebranda." 
Ibid., p. 311. Cf. p. 301. 

1140 " De festivitatibus Sanctorum et Sanctarum per Bomanam Ecclesiam 
introductis non est curandum, quod licitum est omni die opus servile exercere." 
Ibid., p. 310. " Alia autem festa Virginis Marie et Sanctorum sunt festicula. 
et qui non vult, non tenetur ilia celebrare, quia non sunt praecepta." Ibid., 311. 

1141 " Dies Dominicales Super omnia alia festa . . . solemniter coli. 
Alia vero festa dicebant fuisse per Ecclesiam inventa, quae non erant de neces- 
sitate colenda, irao poterat aliquis operari in ipsis, exceptis festivitatis 
Apostolorum et aliis majoribua." Ibid., p. 323. Cf. p. 309, where we read : 
" Credunt in S. Petrum, et post ipsum in S. Gregorium, etc. 

1142 " Quia Deus est ubiciue." lb-id., p. 300, 311, 324. 

1143 " Domus confusionis, Babylon, meretrix et Synagoga Diaboli." Ibid., 
p. 300. 

1144 " Ecclesia malignautium." Ibid., p. 299. 

1145 Ibid., p. 323. 

1146 " Quantum quis habet sanctitatem, tantum habet facultatem et 
potestatem in Ecclesia." Ibid., p. 299. Cf. p. 311. 

1147 Ibid., p. 300, 311, 323. 

1148 " In die Ascensionis Domini." Ibid., p. 311. Cf. p. 324. 

1149 "Aqufe pluviales sunt ejusdem virtutis." Ibid., v. 301. 

1150 Ibid., p. 300, 323, 324. 

1151 "Summus pontifex, ex quo non observabat sanctitatem quam debebat 
observare, non habebat aliquam potestatem, dicendo de eodem in haec verba : 
Autamt Tnalvais est le Pape comme nengun autre." Ibid., p. 323. Cf. p. 300. 

1152 "A beato Silvestro non fuit verus Papa." Ibid., %>. 299. 

1153 " Ipsi priedicatores sive magistri hujusmodi sectae et sacerdotes sen viri 
ecclesiastici olim solebant esse imius et ejusdem legis et ordinis ; sed cum ipsi 
viri ecclesiastici voluerunt insequi avaritiam et vanitates hujus mundi, et ipsi 
praedicatores in ipsa paupertate manere volueruut, ideo fuit facta inter eos 
divisio, et ettecti fuerunt inimici." Ibid., p. 324. 

1154 " Cum numerus ipsorum priEdicatorum et aliorum hominum justorum 


354 The Waldenses of Italy. 

qui hujuamodi sectam tenuerint adhuc esset parvus atque rarue, ideo eis erat 
necesse incedere occulte, sicut faciebant Christus et ejus Apostxjli. IHd. 

1155 "In ipsis tantum sit Ecclesia Dei qui vivunt in paupertate." Ibid., 
p. 299. 

1156 " Credunt quod extra eorum sectam nemo salvatur, et qui sunt eorum 
secta; sancti esse dicuntur." Ibid., p. 301. 

1157 " Ces ung plen pung de gent que sosten tot le monde, et si aquello gent 
non era tot le monde saria a tin." Ibid., p. 325. 

1158 "Pre quacunque re, vera vel falsa, non licet jurare." Ibid., p. 300. 
" Est peccatum mortale." Ibid., p. 313. 

1159 '■ Jurare pro quavis oocasione vel causa Deum, pro vero vel mendacio, 
aut aliud quodcunque facere juramentum ubi poneretur ista locutio ^er, erat 
magnum peccatum." Ibid., p. 322. 

1160 " Pro quovis delicto quautumcunque gravi, quis noti tradendus est 
morti, nisi sit homicida." Ibid., p. 313. This is the only exception that we 
know of to a rule which was hitherto far more absolute. From this to admitting 
that the Waldenses did not hold themselves bound to obey temporal rulers, 
'■ unless they were of their own sect " (ibid., p. 301) is a long stride. At least it 
would be necessary to use some discrimination. 

1161 " Credunt quod eorum Magistri et Barbae potestatem habeant ligandi et 
solvendi, et quod illis et non Presbyteris Romanaj Ecclesiaj confitenda sunt 
peccata.'' Ibid., p. 299. Cf. p. 323. 

