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pRrfOnENTi

p(EY0LUT!0N/IRTt|l5TORT.

FRAGMENTS (,,;'

Revolutionary History.

Being hitherto unpublished writings of the men of the

American Revolution, collected and edited,

under authority of the District of Columbia

Society, Sons of the Revolution.

GA1LLARD yUNT,
Registrar and Historian.

BROOKLYN, N. Y.:

The Historical Printing Ci,ub.

1892.

V J; /» I. i i' 1

A.y^i

INTRODUCTORY NOTE.

A large and important part of the manuscript
sources of information upon the American Revolu-
tion are in the custody of private individuals.
These scattered fragments are often the missing
links in chains of important events, and until they
are gathered together and printed they are to all
intent and purpose unknown and valueless. It
might he supposed that the people who would be
most likely to have such papers in their possession
would be the descendants of the men who wrote
them, and it was a recognition of this probability
that prompted the District of Columbia Society,
Sons of the Revolution, to authorize the publication
of such original Revolutionary writings as members
of the Society might contribute. The request for
contributions met with a prompt and satisfactory
response. Some of the letters, it is true, have little
worth from a purely historical point of view, but
are nevertheless useful, serving to place vividly
before us, as living and breathing human beings,
characters that lived a century ago. On the other
hand, others of the MSS. have a decided histori-
cal interest.

The most valuable private collection which has
(iii)

been placed at the editor's disposal, is that of the
late Colonel Theodorus Bailey Myers, of New York,
now in the possession of his son, Theodorus Bailey
Myers Mason, lieutenant U. S. N., the founder of
the Washington branch of the Sons of the Revolu-
tion. Among the letters which it has contributed
to this volume are those of General Daniel Morgan,
which fell into Col. Myer's hands when they were
sold in New Orleans in 1879. "Some part, at
least," says Mr. Winsor in his Narrative and
Critical History of America, "of the correspon-
dence of General Morgan is in the collection of
Theodorus Bailey Myers." The whole of it, so far
as it was ever collected, is there. It was used by
James Graham in his Life of Morgan, and later by
Colonel Myers himself in his account of the battle
of the Cowpens, which appeared in the Charleston
News and Courier in 1881. Taken in connection
with previous publications what will be found here
makes a tolerably complete history of the latter past
of Morgan's military career.

Another contribution which must be said to have
a decided historical value, is the narrative of
Colonel John Francis Mercer. He tells how he
impeded the progress of the British Army with a
band of less than fifty horsemen at Green Spring,
and again he engaged Tarleton's Army with great
gallantry in the Gloucester skirmish. For the first
affair he was thanked by Lafayette, and for the

second by the Commander-in-Chief. His narrative
of the Gloucester skirmish throws new light upon
it without disturbing existing accounts, but his
version of the Green Spring action varies materially
from those which are usually considered authentic.
It was, according to Mercer, silly and ill-devised,
and had the enemy followed up the advantages he
gained, Cornwallis would never have been obliged
to surrender at Yorktown. It is only fair in es-
timating Mercer's opinion of Lafayette's conduct
to remember that Mercer had been Aide-de-Camp
to General Charles Lee at the battle of Monmouth,
and that he had been the first witness called to
testify in Lee's behalf when the latter was court-
martialled. He left the army at the same time
with Lee, and did not serve again until the York-
town campaign. As he sympathized strongly with
Lee, it is not improbable that he shared some of
Lee's prejudices, prominent among which was a
dislike of our French allies.

In the group of fifteen letters of the Lafayette
correspondence, it will be observed that several
sources have been drawn upon. Rear Admiral F.
A. Roe, U. S. N., has, through the kindness of
Mrs. S. H. Gouverneur, of Washington, contributed
several important Lafayette-Monroe letters, and a
few others have been taken from the State Depart-
ment collection of Monroe papers purchased in
1849. Another letter from the private Gouverneur

collection is the characteristic one of General
Charles Lee to James Monroe.

Outside of the contributions from members of the
Society, the editor has in another instance had re-
course to the Manuscript Archives of the govern-
ment — this time to the privateer records in the
United States Supreme Court. This' was with a
view to completing in some degree the story of the
Scudder depredations. The incident is not one of
great importance, but it shows how rigorously the
orders against such depredations were enforced.

The groups of letters will, it is believed, be
found sufficiently clear without further comment.
Except those that have been described above, all
came from the members of the Society of the Sons
of the Revolution. Gaillard Hunt.

Washington, January, i8$2.

CONTENTS AND BY WHOM CONTRIBUTED:

PAGE

Benjamin Ford to Daniel Morgan. . . T. B. M. Mason.

Suggests the attest of Certain Tories i :

D. Gould To Morgan T. B. M. Mason.

Challenges him to a duel 2 :

Genl. Muhlenberg to Morgan . . . . T. B. M. Mason.

Arrangement of the Virginia line 3 .

Morgan to Gates T. B. M. Mason.

Movement of troops 4:

Genl. W. Smallwood to Morgan . . . T. B. M. Mason.

Disaffected inhabitants. Movements of the enemy . . 6
B. Bruin to Morgan T. B. M. Mason.

Gates' recall 9

Smallwood TO Morgan T. B. M. Mason.

Movement of troops 10

Same to the same T. B. M. Mason.

Movements of the enemy >n

Gates to Morgan T. B. M.Mason.

Military movements 13,

Same to the same T. B. M. Mason.

Military movements 13

Baron StSuben to Morgan T. B. M. Mason.

Is not recruiting cavalry 15

I/AEAYETTE to Morgan T. B. M. Mason.

Disposition of forces 16

Same to the same T. B. M. Mason.

Disposition of British prisoners 17

(vii)

Vlll

PAGE

Thomas Nelson, Jr., to . . . . T. B. M. Mason.

Horse for Genl. Morgan 18

Benj. Harrison to Morgan T. B. M. Mason.

Provisions for the army and escape of prisoners of war . 19
Same to the same T. B. M. Mason.

Care of prisoners of -war 20

Same to the same T. B. M. Mason.

Emptiness of treasury and Claypool's pardon 21

David Jameson to Morgan T. B. M. Mason.

Emptiness of treasury and proposed pardon for Claypool 23
B. 1/cncoln to Morgan T. B. M. Mason.

Medal for Morgan 24

Thomas Jefferson to Morgan Neville . T. B. M. Mason.

Medal for Morgan 25

Chari.es Magill to Morgan D. M. Taylor.

Pecuniary transactions 27

Morgan to Alexander Hamilton . . . . D. M. Taylor.

Proposed raising of troops in 1799 28

John Francis Mercer to Col. Simms. . . Carroll Mercer.

Narrative of Yorktown campaign 29

Lafayette to George A. Washington . T. B. M. Mason.

_ Asks for copies of letters and orderly books 63

Dafayette to Madame JulliEn T. B. M. Mason.

Suggests studies for her son 64

LAFAYETTE TO James Monroe F. A. Roe.*

Visit to America 65

Same to the same State Department MSS.

Announces his arrival in America 66

Same to the same State Department MSS.

Arrangements for his tour 70

* Through the courtesy of Mrs. S. H. Gouverneur.

Lafayette to Morgan Neviiab • • • . T. B. M. Mason.

Friendship for Genls. Morgan and Neville 71

Lafayette to Richard Forrest J. M. Henry.

Gives directions for his mail 73

Lafayette TO Nevihe T. B. M. Mason.

Acknowledgment of indebtedness 75

Lafayette to George Graham . . . . R. G. Davenport.

Power of attorney 76

Same to the same R. G. Davenport.

Concerning Lafayette's lands 77

James Monroe to George Graham . . R. G. Davenport.

Concerning Lafayette's lands and a memoir 78

Lafayette to Neviiae T. B. M. Mason.

Introduces Mr. Bowman 79

Same to the same T. B. M. Mason.

News of mutual friends 80

James Monroe To George Graham . . R. G. Davenport.
Friendship between Monroe and Lafayette 82

Same to the same R. G. Davenport.

Lafayette's offer of aid and Graham's official position . 83
Monroe to Lafayette State Department MSS.

Declines pecuniary assistance. Virginia constitutional
convention. Marbois' book on Louisiana purchase . 85

Lafayette to Monroe State Department MSS.

Monroe's grandson. Abolition of slavery. Personal
movements 92

Same to the same State Department MSS.

Account of the Revolution of 1830 96

NATHANIEL ROCHESTER W. B. Rochester.

Autobiography 99

C^sar Rodney to Thomas Rodney. . . T. B. M. Mason.
Behaviour of the New England men in the struggle for
the Hudson 106

PAGE

C^SAK. Rodney to Geni,. Smalwood • • T. B. M. Mason.
Insurrection of refugees 108

Nathaniel Scudder T. B. M. Mason.

Action of Committee of Monmouth Co no

Scudder. To Carroll McKenney.

Cargo of the schooner Betsy . .- 112

Geni,. Charles Lee to James Monroe. ■ ■ . F. A. Roe*

Gives advice and passes strictures on the officers of the

army 116

Geni,. George Weedon to Wm. R. Davie. T. B. M. Mason.

Discusses military matters 120

Weedon to John P. Mercer Carroll Mercer.

Peace negotiations 122

Same to the same Carroll Mercer.

Peace negotiations 123

Same to The same Carroll Mercer.

Public and private debts. Effects of the peace . . . .124

Same to the same Carroll Mercer.

Personal. Wants an office 126;

Same to the same Carroll Mercer.

Races and county fair. Officers' land warrants .... 127.

Geni,. S. H. Parsons to Major Gray . Carroll McKenney.

The Scudder affair 131

Geni,. Washington to Gray Carroll McKenney.

The Scudder affair 131

Geni,. Israel Putnam to Gray. . . . Carroll McKenney.

The Scudder affair 132

Putnam to Gov. Clinton. . . IT. S. Supreme Court MSS .
The Scudder affair 134

* Through the courtesy of Mrs. S. H. Gouverneur.

PAGE

Gov. Clinton To Putnam. . . U. S. Supreme Court MSS.
The Scudder affair 135

GEnl. Parsons to Gray Carroll McKenney.

The Scudder affair 136

Putnam to Gray. Carroll McKenney.

The Scudder affair 137

Abigail Smith to Jarvis Rogers. . . Carroll McKenney.
The Scudder affair 138

Putnam to Col. Mai.com T. B. M. Mason.

Orders for troops 140

John Paul Jones to Jonathan Williams T. B. M. Mason.
Is searching for a ship at Brest 142

Samuel Tenney to Joseph Gilman. . . R. G. Davenport.
Hardships of army life 144

William Beatty to Thomas S. LEE . . W. B. Rochester.
Asks for funds for recruiting 146

David Cobb to Henry Jackson T. B. M. Mason.

Rivington's paper in New York. Deserters and preju-
dice against Continental officers 148

Alex. Scammell to Joseph Gilman . . R. G. Davenport.
Supplies for the army 152

Nicholas Gilman to Richard Varrick R. G. Davenport.
Declines place on Arnold's staff. 154

Nicholas Gilman to Joseph Gilman. . R. G. Davenport.
The constitutional convention 156

Steuben to Col. Meade T. B. M. Mason.

Orders for movements of troops 158

Steuben to Col. William Davie . . . T. B. M. Mason.
Rendezvous for cavalry 159

John Burgoyne to T. B. M.- Mason.

Movement of troops and personal affairs 161

Xll

FAGS

Burgoyne To Miss Caulfieu) T. B. M. Mason.

Approves her toilet and sends game 163

Genx. Washington to Robt. Hanson . . R. G. Davenport.

A certificate of service and conduct 165

Washington to Geo. S. Washington F. A. Roe.

Personal matters and his own movements 165

Washington invitation to dinner . . R. G. Davenport.

Asks the Ramsays to meet Mr. and Mrs. Lewis .... 167
Washington to Martin Cockburn. . . R. G. Davenport.

Sends list of taxable property and asks about a negro
tailor 167

Geo. A. Washington to J. F. Mercer. . . Carroll Mercer.
Debt due to Genl. Washington 169

Same to the same Carroll Mercer.

Debt due to Genl. Washington 169

Same to the same Carroll Mercer.

Debt due to Genl. Washington 170

Aaron Ogden to his wife T. B. M. Mason.

Visit to Mount Vernon. . 173

Sarah Robinson to Kitty F. Wister . . S. R. Franklin.

Gossip of New York in 1789 175

Benj. Frankun Bache To his father . . . Ren6 Bache.

An epistolary poem 180

John Page to Mann Page H. G. Kemp.

Personal matters 184

PETER Minor to John Minor, Jr . . . . B. D. Blackford.

Personal matters and bill to emancipate slaves in Va. . 186

GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN.

LIEUT. COL. BENJAMIN FORD* TO MORGAN.
Wilmington, 25 May, 17784
Sir:

I have received certain information that Mrs.
Saunderson, a L,ady from Maryland (who obtained
permission from Genl. Smallwood to go to Phila-
delphia return), is to leave the city to-morrow
will be escorted by several officers from Mary-
land belonging to the New Levies in the British
Service.

I doubt not but you will endeavor to secure those
Gentry who have given such striking proofs of
their desire to enslave their country. It is more
than probable they may appear in the Garb of

*Benj. Ford was commissioned Lieut. Col. 6^ Maryland
Regt. Apl. 17, 1777, and is presumably the same Lieut. Col.
Ford, who, together with Colonels Williams and Gunby and
Lieut. Col. Howard, had charge of the Maryland Brigade at the
battle of Eutaw Spriugs, Sept. 8, 1781. Col. Ford was so badly
wounded in this engagement that he died a few days afterwards.
— Lee's Memoirs, Vol 2, p. 59 et seq.

fAt this time Morgan was at Radnor, Pa., patrolling the
country between the Schuylkill and Darby Creek. — Graham,
Life of Morgan, p. 198.

Quakers or peasants and may be expected at Darby
between the hours of 12 & 4 o'clock.
I am Sir'Yr. most obt.

And very Hble. St.
Benjamin Ford

U Colo. 6^U. Regt.
Colo. Morgan.

D. GOULD TO MORGAN.

AuGf 4* 1779 4 o'clock a. m.
Sir:

The treatment you this day very undeservedly
gave me is such as no man ever has, or ever shall,
offer with impunity. There are few men in America
whose Publick Character I entertain a higher re-
spect for than Col? Morgan's — and am therefore
Solicitous to obtain his good opinion, nor can I
possibly be satisfied he should think me so con-
temptible a rascal, as to put up tamely with his
abuse — when Col? Morgan decended so much be-
neath the Gentleman in his unmanly and illiberal
treatment he will please to recollect he was in pos-
session of my Bill for 1000 Dollars. This circum-
stance (which laid me under some restraint) is now
removed, and I can no longer avoid informing you
that I feel the sentiment of a noble soul, basely in-
jured, and have a right to expect, (if you are actu-
ated by that delicate sensibility which ought to in-

fluence every man of true honor) you will not hesi-
tate a moment to give such intimation to the com-
pany then present, as yotir good sense will natur-
ally dictate ; but if this mode of proceeding is
incompatible with your [sic] I beg you will inform
me, how, when, & where, (within 20 hours) you
will meet as a Gentleman your most obt.

hble servt
D. Gould..
Please consider sir that this paper was intended
to be delivered you in town, but when I had wrote
it, on enquiry found you had left Winchester, how-
ever shall stay at my lodgings till to-morrow morn-
ing 10 o'clock for your response. *

GENL. MUHLENBERG TO MORGAN.

Fredericksburg, August ioth, 1780.
Dear Col° .

Enclosed I have the Honor to transmit you the
Arrangement of the Virginia linef as formed by

*After the campaign of 1778 Morgan, sharing in the dissatis-
faction with Congress which was prevalent in the Army at that
time, and suffering from ill-health beside, resigned his com-
mand and returned to Frederick county early in the summer
of 1779- He remained there until after the battle of Camden,
and in September, 1780, he again appeared in the field. The
challenge given above was received when he was at home.
Unfortunately there is no record of its sequel.

"(■August 1st the Virginia legislature passed a bill authorizing
the raising of 3000 levies. The duty devolved upon Muhlen-

His Excellency the Commander-in-Chief — and
likewise a Letter from His Excellency the Gover-
nor.

I set out this morning for Chesterfield Court
House to send in those men who are at present as-
sembled at that place.

As soon as I get to Richmond, I shall send you
orders for the officers in the countie which I
request you to communicate — there is no news
from the Southward and but little from the North-
ward.

I am Dear Col? .

Your most obd* hbl: servt.

P. Muhlenberg.

MORGAN TO GATES.

Sai^bury, 20th Oct.* 1780.
Dear Sir:

I am just setting out for Tephers, where my de-
tachment arrived last evening. Gen 1 . Smalwood de-
berg, Febiger, Greene of the 6th Reg't., Morgan, Wood, Gist,
Daviess, and Bufords were the Colonels who had thus far es-
caped capture. The old soldiers had collected at Chesterfield,
and Muhlenberg undertook to complete the regiments — a task
which he had partially accomplished by September 1st. — Muhl-
enberg's L ife of Genl. Muhlenberg, p. 197, et. seq.

* Morgan'had been appointed a Brigadier General on the 18th,
but had not yet been apprised of his promotion. (Graham's
Morgan. )

tain'd me to go on with the cavalry — no certain in-
telligence from the enemy since the i8^ h They
were on Monday last nine miles beyond Charlott *
on the Road Leading to the old nation ford and at
or near steel creek road that leads to camdon — I
can't account for their manuvers, as it seems thay
are short of provision & Forage and still continue
at or near that place — but must think thay are go-
ing to Camdon.

I am inform' d you are coming on with the main
body which I think very advisable — Salsbury will
be a very safe & comodeous encampment provided
a sufficient number of boats are procured at the
Yadkin well supplied with good ferry men and a
sufficient command of men left to guard the place.
I think if you can march a thousand men we can
act with safety, and cover the country — I have been
very sick since I left Hilsborough, but have got
well except a very sore mouth.

Being separated from Gen 1 . Smallwood have had
little to eat or drink except meat & bread, no
stores were allowed me when I came away. Gen 1
Smallwood & Mr. Pen told me you would see me
provided for. I spoke to you but through a plenty
of business I emagine you forgot me — I assure you

* ' ' The King's troops left Charlotte town on the evening of the
14th to march to Catawba ford." (Tarletou's Campaigns.) The
defeat of Col. Ferguson at Kings Mountain had occurred on the
7th.

an officer looks very blank when he hant it in his
power to ask his officers to eat with hirn at times —
I understand some linnen is coming on for the
officers, if so, would be glad to get some. I come
off from home bare of them thinking to be supplied
at richmond but could not get a yard, if I can get
any my old friend Col°. Rosekranz * will be kind
enough to take charge of it for me and have it
brought on his baggage.

I have the Honor to be

With High esteem

Your obed 1 . servt.

Dan Morgan.

GENERAL W. SMALLWOOD | TO MORGAN.
Camp New Providence, 3 1 ? November, 1780.
Dear Sir:

Having understood that the disaffected Inhabi-
tants in the settlements of Lynch Creek, and Wax-
haw, since the retreat of the British from Charlotte,
have meditated the removal of their property to
Camden, I was induced to order Colo. Davie with
a detachment down into that quarter, to intercept
all such property, which he might apprehend was

* Probably Captain Jacobus Rosekrans of the 5* N. Y. Regt.

fSmallwood had come to the Southern Department with
Gates, and about a month after the battle of Camden was pro-
moted to Major General.

about to be removed, and to draw what supplies of
forage, and Provisions, could otherwise be procured,
exclusive of the stock necessary for consumption of
the remaining Inhabitants.

I have this day received intelligence that a party,
of four hundred British & Tories, * have advanced
up to the Hanging Rock, to cover the disaffected
who are actually removing not only their own ef-
fects, but the property of such Whigs as they fall
in with, and apprehending the detachment under
Col? Davie will be annoyed in the Execution of
their Duty, — You will therefore proceed down with
the Cavalry, Light Infantry, and Rifle men below
the Range of his duty, to cover them in the dis-
charge thereof. — March with all imaginable secrecy
and dispatch, and if possible give the enemy a
stroke at the Hanging Rock, should they still be
there, and no powerful reasons against it.

* On receiving intelligence that Lord Cornwallis had occupied
Charlotte, Gates detached Smallwood to the Yadkin, with di-
rections to post himself at the ford of the river, and to take
command of all the troops in that quarter of the country. The
more effectually to harass the enemy, a light corps was selected
from the army and placed under the command of Morgan, now
a Brigadier General.

"Smallwood having received information that a body of
royal militia had entered the country in which he foraged, for
the purpose of intercepting his wagons, detached Morgan and
Washington against them. Intelligence of Morgan's approach
being received, the party retreated." Marshall's Washington,
Vol. i, p. 398 et seq (2d Edition).

In accomplishing your views should it be neces-
sary you will call to your aid any part of Davie's
detachment, but otherwise, I would not wish their
duty to be obstructed —

It will be unnecessary to caution you to guard
against a surprise, and to restrain the soldiery from
distressing such of the Inhabitants as may merit
your attention. Your own Judgment and vigilance
in the first instance, and your Humanity and dis-
cretion in the latter, will govern —

It is not improbable but you may fall in with
part of our Tents, Waggons, and Baggage plund-
ered by the Tories after General Gates's defeat.
Whatever you fall in with under that description
secure and forward to camp —

You will give me the earliest, and frequent In-
telligence of your transactions, and as speedy as
possible, accomplishing the views comprized in
your Instructions, return to camp — distribute the
orders prohibiting plundering, copies of which are
Enclosed and it may not be amiss to give assur-
ances of Lenity to such Tories, who may return
and submit to the mercy of their country, intimat-
ing that proclamations to that purpose will be is-
sued. — Wishing you success and a pleasant tour,
I am, with sincere —

Your obdt. Humble servt.

W. Smallwood.

b. bruin to morgan.

Guilford Court House, Nov. 1780.
Dear General:

I write to you, but with pain having no informa-
tion but what must displease you. The Bearer of
your Letters was severely beaten, and your letters
examined at Taylors Tavern, within twelve miles
of Salisbury by one Penny an impertinent Fellow
in that neighborhood — I did not learn this, before
I reached Salisbury or I should have attempted to
secure him — A Gentleman immediately from Phila-
delphia assures me, that General Lincoln is ex-
changed for Phillips * and will shortly resume his
command in the South. — A major (his name he does
not recollect) is now on his way to recall General
Gates, f but purposely delays the business, with a
view, to let the old General retrieve his character
by some fortunate adventure. — This circumstance,

* General Lincoln, who had been taken prisoner in March,
when Charleston fell into the hands of the British, was ex-
changed in November and took part in the campaign.

fOn Nov. 13 Gates wrote to Morgan: " I hear by report that
I am to be recalled, and that Greene is to succeed to the com-
mand of the Southern department. But of this I have not the
smallest intimation from Congress, which, I conceive, would
have been the case, had the business been finally settled. I
think exactly as you do in regard to the command, and am im-
patient for the arrival of General Greene." A few days after-
wards the resolution of Congress superceding Gates arrived, and
was followed by the new Commander himself. — Graham's Mor-
gan.

from the opinion you have conceived of his Suc-
cessor, * will I am afraid render your Command less
agreeable, than it otherwise would have been. If
it would not be troublesome, I should be happy to
maintian a regular correspondence with you, and if
you please, it shall be a confidential one. — Assure
Howard & Brooks of my Esteem, and that I will
shortly write to them — and make my compliments
to every officer under your command.

Yours affectionately

Bry n . Bruin.

SMAUWOOD TO MORGAN.

Camp, &h November, 1780.
Dear Sir:

I have just rec? advice from Gen 1 . Sumter, that a
favourable opportunity of effecting something to our
advantage offers on the other side the Catawba; you
will therefore view the expediency of dispatching
your tour below as soon as possible that we may
avail ourselves. We have had no news since

* The relations between Morgan and Gates were confidential,
but there is nothing beyond the allusion in this letter to show
that Morgan entertained any but favorable opinions of Greene.
If he suspected him of incapacity before he took command of
the Southern Department, he certainly changed his opinion of
him before the campaign was over. See Graham's Morgan and
also T. B. Myers' account of the Battle of Cowpens, containing
original letters of Greene and Morgan, printed in the Charleston
News and Courier in 1881.

you left us, neither of the British in Virginia nor
of Gen 1 . Gates's coming on or forwarding the Con-
tinental Troops. I expect the Augusta Rifle men
here to-morrow, one Hundred and Six in number,
these I shall detain here unless you should require
them below, as I imagine their service with you at
this time will not be wanting —

I am with Sincere regard

Your obd. Hble Serv^

W. Smallwood.

P. S. The Enemy are still in Winsborough,
Sumter informs me are likely to remain there for
some time — and continue to make detachments
some distance from their camp — after Provisions
& Plunder.

General Morgan.

SMALLWOOD TO MORGAN.

Camp N. Providence, i^ Nov. 1780.
Dear Sir:

I have just rec4 an intimation to be depended on
that Tarleton's Legion to the amount of five hun-
dred Cavalry and Infantry mounted, was three
days ago at the ferry opposite Camden;* this hint

* "The light troops, however, on their arrival at Camden,
found no reason to expect an attack from General Morgan, and
Lieutenant Colonel Tarleton thought the opportunity favorable
to commence an expedition against Marion." Tarleton's
Campaigns, p. 171.

I think necessary to give, to guard you against a
surprise, or any excursion they may have in view
to attack you in a divided state, or intercept any' of
your parties — you will therefore avail yourself of
the Hint, and keep a watchful eye on their motions,
should they approach upward
I am

with great regard

your ob Hie servt

W. Smallwood.
N. B. (This information comes from Genl

Sumpter) Since writing the above I have it

from good authority that Tarleton had crossed to
Camden and had moved from there before Day.
On Sunday morning, he gave out he was going up
the Hanging Rock road, but I rather think he took
the road to the High Hills of Santee against
Marion, otherwise you must have fallen in with
him; he is Four Hundred Strong. I would there-
fore recommend that you move up & draw your
and the principal part of Davies force to a point,
covering such detachments as it may be necessary
to make; by this means you will be more than suf-
ficient to cope with him should be approach up-
wards. I shall send a detachment down to join
you in the morning, and could wish our force would
admit of a strong one. Give me the earliest inti-
mation of occurrences, and your opinion of moving
a larger force to you. I am persuaded you will be

vigilant and cautious and then you will have noth-
ing to dread. Adieu.
Genl. Morgan.

GENL. GATES TO MORGAN. *

Charlotte;, 28th November, 1780.
Dear Sir:

If General Small-wood, General Davidson, and
Colonel Washington, are in opinion with you, it. is
a proper time to make an excursion to the Wax-
haws ; I have no Objection to that measure taking
place immediately : but if Lord Cornwallis has
join'd his whole force at Camden — I think it wise
in us to do the same here.
I am

Your affectionate

humble Servant

Horatio Gates.
Brig. Gen 1 . Morgan.

GATES TO MORGAN.

