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PMINTeDINU.S.*
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CALENDARS.
Instructions to Editors.
The Master of the Rolls desires to call the attention of the Editors of
Calendars to the following considerations, with a view to secure uniformity
of plan in the important works on which they are engaged : —
He is anxious to extend, as far as is consistent with proper economy and
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his control : 1st. As the most efficient means of making the national archives
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justification of the liberality and munificence of the Government in throwing
open these papers to the public, and providing proper catalogues of their
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The greater number of the readers who will consult and value these works
can have little or no opportunity of visiting the Public Record Ofiice, in
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must necessarily be limited when readers live at a distance from the metro-
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or foreign states. Even when such an opportunity does exist, the difficulty
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not made accessible by satisfactory Calendars.
The Master of the Rolls considers that, without superseding the necessity
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have been lost for which these Calendars have been compiled.
A 84541. Wt. 17445.
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1st. All formal and official documents, such as letters of credence, war-
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* Editors employed in foreign archives are to tianscribe nt full length
important and secret papers.
CALENDAR
OF
LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS^
ENGLISH AFFAIRS, .
OP THE REIGN OF
ELIZABETH.
CA LENDAR
LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS
RELATING TO
ENGLISH AFFAIRS,
PKEBERVED I'KINOIPALLY IN THE
ARCHIVES OF SIMANOAS.
Vol. III.
ELIZABETH.
15 80—15 8 6.
EDITED BY
MARTIN A. S. HUME, F.KHiST.S.
I'UBLISUED I3Y TUE AUTHORITY OF THE LOliDS COMMISSIONERS OF HEK MAJESTY'S IHEASUKY
UNDEK THE DIRECTION OF THE MASTER OF THE ROLLS.
LONDON:
PRINTED FOR HER MAJESTY'S STATIONERY OFFICE,
BY EYEE AND SPOTTISWOODE,
PRINTERS TO THE QUEEN's MOST EXCELLENT JIAJESTY.
And to be purchased, either directly or through any Bookseller, from
EYRE AND SPOTTISWOODE, East Harding Street, Fleet Street, E.G. ; or
JOHN MENZIES & Co., 12, Hanover Street, Edinburgh, and
90, West Nile Street, Glasgow; or
HODGES, FIGGIS, & Co., Limited, 104, Grajton Street, Dublin.
1896.
K-\i^{oi-
(.oudtn: rrinted by ErEB and Spottiswookb.
Her Majesty's Printers.
For Her Majesty's Stationery OaSee.
C O N T E N T S.
Tige
Preface - - - - - - - i to Ivi
Calendar -...-. --Ito 691
General Index - . - . . . . 693 to 720
Errata ... ..... 720
INTRODUCTION.
The documents calendared in this third volume are
drawn mainly from similar sources to those dealt with ia
the previous volumes, namely, the correspondence of the
Spanish agents in England, and other papers relating
directly to English affairs preserved in the Spanish
Archives at Simancas.
The documents in the present volume against which
no marginal reference is placed are contained in packets
numbered 833 to 839 of the papers belonging to the
Secretaria de Estado of the Archives in question ; but it will
be observed that a considerable number of the papers dealt
with are derived directly from the National Archives in Paris.
This arises from the fact that during the Peninsular war
most of the documents in the Simancas Archives relating
to Erance were abstracted by the orders of Napoleon and
conveyed to Paris, where they still remain. As after the ex-
pnlsion of Mendoza from England in January 1584] English
affairs were managed from Paris by the same ambassador,
the letters from the King to him during his residence in
London were included by mistake in the papers taken to
Paris. The correspondence relating to England written
whilst Mendoza was ambassador ia Erance are of course
in the Paris Archives, and it has therefore been necessary
to seek them there. The " Simancas papers " in Paris
relating to Scottish history of the date covered by this
volume, were edited by M. Teulet, in Spanish with a
Erench summary, for the Bannantyne Club in 1851, and
inost of Mary Stuart's letters in the same Archives were
printed in Prince Labanoff's collection. They have,
however, been included in the present volume in order that
the whole of the documents may be before the reader.
As practically all of the correspondence waa originally in
cipher no distinctive type lias been adopted to mark the
fact.
y 84541. U
ii iMTKobUCTtON.
The year 15S0 opened full of anxiety for Elizabeth.
Mendoza had carefully fostered her alarm at the
ostentatious preparation of Philip's fleet, the Irish
insurgents, she knew, were being actively supported by
Spain and the Pope, the seminary priests were busy all
over England, and the adherents of Mary Stuart were
daily gathering courage and confidence. Eor the first
time almost in her reign the Queen's own popularity had
suffered an eclipse in consequence of the repulsion of
her people at the projected marriage with the duke
of Alen9on. Her position was full of difficulties and
dangers, ■which no person but herself could adequately
appreciate ; and it is now evident that the only
policy by which she could be extricated was that of
profound dissimulation with regard to her matrimonial
intentions which she successfully adopted. Orange,
unwavering in his object, the only inflexible element in
the situation, was determined to attract once more to the
national cause the Catholic Eleraings and Walloons
whom Parma's diplomacy had drawn to the Spanish
side. Elizabeth, powerful supporter as she was with
his Protestant Hollanders, M'as a hindrance rather
than a help to him, so far as the Catholics weie
concerned ; the archduke Mathias had turned out a
broken reed, and, as the only means of saving his cause,
Orange persisted in his intention to call in the Catholic
French prince to assume the sovereignty of the States.
Elizabeth had threatened and cajoled in vain, William of
Nassau was as firm as a rock, and the English queen had
to turn the dif&culty she could not banish. A French
domination of Flanders Avouid have been far more
injurious to English interests than the continuance there
of the Spanish power ; and Elizabeth had more than once
declared that she would sacrifice her last shilling and
her last Englishman to prevent it. It was therefore
"imperative for her to contrive that if Alengon Avent to
Flanders at all, he should go under her patronage
and influence, and with the support of the French
INTRODUCTION. lU
Huguenots. With tliis object her aim was to prevent a
complete reconciliation between Henry III. and his
brother, and between the former and the French
Protestant princes ; whilst, on the other, hand she could
not afford to widen the breach so far as to drive the
French king into the arms of Spain, which would have
ruined the cause of Flemish liberty, and have united
France, Spain, the Guises, and the League, in support
of Mary Stuart's ceaseless intrigues to obtain the crown
of England. Her obvious course therefore was to beguile
Henry III. with the idea of his family aggrandisement,
and perhaps eventual dynastic predominance, which
might ensue from a marriage between his brother and
the queen of England. It would have been moreover an
advantage to him if he could thus peacefully have got rid
of his turbulent heir presumptive, and kept the Huguenots
busy out of France; and it suited him, and especially
his mother, to keep up the pretence of a belief in the
sincerity of the marriage negotiations, although at the
time the present volume opens they were quite aware of
the real purpose underlying them. The aged king of
Portugal was on his death-bed, and Philip claimed the
succession. The increase thus to accrue to the power
of Spain could best be met by a closer understanding
between England and France, and the rendering of Philip
powerless in Portugal by causing a recrudescence of the
troubles in Flanders. Alen9on, for his part, had his own
game to play. Orange and the Protestant States had
given him clearly to understand that the duchy of
Brabant and the sovereignty of Flanders would only be
offered to him in consideration of the additional support
he could bring to the national cause, and for the moment
it appeared that he would be more likely to obtain
such support from Elizabeth than from his brother. He
was moreover dazzled with the idea of so brilliant a
match as that suggested to him, was clearly outwitted
by Elizabeth's feminine tactics, and was himself hoping
against hope that she was really in earnest. In any case
IV IKTRODUCTION.
it -was important for liim to convince tbe Hollanders that
tlie queen of England would certainly marry liira and aid
him with ail her power in Flanders, whilst he dared not
appear too acquiescent in the matter of religion for fear
of alienatiDg the very men whom he was principally
intended to conciliate, namely, the Catholic Flemings and
Walloons.
It will thus be seen that the contending interests were
many and complicated; but it has been necessary to
defiue them broadly, in order that the allusions contained
in the letters which commence the present volume may
be the better uoderstooJ.
At the end of November 1579 Simier, after much
importunity, had been sent off to Alongon and the King
with Elizabeth's amended draft conditions for the marriage,
but at the last moment she characteristically insisted upon
the insertion of a new clause which left her a loophole for
escape. The articles were to remain in suspense for two
months to enable the Queen to overcome her people's
repugnance to the marriage ; and, as an additional means
of introducing obstacles to the conclusion of the match, she
sent Sir Edward Stafford, with Simier, with instructions
to say that still further amendment would be required in
the articles before they could be finally accepted. The
first letter in the present volume shows how these
dubious tactics were received respectively by Henry III.
and his brother. The King understood the object— as
he wrote to his ambassador at the time — and could
afford to appear accommodating. If, he said, his
brother Avould agree, the English who had drafted the
articles might amend them. He would consent in any
case. Alen9on dared not say thus much. He sent
Stafford back with an eager letter, in the seal of wliicli
Avas embedded a fine emerald, pretending to believe that
all was settled, and suggesting his speedy coming to
England, in the hope, doubtless, that his personal presence
might, as on his former visit, influence the Queen's
judgment in his favour. The Prince had learnt o
IN'rrtODUCTION. ' V
Leicester's deadly feud with Simier, and of the Earl'si
and Walsingham's constant opposition to his suit. He
therefore sought by every means to attract Leicester to
his side, Leicester at first stood aloof, and refused all
advances, which he described as " nothing hut Pronoh
chatter," until Stafford arrived. The earl then apparently
thought the matter was settled, and hastened to make
the best terms for himself (page 2) and his belief was
apparently shared by Mendoza.
On page 4 of the present volume is an important letter
from Philip's ambassador in Paris, Juan de Vargas Mejia,
which opens out an important new element of intrigue
directed by the Guises against Elizabeth's policy, their
unfortunate cousin Mary Stuart being made their prime
instrument to her own eventual destruction.
Beaton told Vargas that Guise was trying to prevent
an agreement between Alenyon and the Huguenots, and
then confidentially came to the real object of his visit.
He impressed upon the Spanish ambassador that Guise
and himself (Beaton) had prevailed upon Mary Stuart " to
" place herself, her son and her realm, in the hands and
" under the protection of his catholic Majesty unre-
" servedly ; sending her son to Spain, if his Majesty
" wishes, and having him married there entirely according
" to his Majesty's pleasure." This meant, of course, the
detachment of the Guises from French interests, and
Vargas at once saw its importance. " Such," he says,
" is the present condition of England, with signs of revolt
" everywhere, the Queen in alarm, the Catholic party
" numerous, the events occurring in Ireland, and the
" distrust aroused by your Majesty's fleet, that I really
" believe that if so much as a cat moved the whole affair
" would crumble down in three days beyond repair
" If your Majesty had England and Scotland attached to
" you, directly or indirectly, you might consider the
" States of Flanders conquered, in which case you ....
" could lay down the law for the whole world." Guise's
adhesion made all the difference, because bis influence
Yl INTRODUCTION.
would prevent France from interfering, and thus the main
power that had held Philip's ambition in check would be
paralysed. Mary herself was unfortunately only too ready
to join in any plot for the destruction of her rival.
Beaton assured Vargas that she was determined not to
leave her prison "except as queen of England, and he
" assured me that her adherents and the Catholics were so
" numerous in Ihe country that, if they rose, it would be
" easy even without assistance, but with the help of your
'• Majesty it would soon be over, without doubt " (page 13).
These approaches through Beaton and Guise on behalf of
Mary Stuart were seconded by the despatch of Fernihurst
by D'Aubigny to Spain, and by the efforts of Englefield
in Madrid ; and Philip was eager, in his non-committal
way, to accept the tempting offers made to him. He
would, he said, lovingly welcome the king of Scots to
Spain and treat him as his own son, and would help and
assist the Queen when the time arrived (page 23), the
arrangements for the capture and deportation of James
being left in the hands of his mother, and the matter
scrupulously kept secret from the French. The disgrace
of Morton, however, made the plan unnecessary for a time,
and the death of De Vargas in Paris in July 1580 sus-
pended the negotiations, which were subsequently revived
under more favourable auspices, as will be seen in the
course of the correspondence. From this first suggestion
of armed intervention in England by the aid of the Scots
Catholics, until the full plan of the Armada was developed,
the project of the invasion is traced step by step in the
present correspondence more fully than elsewhere. No
point is more curious to follow than the gradual alienation
and elimination of the Guises ■ from the plot, as James
Stuart's right to the succession is pushed into the back-
ground by Allen and the English Catholics, and Philip's
claim to the English Crown cautiously brought into the
forefront.
Whilst the Scottish Catholics, the Guises, and the
Spaniards, were busy with intrigues which, if sucqessful,
INTBOUUCTION. Vll
would have made Great Britain au appanage of Spain,
humiliating, and perhaps dismembering Eranee, and
crushing protestantism in the Netherlands, Mendoza, who
was afterwards to become the arch plotter of them all, was
principally concerned in London with the ever increasing
power of England on the seas.
Rumours had reached England some months previously
of Drake's devastations in the Pacific, and the Spaniards
were now fully aware of the gigantic booty which had
rewarded his boldness. Whither he had gone afterwards
no man knew, and the long delay in his arrival in England
was causing great anxiety as to his fate. Eelief ex-
peditions were fitted out to seek him in the Atlantic, and
Mendoza had agents in the English western ports eagerly
watching for his coming with the plundered treasures of
the Spaniards. The ease with which the great captain
had swept the seas, and the abject terror with which the
privateers had inspired the Spanish merchantmen, had
already swollen high the "terrible insolence" of the
English seafarers, and their ultimate monopoly of the
carrying trade is foretold by Mendoza in a letter to the
King on 20th February 1580 (page 8). Philip could not
entirely prohibit the export the teeming products of
southern Spain and so ruin his country ; but Mendoza
begs him . earnestly to render the trade capricious and
precarious, in the hope that the English may therefore
cease to build ships. " It (the Spanish trade) is the
" principal source of their wealth and strength, which
" consists mainly of the great number of their ships.
" They are daiJy building more ; but the moment the
" Spanish trade fails them and they are not allowed to
" ship goods in Spain they will stop building, as they
" have no other trade so profitable, both on account of
" the vast sums of specie they bring .... and the
" richness of the merchandise they carry. This makes
" them almost masters of commerce in other parts as
'' well, as they have the monopoly of the shipping,
•' whereby they profit by all the freights. .... The
Viii INTKODUCTION.
" principal reason why they have grown so rich in the
" last ten years heing that they have liad the carrying
"trade of Spanish goods" (page 8). British enterprise,
however, was not entirely confined either to plunder or to
Spanish trade. Mendoza mentions (page 20) that the
London merchants trading with Muscovy and Persia had
fitted out " two small ships to try to discover a road to the
" kingdom of Cathay by the northern coast of Muscovy,
" the exact opposite of the voyage attempted last summer
" by Frobisher in which he found so much difficulty. No
" doubt this attempt will encounter similar obstacles,
" as no passage has been found beyond the river Obi.
" This is the river that Strabo Dionysius, the poet,
" and Pliny believed ran out of the Caspian sea,
•' and according to all arguments of astrology and
" cosmography, the sea there must be impassable in
" consequence of the excessive cold, as much as 70 or
" 80 degrees, the nights lasting, as do the days, many
"months" (page 20). On a subsequent page (365)
Mendoza gives an extremely interesting account, furnished
by an ingenious friend of his named Baron Gaspar
Schomberg, of the English attempts to open up a trade
with Persia and the East ladies by way of the Wliite
Sea, the Dwina, the Volga, and the Caspian, thus avoiding
the Mediterranean and diverting the Eastern spice and
drug trades from the Venetians. At the same time the
Turkish and Levant trades were to be tapped through the
Don, the sea of Azov, and the Black Sea. The Don and the
Volga, we are told, were not more than a German league
apart at one point where a depot and means of transport
where to be established pending the cutting of a canal.
This same German baron describes to Mendoza (page 368)
his invention of a revolving cannon with seven barrels,
of which the recoil, apparently by a screw action, was to
bring each barrel successively uppermost.