1162 Ibid., p. 317. 

1163 " Ipsa confessa est peocata sua alteri ex eis, genibus flexis ac si fuisset 
coram suo proprlo sacerdote, et inde, facta confessione, ipsam absolvebat manum 
ad caput imponendo more sacerdotum." Ibid., p. 327. 

1164 " AliquibuB vicibus Pater noster pro j)cenitentia . . . Frequenter Pater 
Noster, et hoe tantum quantum possem. Ibid., p. 317, 327. 

1165 " Non autem Ave Maria." Ibiil., p. 317. 

1166 Ibid., \,. ■301,311. 

1167 iiwi., p. 324. 

1168 " Vin ecclesiastic! sunt mali et pessimas vitae et peccatores . . . Non 

fossunt consecrare corpus Christi, et non valet consecratio per ipsos facta . . . 
psi Barbse, et qui sunt de eorum secta, non recipiunt eucharistiam, sed loco 
eucharisti^ benedicunt panem et dicunt quod ilia benedictio est majoris virtutis 
quam dicta consecratio, ex eo (^uia tantum quantum quis habet bonitatis et puri- 
tatie, tantum habet et potestatis." Ibid., p. 311. 

1169 " Credunt quod non licet hsereticis eorum aectaj cum catholicis matri- 
monia contrahere." Ibid., p. 301. 

1170 " Dicebant quod sacramentum matrimonii debebat fideliter et firmiter 
custodiri." Ibid., p. 323. 

1171 " Credunt quod licitum est libidinose convenire, et participare etiam 
cum omni personi sibi in quovis consanguiuitatis vel afBnitatis gradu coniuncta. 
saltum quando conveniunt cum aliis ejusdem sectce in eorum priedicatiombus, et 
extinctis luminibus." Ibid., p. 300. 

1172 To this Barbe are attributed distinctions regarding the ditterent degrees 
of consanguinity, and the avowal that his penitents lived in incestuous relations, 
•• tameu extra Synagogum." Ibid., p. 311 — 313 and 317. 

1173 The dissidents accused the Priests of the crime of impurity. " Nimis 
lubricitur et in honeste vivebant," they said, " tenendo meretrices . . . Sic 
malum exemplum ostendendo in populo." Ibid., p. 323. In fact, that was one 
of their motives for dissidence. Would it have been logical for them to abandon 
the priests in order that they might imitate, nay, surpass them in crime ? 

1174 Thus Barbe Martin is made to say that according to the commonly 
received opinion of his co-religionists, " si in dicta Synagoga generetur filius, ille 
Alius erit in futurum aptior ad exercendum officium Barbarum, priedicationum 
et confessionum quam aliquis alius quia genitus est in dicta Synagoga." Ibid., 
p. 312. 

1175 See Ante, note 544. 

1176 "Ipse ejus pater, qui erat Barbe, ibat ad confitendum et prsedicandum 
gentes in Ulis montibus." Ibid., p. 307. 

1177 " Sunt sexdecim anni elapsi quod Girondinus ejus pater ipsum loquen- 
tum ipsam fidem Valdensium et hseresim docuit." L.c. Here we have a proof 
of the marriage of the Barbes, some may say, but let us see. If Martin's education 
as a Waldensian had only commenced sixteen years previously, the above may 
signify that Girondin, the father, had not embraced the Waldensian rule before 
his marriage. Morel will tell us something farther on, which does not incline 
us to believe In the marriaze of the Barbes. 

The Waldenses of Italy. 355 

1178 " Duxit ipsum ad eorum magnum magiatrum qui vocatur Joannes 
Antonli et qui suam residentiam facit in loco de Cambro de dominio Popa." 
lUd., p. 308. 

1179 " Tu talis jura supra la fide tua de mantenere . . . nostra lege et de 
non la discoperire a persona del monde et qui tu promotes de non jurare Dieu a 
nul modo, et que garda la domenega." IMcl., p. 313. It is, therefore, a question 
of a formal oath. Cf . p. 308. Peyronette says, in her turn, that, as they mistrusted 
her, they made her swear to keep silent." ITnd., p. 32.5. Btere we have, there- 
fore, another exception to the rule. 