Coi,. Smiths, 15 June, i78i.f
Dear General :

This morning I was acquainted in Winchester

* This was one of the last of Gates' orders. Four days later
Greene took command at Charlotte.

t Gates no longer held any military command. He was not
restored to his rank until 1783, after all fighting was over.

that you had an Express last Night by the Bearer,
Cap"? Reid of State Cavalry, arrived last Night from
Staunton. He reports that Baron Steuben had sud-
denly retreated from the Forks of James River, to
Hallifax Court House, on the Back of North Caro-
lina, and that a Quantity of cloathing, & other
stores, had been destroyed by the enemy at the
forks, which, the Baron had not removed : I sup-
pose, from want of the means. Cap n . Reid futher
says, that General Nelson is appointed Governor,
in the room of Governor Jefferson — Cap" Reid
further declares, that the Marquis & Lord Corn-
wallis are only 25 miles asunder, &, that an action
between them was daily expected ! I confess my-
self very Anxious for the success of our Army, as
the Defeat of the Marquis must at this critical
moment be attended with very serious consequences.
I wish I could communicate my thoughts upon the
present position of affairs to you this evening as I
must return home to-morrow morning early ! — per-
haps you may be inclined to return here with the
Bearer — My best respects wait upon Mrs. Morgan
& the Young L,adies.

With much regard I am

Your affectionate

Humble servant

Horatio Gates.

STEUBEN TO MORGAN.*

Near Chari.ottesviu.e, July. 16, 1781.
Sir:

Col White has just handed me your letter of the
1 a'. 11 Inst.

You must certainly Sir have misunderstood the
Marquis, as he knows that I am here for the recov-
ery of my Health & not for the purpose of equip-
ping the Cavalry. Major Call has the superinten-
dence of that business & to him I have refer'd Col
White

I am Sir

Your very hum
Servt

Steuben

Maj. Genl.

*The Battle of the Cowpens had been won Jany. 17th, and
after taking his troops to Guilford Court House, Morgan was
obliged|from bad health to retire from the field. Early in Feb-
ruary he went to Fredericksburg, and reached his home in
March in great suffering. In May he had recovered sufficiently
for active duty, and the Virginia House of Delegates, June 2,
1781, called for his assistance, "to take the command of such
Volunteers, Militia, or others, as he may be able speedily to
Embody, and march to join the army of the Honorable Major
General Marquis de Lafayette." He immediately took meas-
ures to raise a large force of militia, but his success, at first,
was not encouraging. (Graham's Morgan.) His application
to Baron Steuben was ill-timed, as Steuben had retired to a
friend's country place near Charlottesville, sick and disgusted,
and did not take an active part in the campaign until Septem-
ber. (See Kapp's Life of Steuben.')

LAFAYETTE TO MORGAN.

Malvern Hw, 21st July, 1781.*
My dear Sir:

I am very sorry my letter to you Has Been so
much 'delayed — not that any inconvenience Has
attended this neglect; But Because I fear future
ones which may Be very Hurtful to the Service —
However my letters Had been put into the Gover-
nor's Hands who promised it should Be sent on
immediately.

General Wayne will, no doubt, communicate to
you a Letter from me — if His position affords Re-
freshment, subsistence and security He Had Better
Remain there and you with Him — Two or three
days will determine what the enemy intend to do,
and the distribution of their forces must of course
decide what will Become of ours.

In every case you will shortly Rejoin this Army,
and I wish you may find on your arrival fhe ex-
pected Reinforcement — it will I think Be well to
send them some orders to Hurry their march to
camp.

Should you not find any position where you
might fight to advantage the Mounted part of the
British Army, or should you fear to Be unac-
quainted with their movements, it would of course

*A few days before this Lafayette had put Morgan in com-
mand of all the light troops and cavalry.

Be more prudent to Be on this Side — But in the
other cases, independant of my aversion to Useless
fatigues I am glad to keep the enemy in suspense
and should they move up in consequence of our
divided state it will Retard their preparations for
the Relief of New York.

With the most Sincere Regard and affection

IyAFAYETTE
M. G.

LAFAYETTE TO MORGAN.

Mai,vern Him,, 2i?'. July 1781.
£>K Sir:

I had made out instructions for an officer (which
I inclose you) to proceed to the British prisoners,
when I received an account of Tarleton's return.
As sending them to James Town by the route you
proposed is now unnecessary you will give orders
for them to cross at the Point of fork, and to pro-
ceed by slow and easy marches. Our prisoners
have not arrived for whom these are to be ex-
changed.

I am B 1 . Sir

Your ob S

Lafayette.
Brig. Gen. Morgan.

i8
GOVERNOR NELSON* TO

Camp before York, 16th Oct' 1781.
Sir:

I received your Letter yesterday and am sorry
that Major Massie purchased that Horse for General
Morgan, because I know he will not suit him. He
was once mine. I found him vicious, dull, and
that he would stumble, so much as to make it dan-
gerous to ride him; in short, that he had almost
every bad quality and not a good one.f If General
Morgan chooses to keep him, He must be paid for,
but the orders cannot be sent at present.
I am Sir

Your obed servt

Thos. Nelson Jr.

BENJ. HARRISON % TO MORGAN.

11 Dec' , 1781.
Sir:

Your letter § to Col? Joseph Holmes of the 25?*

* Thomas Nelson , Jr. , had been elected Governor of Virginia
June 12, to succeed Thomas Jefferson.

f General Morgan was over six feet high and weighed more
than two hundred pounds. General Nelson's solicitude was,
therefore, well founded.

% Harrison was at this time Speaker of the Virginia House of
Burgesses. He was elected Governor in 1752. •

\ After the surrender of Cornwallis at Yorktown, "a large
proportion of the prisoners surrendered on that occasion were
marched to Winchester, and guarded by a body of Militia, were

ult. was by him sent to the executive. It gives me
the greatest concern to hear that the People in your
part of the Country should refuse to part with their
provisions for the purpose of feeding the Guard and
prisoners; I hope before this reaches you the neces-
sity for our impress of those articles will cease,
as the continental and State Commissaries have
enterd into an agreement by which I expect the
former will be enabled to pay for what may be
wanted till he can receive orders on ,that subject
from Philadelphia, to which place application has
been made for a supply of money; but should none
arrive, and the agreement made by the commis-
saries fail, recourse must be had to impress till the
first day of January next and no longer, and I must
beg the favor of you to use your influence and as-
sistance on the occasions ; whatever may be fur-
nish' d till that time this State will make good as
soon as possible.

The escape of such numbers of the prisoners is
really-a matter of moment, and ought to be strictly
inquired into and the negligent punished in the

confined in the barracks near that place, under the direction of
Col. Wood, the commissary of prisoners in that section of the
country. The untoward consequences which followed the ar-
rival of these prisoners in Frederick, were the subject of a num-
ber of letters from Morgan to Washington, Governor Harrison,.
Colonels Wood and Smith, and others in authority." Graham's
Morgan, p. 400. Morgan was then at his home, "Saratoga"
near Winchester, recovering from another attack of illness.

severest manner, will you be so kind as to look
into the matter, and so far as is in your power
remedy the evil. It will give you some trouble, but
I rest assured that will not deter you when you
reflect the very great service you will render your
country by giving your assistance on the present
occasion; I do not mean to press this business on
you for any length of time, but will relieve you as
soon as possible. As to the riotous officers I dare
say you will know how to deal with them, and beg
you to act accordingly.

I am with great respect and esteem

Your most obedient and most
Humble servant

Benj. Harrison.

BENJ. HARRISON TO MORGAN.

Richmond, Deer. 31, 1781.
Sir:

Your favor of the ii 1 ? instant came to hand only
two days ago ; I thank you for your care of the
Prisoners of war ; and for the measures you have
taken to prevent their escaping. That you should
not be too much troubled on the occasion, Cap*
Holmes was appointed to take charge - of them, and
a letter written to you by him which I suppose has
been long since deliver' d. I have hopes from the
last informations from Congress that before this

reaches you the greater part of these people will be
removed out of the State, and that the few which
will be left will be furnished by contract, made in
Philadelphia. — You will see by the enclosed procla-
mation that all officers civil and military are
order' d to assist in taking up and securing strag-
gling prisoners of war. I hope it will have a good
effect as I am determined to punish any person that
I can prove has neglected to do his dnty. I am
Your most obedient Humble
Servant

Benj. Harrison.

BRNJ. HARRISON* TO MORGAN.

Rich? , Feby 23d , 1782.
Sir:

I am really sorry it is not in my power to comply
with your just demands against the country, if it
was, you may rest assured the money should be
paid, but there is not forty shillings in the Treas-
ury, nor has not been above ten pounds in it, since
I have been in the Government, as soon as it is in
Cash, which will not be in less than four or five
months, you shall be most certainly paid.

The subject of Claypoolf has been already under

* He was now Governor of the State.

t In the Spring of 1781, "a party of tories, residing on I^ost
River ; in the then county of Hampshire (now Hardy), had col-

the consideration of the Executive ; they have de-
termin'd that he be bro't down, and I see no reason
for an alteration of his term, everything that you.
urge in his favor having been said before by Rev.
Hogg ; the weather is so bad that I cant get a coun-
cil to-day, when I have one I will again lay the
matter before them, and if they should be of opin-
ion that he should be pardon'd I will forward one
to you, if you do not receive it very shortly, you
may conclude that it will not be granted, and the
law must take its course. I do, and ever shall, pay
great respect to your recommendations, but in the
present case I see so much due to government, that
I can not help saying, that clemency in the present
instance, at least at this stage of the business, will

lected together and raised the British standard. John Claypool,
a Scotchman by birth, and his two sons, were at the head of the
insurgents.* * * * Claypool had succeeded in drawing over to
his party a considerable majority of the people on Lost River,
and a number of those on the South Fork of the Wappatomica.
* * * * The tories began to organize, they appointed officers, and
made John Claypool their colonel, with the intention of march-
ing off in a body to join Cornwallis, in the event of his march-
ing into the valley, or near it. ' ' General Morgan assumed com-
mand of a force raised against these Tories, captured Claypool
and dispersed his adherents. Claypool afterwards expressed
great contrition for his conduct and on Feb'y 5, 1782, wrote
begging Morgan's interposition in his behalf. — Graham's Mor-
gan, p. 378 et seq.

show a want of fortitude in the Governor, and be
injurious to the State.
I am,
Sir
Your most oW Hble servt

Benj Harrison.

DAVID JAMESON TO MORGAN.

In Circuit, February 27**, 1782.
Sir:

Claypool having been examined in the county
and ordered for Trial at the General court, the Ex-
ecutive have no Right to interfere. Should he be
condemned your recommendation of him will have
its proper weight in obtaining his pardon.

We are very sorry to inform you there is not a
shilling in the Treasury, nor is it probable there
will be, till the Taxes are collected under the Rev-
enue act passed last Session of Assembly. M T .
Beale presented an Account for clothing &c, fur-
nished some volunteers, and was then told it must
be laid before the Assembly. The. Executive have
in no instance furnished either Clothing for Volun-
teers or equipments for the Horses — except caps,
Swords and Pistols on I/oan.

Mr. Campbells account is returned, if the Court

2 4

of claims for the County will not admit it, he must
apply to the auditors.
I am Sir

Your most obedient humble servant

David Jameson.
Genl. Morgan.

B. LINCOLN* TO MORGAN.

War Oeeice, Sept ^th, 1782.
Sir:

I have been honored with your favor of the 17 th
instant.

I am very sorry that it is not in my power to
forward you the medal ordered by Congress f —

*He was then Secretary of War.

f Congress had ordered a gold medal struck for Morgan in
appreciation of his conduct at the battle of the Cowpens, but he
did not receive it until 1790. It -was transmitted to him by
Washington, as the following letter shows :

"New York, March 25th, 1790.
"Sir: You will receive with'this a medal, struck by order of
the late Congress, in commemoration of your much approved
conduct in the battle of .the Cowpens, and presented to you as a
mark of the high sense which your country entertains of your
services on that occasion.

"This medal was put into my hands by Mr. Jefferson, and it
is with singular pleasure that I now transmit it to you.
"I am, sir, &c,

" George Washington.
"Gen. Morgan."

— Graham's Morgan, p. 414.

such are the pressing demands on the finances to
feed the army that little money can be supplied for
any other purpose. The moment the money can be
had I will cause it to be made and forwarded. I
am with real esteem regard

Your ob sv*

B. Lincoln,
Gen 1 . Morgan.

TH . JEFFERSON TO MORGAN NEVILLE, ESQR. *

MONTICEIAO, Dec. 18, 19.
Sir :

On receipt of your letter of the 19^ I turned to
my papers respecting the medals given by Con-
gress to certain officers. They charged their min-
ister of finance with procuring them, and he put
the execution into the hands of Col? Humphreys
when he went to Paris as Secretary of legation, but
he returned before much progress was made, left
the completion with me. I had them compleated
and when I returned from France in 1789 I
brought two compleat sets, and delivered them to
General Washington, the one in silver for himself,

* General Morgan's eldest daughter married General Presley-
Neville, of the Revolutionary army. This letter is to their son.
To General Presley Neville the reader will find further allusion
in the letters of Gen. La Fayette, and he played an important
part in the " Whiskey Insurrection."

the others in gold or silver as voted by Congress was
for the officers and delivered to G 1 . Washington
to be presented. That to G 1 . Morgan was of gold —
each die cost 2400? and the gold for the medal was
400? , as an additional charge. Congress had di-
rected copies in silver to be presented to the differ-
ent sovereigns of Europe and to the Universities
of that quarter of our own, this part of the bui-
ness being unfinished and left with Mr. Short and
finally I believe dropt. The dies were directed to
be deposited in the office of Mr. Grand, banker of
the U. S. and I think they were afterwards directed
to be sent here and deposited in the treasury office:
but of this I ain not sure; if they are not in our
Treasury they ought still to be in the office of Mr.
Grand. The dies were considered as the property
of the U. S., and if not sent here, can, I imagine,
be found by our minister at Paris, altho' Mr. Grand
be dead long since. A Mr. Gautier succeeded in
his house, but retired long since to Geneva, is still
living as far as I know, and can give information
on the subject ; perhaps Mr. Short of Philad' can
also give some information. This is the sum of
my knowledge of the matter, which is tendered
with the assurance of my respect.

Th. Jefferson.
Mr. Neville.

CHARLES MAGIU, TO MORGAN.

i3 t ? 1 J un e 1796.
Dear General:

When I last had the pleasure of seeing you at
Saratoga you kindly observed that when you re-
turn' d from Alex? (to which place you shortly
meditated a visit) you would adjust the balance of
Glassels claim against you as security for Lewis &
a small pecuniary matter between us. At that
time I did not foresee a circumstance that has lately
turn'd up to wit the purchase by M. Norton of M.
P. Murrays land from that gentleman & as M.
N. & myself have some amounts to adjust that
authorizes a requisition for some money from me
I hope you will excuse me for requesting that
you will direct any of your correspondents in
Alex? to pay to M^ Murray or order Ten Guineas
which I can safely assure you is within the amount
of the claims above referr'd to.

Your obed^ Serv.

Chas Magill.

Gen 1 . Morgan.

MORGAN TO ALEXANDER HAMILTON. *

(NO DATE, BUT EVIDENTLY 1 799.)
Dear Gen 1 ,

I have rec? yours should have answered it sooner
but am laboring under a severe Illness, which hath
afflicted me some time —

I inclose you an arrangement to assist you in
your recruiting Instructions, agreable to your re-
quest —

The state of Virg? is laid off into four divisions
of Militia by law, I have regulated the principal
districts by them, and the subdistricts and. Rendez-
vouses according to my Ideas of the business in
one division or district having the smallest Popu-
lation ; you will observe only four subdistricts, in
another, the largest, six —

I am DT Sir with Sentiments of real friendship
& Esteem

Y T . OW & humble SeT b

Daniel Morgan.

Major General Alexander Hamilton.

* Morgan had been elected to Congress in 1797, and, after re-
tiring in ill health, was named in connection with a command,
m the event of a war with France, which then seemed more
than probable. Under date of May 10, 1799, Washington had
consulted him in reference to the military measures to be fol-
lowed in Virginia. It was in connection with these matters
that the letter to Hamilton was written.

COLONEL JOHN FRANCIS MERCER.

LIEUT. COL. JOHN F. MERCER TO COL. SIMMS.*
To Colo. Simms:

As you have repeated your request to be fur-
nished by me with some military details of the
campaign of 1781, in Virginia, I have hastily
thrown together what I can now recollect, in doing
which the circumstances which relate personally
to myself have been furnish'd, principally because

* The date of the letter is not found on the MS., but from the
fact that an allusion is made to "President" Madison, and that
Mercer died in 1821, it is fair to presume that it was written
between 1809 and 1817, during the closing years of Mercer's
life.

John Francis Mercer was born in Stafford Co., Va., May 17,
1759, and died in Philadelphia Aug. 30, 1821. He entered the
3d Virginia Regt. in 1776. His subsequent military career is
stated in his narrative. After the surrender at Yorktown he
returned to the study of the law, and was from 1782 to 1785 a
delegate in Congress. In 1785 he married Sophie, daughter of
Richard Sprigg, of West River, Md., and moved soon afterwards
to Cedar Creek, Md., his wife's estate, where he resided from
that time. He was a delegate to the convention that formed
the Constitution of the United States, but disapproved of the
plan that was adopted, and refused to sign the document. He
was subsequently a member of the legislature and governor of
Maryland. He was an anti-federalist in politics, a friend and
follower of Thomas Jefferson.

(29)

3°

they have been requested, & also because on some
occasions many of them have been misrepresented.
I have felt a delicacy when I have differ' d from the
relations both of Judge Marshall* & Gen'l Tarler
ton f of the affairs at Green Spring & before Glou-
cester, but the only proper object of this relation
is to exhibit with truth the impressions of the
writer.

You ask me what rank I bore, & how, & when
I quitted the continental army? I became a cap-
tain in the third reg't of the Virginia line from
the battle of Brandywine, my commission bearing
date from that day. In March 1778 I was ap-
point' d in gen'l orders at Valley Forge Aid de camp
to Maj. Gen'l I^ee & in that capacity serv'd at the
action at Monmouth courthouse, & afterwards gave
my evidence on his trial, which will be found en-
tirely exculpatory of his conduct in that much
misunderstood & misrepresented affair. | After the
sentence of the Court Marshal, suspending Gen'l
Lee from all command for one twelve month, was
confirm' d by Congress, I determined to quit the
army & study law, & in the fall of 1779 I fix'd my-
self for this purpose at Williamsburg under the

* Marshall's Life of Washington.

■\A History of the Campaigns of 1780 and 1781 in the South-
ern Provinces of North America. By Lieut. Colonel Tarleton.

\Trial of Major General Charles Lee, p. 116.

auspices & direction of Mr. Jefferson, then lately
appointed Gov*r of Virginia.

At this time the important supplies which Vir-
ginia still continued to furnish the armies of the
North & South had attracted the serious attention
of the enemy & it was conceived that she was pe-
culiarly vulnerable at home, from the many large
navigable rivers, rendering the heart of the coun-
try at all times easily accessible to a small invading
force, who wou'd risque but little whilst they
could command the waters. In conformity with
this view Gen'ls Matthews & Leslie had success-
ively landed at Portsmouth in the fall of 1780 &
the Legislature of the State were so fully appriz'd
of the designs of the enemy, that they had vested
ample powers in the executive to provide for its
defence, during their recess. Among the earliest
measures adopted by the Executive & which con-
tinued afterwards during subsequent invasions, be-
came one of the principal causes of repelling the
enemy & ultimately deciding the war by the cat-
astrophe at Yorktown, was placing the Militia
when call'd into service under the direction of Con-
tinental officers, who had been long in service
many of whom were retir'd, having resigned or
become derang'd under an act of Congress, made
in consequence of the reduced number of privates
in the several corps. In conformity to this plan
Gen'l Robert Lawson who had commanded the

fourth Virg'a reg't in the northern army & who
afterwards serv'd with great distinction, as a Brig.
Gen. of Militia at the battle of Guilford courthouse
in North Carolina, on the first intelligence of the
invasion by Leslie received authority by direction
from the Executives at Richmond (to which place
the seat of Government had been remov'd in the
spring of 1780) to raise a legionary corps, to be
compos' d of two reg't of foot, & 1 of horse, to be
form'd of volunteer militia, & to be commanded
by Officers of his own selection & appointment;
who were empower' d to recruit from all corps of
Militia that were draughted into service. It was
in virtue of this authority that I received my first
appointment of Lieut. Col. from Genl. Lawson,
dated the twenty fourth of October, in one of the
reg't of foot, of which the command was given to
Col. James Monroe in a similar manner, & pro-
ceeding immediately to collect & organize the
corps in the vicinity of Richmond, we were enabled
in 7 days to cross James River at Westover on the
first of Novr. with about 300 officers & privates &
on the 7th joined a corps of about 1600 men almost
wholly militia & commanded by Genl. Muhlen-
berg stationed at Everitts,* in front of Smith field.
Before any operations had been commenced, the
advanc'd post of the Enemy about 8 miles dis-

* Everitt's Mills.

tant from Everitts was called in, & about the 20th
Gen'l Leslie embark'd his troops & proceeded to
join Lord Cornwallis by water. The camp of
Gen'l Muhlenberg broke up & the legionary corps,
part of which particularly the horse under Col.
Bannister were rapidly organizing at Petersburg,
were perhaps too precipitately disbanded.

Early in the spring of 1781 Arnold invaded the
state & seiz'd on its defenceless capital, but retreat-
ing thence toward Portsmouth he plac'd himself in
such a situation that Gen'l Washington conceiv'd
it practicable by a rapid movement by light troops
from the army under his command, combined with
a cooperating French naval force, to capture the
body of the Enemy. The Marquis De La Fayette
was detach'd with 1200 light troops dispos'd in
3 battalions with (I believe) 6 pieces, but had
scarcely reach' d the waters of the Chesapeake
when the arrival of a reinforcement to Arnold
under Gen'l Philips render' d the object imprac-
ticable, & he was countermanded. At this crisis
however, the junction of Lord Cornwallis with
the corps of Arnold & Philips at Petersburg by
a rapid march thro' the interior of North Caro-
lina, indicated a combin'd movement of the enemy
against Virg'a on so extended a scale as to render
the assistance of a body of continental troops essen-
tial to the protection of that important & deserving
State. The Marquis was therefore again order' d

to proceed & the Pennsylvania line under Gen'l
Wayne which had lately mutinied & had been des-
tined to join the southern army after the mutiny
subsided, was directed to reinforce him in the first
instance. At the moment of the arrival of Lord
Cornwallis, died Gen'l Philips, & the delay occas-
ion' d by this circumstance had enabled the Mar-
quis to collect unmolested a considerable force of
militia on the north side of James river, who were
arranged into brigades under the command of con-
tinental officers, with three detach' d corps of about
250 men each of select marksmen plac'd under the
command of Maj. Call, Dick & Willis* of Virg'a;
the field officers of the militia who express' d dis-
content at having officers associated with & placed
over them, were permitted to go home, a permiss-
ion not acceptable to many of the men & the men
who cou'd not but have more confidence in officers
of experience, were in general pleased with the ar-
rangement.

The moment however that a combin'd force
cou'd operate against the Marquis, it was evident,
that a retreat on his part was unavoidable; the sep-
arate detachments of Arnold, Philips, & Lord Corn-
wallis when united consisted of not less than 8000
effective men, of which from 1000 to 1200 were
cavalry & mounted infantry. The whole force of

* Richard Call, Charles Dick and Francis Willis, Jr.

the Marquis did not exceed about 1000 effective
Cont'l Light Infantry, & about 3000 militia, at
this time commanded by Gen'l Nelson — combin'd
with these might be estimated at most about 20a'
Contl troops & newly rais'd 18 months men, &
from 6 to 7 hundred militia, then acting under the
orders of Baron Steuben, to protect the stores at.
the Point of fork. The militia in both these corps
were fluctuating; as the times of service of some-
expir'd, others arriv'd to take their places, but the
above may be fairly consider'd as a medium esti'-
mate of that force, previous to the retrograde
movement of the British army. Lord Cornwallis*
having cross'd James River below, moved rapidly
on the Marquis at Richmond. The Marquis aban-
don' d Richmond on his approach, cross'd the
Pamunkey & retreated thro' Hanover on the main
road to Fredericksburg. Lord Cornwallis pursued
him into Hanover county, crossing the Pamunkey
at Bottoms Bridge, & here his sudden halt sacrificed
ev'ry rational object of the campaign. Of these
there were two, but which an intelligent & diligent
officer wou'd necessarily have combin'd. The first
was the army of the Marquis, the destruction of
which (as it contained the only germ of defence)
might have prov'd fatal — by pressing on the right
flank of this corps he must have either overtaken
& destroyed it, or forc'd it below the falls of the
Rappahannock, & by that means involving it be-

tween the Patomack & Rappahannock, or the Rap-
pahannock & Mattapony it must have surrendered
or dispers'd. The practicability of this operation
must be evident to who ever reflects that he had
the command of from iooo to 1200 cavalry &
mounted infantry, a number superior to the whole
Cont'l force in the Marquis's army, & the main
bodies of the two Armies were not twenty miles
distant, when the halt was made at Bottom's bridge.
The Marquis at this time had not more than 50
Dragoons, the remnant of Armands corps, & 15 or
20 volunteer cavalry, under Capt. Page — these were
not only in number entirely inadequate to perform-
ing reconoitring duty, but were worn down with
incessant fatigue. It was therefore utterly impos-
sible for the Marquis to escape, if diligently watch'd
& harrass'd by so formidable a corps of horse.
This was plainly seen the day after the British
army cross' d the bridge, the Army of the Marquis
was compell'd to halt and stand to their arms by
the sudden appearance of Tarleton, who after this
unmeaning bravado, retir'd to the main body. It
was unnecessary for him to risque anything, the
Marquis dare not march in his presence & Thus
retarded, I^ord Cornwallis must necessarily have
brought him to action & the event cou'd not be
doubtful.* There was one other important object

*" At this period, the superiority of the [British] army, and
the great superiority of the light troops, -were such as to have

of the campaign, which might have been combin'd
with the destruction of the Marquis's corps, this
was the occupation of Fredericksburg & Falmouth
or rather the heights above the latter. The impor-
tance of this position had been well understood by
Gen. Philips, the ignorance of L,ord Cornwallis
might explain but not excuse his error. A manu-
factory of small arms had been established at Fred-
ericksburg at the commencement of the revolution,
& connected with similar & more extensive estab-
lishments at Hunters Forge above Falmouth on
the opposite side of the river, constituted the most
valuable manufactory of arms & military equip-
ments in the southern states — added to this, these
places were rich depots of Tobacco, & Fredericks-
burg at that time was the most flourishing town in
the State; but these were not the' most essential ob-
jects, as a position this was by far the most import-
ant in Virg'a, the wide navigable waters of the Pa-
tomack approach the Rappahannock here within
seven miles, beyond which there navigable for
frigates near 60 miles, on the flank & rear of the
position, to Alexandria & Georgetown — at Boyds
hole the station for a fleet of the largest ships is as

enabled the British to traverse the country without apprehen-
sion or difficulty, either to destroy stores and tobacco in the
neighborhood of the rivers, or to undertake more important
expeditions." Tarleton's Campaigns, p. 294.

safe & capacious as the harbours of Yorktown &
Portsmouth & would be completely cover'd by an
army posted on the hills above the falls, on the
north side of the Rappahannock, with which there
wou'd be an open safe water communication except
for about 6 or 7 miles constituting a pass so inter-
sected with hills & water courses as to be entirely
commanded by an army so posted. This position
then commanded the two towns of Fred'g & Fal-
mouth, the main road to the northern states, & the
communication with the lower counties, the large
and fertile peninsula, inclos'd between the Pa-
tomack & Rappahannock abounding in supplies
and inhabited by a numerous black population,
would be entirely at the mercy of the British army.
The larger & equally fertile Peninsula between the
Rappahannock & York, & its northern branch the
Mattapony from similar population wou'd be
almost as incapable of defence. From Fred'g to
Charlottesville is about 60 miles, the same as from
Richmond; to the northern passes in the Blue
Mountains still less. The army of Lord Cornwallis
therefore possess' d of this position, connected with
their naval force, brought into the Patomack &
with so large a body of cavalry that might be en-
creas'd in this country at will, would command &
threaten a great portion of the State, would discon-
nect the lower country from the back country &
the northern states & would cut off the southern

army from all supplies from the northern states &
even communication with the northern army, ex-
cept by the circuitous & almost impracticable rout
beyond the Blue mountains which \_MS. tont\
would in fine if it did not effect a conquest of, it
would infallibly paralize all the efforts of Virg'a.