The long expected arrival of Drake at Plymouth with
his booty took place in October 1680, almost at the same
time as the landing in Ireland of the Papal forces
INTEODUCTION. OX
despatclied from Spain to the aid of the insurgents ;
and during tlie rest of the time that Mendoza remained
at Elizabeth's court, these two standing subjects of
complaint wore for ever being pitted one against the
other, whilst the ambassador's relations with the Queen
and her people became more and more acrimonious. As
soon as Drake arrived Mendoza sought audience of the
Queen to claim the restoration of the plunder, but he was
told that until she had got to the bottom of the Spanish
aid to the Irish insurgents she could not receive him.
This was a good excuse to avoid his importunities until the
treasures were landed and disposed of, although it is clear
that some of the more timid or disinterested members of
the Queen's Council were apprehensive at the magnitude
of the injury done to Spain. Mendoza was warned by the
Council that he was talking too freely about the matter,
and " Leicester also sent a secretary of his to say that my
•• talk about Drake's robberies was causing much fear
" amongst the merchants that your Majesty would declare
" war about it, and this would oblige the Queen to send
" all her ships to sea and raise foreign troops. In view
*' of present circumstances lie would leave me to judge
" whether it would be advantageous for your Majesty's
" interests for the Queen to arm at this time, now that
" the French were ui'ging her to marry Alon^on and bind
" herself to them. He therefore thought that it would be
" better to come to some arrangement about Drake. I
" told him that until I had seen the Queen and conveyed
" your Majesty's message to her, I had nothing to say
•' upon the matter of Drake ; and as for the rest, I would
" only say that, in my capabity of a simple soldier, whose
" weapon was his arm rather than his tongue, I had done
" my best to keep the Queen from provoking your
" Majesty to lay hands upon her ; and as for her marrying
" Alengon and joining the French, that concerned me
•' little, as I was sure that both parties would understand
" the importance of not offending' so powerful a monarch
"as your Majesty" (page 61). It was this hectoring
X INTEODUCTION.
tone that Mendoza henceforward adopted towards the Queen
and her Ministers, until his final expulsion from England ;
but a report from Captain Cabreta to Philip in the present
volume (page 56) shows how powerless Spain really was
at the time to resent English naval aggression. The
King is told " At present the coasts are in such a condition
" that it cannot be said that your Majesty's position at sea
" is strong, since people presume at any time to offend
" you with impunity. Be it understood that this arises
" from the great lack of all sorts of marine requisites
" and especially seamen and gunners." But, clamour
as Cabreta might for ships of the "new invention"
and for greater naval expenditure, Philip's hands were
full of care, and his treasury empty of doubloons ;
and Mendoza could only chafe and storm about his
master's strength, until the English merchants were
panic stricken with fears of reprisals, and put pressure
upon the Court to make some sort of restoration of
the plunder. The Spanish merchants who had been
robbed were also anxious to come to terms, by which they
might get, at all events, some of their property back, and
sent one of their number, a man named Zubiaur, to London
to negotiate, the King himself being favourable to this
mode of procedure. But Mendoza, haughty and jealous,
would have no such knuckling down (page 73), and stood
out for full and complete public reparation throuo-h
him as ambassador ; and in the end the Spaniards got
nothing. Drake's successful return gave a great impetus
to further expeditions from England. In his first
announcement that the plunder had been landed
(page 55). Mendoza says that "Drake had arranged
" to return with six ships, and offers to adventurers for
" every pound sterling subscribed to return them seven
" within the year. This has so great an influence over
" Englishmen that everybody wants to have a share in
" the expedition." By January 1581 it was decided that
Drake with ten ships' should return to the Moluccas
by way of the Cape of Qood Hope; youug KnoUys
INTEODUCTION. XI
was bound for Brazil with six vessels, and then to
try to get tliroiigli the Straits of Magellan to join
Drake in the Pacific ; Humphrey Gilbert was to go
and plunder Cuba, Santo Domingo, and the Spanish
Maiu ; and Frobisher was once more to search for
a north-west passage to Cathay. " Doubtless," says
Mendoza, " these people will meet with great obstacles in
'• the execution of their various designs, but the success
" of Drake encourages them to make light of them all."
Mendoza's one unceasing remedy for it was that
every English ship encountered should be sent to the
bottom and not a soul spared ; but Spanish sailors
were few and panic stricken, and Spanish ships were
old and slow, so the swift privateers still swept the seas
unmolested. Drake, moreover, had discovered by chance
what the Spaniards did not yet know, namely, that Tierra
del Fuego was an island, and that, whilst the Spanish war
ships were waiting for him in the Straits of Magellan, he
could get round the Horn. The news is conveyed by
Mendoza to his master in an interesting letter dated
20th April 1582 (page 340). This discovery had been
kept very secret, and was only learnt by Mendoza at
great trouble and expense a year and a half after Drake's
arrival. In the meanwhile Drake was naturally in high
favour with his sovereign. " He is," says Mendoza,
(page 74), " squandering more money than any man in
" England, and, proportionately, all those who came with
" him are doing the same. He gave to the Queen the
" crown which I described in a former letter as having
" been made here. She wore it on New Year's day. It
" has in it five emeralds, three of them almost as long as
" a little finger, and two round ones worth 20,000 crowns.
" He has also given the Queen a diamond cross of the
" value of 5,000 crowns as a New Year's gift. The Queen
" shows him extraordinary favour and never fails to speak
" to him when she goes out in public, conversing with
" him for a long time. She says she will knight him on
•* the day she goes to see his ship. She has ordered the
XU INTRODUCTION.
" ship itself to bo brought ashore, and placed in her
" arsenal near Grceawich as a curiosity." All this time
Mendoza was excluded from the Queen's presence and had
to content himself with threats and violent language
meant to frighten the merchants and indirectly to reach
the ears of the Queen. He was offered a bribe of 50,000
crowns to moderate his tone, but replied that he would
give much more than that to punish so great a thief as
Drake. However much his threats might alarm the
merchants, the Queen and her Ministers were too well
aware of Philip's position to attach very much importance
to them. Elizabeth repeated the policy she had successfully
adopted when she had seized the Spanish treasure in
English ports [see Volume II. of this Calendar) and
demanded explanations and redress from Philip before
entertaining the question of restoration. The papal forces
in Ireland had by this time been ignominiously slaughtered
at Smerwick. Eitzmaurice and Sanders were dead, the Irish
Chiefs were falling out amongst themselves, and the rebel-
lion was being crushed by Lord Grey's ferocity. Elizabeth
was greatly shocked that her " good brother " the king of
Spain should help rebels, seeing how vulnerable he was to
attack on that side himself, and steadily refused to receive
Mendoza until excuses or apologies were sent. Philip's
hands were full in Portugal, where he was, with the aid
of Alba, conquering his new kingdom ; and Elizabeth well
knew that he could not now spare a man nor a ducat to
injure her. She and Catharine de Medici moreover were
once again united in their opposition to Spain ; and she was
managing the Alen<^on marriage negotiations with more
consummate address than ever. Mendoza relates (page 14)
how Castelnau, the French ambassador, waited upon the
Queen on the very day when the two months' delay
expired and peremptorily requested an answer as to whether
she would marry Alenqon or not. When she began to
fence, as usual, he threatened, much to her indignation,
that the prince would publish her love letters in his own
defence if she did not marry him, The Queen Avas muclj
iNTRODUCTioi*. xiii
disturbed at this and, as Mendoza relates, summoned the
Archbishop of York and Cecil to advise her. " Here am
" I," she said, " between Scylla and Charybdis. AlenCjOn
" agrees to nil the conditions I sent him and is asking me
" to tell him when I wish liim to come and marry me."
If I do not marry him, she continued in effect, I shall make
Jiim ray enemy, and if I do I shall lose all the advantages
of my present position. What shall I do ? She could get
no decided advice from the Archbishop, but upoa pressing
Cecil — who was probably as much mystified as everyone
else — he replied that she should either marry Alengon or
give him a decided answer declining him. This is exactly
what slie did not wish to do, and in a few tart words let
Cecil know as much (page 15). Circumstances as usual
aided her. On the day before the ambassador saw her,
envoys arrived inLondon from La Noue,the great Huguenot
chief in the service of the States, and from the Prince of
Conde, asking her to aid Alenpon in Elauders. This meant
that, in despite of the Guises, Alenc^^on and the Huguenots
had come to terms, and, so long as Alen^'on was prin-
cipally supported by Protestant forces, she had nothing
to fear from his presence in Elanders, She seized the
opportunity with avidity and promised all sorts of help,
being perfectly sure that Alen^on would not be unduly
importunate about the marriage if he could hope for her
co-operation without it. At the same time the pretence of
marriage negotiations ^\as kept up more actively than
ever in order to save appearances and disarm the Erench
Government. On the receipt of a letter from Alenjon on
7th March, aanotmcing that he only awaited her permis-
sion to send Marshal dc Cosse to settle the final conditions,
she took the very unusual course of visiting the Prench
ambassador, and by every means sought to bring about an
understanding with the Prench Government before slic
pledged herself too deeply with Alengon in the troubled
affairs of Plandcrs. It was all very Avell to have Alcn(^ou
and the Pluguenots under her thumb, but she must make
sure she did not drive Henry III. into the opposite camp.
XlV INTRODUCTION.
This did not suit Alen9on, who knew full well that, if
Elizabeth could arrive at a cordial understanding with his
brother, neither party need trouble very much about him
or his plans, or risk a rupture with Spain by helping him.
He therefore began to grow ardent again, and for the
next few months he and Simier kept pouring out to the
Queen their fervent protestations of affection, their
heartrending entreaties, and threats of vengeance if the
prince were jilted. To all these letters, says Mendoza,
replies containing many sweet words but no decision
were sent, and " in this way both parties are weaving a
" Penelope's web simply to cover the designs I have
" already explained to your Majesty " (page 31). But in
May a terrible disaster happened to the Protestant cause
in Planders, which altered the position of affairs. La
Noue was routed and taken prisoner by the Spaniards.
Orange then gave Elizabeth to understand that, unless
she married Alen§on, and threw all her weight into the
scale, the Plemish cause must collapse. Alengon, too,
redoubled his importunity, and hinted that, if she did not
help him, he would accept the offers of the States and
enter Flanders independently of her. This would not
have suited her at all, and a council was hastily held on
the 5th June; requests being sent off at once to the King
of Erance for a special embassy to be despatched to
England^ At the same time Stafford #as sent to Alencou
to obtain his co-operation. But he found the prince in
the sulks. He knew that a formal embassy from his
brother would be more likely to lead to an alliance than
to bis marriage on terms satisfactory to his ambition, and
he only grudingly gave his consent to the embassy on
condition that it should be empowered solely to nc£cotiate
his marriage and not a national alliance. When at last
all was arranged to Alen^on's satisfaction, and he informed
the Queen that tlie ejnbassy would soon leave for England,
she again began to cool. There was no great hurry, she
said, for the ambassadoi's to come unless the king of
France made peace with the Huguenots and countenanced
INTRODUCTION. XV
AlcD^on s plans in JTlanders. She was determined in any
case not to be drawn single-handed into opposition to
Spain, Thanks to her pressure, and the efforts of Alen^'on
and his mother, the peace of Fleix between the King
and the Huguenots and Henry of Navarre was signed in
November, and the horizon of Alen^on began to brighten
somewhat. Tempting offers had been made to him from
Spain if he would abandon his enterprise, and Elizabeth
learnt this from Simier. This fact, and the conclusion of
the peace of Fleix, at once smoothed over all difficulties,
the embassy should now bo cordially welcomed, and the
Queen promised, as soon as conditions Avere settled, to give
Alen^on 200,000 crowns of Drake's plunder, as well as
subsidising Hans Casimir and his mercenaries to cross the
frontier and co-operate with him. But it was no(; easy to
settle with Henry III. the personality and powers of the
embassy. Oobham was trying his hardest in Paris to lure
the King first into a rupture with Spain on the pretext
partly of Catharine de Medici's claim to the Portuguese
crown. But Henry III. and his mother were wary, and
would make no move until Elizabeth did so. During
the long drawn out negotiations with regard to the
preliminaries of the embassy, Alen<;on himself sent an
embassy to England to look after his interests. The
principal ambassador was Clausse do Marchaumont, who
for a considerable period afterwards was a prominent
person in the English court, deep in Ihe Queen's con-
fidence. Much piquant information is given in the
present letters as to his proceedings with the Queen in
forwarding his young master's lovemaking, and this
should be read side by side with his extraordinary
correspondence in the Hatfield Papers (Vol. 3, Hist. MSS.
Com.), especially the scries he signs with the pseudonym
" Moine." Alenqon's frequent references in his letters to
the Queen (Hatfield Papers) to her " bele jartiore " is
explained in a letter from Mendoza to the King (page 101)
as follows : — " Marchaumont also sent by De Mery a
" purple and gold garter belonging to the Queen, which
XVl INTRODUCTION.
" slipped down and was trailing as she entered Drake's
" ship. Marchaumont stooped and picked it up and
•' the Queen asked for it, promising him that he
" should have it back when she reached home as she
" had nothing else with which to keep her stocking up.
" Marchaumont returned it, and she put it on before
" him, presenting him with it when she got back to
" Westminster." Mendoza gives a curious piece of
information about the knighting of Drake on the occasion
of the Queen's visit to the " Pelican " at Deptford, on
page 95. " On the 4th instant the Queen went to a
" place a mile from Greenwich to see Drake's ship,
" where a grand banquet was given to her, finer than
" has ever been seen in England since the time of King
" Henry. She knighted Drake, telling him that there
•' she had a gilded sword to strike off his head. She
" handed the sword to Mai'chaumont, telling him she
" authorised him to perform the ceremony for her, whicli
" he did. Drake, therefore, has the title of ' Sir,' . . .
" and he gave her a large silver coffer and a frog made
" of diamonds, distributing 1,200 crowns amongst the
" Queen's oflScers." It is impossible to follow step by
step within the limits of this Introduction the ever-
cLanging aspects of the marriage negotiations ; but by
reference to the letters in the present volume it will be
seen that Mendoza, keenly alive to the importance of the
matter, kept his master fully informed of every movement.
The pompous embassy from Henry III. which came in
April 1581, and of whose splendid reception Mendoza
gives an account, was considered by Philip and De
Granvelle to portend rather a national alliance than a
marriage, and this was clearly the Queen's aim (page 110).
Don Antonio, the Portuguese pretender, was noiv a
fugitive in Prance, and active negotiations were bein"
carried on by his adherents both with Elizabeth and
Catharine de Medici for aid to restore him to the
Portuguese throne. An alliance, therefore, between
England and France would Lave been a terrible blow to
INTRODUCWON. XVll
Philip, wlio was already hardly pressed enough; and
Mendoza in London was working ceaselessly and secret'y
to arouse public feeling in England against the French ;
and especially against the Alengon match. Whilst
Elizabeth was fencing with the "French special embassy
with a view to bringing about an alliance, and pledging
Henry III. to war with Spain, without burdening herself
with a husband, the Erench King and his mother were
exhausting every means, threats, entreaties, and cajoleries,
to dissuade Alen9on from his intended entrance into
Elanders. On the issue of a proclamation by Henry III.
ordering that all levies in Erance for the service of his
brother should be dispersed by force of arms, Mendoza
reports (5th June 1581, page 126) that Alengon suddenly
embarked at Dieppe and appeared secretly in England,
where he was recognised by the son of Sir James Crofts, who
was in the pay of Spain, and Mendoza was informed of his
arrival. This fresh escapade of Alengon deeply chagrined
the Erench ambassadors, who plainly saw, and said, that the
Queen was playing with them and begged leave to depart.
Not a word is said in their correspondence about Alen90u's
alleged visit on this occasion ; and, so far as I have been
able to ascertain, the present Calendar is the only authority
for it, excepting some enigmatical references in the letters
of '"' Moine " in the Hatfield Papers.
During the presence of the Erench envoys in London
hints had been given to Mendoza to induce him to request
an audience; but he w^as cautious and feigned illness,
seeing that the Queen's object was to get better terms
from the Erench by making out that the Spaniards were
courting her. At length, on the 4ith June 1581, an event
happened which forced his hand. Some time before, two
Hollanders had approached Mendoza in London with
a proposal to betray Flushing. The ambassador jumped
at the bait and parted with a considerable sum of money
to them, besides giving them important information.