1180 " Magnus magister dat eidem Barbie, sic facto, ad bibendum modicum 
vini. Ex tunc mxitat sibi nomen, dicendo ■ Des en la te chameras tal." Ibid., 
p. 313. 

1181 "Quod ilia solemnitas habetur loco baptismi." i.e. 

1182 " Dixit quod de ultra montes in Regno Franoias appellantur Pauperes de 
Lugduno, de citra vero montes in patria ftate appellantur Pauperes Mundi." 
IVid., p. 314. 

1183 " Qui tree agnoverunt ipsos Barbas in habitas eorum, videlicet in man- 
tellis." Ibid.,i>.S15. 

1184 " Animo exercendi eorum officium et ad consolandum dictos Valdenses 
ibidem commorantes. Hid., p. 316. 

118.5 Ihid., p. 312. Two as a rule. Ibid., p. 297, 298. Sometimes it was one 
or the other, or three together. Ibid,., p. 322. 

1186 " Duo homines extranei, induti vestibus grisei coloris, qui, ut sibi visum 
fuit, loquebantur lingua italica, sive lumbardica." Ibid., p. 322. 

1187 " Hora nocturna post coecam unus ipsorum legere ccepit unum parvum 
librum quem secum deferebat, dicendo in eodem descripta fuisse Evangelia et 
pra?cepta legis, qufe ibidem dioebat se explicare et deolarare velle in preesentia 
omnium ibidem circumstantium, quia dicebat se fore missum ex parte Dei ad 
reformandam fidem Catholioam, eundo per mundum ad instar Apostolorum pro 
pra^dicando bonis et simplicibus gentibus de modo et forma serviendi Deo et 
Vivendi secundum ejus mandata." L.c. 

1188 " Dum reeedebanta domo sua aliquoties dabat sibi certam quantitatem 
acuum sive (VaiguiUes, et ejus quondam maritus dabat ei pecunias pro pcena 
ipsorum." Ibid,.', p. 329. 

1189 It is as we have seen sometimes at Cambro (?) in the territory of the 
Pope ; sometimes at Aquila, etc. Ib-id., p. 298. 

1190 " Barbaj creari solent per eorum supremum in civitate Aquilaa in Kegno 
Neapolitauo." Z.c. 

1191 The evil disposed said it was to mock the Pope : " In desirum Eomani 
Pontificis eis nomina mutantuv cum ad magisterium hujusmodiafficiantur." I.e. 

1192 " Quemadmodum Christus redemptor noster discipulos suos binos mitte- 
bat ad prtedicandum, sic et idiota et bestialis illius secta? Magniscius alios magi- 
stros inferiores per ipsum creatos et probatos^ quos vulgo Barbas dicimus, ad 
docendum . . . hinc inde binos mittere solitus fuit." Ibid., p. 297 — 298. 

1193 See Ante. 

1194 The name of mundi, which is the literal translation of Catliari. is 
particularly significant. "Mundos se coram populo . . . esse simulant," is 
what we read in a writing attributed to Joachim, See Schmidt, Hint, dv 
Catha/res, ii., 155. 

1195 See Ante. 

1196 Adversus errores et seotum Valdensiimi, tractatus. The author died in 
June, 1520. CI. Coussord, theologian of the University of Paris, again dealt with 
the same subject, but according to the pamphlet of Seyssel. 

1197 La doctrine des Vaudois representee par CI. Seissrl archeresqvv de 
Turin, ei CI. Coussord theologian de Vuniversite de Paris arre notes dressees jjar 
Jacques Cappelj etc. Sedan MDCXVIII. 

1198 See ibtd., oh. 4 : Ce que Seissel reprend aux Vaudois. 

1199 " Christo omnibus ad omna abunde suiiSciente." 

1200 See the Latin letter of Morel to CEcolampadius. according to Scuttetus, 
/.c.-and the Memoires de Morel, in the Waldensian dialect, according to a MS. 
in Dublin, to which Perrin alludes in these words : " The book of George Morel, 
containing all the doubtful points, paid by George Morel and Pierre Masson 
before CEcolampadius and Bucer, concerning religion and the replies of the 
aforesaid personages." Herzog examined the MS., and he quotes it in his 
Mom. Wald., p. 340 et seq. 