With military men who had reflected on these
combinations there cou'd not remain a doubt but
that Lord Cornwallis, whether he succeeded in his
views against the Marquis or not, wou'd occupy
Frederick'g and Falmouth at least for a time.
Such certainly was my impression, & I resided there
in the beginning of May 1781, having commenced
the practice of the law there the winter before, on
the disbanding of L,awson's corps. At this junc-
ture Gen'l Weedon took the command of about 5
hundred militia, collected to cover this position &
as the towns of Fredericksburg & Falmouth are
commanded by the surrounding heights, he aban-
doned them withdrawing whatever might be an
object to the enemy & took an advantageous post
on the heights above Hunters works, in order to
protect them from the insult of an inferior detach-
ment. It was here that Gen'l Weedon communi-
cated to me a letter from the Marquis de la Fayette
stating his total want of & great distress for cavalry,
& conveying a request that I would exert myself
to raise a volunteer corps of horse. With the as-
sistance of Mr. Washington the present judge, then

a youth of twenty, Mr. L,udwell Lee, the Mr.
Brents, & other young gentlemen a corps was col-
lected, arm'd and march'd in less than a week.
At first it did not exceed 30, it gradually however
grew in numbers & reputation, but never exceeded
50 on duty at any one time; they furnish'd their
horses & arms themselves & paid their own ex-
pences until all their resourses were exhausted,
without recurring to the distressing modes which
the decline of paper money had render'd almost in-
dispensable & universal, requisition, impressment
& payment in certificates. This troop join'd the
Marquis in Hanover county, at the moment that
Col. Tarletou had made the demonstration before
related, whilst the American troops were drawn up
expecting an immediate attack; & were instru-
mental in ascertaining that the enemy iii view
were only a reconnoitring party. The moment
they dispearred the Marquis abandon' d the road to
Fred. & leaving that position to its fate, directed
his march thro' the upper part of Spotsylvania &
cross'd the head waters of Mattapony in the route to
Orange courthouse with the view of forming a
junction with Wayne & gaining the upper country
thro' which Wayne was then marching.

The delay at Bottoms bridge decided the fate of
this campaign. The destruction of the Marquis's
corps & the position at Frederick were relinquished
in favor of a Quixottic expedition against the

members of the legislature at Charlottesville,* who
with great facility mov'd their quarters & who had
they been taken eou'd only have prov'd an incum-
brance & another as trifling, which terminated in
the destruction of a few rusty musquits as the point
of fear. To favour these two operations the main
body of the British Army mov'd to their left into
Goochland county, & the Marquis de la Fayette
having effected a junction with Wayne, mov'd
rapidly across the country to James River, in order
to cover the stores at Albemarle court house & be-
ing now also reinforced by a considerable body of
Militia, he deem'd his force sufficient to watch the
movements of the enemy & to prevent their oper-
ations by detachments. Before this last move-
ment Gen. Nelson being elected Gov'r of Vir'a
left the army to qualify & to attend to other duties
of the office & did not join it again until it had
taken post at W'msburg some short time before
the siege of York. Early in June, Lord Corn-
wallis fell back upon Richmond, & the Marquis
de la Fayette fix'd his headquarters at Dandridge
about 20 miles above. The armies lay 8 or 10
days in these positions inactive, except that an at-
tempt was made by Col. Tarleton to strike at the
corps of Muhlenberg, but without success, after

* " . . .To distress the Americans, by breaking up the as-
sembly at Charlottesville." — Tarleton, p. 295. See Letters of
Joseph Jones, p. 82.

this the enemy evacuated Richmond & mov'd on
slowly to W'msberg by new Kent court house, his
rear protected by the legions of Tarleton &Simcoe.
The Marquis follow'd him cautiously at an inter-
val of from 20 to 30 miles & arriv'd at what was
called Mr. Frye's plantation (formerly Duncastle's
ordinary") 16 miles from Williamsburg on the main
road to Fred'g by Ruffins ferry, having plann'd &
executed an attack on Simcoe's corps which had not
yet entered Williamsburg. The command of this
enterprize was given to Col. Butler* assisted by the
Dragoons of Armand, under Maj. McPherson. I
was not present but I then collected from several
officers that were (some of whom were taken pris-
oners in that action,) that Col. Simcoe was com-
pletely surpriz'd at Hot Water near 7 miles above
W'msburgjf the rifle men of Call & Willis of Virg'a
made the attack & drove the Hessian Jagers upon
the Infantry of the legion, who being also fir'd on,
whilst they were forming, began to give way,
when a lieutenant Iyollar J of the horse of Simcoe,
at the head of not more than 50 dragoons, hastily
collected, made a well timed & furious charge first
on the Dragoons of Armand & having overturn'd

* Percival Butler, of Pennsylvania.

t The place is better known as Spencer's ordinary. I find no
other writer describing it as Hot Water.

J It was Captain Shank who commanded in this charge.

them, wounding and taking prisoners Lieut. Brife*
& some privates of that corps, charg'd thro' the
rifle men, who were at that time passing a lane in
pursuit. These fled precipitately & dispersed,
whilst the Continental infantry remained in order
at a distance & never fir'd a gun; they however
protected the retreat of the militia, which became
soon necessary, as L,ord Cornwallis arriv'd on the
ground within less than an hour after the fighting
began with his best troops — on his arrival at the
head of his line he was address'd by Col. Simcoe
with information at his success, but replied (as I
was inform' d by an officer who was then a prisoner
& heard the conversation) with the reproachful ob-
servation that no officer ever receiv'd a surprize.
Col. Simcoe had never been a favorite, he appears to
have declin'd in activity and health after this morti-
fying repulse, & he seem'd by no means recover' d,
when his legion surrender' d at Gloucester, f

From the time that my volunteer corps had
join'd the Marquis their activity & good conduct
had distinguish' d them in the army, where such
corps had before fallen into disrepute; the duty they

* Dr. Bgle gives a roster of Armand's legion, and in the sixth
corps the lieutenant was Augustin Briffault — the only name that
is at all like Brife.

fThis does not agree with Col. Tarleton's account. See
Tarleton's Campaigns, p 301 ; Clinton-Cornwallis Controversy,
II., 32 ; Simcoe, Jouitial, 235; tossing, Field Book, II., 258.

had perform'd wou'd have destroy'd the same
number of any regular troop; their youth, their
spirit & the honourable pride incident to their sta-
tion in life, encourag'd them to attempt anything,
and accustom'd to ride in the woods their fine
horses extricated them when surrounded by the
numerous adverse cavalry; they liv'd on the flanks
& rear of the enemy, and altho' few days pass'd
without some of them & often the whole corps be-
ing pursued by parties greatly superior in number,
yet they sustained no loss themselves, on the con-
trary the day Tarleton made the movement against
Muhlenberg, they proceeded to Richmond, alarm' d
the Pickett on Shockhoe hill, fell into Tarleton's
rear, carried off his Parolle & conducted them safe
thro' the woods to the American camp, altho' the
whole force of Tarleton was then in motion be-
tween. These were the only prisoners made by
any part of the army during the summer campaign
that I recollect, certainly they were the only horse-
men that were taken. The troops enter'd Rich-
mond as the enemy quitted it, & whilst the enemy
lay at W'msburg the Marquis having information
that Lord Cornwallis was on the eve of crossing the
James river, directed this corps to obtain the earli-
est intelligence of the movement; for this purpose
they made a circuitous march of twenty miles &
halted in a skirt of wood back of the Palace during
the night, & were at Iyord Cornwallis' s head

quarters (President Madison's at Wm. and Mary
college*) a very short time after he left them, & ap-
priz'd the Marquis of his movements & designs in
time for him to put his troops in motion that even-
ing. The American army halted that night about
8 or 10 miles from the enemy, & early in the morn-
ing of the 6th of July I rode up to Green Spring
house & was informed by a Black with a knap-
sack at his back standing at the door, that it was
the quarters of Col. Tarleton who (he said) was then
in a spring house a few yds. distant; during the
conversation myself & three or four young gentle-
men with me, found ourselves suddenly surrounded
in a decay'd yard formed of brick walls, but the
enemy by pushing to cut off our retreat enabled us
to escape in a contrary direction, & out riding them
in the wood I was enabled to regain my troop,
which I had placed in cover on the road. The
manner in which I had gain'd this intelligence
which was so abrupt as to admit of no deception,
& what I saw of the euemys force, satisfied me that
their main Body had not cross'd & was not cross-
ing, & I gave this as my decided opinion to the
Marquis at n o'clock, whilst advancing with his
troops. Previous to this he had dispatch' d two
Gent'e of my corps Mr. Washington & Mr. Lee
with his glasses to reconnoitre the ferry, & unaccus-
tomed to the appearance of armies, they were de-

*Rev. James Madison was then President of the college.

4 6

ceiv'd by the passage of the Queens Rangers & the
numerous followers of the army, into a persuasion
that the main body had crossed.

THE ACTION OF GREEN SPRING.

At one o'clock the Marquis & Gen'l Wayne with
their parties arrived at Green Spring house, which
now exhibited no appearance of an enemy, & re-
ceiving this, and other intelligence, the confidence
of Gen'l Wayne that we had only a covering party
in front prevailed, & it was determined to hazard
an action, in the attempt to cut them off. The
ground in front of the house at Green Spring was
most unfavorable for such an enterprize, a morass
& wood protected & cover' d the front of the enemy,
& presented no approach but by a causeway of con-
siderable extent forming part of the main road lead-
ing to the Church, which render'd even reconnoi-
tring with effect unsafe, unless protected by a strong
body of troops, & such a corps when beyond the
ravine were expos' d to eminent risque; a few scatter-
ing volunteers on horseback pass'd the causeway,
& were soon follow'd by about 300 riflemen, who
enter'd the wood at three o'clock with great caution.
At 4 the main body of the Continental troops took
up their line of march, the riflemen who had ad-
vanc'd were divided into two corps on the right &
left of the road of a hundred & fifty men each, to
protect the flanks. Maj. McPherson and the head

of Armand's horse led the column, I follow'd with
my troops, then at a considerable interval the Con-
tinental light infantry were followed by Gen'l
Wayne's brigade, the whole amounting to 2200
effective men, a force rather unequal to 8000, the
flower of the British army, posted with ev'ry ad-
vantage not now more that a mile in front. The
militia were directed to form as a reserve, back of
Green Spring house. The column had scarcely
advanced half a mile thro' an open wood, when
some scattering shot & retreating volunteers* an-
nounced the vicinity of the enemy. Maj. McPher-
son, who from the commencement, had form'd just
ideas of the relative situation of the two armies &
consequently no very favorable impression of our
present movements, appriz'd the Gen'l of our nigh
approach, but he immediately received an order
to take command of the 150 Riflemen on the left,
whilst I was ordered to direct the attack on the
right, with a similar number. — 400 yards on the
right of the road, where the column halted, I found
the Riflemen ad vane' d near the edge of the wood, &
firing at long shot on the sentinels of a Pickett
paraded before a small clapboard house; along
the front of the wood, & and to the left ran a ditch
& post & rail fence to this house; beyond this fence
was an open field in which the horse of Tarleton
were form'd, at the respectable distance of four or
five hundred yards; their left flank was protected

4 8

by a skirt of woods, in front of which/was forra'd a
Pickett of ioo or 150 men, beyond this on the
right of Tarleton, & across the main road & in
front of the church appeared, indistinctly, the
main body of the British army. I judged it neces-
sary to attack the Pickett at the house; to advance
into the field if the riflemen could be persuaded to
risque it, would have expos' d them to the horse,
& wou'd have left this Pickett in the flank and
rear. — By encouragement & example they were
gradually advanc'd obliquely to the left in the
ditch & cover' d from the house by the fence & the
Pickett was speedily driven with loss, & possession
gain'd of the house. To support them & regain the
house, the Pickett on the left of Tarleton advanc'd
with spirit, but they were unable to stand the
deadly fire of the Riflemen, and were driven back
with the loss of the officer who led them, who was
wounded & taken prisoner with several men; the
Riflemen embolden' d by this success, were with
difficulty restrain'd from advancing into the open
field against the horse & a number of them
crowded into the house & began to fire to the left
on the main body of the British army now plainly
discover'd, at the distance of about 300 yards. At
this moment my troops was sent to me; they be-
came consequently much exposed & cou'd be of no
possible use; however to encourage the Riflemen,
& give them confidence, I drew them up in a lane

49 '

which led towards the main road & the enemy, &
at the same time Maj. Gal van ad vane' d along the
main road with about 150 light infantry to the
front of the wood, form'd to the left of the horse &
began to fire at long shot on the enemy's army.
The British Gen'l & Staff immediately clear' d
their front & open'd 3 pieces of artillery on us, at
from three to four hundred yards. Almost at the
first discharge my horse received a cannon ball in
his body, which carried away my stirrups &bruis'd
my foot, several of the troop were dismounted, the
shot passing through the clapboard house alarming
the Riflemen within so much that they fled in-
stantly with great trepidation; by this time I had
mounted another horse, but it was impossible to
rally those who had fled or stop those advanced
into the field, who dispers'd in great confusion.
The whole front line of the enemy was now ad-
vancing with shouts. At this moment arriv'd
Cap't Savage with two pieces of artillery at the
clapboard house, & a Battalion of Cont. light in-
fantry under Maj. Willis of Connecticut. I had no
hesitation in advising Capt. Savage to withdraw his
artillery as fast as possible as nothing else cou'd pre-
vent their instant capture; he follow' d this advice
with reluctance & sav'd his pieces. Maj. Willis re-
tir'd by the right without firing a gun & without
any advice & Maj. Galvan after firing some rounds
with his 150 men on the British line, now formed &

advancing, was soon compell'd to retreat with pre-
cipitation. This advanced corps being entirely dis-
pers'd, the wounded in our possession were retaken
by the enemy. I fell back with a few of my troops
having order' d on the others to join a party who
acted as body guard to the Marquiss. At the dis-
tance of about 300 yards in the rear of where we had
been engaged, I found Gen'l. Wayne's Brigade
drawn up across the road & thro' the wood to the
right. I staid with them until they were defeated.
We had just begun to assume the stiff German tac-
tics, as the British acquir'd the good sense, from
experience in our woody country, to lay it aside.*
Gen'l Wayne's Brigade were drawn up in such close
order as to render it utterly impracticable to ad-
vance in line & preserve their order — the line was
necessarily broke by the trees as they pass'd the
wood. The British advanc'd in open order at arm's
length & aiming very low kept up a deadly fire.
In this situation Gen'l Wayne gave repeated orders
for the line to charge, but this operation was really
impossible from the manner in which they were
form'd & they cou'd not be push'd forward; not-
withstanding his own bravery & the ardor of an
admirable corps of field officers, who gave them the
best examples, the destruction amongst them was
very great, whilst the effect of their own fire, from

* A hit at Steuben who was very unpopular in Virginia.

the causes already explain'd, was I believe very
trifling, & I have always retain'd the opinion that
the enemy suffer' d more from the Riflemen on the
right & Galvan's corps, than from all the rest of the
Marquis' troops in this action. — In less than 30
minutes from the retreat of the advanc'd corps, the
rout was total and our flying & dispers'd soldiers
escap'd along the causeway & thro' the morass.
During the whole action the Marquis remain'd
with a few horse a small distance in the rear of
Wayne* — he did nothing and in fact in the situa-
tion things were, after the attempt to reinforce the
advanc'd corps, nothing cou'd be done, but to sub-
mit to a disgraceful defeat. Fortunately it termin-
ated better than cou'd have been expected, had the
British horse (who never made an effort during the
action, when the brigade of Wayne gave way)
charg'd down the road, & taken possession of
Green Spring, only defended by some frighten' d
militia, very few of the Continental troops cou'd
have escaped, the Marquis's army wou'd have
been broken & dispers'd, & Lord Cornwallis wou'd
have escap'd the catastrophe at York. As it was

*This is at variance with the printed accounts. Johnston
[The Yorktown Campaign and the Surrender of Cornwallis)
says Wayne's movement "was successful, though costly," and
that Ivafayette ' 'exposed himself at the front, when he saw that
Wayne had become engaged,'' pp. 65, 66. This is substantially
the same as Marshall's brief description — Marshall's Life of
Washington, Vol. 4, p. 400 et seq. (Edition of 1805.)

the troops collected that night a few miles beyond
Green Spring & the next day being not pursued,
& being join'd by an excellent corps of horse from
Baltimore commanded by Capt. More & having
preserv'd all their baggage, soon forgot the disaster
of this day. The British were therefore perfectly
right when they speak of defeating the militia in
the commencement of this action; they defeated
those I commanded, who being reinforced by the
corps of Galvan & Willis, the corps of volunteer
horse & two pieces of artillery made no doubt a
very formidable appearance, altho' none of them
did any mischief, except the Riflemen & Galvan's
& the latter not much. When our accounts speak
nothing of the engagement of the advanc'd militia
it only shews that such confusion reign' d that no
one had any just knowledge of this affair who has
yet describ'd it. Thus terminated one of the most
silly & misjudged affairs that took place during the
war. There was no good reason to think Lord
Cornwallis wou'd risque a covering party & indeed
it ought to have been known that James Island
where the action was fought affords ample protec-
tion to the rear of a crossing army. The Gen'ls
never had any good reason to believe the army had
crossed & they were furnish' d with proofs to the
contrary at ev'ry step; they had it in their power
to withdraw the corps they had risqued beyond the
causeway at any time before the artillery were ad-

vanc'd with Gal van & Willis; — afterwards it re-
quired all the bravery of Wayne & his corps &
above all, the misconduct of the enemy, to save the
whole from capture.* The next day the Marquis
thought proper to compliment my corps 'highly in
general orders, t which indeed they always de-
served, but on that day none of them were with me
till towards the close of the action of small arms, &
altho' afterward they were expos' d to great danger
they cou'd not possibly render any service. Many

*"The events of this day were particularly important, and
claimed more attention than they obtained. The Marquis de
la Payette had made a long march in very sultry weather, with
about fifteen hundred continentals and one thousand militia, to
strike at the rear of the British before they passed to James is-
land. Too great ardour, or false intelligence, which is most
probable, for it is the only instance of this officer committing
himself during a very difficult campaign, prompted him to cross
a morass to attack Earl Cornwallis, who routed him, took his
cannon, and must inevitably have destroyed his army, if night
had not intervened. His lordship might certainly have derived
more advantage from his victory. If the two battalions of light
infantry, the guards, and Colonel Yorke's brigade, who had all
been slightly engaged, or any other corps, and the cavalry, had
been detached, without knapsacks, before dawn of day, to pur-
sue the Americans, and push them to the utmost, the army of
the Marquis de la Fayette must have been annihilated. Such
an exploit would have been easy, fortunate, and glorious, and
would have prevented the combination which produced the fall
of Yorktown and Gloucester."— Tarleton's Campaigns, p. 355.

f'The zeal of Colonel Mercer's little corps is handsomely
expressed in the ntimber of horses he had killed." Lafayette's
General Orders of July 8th.

of the gentlemen of this corps being dismounted,
& all exhausted & finding that the armies were
about to operate on the south side of James River,
I obtain' d permission for the Corps to return to
their homes & I know nothing farther of the mili-
tary transactions of this campaign 'till the siege of
York & Gloucester, but believe they were alto-
gether unimportant & almost devoid of military
incidents,

SIEGE OF YORK & GLOUCESTER.

The combin'd American and French army under
Gen'l Washington & Count Rochambeau having
taken their position before York town, & the Count
de Grasse having taken his station at the mouth
of the river with his fleet, the army of Lord Corn-
wallis became completely invested on the south
side of the river. On the north side, the British
held the small town of Gloucester, defended by the
legions of Simcoe & Tarletou, cavalry & infantry,
a detachment of mounted British light infantry,
& the 8oth or Edinburgh volunteers, a very
strong reg't command by Col. Dundass, the whole
consisting of about 2200 effective troops, but to re-
strain the operation of this body of which a great
proportion were cavalry & who forag'd the country
in ev'ry direction, no effective American force had
been collected as late as the middle of Sept. A
few scattering: militia & mounted volunteers under

the comand of Col. John Taylor of Caroline &
who rarely ventured beyond Gloucester Court
House, left the lower part of that country very
much at the discretion of the British. Early in
Sept. Gen'l Weedou being about to take the com-
mand of the troops destined to act against Glouces-
ter, applied to me to accompany him, promising
me a command of select militia; I consented &
Gen'l Weedon reliev'd Col. Taylor, who return'd
home after a fatiguing & hazardous tour of duty;
Gen'l Weedon being soon reinforc'd by several
militia detachments from the Upper counties, took
post at Dixons mill about the middle of Sept. &
soon after Brigadier Gen'l Choisy, promoted during
the seige to the rank of Maj. Gen'l, join'd us with
the legion of the Duke de Lauzun, & on the 25th
he was farther reinforc'd by about 1000 marines
from the French fleet. Gen'l Choisy having now
the command of 1600 French regular troops &
about 2000 American militia, deem'd himself
strong enough to commence operations against the
enemy.

Agreeably to Gen'l Weedon' s order, I had selected
from the militia such old soldiers as I cou'd find,
who having retir'd from the army after the expira-
tion of their term of service, were now performing
their tours of duty with the militia as other citizens;
to these I added the most likely young men that
volunteer' d their services & such young gentlemen

as officers as appear'd most promising; personally I
was acquainted with none of them. Of such mater-
ials I collected a corps consisting of 200 rank & file
& a proportionate number of officers; without
much relation to size, as a distinction that appear'd
best calculated to create an esprit du corps, they
were termed the Grenadier reg't. After arming &
disciplining them in the best manner time & cir-
cumstances wou'd permit, they were attach'd to the
legion of Lauzun, the infantry of which did not ex-
ceed 350 men, fit for duty. Until this time I had
acted without any commission, but the court of my
native county of Stafford, probably being apprized
of the circumstances, recommended me to the Exe-
cutive, who forwarded me a commission as Lieut.
Col. of the militia of that county, but which was not
necessary to confer an authority that was never dis-
puted.

ACTION BEFORE GLOUCESTER.

Early on the morning of the 2nd of Oct. I was
order'd with my corps to join Lieut. Col. Count
Robert Dillon who with 150 of the Dragoons of
Lauzun was directed to gain the road that led to
Gloucester by York river & to move on towards
that Post: whilst Gen. Choisy & the Due de
Lauzun at the head of 150 Dragoons proceeded
down the Severn road in the same direction, fol-
low' d at a considerable interval by the French &
American infantry — the whole intended to take

up a position as near as practicable to the town of
Gloucester. The interval in which the Dragoons
mov'd in advance of the French infantry was soon
greatly increas'd, when it was found that the
legions of Tarleton & Simcoe were out foraging, &
by the anxiety of the French Gen'l & officers to
fall in with them. At 10 o'clock some scattering
fire was heard in front & and an order came to
Count Dillon to advance with his horse [MS. torn]
that the legions of Tarleton & Simcoe being over-
taken by Gen'l Choisy had halted & that as the
Gen'l had no infantry with him, he requested me
to hasten my march, by dismounting & setting an
example to the corps by running; we were not
much behind the horse & when we arriv'd within
about 3 or four miles of Gloucester, emerging from
the wood I found the two roads uniting in a lane
in front, of near a mile in extent, a fence on each
side enclosing a large open field, on the right &
left. On the right were two houses, the first of
which we approach'd became afterwards the quar-
ters of Gen'l Weedon, this was contiguous 1o the
lane; the second, at some distance from the lane,
became the quarters of Gen'l Choisy. This lane led
into an extensive open old field, where the fences
dividing to right & left at right angles, seperated
the fields on each side from the old field in front.
On the left, at the mouth of the lane commenced
a wood which running to the left of the main road

for more than a mile, terminated in a small acU
vanc'd redoubt, commanding the main road; to the
right of this redoubt facing Gloucester appear' d a
post & rail fence which running to the right, at
right angles with the road, enclos'd the old field in
the rear. In this old field the British horse ap-
pear' d to be form'd in line, ad vanc'd of the re-
doubt. The dragoons under Dillon passing the
lane join'd those under Gen'l Choisy & the Duke
at the mouth, — & immediately charg'd the right
of Tarleton's line, which broke & gave way, but
at the same time the French being receiv'd by
musqnetry from the post & rail fence in the rear of
the British horse, & from the wood in thejr right,
found it necessary to fall back — which they did
slowly with order & firmness under the fire of the
enemy until they found that my corps was just
emerging from the mouth of the lane, when the
fire of the musquetry being considerably advanc'd
in the wood on their right flank, they made a rapid
movement & fell behind my corps into the lane,
where they fac'd about & their officers ranged
themselves in front to receive the charge of the
British horse, now form'd again & advancing in a
line with their infantry in the wood.

My little corps of raw troops which did not ex-
ceed 160 Rank & file fit for duty, were at first some
what startled to find the French horse retreating so
rapidly by them in the open field expos'd to at

least 460 horse of the enemy & a body of Infantry
in the wood & their situation was evidently reu-
der'd more critical by having a very high fence in
their rear & the lane they advanc'd thro' block'd
up by the French horse. However they were im-
mediately order' d to deploy so as to push their left
flank into the wood, which they did with great eel-
erity & good order, & commenced firing, one half
on the cavalry on the right, & the other half on
the infantry advancing rapidly thro' this wood.
The horse of the enemy had approach'd within 250
yards & the infantry were not at more than 150
yards distance, when the firing began. No regular
troops cou'd behave with more zeal & alacrity than
this corps of Militia; their spirits had been rais'd
by running them up, and being hurried into action
without time to reflect on their danger, they dis-
covered as much gallantry & order as any regular
corps that I ever saw in action. Fortunately Tarle-
ton did not like the reception prepared for him &
at a critical moment sounded a retreat, when not
100 cartridges remain'd unexpended in the regi-
ment; the British troop left Lieut. Moir dead on
the field, within 10 paces of our line, & there ended
this action, which Col. Tarleton justly calls a
trifling affair, but when he says he only notices it
as having been so much misrepresented,* I can only

* No such statement appears in Tarleton's Campaigns.

say that he has not been more fortunate in his re-
lation than those (whoever they were) of whom
he complains. Thus when he says he found the
whole French & American Infantry advanc'd to the
edge of the wood* (if I recollect right, for I quote
from memory) it is a shameful misrepresentation;
there was not one French or American foot soldier
within 2 or perhaps three miles, except this corps
of 160 militia : the infantry of the legion of Lauzun
first arriv'd, with their field pieces, but they were
not on the ground till 30 minutes after the firing
ceased. From the fire this corps kept up, Col.
Tarleton no doubt concluded them much more
numerous than they were — but nothing cou'd ex-
cuse his not proving the fact, with his great super-
iority. That night I took possession of the. ad-
vanc'd redoubt on the main road, with 150 French
& 150 Americans; & the French & American
troops encamp' d in the fields on each side of the
lane. The siege continued a tiresome, uniterest-
ing blockade on the Gloucester side, without mili-
tary incidents, except that men were repeatedly &
uselessly sacrificed by the French Gen'l in idle re-
connoitring; the day before the surrender & when
the capitulation had been agreed on at York, Col.
Tarleton came out and dined with Gen'l Choisy;

* ' ' The French hussars retired behind their infantry and a
numerous militia who had arrived at the edge of the plain."
Tarleton's Campaigns, p. 378.

his object seemed to be to represent that his life
might be endangered if he surreuded to the militia,
& [MS. torn] was so accommodating as to order
that no infantry except that of the legion of Lauzun
& my corps shou'd be present at the surrender.
We march'd for that purpose 2 miles in front of the
camp, & after the arms were piled on the outside of
the breastworks, Col. Hugo of the legion & myself
took possession of a redoubt & thus ended the cam-
paign in Virginia of 1781.