The whole afi'air was a trick, and the Spanish force from
Gravelines which was to co-operate with the Hollanders
y 84541. b
Xviil iNTilODtJtiTlON*
u^as entrapped and sacrificed. One of tlie Hollanders had
left his son with Mondoza as a hostage, and at nine o'clock
at night on the 4th June, in the amhassador's ahsence,
his house was forcibly entered hy London constahles,
accompauied by a secretary to the prince of Orange, and
the hoy taken away. Mendoza arrived just in time to
prevent bloodsbed, and was told that the constables were
acting under the authority of the Council. Mendoza,
thinking tliis a good opportunity for obtaining an
audience on favourable terms Avith a new grievance,
began to bluster and threatened to return to Spnin at
once unless full reparation Averc made for the violation of
his domicile. Elizabeth, exerted all her feminine arts of
flattery and cajolery to defer such an interview until the
French embassy had left, and in the end had her way
(page 133). At length she received the ambassador in
private audience in a gallery overlooking the river at
Whitehall. A full account of the interview is given by
Mendoza to the King in his letter of 24th June (pagelBlJ.
Lightly brushing aside the Queen's complaints about
Ireland, Mendoza claimed immediate redress for the
violation of his ambassadorial privileges. Elizabeth
promised strict inquiry into the matter, and then again
reverted to the Spanish aid sent to the insurgent Irish. She
pretended to have been informed that Mendoza washed to
see her for the purpose of oITcring an apology, notwith-
standing the persistent assurance of the ambassador that
the affair concerned tlie Pope alone. " It is impossible,"
]\c wrote, " to express to your JMajesty the insincerity
" with wliich she and her Ministers proceed. In
" addition to repeating to uie the very opposite of
" the message she had sent me, she contradicts me
" every moment in my version of the negotiations.
"... If I had not shown spirit, which is the thing that
" moves the Queen and her Ministers most, I have no
" douht, such is their insolence, that I should never have
" been able to get conference with them. This alone
" has enabled me to hold my own with them until now."
INTRODUCTION. XlX
It is clear that Mendoza got the worst of the interview,
as although the Queen was compliant on the unimportant
matter of the abducted boy, she had assumed the position
of the injured party about Ireland, and left the ambassador
no chance of making a formal reclamation about Drake's
plunder. But soon afterwards a much more serious
grievance against Elizabeth was found. Rumours of all
sorts had been afloat as to the movements of Don Antonio
for many months past. Pirst he was said to be in
Barbary, then in the Azores, some of which islands were
in his favour, afterwards ho was reported to be in Trance,
in Brazil, and elsewhere. But the Queen's physician,
Dr. Lopez, was very busy and important, at the end of
June 1581, running backwards and forwards to Dover ;
and Mendoza's spies soon learnt that a party of Portuguese
had landed, amongst whom was a certain man •' under
" the middle height, with a thin face, and very dark, his
" hair and beard somewhat grey and his eyes green."
This man Mendoza at once guessed was Don Antonio
himself, and before even he had time to verify his
suspicions, he demanded audience of the Queen to
complain of her giving asylum to the Pretender. He
was peremptorily refused by Sussex; and, as he says
(page 140), " was determined to have no more pros and
" cons with third persons, because I see that their method
" is simply to talk nonsense and then repudiate what they
" say, throwing the blame upon the messengers." He
therefore wrote a haughty letter to the Queen direct,
threatening to leave England unless he was accorded imme-
diate audience. After some apparent hesitation the Queen
received him next day, and, before he could say a word,
again began to complain about Ireland. She succeeded
in getting up a wrangle upon this subject, and in answer
to some haughty vapouring from Mendoza, " She screamed
" out louder than before at this, saying that I was to
•' blame for everything that had happened, and I smilingly
" told her that she was speaking as a lady ; those of her sex.
" usually displaying most annoyance at things that were
b 2
XX INTRODUCTION.
" done in tlieir interest." She fenced and quibbled about
Don Antonio. She did not know, she said, whether lie was
in England or not, " but she would not arrest or surrender
anyone to be killed." Had not Philip, she asked, sheltered
the earl of Westmoreland and other rebels of hers ?
Besides, according to the old treaties, a formal written
application must bo made for the surrender of a rebel.
So Mendoza had to retire discomforted, and a similar
result attended his numerous other attempts in the same
direction. Don Antonio lodged with the ex-Lord Mayor
at Stepney, and as ho had plenty of jewels of great
value was soon busy borrowing money upon them, and
fitting out expeditions for the Azores. Elizabeth blew
hot and cold upon him, as tlie exigencies of the moment
demanded. If he were to succeed she wisbed him to be
beholden to her and not to the Erench, but at the same
time she was willing for Catharine de Medici to find most
of the money and incur most of the responsibility for his
attempts. The dealings of tlie Queen and her Ministers,
especially Leicester, with poor Don Antonio and his jewels,
as disclosed in the present Calendar, certainly present
them in anything but a favourable or magnanimous light.
Philip himself wrote to the Queen, and again and again
mstructed Mendoza to press before anything for the
expulsion or surrender of the Pretender, but all to no
purpose ; Don Antonio was sheltered and caressed so long
as it suited the Queen, and he had money to spend.
It was evident to the Queen in July 1581 that she
could hardly lure the Erench King into hostility to Spain
unless she previously married Alen9on ; which, for all
her love-lorn professions, she had no intention of doing.
Her Protestant subjects were deeply moved and distrustful
at t]\e idea of it, and Mendoza gives particulars of the
increased severity used to the Catholics for the purpose of
re-assuring their opponents at this juncture. " They have
" now," he says, " begun to persecute the Catholics worse
" than ever before, both by condemning them to the 201.
" fine if they do not attend church every month, and by
INTRODUCflON. XXI
•' imprisoning tliem closely. The clei'gymen they succeed
" in capturing are treated with a variety of terrible
" tortures ; amongst others is one torment wliich people
" in Spain imagine will he that worked hy Antichrist,
" as the most dreadfully cruel of them all. This is to
" drive iron spikes between the nails and the quick, and
" two clergymen in the Tower have been tortured in this
" way, one of them being Campion of the Company of
" Jesus. I am assured that, when they would not confess
" under this torture, the nails of their fingers and toes
" were turned back, all of which they suffered with great
" patience."
At the same time Walsingham was sent to France to
endeavour once more to draw the King into an alliance
against Spain without the Queen's marriage with his
brother, and he took with him a large sum of money to
bribe French ministers, and as a sop to Alcn9on to enable
the latter to enter Flanders and relieve Cambrai. In the
meanwhile Don Antonio was ostentatiously aided in his
hostile preparations, and Mendoza was treated with
marked disrespect and audience denied him, the object
evidently being to impress the king of France with
the Queen's readiness to break with Spain (page 156).
Walsingham failed utterly in France, aod found Alen9on
more violent and intractable than ever (page 159). He
did not believe, he said, that the Queen had sent him such
a message about the marriage, and would again come to
England to see her. She was much disturbed at this,
and as usual railed at Leicester and Walsingham as the
cause of her troubles. Some of the stories of her violence,
to Walsingham especially, related in this Calendar, are
almost incredible. Knave and puritan seem to have beeu
common terms of opprobrium she applied to him when
she was put out, and on one occasion referred to (page 573)
she threw a slipper at him and hit him on the face, not,
says the writer, an extraordinary thing for her to do. At
length, in the middle of August, Alon^on decided to force
the hands of the Queen and his brother, and crossed the
XXll INTRODUCTION.
frontier of Flanders with 12,000 infantry and 5,000 cavalry.
The position was changed in a moment. Henry III. was
afraid of being comjDromised and drew back. Elizabeth
feared that the Catholics and the Guises after all might
be at the bottom of the movement, withheld her open
support, and only sent grudging and secret money aid.
Tlic Protestant States, seeing her hesitation, tbemselves
held aloof. Alen^on had no money. His troops melted
away, and he entered Prance again early in September.
Despairing of getting aid from the Queen by other means,
he again came to England at the beginning of November,
and a more vivid description of the extraordinary
proceedings of the Queen and her lover during his visit
is given by Mendoza than is to be found elsewhere. Few
men were better informed than the Spanish ambassador,
for, although the Queen would not receive him, he had
spies everywhere, and more than one privy councillor was
in his pay. The Queen's aim, he says, was to avoid
offending Alen^on, and " to pledge him so deeply in the
" affairs of the Netherlands as to drive his brother into
" a rupture with your Majesty, which is her great object,
" whilst she keeps her hands free and can stand by
" looking on at the war." Through all the intricate and
shifting phases of the negotiations detailed minutely in
the present Calendar, the Queen's object, thus well
summarized by Mendoza, never changed. Alen^on's
hopes and fears waxed and waned day by day. Privately
the Queen pledged herself to him to his heart's content,
but would have nothing said publicly. At length the
scandal of this trifling became too much for Henry III.
and his mother, who let Elizabeth know that she could
not draw them into a war with Spain unless she declared
herself first and married Alen9on. Either because she
was driven into a corner, or once more her passion
overcame her, she unhesitatingly replied to the French
ambassador, " You may write this to the King : that the
" duke of Alen9on shall be my husband, and at the
" same moment she turned to Alen9on and kissed him on
INTRODUCTION. XXUl
*' the mouth, drawinj^ a ring from her hand and giving
" it to him as a pledge. Alen9on gave her a ring of liia
" in return, and shortly afterwards the Queen summoned
" the ladies and gentlemen from the presence chamber
" to the gallery, repeating to them in a loud voice, in
" Alen^on's presence, what she had previously said"
(page 226). Leicester and Hatton were in dismay, but
the Queen was playing her own deep game, which they
could not fathom. By taking the extraordinary course she
did at this juncture she secured three points in her favour
— first, further delay without offending the king of Prance ;
secondlyj she bound Alen^on personally to her, come what
might, and, most important of all, she sowed the germs of
discord between him and his brother ; which enabled her to
hold the balance and manage both of them. Tlie expedient
was a desperate one, but it succeeded. Eor the rest of
Alenqon's life Elizabeth posed as being willing and anxious
to marry him if only the King would be reasonable and
consent to the terms demanded by the English Parliament.
Henceforward, with the exception of one occasion, when
Catharine de Medici turned the tables upon her (page 261),
she remained mistress of the situation, and Alen^on was
a helpless puppet in her hands, and bitterly resentful of
his brother (page 2G9). The Queen's strenuous attempts
to join France with her in her hostility to Spain were
naturally met by Mendoza's intrigues with the English
and Scots Catholics. The former had appealed to Philip,
through his ambassador, in April, to secure the appoint-
ment of an English cardinal (page 97), and a sympathetic
reply had been sent to them ; but to satisfy the Protestants,
who feared the Queen's marriage with Alen<;on, the
religious persecutions in England had been recommenced
with terrible severity, and the Catholic party were now
completely cowed. Campion and his fellow priests were
executed with heartrending cruelty (page 231), most of
the active Catholic nobles were in exile, and it was clear
that no Catholic rising in England was possible without
armed aid from Spain (page 169). But in Scotland
XXIV INTRODUCTION.
matters were entirely diiFerent. Notwithstanding all
Elizabeth's and Randolph's efforts, Morton had been
sacrificedj and the star of D'Aubigny (Lennox) was still in
the ascendant. It is true that, being half a Frenchman,
D'Aubigny was at first looked upon with some sus-
picion by the Spaniards, but, as he was presumably a
Catholic, Mendoza thought he might be approached on
purely religious grounds. He therefore began operations
through the brothers Tresham and other leading English
Catholics (page 169). " I pointed out to them," he says,
" that in view of the present position of neighbouring
" countries, and of the Netherlands, the first step to be taken
" was to bring Scotland to submit to the Holy See. This I
" said would cause this Queen more anxiety than anything
" else." The hint was taken, and six English Catholic lords
met and swore to devote themselves to the task indicated.
They sent a priest (Creighton) to Scotland to sound James
and D'Aubigny, and promised that when the king of
Scots submitted to the Pope they would raise the English
north country and demand the restoration of the Catholic
church in England, proclaim James heir to the crown,
and release his mother. The lords assured Mendoza that
they were " Spanish and Catholic at heart, and did not
" wish to have anything to do with Erance " (page 170).
Creighton was well received by Lennox, Huntly, Caithness,
Seton, and the other Scottish nobles, who promised that
priests and friars should be welcomed in Scotland to
preach the faith, " on condition that they brought money
" for their own maintenance " (page 194). Father
Persons was secretly in London when the priest returned,
and at once went to Rheims to settle with Allen who the
new missionaries were to be. Henceforward Mendoza in
London was the centre of the Catholic propaganda in
Scotland, professing purely religious objects to those
associated with him, but openly discussing in his letters
to the king of Spain the political aims which underlay
them. Nothing is more curious indeed than the frequent
resigned but contemptuous reference to the unpractical
INTRODUCTION. XXV
ineptitude as conspirators of the priests, Tvhom he was
forced to make his instruments. This was late in the
autumn of ]581, but as early as April of that year, before
the execution of Morton, Mary Stuart had opened
up negotiations with a similar object with Tassis,
the new Spanish minister, in France. " Things," she
said (through Beaton), " were never better disposed in
" Scotland than now to return to their ancient condition
" so that English affairs could be dealt with
" subsequently. The King, her son, was quite determined
" to return to the Catholic religion, and much inclined to
" an open rupture with the queen of England." She
begged for armed aid from Philip, to be landed first in
Ireland and then to go to Scotland when summoned,
after the signing of a treaty of alliance between Spain
and Scotland (page 98). The Queen again renewed her
approaches to the Spaniards late in the year, begging for
a definite answer ; but apparently b(3ing distrustful of
the intermediaries; and ha,ving heard of Mendoza's efforts
through the priests in Scotland, she wrote to him early in
November (page 215), informing him of her resolution
" to follow as far as I can in the conduct of my affairs
" the wishes of my good brother the king of Spain," and
saying that she had acceded to the recommendations of
the Erench king, and had decided to associate her son
with herself in her sovereignty. In the meanwhile events
were advancing apace in Scotland. Father Persons and
five or six Jesuit colleagues were busy there, and the young
King himself told them " that though for certain reasons
" it was advisable for him to appear publicly in favour
" of the French, he .... in his heart would rather be
" Spanish." Mendoza at the same time was warning
Philip that on no account must the French, or even
Beaton, learn that the new Catholic revival in Scotland
was being fomented by a Spanish minister (page 236).
This is one of many instances in the correspondence of
the secret character of Philip's diplomacy, one minister
rarely having an inkling of what was being done by
XXVI INTEODUCTION.
another. Mendoza's jealousy and domineering spirit are
evident in his letters, find, as will be seen, he succeeded
later in centering in his hands the whole of the intrigues
in favour of Mnry Stuart, whose great confidant he
hecame. By order of Philip, Mendoza had written asking
Queen Mary to cooperate in the conversion of her son
and his country, and on the 14tli January 1582 she
wrote a long and important letter to him (page 257), in
which she says she has had her son carefully approached
hut the " poor child " is so surrounded by heretics that
she had only l)een able to obtain the assurance that he
would listen to the priests she sent him. She had ordered
Beaton to go thither " to lay the foundation of a
" re-establishment of religion in that poor realm, now so
" corrupted," but she does not appear to be very sanguine
of success. The real object of the letter however was to
repeat her confidence in Philip, and to declare her
intention to bind her son entirely to him in future. But
she complains she has not yet received any definite
pledges from the Spanish king, whom she prays to grant
some gifts and pensions to the principal persons around
James. "The greater part of them may be won over
" in this way, and I have certain assurance that the
" duke of Lennox himself may 1 e made instrumental in
" this, as he is only seeking his personal aggrandisement."
In the same letter she gives a long account of her
interviews with Beal, sent by Elizabeth to discuss Scotch
matters with her, and to discover, if possible, what
negotiations she was carrying on with France or Spain.
It is clear, in fact, that the English were aware that
something was going on through D'Aubigny in Scotland ;
and during Alengon's stay in England Mendoza had
artfully put Cecil off the scent by hinting that Mary was
plotting something with the French. This seems to have
caused some alarm, and led Cecil to make advances, which
came to nothing, towards a reconciliation with Spain
(pages 213 and 249).