1201 See Ante. 

1202 " Eique magister constituatur." 

1203 "Ut verbigratia bibere aquam." According to the Memoirs "semil 

356 The Waldbnses of Italy. 

hantoment li devant pausa non devon far alcun cosa sencza la licenzia de son 

1204 " Inter nos nemo ducit uxorem : tamen, ut verum fetear (tecum enim 
cum multa omnia loquor), non semper caste nobiscum agitur." Let us remind 
the reader tlmt Morel also alludes to : " nonnuUie nostrse mulierculie, quas 
dicimus sorores," which " agunt vitamin virginitate." The Mevwires have a 
different reading : " Item aJcuns de nos ministres de I'evangeli ni alcunas de las 
nostras fennas non se maridan." 

1205 "Adplebis obsequium." Doubtless, in order to spare the pockets of 
the contributors, the popmar reading has omitted this passage. 

1206 " ColUguntur a majoribus nostris.'' 

1207 " A nostro consortio." 

1208 We have thus far followed the order of the Latin version according to 
Scultetus. For this pai'ticular point, we follow, with Herzog, the order of the 
popular version, which is more satisfactory ; although the difference is not great. 

1209 " In hoc, ut audio, erravimus, credentea plura quam duo sacramenta." 

1210 We revert to the Latin version for the order of the subjects. 

1211 " Nos annen per tuit li an una vecz per vesitar nostre poble en lor mey- 
sons, car ilh habitan en las montagnes per diversas borcas e villages ; e li auven 
d'un en un la confession auricular. The Latin version says : " clandestine 

1212 " Debito proprio honeste, et tantum ad medicinam, non ad voluptatis 
Bocietatem." No doubt we ought to read here " satietatem " for the popular 
version has : "a medicina de lor debit e nou a la saciota (sic) de la volunta." 
Morel mentions a very practical warning, as old as the law of Moses ; but w« 
must be excused for not quoting it here. 

1213 The choice fell upon as many Barbea, so that Morel ladds, according the 
popular version ; " Bmperczo sen forcza de I'auvir quasi en totas sas difieren- 

1214 " Excommunicamua a prasi populi et ab verbi auditioue." Herzog 
gives up the attempt to translate prasis, which is, undoubtedly, derived from 

1215 " Li papista." The Latin version has a stronger expression : " Sacra- 
mentorum signa plebecula? nostras non nos, sed AnticEristi membra adminis- 

1216 " Neque uUo vestitu, colore diverse, superfluo, scutulato, aut delicato, 
sive oonsciso utetur." How shall we translate this consciso or ensemptalha. 
We know that the sumptuary laws of this period regulated even the cut of 

1217 " Nam ab unius extremitate ad aliam intersunt plusquam octingenta 
milliaria." Herzog supposes an error here. Perrin (i., 106) thinks that Morel 
Intended to say that the number of the inhabitants amounted to 800,000 ! 

1218 " Per tot sotmes, voiha o non volha, a las segnoriias e a li preyre papi- 
st! ca." 

1219 " Peticions." We follow both readings. 

1220 "Enayma d'episcopa, de preverage, de diacona." 

1221 " His tamen gradibus inter nos non utimur." In dialect : " Emperczo 
nos non usen d'aquisti gra entre de nos." 

1222 " Cum lo sia script : si tu voles venir enapres my, vay e vent totas 

1223 " Si li dit ministre pon lioifament amenar fennas, las quals volhon 
viore en vergeneta." We read, furthermore, the question : " An mulieres 
juvenes, requirentes et volentes vitam in virginitate agere, sint in religionem 
introduoendse." There is there an asylum a class of sisters. Morel expresses 
himself on this point, thus : " Ducuntur praedicti recipiendi ad quendam locum, 
ubi nonnullae uostrse mulierculse, quas dicimus sorares, agunt vitam in virgini- 
tate." The same passage is to be found in the popular reading with this varia- 
tion : "La cals son las nostras serors en Jesu." ,A stroke of the pen has 
eliminated the passage from the popular version. 

1224 " Si li sen alegoric se son recebu per treyt de I'escriptura sancta pro- 
fey tivolment." See for the Latin reading, ante n. 849. 

1225 The question is exemplified : for instance, says Morel, " what we read 
concerning the daughters of Lot, concerning Judah and ' soa nora Tamar,' and 
concerning the wives and concubines of Solomon." 