A few days after Gen'l Washington in Gen'l
Orders noticed this action* of the 2d & returned

*"The General congratulates the Army upon the brilliant
success of the allied Troops near Gloucester. Pie requests the
Duke of Lauzun to accept his particular thanks for the judi-
cious disposition and the decisive vigour with which he charged
the enemy— and to communicate his warmest acknowledgments
to the Gallant officers and men by whom he was so admirably
seconded. He feels peculiar satisfaction at the inconsiderable
loss on our part, that no ill effects are to be apprehended from
the Honorable Wounds which have been received in this affair,
and that at so small an expence, the enemy amounting to six
hundred Horse and foot were completely repulsed and Recon-
ducted to their very lines.

"The corps of the allied Army were Duke de Dauzun's Le-
gion and the Militia Grenadiers of Mercer.

"The following is the list of our killed and wounded, and as
far as can be gathered ;of the Enemies — the Duke de Lauzun's
Legion had three Hussars Killed— Captains Billy Dillon and
Dutester with eleven Hussars Wounded (the officers very
slightly) — three horses killed and four wounded.

"The enemy's loss in killed and wounded exceeds fifty, in-

his thanks to the legion of L,auzun & the Grena-
diers of Mercer for their conduct; these terms did
not satisfy some of my friends on the Gloucester
side, particularly Col. Innes who was next in com-
mand to Geu'l Weedon & who found however on
enquiry that the gen'l orders in that report were
but a transcript of the report of General Choisy.

eluding the commanding officer of the Infantry killed, and
Colonel Tarlton badly wounded." — From Washington's Gen-
eral Orders, Thursday, October 4, 1781. State Dept. MSS.

GENERAL LAFAYETTE.

LAFAYETTE TO GEORGE AUGUSTINE WASHINGTON. *

On boaud the Aiaiance,

December 22d, 1781.

I could not think of going, my dear George, Be-
fore I send you this last assurance of my sincere af-
fection — My Best wishes attend you, whatever you
may Be doing during the winter — I anticipate the
pleasure to see you again with me, and Hope the
family will be Reunited in the campaign — Be so
kind, my dear Washington, to forward the inclosed
letters, and to send them by some good oppor-
tunity. You will greatly oblige me, my dear friend,
to give [me] copies of my letters to the General, as
you know I never kept any, and when I grow old
I will find great satisfaction in Reading over our
Correspondence during the I^ast Campaign.

There is one other thing that would give me
great pleasure — the General has several Orderly
Books from the beginning of the War, and there
are Orderly Books of mine in the light infantry of
the two last campaigns which I would like to Have
copied By some Sergeant that writes a fair Hand

* General Washington's nephew, who had served as an aid to
Lafayette. He died in February, 1793. .

(63)

and Bound up in Books in the same way as those
of the General are — if that does not give you too
much trouble I will be obliged to you to Have the
Business done By some non-commissioned officer
that can write well.

In your letters to your family, I Beg you will
mention me most affectionately to them — particu-
larly your father and mother, Mrs. Ball and the
Colonel,* Mrs. Lewis, f Mrs. CarterJ and the Gen-
eral's mother — My best compliments to Smith§ and
all the family — Adieu, my dear friend, most affec-
tionately Yours,

Lafayette,

If Miss Carter is still in Philadelphia present my
best Respects to Her.

LAFAYETTE TO MADAME JULLIEN.

La GRANGE, 9 Octobre, 1814.

J'avais pensd, Madame, que votre fils Revien-

drait a paris pour L'£pogue des Elections: il se pro-

posait m£me de donner quelque extension a son

manuel des elections et je crois pour cet objet qu'il

*Col. Burges Ball and his wife, Frances Washington Ball.
She was a daughter of Charles Washington, own brother of the
General.

f Betty Lewis, wife of Fielding Lewis.

J Wife of Charles Carter, and daughter of Fielding Lewis.

\ William S. Smith.

m'avait emprunte" un ouvrage anglais en deux vol-
umes intitule" History of the Borough of Great
Britain. Cet auvrage a 6t6 confie par lui a un
citoien des etats unis qui devait cooperer a son tra-
vail. Voila les Elections termin£es; je ne sais quand
votre fils m'attendra, et je prends la liberty de
m'adresser a vous, madame, pour avoir de ses nou-
velles et des nouvelles de mon Histoire des Bourgs
Britannique. Je vous prie d' avoir la Bonte de me
la faire parvenir si elle est a paris, car je pense
qu'on en a tire ce qui pourra Remplir l'objet des
collaborations. C'est avec plaisir que je profite de
cette occasion pour une Rappellera vos Bont£s et
pour vous offrir 1' expression de mon respectueux
attachenient.

IvAFAYETTE.

LAFAYETTE TO MONROE. *

Paris, May iotk 1824.
Sir;

The high favor Conferred upon me By the Repre-

resentatives of the people of the United States, the

testimonies of public Benevolence Contained in

their resolution Have filled my Heart with feelings

*On Feb'y 7, 1824, President Monroe wrote Lafayette inform-
ing him of the wish of Congress that he should visit America.
He enclosed the Congressional resolutions. Under date of April,
1824, Lafayette replied, and subsequently sent the letter of
May 10th given above.

of. Respectful, affectionate and patriotic gratitude
-which I want adequate words to express. No an-
swer can I find more Congenial to these feelings
than to embark as soon as possible for the Blessed
Shore, I Have for so many years longed to Re-
view. Nor can I fear, impressed as I am with a
proud sense of the Honor to Be on Board a National
ship, therein will appear irreverence on my part
when I Beg leave not to avail my self of the flatter-
ing Offer which, in their extreme kindness Con-
gress have deigned to Bestow. The summer will
not Be over Before I enjoy the delight to find my-
self under an American flag, on my way to the Be-
loved land of which it has been my Happy lot to
Become an early soldier and an adopted son.

Be pleased Sir to accept my affectionate and
grateful Respects.

Lafayette.

LAFAYETTE TO MONROE. *

New York, August i8'h 1824.
My dear Sir.

Here I am again, recast, on the Blessed Shore of
America, where on the moment of my landing, I
find myself Honored with new testimonies of your
kindness. Some mistake in the information re-
specting the departure of the post Had prevented

•From State Dept. MSS., Monroe papers.

6 7

my writing yesterday, and the same morning your
letter was delivered By Mr. Sam Gouveneur * and
lieutenant Monroe. I Hope I will see them to day
more at leisure as we met in very numerous So-
ciety, But will not delay this letter of mine with
the enclosed from M r . Brown, f

I came over with my Son who Requests His,
High and affectionate Regards be presented to you,,
and M. le Vasseur, a former officer in the French
Army now my Secretary. We Had a short passage,.,
and pleasant one as a fine ship, the Cadmus, excel-
lent Captain, Allyn, and every accomodation and^
attention could make it. The only inconvenience
that could not be obviated is sea sickness, of which;
we Had our full share.

The reception of me in this city I dare not dwell'
upon, as it looks like vanity, while I would like to
express the feelings of gratitude, and all the de-
lightful emotions that overwhelm my Heart. You
will particularly sympathize in my sentiments at
the meeting with our surviving Brother soldiers.

My dear friend, I am very anxious to embrace

*Mr. Monroe's second daughter, Maria, married Samuel L.
Gouverneur, of New York. The latter was appointed Post-
master of that city by President John Quincy Adams. Later he
served as an official in the Department of State from 1845 to
1849.

t James Brown, of Louisiana, United States minister to France
from 1823 to 1829.

you: I wish it had been in my power to consult you
before I had made my arrangements: I hope you
will approve them.

The city of Bostou had transmitted By the min-
ister, Mr. Brown, an official kind invitation to
make my first landing in that part of the union:
I sent a respectful answer, intimating that when-
ever I should land, I would hasten to present, in
person, my acknowledgments, and as Wednesday
next is the time of what is called in the University
of Cambridge, the Commencement, I will be ar-
rived in Boston, By way of New Haven, New
London and Providence, Before that day, then
cross over to Albany and come down North River
so as to be returned to New York in the first days
of September. I have been informed through the
governor of Virginia, there was to be a grand
meeting of the Richmond, Norfolk and other vol-
unteers at York town on the ic. 1 ? 1 October, where I
am invited. My best plan I think would Be to
leave New York about the middle of September,
go to Philadelphia, Baltimore, Washington, where
from, if I did not find you, it was my intention to
Hasten to your country seat which in all cases I
fondly Hope to visit as well as Montpellier and
Monticello. Let me know, my dear Sir, whether
this plan has your approbation.

Here are the two letters I have in charge for
you: in my conversations with Mr. Brown, partial-

6 9

larly the last, he expressed the great pleasure He
found in Having with Him, as Secretary of lega-
tion, Mr. Sheldon* whose utility to the embassy
and to the minister He experienced every day.
He requested me to mention it confidentially
to you, but not knowing what arrangements
might chance to take place in the interval between
my arrival and our meeting, and Having myself
an affectionate regard for Mr. Sheldon, I would not
expose myself to the possible regret of Having de-
lay' d for some weeks the confidential message en-
trusted to me.

Happy I am, my dear Sir, to be arrived under
your presidency, Happy I will be to tell you, viva
voce, How Respectfully, affectionately, arid grate-
fully I am,

Your old Brother soldier and friend

I/AFAYETTE.

My best respects to the ladies of the family.

LAFAYETTE TO MONROE, f

[Written Evidently Dec. 1824.]
My dear Friend:

I am delighted with your message and so will be
every liberal mind in Europe and South America.
As soon as I learned that a Committee Had been

* Daniel Sheldon, of Connecticut.
fFrom State Dept. MSS., Monroe papers.

7°

appointed to regulate my reception in Congress I
went to visit the members separately to show that
I had Hitherto considered it as my only means to
pay them my Respects and Acknowledgments: I
Have also postponed every thought of excursion
out of the city until I Hear from them ; it is
thought by some they will do me the Honor to ad-
vise me on Monday: at all events I Have told my
friends from Annapolis that I would not leave town
before the Sixteenth, this even being submitted to
the arrangements of Congress. I shall have the
pleasure to dine with you, and arrive about four.
My motive to wait for your usual dining Hour was
the fear to take you from the business of the mes-
sage. Most truly and affectionately

Your grateful friend

IyAFAYETTE.

My two Companions will also avail themselves
of your kindness to Have the Honor to dine with
you.

Wednesday, morn.

LAFAYETTE TO MORGAN NEVILLE, ESQ. *

Washington Jany 16th 1825.
My dear Sir:

Since I Have Been denied the Happiness once

*The son of Genl. Presley Neville and grandson of Genl.
Danl. Morgan.

more to embrace your father, my dear friend, aid,
and Brother Soldier, I cannot now enjoy a Greater
Satisfaction than to view His Lady, His Son, and
all what Remains of His family. I Have Been in-
quiring after you from the moment of My Landing
on the American Shore: the Relations of Nevill
and Morgan cannot But Be Loved By me, and I
am sure those feelings are Cordially Reciprocated.

The Letter you allude to Has not Been Received.
The testimonies of affection I find in the name of
your departed Brother and your own son are dear
to my Heart. I anticipate the Gratification to see
you all Before long.

It Has Been my intention to enjoy with the feel-
ings of an American patriot those wonders of the
West which I Have not Hitherto Been able to visit.
Pittsburg and Cincinnati are two points I am par-
ticularly anxious to see; this double and very High
gratification I shall obtain some time in the next
Spring. I am Sorry to find my Journey must Be
Rapid as I cannot Leave Here Before the Celebra-
tion of the 22? February, and I am engaged to Be
at Boston in time for the corner stone of the
Bunker Hill Monument on the iy 1 ^ June.

I will proceed to the Carolinas, Georgia, and
across Alabama and Mississipi to New Orleans,
thence to go up the two Great Rivers, so that I
shall Have the pleasure to meet you at Cincinnati
some time next Spring: I Have much felt, since

your fine State of Ohio Has Been settled, for the
prodigious Creations and Rapid improvements of
that precious part of the Union: the Long wished
for satisfaction will be greater on that account.

Receive, my dear Sir, the affectionate, and I am
entitled to say the paternal Regard of your father's
and your friend

Lafayette.

GENERAL LAFAYETTE TO RICHARD FORREST. *

Albany, June 13* , 1825.
Dear Sir:

I Have Received on my arrival at this place
Your kind favour and the letters that accompanied
it. Mr. Clay Had informed me that such letters as
Had a chance to meet me at Louisville were sent
there; that the posterior packets were detained at
Washington; He therefore invited me to ask their
Being sent from the State office to any place where
they could meet us. You know, my dear Sir, that
those packets of letters, whatever Be their volume,
Have Been Hitherto forwarded By the mail stage,
nor do I understand in what other way I could get
them. The letters I Have Received from family
and friends allude to an anterior correspondence

* Richard Forrest was at that time an official in the Depart-
ment of State.

the want of which Render part of them unintelli-
gible and unanswerable. I must therefore claim
your kindness to Have those packets sent to me as
soon and as safely as possible from Washington
and also from louisville, as you know in 'Whose
Hands they Have been deposited.

I am this morning setting out for Boston where
any thing you please to send will find me untill the
20* of this month. I shall Hence visit the States
of Maine, New Hampshire and Vermont so as to
Be Returned to Albany on the 29* On the 30°!
evening I expect to go down the North River to
New York, paying some visits in my way But so
as to Reach the city two days Before the 4* July.
I Beg your pardon for the trouble I give you. But
you will [sic] Better than myself at which of those
places the letters from Washington and afterwards
those from Louisville can Best come to my Hands,
and I am sure you will kindly sympathize in my
eagerness to obtain them.

I need not observe that letters directed to my
son or to M. le Vasseur ought to be forwarded By
the mail. I will claim your kindness to Have them
convey' d to New York and directed to M T . Witt-
lock Junr at that place.

While I ought to apologise I will only thank you
for the trouble which you Have encouraged me to
give you, and of which, I confess, I stood in great
need Having no other way to Recover the series of

my correspondence from the other side of the
Atlantic.
With the Highest Regard I Have the Honor to

Yours

L,AFAYETTE.
P. S. Upon consideration of the difficulties at-
tending other Conveyances than the stage, I beg
you, my dear Sir, to keep at Washington the
trunks and other objects too Bulky to go By that
commodity. I expect to be at the seat of govmt.
about the middle of July.

LAFAYETTE'S ACKNOWLEDGMENT OF INDEBTED-
NESS TO MORGAN NEVILLE, ESQ. *
I Hereby acknowledge myself debtor to Morgan
Neville Esq. for the sum of four thousand dollars

* During his visit to America, Congress granted a tract of land
to General Lafayette. The act follows:

"Be it enacted, &c, That the sum of Two Hundred Thousand
dollars be, and the same is hereby, granted to Major General
Lafayette, in compensation for his important services and ex-
penditures during the American Revolution, and that, for this
purpose, a stock to that amount be issued in his favor dated the
4th f July, 1824, bearing an annual interest of six per cent,
payable quarter yearly, and redeemable on the 31 s . 4 December,
1834.

"Sec. 2. And be it further enacted, That one complete and
entire Township of Land be, and the same is hereby granted to
the said Major General Lafayette, and that the President of the

which I shall pay to Him in the course of three
years from this day, the same sum Being in the
mean while Mortgaged first on my Florida town-
ship the patent of which has been signed by the
president of the U. S. , two days ago, and a Second
Mortgage on the Capital oi $120,000 in the loan of
the U. S., which capital is now under the manage-
ment of the president of the U. S. Bank Who Has
my power of attorney to send the Quarterly Rent
to Europe. Done at Washington City under my
Hand and Seal, August 7^ 1825.

Lafayette.

POWER OF ATTORNEY FROM LAFAYETTE TO
GEORGE GRAHAM, ESQ.*

Know all men by these presents, that

I, Lafayette, have made, constituted, and ap-
pointed, and by these presents do make, consti-
tute, and appoint, George Graham, Esquire, of the

United States be authorized to cause the said Township to be
located on any of the Public Lands which remain unsold, and
that patents be issued to General Lafayette for the same,"
Passed December 23, 1824. Congressional Debates, Vol. 1.

* George Graham, of Va., was appointed Secretary of War.
Apl. 7, 1817. He was afterwards President of the branch United
States Bank in Washington, and in 1825 was appointed Com-
missioner of Public Lands, which position he held up to his
death in 1830.

7 6

City of Washington in the District of Columbia,
my true and lawful attorney, for me, and in my
name, to lay out or cause to be laid out, all section
number Thirty-one, in Township number One,
North of Range number One, East of the Meridian
Line, in the Land District of West Florida, or
such part thereof as he may deem proper, into such
Streets, Alleys, Town-lots or Out lots, and sell and
dispose of the same, 011 such terms and conditions,
as he may deem expedient, and to make all such
deeds and conveyances as may legally be necessary
and proper to convey the same, and generally to do
and perform all such legal acts as may be necessary
and proper to carry the full intention of this power
of Attorney into effect, and one or more substitutes
to appoint under him, and at pleasure revoke their
powers. Hereby ratifying and confirming what-
ever my said attorney or his substitutes may legally
do in the premises.

Given under my hand at the City of Washing-
ton, this second day of September, 1825.
Signed, sealed &

Lafayette.

delivered in
presence of

R. C. Weightman.

District of Columbia, City of Washington, D. C.

Be it remembered that on this 5* h day of Septem-
ber 1825 General Lafayette personally appeared be-
fore the undersigned Mayor of the City of Wash-

ington, and acknowledged the within and forego-
ing Power of Attorney or Instrument of Writing,
to be his act and deed delivered for the purposes
therein mentioned.

mony whereof I have hereunto sub-
scribed my name, and caused the Seal
of the Corporation of the City of Wash-
ington aforesaid, to be affixed the date
above written.

In Test
Washington

City Seal
1802

R. C. Weightman, Mayor.
Attest: Wm. Hewitt, reg.

LAFAYETTE TO GEORGE GRAHAM.

[Washington, 1825.]
My dear Sir:

I think you may, in your kindness to me, call
this morning, and beg leave to inform you that I
must to day send to the post office my French let-
ters, not a line of which has yet been begun. Could
I find you at your office to-morrow or the day fol-
lowing about two o'clock?

The more I reflect on your advice regarding
Florida and alternate lots the better it appears to
me. Will you please to talk of it with my excel-
lent friend the president? Judge Duval who
knows much about Florida would also be a very
good adviser. Situated as I am, a set bargain for

that part of the lots would be more convenient than
retailing them, provided it came up to or near to
the value.

Your obedient and grateful friend,

Lafayette,
Friday morn.

MONROE TO GEORGE GRAHAM.

Oak Hiix, March 17, 1828.
Dear Sir :

Some late letters from Mr. Gamble, in Florida,
give such favorable accounts of Gen 1 . La Fayette's
land, and of the probable rise of good land there,
that the value, if these acc^? are correct, cannot well
be estimated too high. This communication was
made to me by Col. Mercer, of the H. of Reps.,
and lest it may not have reached you, I hasten to
apprize you of it. He speaks of half a million of
dolls. , or more. Be so kind as to inform me whether
any portion of it is sold. The General has written
to me in a letter of Jany. 12th, respecting it, and
in my answer I wish to give him the last informa-
tion on the subject.

You have I presume received the copy of the
memoir, which has been lately printed at the in-
stance and under the direction of my friends in
Albemarle. They allow me a large number of
copies, which I shall distribute in a manner to

make the subject thoroughly understood. I think
of having a copy delivered to each member of
Congress before the adjournment, that the subject
may be well understood by the next session, when
it is hoped they will act on it.

Mrs. Monroe's health is improving, but so severe
was the attack and so much reduced has she been
by it, that her recovery is slow. We have kept
Hortensia as ignorant of it as we could. The car-
riage goes for her to-morrow; we hope that you
and your family are well.

Your friend,

James Monroe.

LAFAYETTE TO MORGAN NEVILLE.

LaGrange, October ioth 1828.
My dear Sir:

I do not well know where this letter will Reach
you Being intended to introduce Mr. Bowman who
will visit Cincinnati after He has Remained some
time in Orleans. That gntleman is a painter,
Born in the Western part of the Union, Having
since inhabited Washington and the Atlantic Cit-
ies, who came to france and Has Remained Eight
months in italy for improvement. We Had the
pleasure to see Him lately at I/aGrange where He
Has made three family portraits. His character is
much esteemed By His Country men in Europe

and such other persons as he has been conversant
with. I avail myself with much pleasure of this
opportunity to offer you once more the affectionate
Regards of

Your most sincere friend

LAFAYETTE.

LAFAYETTE TO MORGAN NEVILLE.

Lagrange, Novemb., 20, 1828.
My dear Sir:

It is to me a great gratification to hear of my
Cincinnati friends. Still more so to Hear from
them. I Hope this Letter will find you all in good
Health ; every account from the Westward delights
me with a picture of the increasing extent and
prosperity of your good, Beautiful City. I had
lately written to Genl. Harrison at Columbia when
I find He was likely, on the return of Mr. Poinsett,
to go to Mexico. Cincinnati papers, when they
come to me, are Highly welcome.

You are already informed, my dear sir, that my
English friend, Mrs. Trolloppe with her family are
your neighbors at Cincinnati. Had I known that
was their destination I would, Before they left
London Have given them Letters of introduction
to you and Mrs. Neville. Her Husband, a respect-
able lawyer in the British Metropolis, is gone to
join them Before I could avail myself of the oppor-

tunity; it is probable you have already Been long
acquainted with them, nor do I know whether they
are still on the Banks of the Ohio, in which case I
Beg you to remember me to Her, and also to Her
Husband and children. I have lately written to
Her. Remember me also very affectionately to my
friends in your kind family and in the City.

I have found out the Relatives of the traveller
whom I could not But introduce on the spot when
Requested By Him and knowing the acquaintance
of which probably He availed Himself amidst the
crowd of American friends By whom I Had the
Happiness to Be surrounded. We shall meet them
in town this winter and see what can Be done.

The Session of the Chamber des deputes will not
open Before the end of January. I live in the
country, as usual, in good health, the greater part
of the family being with me. George and his
wife are gone to Gueyenne South of france, to see
their eldest daughter who is on the point of making
me a great-grandfather. M T . Sparks is Here, Col-
lecting information for his great work, which has
given me an opportunity in the collection of my
correspondence, to mention the dear name of my
excellent friend Presley Neville. Ever truly and
affectionately

Yours.

IyAFAYKTTE.

Morgan Neville, Esq.

MONROE TO GEORGE GRAHAM.

Oak Hm,, Feby. n, 1829.
Dear Sir:

I have received yours of the 6th with the docu-
ment which you presented to the committee, who
have my claims under consideration. It is correct
in point of fact, for there was nothing that I could
do at the awful moment when the President called
me to the dept. of war, after the fall of the city
that I did not do. I may say the same of my ex-
ertions at other difficult epochs of our country. In
presenting that document in the manner you have
done, you have I know the strong interest you
take in my welfare.

I enclose you a letter which I have just received,
under cover of one to me from General L,a Fayette.
From his letter to me I infer the contents, which
correspond with the relation which has existed be-
tween us since 1777. We were together and near
each other in the battle of Brandywine when he
rec? his wound, and were afterwards together in
that of Germantown and that of Monmouth, and
we have preserved that friendly relation, as you
well know, in every subsequent stage since. We
found his wife in prison when we went to France,
and aided in obtaining her release. I furnished
her with funds and sent her to him to the prison
of Olmutz, in Austria, where she remained with
him several years until his discharge. On my

second mission in 1803, I found him in Paris,
where our friendly intercourse was revived, and
has always been preserved since. The good under-
standing and service rendered to his wife by mine
is remembered by him. We have witnessed their
distress and deeply sympathized for them. His
present offer* is a repetition of one which he made
me when with us. I told him that it was a gen-
erous one, in his situation, for I know with the
[?] that would be made on him by visitors
and his remaining creditors, that he would never
be free from debt and trouble, and that sooner than
receive it, I would perish. I begged him never to
repeat it. I am gratified to find that he retains
that friendly feeling for me, which however I
never doubted, but my reply to him will be the
same. I will answer him : you will consider this
as the purport, unchangeable, of my answer, and
take no step or make any arrangement in respect
to his property in reference to me.

Very sincerely your friend,

James Monroe.

*The offer was a pecuniary one. After his term as Presi-
dent Monroe's finances were much embarrassed. See his letter •
of May 22d.

8 4

MONROE TO GEORGE GRAHAM.

Oak Him,, May 4, 1829.
Dear Sir:

I have not heard from you of late, but hope that
you and your family have enjoyed good health. I
conclude that you have answered Genl. Lafayette's
letter, offering aid to me by a pledge of his land in
Florida, and assured him of my sensibility to the
generous spirit which actuated him, but that I
could never take from him or his family any por-
tion of their property, having seen so much of their
sufferings when I was in France, and having so
strong a sense of his claims on our country and the
friends of liberty everywhere.

I trust that you are under no apprehension re-
specting your situation. It appears to me impos-
sible that you should have cause for it. Should
you have any, and think that a desire [sic] to those
in office, by you, to pronounce testimony of my con-
fidence in your perfect integrity, capacity and dili-
gence in the discharge of its duties would have a
good effect, I wish you to intimate it to them. If
either the President or a head of a Dept. will write
me, I will give that answer, or, if on your intima-
tions they should express a desire that you would
produce such a document yourself and you will
communicate the fact to me, I will send it in-
stantly to you. You know that I can move, even
in favorof those to whom I am most attached, in a

particular way only, and I well know that out of
that line my interference would not have a good
effect.

Sincerely your friend,

James Monroe.

MONROE TO LAFAYETTE.*

Oak Hffi, May 22?d 1829.
My dear Friend:

It is some time since I wrote to you, in answer
to your affectionate letters, although I have long
intended to do it, and to acknowledge, that, parti-
cularly, in which you inclosed me one to Mr.
Graham, but the feeling, which it excited, has in
truth been the cause of the delay. So many inter-
esting circumstances have occurred between us, to
which we have been parties, and others of which
we have been spectators, in both countries, since
the battle of Brandywine, that I never can review
them without peculiar interest and sensibility.
The letter referred to, brought them to my recol-
lection with great force. But, my dear friend, I
can never take anything from you, nor from your
family. I have known and seen too much of your
and their sufferings, to commit such an outrage to
my feelings. Your claims are too strong on me
personally, on my country, and the friends of lib-
erty everywhere, for me to do it. I sent your let-
*From State Dept. MSS., Monroe papers.

ter to Mr. Graham, with instruction not to think
of the measure, or rather to take no step in execu-
tion of it, and with which he has complied. If I
was ever to visit France, your house would be my
home, but we are both too far advanced in years to
think of such a voyage. We must content our-
selves with writing to each other, which I shall do
hereafter, more frequently.