^0 secret had been Mendoza's action that when Father
INTBODTJCTION. XXVU
Holt was sent to London by the Scottish Catholic nobles,
eavly in February 1682, the Treshams being in prison, he
was directed to an English priest who, greatly to his
surprise and alarm, took him to Mendoza. Up to that
time not even the Jesuits themselves (with the exception
of Persons, and perhaps Creighton) knew that he was the
moving spirit in the affair (page 291). Holt's message
was an extremely important one. It was to present four
courses of action to which the Scottish nobles were pledged
and to beg for guidance thereupon. First, they intended
to seek the conversion of the King by persuasion and
preaching ; secondly, if the queen of Scots would allow it,
" 80 to manage matters in the country that if the King
•' be not converted he should be forced to open his eyes
" and hear the truth ; but they will not put their hands
" to this without her express order .... and always
" with proper respect and reverence for the royal dignity ;
" thirdly, that if the queen of Scotland should consider
" it necessary to carry the matter through by whatever
" means, since the salvation of the Prince is involved in
" addition to his worldly grandeur, they would transport
" him out of the kingdom to a place that she might
" indicate, in order that he might be converted to the
'• Catholic Church. The fourth expedient is that if the
" queen of Scotland should be determined to convert the
" kingdom, as a last resource they would depose the King
" until she arrived, unless he would consent to be a
" Catholic." To enable them to take action they requested
that a force of 2,000 troops, preferably Spaniards, but to
prevent jealousy of the French, perhaps Italians under
Spanish and Papal auspices, should be sent from Friesland
to Eyemouth. These proposals of the Scots Catholics were
secretly conveyed in a softened form to Mary by Mendoza.
" I avoid," he says, " detailing the proposals to transport
" her son, or depose him, which might possibly cause her
" motherly tenderness to shrink from them." At the
same time he wrote by Holt to the Scots Catholics, for the
first time, as be says, disclosing himself, assuring them of
XXVIU INTRODUCTION.
Spanisli support, and to Philip he strongly recommended
the Fiending of troops to Scotland, " with the support of
'■ whom the Scots might encounter her (Elizabeth) . . .
" and the whole of the English north country would be
" disturbed, the Catholics there being in a majority, and
" the opportunity would be taken by Catholics in other
" parts of the country, to rise when they knew that they
" had on their side the forces of a more powerful prince
'• than the king of Scotland" (page 294). Philip was at
Badajoz on the Portuguese frontier at the time, and affairs
in Madrid were being managed by the aged Cardinal de
Granvelle who sent to the King notes and recommendations
on all letters received. On page , 309 it will be seen that
he warmly seconds Mendoza's recommendations. " The
" affair," he says, " is so important both for the sake of
" religion and to bridle England, that no other can equal
" it, because by keeping the queen of England busy we
" shall be ensured against her helping Alengon or daring
" to obstruct us in any other way." For her part Mary
Stuart was just as emphatic in her approval of the
proposals, urging that all should be kept secret until the
foreigners were landed ; but it is evident that her view
ranged far beyond the conversion, or even the sovereignty
of Scotland, for she writes to Mendoza (page 314) : " In
" the event of the Scots having aid at their backs and
" this Queen attempting action against them, which might
" cause the English Catholics to rise, it would be necessary
" to have the latter part of the business arranged before-
" hand, but in such a way that they should not understand
" what is intended and should be told nothing until
" everything was ripe and the matter ready to burst
" forth." To this end and to obtain information at Court
Mendoza suggests (page 315) that the powerful house of
Howard should be gained by the payment of a large
bribe to its most influential member Lord Henry Howard.
This was done, and Lord Henry became henceforward the
principal Spanish spy at Elizabeth's Court.
Lennox himself, now all powerful in Scotland, sent
-INTllODUCTIOl^. XXlX
Oreighton in March to Tassis in Paris with a letter of
adhesion to the plan (page 317) in which he says that he is
informed that the Pope and the king of Spain wish to make
use of him in their design to restore the Catholic religion
and release the queen of Scotland. " In the belief that
" this enterprise is undertaken for the advantage of the
" Queen and her son, and that the latter will be confirmed
" and maintained on his throne by his mother's consent, I
" am prepared to employ my life and estate in the carrying
" out of til e same, on condition that I am supplied with
" all the things set forth in a statement taken by the
" bearer." He also says that as the aiJair cannot be
effected witliout his going to Erance, he holds himself in
readiness to go as soon as a favourable reply is received.
On the same day, Lennox wrote to Queen Mary in a
somewhat similar strain mentioning that the Jesuits
had told him that he was to be the head of the
army, the foreign troops were to be 15,000 in number,
and that he (Lennox) was to go to France to raise
Trench infantry (page 333). Up to this point Tassis, tbe
Spanish ambassador in Prance, had been a stranger to the
matter which had been entirely managed by Mendoza,
and when Creighton handed him Liennox's conditions,
and said that the duke of Guise had been consulted,
Tassis stated the whole matter to the King as a new
business (page 373). At the same time the Jesuit fathers,
who had found it difficult to communicate with Mendoza
across the Scotch border, had conceived the brilliant
ideas of sending two of their number to Rouen, where
they thought Mendoza could go over and see them, and
of despatching Persons and Creighton to the Pope and
Philip respectively. The whole project was thus thrown
into confusion ; and both Mary and Mendoza were full
of scorn and annoyance at the muddle caused by the
ineptitude of the priests (pages 322 and 331), It was
especially annoying to the Queen that her name should
have been introduced into the matter. " Tou may inform
" these Jesuits that I will on no account allow that
XXX INTfeODUCTION.
" anything concerning this matter shall be done in my
" name." Creighton, moreover, had no authority what-
ever to promise 15,000 or any number of men, and the
idea of Lennox's leaving Scotland, above all to raise
Erench troops with the idea that he was to be allowed
to command the foreign force, was on the face of it absurd
from a Spanish point of view. Philip was alarmed, too, at
the large number of persons who had thus been informed
of the project, and wrote to Tassis deprecating over zeal,
and directing that no fresh steps should be taken until
further instructions were sent. Instead of the moiest
support at first requested by the Scottish Catholic lords,
Lennox now demanded 20,000 foreign troops paid for
18 months, a large quantity of war material, a subsidy in
money to pay Scottish troops, 20,000 crowns for fortifi-
cations, the command of the army for himself, and a
guarantee against personal loss if the attempt should fail
(page 371).
The inclusion of Guise in the project also soon
began to produce its result. He considered that he
should take a prominent part, and travelled to Paris to
meet Tassis secretly at Beaton's house. He was full of
far-reaching but ill-digested plans, but his main desire,
evidently, was to prevent Spanish troops from being sent to
Scotland, to avoid, as he says, the jealousy of the French.
His idea was that a large mixed force should be sent from
Italy to Scotland by the Pope, whilst he. Guise, made
a descent with Ereuchmen on to the coast of Sussex
(page 378). Lennox's inflated demands and Guise's crude
ideas, however, were submitted to the keen scrutiny of
Granvelle, when Eather Persons arrived in Madrid and
conferred with Sir Erancis Englefield. In a memorandum
to the King (4th July 1582, page 382) Granvelle lays
down clearly the course to be followed, which in the
main is naturally that wisely planned by Mendoza and
Mary, of whom he says, " She must have some very
" intelligent person near her who writes her letters, and
" it is impossible to lay down with greater clearness the
INTRODUCTION. XXXI
•' lines upon which the affair should be conducted, the
" support that will be necessary, and the kind of forces
" required.' Granvello proposes that the Pope ho asked
to find most of the mouey, hut that he should not be told
yet "about the plans repecting England, so as not to
" come down upon him too heavily at once, as we may
" hope that, as soon as Scotland is in arms, and the
" Queen can guide it in her way, as she says, England
•' of its own accord may rise to shake off the tyranny that
" oppresses it."
Whatever may have been in Philip's secret mind at the
time, it is worthy of note that up to this period Cardinal
de Granvelle, at all events, had no ulterior plans for the
political subjugation of Great Britain by Spain, or of the
assertion of Philip's right to the English crown. Speaking
of the fear of the Scots that the landing of a large foreign
force might be a danger to their liberties, he says : " This
" is not what his Majesty wants, nor do I approve of it, but
" that we should loyally help the king of Scotland and his
" mother to maintain their rights, and, by promoting
" armed disturbauce, keep the queen of England and the
" Erench busy at small cost to ourselves in comparison with
" what she would have to spend, and so enable us to settle
" our own affairs better. If it had no other result than
" this it should suffice, but very much more so when we
" consider that it may lead to the re-establishment of
" the Catholic religion in those parts. It is evident that,
" when we strike there, the Irish Catholics wiU pluck up
" courage .... and it is very advantageous that
" the matter should be taken in hand by the duke of
" Guise, as it will ensure us from Erench obstruction.
" Since we cannot hope to hold the island for ourselves,
" Guise will not try to hand it over to the king of France
" to the detriment of his near kinswoman " (page 383) .
He also speaks of the probability of the queen of
England's coming to terms with Spain, on being secured
in the throne during her life, and the re-establishment of
the old alliance between the two countries. Thus far
XxXii INTRODUCTION.
then, the aims of Spain were legitimate and honest under
the circumstances. We shall see in the course of the
correspondence how, mainly through the jealousy between
the English and Scottish Catholics, more selfish counsels
gradually prevailed.
The first note of this ig struck in the memorandum of
Granvelle just quoted, where he says that Englefield
is very distrustful of the archbishop of Glasgow, with
whom he has ceased to correspond, and he would be sorry
that he (Beaton) should be made privy to this business,
which .... he would immediately divulge to the
Erench (page 384).
Mary aud Mendoza promptly perceived the confusion
into which the affair was drifting, and the former laid the
whole of the blame upon Tassis. The principal merit
and praise are due, she says, entirely to Mendoza, in
whom in future alone she will confide. She knew
nothing whatever, she asserts, of Persons' and Creighton's
proceedings until Beaton wrote to her, and " I can assure
" you, that the taking of Tassis into council was not done
" at my instance. I gave no instructions to my
" ambassador to do this, and my cousin Guise ....
" was ill pleased with his first conference with him and
" will not address himself to him again
" unless he is obliged to do so" (page 392). Her hopes
were high if only the aid were promptly sent, and she
had consequently resolved not to enter into any sort of
agreement with Elizabeth. She had instructed Lennox
to stay in Scotland, but money must be sent to him at
once to equip the fortresses.
All this negotiation did not, of course, escape the spies
of Elizabeth, who said that " she would oppose much
*' more cunningly than they think the carrying out of
" their design." This was not very difficult, for Lennox
was a poor specimen of a conspirator, and the earl of
Angus with the protestant nobles on the border were
quite willing to avenge the murdered Morton and gain
the upper band for themselves at the expense of the
INTRODUCTION. XXXIU
English Queen. The very threat of violence towards him-
self says Mendoza, reduced him (Lennox) to a terrible state
of fear. " His position, indeed, is so wretched that it is
" reducing him to a deplorable condition
" How anxious she (Mary) is to keep him there will be
" seen by her words that if it be necessary
'• for the succour to be delayed ' the fact must be hidden
•• from him,' and I must write and entertain him, as
" indeed I have done " (page 396). But no " enter-
taining " could put spirit into the wretched Lennox, and
by the end of August he was a fugitive at Dumbarton
and the King in the hands of the protestant lords.
Mendoza's activity in this matter had not escaped the
notice of Elizabeth ; and the relations of the ambassador
with the Court became more and more strained. He was,
as he said, quite isolated, none dared to speak to him, and
even the children in the streets hooted and stoned him
(page 397). He was suffering from cataract, and almost
blind, and begged Philip again and again to allow him to
retire from his unpleasant post. His last important
audience of the Queen had been in October 1581, at
Richmond, and he gives an interesting account of it on
page 186. He complained bitterly of the countenance
she and her people gave to the Portuguese pretender, and
of her support of Alen<jon in Elanders. The Queen was
defiant and Mendoza hinted that cannons would bring her
to reason. " She told me that I need not think to
" threaten or frighten her, for if I did she would put me
" in a place where I could not say a word. In future, I
" could communicate my business to the Council and be
" satisfied with remaining in the country, as she had no
" ambassador in Spain." Mendoza rather tardily tried to
appease her by flattery, referring to her as " a lady so
•' beautiful that even lions would crouch before her. She
" is so vain and flighty that her anger was at once
" soothed at hearing this."
But she once more opened her budget of complaints
and would listen to nothing about Drake until ex-
y 84541. C
XXXlV INTRODUCTION.
planations were sent by Philip with regard to Ireland.
" She had," she said, " been first offended, and should be
the first to receive satisfaction." But she sighed heavily
as Mendoza left her, and said half audibly in Italian,
*' Would to God that each one had his own and was at
peace." Mendoza laid most of the blame upon Leicester,
Hatton, and Walsingham, to whom he attributes a fixed
policy of making his stay in England impossible (page
193), and he consequently kept aloof from the Court, in
order to give them as little chance to insult him as
possible. He suggested to the King that his successor
should be sent not ostensibly to replace him, but on a
special mission respecting Drake's piracy, with joint
powers, so that Mendoza might retire at any moment he
thought opportune, and leave his successor in possession.
Mary Stuart, however, begged earnestly that he should
remain, and Philip was in no hurry to withdraw him ; and
so matters drifted, Mendoza in the meanwhile being
informed of everything that went on through his many
spies, and particularly by Sir James Croft and Lord Henry
Howard, and continuing his protests and reclamations
against Don Antonio's letters of marque and the ceaseless
depredations of the privateers on Spanish shipping.
After an immense amount of trouble and anxiety the
Queen had succeeded in getting rid of her too importunate
suitor early in February 1582. She had fooled him to the
top of his bent, had showered endearments, money, and
promises upon him, swore solemnly to marry him in six
weeks, accompanied him to Canterbiiry, and tore herself
away from " her husband " at last in a simulated agony of
tears— anything to get him across the sea without
marrying him. She had insisted upon Leicester going to
Antwerp with him, but the; favourite felt not over safe
away from the Queen and in the power of this rival lover,
so he escaped at the first opportunity and slipped over to
England again, bringing the news that Alen^on had been
ceremoniously crowned duke of Brabant. Elizabeth
affected to be shocked and annoyed at the news, and had
tNTRODUCTION. XXXV
a great quarrel, real or pretended, with Leicester about it.
She told him that he had only gone to Flanders for his
own ostentation, and had no business to be present at the
investure of Alen^on and so to pledge her. " She used
" the most scandalous words to him and ended by saying
" that he was a traitoi', as was all his stock, and that
" it was a planned thing between him and Orange "
(page 311). Leicester sought to minimise the matter by
flattering the Queen and ridiculing Alen^on, whom he had
left, he said, like an old hulk run ashore on a sand bank,
and that the oath of allegiance was nothing but a joke
and a mockery (page 310). Marchaumont complained to
the Queen that his master should thus he made a laughing
stock, whereupon " she swore that no such ceremony had
" been performed, and that the States would not think of
" doing such a thing until they had informed her,"
which, says Mendoza, " is all nonsense." Henry III.
also repudiated his brother's action as strongly as did the
English Queen, and perhaps more sincerely. Both of them
were anxious to see how Philip would take it, and Elizabeth
seized the opportunity of the late Portuguese minister
desiring to take leave (his functions having ceased on the
death of the Cardinal- King) to admit Mendoza once more to
her presence to introduce him. The interview took place
on the 24th February 1582, soon after Alen(^on's arrival in
Flanders, and it is probable that the Queen had already
received news of Alen^on's investure, although Leicester
himself did not arrive until the 26th. In any case his
intention of assuming the sovereignty of the States was
already public. The Queen received Mendoza coldly, but
was anxious to prove to him her impartiality in the matter
of Portugal, and Mendoza gave her some particulars of the
aid given to Don Antonio in England. Up to this point
her manner had been at least polite^ but she suddenly
changed and harshly told him that this was no time to
deal with such matters. Mendoza says that Hatton (who
had treated him with marked rudeness when he entered
the presence chamber) •yvas standing beliind him, and thai
c 2
XXXVl INTRODUCTION.
a sign made by him was probably the reason of the Queen's
change of tone. We may be permitted to surmise,
howeyer, that when she found that the old Portuguese
grievance — in which she was sure of the support of
Eranee — was to be the chief cause of complaint, she
could afford to be rude. Doubtless her principal fear for
the moment was how Philip would regard Alen^on's
assumption, under her patronage, of the sovereignty of a
part of his patrimonial dominions, in which matter if war
with Spain had resulted she would have probably found
herself alone.