1226 A czo que non sian deceopu per tanti e divers commentaris e interpre- 
tacions que son ese fan de jorn en ]orn." 

1227 " Si son plus de duy sacrament, con czo sia que li papista diozan esser 
sept." This question is addressed to Bucer. Morel omits here the avowal made 

The Waldenses of Italy. 357 

to ffioolampadius : "In hoc, ut audio, erravimus, oredentes plura quam duo 

1228 That is at least the sense which we think ought to be given to the 
words : " Si son alounas aoripturas de Crist, lasquals poissanesser ditas comanda- 
ment e alouns oonselh." 

1229 "Si sai-a cosa profeytivol que ministres administressan li rit e las 
ceremonias de li sacrament aqui hont o poyrian far." 

1230 " Si tot j urament es defendu sot pena de pecoa mortal, diczent Crist, 
non volha jurar al postot." The Latin version has an identical expression. 

1231 Si es licit de far alcuna cosa manual al jorn de li diamenja e si al postot 
se deo gardar alcuna festa." In his second letter to (Ecolampadius Morel asks 
whether it is permitted to work on a feast day. 

1232 Elsewhere Morel supposes the case of a person attacked in a wood. See 
the above-mentioned second letter. 

1233 " Enayma I'aiga steng lo fuoe, enaymi I'almona steng lo pecca." II est 
clair, par ces citations, que la difEference entre les livres canoniques et les livres 
apocryphes est encore eI faire. 

1234 This same point is touched upon in the second letter to CEcolampadius, 
with the expression : de ineritis. 

1235 " Non havent fe de Crist, son reprova." 

123fi " Si las leis civils e las semilhant atrobas de li home . . . sian 
valeronas enapres Dio. Car es script : las leys de li poble son vanas." Here we 
surely have one of the consequences of the oppression under which the Waldenses 
had so long groaned. 

1237 ■' Car alcuns dison . . . Dicunt enim nonnuUi." 
12.38 "La soa roba." Herzog translates "Kleid," i.e., clothing, robe. He is 

1239 To his masters, of course. Here again Herzog's translation is incorrect. 

1240 " Si tot quant es ajosta al principal, es husura." Cf. Nov. 8erm< , 
V. 95—96. 

1241 "Si la passion de Christ es tant solament ista per lo pecca original." 
Tliis idea is enunciated in the Cantica. 

1242 " Si lo es licit a nos menistres de conselhar al nostre poble qu'ilh tuon 
li fals frayres, Ileal son entre de nos e cerchon e an cercha de liorar nos menistres 
en li mans de li papista, aczo qu'lh fessan nos morir e que la paroUa de Dio non 
sia anuncia entre lo poble, e moti de li fidel sian destruyt par dit papista d'arma 
e de cors e de la roba." The Latin reading gives more details. See Ante. 

1243 " Outra las predictas demandas non hy a alcuna cosa que contorbe mais 
nos frevols que del libre arbitre e de la predestinacion de lio o, de laqual cosa 
Luter e Erasme en son tant different." 

1244 " Quia necessario contingunt omnia." These last words are wanting the 
popular version. 

1245 " Qui vere es illiua vicarius." 

124fi " utinam inter nos firma essemus unitate con juncti." 

1247 " In omnibus tamen vobiscum convenimus, et a tempore Apostolorum 
semper de fide, sicut vos, .«entientes concordavimus, in hpc solo diffierentes, quod 
culpa nostra ingeniique nostri pigritia;, scripturas tam recte quam vos neutiquam 

1248 " Omnibus Deus idem." This conclusion is taken, like the rest, both 
fi-om the popular and Latin version. 

1249 This is Herzog's expression : •" Thus did they confess it to them." Wald. p. 365. 

12.50 Monastier, oj). cit., I., 195—197. 

1251 IHd. 

1252 Herzog, i?«OT. Wald.,\>. 297 et passim. 

1253 Letter of the Waldenses of Cabrieres to John of Roma, Inquisitor, 3rd 
February, 1.533. Herminjard. C'urr. dcs Iteforni', vol. vii., p. 466. 

1254 ' Cf. Emile Montegut, Milanges Critiques, Paris, 1887, p. 195.