With my ill state of health, and the accident
from which it proceeded in the first instance, you
have been acquainted. I have suffered much thro'
the winter, but am now so far recovered, as to be
able to take my usual exercise on horseback, and
which I do daily, when the weather will permit.
The legislature of this state have called a conven-
tion, to be held in October next, to amend the
Constitution. It was the first framed in the Union,
and has managed affairs successfully ; but it is gen-
erally admitted to have defects, which require
amendment. Mr. Madison has been invited by
his district to become a member, and to which he
has consented, and will be elected. A like invita-
tion has been given to me; in this I hesitated on
account of ill health, but have at length expressed
a willingness to serve if they desire it. I am per-
sonally little known in the district, and can there-
fore form no estimate of the result. My pursuits
at home are interesting. My mind is not inactive,
and in the employment given to it, a review of past

occurrences, in which I have acted, and of which I
have been a witness, occupies a large portion of
my time. I do not know that anything will ap-
pear to the public, during my life; but whenever it
does, should it be deemed worthy notice, a just re-
gard will be shown to your services and claims, on
our countries, as well as to the friendly relations
which have existed between us & our families.

Mrs. Monroe and my whole family, take a deep
interest in the welfare and happiness of yours, as
well as in your own. All the details which you
give us respecting them are gratifying. Your own
health, we are happy to hear, is quite restored and
good. We hope that that of your son and daugh-
ters likewise is, and of their offspring. I sent to
Mr. Gouverneur, the papers you forwarded to me,
from the physicians in Paris, expressive of their
opinion respecting the infirmity of his son, & of
your desire to receive and render him any service
in your power, & for which he is most grateful.
The boy is at a school near the city of New York,
in which those thus afflicted are educated, and
his improvement is a cause of surprise, as well as
of consolation, to all the family. Should he ever
visit France, he will avail himself most willingly
of your good offices.

I will write you again soon. I have received

Mr. Marbois' book* relative to Louisiana. He

* Histoire de La Louisiana et de la Cession de cette Colonie

speaks of me with kindness & does justice to me,
in many interesting circumstances, and as I be-
lieve to the full extent of his knowledge. There
are some facts however, with which I am satisfied
he was unacquainted. He states, for example,
that he had commeuc'd with Mr. Livingston, be-
fore my arrival in Paris in April 1803, and that he
had done it in complyance with the instruction of
Bonaparte, the first Consul. You will observe
that the interview stated by Mr. Marbois, between
the first consul and his two Ministers, took place on
the tenth of April, on which day it was known to
Mr. Livingsion & of course to the Govt., that I
had arrived at Havre, & was on the route to Paris.
The conference referred to is stated in page 285.*
Mr. Livingston's letter in reply to mine, announc-
ing my arrival, bears date likewise on the 10V 1 , of
which you will see a translation in page 468. If it
was known to Mr. Livingston on the io' h that I had
arrived, it must have been known to the first con-
sul. It was known to all at Havre, as a salute was
fired from the Battery and a guard of 50 men sent
to the hotel where I stopped, whom I dismissed.
That the first consul should have delayed his

par la France aux Etats-Unis de P Amirique Septentrionale ;
pricedee d'un discours sur la constitution de le gouvernment
des Etats- Unis. Par M. Barbe-Marbois. Paris, 1829.

* The references given by Mr. Monroe are correct according
to the Paris Edition of 1829.

conference till that day is a proof of this fact; for
otherwise, why did it not happen a day or a week
before or after? He stated in the conference that
coming 2,000 leagues, I must have now extensive
powers, which shows that he waited for my arrival
— page 267. He knew that nothing could be done
till that event occurred. That he gave the instruc-
tion, as stated by Mr. Marbois, to proceed forthwith;
I have no doubt, but that he gave it with a knowl-
edge of the above facts, and with intention only to
put the affair in train, I am equally confident.

In this circumstance, I think that Mr. Marbois
is mistaken, as already observed, that he had com-
menced with Mr. Livingston, before my arrival.
The day after my arrival, I dined with Mr. Liv-
ingston, having Col. Mercer and Mr. Skipwith
with me, which was on the i2' h or 13' 11 of April,
and while at dinner, Mr. Marbois arrived, & being
informed that the family were at dinner, he walked
in the garden until we arose from dinner. Mr.
Livingston then joined him, and a conversation
took place between them, in which it was agreed,
that they should have an interview that night, at
Mr. Marbois' house, which took effect. According
to my recollection Mr. Marbois retired without
seeing me, & as I presume without knowing that
I had arrived. I well recollect, that after his de-
parture, Mr. Livingston disclosed the fact of his
appointment, with many other circumstances, of

which he had just been informed by Mr. Marbois,
and of which he knew nothing before, his whole
conversation having been of a different cast, pre-
dicting the impossibility of a satisfactory termina-
tion of the mission ; and in the presence of Col.
Mercer and Mr. Skipwith, I proposed to accompany
Mr. Livingston, in the interview with Mr. Mar-
bois, having known him since the year 1783, at
Annapolis, and been much with him, in my first
mission to France, and having personal regard for,
& confidence in him; but to this he objected. Mr.
Livingston had not then read his instructions,
which was an additional motive for wishing to ac-
company him, in the interview, to guard against
his compromitment of himself. Many other cir-
cumstances of a like kind, in support of what is
above noticed, occurred, and of which I have proof,
which has never been stated, or published, to pro-
mote any object, on my part, either of advance-
ment or fame, altho' they have been called for, by
misrepresentation here. It is admitted that a war
with England menaced, but it appears by Mr.
Marbois' statement that that was considered as cer-
tain as early as Jany., and was deemed inevitable,
soon afterward, if not before. Mr. Marbois states
on page 275, that before the message of the King of
England of the 8? of March, 1803, the first consul
had considered the war inevitable. Mr. Talley-
rand's letter to Mr. Livingston, of the 24' 11 of

March, declaring that he should wait my arrival,
is a farther proof that the first consul knew the
fact, and gave his instructions to Mr. Marbois in
consequence thereof. The order to Bernadotte
which you communicated to me, to leave Paris, the
day I entered it, shews that he was acquainted
with it, & intended to prevent an interview be-
tween him and me.

If you see no impropriety in it, I have no objec-
tion to your shewing to Mr. Marbois, what I have
stated above. I wish nothing but the truth, in
which I am satisfied he concurs. A communica-
tion took place between him & me on this subject,
before my retirement, in which I stated to him at
his request, some facts, particularly the letter of
Mr. Talleyrand to Mr. Livingston of 24 th . of March,
& Mr. Livingston's letter to me of the 10* of
April, which he has published.

I have entered further into this subject, than I
intended, but I have done it, from a knowledge of
the interest which you take in what relates to my
welfare and character. Retired now from public
life, with no desire ever to enter it again, I can
have no object, in what relates to the past, than a
strict regard to justice. Let me hear from you as
soon as convenient, and give us all the details men-
tioned, respecting your family as well as yourself.
Our affectionate regards to you and them.
Very sincerely your friend

James Monroe.

LAFAYETTE TO MONROE. *

Paris, June 17, 1829.
My dear Friend:

A long, very long while Has elapsed since I Had
the pleasure to Hear from you. I Hope However
you Have received my letters, namely those Rela-
tive to your poor grand son and to your own affairs
which give me great uneasiness. I have Had, iu
the case of the Boy, every inquiry, every consulta-
tion in my power, the Result of which Has Been
that the Bruxelles practice is but an emanation ot
the new Parisian methods, not so wonderful as Has
Been Reported, But greatly improved from the
ancient mode of treatment. Two eminent physi-
cians and Surgeons Have especially applied their
talents to that object, But it is necessary, they say,
to Have a personal view of the patient until a
guess can be formed — it appears also that in cases
unfortunately too common, where a cure cannot
be obtained, they Have devised means to make the
situation less uncomfortable. It Had made me Hope
to see some of the family at paris and La Grange,
But [no] information of the kind Has yet reached
me.

I have been much pleased to Hear that the two
Virginia ex-presidents Have accepted a seat in the
State Convention With a sense of Virginian pride
I anticipate the result; this new constitution, after

*From State Dept MSS., Monroe papers.

a political experience of fifty years, in the several
parts of the Union, cannot but offer a model of
social organization, so far as it can Be the case
under the lamentable evil of negro slavery, en-
tailed, forced upon the colony By the mother coun-
try, a check upon agriculture, an object of continued
reproach and regret, yes of incommensurable diffi-
culty to remove it. Oh, How proud and elated I
would feel, if something could be contrived in your
convention whereby Virginia, who was the first to
petition against the slave trade, and afterwards to
forbid it, who Has published the first declaration of
Rights, would take an exalted situation among the
promoters of measures tending first to meliorate,
then gradually to abolish the slave mode of labour.
You know how anxious our departed friends were
on this subject, altho' they were sensible of the ob-
stacles. But could not something be done point-
ing that way and announcing the principles and
feelings which I Have submitted on that score in
the Southern States, with a determination to enter
the road to improvement, and finally attain, if pos-
sible, the desirable end? In addition to my painful
anxiety with respect to your pecuniary embarrass-
ments, upon which I Have formerly and fully
written to you,* I Have had my fears relative to
the state of your Health until I have been assured

*The letter referred to is not among the Monroe papers.

it was fully Restored. There have been other
causes of friendly uneasiness such as the Rumor that
Has Been spread of a change in the post mastership
of N. Y.,* and altho' I could not believe it I felt a
letter from you at the time would have been par-
ticularly welcome.

Our friend Nich douglass is gone to revisit Great
Britain. I shall as soon as the Chambre des
deputes Rise go with George and His daughters on
a visit to my dear grand daughter Natalie perier,
so as to be returned to La Grange in the Beginning
of September. The public papers in France, if you
read some of them, particularly "the Courier and
Constitutionel, " may give you some account of in-
terior affairs, and what relates to european politics
is either translated, or if english, copied in the
American papers. I However inclose what I had
occasion to say at the French tribune, as it recalls
an interesting epoch,, and refers to the Bill of the
double vote the greatest nuisance in the electoral
legislation of this country.

Mr. Brown and His lady are preparing to leave
us. Their departure depends, as to the time, upon
Mrs. Brown's state of Health. They are much re-
gretted. We Have Been very sorry to Hear Mr.

*Mr. Governeur, Mr. Monroe's son-in-law, who had been
appointed by President J. Q. Adams, was then Postmaster at
New York.

Beasly * consul at Havre is removed, it is the case
also they say with old Mr. Murray f at Liverpool.
The last account from America says Mr. Rives J
is appointed to France. Governor Barbour || Had
neither asked nor declined a continuation in office.
He is expected Here as a visitor at the end of this
month. How is Mrs. Monroe? present my most
tender respects to Her.

Altho' the other powers endeavor to obtain a
peace between Russia and Turkey it is probable
they will try the fate of war; the diplomacy of
france Has been more sincere and liberal than that
of the British government. We wish the ministry
and King not to go out of the line of independ-
ance, Having nothing to do either with the Belli-
gerents or the other powers. England Has been
Backward in everything respecting the limits or
welfare of Greece, and I fear this cabinet will ad-
here to contracted views; they contemplate to have
Greece a tributary to the porte, confined to a small
area saddled with a sort of Hereditary monarch.

Adieu, my dear excellent friend, present my
most affectionate Respects to Mrs. Hay,§ Mrs.

*Reuben G. Beasley, of Va., appointed Jany. 2, 1817.
■(-James Maury, of Va., appointed June 7, 1790.
t William C. Rives, of Va., appointed April 18, 1829.
|| James Barbour, of Va., then Minister to England.
\ Mr. Monroe's elder daughter, Eliza, married George Hay,
afterwards Judge of the Eastern District of Virginia. Their

9 6

Governeur, their Husbands, and dear Hortensia, in
which George joins with all the affection of His
feelings for you and for them. You know How af-
fectionately I am

Your old friend

IyAFAYETTE.

LAFAYETTE TO MONROE. *

Paris, 7*> r 8, 1830.
My dear Friend:

Your warm interest in the fate of French free-
dom will have made you a hearty partaker in the
triumph of the popular cause ;f it is exquisitely the
victory of the people. The name of your old Bro-
ther soldier Has been the. rallying signal; But no
other merit Belongs to the chief. Hundred Battles
were fought at once in every quarter of the city;
the moment I heard at L,aGrange of the ordinance
I posted up to town; the action Began the same
evening; the 28 & a^were too Bloody days, in the
morning of the 29 1 . 11 the three colored flag and my
Headquarters were planted at the Hotel de Ville,

daughter, whom General Lafayette alludes to, was called Hor-
tensia, after Queen Hortense, with whom Eliza Monroe had
gone to Mme. Campan's School in Paris. See Gilman's Monroe.

* From State Dept. MSS., Monroe papers.

fThe allusion is to the Revolution of August, 1830, which
placed Louis Phillippe, the citizen king, upon the throne.

the next morning the royal family and troops were
at St. Cloud and I was enabled to write by a flag
they Had ceased to Reign. They stopped at Ram-
bouillet with the hopes of a Civil war, their army
was twelve thousand, I some twenty thousand Par-
isians, George marched with them, but Before an act-
ion took place they renounced their warlike plan,
gave up the jewels of the crown and went on slowly
to Cherbourg under the protection of our three
commissioners, whence they embarked for england.
Not a word of insult, none of those acts that you
Have seen in the former scenes of the french revolu-
tion. All "bravery, skill, disinterested generosity.
We are organizing the national guards, and in
three weeks time fifty thousand men were received
in the champ de Mars. You will, I think, approve
the resolution taken by us Republicans, in the
present exterior and interior circumstances, to ad-
here to the will of the well known majority of the
nation, and to have a popular throne surrounded
with popular institutions. No better King and son
can ever exist. You remember Philipp the i?* was
the young Republican and milder soldier, Duke
de Chartres. So we stand now, not doing the best
that can be wished, but doing well, and progressing
on a good road of political improvement. You will
have perceived that in the sitting relative to the
recognition of South America and Mexican inde-
pendence, justice Has been done to the priority of

9 8

the U. S. over all other powers; there is, of course
some revolutionary excitement among our neigh-
bors, france will not allow foreign intervention,
thereby following the principle of your celebrated
message.

Present my affectionate Respects to Mrs. Mon-
roe, to your daughter and her Husband, to Dear
Hortensia in whose fate and change of name I
Have felt tenderly and paternally interested. I
Have also considered it as a Happy event for Mrs.
Eliza Custis' grand children and for herself. My
family beg to be most respectfully remembered.
George shares with me the cares of this important
situation where the fate of European liberty is so
highly concerned.

Your old affectionate friend

Lafayette.

GENERAL NATHANIEL ROCHESTER.

AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF NATHANIEL ROCHESTER. *
I was born in Westmoreland County, Virginia,
on the 2 ist of February, 1752. *****
In 1775 I was appointed a member of the Commit-
tee of Safety for Orange County, f whose business
was to promote the revolutionary spirit among the
people, to procure arms and ammunition, make

*The autobiography of Nathaniel Rochester may be supple-
mented by the following facts. ' ' While living in that place
[Hagerstown] he became in succession a member of the Mary-
land assembly, postmaster, and judge of the county court, and
in 1808 he was chosen a presidential elector, and voted for
James Madison. * * * * In 1800 he first visited the 'Genesee
country,' where he had previously bought 640 acres, and in
September of that year he made large purchases of land in
Livingston county, N. Y., near Dansville, in connection with
Major Charles Carroll, Col. William Fitzhugh and Col. Hilton.
In 1802 he purchased, jointly with Carroll and Fitzhugh, the
'100-acre or Allan Mill tract,' in Ealls Town (now Rochester),
and in May, 1810, he removed from Hagerstown and settled
near Dansville, where he remained five years * * * * and
in April, 1818, took up his residence in Rochester, which had
been named for him." He filled a number of important local
offices afterwards, and died in Rochester May 14, 1831 (see
Appleton's Cyclopaedia of American Biography).

t North Carolina. Rochester had removed to that colony a
few years before.

(99)

IOO

collections for the people of Boston, whose harbour
was blocked up by the British fleet, and to prevent
the sale and use of East India teas. In August of
the same year, 1775, I attended as a member of the
first Provincial Convention in North Carolina.
This convention ordered the raising of four regi-
ments of Continental troops, organized the minute
men and militia systems, and directed an election
for another convention to meet in May, 1776, for
the purpose of forming and adopting a constitution
and form of government and measures of defence.
At this first convention I was appointed a Major of
Militia, Paymaster to the minute men and militia,
and a Justice of the Peace.

In February, 1776, the commander of the British
forces in New York sent General Alexander Mc-
Donald to Cumberland County, in North Carolina,
the inhabitants of which county were mostly High-
land Scotch, who had fled from Scotland for their
adherence to the Pretender to the Crown of England
in 1745; and so secret were his proceedings that be-
fore it was known in other parts of the province he
had raised 1,000 men and formed them into a regi-
ment and had them ready to march for Wilming-
ton, at the mouth of Cape Fear River (about 100
miles), where transports from New York were to
meet them. As soon as information of these move-
ments reached Hillsborough, a distance of about
80 miles, the minute men and militia of Orange

IOI

and Granville Counties collected and marched
down to Cross Creek (now Fayetteville), the seat of.
justice of Cumberland County, where it was under-
stood McDonald and his regiment of tories were
embodied. I went with the minute men and,
militia in my official capacities as Major and Pay-
master, and on our arrival at Cross Creek we heardi
that McDonald and his regiment had set out a few
days before for Wilmington to embark for New
York. I was then dispatched by Col. Thackston,,
our commanding officer, at 8 o'clock at night, with
two companies of infantry and one company of
cavalry, in pursuit of the enemy; but on our arrival
about daybreak at Devo's Ferry, about 20 miles
from Cross Creek, or headquarters, we met about
500 men with General McDonald on their retreat,,
they having been met and defeated at Moore's
Creek Bridge by Col. Caswell,* commander of a

* " The provincial parties were, however, so close in the pur-
suit, and so alert in cutting the country and seizing the passes,
that McDonald at length found himself under a necessity of en-
gaging a Colonel Caswell, who, with about a thousand militia
and minute men, had taken possession of a place called Moore's
Creek Bridge, where they had thrown up an intrenchment.
The royalists were, by all accounts, much superior in number,
having been rated from 3000 to 1500, which last number, Mc-
Donald, after the action, acknowledged them to be. * * *
But McLeod, the second in command, and a few more of their
bravest officers and men, being killed at the first onset, they
suddenly lost all spirit, fled with the utmost precipitation, and
as the provincials say, deserted their General, who was taken

102

regiment of minute men. Col. Caswell was after-
wards appointed the first Governor of the State.
We took the 500 prisoners. Being, however, in a
sparsely settled country, where provisions could
not be obtained, I was obliged to discharge all but
about 50, who were appointed officers by Mc-
Donald, after swearing those discharged that they
would not again take arms against the United
Colonies; notwithstanding which they did after-
wards join Lord Cornwallis when he marched
through North Carolina, in the year 1782.

I then returned to headquarters with my com-
mand and the fifty prisoners, where I found Col.
Alex. Martin, of the Salisbury Minute Men, had
arrived with about two thousand minute men and
militia. He took the chief command.

Marshall, in his life of Washington, mentions
that Martin took these prisoners. They were sent
under a guard as prisoners of war to Frederick
Town, in Maryland, where they remained until ex-
changed. In disarming the prisoners at Devo's
ferry, the Scotch gave up their dirks with much
reluctance, they having, as they said, been handed
down from father to son for many generations.

prisoner, as were nearly all their leaders, and the rest totally
broken and dispersed." Quoted in Revolutionary History of
North Carolina from the Annual Register for 1776. Marshall's
recount of this affair does not differ materially from the above.
It is not stated by him that Col. Alex. Martin took the prison-
ers.

103

In May following, 1776, when I was 24 years of
age, I attended the convention at Halifax, N. C,
as a member, when a constitution or form of gov-
ernment was adopted. Six more regiments of
Continental troops were ordered to be raised, and
their officers appointed, among whom I was ap-
pointed Commissary General of military stores and
clothing, with the rank and pay of a Colonel for
the North Carolina line, which consisted of ten
regiments.

This convention organized a government by ap-
pointing a governor and other State officers, and
directed an election in November following for
members of a State legislature.

On the adjournment of the convention I set out
for Wilmington, N. C, where the four regiments
first raised were stationed, in order to attend to the
duties of my office, and took with me Abishia
Thomas as a deputy, who Was allowed the pay of a
subaltern officer, and who has since been a clerk
in one of the departments of the General Govern-
ment. After riding to most of the seaport towns
in Carolina and Virginia to procure military stores
and clothing for the Army, I was taken sick at
Wilmington, and unable to transact business for a
considerable time. My physician and friends ad-
vised me to retire from the service, on account of
my condition and the unhealthiness of that part of
the country. I therefore resigned a week or two

104

before the election for members of the legislature,
but did not return to Hillsborough until some
weeks after the election. On my return there, I
found that I had been elected a Member of the
Assembly, -which I attended in the winter of 1777,
with Nathaniel Macon, who had, a little before the
election, retnrned home from Princeton College,
and was elected to the same Assembly. He has
since been a member of Congress for about thirty
years without intermission. During this session I
was appointed Lieutenant Colonel of Militia, and
in the spring following, Clerk of the Court of
Orange County, which office had been held many
years by Gen'l F. Nash, who was killed at the
battle of German Town. I held the clerk's office
about two years, and until the fees of the office did
not pay for the stationery used, owing to the de-
preciation of the paper currency.

This year, 1777, I was appointed a Commissioner
to establish and superintend a manufactory of arms
at Hillsborough, and went to Pennsylvania with
several wagons for bar iron for the factory. When
I resigned the clerk's office I was appointed one of
a board of three Auditors of Public Accounts for
the State, and a Colonel of Militia.

In 1778 I engaged in business with Col. Thos.
Hart (Henry Clay's father-in-law,) and James
Brown, our present minister to France. Col. Hart
resided two miles west of Hillsborough, where he

i°5

had a considerable estate in land, mills and other
manufacturing establishments. His residence was
about on the line between the Whig and Tory set-
tlements; the Tories committed many depredations
on his property, he being a very influential and
active Whig. There were frequent instances of
the Whigs and Tories not only committing depre-
dations on each other in North and South Carolina,
but murdering people along their borders. Gen.
Gates, who in 1779 commanded the Southern army,
advised Col. Hart to remove with his family to
Berkley county, Virginia, where the family of the
General resided, and as Col. Hart's property and
his life was endangered by remaining where he
was, he took the advice of the General and in the
autumn of 1780 removed not tp Berkley but to
Hagers Town in Maryland, being in an adjoining
qounty though a different State. Col. Hart pre-
vailed upon me to accompany him, proposing and
promising to go into mercantile business in Phila-
delphia. Soon after we arrived at Hagers Town
he furnished the capital promised, and I proceeded
to Philadelphia by way of Baltimore (then a small
place), in February, 1781, and took lodging at the
"Canastoga Wagon," a first rate tavern at that
time.

C^SAR RODNEY.

CvESAR RODNEY TO CAPTAIN THOMAS RODNEY. *

Phuad? Sept 25* 1776.
Sir;

That the New England men failed to defend the
Landing place, f Behaved in a most Dastardy Cow-
ardly Scandalous manner is most Certain. But
that courage is not always to be found the same,
even in the same person is equally true, and very-
fied in those very same men, for some of them the
day following were in the other engagement and

*Csesar Rodney, of Delaware, took his seat in Congress on
Sept. 5, 1774, with Thomas McKean as his colleague, and was a
Signer of the Declaration of Independence. While absent in
Philadelphia he was appointed » Brigadier General by Dela-
ware. The letter to his brother, Captain Thomas Rodney, was
written from Congress, shortly before his retirement from that
body, while the letter to General Stnallwood was written just
after Rodney's election to the Presidency of Delaware, which
office he held for four years. In Niles' Principles and Acts of
the Revolution (p. 245, edition of 1876) will be found further
correspondence between Csesar and Thomas Rodney.

•("The allusion is to the struggle for the Hudson. The British
landed in force on the August 22, and drove Col. Hand's regi-
ment back. The fighting continued for several days, ending in
the occupation of New York by the enemy.
(106)

107

behaved with great Bravery, as did the whole Body
engaged; you have some account of the skirmish in
the papers therefore shall refer you to them, and a
Letter I wrote by Wilds & Richley — I saw Car-
sons, but not till this morning when he told me
some person by the name of Jones from Miffiins
Corps had set out from below since he did and hav-
ing got here before him with subscription papers
signed by some people below went to the several
printing offices before he did and engaged the
packets to carry down as a post in the Island of
Parke. After I saw Bradford the [sic] and telling
them what accounts I had from below and what
Carson himself had said He said they would let
Carson have the papers for the Gentlemen of Dover
and elsewhere, except those who subscribed to the
other. I suppose the subscribers will settle the
matter between them, when they go down — I
doubt whether you will get any powder & shott —
The schooner is not arrived that I know of, — and
you have made no mention of the sloop — but sent
the schooner before you heard what my opinion
was about selling her. I wrote you concerning
them both by Richly — My Pen is confounded Bad.
I am too blind to mend it,* and Captain Paploy

* Rodney suffered from his youth with a cancer of the left
side of his face, and for many years before his death wore a
green silk screen over it. It would appear that the disease had
affected his vision.

io8

who mends and makes them for me is gone out —
therefore must bid you farewell.

Cesar Rodney.

P. S. The convention is dissolved, made a plan
of Government it seems and ordered an Election at
a short day — Query, do their late opponents intend
calmly to submit, or try again to Rally — I am
sorry for Mr. Pillows Illness.

Thomas Rodney, esq.

CiESAR RODNEY TO GENL. SMALLWOOD.

Dover, April the 28th 1778;
Sir:

Suppressing the Insurrection of the Villian Clow
and his- ragged Gang* has almost exhausted the
little ammunition I had, and not knowing where
it may be possible, Immediately, to procure a sup-
ply of that necessary article, has constrained me to
report my application to you — I am now reduced,
I believe, to about Three Rounds, and therefore
must beg you immediately to use your utmost en-
deavour to supply me with cartridges or Powder

* Rodney wrote under date of May 8, 1778, to McKean, then
in Congress: "We are constantly alarmed by the Enemy and
refugees, and seldom a day passes, but some man in this and
the neighboring counties is taken off by these villains: so that
many near the bay, dare neither act or speak lest they should
be taken away and their houses plundered." Sanderson's
American Biography, Vol. VIII, p. 112 (Edition of 1827).

iog

and L,ead unmade up. I rest assured that your at-
tachment to the cause and Willingness to oblige
me will induce you to Comply without loss of time.
I am Sir Your most

obed^ Humb 1 . Servt

Caesar Rodney.
Genl. Smallwood.

D^ NATHANIEL SCUDDER.

ACTION OF COMMITTEE OF MONMOUTH COUNTY.

In consequence of an Advertisement from the
New Jersey Committee of Correspondence, a full
and well authenticated Representation of the sev-
eral Townships of Middle Town, Freehold, Upper
Freehold, Dover and Stafford appeared at the Court
House in Freehold .on Thursday the io'. 11 of May
1775, and without Dissent placed John Anderson
EsqT in the Chair.

A number of gentlemen attended from the
Township of Shrewsbury under the Character of
Deputies of the Shrewsbury association, declaring

* In 1776 D* Nathaniel Scudder, of Monmouth Court House,
N. J., was made Lieut. Col. of the Monmouth Co. Militia, un-
der Colonel George Taylor, and succeeded to the command
when Taylor renewed his allegiance to the king and went over
to the enemy. In November, 1777, Scudder was elected dele-
gate to the Continental Congress, and served till 1782. His
county was frequently excited by excursions of British forage
parties, and in an engagement on Oct. 16, 1781, with refugees
near Shrewsbury, he was killed while leading a batallion. (See
Pennsylvania Magazine, Vol. Ill, p. 189; also Moore's Diary
of the American Revolution, Vol. II, p. 504, for manner of
Scudder's death.)