Elizabeth's anxiety in the matter was redoubled a month
after this by the reception of the news in the evening of the
20th March that Orange had been shot on the 18th by a
Spanish youth. The wound was not mortal, although it
was for a long time believed to be so, and the Prince's
terrible sufferings are dwelt upon in detail and with great
unction by Mendoza, who gives a fuller account of the
surgical aspect of the case than I have seen elsewhere.
In the first moment of panic it was believed that the affair
had been prompted by the treachery of Alen9on and the
Erench, and doubtless a wholesale slaughter of the latter
would have taken place, but that the wounded prince
emphatically repudiated the idea, and said that he was
quite sure that the attack had been ordered by Philip
(page 328). There is nothing in the correspondence to
prove the complicity of Mendoza ; but only the day after
the reception of the news in London Pedro de Zubiaur,
who had just returned from Elanders, and another Spanish
merchant, Avere arrested as they entered the ambassador's
house, on the charge that they were his instruments in
the attempt (page 320) ; and Leicester openly declared
that the murder had been planned by Mendoza, whom
the assassin had, he said, visited a month before. Mendoza
was bitterly indignant but powerless, constantly expecting
his expulsion, but determined not to provoke it whilst he
had the Scotch plot in hand. Whether Mendoza was
directly iujplicated in this attempt upon Orange it is
INTRODUCTION. XXXVU
difficult to deckle, but he evidently approved of it, and
says that the Prince's prolonged sufferings may be looked
upon as a judgineat of Grod, who, he says, "was pleased
" to delay the end in order to punish him with more
" terrible sufferings than were ever undergone by man "
(page 334). Mary Stuart, too, "praised God for this,
" seeing the advantage which may accrue to His Church
" and to the King, my brother (Philip), who is now its
" principal protector" (page 342).
When Philip heard the news of the " Raid of E,uthven,"
and the flight of Lennox, he saw that the Scotch enterprise
was hopeless for a time. Guise was to be conciliated by
every means, but it is clear that Philip wished to confine
his (Guise's) attention principally to France. He was
told how dangerous it would be for him to leave Prance
with his enemies the Huguenots in possession, and was
emphatically assured of Spanish support in his own
ambitious designs against Alen^on and the Bearnais
(page 402). Guise was pleased and flattered at so much
deference being paid to him, but he could hardly be
expected to look upon Scotch affairs entirely from Philip's
point of view. The fall of Lennox was rightly ascribed
to English intrigue and La Motlie P^n^lou was sent to
England and Scotland with instructions to warn Elizabeth
that the French would aid .Tames VI. if she interfered in
Scotland, and to remonstrate with the Scottish Protestant
lords for keeping their King in durance. It is probable
that the real purpose of La Mothe's mission was to use
Scotch affairs as another lever to bring Elizabeth to the
marriage with Alen9on ; but with La Mothe was associated
young De Maineville, who took separate instructions from
the Guises to revive the plot for a landing of foreign
troops in Scotland. Beaton in Paris was equally eager
to keep the matter afoot with Tassis, and Fontenay was
sent by Mary to Madrid to urge for armed aid in Scotland.
But the conspiracy was already too well known to please
Philip. Elizabeth and Ruthven, too, were well warned.
Fontenay was therefore stopped at Paris for a time by Taesis,
XXXVlll INTRODUCTION.
and it is plain from Philip's letters that after Lennox's feeble
surrender of power he had lost faith in the enterprise, and
only kept up an appearance of negotiation in order to
maintain his hold upon the Guises, and to prevent their
undertaking anything except under his patronage.
When Lennox arrived in London on his way to France
he secretly sent his Secretary to give Mendoza an account
of affairs in Scotland and his version of the •' Raid of
Ruthven.'' He also acquainted him with the plans he
had formed for his own return with James' connivance,
and for an invasion of Scotland by foreign troops
(page 438). Mendoza, however, like his master, was now
distrustful of success, and treated the matter coolly ; and
Lennox went to France, where he died in a few months.
Mendoza punctually sent to the queen of Scots an account
of all that Lennox had told him, and evidently exhibited
jealousy that he had been kept in ignorance of the recent
negotiations between Guise and Tassis in Paris. Mary
in her reply (page 446) complains just as bitterly that
she herself has been told nothing, and throws the whole
of the blame upon Beaton, of whom she expresses deep
distrust. She was distrustful also of Tassis, and for the
future decided to carry on the plot exclusively through
Morgan and Mendoza, whom she asked Philip to transfer
to Paris. Mendoza, for his part, was eager to get away
from his unpleasant post in London, and was ceaselessly
begging Idiaquez to move the King to withdraw him. He
was rapidly going blind of cataract, and was suffering from
the effects of the mysterious malady which we now call
influenza. Shunned and suspected by the English, and, as
usual, kept in the dark as to Philip's designs, he ceased for
a short time to be principal pivot upon which turned the
plans against England. He Maineville was busy in Scot-
land making friends and ingratiating himself with James,
whose extraordinary duplicity was even thus early the
wonder of both the political parties who were competing
for his favour (page 465). De Maineville's reports to
Guise were not favourable to immedi£^te action in Scotland,
INTRODUCTION. XXXlX
and on the 4tli May Guise informed Tassis tliat he had
made arrangements to begin operations with the English
Catholics. The Queen was first to be murdered and the
country raised, but in order to be well prepared beforehand
Philip and the Pope must provide him (Guise) at once
with 100,000 crowns (pages 464, 475, and 479). A similar
message was at the same time sent to the Nuncio in Prance
for his Holiness.
Guise's intrigues were, of course, not ignored in France
and England, and the result of the knowledge is seen in
the almost simultaneous negotiations opened by Elizabeth,
through Beal, at the instance of the Erench ambassador,
for the release of Mary Stuart, on terms which would have
disabled her for future harm. Mary asked for Mendoza's
opinion on the proposal. He was shocked at the idea,
and wrote, as he says, " with all possible artifice " —
certainly with great circumlocution — to persuade her to
remain where she was. To his master he gives his real
reason. " Nothing could be more injurious to your
" Majesty's interests and to the hopes of converting this
" island, than that the Prench should get their fingers
" into the matter through the queen of Scotland, and
" turn it to their own ends " (page 465). Philip in reply
to this asked him whether his objection applied also to
the association of the duke of Guise in the affair, he being
a Prenchman. To this an interesting reply was sent
(page 492), saying that if Guise depended, as he would,
entirely upon Spanish support and being a kinsman of
Mary, there was no objection to him, but above all Mary
must be kept in England. Elizabeth, he says, must be
deposed or rendered impotent, which can best be effected
whilst the queen of Scotland is in the country.
When Lennox had died and De Maineville had returned
to Prance, Guise saw the present impossibility of
effecting the Scotch enterprise by force of arms.
Beaton's nephew was sent to Scotland with Spanish
and Papal money to bribe some of the nobles, *' who
" are all very venal and may be gained easily by money,"
Xl INTRODUCTION.
and renewed attempts were to be made to convert James ;
but Guise's principal plan now turned to a regular invasion
of England. His plans however, as usual, were vague
and inchoate (page 482), and again too many people were
made privy to them. Father Allen and the English
Catholic exiles were in deadly earnest, and thought that
" all this talk and intricacy were mere buckler play."
They could not forget, moreover, their national jealousy
of the French and Scots, and " they (the English)
" suspected a tendency on the part of the Scots to claim a
" controlling influence in the new empire, and, as the Scots
" are naturally inclined to the French, they would rather
" see the affair carried through with but few Spaniards,
" whilst the English hate this idea, as their country
" is the principal one . , . and should not lose its
'• predominance." This tendency of the English Catholics
to cling to the Spaniards alone was eagerly seized by Philip's
Ministers, and from this time forward French co-operation
even under the auspices of the Guises, was gradually
eliminated from the plans of invasion, so far as the English
exiles could influence them. The English Jesuits had a
plan of their own in competition with that of the Guises ;
the English north country was to be raised simultaneously
with the landing of a Spanish force in Yorkshire, accom-
panied by the exiled Catholic nobles under Westmoreland
and Dacre, with Allen as Nuncio and bishop of Durham.
There was also an extreme Catholic party even in
Scotland, led by Lord Seton, who distrusted Henry III.
as a King who could not maintain Catholicism in his
own country, and they made a direct appeal to Philip
for aid (page 488).
In the meanwhile, in accordance with an arrangement
made with De Maineville before he left Scotland, James
had cleverly thrown himself into Falkland, extricated
himself from the guardianship of the Protestant lords,
and taken the reins of government into his own hands.
That he was fully cognisant of Guise's plans, and approved
of them, is shown by some characteristic letters from him
INTROBUCTION. xH
to the Duke on pages 502 and 517, and a still more
extraordinary communication of his to the Pope (page
518). Guise appears finally to have adopted a comhi-
nation of the plans of the English exiles and his own,
and sent a priest named Melino to Rome and Madrid with
particulars thereof (page 504), The Spanish forces were
to land at Fouldrey, Dalton-in-Eurness, Lancashire,
simultaneously with the raising of the whole of the north
of England, and the Scots Catholics on the borders were
to join them. Guise himself was to cross the channel
with 4,000 or 6,000 men and land in the south of England,
and in August 1583 Charles Paget was sent by Guise to
England in disguise to ascertain what forces would join
him there, and where he could land. One passage
particularly in Guise's instructions to Paget is marked by
Philip with a note of exclamation and warning, which show3
what was then passing in the King's mind. " Assure them
" {i.e., the English Catholics), on the faith and honour
" of Hercules (i.e.. Guise), that the enterprise is being
" undertaken with no other object or intention than to
" re-establish the Catholic religion in England, and to
" place the queen of Scotland peacefully on the throne
" of England, which rightly belongs to her. When this is
" effected the foreigners will immediately retire from the
" country, and if any one attempts to frustrate this
" intention Hercules promwes that he and his forces will
" Join the people of the country to compel the foreigners to
" withdraw " (page 806). No wonder, when Philip heard
particulars of Guise's plans, he again found that they were
not sufficiently matured, and deprecated undue precipi-
tation. He was annoyed, moreover, at the priest Melino
having obtained a promise from the Pope to contribute
a certain amount to the enterprise. Philip had no idea of
allowing any more priestly meddling with his diplomacy,
and no doubt had already in his mind the vast projects of
the conquest and domination of England on his own
account, which he afterwards developed, and for which he
expected the Pope would pay. In the meanwhile matters
Xlii INTRODUCTION.
were coming to a crisis with Mendoza in England. His
letters for tlie autumn. o£ 1583 are unfortunately missing,
but, on the 26th November 1583, he wrote to the King in
a way that proves his deep complicity with Throgmorton's
plot. When Charles Paget had come to England from
Guise, Eraucis Throgmorton had been the person through
whom he had communicated, and Mendoza was of course
informed by Guise and Morgan in Paris of everything
that was being arranged. Walsingham, as we now
know, had spies everywhere, and patiently awaited
the moment to deliver his blow. When it fell in
November and Throgmorton was in prison all fingers
were pointed at Mendoza as the moving spirit of the plot,
and at last a good pretext existed for ignominioualy
expelling him from England. At first he hoped once
more to weather the storm. " Eresh gentlemen," he says,
" are being seized every day and the Catholics are quite
" cowed. One paper only was found on Throgmorton,
" containing a list of the principal ports in England and
" particulars with regard to them and the chief gentlemen
" and Catholics dwelling therein. Eor this they at once
" carried him to the Tower, and it is feared that his life
" is in danger, although he informed me by a cipher
" note, written on a playing card and thrown out of the
" window, that he denies that the document is in his hand-
" writing, the caligraphy being disguised. He told them
" that some person had thrown it into his house for the
" purpose of injuring him, and assures me that he will
" endure a thousand deaths rather than accuse anyone,
'• which message he begs me to convey to his Catholic
" friends with whom I was in communication. I have
" written to the lady in prison, encouraging her and
" begging her not to grieve over the matter to the
" detriment of her health, but the business, it may be
" feared, may imperil her life if the negotiations in
" France are entirely discovered" (page 510). Tassis
in Paris was even less sanguine ; and, notwithstanding the
assurance of the English exiles that the arrests in England
INTRODCCTTON. xliii
had no connection with their plans, he feared what the
rack might wring out of the prisoners. And with reason ;
for Mendoza's activity with the conspirators, and his
letters to Queen Mary, were soon proved to the satis-
faction of the English Council. On the 19th January
1584 a formal summons for him to attend the Privy
Council was delivered to hira hy Beal, and he was
informed that, as his intrigues with Guise, Queen Mary,
Northumberland, and Throgmorton were now known, he
must leave the country within fifteen days. Mendoza
shifted and prevaricated in vain, and, when he saw they
were in earnest, assumed a haughty tone, and said he would
only be too glad to leave when he had received his master's
instructions to do so. They replied that he must not wait
for this, but must leave at once, " explaining their past acts
with impertinences that I dare not repeat to your Majesty."
When they told him he ought to be thankful that the
Queen had not punished him, his patience gave way, and
the haughty Castilian temper broke out. " As I have
" apparently failed to please the Queen," he said, " as a
" minister of peace, she would in future force me to try
" to satisfy her in war." And he was as good as his
word. For the rest of his active life, until blind and
broken, the brilliant soldier, diplomatist, and historian
was shrouded in the monk's gabardine, Elizabeth and her
country had no enemy so bitter, persistent, and rancorous
as Bernardino de Mendoza.
The larger plans for the invasion and final subjugation
of Great Britain were now developing in the slow mind
of Philip, but he must do it in his own time and his own
way. There must be no more wide-spread ramifications,
no more of Guise's vague management or of priestly
blundering, the secret of how, when, and where, all the
springs of action, must centre in one cell in the Escorial,
and to that point all channels of intelligence must be
blindly directed. Facts, information, pledges, were all
that Philip demanded, whilst he communicated as little
as possible in return. Mendoza was transferred to Paris,
Xliv INTRODUCTION.
and the whole English " enterprise," so far as it was to
be managed in England and Erance, was handed over to
him. Before Tassis left for his new post in Elanders,
however, he wrote to the King an important memorandum
(page 521) strongly advocating the views of the English
Catholics that the invasion should be made in the north
of England in conjunction with a subsidised rising of
Catholics therein contradistinction to Gruise's newly revived
plan for a landing first in Scotland, now that hopes were
again entertained of James' conversion . But Philip had
evidently by this time made up his mind to keep the
management of matters in his own hands and to have no
more of Guise's meddling. The latter was to be flattered
and made much of, but that was all. When the Pope
received the appeal of James VI. and Guise for help
(page 618) he naturally referred it to Philip saying that
he (the Pope) would contribute to the enterprise the sum
he had promised in the previous autumn to Guise's envoy
Melino. But this did not at all suit Philip's new ideas'
The Pope was told that it would be unwise for Guise to
leave Erance, and in any case his going to England with
so small a force as he could command would probably
end in disaster. " I am not asking his Holiness to do
" impossibilities, but if anything is to be effected he must
" contribute very largely, and must find ways and means
" through his holy zeal to do much more than anyone
" has yet imagined." The " enterprise of England," in
fact, although slowly advancing, was yet distant in Philip's
mind, and much had to be laboriously settled before it
could be actively undertaken. Time, as he knew, was
working in his favour. The English Catholics were daily
growing more suspicious of a Scottish domination of
England under Erench auspices, and were drifting closer
to the Spanish side. Allen and the Jesuits were already
saying that they " wanted no other patron than your
Majesty " (page 526), and in an intercepted letter from
one of Mendoza's spies in England, enclosing an urgent
appeal from Mary Stuart that the enterprise should bo
INTRODUCTION. xlv
carried through without delay, the writer in a few
pregnant words places heforo Philip the position, over
which, douhtless, he had often pondered. '* If she (Mary)
" perish, as is to he feared, it cannot fail to bring some
" scandal and reproach upon your Majesty, because as
" your Majesty after her is the nearest Catholic heir of the
" blood royal of England, some false suspicion might
" naturally be aroused at your having abandoned the
" good Queen to be ruined by her heretical rivals in order
" to open the door to your Majesty's own advantage "
(page 530). As this idea of Philip's own claim to
the crown gradually developed, the interference of
the Prench in the affair became more and more
dreaded. The French ministers in Paris approached
Mendoza in June 1585 with a proposal that France
should join in any action that was contemplated against
England ; but Philip saw " much artifice behind it
" all. They would like by this means to free them-
" selves from pressure and embark us upon a business
" which they who suggest it would afterwards prevent "
(page 539). Philip's one remedy for all such approaches
was to seek information and pledges from those who made
them, and this course was generally efiectual. Guise at
the same time was constantly warned that he had quite
enough to do in Prance, and " that he Mould never be
" safe until he had first dispersed his rivals and broken
" the Huguenots." Philip's aim clearly was that he
should by civil war in France paralyse Henry III. and
tho' Huguenots from interfering in favour of Elizabeth,
and render Guise himself powerless to promote the interests
in England of his cousin James Stuart. The Vatican
especially was the arena of struggle between the two
parties with regard to Great Britain. The new Pope
Sixtus V. had been raised to the throne by a series of
extraordinary intrigues,, which ended at last in a com-
promise. He found his treasury empty and his revenues
anticipated, robbery atd anarchy rife in the eternal city
itself, and the college of Cardinals a nest of corruption.