(no)

themselves and their Constituents desirous of
adopting the measures of the late Continental Con-
gress and willing to acceed to any future Plan for.
the general safety and Well being of America, who
were cordially received by the Committees of the
other Towns as Exempts from the Township in
which they resided.

They furthermore advised them to appear at the
provincial Convention at Trenton, and there fairly
represent a State of their Case, promising them
their friendly Concurrence in whatever should
there be adopted as a mode of Relief to them from
the public Censure incurred by the Inhabitants of
Shrewsbury —

The Committees of the above mentioned five
Townships, being a great Majority of the County
of Monmouth, conceived themselves vested with
ample Power to constitute Deputies to represent
said County at the approaching provincial Conven-
tion at Trenton, and accordingly elected the follow-
ing Gentlemen, any three of whom shall be a suf-
ficient number to attend for that Purpose, viz: John
Taylor Esq., Cap^ John Covenoven, Mr. John
Holmes, MT Joseph Saltar, and Mr. Robert Mont-
gomery, who are fully authorized by their Constit-
uents to meet and consult with the Deputies of the
other Counties in the Colony of New Jersey, and
these with them to concert and adopt any such
Measures, as shall by a Majority of that convention

112

be deemed conducive to the general Security of
American Freedom.

Signed by Order of said Committees

Nathaniel Scudder Clerk.
Freehold May i8* h 1775.

D R . NATHANIEL SCUDDER TO

Freehold, March 28^ , 1777.
Sir;

Late last evening I rec'd yours of the 19°! In-
stant respecting the Cargo of the Schooner Betsey
•which was stranded at long Branch in Shrewsbury
in this County & in answer thereto have the Morti-
fication to inform you that the Enemy while they
had Possession of the County seized and appro-
priated the greatest Part of it, insomuch, that upon
the Best Inquirey, I can never since hear of more
than the Fustick & Staves which are considerable
squandered, and of about 30 Casks of oil and ninety
odd Barrels of the Pot or Pearl Ash which are gone
to Philadelphia; when I had the Pleasure of seeing
M r . Patten in Philadelphia, this whole County was
under the Dominion of the Tories and was dis-
armed & made a scene of Devastation. Soon after
the memorable Battle of Princeton Geu* Putnam
detached a Party of Militia under the Command of
Col. Francis Gurney of Philadelphia, who marched

them into Monmouth, routed the Tories and seized
a considerable Quantity of stores in several Places.
I myself inarched with the same Detachment and
continued with them untill the enemy were en-
tirely dispersed & their stores at Middle Town
seized, when I was obliged to attend constantly at
Freehold both on account of furnishing Teams to
haul them off & to endeavour to revive and rally
the militia of the County; so that I was not at,
Shrewsbury wheni Col. Gurney took possession of
the stores there — However upon leaving there were
a Quantity of Spermaceti Oil, Pot or Pearl ash
among them. I immediately applied to Col.
Gurney, and informed him, that I expected it
was a Part of the Cargo of the Schooner aforsd,
and put in a Claim in behalf of the owners,
at the same time protesting in their favour against
the sale of said Articles, other than for their Bene-
fit — I afterwards saw some of s? oil & ash
on the way to Philadelphia and have no doubt of
its being a Part of s? Cargo, but the Confusion of
the time has been such that I have never been
able fully to ascertain the matter. Mr. Patten said
that after the schooner stranded she fell into the
hands of our Militia, who, (as there was no Court
of Admiralty in this State, nor any Disposition of
s? Cargo ordered until too late); kept the Cargo
well' guarded until the sudden Irruption of the
enemy in to these parts, when they were obliged

1 1 4

to quit it & provide for themselves. Col. Georgie
Taylor, in whose charge it was, and who has
proved himself a Traitor to his Country & is gone
over to the enemy, immediately seized the whole
of s? Cargo in the King's name and improved his
time so well that the Articles before mentioned
were all that can since be heard of. He and his
Genl. have doubtless appropriated all the most
valuable Part, & put the Proceeds in their Packet.
Soon after the Removal of the s? stores I was
obliged to meet the Council of this State & have
been closely ingaged ever since untill yesterday
morning when I returned home. In order, how-
ever, that every thing might be done that could be,
I spoke to the Commissioners and desired them to
consult the Interest of the owners in the disposition
of the oil & ash which they promised to do — The
issue I know not — I at the same time desired Levi
Cook to take care of the Fustick and Staves that
he might receive the Cost he had been at in un-
loading & Removing the Cargo, & preserve the
Remainder for the owners, which he undertook.
But unfortunately some few weeks after he with a
large Guard were surprised near Sandy Hook and
a great Number of them taken Prisoners, who yet
remain in captivity, so that I know not what he
has done in the affair. I expect to go to Shrews-
bury to morrow and shall enquire about the Fustick
& staves. This is the best account I am at present

able to give you & must leave yon to act as you
think proper.

I am Sir Your Very obbt servt,

Nath. Scudder.
excuse the great haste & hurry.
P. S. By applying to Col : Gurney in Philadel-
phia you may probably be informed wether the oil
& ash are sold or not. N. S.

GENERAL CHARLES LEE.

GENERAL CHARLES LEE TO JAMES MONROE. *

Berkley County, June ye 25t h 1780.
My dear Monroe:

I received two days ago your letter dated from
Richmond upbraiding me for not writing — I do
assure you that I have written twice immediately
addressed to you, and third time addressed to you
Conjointly with Mercer — but whether you have re-
ceived em I can not pretend to say, as amongst
the many admirable qualities possessed by the In-
habitants of this Continent, the noble ambition of
opening every letter, in order to obtain knowl-
edge, is one of the most predominant — it is not
always that I am master of pen ink and paper,
and seldom that I have an opportunity of aprising
you how much and sincerely I am yours, or you
may depend upon it that you should receive these
assurances very frequently, as without compliment
there are few young men for whom I have a higher
esteem and affection — I am certainly concerned
that Fortune has been so unkind as not to admit

* Compare the letter from Lee to Monroe printed on page
278 et seg., Vol III (Lee Papers) New York Historical Society's
publications.

(116)

ii7

of your cultivating the talents which Nature has.
bestowed on you to greater advantage than your
present situation seems to Promise, for in my opin-
ion (but perhaps I am a prejudiced man) the study
of topographical Law (unless daily corrected by
other more liberal studies) is a horrid narrower of "
the mind; and you, as you justly complain, have
not the proper books for this necessary correction.
If I remain on the Continent nothing will give
me greater pleasure, or more flatter my ambition,
than to communicate my ideas and assist you with
all the means in my power in your pursuit of polite-
letters, — and if any circumstances arise to make
me alter my present plan, I hope it may be so-
contrived that we may be much together. Your
present Assembly, I have many reasons to believe,.,
is composed of most wretched materials, but.
wretched as it is, I have as many reasons to believe r
that it is one of the least abominable on the Conti-
nent — in fact, the power in every State is fallen
into the very worst hands. We have now neither
monarchy, Aristocracy, nor Democracy ; if it is any
thing, it is rather a Mac-ocracy, by which I mean
that a Banditti of low Scotch-Irish who are either
themselves imported servants or the immediate de-
scendants of Imported Servants are the Lords
Paramount, and in such wild beastly hands as these
respublica diutius stare non potest. God knows
what is to become of us; I possibly see with a

Ii8

jaundiced eye, but I am myself fully persuaded
that after some months or at highest a couple of
years' anarchy and confusion, an absolute Tyranny
will be the conclusion of the Piece; but whether
the Tyrant will be foreign or domestic is out of the
reach of foresight. What do you think of the
policy of virtue of Congress, in inviting (or if not
invited), in admitting a large Body of French
Troops into our bosom — How are We to get rid of
'em? Is there an instance in history of a strong
nation sending an Army for the protection of an
impotent one, when the Protectors have not ulti-
mately stripped or attempted to strip the Protected
of their liberties? You have, I am sure, read the
history of Britain, and must be acquainted with
the conduct of our Saxon Ancestors — You have
likewise probably read the history of Charles the
Fifth and Philip the Second, and of course, must
know that the Armies of Germans Italians and
Spaniards introduced under the pretext of protect-
ing the Low Countries against the French were Em-
ployed to Capture these very Low Countries, and
that afterwards vice versa the French, called on to
protect Em from the tyranny of the Spaniards and
Italians, attempted to accomplish the very same
purposes. They were called in to defeat — in short
the measure is so very big with myschief, so repug-
nant to the first axioms of policy, that I cannot. .
must have been bribed out of the little sense they

iig

set out with — but I am warmed by the subject into
a tedious political essay — it has been revealed * to
Mrs. Gates in a dream that S. Carolina is of not
the least importance, which revelation She has
communicated to the General to his unspeakable
comfort; the General has communicated it to a
McAllaster and the other Commissaries, who have
comforted the whole County with the glad tidings
— and it is resolved by a Committee of whigs, that
whoever insinuates that S. Carolina and the Army
taken in it, are of the least consequence, is ipso
facto a damn'd Tory. Upon my word I pity Gates.
He is an honest man and has many good qualities,
and that Dsemoness his wife occasions him to make
a very rediculous figure — Adieu, God bless you.

C. LEE.
P. S-t I suppose an Army of Russians will like-
wise be introduced as well as an Army of French,
and then the Country will be a blessed theatre of
war and desolation; one side or the other must be
victorious, or it must be a drawn battle; if the
former happen, the victor will dictate what meas-
ures He pleases, and if the latter happen, a treaty
of partition will take place. Upon the whole it is
a damnable measure.

*This language and what follows is not found in the letter
printed in the N. Y. Historical Society's collection.

tThe strictures on the French army appear in the body of
the N. Y. Historical Society's letter.

GENERAL GEORGE WEEDON.

WEEDON* TO COL. W? 1 R. DAVIE, f

Fredericksburg, May 3? 1781.
Sir:

I am favored with yours 27* h ult? respecting the
powder belonging to Government. The cause of
my altering the rout of the waggons carrying sup-
plies to Genl. Greens Army, was in consequence
of the Enemies being in James River; they were
positively Directed via Richmond, where the

* George Weedon was Lieut. Col. of the 3d Virginia Regiment
in 1776, and afterwards held the same rank in the 1st Virginia
Regt. Feby. 23, 1777, he was commissioned a Brigadier Gen-
eral, and participated in the battles of Brandywine and German-
town. Shortly after the latter battle he retired from the Army,
owing to a question of disputed rank, and did not serve again,
until the Yorktown Campaign, when he was in command of
of a brigade and had charge of the Virginia Militia at Glou-
cester. Appleton's Cyclopaedia of American Biography.

t William R. Davie entered the Army in 1776 as a volunteer,
was elected lieutenant of a troop of horse in 1779 and attached
to Pulaski's legion. He rose to the rank of Major and was
wounded at Stono, near Charleston. In 1780 he raised a troop
of horse, was at the battles of Hanging Rock, Ramsour's Mills,
and Charlotte. Genl. Greene appointed him commissary of
the Southern Army, and he was at the engagements at Guilford,
Hobkirk's Hill, and Ninety-Six. Lossing's Pictorial Field
Book of the Revolution, Vol. II, pp 418, 419.
(120)

powder was ordered to be left. My knowledge of
the Scarcity of that article induced me to stop it
here till further Directions, for fear of a misfortune,
that would have proved fatal. It was immediately
on rect of yours, sent off to Carters Ferry where I
hope it is Deposited in safety. Just before I left
Williamsburg had the pleasure of communicating
to his Excellency the Governor an offer made me by
Mr. Best of the Loan of some powder & lead be-
longing to him, which I conceived in the time of
distress worthy the attention of Government. I
known not whether they accepted his offer. If they
did not, I dare say it may still be had if wanting.
We have abundant reasons to believe S? Harry
Clinton is meditating a sudden descent somewhere
to the Southward. An Embarkation of 3000 men
is taking at N: York perhaps destiu'd for Virg?,
therefore be prepared if possible. You need not
expect the Second Division soon. Indeed the best
policy is to depend upon ourselves, as our allies
have no doubt great objects of their own to attend
too. Genl. Wayne has marched with 1200 of the
Penn? line, Maryland Dragoons will follow when
equipt; at present they want every thing on the
face of the earth, so that with the scanty supply of
cash which you know the old Congress has been
carrying on their operations for these two years
with, we have no room to expect them shortly.
The Dutch have closed with the British respecting

122

Hostilities, this will cut out some work for enemy
and very little helps — I was favoured with yours in
Answer to mine concerning the officers Memorial.
I have heard nothing of this affair from the first of
it — I think it was impolitick at this day and may
be attended with circumstances that will prejudice
the service. I at first blamed you for it, but have
since been informed from whence it originated, and
therefore beg your pardon for entertaining a
thought of the kind.

I am B 1 . Capt.

With esteem

Yr. ob servt.

G. Weedon.

WEEDON TO LIEUT. COL. JOHN F. MERCER.*

Fredks., March 18th, 1783.
My dear Mercer:

I am honored by last nights post with your fav.
nth inst. It is pleasing tho' not conclusive as to
the grand point, however one week more will no
doubt clear up all our doubts & fears. Colo.
Temple who left Phila. after the post is now with
me, he assures me Capt. Barney has arrived with
official Dispatches from our Ministers but cannot

*This letter and those which follow from Genl. Weedon were
written when Col. Mercer was a Delegate from Virginia in the
Continental Congress.

123

positively say what they are. One thing however
gives me hopes they are such as we wish, and that
is, we are scarcely one hour without private ex-
presses from the Northern Min'trs to their Tobacco
Agents in Virga. It therefore behoves you as a
friend to the honest part of your country to com-
municate with Expedition the Glad tidings, when
you are sufficiently informed & authorised so to do;
be assured such Intelligence as you would wish
should go abroad, shall have the first Circulation
after it arrives to me. This little City affords not
a syllable of any thing interesting or would informe
you of it. I shall wait with patients for your next
favr. and how will it elevate me to be informed of
Peace.

I am my dear Colo, with sentiments of great
esteem

& Regd. yr. obt. servt.

G. Weedon.

WEEDON TO MERCER.

Fredericksburg, Apl. ist 1783.
My dear Colo:

Yours of the 24th Inst, per Express has opened
all our Eyes. I cannot describe my feelings to
You, nor is it possible for me to express the joy of
Your Friends on this most Glorious and important
event. I hope on this Occasion America will hold

124

in Eternal remembrance the good offices and bene-
fits she has reed, from our great and good ally —
she surely merits every thing we can do consistant
with the Dignity and Interest of our own Country.

Nothing rejoyces me more than to hear the dis-
turbances in the Army are reconciled, it would
have been a sad stain in the History of the war had
they gone to extremes, the Liberal allowance of
Congress in lue of half pay must give general sat-
isfaction and will enable we poor Continentals to
drink our Beer with a contented mind.

This place affords nothing new. Your Brother
James just had time to Drink a Peace Bowl with
me before he set out for Richmond, he took his
departure last Sunday morning, fatter and more
cheerful than I ever saw him. All other friends
are well.

I am Dr. Colo, with real affection, Yr. obt servt.

G. Weedon.

WEEDON TO MERCER.

Fredericksburg, May 20th. 1783.
Dear Colo:

I am honored with your 13th Inst, which has
almost given me a fever; by your information I
conclude public Debts will remain Public Debts,
for some time, which by no means suits my Fi-
nances, as I never wish to become a Creditor in

125

the Funds, with not a shilling to go to market
with. We are told here of three months pay to be
immediately advanced the Army; do confirm this
account, and call on me for a bottle of wine when
ever you please. A very full meeting of the Offi-
cers of the Virg* line was held here on Monday the
12th Inst, when the sense of the Gentlemen was
collected respecting the Resolutions of Congress
23d of March. They were unanimous in accepting
the commutation in lue of half pay on the terms
offered, when ever disbanded by Authority.

We already begin to taste the blessings of Peace.
Our Rivers feel the weight of Foreign burthens,
which the Assembly have admitted to an entrance
as their first measure this session. Goods have
fallen nearly to old price. Tobacco in a general
way 20/. but believe 22/6 has been given. Wheat
21/. & Corn 15/. the latter rising fast and will be
20/. in this place e'er long. This article I have to
buy, and none of the others to sell. Your Brother
dined with me yesterday, he is as hearty as a buck,
as are all your other Friends. Fitzhugh is in
Richmond. Madam is about the size of Miss
Peggy M — . I think she is pretty sure of a brace
at least. Do transmit the paymasters account so
soon as You are able to procure it, and tell me how
the evacuation of N. Y. goes on, and what the re-
sult of the conference between the two great Mili-
tary Characters, when the Army is likely to be

126

disbanded, and whether any will be retained in
service.

I am with real Esteem

Yr obt. servt.

G. Weedon.

WEEDON TO MERCER.

Fredericksburg, Sept. 9th 83.
My dear Colo:

You are at least two letters Indebted to me, and
from never writing any of Your old Friends I be-
lieve in my Conscience you have forgot us all. I
hear you have been long indisposed, let me enquire
now after your health. I observe You are now Ar-
ranging Your Peace Establishment which will re-
quire deep and serious Deliberations, but having
the Aid of His Excellency have not a doubt but
all will be right. I was thinking that an officer in
each State should be retained in service as an Ad-
jutant Genl. whose Business it should be not only
to Inspect the Militia of the State'but also the Post
and Magazines and to make Report thereof every
Quarter or half Year. No doubt however but the
General will think of every thing proper, and if
any snugg post or place in the Peace Establishment
should offer where I can be of service You will
particularly oblige me in proposing me. I am
rather of the rong side of life to look far forward in

127

Business and wish to be employ'd the remainder
of my days in some way that I am more acquainted
with.

I have not any News worth communicating.
Your Brothers are boath well as are all Your other
Friends. I wish You could be hear the first of
next month to purtake of our Races, but Your
moments are more advantageously employ'd. I
shall bring Billy Mercer to Phila. in October, and
perhaps may have the pleasure of seeing you.
I am Very affectionately Yr. obt servt.

G. Weedon.

WEEDON TO MERCER.

Fredericksburg, Octobr 12th, 1783.

I am to thank you my Dear Colo, for the Friend-
ship Expressed in Your last fav. wch. I had the
honor to receive by post. Not having anything
worth communicating at that time, deferred ack-
nowledging the Rect. till this week in hopes of
picking up something that might amuse for a few
minutes. It would be laughable enough for me to
touch on foreign affairs when You are so much
better informed in point of Intelligence, Domestic
matters must therefore be the resource to apply
to. Our Races are over, and I know it matters
very little with you who won, or who lost; so it
does with me, but my three Guineas are gone never

128

more to return. Farmer Selden carried the Beef
premium hollow, not a little pleased as You may
suppose, and besides the Bounty the old fellow
touched igd. pr. pound for the Carcass, indeed it
was by far the best meat I ever saw, and of the
white back bread. The Races lasted three Days
and brought together more people by two thirds
than I ever remember to have seen on any similar
occation. As to ladies they were not to be num-
bered. Balls every night ; but I know this amuse-
ment dont hit your fancy either, for I well remem-
ber the last I had the pleasure of seeing you at
[a ball] you complained of it's being the only im-
prudent step you could charge yourself with in
life: however it may not be unpleasant to inform
your sisters were all so well as to take a part in the
Dances. Mrs. Garnot made one of the party.
Among other thing we had a General Meeting of
the Cloalh, such as it now is. Necessity however
has no law, the Back is nothing, the Heart is all
and I can venture to say a truer band never pistle
cocked. Do my Dear Colo, inform me immediately
the situation of our land Business. I understand
Congress have accepted the Cession of Virga. but
would be glad to know whether in doing this, they
have considered the prayer of our Petition to the
last Assembly in which we solicit a part of the
lands that they had oferred to Congress laying be-
tween the little and great Miami's.

129

I am very desirous of being fully advised in this
matter, to prevent as far as lays in my power the
poor officers from parting with their Warrants,
which they are now disposing of for a song, not
knowing where they are to be located. I am sure
You will find leisure to communicate anything that
tends to the benefit of Your Field companions and
shall thank You to be as explicite as possible for
their information. We are in hopes of fixing every-
thing this session of Assembly and to know clearly
on what ground we stand. I have twice hinted to
you the propriety of your Claim, with an offer of
attending to it, but have never received a line from
you respecting the matter, which needs no further
explanation than what I have in my previous let-
ters suggested, and can only add that I am still at
Your service should You chose to offer Your pre-
tentions which I cant but think are just.

I am with every sentiment of esteem

Your obt servt.

G. Weedon.

THE SCUDDER AFFAIR.

* "Scndder v. Gray, Claimant. Appeal from a judgment in
the County Court of Fairfield County, Connecticut, May 31,

1779, lodged with the Committee on Appeals, December 23,

1780, reversed by the Court, of Appeals." — See Vol. 131, U. S.
Reports, p. xlii of Appendix.

The statement of the case as it appears in the U. S. Supreme
Court Archives shows that William Smith Scudder, owner of the
sloop Ranger, with a crew of nine men, was commissioned by
Governor Clinton, as a privateersman with power to seize and
make prize of all goods, shipping, merchandize and effects, liable
to confiscation. He went in pursuance of this commission into
Long Island Sound, and on December 20* 11 , 1778', landed at
Huntington, L. I„ within the enemy's lines, where he seized a
large quantity: of goods and chattels, ail, however, belonging to
British subjects. Washington's orders to CoL Gray had heen
positive. He was to permit no one to pass to Long Island,, ex-
cept for the purpose of gaining necessary military intelligence,
and in no case was any plundering of the inhabitants, Whig or
Tory, to be permitted. Gray exacted a promise from Scudder
to cruise only in the Sound, and on this understanding permitted
him to pass the guards, and after Scudder had made his seizures
Gray took all the goods into his custody and reported his action
to his superior officers. The case having been brought before
the County Court was decided in Scudder's favor, probably on
the ground that he had molested noue but Tories; but the Court
of Appeals reversed this decision and condemned the seized
goods as lawful prize of the United States, compelling the libel -
lant, Scudder, to pay the costs of the suit.

(»3o)

i3i

GENERAL PARSONS TO MAJOR GRAY.*

20* Sept. 1778.
Sir:

Before a Post was established at Norwalk, the
General order' d Dt. Brewster to that Place with.
Directions to ingage a Number of Men, Refugees
or others to keep up a Communication with Long
Island & New York to gain Intelligence, this they
did until! the Post was establish' d and you ordered:
to command^ on which the whole Government 8L
Direction of that matter of course devolv'd upon,
you, and it is undoubtedly your Duty to prevent,
any Irregularities by those of the Army or Country
whereby the Ends you are design? to answer may
be frustrated, and no Person can have Right to.
pass over to the Island from your Post on any Pre-
tence but by your consent unless by order of the
Commander in Chief or other your Superior officer;:
nor can any prior order of the General warrant
their passing after you was sent to this command.
Yr. ob. serv.

Saml. H. Parsons.

GENERAL WASHINGTON TO LIEtJT. COL. GRAY.
Headquarters Fredericksburg, 31st Octobn 1778.
Sir:

It has been intimated to me that several persons

* Ebenezer Grey was commissioned Lieut. Col. 6th Conn.
Infty., October 15, 1778.

132

have gone over to Long Island, under the pretext
of gaining intelligence, and indiscriminately dis-
tressed and plundered the inhabitants. As such a
conduct is totally incompatible with obtaining in-
formation or making discoveries, I do not imagine
you have given any sanction to such proceedings.
But that so pernicious a practice may be the more
effectually prevented — you will prevent any per-
sons whatever from making excursions to the
Island — and only employ those as spies or observ-
ers, in whom you can place a proper confidence.
I am Sir

Your most obed* Serv'

G. Washington.

GENERAL ISRAEL PUTNAM TO LIEUT. COL. GRAY.
Head Quarters, 2 Deer 1778.

Sir:

I have received your Letters of the 22 d . Inst , en-
closing a Copy of his Excellencys orders to you —
I had before heard of the affair of Scudder, both
from Gen 1 . Parsons & himself; I entirely approve
of your Conduct, in taking the goods into your
Custody, until some determination can be had con-
cerning them, & would have you retain them till
such Time — I have wrote to Gen 1 . Washington &
Gov r . Clinton on the subject.

133

As to Rogers,* who was sent under guard, I can-
not find, upon an examination of the Articles of
War, that he is tryable by a Court Martial — but if
he is, the crime should be made out particularly
against him, & the evidence annex' d to it — I have
therefore sent him back to be despos'd of as you
think proper — & have to observe that if you are
still of opinion, that there is such evidence
against him, as that a Court Martial will take Cog-
nizance of the matter he may be brought before
it on Monday or Tuesday Next, at which Times a
Court will set at this place; In order to this all the
Evidence ought to be collected & digested in a
proper manner.

The civil power is exceeding jealous lest the
Military should make encroachments on its Juris-
diction, for which reason I could wish matters
might not be drawn into question, where the Juris-
diction of Courts Martial, is not obvious ; we have
had one instance, within these few days, where the
Prisoners, tho' guilty of robbing the publick Stores,
were not consider' d by the Court Martial as capable
of being tryed by them —

I am Sir your humble serv^ .
Israel Putnam.

* This is Jarvis Rodgers, evidently, who was one of Scudder's
associates. A letter to him from Abigail Smith follows. Em-
mons' United States Navy, from 1775 to iS$s, shows J. Rodgers,
of Connecticut, captain privateer boat Argo, with a force of 15
men. The boat was captured eventually by the British.

134

PUTNAM TO GOV. CLINTON.*

Camp at Reading, 22 Dec. 1778.
Sir:

This fetter will be handed to your Excellency
by Cap n W m . Scudder who I understand has your
Commission to cruize, under Colour of which I am
further informed, he has within these few Days
been on Long Island & brought off a quantity of
Goods from thence — These Lt. Col. Gray who is
stationed at Norwalk, has seiz'd and holds in his
hands, untill some legal determination can be had
on the matter.

The particulars of this affair, and the conduct of
several other persons, Inhabitants of your State,
will be reported to your Excellency by Brig d T
Gen 1 . Parsons, who is entirely acquainted with the
subject, and possessed of the original evidence con-
cerning it.

As this is a matter, which falls under your im-
mediate cognozance, I thought proper to make this
representation of it,— and to inform you that the
orders of the Commander in Chief are, that no kind
of property be taken from any person, under pre-
tense of its belonging to Tories — These orders I
am determined shall be most particularly com-
plied w"! by the Troops under my command that
every violation of them shall be severely Punished

*From the MS. copy in the Archives of the U. S. Supreme
Court.

135

— W 41 ? regard to others, who are not accountable to
me for their conduct, I shall take no more upon
myself, than to inform those to whom they are, of
the Circumstances that the [sic] may be exculpated,
and blame (if there be any) fall only where it is
merited.

I have wrote to his Excellency, the Commander-
in-Chief, Governor Trumbull on the abuses com-
mitted in the Sound on L,ong Island, should have
troubled your Excellency on the same subject by
the first opportunity had not this affair occurred.

As to Mr. Scudder personally, I know nothing
to his disadvantage, but have heard that he is a
brave man, has suffered much and done consider-
able service in the cause of his country. All that
I wish is that justice may take place, to which I
know you are equally disposed.

I am your Excellency's

[Most obt. humbl. servt.

Israel Putnam.

GOV. CLINTON TO GENERAL PUTNAM.*

PouGHKEEPSiE, Dec. 25, 1778.
Sir :

I am favoured with your letter of the 22d inst.,

by Capt. Scudder. I have always believed that

* From the MS. copy in the Archives of the U. S. Supreme
Court.

136

Whigs on I,ong Island suffered indiscriminately w*
the Tories from the Parties who have from time to
time been on Long Island, owing to the villainy of
some and indiscretion of other of them. From a
conviction of this being the case, I have not in any
Instance given my authority to any of these Parties.
You may rest assured, Sir, that nothing will be
done which may in the least interfere with the
order of the Commander in Chief, but on the con-
trary you will meet with every aid in carrying
them into execution. Cap? Scudder I have reason
to believe is a Brave, Honest man. His Comis-
sion authorizes him to cruize on the Sound only,
& I doubt not but he will meet with every en-
couragement from you which can be Granted con-
sistent with the good of the Public service.
I am,

Sir, with great Respect,

Your most obt. Servt. ,
Geo. Clinton.

GENERAL PARSONS TO LIEUT. COL. GRAY.

Fairfield, 31 Deer 78.
2> Colo:

Mr. Scudder has return? from Gov? Clinton ; but
no Decision is yet had on his Goods; Gen 1 . Putnam
directs that every article which was sav? be kept
safe until further orders, and that you furnish

137

Scudder with a Copy of the Invoice of the Goods
&c seisd if he requests it.

You will forward such evidence as you have or
may receive concerning this excursion, as soon as
you can to Genl. Putnam or me, the Particular
Situation & number of the Troops at Oyster Bay is
necessary to be known speedily. I wish [MS. torn]
to take proper measures for [MS. torn] Purpose &
inform. Yr ob serv

Sam?- H. Parsons.
' The boat you will deliver up and continue to
prevent passing to Long Island.

S. Parsons.

PUTNAM TO GRAY.

Camp Reading, Feby. 10^ 1779.
Sir:

I am favor' d with your letter of yesterday's date,
and am much oblig'd for the intelligence.

As Scudder has Governor Clintons Commission
to Cruize on the Sound, I know not of any au-
thority by which I can forbid him — however as you
will know before this reaches you, what becomes
of the Goods that was seized, so you will be better
able to determine your line of conduct in future. —
If it should not be given in Scudders favour, I
would have you keep a look out & sieze him &
every thing that he may bring off.

i3»

In the meantime I desire you will furnish me
■with all the papers & Evidences of which you are
possess'd, respecting Scudders former Conduct, &
that of taking the Goods which you siezed in par-
ticular, that I may lay the whole matter before the
Commander in Chief for his further directions.
I am Sir

Your most obed^ servt.

Israel Putnam.
P. S. The Traveling is so exceeding bad at
present that I cannot conveniently send for the
Oysters which you was good enough to offer, but
a few days will determine whether the Roads will
be properly settled, or the Ground hard froze.

ABIGAIL SMITH TO JARVIS ROGERS.

Huntington [Suffolk Co., L. I.] >
March the 12 [1779] i
My dear Sir:

I am wonce moer a going to rit you a few lines
in which I have the pleasure to let you to know
that I am well and your fathers family is well But
I must let you know that I have Reseived your
agreeable letter to Day that you sent By Mr. talor
But I should have been very happy to have re-
ceived it Befoer to have sent won by him I have
thought the time Long that I did not hear from
you I did not think that the time wold have Ben

139

so long Before I see or heard from you but a this
unhappy war it seems as if their never wod be an
end to it for my part I am almost disspair of even
seeing any Reter teims but O my Dear Sir I must
Beg favour of you that you will rit to me and let
me know if you had your things taking from you
with the plundered goods but pray Dont never at-
temt to come on such a desin again if you have
any regard for me or your fathers family O did
you know what a trouble is to me to hear every
won a teling a Bout you plundering I am sur you
would Leave of the traid for I wold not do any
thing that wold lay you so much troubel pray re-
member me to my Brothers

this from yoer faithful friend

Abigail Smith

GENERAL ISRAEL PUTNAM.

PUTNAM TO COLONEL MALCOM.

Head Quarters, Fsbkskiia, 27 Sept., 1777.
Sir :

I have just Receiv'd, a Letter from General
Washington* Dated 34 miles up Schuylkill wherein
he informs me that Genl. Howes Army had
found means to cross Schuylkill, several miles
below his Army; upon which He has ordered a
further reinforcement from this Post, of which

* The letter referred to is dated Sept. 23, 1777, and is as fol-
lows:
"Dr Sir:

' ' The situation of our affairs in this Quarter calls for every aid
and for every effort. Gen'l Howe, by various manoeuvers and
inarching high up the Schuylkill, as if he meant to turn our
Right Flank, found means by countermarching to pass the
River several miles below us last night. * * * I therefore
desire, that, without a moment's loss of time, you will detach
as many effective rank and file under proper generals and
other officers as will make the whole number, including those
with Genl McDougall, amount to twenty-five hundred privates
& non-commissioned fit for duty. ***** That you
may not hesitate about complying with this order, you are to
consider it as peremptory & not to be dispensed with. Colonel
Malcom's regiment will form a part of the detachment."
Ford's Writings of Washington Vol. 6, p. 84.
(140)

141

corps you must join. You will therefore upon the
rec*. of this prepare to join Genl. Parsons Brigade,
whom I have ordered up from the White Plains.
I shall endeavor to send some militia to guard the
stores Remaining in the Clave. Your Baggage must
go with you.

I am Sir
Your very
Hble sev'

Israel Putnam, M. G.
To Colonel Malcom.

JOHN PAUL JONES.

JONES TO JONATHAN WILLIAMS.*

Brest, Nov^ 5th, 1778.1

I had the pleasure of writing you, my dear sir,
the 31st ult, inclosing a Bill of Lading for 15 Hh ds
of Porter, and I believe it will not be amiss to re-
serve one of them for me, as it is highly probable
that I may this Winter fit out at or near Nantes if
a suitable ship can be found. I have at last
found means to purchase, and should be glad to
hear of a very fast sailing Frigate of from 36 to 40
Guns. I impatiently wait the result of your in-
quiries in consequence of my last.

I thank you for your favor of 27* ulto. You lay
before me circumstances which can be best seen
thro' by the candid eye of Friendship, whose coun-
cils always merit attention. I am not ill pleased
that you can discover a species of inflexibility in
my nature which will not suffer me to kneel at the
feet of haughty Power, or to stoop where I cannot

* A nephew of Benjamin Franklin, and agent at Nantes for
the American commissioners at Paris.

■f Jones was busy at this time trying to obtain a suitable frig-
ate in France. A little later he procured his famous ship, " Le
Bon Homme Richard."

(142)

143

also Esteem. I know that this turn of mind is
highly unfavorable to any who woiild obtain court
favor or promotion in Europe; yet I find no inclina-
tion to alter my disposition. And tho in my life
I have met with some severe Trials, if I cannot
rise by even and direct, dealing, I will not rise at all.

I would have sent you the inclosed letter of At-
torney by the last Post — but I thought a witness
necessary to prove it in Nantes, and was unsuccess-
fully employed in looking after a person for that
purpose untill it was too late.

With respect to my 3/20 t . hs of the Drake — I think
you need only represent that I still hold my share
and that. you. agree to this as the purchaser of the
i^/zo*? 13 — the matter of Commission will thus be
out of the Questiooi— the affair will remain between
you and me, and I promise you that I shall make
no sort of difficulty about its settlement.

As to the affair of the Countess of Selkirks Plate,
it is deposited in the Kings Store,, and I am ready
to account for the Captors part to any person who
proves himself properly authorized. — Tho' perhaps
it may be found more properly to be my own
province to remit the amount to the Captain in
articles that will sell at an high advance in
America.

I am with sincere affection

Your obliged Friend & Servant

Jn? P. Jones.

Jonathan Williams, Esq.

DR. SAMUEL TENNEY.

TENNEY TO JOSEPH GILMAN.*

Danbury (Conn? ) November 29, 1779.
Dear Sir:

When I inform you that I am in a cold fireless
chamber, writing on a Tea table so completely in
Ruins, that it is with the utmost Difficulty I can,
with two Knees & one Hand keep it together, you
will have a more convincing Proof of my warm
Friendship for you & your agreeable & amiable
L,ady, than the most specious Protestations could
possibly afford. Till 1 met with Col. Folsom, in
this place, two Days since, I had never heard from
you nor a single Friend in Exeter since I parted
with them. By your own Feelings on similar
Occasions, you may judge of the Happiness I en-
joyed in hearing by him of your Welfare.

Soon after I left Exeter, I joined my Regiment
at Rhode Island, found my Friends well, & have
spent the time very happily until since the evacu-
ation of Newport. We are now on our Way to
Head-Quarters, which is to be near Morristown in

* Dr Samuel Tenney was a Surgeon in the New Hampshire
line, and was cousin to Hon. Joseph Gilman.
(144)

145

N. Jersey. Our Unhappiness now is that we have
to huild our own winter Quarters, at a Time when
we ought to be in them; and after a Summer of
Idleness & Luxury, to spend the Winter in Penury
& Fatigue. But upon every Adversity in a mili-
tary Iyife, the Frenchman says,. O est la Fortune de
Guerre, & makes himself easy; — & I know of no
better Way than to imitate him. He is certainly
happy who is contented with his situation.

Had the British Army, & consequently our
Regiment, continued at Rhode Island, I pleas' d
myself with the Thoughts of spending some Part
of the Winter with my Friends at Exeter & else-
where — but now the Distance will be so greatly
increas'd that I am uncertain whether so much
Happiness will fall to my Share.

But, be that as it may, neither Distance nor
Time will ever be able to efface or diminish those
warm Sentiments of Respect & Esteem with which
I have the Honor to,
my Dear Sir,

Yours & Mrs. Gilman's
Very sincere Friend
& most ob* Serv 1 .

Sam^ Tenney.

Mr. Joseph Gilman.

CAPTAIN WILLIAM BEATTY.

BEATTY TO GOVERNOR THOMAS S. LEE.*

Fred^ Town, March. o* h 80.
Sir:

It is with pleasure that I can inform your Excel-
lency that my success in the recruiting service
obliges me to call on you for two Thousand Dollars,
or an order for that sum. I have enclos'd an ac-
count of the money I receiv'd last by which you
will find the number of men I have Inlisted. I am
under the necessity of sending my recruits to Camp
without Coats, vests or overalls, as the cloathing ex-
pected from Baltimore has never arrived. The re-
cruits Cant be Conveniently kept here any longer.
My Being on this Command deprives me of Every
opportunity of drawing the stores allow' d by the
state, which I am under the greatest necessity for.

* William Beatty was captain in Col. Gemby's i s t Maryland
Regt. ■which "gained the battle of Cowpens and were preemi-
nently distinguished in the retreat through North Carolina and
at the battle of Guilford" (Marshall's Washington.) Young
Beatty distinguished himself by his bravery, and, at the battle of
Hobkirk's Hill, 2$^ April, 1780, received a wound from which
he died, in the 23d year of his age. See "A New Biographical
Dictionary and Remembrancer" (1824). Thos. S. Lee was at
this time governor of Maryland.

(146)

147

I should be glad your Excellency would allow me
the priviledge of purchasing the stores due me ac-
cording to the Act of Assembly, or authorize some
person to furnish me with them.

M T . Tho? Beatty, the Bearer hereof, promises to
bring me Cash or Order.

I am your Excellencies

Most ott Hu? serv* ,
W. Beatty.

GENERAL DAVID COBB.

COBB * TO COt. HENRY JACKSON.

Boston, 8tk June, 1780.
My dear Colo ,-

I wrote you by the last post, & received yours
by Bright — You can't conceive what an uproar
Rivington's paper from New Yorkf has put this
Town into; the Dog has publish' d an account of
the surrendery of Charlestown on the 12^ ult., but
from the manner of his relating the matter & some
other circumstances, added to his being the darnn'd-
est lyar in the World, makes a number of us dis-
believe it, tho' the greatest part of the Town are
in full faith — The Government, in consequence of

* David Cobb bad served in Rhode Island and New Jersey in
1777-1778 as Lieutenant-colonel in Henry Jackson's regiment.
He was for several years Aide-de-camp to General Washington,
and at the close of the war had risen to the rank of Colonel and
Brevet Brigadier General.

f James Rivington published till the end of the war, "The
New York Gazetteer; or the Connecticut, New Jersey, Hudson's
River, and Quebec Weekly Advertiser." He "offended even
his own party by the gross fabrications which appeared in his
columns, and was repeatedly obliged to apologize. The paper
went by the name of the Lying Gazette." — Magazine of Ameri-
can History ; Feby., 1887. On this occasion, however, Riving-
ton spoke the truth.

(148)

149

orders from Congress, have assest 4000 men to be-
rais'd immediately to fill their Battalions, they are-
engag'd for six months. As this will supercede at
present, any occasion for Recruiting officers, I
think it best, in the course of a fortnight, to order
on all ours that are here. — I have applied to some-
members of Council about recruiting Money, they
tell me that they have appropriated a Large Suirii
for that purpose, which is now with Genl. Patter-
son at West point; you may get what sum yous,
please by sending to him — the money for your
private purse, I must wait your orders respecting
the notes. — Two Lads Lowell, a deserter reinlisted ;
for War, & Thos. Elliot who I took for Jones, have
gone on — do write me who of the Regt. are still
absent, I know of none of the war men on furlough
that have deserted, — old Nelson told me that
Blanchard had deserted into the Coos Country,
where, he says, numbers of deserters are gone to
settle some wild Lands. I am sorry you returned
Cottell & Giggett deserted, as I am very certain
they never meant to leave the| Reg* — their Ignor-
ance has lead 'em into the error, they are two
fine armorers & would be a loss to the Regt. ; I'll
send em directly — Renopt will be on soon — old
Waltt & Stutering Bob are still here — I'd have you
and your officers exercise every kind of Lenity to
the Soldiers that is consistent with Discipline, as
you'll thereby endear the soldiery to you and in-

15©

duce numbers to return with pleasure from deser-
tion to service under you; it will likewise take off
that curse of slander that is now pervading all the
Country Towns in this Government, that the Con-
tinental officers are so cruel and severe that the
men can never be got to serve under 'em; and you
may be assur'd that the Leading members of the
House meet with the greatest difficulty in getting
a majority of the Country members to assent that
the 4000 men now raising should serve under Con-
tinental officers, so great is the prejudice. — You
can't meet a man of any Influence from the
Country, but he'll tell you that they never shall be
able to raise their men unless they appoint their
officers, for the men, they say, will never serve
under Continental officers, because they have been
to badly treated by 'em; so great is the Ignorance
of this sett of people that they eagerly swallow any
malicious slander that any villinous soldier may
propigate against the best character in the Army;
this is a prejudice that must be combated with all
the force of art and Intrigue, for I conceive that
this will have the most fatal tendency to the op-
position of this Country, of anything that has
happened during the contest. We have a report
here that the Massachusetts Line are to be reduc'd
to 10 Regts. & the 10 oldest Cols, command them
& whatever officers that are supernumerary to re-
tire on half pay &c. Do inform of the truth of this;

i5i

for I do assure you that I have no fancy at present
of serving in a different corps than what I have
heretofore serv'd in; you know that if this new
arrangement takes place (which I conceive to be
perfectly right) I shall be chas'd into some other
Reg^ that will make me very unhappy & conse-
quently defeat all my pleasure, as it is from the
agreeableness of connection that I continu'd in
service — You'll write every post, — let me know
your wishes respecting my stay here — if the French
Fleet arrives I shall be on without invitation, if it
dont I shall be at your command — my I v ove to
the MajT & officers — my best respect to Gen' s Green
& Knox and accept the warmest wishes for your
happiness from your friend.

David Cobb.
Col. Henry Jackson.

COL. ALEXANDER SCAMMELL.

SCAMMELL TO HON. JOSEPH GILMAN.*

June 9, 1781.

I am confident you have not been

wanting in your exertions for us. Our soldiers —
poor fellows, I feel distressed for them beyond de-
scription — they are ragged, very ragged, but a
small degree removed from stark nakedness. I
would suppose that our brother citizens are doing
everything in their power for us, while we are en-
joying Continental fare in the field. Their politi-
cal salvation depends on a good army well found.
I shudder at the prospect of the ensuing campaign,
not from fear of the enemy, but from apprehensions
of starvation. The supplies are so very precarious
that the Commander-in-Chief cannot lay a single
plan nor commence a single operation, for want of
the necessary supplies. What a pity that our great
and good General should be cramped in his opera-
tions, which, perhaps, if well seconded, might this

♦Alexander Scammell was Colonel of the 3d New Hampshire
Regt. from 1776 to 1780 and served as Adjutant General of the
Continental army. The above letter was written from the
South to Hon. Joseph Gilman, Chairman of Committee of Safety
of New Hampshire.

(152)

153

campaign be decisive! I wright this part only for
our stanch Whigg friends. I don't wish the Tories
might know the circumstances, least they should
triumph. Make use of it as a Spurr at our Assem-
bly, as many of them as you can trust

NICHOLAS GILMAN.

GILMAN * TO COL. RICHARD VARRICK.

Tean •Neck, August 28th '80.
Dear Sir:

I have to acknowledge the rec* of yours of the
25 l . h by Express — but am unhappy, that several
circumstances are so obstinately combined to
counteract my wishes and disappoint your expecta-
tions. A long and tedious servitude in the Orderly
Office, a continual round of the same mechanical
business, and many other considerations, has ren-
dered the duties of the office disagreeable in a high
degree; that I should be pleased with the idea of
serving General Arnold provided my appointment
could be a positive one, and the General should

* Nicholas Gilman was at 21 Adjutant of Colonel Alexander
Scatnmell's regiment of the New Hampshire line, and in 1778
was promoted to Captain, and was Deputy Adjutant-General to
take account of the prisoners captured upon the surrender of
Lord Cornwallis at Yorktown. He was a member of Congress
for New Hampshire 1786-1788, also member of the Convention
which met at Philadelphia, 1787, to frame a Constitution. He
was member of Congress from New Hampshire 1789-1797, and
in 1805 he was Senator from New Hampshire and served until
the day of his death, May 2, 1814. In 1780 he was urged by Major-
General Arnold to accept an appointment under him, but he
declined. — See Appleton's Cyclopaedia of American Biography.
(154)

155

find himself able to command in the field — the
latter objection in this critical State of affairs has
great weight — If I should come into your family
and be confined in the dreary wilderness of the
highlands while our operations are going on
against the City, which possibly may be the case,
my situation would be as distressing as that of
Fabius M. when he had recourse to the flaming
cattle.

As matters have gone I am sorry the appoint-
ment was offered me, as I fear it has prevented the
Generals applying to another person and think you
must be in great want of assistance.

If I can render you any service in my present
station, shall be happy to do it, as I think to con-
tinue here a few months longer, and then to seek a
new mode of life.

Be pleased to make my Compts to Maj'r Franks,
& believe me to be with sincere regard
Dear Sir

Your most obt Servant

N. Gilman.
Col. Richard Varrick

Secy to M. General Arnold
Robinson House.

156

GILMAN TO HON. JOSEPH GILMAN.

Philadelphia, September 18, 1787.
Dear Sir:

The important business of the Convention being
closed, the Secretary set off this morning to present
Congress with a report of their proceedings, which
I hope will come before the- States in the manner
directed, but as some time must necessarily elapse
before that can take place, I do myself the pleasure
to transmit the enclosed papers for your private
satisfaction forbearing all comments on the plan
but that it is the best that could meet the unani-
mous concurrence of the States in Convention; it
was done by bargain and Compromise, yet not-
withstanding its imperfections, on the adoption of
it depends (in my feeble judgment) whether we
shall become a respectable nation, or a people torn
to pieces by intestine commotions, and rendered
contemptible for ages.

Please present my most respectful regards to
Mrs. Gilman, my love to my friend Tenny &
Cousin Ben, of whose return I was very glad to
hear.

I am with the greatest Respect
DrSir

Your most Obedient and
Humble Servant,

Nich. Gilman.
Hon'ble Joseph Gilman, Esq' .

BARON STEUBEN.

STEUBEN TO COL. MEADE.*

June 30, 1781.
My dear Meade:

Your letter handed by the express I have this
moment received. To-morrow I set out for Char-
lottesville, f consequently shall have no occasion
for the lads you were so good as to send me. As
it is of the greatest moment that the Marquis

*Col, Meade was on Steuben's staff.

t Steuben had experienced so much difficulty in getting an
effective force of men in Virginia, or any supplies for the few
he was able to collect, that he was almost in despair. On 3d
June, 1781, he wrote Lafayette from Point of Fork: "Here
I am with five hundred and fifty men in a desert, without
shoes, shirts, and what is still worse, without cartridge-boxes.
I write everywhere, send expresses to all parts of the world,
but I receive no answer. If I did not expect Lawson, with a
reinforcement, I would go to Charlottesville to Sing a jeremiad
to my sovereign masters. Please let me have news from you.
I am here as I would be in Kamschatka ; I do not know where
you are, nor what has become of Cornwallis." In a very few
days he was nearly surrounded by the enemy, and was obliged
to make a hasty retreat into North Carolina, but in the latter
part of June rejoined Lafayette. He then fell sick, and retired
to a country place near Charlottesville where he remained
until September. — Kapp's Life of Steuben. Compare also
Steuben to Morgan, p. 15.

(157)

158

'should be informed of the movements of the enemy
on the S° Side James River, (if they make any)
I think you can do no greater service than to pro-
ceed as low down on that side to be opposite their
fleet, & to be in continual correspondence with the
Marquis; from your knowledge & fidelity he will
be informed of everything, as it is, which will en-
able him to act with certainty.

The two expresses I send back. They may be
employed by you very beneficially. Was I to re-
main with the Army I would even then give up
the pleasure of seeing you and the benefit which I
have reason to expect from your advice & assist-
ance; that you might undertake. the above neces-
sary business.

The Continental Line of the Army lay near the
bird ordinary, the militia at this place ab? 7 miles
above the bird — The British are 2 miles below the
town of Wilsbg At present we can form no con-
jecture of their intentions. With real esteem I am
Dear Meade your friend

and Humbl Servt

Steuben.

STEUBEN TO COLONEL WILLIAM DAVIE.*

Near Chari,ottesvii < i,e, 27 July [1781].
Sir:

Capt Morrow with 56 horses belonging to Col.
* He was on Steuben's staff.

159

Washington's regiment is here without forage or
provisions If there is a place fixed for the ren-
dezvous of the cavalry I beg you to inform Capt.
Morrow of it, through Col. Febiger or Maj Call. If
there is no plaee yet pointed out I beg you to con-
sult with Government on the matter; in the mean
time Capt Morrow thinks Culpepper Co house will
be the best place for the party to proceed to, not
only on account of provisions & forage but the
conveniency of artificers by whom his equipage
may be repaired. When the plan for the general
rendezvous for the Cavalry is made the horse may
then be drawn together
I am Sir

Your most Humbl St.
Steuben

Maj. Genl.

GENERAL JOHN BURGOYNE.

BURGOYNE TO

Au quartier GfeNiRAi, A SkEnesborotjgh, le 18 de

Juillet 1777.*
Monsieur:

Je vous prie de me pardonner d' avoir recu deux
lettres de votre part sans faire rdponse par ecrit,
ayant 6t6 extr£mement occupe" en finissant mes de"-
p£ches a la cour.

Votre projet pour faire un mouvement de votre
Corps est fort a mon gr£, & marque, dans toutes
ses parties, les titres que vous poss^dez. Les cir-
constances du terns cependant, m'emp^chent d'en
profiter sans courir risque de trop fatiguer vos
troupes.

II sera necessaire de faire un mouvement en
avant avec toute l'armee aussi t6t que possible;
Je n' attend que d' avoir les chemins en £tat.

Je vous supplie de faire en sorte que 1' esprit de
1'ordre par rapport a le renvoye des baggages des
officiers a Ticonderoga ayet (?) bieu. Les bag-
gages des officiers P sont deja renvoyes et il

n'en reste a plusieurs q'une petite trunk & une
valise. C'est rdelment pour l'mbort (?) de l'officier
a la fin, que Je suis si porte a cet article.

*This -was about three mouths before his surrender.
(160)

i6i

J'ai ordonne" la distribution des cheveaux pour
l'artillerie; apres ce, ceux qui resteut seront par-
teges parmi les troupes, mais jusqu'a present il n'
y a certes pas un nornbre suffisant pour porter les
tentes des soldats.

Les habitans de votre voisinage en excuse de
n' avoir les enemi tiens(?) battaille, pr£tendant que
le sorte (?) est employe" pour le service de votre
corps. Je vous serais fort oblige par un rapport
du- nombre des boeufs, chevaux, et charettes regi-
ment employ^, le regiment diffe"rence compris, afin
que Je puisse corriger les habitans en ce que le
pretexte est.

Ou travaille a present pour m£thodiser les nou-
veaux corps des Provinciaux. II est necessaire
que Monsieur Sherwood retourne au plut6t avec
une partie de son moude pour avoir leurs uoms en-
r61£s, & les autres omciers leurs regimens.

J'ai ordonnd 4 dozain de vin de Port, & la
m£me quantity de vin de Madeira de vous §tre en-
voye\ Je suis tres mortifie que l'£tat present de
ma caisse ne me permet pas de vous supplier en
plus grande quantite & de meilleurs sortes.

J'ai l'honneur d'etre avec tous les sentimens de
respect & 'attachement possible.
Monsieur

Votre tres Humble

& tres ob£issant serviteur

J. BURGOYNE.

1 62

BTJRGOYNE TO MISS CAULFIELD. *

I785-
My dearest Sue ;

I did not intend to write to-day, nor can I ex-
ceed one short paragraph, in consequence of one
expression of yours of yesterday, and another in a
letter of Lord D . You seem to think the ap-
probation of the Toilet was not sincere. He in a
letter to me is quite in rapture of approbation on
Miss F's opinion and his own.

I thought it, absolutely necessary to tell you this '
to tune your song at your work ; make all possible
despatch, use all economy; if we must have four
boxes, I should think the front and two ends wont
be sufficient and the back saved, if the expense is
of consequence.

I have sent you a pheasant and a brace of Part-
riges — both will keep, but particularly for a week
if you chuse it. I give you the particulars, though
at the loss of your indulgence in the curiosity of
rummaging, because I find there is a practice in
fashion of stealing half out of bushels of game.
Yours ever faithfully,

J. B.

Friday.

*Burgoyne married Lady Charlotte, youngest daughter of
Lord Derby ; she had died in 1776. It was after his return to
England from America that he formed a connection with
Susan Caulfield, a singer of some prominence, and by her he
had three children, the eldest of whom was Sir John, who be-
came a field marshal.

1 63

P. S. : Fie! Fie! to get such colds and pains
in the stomach by feasting. If you did but take
such care as I do!

GENERAL GEORGE WASHINGTON.

No. 3000,

TO LIEUT. COLONEL ROBERT HANSON HAR-
RISON, ESQ.

Lieut. Colonel in the Continental Army; entered
the service in the month of October 1775 as one of
my Aid-de-Camp, and in May following became my
Secretary. The duties of which office he dis-
charged with Conspicuous abilities. That his
whole conduct during all the interesting period of
the War has been marked by the strictest integrity
and the most attentive and faithful service, while
by personal bravery he has been distinguished on
many occasions.

Given at my head quarters this Twenty-fifth day
of March 1781.