Xlvi INTRODUCTION.
His master-hand soon subdued all to his wise guidance,
but during these first years of his papacy the Cardinals
who surrounded him ceaselessly pushed the interests of
their respective patrons. Medici, d'Este, Gonzaga, K-us-
ticucci, Santorio, and others, were the mouthpieces of
the French interest, which sought an arrangement with
Elizabeth and James, and desired, above all, to exclude
Spanish influence from Great Britain; Cardinal Sanzio
led the party of the Guises, whilst the Secretary of State,
Cardinal Caraffa, with Sirleto, Como, and, of course, Allen,
were in favour of Philip. Every move of Sanzio to urge
that the Pope should consent to no undertaking that did
not include Guise ; or of d'Este counselling his Holiness
to strive first for the conversion of James by moral
pressure, was at once counteracted by Philip's ambassador
Olivares or by one of the Spanish cardinals. Sixtus
himself leant more to the side of moderation, and had
no wish to render Spain politically predominant, but was
ambitious, as he said, to signalise his papacy by some
great enterprise in favour of the faith. A good specimen
of the manner in which he was cajoled by Olivares
to bear a great share of the expense of the invasion
of England, whilst leaving Philip a free hand, will be
found in the important despatch to the King on page 560.
No point was missed by the facile diplomatist; the name
of religion was invoked all through as being Philip's sole
motive, inconvenient questions were pushed into the
background or left indefinite, with the certainty that
Caraffa would subsequently define them in a sense
favourable to Spain, and above all, the Pope was
deceived about Philip's own designs upon the crown oE
England. "His Holiness is quite convinced that your
" Majesty is not thinking of the succession of the crown
" of England for yourself, and told Cardinal d'Este so, as
" I relate further on. I did not say anything to the
" contrary. He is very far from, thinking that your
" Majesty has any views for yourself, and when the
" matter is broached to him he will be much surprised.
INTRODUCTION. xlvii
" However deeply lie is pledged to abide by your
" Majesty's opinion, I quite expect he ■will raise some
" diflBculty," (page 563). It was only after persistent
chaffering, and with much misgiving, that Sixtus at last
pledged himself to Olivares to contribute one million crowns
to the Armada, leaving Philip untrammelled with incon-
venient conditions. This was the main point for which the
King had been waiting, and now the preparations for the
Armada were undertaken in earnest. Mendoza's principal
function in Paris was to keep up a constant stream of
intelligence from England. The false Portuguese who
surrounded Don Antonio sent news to their friends in
Spanish pay in France ; the English exiles who lived in
Paris and elsewhere on Philip's bounty were unceasing
in providing information about England ; Morgan in the
Bastile was still able to keep up an active correspondence,
fatal as it turned out, with queen Mary ; pretended
Flemish Protestants, and Spanish agents in the French
embassy in London often sent secret notes to Mendoza.
But Philip was insatiable for information about Drake,
Raleigh, Grenville, and Cavendish, and drove his
ambassador to the verge of desperation, at times when
every port was watched by Walsingham's spies, and
when, as one of his informants says, " not even a strange
" fly can enter an English seaport without its being
" noticed." Charles Arundell, who had fled with Lord
Paget to France on the arrest of Throgmorton, came to
Tassis before the latter left Paris, and suggested that he
could bribe tlie new English ambassador. Sir Edward
Stafford. When Philip was informed of this he
expressed his incredulity and the matter dropped, but
after Mendoza was well established in his post Arundell,
who had already given him several items of information,
proposed again to buy over Stafford, and the bargain
was effected. Thenceforward, whilst Stafford remained
ambassador in France, such English diplomacy as passed
through him was no secret from Mendoza and his master.
But Mendoza was burning to revenge himself for the
Xlviii INTRODUCTION.
personal indignities he had suffered at the hands of
Elizabeth and her ministers, and the transmission of
endless information failed to satisfy his active rancour.
He became in Paris, as he was in London, the centre of
all plots against the Queen, and, as he more than once
explains, he had no misgiving about it now, for Leicester
was at war against Spain in Elanders with the Queen's
troops, and Elizabeth had assumed the protection of
Philip's patrimonial dominions. She was consequently
at open hostility with his master, and he might fairly seek
her destruction.
On the 12th of May 1586 he wrote with his own hand
to Idiaquez, the King's secretary, that a person (Ballard)
had been sent to him from England to advise him that
four courtiers had sworn to kill the Queen, either by
poison or steel, and to beg for Philip's countenance and
support after the deed was done. Not another living soul
but Mendoza was to know of it (page 579). This was the
first word of the Babington plot, and Mendoza gave to
the priest, Ballard, who brought the message, only a
diplomatic and general answer until the plans were more
advanced. So the matter remained for two months. In
the meanwhile at the end of June, Mendoza received the
important letter from Mary Stuart (page 581), which is
already known to historical students. The unhappy
woman was hastening to her doom. She had been for
eighteen months almost shut off from communication with
her friends, but at last Morgan had again devised a means
of conveying letters, and the first use she had made of
it was to entrust William Paget with a mission. She
proposed that Philip should take her entirely under his
protection, and she would by will disinherit her son (of
whose conversion she saw but little hope), and leave her
rights to the crown of England to Philip, " considering
" the public welfare of the Church before the private
" aggrandisement of my posterity." On the day that
this letter was deciphered Mendoza had undergone an
operation for cataract, but blind and ill as he was, he
INTRODUCTION. xHx
dictated a letter wliich was sent off post haste to the
King, in which he did not fail to attribute to his own
efforts the important resolution at which the Queen had
arrived (page 586).
Philip and the English Catholics were thus getting
their own way in all things, whilst Guise, Beaton, and
the Scottish Catholics were taking a subordinate place in
the scheme. Tliis of course did not please them, and they
made another attempt to take the lead, which was within
an ace of being successful, and nearly changed the whole
plan of the Armada. On the 16th July 1586 Guise
wrote to Mendoza (page 589) saying that for a long
time he had been laying the foundation of an enterprise,
to which at last he had brought the Scottish Catholic
lords to agree. Beaton was charged to tell Mendoza
what this scheme was. Huntly, Morton, and Claude
Hamilton had sent a Catholic gentleman named E-obert
Bruce to France with three signed blank sheets of letter
paper which Guise was to fill up over the signatures with
letters to Philip, appealing to him to come to the aid of
the Scottish Catholics. Bruce was then to go with the
letters and a recommendation from Guise to Madrid, and
to present to the King the demands and conditions of the
Scottish nobles. A copy of Bruce's instructions sent to
Mendoza will be found on page 590, where it will be seen
that the nobles undertake to restore Catholicism, release
James and his mother, compel the former to become a
Catholic, and bind himself to Spain. But the most
tempting offer was " to deliver into his Majesty's hands
" at once, or when his Majesty thinks fit, one or two good
" ports in Scotland near the English border, to be used
" against the queen of England." In return for all this
they only asked for 6,000 foreign troops paid for a year
to enable them to withstand the queen of England, and
150,000 crowns to equip Scottish soldiers. For secrecy
and safety Bruce went to Spain by a circuitous route
without passing through Paris, and does not appear
to have arrived in Madrid until September. In the
y 84541. , d ^
1 INTRODUCTION.
meanwhile the Babington plot was ripening in England.
Mendoza's vague but sympathetic message to the
conspirators in May had encouraged them to sound the
principal Catholics in the country, and already the plot
had spread its ramifications all over England. Gilford
arrived in Paris in August, and gave Mendoza full
particulars of the whole business. The information
was sent to the King (page 603), and by it and the
accompanying statement we may see that the conspiracy
was far more widespread and dangerous even than has
usually been ackuowledgcd. There was hardly a Catholic
gentleman, or even a " schismatic," who was not more or
less implicated ; and I'hilip's curt autograph notes on
the document demonstrate characteristically his distrust
and disbelief in the success of a plot known to so many
persons — and above all to those who were not strict
Catholics. It is true that Gilford told Mendoza that
only six courtiers, with Babington, and two of the
principal leaders, were privy to the intended murder of
the Queen, but Philip expresses his disbelief of this.
Mendoza, however, for once, allowed his hatred of
Elizabeth to overcome his prudence, and wrote a strong
letter to the conspirators, approving of their plan " as
" one worthy of spirits so Catholic, and of the ancient
" valour of Englishmen " (page 606). " If they succeeded
" in killing the Queen," he said, " they should have the
•' assistance they required from the Netherlands, and the
" assurance that your Majesty would succour them."
Mendoza went even beyond this, and urged them to seize
Don Antonio and his adherents, to capture the Queen's
ships, and to kill Cecil, Walsingham, Hunsdon, Knollys,
and Beal. Even Philip, who cannot be accused of undue
scrupulousness as to the sacrifice of life, remarked in a
marginal note that it did not matter about killing Cecil,
" as he is very old and has done no harm."
Philip's reply is very characteristic (page 614). The
affair is so much " in God's service that it certainly
•' deserves to be supported, and we must hope that our
INTRODUCTION.
n
" Lord will prosper it, unless our sins are an impediment
" thereto." He for his part will do all that is asked of
him, as soon as "the principal execution" is effected.
Above all that should be done swiftly. " They are cutting
" their own throats if they delay or fail, and you will
" therefore urge despatch and caution, upon which all
" depends." Philip very rarely reproved his agents, but,
in this case, he blamed Mendoza for his outspoken letters
to the conspirators, and evidently feared the effect of
such widespread knowledge of the plot. He went to the
length of keeping it even from Parma, by sending to
Mendoza two letters for the Prince, one to instruct him
to prepare the forces to be sent to England, but without
telling him their destination, and the other to be sent
after the Queen's murder, giving him final orders. The
King's letter was written on the 6th September, but
before Mendoza received it the bubble had burst, and
Walsingham's heavy hand, long poised, had pounced
upon the conspirators. The priest, Ballard, who had first
gone to Mendoza in May, had confessed on the rack what
had passed at their interview. All the unfortunate Mary's
letters had been intercepted and copied, and what
Walsingham called, " the most deeply rooted conspiracy
which had been foi'raed in her Majesty's time" was
detected and defeated. In Mendoza's letter to the King
of 10th September (page 623) on this subject he rather
enigmatically refers to Raleigh as one of the six courtiers
who had sworn to assassinate the Queen. On the face
of it this would appear incredible, but it is certain that
early in the following year offers of service were made to
Philip by Raleigh, particulars of which will be included
in the next volume of this Calendar. In the same letter
Mendoza says, •' I am of opinion that the queen of
" Scotland must be well acquainted with the whole
" affair, to judge from the contents of a letter which she
" has written to me " (pages 624 and 629). If the
letter referred to by Mendoza was that of 27th July
(page 596) or of 2nd August (598), there does not appear
lii INTRODUCTION.
to be any warrant in either of them for the assertion that
Mary was actually cognisant of the intention to assassinate
Elizabeth. That she was fully aware, and was the guiding
spirit of, the " enterprise " of England is, of course, un-
doubted, and her correspondence with Babington, Morgan's
letter of 29th June (Hatfield MSS.), and Nau's declara-
tions, seem to prove that she must have had a very strong
suspicion, at least, of the design against the person of
the Queen. Her own solemn and persistent denial of
such knowledge, and the absence of direct proof of it,
would certainly tend to show that her profound diplomacy
and caution, of which many instances are given in this
Calendar, caused her to avoid any positive statement to
or by her, of Babington's intentions in this respect. On
the discovery of the plot Mendoza at once concluded that
Mary's life was in danger, and this fear was also felt in
the Erench Court. Instructions were therefore sent to
the Erench ambassador to take such steps as he considered
necessary in Mary's favour. The already much-talked of
Spanish naval preparations, the approval given by Mendoza
to Babington's plot, and the recent arrival of Drake with
the spoils of the West Indies, had made Henry III.
fearful that EUzabeth could not avoid war with Spain,
and he was chary of pledging himself too deeply to her.
The English Catholic exiles in Paris were therefore secretly
warned by Villeroy to disappear for a time to avoid arrest
at the instance of Stafford, who himself doubtless gave
prior information of his instructions in this respect.
The repeated failures of Catholic conspiracies in England
had now made Philip distrustful of effecting the "enterprise"
except with overwhelming forces of his own. When,
therefore, Robert Bruce submitted to him the proposals of
the Scottish lords he was full of vague sympathy, and
sent the envoy back to Paris " with fair words " in
plenty, but with the suggestion, which he knew was
impracticable, that the Pope should find the money. He
was not anxious, moreover, for Guise's co-operation
outside of France, although it was less to be dreaded
INTRODUCTION. liii
than formerly, now that James was disinherited hy his
mother, and was a confirmed " heretic." At the same
time the Scottish offer of two safe ports near the English
horder was a tempting one, and not to he cast aside
hastily, so Parma and Mendoza were instructed to report
to him fully as to the advantages of the scheme, whilst
Bruce, Guise, and the Scottish nobles were " to be kept
in hand." In accordance with these instructions, Mendoza
wrote, on the 15th October 1586, to Parma strongly
urging that the ofPers of the Scots should be sympa-
thetically entertained in order that they might afford a
diversion in Philip's favour when he invaded England,
but that their strength should be ascertained by a series
of inquiries to clear up doubtful points before definite
pledges were given to them. Cautious Parma would not,
however, go even so far as this until he knew what were
Philip's intentions with regard to England. He thought
the plan would fail unless it were part of a concerted
scheme of invasion. He would appear to have been
somewhat resentful at his having been kept in the dark
as to Philip's ultimate plans (page 664), and this feeling
may possibly in part account for his extraordinary
behaviour when the Armada at last appeared. Parma's
cool irresponsiveness had more than once been objected to
by Mendoza, and his reply on this occasion was almost
vehemently combated in an extremely sagacious State
Paper written to the King on 24)th December (page 681).
By inquiry from Bruce, on his return to Paris, Mendoza
had satisfied all his doubts, and was now hotly in favour
of the scheme. His arguments in favour of the invasion
of England being undertaken through Scotland, read by
our knowledge of the disaster of the Armada, sound
almost prophetic. " It is of advantage to the English
" that they should rather be attacked by a force which
" needs great sea fleets for its transport and maintenance,
" both on account of the immense sums of money which
" must be spent on such an expedition, and the great
liv INTRODUCTION.
" quantity of material and time necessary, as well as
" tlie many opportunities which occur during the delay
" and preparation for impeding the progress of such
" armaments. They are also subject to much greater
" disasters than are land armies, for in most cases the
" mere death of the leader is suifipient to frustrate their
" design .... and, in the event of the loss of a
" great fleet, the owner sees himself bereft at one blow-
" of forces, ships, and guns, for they are things hard to
" replace." It is plain now that, all through this able
document, the old soldier — the last of the disciples of
Alba, as he calls himself — was [right in his appreciations,
and that Philip made a fatal mistake in not following his
advice.