G° Washington.

GENERAL WASHINGTON TO GEORGE STEPTOE

WASHINGTON. *

Newburgh, Aug. 18th, 1783.
Dear George :

If my letter from Albany by the Count de Vienne

has reached you, it would inform you that I had

*The General's nephew.
(164)

i6 5

just made the tour of the Northern and Western
parts of this State, & had got that far on my return
home. — Accordingly the day following I Arrived at
this place & found your Aunt but just recovering
from a Fever and severe Cholic, which had re-
duced her much. — Since that she has had a relapse,
and is at this Moment far from being in a good
state of health. —

It gave us much concern to hear by Col° Cobb,
that you had been very unwel, altho' better when
he left you — I would Advise you to persevere in a
temperate mode of living & give the climate a fair
chance. — Too much retirement may be as improper
as to be always in a crowd — extremes should be-
avoided. — If you want anything let me know it. —

Congress having required my attendance, I shall
set off for Princeton to-morrow, and it is not likely
that I shall return to this Quarter again, to reside.
I carry my Baggage with me, it being the desire of
Congress that I should remain there till the Arrival
of the Definitive Treaty which as for the three last
months is every day expected. — The British seem
to be more in earnest to evacuate New York than
heretofore, otherwise things in this quarter remain
in statu quo.

Our best wishes attend you.
I am yours affect 1 .

G? Washington.

i66

INVITATION TO DINNER.
General & M r ? Washington present their com-
pliments to M T . AndT Ramsay, M r ? Ramsay, and Mr.
Will™ Ramsay, and request the favour of their com-
pany to dine on Tuesday next, with the couple
newly married.*
Mount Vernon,

23? Feb., 1799.
An answer is requested.

M* And? Ramsay, &c,
in

Alexandria.

WASHINGTON TO MARTIN COCKBURN.f

Mount Vernon, May 3d , 1786.
Sir:

Being informed that you receive the lists of tax-
able property in Truro Parish, I do, tho. late, send
you that of mine.

Do you hire your negro Tailor by the year? If

* Mr. and Mrs. Lawrence Lewis. Eleanor Parke Custis, Mrs.
Washington's grand-daughter, was married to Genl. Washing-
ton's nephew, Lawrence Lewis, Feb'y 22, 1799.

t Martin Cockburn, Esq., was a neighbor of Washington's,
living at " Springfield," adjoining " Gunston Hall " and " Lex-
ington," Va.

167

so on what terms and is, he now, or will he soon be
disengaged ?

My compliments, in which Mrs. Washington
joins me, are offered to Mrs. Cockburn.
I am, Sir,

Yr. mostobdt. servt,

Go. Washington.

GEORGE AUGUSTINE WASHINGTON.

GEORGE A. WASHINGTON* TO COL. JOHN F. MERCER.

Mount Vernon, May 24th, 1789.
Dear Sir:

I have received your favor of the 22d Inst, and
with it was delivered by your Servant ninety-four
pounds ten Shillings and seven pence half penny
Verginia Currency for the President, which sum
shall be passed to your credit. You mentioned
having forwarded Bill No. 4 to him. Bills No. 2
& 3 which I rec'd, will be retained for his direc-
tions, and so soon as I am advised, you shall be
informed the result.

Be pleased to present Mrs. Washington's Com-
pliments to Mrs. Mercer with mine.

I am Dear Sir with much esteem,
Your most Obt Ser.

Geo. A. Washington.

GEO. A. WASHINGTON TO MERCER.

Mount Vernon, Dec^ 17th, 1789.
Dear Sir:

Your Favor which was dated shortly after I

* Major George A. Washington was General Washington's
nephew, and attended to the affairs of Mt. Vernon.
(168)

i6q

parted with you at Fredericksburg met with some
delay in getting to me. The President has been
informed of the contents, and in reply says, as an
act of Providence has interposed to render a
complyance with your promise impracticable, he
must have further patience. He has also been
consulted as you desired, to know if wheat would
be received in payment. Clean & sound wheat
will be taken at his Mill and the Alexandria
Cash price allowed for it. The Crop of Corn
made here this year will be inadequate to the
demands, will therefore be glad to be informed
on the rect of this if you will have any to dis-
pose of and on what terms you will engage to
deliver it here, or have it taken from your landing.
Mrs. Washington joins me in best respects to Mrs.
Mercer.

I am Dear Sir Your most ob 1 . ser.

Geo. A. Washington.

GEO. A. WASHINGTON TO MERCER.

Mount Vernon, May 19th, 1791.
Dear Sir :

I had for some time been expecting the draught
you thought you would be able to give me on Al-
exandria, when I received your Letter, desiring I
would draw on you for eight hundred Dollars, but
it being without date of place or time and not hav-

170

ing come to hand long since, I was at a loss where
to direct, but imagine from the tenor of your let-
ter that you would be at Annapolis, and was writ-
ing to you at that place, when it was confirmed by
your letter of the 5th inst. dated there. I expected
you would have forwarded the money you have for
the President to this place, but being extremely
pressed for money went to Alexandria to endeavour
to accomodate you by getting some one to take a
draught on Annapolis, but could meet with no
person who had transactions in that place that
would enable them to do it, but meeting with Mr.
Fendall who was going there I will cheerfully
risque any sum you may pay to him on the Presi-
dent's Acct. I have therefore drawn on you for
the eight hundred Dollars your first better author-
ised me to do, and as you speak of a considerable
sum have desired him to receive, and pass a receipt
which shall be good against the president for any
further sum you may choose to forward. The two
statements I reed under cover from you at Freder-
icksburg I shewd the president, but his stay being
short at Mount Vernon he did not go into an ex-
amination of them, but observed to me that all he
wished was a just settlement and that he had long
been desirous of bringing the business to a close,
and should any difficulty attend it there will on
the part of the president be no objection to having
the accts. examined and settled by persons quali-

171

fied to do it, and that it is his wish that the busi-
ness should be closed with mutual satisfaction I
have no doubt.
I am
Dear Sir with esteem

Your obt. Sev.

G? A. Washington.
Colo. John F. Mercer.

AARON OGDEN.

AARON OGDEN TO HIS WIFE.

Washington, April 26, 1802.*
My very dear Wife :

Yesterday, being Sunday, was spent at Mount
Vernon, whereby I was prevented from writing to
you, in my usual [sic].

The visit was very agreeable, and interested my
feelings exceedingly. The prospects are fine, and
the grounds, which are laid out, very extensive —
the whole in a style very grand indeed — it appears,
like works of its once Great possessor, , and is a
style like himself. The scene appears, in some
manner, like enchanted Ground, owing to the asso-
ciation of the Idea of the Great Washington with
every thing you behold. His vault, containing
his remains, made a great impression on my mind.
His widow is an affecting personage — dignified
and polite, inspiring the greatest respect and vene-
ration. She remembered and professed to be very
glad to see me, which I doubt not, recollecting the
great attachment which she knew most of the Army
had for her husband.

After dinner I took my leave & received a kind

* Ogden was then a U. S. Senator.
(172)

173

invitation to pay her another visit, when it might
be in my power. I promised to do so next winter.
My love to all to whom I bear it, & believe me
to be continually yours.

Aaron Ogden.
Mrs. Aaron Ogden,

Elizabeth Town,

New Jersey.

SARAH ROBINSON.

SARAH ROBINSON TO KITTY F. WISTER.*

New York,
30th of the Fourth Month,
1789.
I feel exceedingly mortified and hurt, my dear
cousin, that so many of my letters to thee have
been miscarried. I have certainly written as many
as half a dozen since thee left New York, although
thou acknowledgest the receipt of but one, which
almost discourages me from making another at-
tempt, so uncertain is it whether it will ever reach
Brandywine, but I' cannot entirely give it up, as I
am sure they afford you some pleasure. I received
thine of the 4th, and was pleased to hear you were
well and that my dear uncle and aunt talked of
making New York a visit. I shall wish for a wed-
ding in the family often, if it will bring such good
strangers ; do, my dear, insist on it, and do not let

*Miss Sarah Robinson was the daughter of Rowland Robin-
son and Sarah Franklin. Kitty Franklin Wister, her cousin, to
whom the letter is written, was the daughter of Casher Wister
and Mary Franklin. Both Sarah Robinson and Mary Wister
were sisters of Walter Franklin (the "Uncle Walter" referred
to in this letter), one of whose daughters married De Witt Clin-
ton, the other George Clinton.

(174)

175

them disappoint us ; we promise ourselves a great
enjoyment in their company. Uncle John's affair
goes on rapidly and will soon come to a crisis, and
he is as attentive a swain as thou wouldst wish to
see, and as much delighted at the approaching
event. Betsy and Polly are expected to-day. I
hope they will be prudent, but no doubt it will be
a great trial ; they are all extremely averse to the
match, and uncle has his hands full with them,
thou may suppose. If I could but sit an hour with
thee, my dear, how much I should have to tell
thee, but it will not do to put all on paper; but so
far I will say that the Widow would have nothing
to say to Uncle John, until he would be reconciled
to Cousin Tommy, in consequence of which he
visits there and takes a great deal of notice of his
three little granddaughters, a very pleasing event
to all of us, and does great honour to our aunt, and
endears her very much to me; she is, I think, every
way suitable to our Uncle, and I have no doubt
will make him an excellent wife. Billy is now
out on his journey to Vermont; he has been gone
eight weeks. I have frequently heard from him
during his absence, but do not know when to ex-
pect him. Our dear little Eliza is now in the
small-pox, and like to have it very favourably, a
favour which demands our gratitude; the rest of the
little tribe are well. My little neice Esther grows
finely and her mother is as well as can be expected.

176

Great rejoicing in New York on the arrival of
General Washington, an elegant barge decorated
with an awning of satin, 12 oarsmen dressed in
white frocks and blue ribbons, went down to E.
Town last fourth day to bring him up. A stage
was erected at the coffee house wharf, covered with
a carpet for him to step on, where a company of
light-horse, one of artillery, and most of the inhab-
itants were waiting to receive him. They paraded
through Queen st. in great form, while the music
of the drums and the ringing of the bells were
enough to stun one with the noise. Previous to
his coming Uncle Walter's* house on Cherry St.
was taken for him, and every room furnished in the
most elegant manner. Aunt Osgood and I,ady
Kitty Duerf had the whole management of it. I
went the morning before the General's arrival to
take a look at it, the best of furniture in every
room and the greatest quantity of plate and china
I ever saw, the whole of the first and second story
is papered and the floors covered with the richest
kind of Turkey and Wilton carpets. The house
did honour to my Aunts and Lady Kitty; they
spared no pains nor expense on it. Thou must

* Walter Franklin.

t William Alexander, Earl of Stirling, Major-General in the
Continental Army, had two daughters, the second of whom,
Catharine, married Col. William Duer, and was known as Lady
Kitty Duer. (Duer's " Life of Lord Stirling.")

177

know that Uncle Osgood and Duer were appointed
to procure a house and furnish it, accordingly
they pitched on their wives as being likely to do
it better. I have not yet done, yet my dear is
thee not almost tired? The evening after his excel-
lency's arrival, there was a general illumination
took place, except among my friends (quakers),
and those styled Anti-Federalists. The latter' s
windows suffered some, thou may imagine. As
soon as the General has sworn in, a grand exhibi-
tion of fireworks is to be displayed, which it is
expected is to be to-morrow. There is scarcely
anything talked about now but General Washing-
ton and the palace, and of little else have I told
thee yet, tho' I have spun my miserable scrawl al-
ready to a great length; but thou requested to know
all that was going forward. I have just heard that
William Titus of Woodbury is going to be married
to a sister of Uncle Browne, mother to Thomas
Browne, who I believe thee knows. Eliza Titus,
her husband, and Father and Mother, spent the
evening with me last sixth day. Eliza is much
altered since I saw her, she is much thinner and
plainer. Marie de Courcy, too, has been in town a
fortnight; she made her home at Uncle Osgood's,
but was a great deal among us all She is about
making a little tour into Connecticut on a visit to
a friend, L,ucy Bull, with Joseph Bull, who is now
in town. Our families are all well. Hettie is still

I 7 8

with us. Rowland and the girls' love to you. Ac-
cept mine, my dear cousin, and write soon to thy
affectionate cousin.

Sarah Robinson.
Kitty F. Wister.

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN BACHE.

BENJAMIN FRANKUN BACHE TO HIS FATHER,
RICHARD BACHE.

IW5-].
My dear Papa, you'd give a guinea

Just now to see my nurse, Mo'minny,

With sueh a fretful busy face,

Pursuing me from place to place.

She scolds and coaxes, frowns and flatters; .

And now she's dumb, and then she chatters,.

And all, forsooth, to get me out,

"With her to flirt and gad about!

* Sarah Franklin, -the only daughter of Benjamin Fraaklin,.
married Richard Bache, a merchant of Philadelphia, on the
29th October, 1767, when her father was in England, fighting,
the Teimposition of the ■Stamp Act upon the Colonies. The first
child Of this union was Benjamin Franklin Bache, horn Aug-
ust 12, 1769. His grandfather's son, Governor William Frauk-
Kn, stood one godfather at his christening, and a Mr. Brayton
was proxy for Dr. Franklin, who was the other. In May, 1775,
when Franklin returned from Europe, he found his godson a
bright little boy of six years, the pet and pride, of his mother
and grandmother. The following year, when Franklin .went to
Paris as the envoy of the United States, he carried the boy with
him, and had him educated in Paris and Geneva. Bache did
not return to America until 1785, and in 1790 entered upon his
brilliant and tempestuous career as editor of the Philadelphia
General Advertiser, afterwards known as the Aurora. In this
capacity he was -the champion of Jefferson and his school, and,
as much as any writer of his time, may be said to have shared
(179)

i8o

Now spare your labor, Goody Nurse;
For, look, says I, with all your fuss,
I won't be coax'd abroad, nor carried;
Go — coax your Sweetheart, and get married ;
Then, please the pigs, I hope to see
Your Husband plague'd instead of me!
She persevered and I persisted;
The more I turn'd the more she twisted;
And truly I'm ashamed to say
What gave occasion for the fray:
In short, she made this mighty pother,
' Lest I should interrupt my Mother,
While she was writing, Sir, to you!
No, no, let Benny scribble too ;

in the formation of the Democratic party. He died suddenly
during a yellow fever epidemic in Philadelphia, at the age of
twenty- eight years.

It was the custom of his mother, when he was a child, to take
refuge from the commotions which then beset Philadelphia in
Burlington, a quiet retreat in New Jersey, where William Frank-
lin had a residence, and it was from some place near there, and
evidently just before Benjamin Franklin's return to America
in 1775, that the poem was written. It has descended in a
regular line in the Bache family, and its authenticity and
antiquity are beyond question, but the penmanship is not that
of a child of six, nor can its composition be reasonably at-
tributed to so young a mind, however precocious it might be.
In the published letters of Franklin and his family, there are
many allusions to the brightness of "little Benny," but
there is nothing to indicate such startling precociousness as this
poem would indicate. The metre, it is true, is the easiest, and
the thoughts are simple and child-like, but the whole betokens
rather the combined effort of the witty and clever Sarah Bache
and her clever little son, than the individual production of the
latter.

Mamma, let Benny write. She smiled,
And said I was a Charming Child ;
And — here, says she, my lovely Ben,
My Franklin, take your Mother's pen,
And scribble what you will, my Boy,
I'm sure 'twill give your Father joy.
So Mollie was obliged to yield,
And like a Man, I kept the Field.

We've been to Burlington, and there

We made a progress through the Fair.

The Street was crouded full enough

With idle Folks and paltry stuff;

The Country People, far and near,

Flock here to market twice a year.

They think that something new and rare

Is to be seen at every Fair,

Some Curiosity ; — but no,

'Tis they themselves that are the show.

But, had you seen us press along,

From Stall to Stall, through such a throng,

I think it would have made you proud

To see my courage in the Croud ;

Take care, says I, make room for Benny,

Among the rest to spend his penny ;

So, one I pull'd and push'd another,

And made a Passage for my Mother !

Among the trinkets to be bought

For eighteen pence — not worth a Groat —

I must upon a Fairing fix,

And so I chose a Coach and six.

At Burlington we stay'd some weeks,
And every day I stuffed my Cheeks
With Creams and dainties from the Dairy,
Besides the victuals dress'd by Mary.

1 82

We had the pleasure still to find
Our worthy Friends so very kind,
And every thing so good and clever,
I cou'd have wish'd to stay forever ;
But that, you know, wou'd never do
Without my Grandmamma and you.
And oh, Papa, why don't you come,
And spend your Christmas here at home ?
Had I but wings ! Oh, how romantic !
I'd soon fly over the Atlantic,
Salute my Grand -Papa, and make
His Cheeks and sides with laughing ake,
And in my English Danma's breast,
Make for a while the Kingbird's nest,
And then return with you, Papa,
Again to bless my own Mamma.

But now, I've writ so long a letter,
I only wish itwere a better!
I hope in time I shall improve
And more and more deserve your love.
Mamma takes all the pains she can
To make me good and be a man ;
'Tis her delight, she says, to teach
Your ever dutiful

Ben Franklin Bache.

GOVERNOR JOHN PAGE.

JOHN PAQE TO MANN PAGE.*

N. Y^ March i?tlj 1790.
My dear Mann. ;

Last night I received yours of 2i? 4 inst. from
York, & -was happy to find, that you & the rest of
my dear Family were well ; but was sorry that the
whpoping cough had surrounded the dear little
ones; that Disorder is more to be dreaded on their
Actf than the measles — but I hope in God neither
will hurt them — I have sent on in different letters
a pretty good collection of Garden seed, fit will
send any other you may want. For clover seed I
find no conveyance. I would wish to get many
things here & send to you if I had the money, but
the Expensiveness of living & Lillys take in keep me
poor indeed. I will send you the Books if to be
had — I suppose your sisters have told you that I am

* John Page, of Rosewell, Gloucester Co., Va., was a member
of the Committee of Safety and Lieutenant Governor of Virginia
during the Revolution, beside which he raised a regiment of
militia in his county. He was elected to Congress as soon as
the Constitution was adopted, and served till 1797. In Decem-
ber, 1802, he was made Governor of Virginia. Appleton's
Cyclopedia of American Biography. The above letter was
written from Congress to his kinsman.
(183)

1 84

about to be married to Miss Lowther, I must refer
you to them for my Description of that Lady, & of
my Prospect of happiness. As I shall now keep
Rosewell & consult my own Ease & Happiness
rather than the Gratification of unreasonable im-
patient creditors & mean if possible at the Death
of my Wife to give it to you, I wish you to have
every thing done which can preserve the Buildings
&c upon cheap terms & let me know what may be
wanted for that purpose, possibly workmen may be
hired here by the year — from Miss Lowther's Dis-
position toward me & my Family & her happy
Temper I conceive it will be unnecessary for you
& your family to be at any Expense or Inconven-
ience on Account of our Marriage, at any Rate as
long as I shall be in Congress — Should I live to re-
turn & settle at Rosewell I will assist you to the
utmost of my Power, & fix you in W? s burg, Rich-
mond, York or Gloucester, as you may think will
best suit your Views — enclosed are some grains of
the corn which M? Willis desired me to get him an
early sort — I have sent him the like Number &
shall continue to send you both till I have sent the
Quart which I have.

Give my Love to Betsey your Brothers & Sisters
& all my Family & Friends; being called off I can
only say that I am affect yrs.

J. Page.

PETER MINOR.

PETER MINOR TO JOHN MINOR, JR.*

Petersburg, 25th Sept. 1783.
Dear Jack:

I now sit down to apologize for not answering
your former Favours. In the 1st place I've been
so very unwell For about Two months that I was
Incapable of attending to Business. In the next,
as soon as I was able to attend to my most principle
Concerns I found affairs so behind hand that I
could attend to nothing else But that, till I got
them in tolerable way again, By which means I
have neglected to answer my Friends Letters. It
was not luatention or forgetfulness, But the Situa-
tion I found my affairs in, so that I hope this will
convince you it was not the want of Friendship,
But nothing more than wishing to have matters in
a good way.

You ought to know my dear Jack that when a
man undertakes a piece of Business or Studies a
profession, he ought to apply his whole time to it,
or he may not be master of it till old age creeps

* He was in the Revolutionary Army and was afterwards a
member of the Virginia Assembly.

(185)

1 86

on too far for him too do anything [MS torn] he
cannot Injoy it with that Satisfaction had he [MS
torn].

I mean my own Situation had it been agreed by
my Friends to have allow' d me to chose what I
now profess It would have been greatly to my In-
terest and (make no doubt to their) satisfaction.
But our parents and Friends very seldom consult
our inclinations tho perhaps it may be for our ad-
vantage.

I will inform you in my next what I have been
doing here & what Intend to do in future, and at
the same Time my dear Jack you'l Remember to
inform me what you are doing &c. &e. and how
you come on in your wise assembly. Your Bills
pass'd & thrown out, motion made &c. &c. mind
this Jack you must write me Two or three Letters
to my one. That is allowing for my being absent
or Business Interests. But this be assured of I
will answer every Letter you write without some
Accident; which I know you will Excuse.

As the old Gentleman may not allow you, or an
opportunity may not offer for him to send you
pocket cash Let me know and I will send you a
few Guineas. But not to sport with Jack, mind
that, a Gamster In my Idea is the most Despisable
being that exists, at the same time I think a young
Fellow ought not to be stinted in any Rasioual
pleasures.

iS 7

As to you first Bill for the Emancipating Slaves
I think it met with a very good fate for we might
as well let Loose a parcel of Indians or Lions as
to Let our Slaves free without they could be sent
from the Continent*

Your Second Bill I so far agree, that Emigra-
tion should be encouraged by every good member
of S'ociety as our Country is young & very exten-
sive, And the greater number of Souls we have,
the Richer we shall be — as to Exempting them
from Taxes for three four or Five years, I think
would be of no disadvantage to us, But rather an
advantage, as it would Encourage Emigration.
But as to admitting Foreigners to the Highest
offices or to any office whatever, I think is very un-
politick and the Highest absurdity. You must see
Instances every day of Scotchmen getting into of-
fices who have Acted in a Lukewarm manner ever
Since the war began, nay have Tried to Alienate
the minds of the Ignorant part of mankind from
what we have been so long Contending for. They

*"The disposition to emancipate them [the slaves] is strong-
est in Virginia. Those who desire it form, as yet, the minority
of the whole State, but it bears a respectable proportion to the
whole in numbers and weight of character, and it is continually
recruiting by the addition of nearly the whole of the young men
as fast as they come into public life. I flatter myself that it
will take place there at some period of time not very distant."
Thomas Jefferson, JVorks,\Vo\. IX., p. 290. The editor is unable
to find any record of the bill referred to in this letter.

1 88

hang together, they are an artfull, Designing sett
of men, and were we once to admit them on the
same footing of our good Citizens who has fought
& Bled for their Country It would be unpolitick
and Reflecting on our Country that we were obliged
to be beholden to those very men (that would have
Cut our throats) to represent us. For God sake
never let it be said, that we were obliged to import
Scoundrels that has been fighting us and then to
come here and be admitted into offices. It would
be acknowledging that we had not Citizens capable
of that Trust. It will not bare reflection. For my
part I should be clear for excluding the first Gen-
eration from any publick service whatever and
none But Natives should Represent us [MS.
torn.]*

I have wrote you a long Scribble. I do not
know wheather you can make it out or not. I was
obliged to write in a hurry as Mr. Call is waiting.
I forgot you are a Lawyer, therefore you can Inter-
pret for the Best.

I an Dr Jack yr aff uncle

Peter Minor.

* These criticisms may refer to the " Citizen bill." See Let-
ters of Joseph Jones, no.

L. *J^ -J^ ^_ n[ /. -vU n! ^

PUBLICATIONS

OF THE

Historical Printing Club

97 CLARK ST.,

^ BROOKLYN, N. Y. ^

Bibliography of the Official Piiblicafioos

OF THE

CONTINENTAL CONGRESS

** 1774-1789. *►

COLLECTED AND. ANNOTATED BY

PAUL LEICESTER FORD.

2SO copies printed.

Royal octavo, pp. 37.

This is the first serious attempt to print a list of the reports, proclamations,
broadsides, journals, and ordinances, published by our Revolutionary Congress. Of
many of those here catalogued, but fifty or a hundred copies were printed, and such
is their great rarity that they have never been used as historical material. It includes
the practically unknown weekly and monthly issues of the journals printed for Con-
gress only, which are so much fuller than what is commonly known as the author-
ized edition ; the secret editions of the various drafts of the Articles of Confederation ;
the various court martials held by order of Congress ; a long series of reports and
other papers relating to the Hflance&,<1ftie.series of State papeis bearing on the western
territory, including the different drafts of the ordinance of 1787; a number of pub-
lications bearing on the Indians ; and many others of interest from their having been
drafted by such leading men as the Lees, the Adamses, the Morrises, Franklin, Jay,
Livingston, Madison, Hamilton, Monroe, Pinckney, Rutledge, and others. It con-
tains in all nearly five hundred titles, which have only been gathered at great pains
and difficulty from the archives of the Department of State, the archives of the
various States, as well as the leading public and private libraries ; and with hardly
an exception a copy of each is located for the benefit ofchistarical workers. Though
by no means a complete list, it is neveifheless the only work yet compiled of this
almost unknown literature, and is the first and most difficult step toward a biblio
graphy of the publications of the United States government.

Wi<m

WILLS OF GEORGE WASHINGTON

AND HIS IMMEDIATE ANCESTORS.

BY worthington cha-uncey ford.

"the Edition limited to £SO copies.

Small Quarto, uncut, printed on fine paper.

Price $2.6o.

The title gives a very imperfect idea of the contents of this work.
The Wills printed are those of :

1. John Washington, the immigrant, great grandfather of the President.

2. Lawrence Washington, the immigrant, a brother of John.

3. Lawrence Washington, grandfather of the President.

4. Augustine Washington, father of the President.

5. Maty (Ball) Washington, mother of the President.

6. Lawrence Washington, half-brother of the President.

7. 'George Washington.

8. Judge Bushrod Washington, nephew of the President.

9. John Augustine Washington, possessor of Mount Vernon.
10. John Custis, the elder.

wEBBK$$$k

ignpiii

" ' ill!

S»4§

Letters of William Lee

** 1766-1783. **

COLLECTED AND EDITED BY

WORTHINGTON CHAUNCEY FORD.

Edition limited to 2SO copies.

Three Volumes, small Quarto, printed on fine paper.

Half Morocco, gilt top, uncut.

Portrait of William Lee, engraved especially for this work.

Price, $12.00.

This important collection, comprising upwards of 300 letters, is, with a
very few exceptions, published for the first time from the original manu-
scripts or letter books. The prominent positions occupied by Lee under
the Continental Congress during the American Revolution, make them of
great value historically. He was successively secret agent in London,
commercial agent in France, and minister to the courts of Vienna and
Berlin. He was the only American who has been Sheriff and Alderman
of London, while his mercantile career is of interest. The letters are for
the most part written to his brothers, in full and free confidence, often in
cypher, and are replete with novel views and open criticism of men and
actions. The growth of the enmity of the Lees and Izard to Deane and
Franklin is fully shown, and its bitterness and persistency proved; while,
at the same time, the letters are full of details of the situation of affairs in
Europe, told as they have never been before described. Lee was, above
all, an "intelligencer," and the rumors of the day as well as accomplished
facts, find place in his correspondence. In no other, collection can the
same features be found, and these volumes form a necessary addition to
American, as well as to French histories of the commercial and political
relations between the two countries during the Revolution.

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