But whilst all this was being discussed, the fate of
Mary Stuart was trembling in the balance. After the
execution of Eahington and his accomplices (of which some
curious detail is given on page 641), Sir Edward Stafford
stated to Henry III. the heads of the indictment against
Mary, and the King begged him to use his influence in
her favour. But shortly afterwards Henry Wotton was
sent on a special mission, as Mendoza says, to alienate
Erench sympathy from Mary by showing how entirely
she was wedded to the Spaniards, and that she had by her
will left the crown of England to Philip. Wotton took
with him also the draft of Mary's letter to Mendoza
indicating Philip as her successor, and a letter from her
to Babington, with such other compromising papers as
were likely to incense the French against her. In reply,
Henry said that he would send his Minister Belli^vre to
England to address Elizabeth on the subject, but neither
Mendoza nor his master believed for a moment that
Henry and his mother really desired to save Mary, or that
Elizabeth meant to sacrifice her, but that Belli^vre was
to use the pretext in order to put pressure upon the
English Queen to reconcile Henry of Navarre and Cond6
with the King, whilst Elizabeth's supposed design was
INTRODUCTION. IV
ostensibly to sell Mary Stuart's life to the French in
exchange for favourable terms of alliance against Spain
(pages 660 and 680), and the lukewarm tone of Belli^vre's
address to the Queen tends strongly to show that the
Spaniards were right (page 691). Up to the date when
this volume closes, indeed the general opinion out of
England seems to have been that Mary's life at least
would not be forfeited. That such was not the opinion
in England is seen in the letter of the Portuguese spy,
Vega (page 676) ; and long afterwards, when the unhappy
Queen was in her grave, Mendoza received her touching
letter, dated 23rd November, written after her condem-
nation to death, by which it is clear that she herself had
no hope that her life would be spared (page 663). Surely
a letter more sad or more beautiful than this has rarely
been penned. Whatever the crimes of the unhappy woman
may have been, the noble resignation, the queenly dignity,
the plaintive gratitude which the letter expresses, go far to
explain the secret of the extraordinary fascination she
exercised upon those who came in contact with her. She
clearly regarded herself as a martyr for the Church and
faith she clung to so steadfastly. With the fear of
immediate death before her eyes, with the sounds, as she
thought, of the erection of her death scaiiold in the next
room ringing in her ears, she denounced as a " great
falsehood" the assertion of her accusers that she had
plotted their Queen's death, " For I have never attempted
" such a thing, but have left it in the hands of God and
" the Church to order in this island matters concerning
" religion."
Thus closes the year 1586, with Maiy Stuart waiting
hourly for her death, with the French and Scottish envoys
trying to buy her life as cheaply as possible, whilst
Elizabeth souglit to sell it at the highest price she could
get for it ; with the Spanish dockyards already busy with
the preparations for the great Armada, whilst the armed
privateers, which were to defeat it, were cowing Spanish
Ivi iNTEODUCTIOif.
commerce on every sea. The recluse of the Escorial was
still for ever asking for information — more information,
more reports, — securing himself absolutely, on paper,
whilst other men, and above all women, were acting with
the energy, agility, and decision, which had already
damaged, but eventually were to ruin, him and his cause
for ever.
MA.BTIK A. S. Hums.
CALENDAR OF STATE PAPERS,
SPANISH.
ELIZABETH.
1580—1586.
1580.
13 Jan. 1. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
I wrote to your Majesty on the 28tl) ultimo. On the previous day
the Queen had sent to the Fi'ench ambassador to come and see her,
as she had received three dispatches from Stafford, enclosing letters
from tlic King of France, his mother, and Alonyon. The latter told
her that he was making ready for his departure, and would come
as she pleased, either with or without a company, and either before
or after the signing of the capitulations. He said he was very
sorry they had cut qflf' the hands of the men concerned with the
book,* and he would indeed be glad if he could remedy it, even at
the cost of two fingers of his own hand ; but as that was now
imposfible, he entreated her to pardon the men and award them
some recompense, so that they might understand that they owed
their lives and her favour to his intercession. He was equally
grieved to learn that she was not showing so much favour as
formerly to the earl of Leicester ; and also that Simier had not
carried out his (Alen(,'on's) instructions in making friends with the
Earl, whom, if he (Alengon) came to England he would regard as a
comrade and a brother. He entreated her not to bear ill-will to
Leicester and the other councillors who had opposed the match, as
they no doubt did so, as they thought, in her interests. He said
he had now bis mother's blessing and his brother's permission for
the marriage; and the King's letters were to a similar effect, adding,
however, that if it was necessary to alter any of the conditions they
(i.e., the English) who had drafted them, might do so. This greatly
gratified the Queen and she loaded the ambassador with caresses.
On the 1st instant Stafford arrived here, having been sent by
Alcnijon with a letter to the Queen, in the sealing-wax of whicli
was embedded an emerald worth 400 crowns. The pur[>ort of it
was to confirm, with many fine words, the letters [)reviously sent ;
and Stafford said that Alen9on would soon be here ; two persons of
* This was Stubbs' book " The disooyery of a gaping gulfj' See Note, p, 700,
y84<141. 400,-1/95, Wt. 17445, A
5 so.
SPANISH STATE PAPKES.
rank, however, would precede hlra. Alengon gave him a chain of
a 1,000 crowns and as much more in jewels and buttons. The
Queen sent a post to Alenjon on the night Stafford arrived, and told
the latter to make ready for his speedy return to France.
The French nmbassador had high words with Leicester the other
day about his trying to persuade him to confess to the Queen that
he was married, as Simier and he, the ambassador, had assured
her.* This is one of the grievances that Leicester has against him,
and the ambassador in his desire to be reconciled with him sent
word by a confidant of his to say that he, Leicester, might see by
what Alen9on wrote, the good offices which he, the ambassador,
had effected, and that the French were as friendly with him as evei-.
Leicester replied tliat he knew all about it, and that it was nothing
but French chatter. When Aleni;on came to marry the Queen, he
said, he would be obliged to treat him as his master. He said
besides, that he wanted to have no more to do with Frenchmen and
would never trust them again. At this time Stafford arrived, and
on his coming Leicester no doubt repented of what he had said,
seeing the business settled ; and sent for the man who had brought
him the message and told him that if he had not already seen the
ambassador he was not to repeat his answer ; but, as if on his own
account, was to recommend the ambassador to write to France,
urging the great importance of gaining Leicester over if the
marriage was to be carried through. He has also caused the .same
thing to be written to M. de la Mothe,t wlio was formerly French
ambassador here, for him to represent the same in France. One of
these letters has fallen into my hands, and I send it to your Majesty.
I am told the ambassador has written to the same effect. Amongst
the other indications that the marriage is settled, although both
parties are holding off, not the least is that Leicester is making
warm efforts in the direction I have mentioned.
An English captain whom these folks have with the Prince of
Cond^'has an ived with letters from him to the Queen, addressed
to Leicester and Walsingham, whom he has seen. They tell him
they will dispatch him shortly and that he will take a present to
Cond(^. They have ordered three captains to raise six hundred
Englishmen, four hundi-ed of whom have already slipped acro.ss to
Flandeis, as the rest of them will do. These are the men I told
your Majesty had been promised to Condd to help his entry into
the Netherlands.
Leice.'-ter has a ship ready to sail on a voyage for plunder ou the
• Some mouths previous to the date of this letter, Leicester had seen that the Alen90ii
match, wliich he had pretended to favour, was assuming too serious an aspect under the
Ruidanco of Alen9on's npent, Simier, who had entirely captured the good graces of
Elizabeth. Two attempts were made, almost certainly at the instance of Leicester, to
Jiiurder Simier ; and the latter, determined at one blow to a\'enge himself, and remove
from the road the permanent obstacle to the Queen's marriage with his master. Secure
In his possession of the Queen's favour, he did what no other person had dared to do,
namely, tell her Majesty of the private marriage of the earl of Leicester with the
Countess of Essex. Castelnau de la Mauvissi^re, the French ambassador, had aided
Simier in the revelation.
t La Moths FeueloDi
ELIZABETH.
1580.
route to the Indies. It will leave in ten day.s and tliey have
collected the most experienced English sailors for the vo}'age.
Altliougii I understand the main object to be robbery if opportunity
offers, the design also is to aid Drake if they can come across him,
and strengthen him with their vessel, as Leicester and his party are
those who are behind Drake.* With a similar object, three sliips
of 100, 80, and 70 tons, are being fitted out in Plymouth, in tlie
name of John Hawkins, the pretence being that they are taking
merchandi.se to the coast of Brazil. In fact some goods are being
shipped in them ; and this is to the direct prejudice of the crown of
Portugal, altliough the treaty for three years which expired in
November has not been confirmed. This treaty did not distinctly
prohibit trade in this direction nor with Barbary, the English
having simply undertaken not to go either to Mina or the coast of
Brazil. — London, 13th January 1580.
13 Jan. 2. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
After writing the enclosed I sent to ask audience of the Queen
to give ijer an account of certain robberies that had been committed
by pirates. She sent to say that, although she wished that affairs
necessitated her seeing me more frequently, she would be glad if
I would go at once, in order that I might enjoy an entertaiument
they had prepared for hei'. This was one of those whicli are
customary here, in which bears are baited by dogs. As it was
rather a novelty for her to give me audience so quickly, I
suspected she wanted to hear something from me about the French
business, she having received a packet from France the previous
day. She asked me if it was true, as was said, that your Majesty's
Italian fleet had seized Genoa. I replied that I had no knowledge
of such a thing, but if your Majesty had done so it would be
for the purpose of restoring it to the Genoese, whose liberty and
commonweal you would thus defend and prevent their being
assailed by others. After this she could only talk about the
great forces which she heard on all hands that your Ma,jesty was
rjiibing. She said that she had just heard that 6,000 Spaniards
had been ordered to be levied, as well as a large additional number
of high-decked vessels, and that this would be the greatest fleet
ever collected by a Chiistian prince. After many other things
she said with great emphasis " Ut quid tot sumptus " ? I replied,
^ " Nemo movit nisi cui pater revelarut." Whereupon she said
that I had been something more than a light cavalry-man.t
She said that, although many people told her that the fleet was
* Drake bad sailed on his first voyage round the world more than a yenv heforo the
date of this letter. As related in the last volume of the Calendar, Wiuti.r had returned
from the Straits of Magellan with one of his ships bringing bad news of the expedition,
Bud great apprehension for its safely existed in Loudon, notwithi-;tandiug rumoura
which were already arri\'ing of the great depredations which had been committed by it
on the Spaniards iu South America.
f Mendoza, previous to his appointment as ambassador, had greatly distinguished
himself in the Netherlands as captain of a squadron of light horse. Mr. Froude seeks
to explain the above allusion by saying that Mendoza was master of the horse to PliilJf j
■which is incorrect.
4^
SPAlSllSH STATE PAPEES.
1580.
to come to England and Ireland, which she did not believe ;
even if it did,, it would doubtless be sent by your Majesty in a
brotlierly spirit, and she would receive it in the same way. I
replied that I could say no more than I had done on that point as
I had no part in the revelation. I can see that she was alarmed
about affairs in Ireland, whence she has news that Desmond is
daily becoming stronger and has most of the principal people on
his side. — London, 13th January 1580.
13 Feb. 3. Juan de Vargas Mejia to the King.
'fliiteVlJsroG'* ^^ *^"^ -'1^'^ ^ '**^"*' *■'' ^^^^^ ^'^'^ Scots ambassador to hear
anything that M. de Guise might have told him about Flanders.
He told me tliat he (Guise) was engaged in what he considered
one of the most important matters possible, namely, by secret
means to prevent the agreement between the duke of Alen9on,
Beam, Cunde, and the Huguenots. He was keeping his cousins
the duke of Aumale and the marquis of Elbceuf near Alen9on for
this purpose, and if he succeeded, as he hoped, he thought he should
have done great service to God and your Majesty, as the Queen of
England and Orange were trying all their devilish arts to bring
them together and attach them to themselves. I thanked him
(Beaton) and asked him to thank M. de Guise and urge him to
continue in a task so worthy of hini, as I was sure he would prefer
the cause of God, with which your Majtsty's ititerests were bound
up, to all other things. In tlio course of the conversation the
ambassador said, " I waiitud to have seen you before but deferred
" doing so, in the expectation that M. de Guise would see you first ;
" it having been agreed between us that he should secretly visit
" 3'ou in disguise and alone one of these nights, and speak with
" you at length. I was anxious for you to hear from him personally
" what he wished to convey to you, so that you might not think it
" came from n)e. But since we are together I will not conceal it
" from you, only askijig you to keep it to yourself, as my friend ;
" since my head depends upon it, as you will see when you have
" heard what I have to say. When M de Guise speaks to you
" about it, do not let him suspect that you have heard a word. I
" take this course because I recognise your straightforwardness and
" your attachment to the cause of God and the interests of my
" mistress ; and seeing the important bearing this matter may have
" on the affairs of ilanders. For more than a year i)aKt I have
" tried by every means to induce her (the queen of Scotland) to
" adopt a course which I thought would be must benelicial to both
" causes ; and, to make a long story short, I will now confine
" myself to showing you the words she herself writes to me. She
" instructs me to inform you that she has determined to place
" herself, her son and her realm, in the hands and under the
" protection of his catholic Majesty unreservedly ; sending her son
" to Spain, if his Majesty wishes, and having him married there
* The numbcriug of the Simancas papers in the Paris Archives has recently been
changed, but documents in future will be distinguishable cither under the old or the new
j^fcieucee.
ELIZAIiETH.
1580.
" entirely according to his Majesty's pleasure. She orders me to
convey this decision to the duke of Guise, her kinsman and
" confidant. He (the duke of Guise) took the matter in hand and
" said he wished to be the first person to propose it to you." I
thanked him (Beaton) and promised secrecy, and said I would go
whither M. de Guise wished, in disguise, to save him trouble, if he
would send me word. I did not carry the matter further or asl<. any
questions, in order not to appear curious and arouse suspicion. He
told me tliat means were offered for his mistress to escape from
prison, but she refused them as her aim was to leave her prisoa
queen of England and not otherwisp, even though it cost her life,
1 asked him whether the Queen could dispose of her son to
send him to Spain or elsewhere. Ho said yes ; but not \ery
emphatically.
As the matter is of so much importance I have thought well to
inform your Majesty at once, in order that you may have it
maturely considered. Such is the present condition of England,
with signs of revolt everywhere, the Queen in alarm, the catholic
party and the friends of the Queen of Scotland numerous, the
events occurring in Ireland, and the distrust aroused by your
Majesty's fleet, that I really believe that if so much as a cat moved
the whole affair would crumble down in three days beyond repair.
They know it perfectly well themselves, and hence their fear. If
to all this bs added a rising of Soots ; or the q\ieen of Scotland's
party in England were to make an arrangement with her, your
Majesty's fleet helping them 'as soon as it is free from Portugal,
with the added advantage which the possession of that country
gives your Majesty, it seems as if the affair might be openly under-
taken, in despite of all they might do ; even if they attempted
resistance, which probably they would not do, as it would soon be
over. If your Majesty had England and Scotland attached to you,
diiectly or indirectly, you might consider the States of Flanders
conquered, in which case you would be a monarch who could lay
down the law for the whole world. In order to keep these people
(the French) from interfering, it is of the greatest importance that
M. de Guise be concerned in the affair-. His close connection with
the queen of Scothmd would enable him and his house to keep
them in check, and perchance they (the Guises) might find an
opportunity of seizing for themselves various territories of this
Crown, which would thus be weakened in a way that no fear
might be felt of it. The injury and inconvenience caused by the
constant suspicion of their (the French) power and machinations
would then disappear, and your forces be free to remedy evils
everywhere and fight the infidels and other sects and seditions. So
far as I understand the queen of Scotland, from my knowledge of
her actions and from having seen her here, I consider her a woman
of valour and deeply offended with those people, upon whom,
woman-like, she wishes to be revenged. From what I could gather
from the Ambassador, her view is to marry her son to one of the
infantas, and, on his conversion, to make him king of England and
Scotland, whilst she will marry whom she pleases ; having no
doubt thought cf the prince of Parma. I know that this match lias
Spanish statS: papers,
1580,
been broached, and your Majesty's English pensioners with the
army are talking about it, perhaps to please the Prince. The
English ambassador here says that letters have been intercepted
dealing with the matter at great length.
I forgot to say that some time ago Balfour of Burleigh, a Scots-
man wliom I have mentioned several times, and who now Uvea
here, wished to see me and propose under certain conditions to
induce all the Scotsmen in Flaaders to retire, and perhaps at the
same time to do your Majesty some signal service. We commenced
negotiations when he arrived here, and as a mark of confidence and
to learn what there was in the proposal, I secretly mentioned it to
the ambiissador who is an honest trustworthy man. He advised
me to listen to Balfour who, he said, was clever and was able to be
of service, if he liked, especially in tlie way indicated. Balfour
has not yet opened the matter to me but has told the ambassador
that he wishes to do so, and when the interview I have just
described with the ambassador took place, the latter said, " I have
" communicated to my mistress the proposal which Balfour wished
" to make ; and I may tell you privately that she writes approving
" of it. Balfour will now speak to you about it, and I will see
" that he carries the matter forward. You and I will then consider
" how it can be arranged." The matter so remains, and I venture
to point out to your Majesty that, as so much advantage might be
obtained from it, it would be worth while to have it carefully
considered and a decision sent to me, so that if the proposal is to
be accepted, the parties may be treated in a way which will
encourage others ; and if not, they may be diverted in such a
manner as shall prevent them from feeling aggrieved or repent of
having opened out to me. — Paris, 13 February 1580.
B.M. 4 Document Endorsed : " Reply ordered by Cardinal de Granvelle
MSS. Add. , -, ■ ■ ... i ^17 1 j; ij')
23702. *''-' "^ given in writing to Engleneld.
No date. jjjg Majesty desires nothing better than to see the queen of
Scotliind free, and together with her son, safe and contented ; with
the Ciitholic religion restored both in Scotland and England ; and
they will find his Majesty as well-disposed as ever he has been.
Matters are now much changed from the position in which they
were when it was proposed to rescue the King from the hands of
Morton and bring him to Spain or elsewhere, that he might be
brought up in the Catholic faith, which is the principal point, as
without assurance of this no step should be taken about his
marriage.
Now the King has Morton under arrest, whilst he is free
to govern his kingdom himself, and with the aid of d'Aubigny to
stand against those, who from within or without, should attempt
to obstruct him.
Things being in this condition, it would be very bad advice for
the King to leave his country, as it would discourage those who are
on his side, and have recently declared themselves, whilst his
opponents would gather fresh courage ; and the King's friends,
finding themselves in peril, might join with their enemies, and so
exclude the King from his realm for good.
elizabetS,
1
1580.
His Majesty will be glad to learn the present position of affaira
in Scotland, what the King thinks of doing, what facilities he has
to sustain himself and go forward, what course he intends to
pui-sue with Morton, what aid he expects from France, and from
whom there, who are his adherents in his own country, and who
liis opponents, what is their strength, what troops has the King,
and what fortified places ?*
20 Feb. 5. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
In reply to your Majesty's question as to wl) ether Drake gave
any sureties here before lie sailed, there ia a law which was made
here to exonerate these pirates, the effect of which is that they
have to give sureties before sailing, not to injure anyone excepting
those who are the declared enemies of this Crown. It is, however,
a dead letter, and when any attempt by a private person is made
in due form to enforce it, it is found impossible to do so. In one
case an Englishman on his way from Spain with merchandise, stole
150 crowns worth of iish from one of your Majesty's subjects
belonging to Corunna, who sent a power here to demand restitution.
The people came to me to make the claim on the sureties who had
been given by the Englishman in the port, but they were not worth
a crown and nothing could be got, the names tljemselves being false.
Those who sail for the purpose of robber^' do not give sureties at
all as they are generally under the protection of the principal
courtiers, as, for instance, Drake, who was fitted out by Leicester
and his friends.
For months past I have had men secretly staying in some of the
western ports, where it is expected that Drake will first arrive if
he comes hither, in order that I may have instant news of his
coming. I have not been able to do more than this, because his
principals, as soon as they had the news I mentioned about his
capture, ordered the justices of the ports to aid him in getting off
safely. When I .speak to the Queen about it and to her ministers,
which I have only done yet in general terms, as your Majesty
ordered, it will be well, if your Majesty approves, to threaten
that, if they do not make entire restitution and punish the
pirates, your Majesty will issue letters of marque for the owners to
recover their property, taking possession of English property
M'herever they may find it. This is what they fear most, and the
* In the B.M. MSS. Add. 28702, as a pendant to Ihe above memorandum, there is a
Dote from the King's secretary at Badajoz on the Portuguese frontier where the King
•hen was, to Cardinal de Granvelle at Madrid, dated 2nd ,Tuno 1580, advising the
arrival of Fernihurst there and enclosing for the consideration of the Cardinal and
Sir Francis Englefield the papers brought by him. The King desires the answer to be
sent soon so that he may get rid of the Scotch envoy, whom, says the Secretarj', they
had some difficulty in understanding " as he only talked broad Scotch, without any
other manner of tongue; a fine thing indeed for a place like Badajoz!" In another
note from the Secretary to De Granvelle dated 17th June the formfr says that
■ Fcrnihurst's pretensions are very great but that the King will certainly have to grant
either pensions or a subsidy. See also the preceding letter which details the approaches
made by Beaton to the Spanish ambassador in Paris with a similar object to that of
Fernihurst's mission.
bS>ANlSfl STATfi PAPERS.
I08O.
merclianls themselves make the greatest outcry over it, saying that,
because two or three of the principal courtiers send ships out to
plunder in this way, their property must be thus imperilled and
the country ruined. This makes them more anxious to condemn it
and to give me information, when tl)ey know of any of the plunder
being concealed.
They aie apprehensive about Drake's return as the voyage is long
and he must be short of ships. They think that if he do not
arrive within two months they must give him up as lost. Those
ships which I wrote were fitting out for St. Vincent on the coast of
Brazil, are novr ready to sail. — London, 20th February 1580,
20 Feb. 6. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
The English merchants here some time ago received the ships
which were dispatched from Spain for them at the end of December
and beginning of January, and at the same time had letters from
their agents in Madrid saying that your Majesty had not yet given
them a reply about the loading of the ships. This has swollen
their pride more than ever, and they declare, with terrible insolence,
that your Majesty has granted them no favour, and that you have
been forced by pure necessity to give them the permission, as there
are not ships in Spain to carry the merchandise. As it is so
important to your Majesty's service that they should be oppressed
and powerless to carry out their evil intentions, I cannot help
telling your Majesty what I think about the matter, in view of
events here, humbly beseeching your Majesty to pardon my great
boldness which is only prompted by my ardent zeal.
The trade with Spain is of the greatest importance to the
English, as I set fortli in the report I sent on the 25th September,
it being the principal source of their wealth and strength, which
consists mainly in the great number of their ships. They are daily
building more ; but the moment the Spanish trade fails them and
they are not allowed to ship goods in Spain they will stop building,
as they have no other trade so yjrofitable, both on account of the
vast sums of specie they bring, which they can get from no other
place, and the richness of the merchandise which they carry. This
makes them almost the masters of commerce in other parts as
well, as they have the monopoly of the shipping, whereby they
profit by all the freights. Although for many reasons it is
un advisable to entirely prohibit them from shipping goods at this
time, it will be very advantageous for your Majesty to order that
the edict should be re-published, that they may see the favour and
boon that your Majesty gave them, and be made to understand that
in future the edict will be carried out and that special license will
have to be given to ship goods in any place in the manner decided
by your Majesty. This is most important in Andalusia, as they
"would sufli'er more from being prevented from shipping goods there
than elsewhere, on account of the great cargoes of oil, wines,
and fruits, which are sent from there, and of which vast quantities
are consumed in England, and in consequence of the shortness of
ELliSADETH. 6
1580.
the number of ships in that province to carry their produce, owing
to the fertility of the country and the inaptitude of the inhabi-
tants for a seafaring life ; a sterile soil being generally the onlj''
reason why men overcome their dread of so dangerous a trade. In
this way, if special license is given as a favour in each case, and in
order that the crops in Andalusia and elsewhere may have an
outlet, the English will be kept in suspense and will take care not
to ofTend your Majesty, as they are most anxious not to lose this
benefit, in which the whole country is concerned. They will
therefore not attempt to interfere with your forces on the Indian
voyage and elsewhere, whilst, at the same time, they will not care
to build new ships for the trade which tliey see will only be
temporary and uncertain, they having to beg for license each
separate time. The great part of their strength will thus be
consumed when the trade comes to an end, and this they fear so
much that they cannot conceal it. They confess that it will utterly
rnin this country, the principal reason why they have grown so
rich in the last ten years being that they have liad the carrying
trade of Spanish goods. It will be difficult to stop it except by
the means now suggested, or by God's punishing them with a civil
intestine war, such as they richly deserve. — London, 20th February
1580.
20 Feb. 7. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
In addition to the preparations ordered to be made by the
Queen, detailed in my former letters, she has given instructions
for ten more of her ships to put to sea in company with the first
seven. She has also commanded the city of London to raise 4,000
foot-soldiers, which the towns here usually do on the sovereign's
demand, the towns paying for their equipment and wage until they
arrive at the place where they are to be employed or shipped ;
after which they are maintained by the sovereign.
She has also ordered a general muster of the militia throughout
the country, as is customary here. I'here will be about 80,000 or
90,000 infantry on the rolls altogether, so that when an alarm is
sounded in any part of the country and the beacon fires are lit as
a signal, they can collect 25,000 at any given point within "12 hours
to prevent a landing; the rest of the force following them Liter, as
may be ordered. Most of the men are armed with bows, and tlie
I'est with weapons of all sorts, in the use of which, however, they
are not very expert.
The insurgents in Ireland keep bravely afoot, and although the
English are sorely beset by them and are daily beseeching the
Queen to send them succour of all kinds, nothing has been sent but
victuals, as the Council think it will be unwise just now, to give
an appearance of importance to the rising. They fear it might
result in disturbance heie, in conjunction with the coming of the
Spanish fleet. They therefore axe putting the matter off until a more
convenient season, saying that they cannot carry on a campaign
now, as roost of the Englishmen who take the field there in the
10 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1680. "~ "
winter die, whilst the Irish are such changeable people that no trust
can be placed in them, although it is now generally affirmed that
the earl of Desmond is acting in a way that will cause the Queen
much trouble.
The earl of Shrewsbury who is guarding the queen of Scots
is very ill, and this Queen has sent Middlemore, a gentleman of
her Privy Chamber, a great heretic, and badly disposed towards
the queen of Scots, to take charge of her until further orders.
The Portuguese ambassador has been discussing with the Queen
the business about which he came, namely the extension of the
treaty by which the English are not to trade with the Mina* nor with
Barbary. She answered him that she would appoint the ministers
with whom he was to negotiate, but I am told that she has not yet
done so, and is delaying the matter with the object of keeping it
pending until the declaration about the Portuguese succession is
made. They think that if the Portuguese unanimously accept
your Majesty's right, she will be able to get greater concessions
than before ; whilst, if the contrary happens, the Portuguese in order
to obtain her help will consent to any terms.
Four days ago the Queen sent for Davison, who used to be her
representative in Antwerp, and asked him why tlie States did not
pay her the money she had lent them, the time having expired.
He replied that the war and their needs prevented them from
doing so, whereupon she told him that he was a knave, and that
others like him had persuaded her into this, and had got her to
help rebels ; she said she did not know how she was going to get
out of it, even with the loss of her money.
Nothing more has been heard about the English trade with the
land of the Turk since the departure of the many vessels which I
mentioned, and amongst them one that was to go to the isle of
Chios, wlience an Englishman from her was to go and negotiate.
Stafford came from France five days since, it is believed with a
decided resolution about the marriage. This has caused the
matter to be discussed more lukewarmly than before ; Parliament
having been prorogued until April as soon as Stafford arrived. —
London, 20th February 1580.
20 Feb. 8. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
In accordance with the orders contained in your Majesty's letter
of 29th December I saw the Queen on the 12th instant. I found
her so much alarmed about the fleet, no doubt accused by her own
evil conscience, that she descended from the dais in the privy-
chamber and came forward six paces to meet me. Before I could
say a word she asked me whether I came as a herald to declare
war upon her ; to which I replied that it was she, apparently, who
was going to war with all the world ; seeing the great number of
men and ships she was raising. She said that was in order that
* The Mina, now csUed Elmina, was the principal Portuguese station in W«6t
Afric»,
ELIZABETJl. 11
1580.
slie might not be thought neglectful, and she would never mako
war upon your Majesty unless you began it first ; which she could not
by any means believe you would do, nor that you would employ j^our
fleet against her, seeing your close neighbourhood witli Barbary and
your having a coutinual war with the infidel on your hands, and
having rebel subjects to punish elsewhere, without disturbing one
who was a sister to you. She had, as such, always done her best
for the tranquillity of the Netherlands, and to prevent the French
from getting a footing there. I dwelt upon this subject, and
pressed it home seeing her so timid; saying that, so far as her own
goodwill was concerned, I believed that the course she ind'cated
had been adopted, but tliat iier ministers had not cari'ied it out.
On the contrary, the rebels had received great and constant aid
and support from this country, with no other result to it than the
waste of its wealth and power, and in disregard of the alliance
with your Majesty, the only thanks she got from the rebels being,
as she saw, the usual ones of bringing danger and strife upon
herself through them. Moreover, I said, your Majesty's subjects
were being daily plundered here by Englishmen ; and my constant
requests to her and her ministers for restitution and redress were
without result, besides which ships sailed from this country to rob
on the route to the Indies. She asked me whether I knew of any
such ships having returned, to which I replied that I did Jiot, as I
was sure they were dealt with there as they deserved, namely, by
being sent to the bottom. But if by any lucky chance one of
them should come back, I could not persuade myself that it would
be necessary for me to urge her to punish them. It was, indeed,
most advisable in her own interests that it shoald be done in
exemplary fashion, as the affair was so shameful and pernicious,
and might produce much evil to her. On your Majesty's side very
different treatment was meted out to her; for not only did she owe
her life and her crown to you, but she had never yet seen a Spanish
sword uhsheathed against her ; whereas I myself had often had to
fight against subjects of hers who were with your Majesty's rebel
subjects, notwithstanding the kindness shown to them throughout
your Majesty's dominions. I pointed out, too, the great favour you
had recently done them (the English) in allowing them, for once, freely
to load their ships ; on account of her having assured them that they
should do so, although the cargo they loaded belonged to your
Majesty's subjects, and brought great profit to the English, the
freight alone bringing them 50,000 crowns. She replied that she
valued the privilege higlily, as did the ships which had arrived,
and she thanked me for my good oiiices in the matter.
She kept me talking for almost three hours, one of her principal
subjects of conversation being her surprise at the secrecy your
Majesty had maintained regarding the designs of tlie fleet, such,
she said, as had rarely been seen ; as in most cases from the
nature of the preparations, and other indications, the objects
of such armaments are understood. In order to keep her in
suspense, and divert her from the plans they are trying to persuade
her to adopt, by which the French, with iier aid, may enter
1^ SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1580.
Flanders, I tried to increase her alarm by ambiguous and
significant words ; and said that it was no wonder that attempts
to discover the secret had failed, since you had the infidels as
constant enemies, as well as the rebels ; besides which many others
had offended you. Your Majesty's fleet was so powerful that
anyone could understand that it was equal to many enterprises,
either united or separated into two or three divisions, this being the
reason why its object had not been fathomed. When she saw she
could get nothing out of me by these means, she began caressing
me with her witcheries and said surely by some' indications I
had been able to judge what the destination of the fleet was to be.
1 i-eplied that she well knew that kings treated their ministers as
the stomach treats the members of the human body ; that is to
say, only giving to each one so much nourishment as might be
necessary for the proper jjerformance of its own functions ; but if
your Majestj' had not, as I had told her, decided to lock the secret
in your own breast, I should have no difBculty in understanding the
object of so great an enterprise as this. This frightened her more
than before, and she was very amiable. It is important that those
who may represent your Majesty here should bear this iu mind,
as when she is in this mood she gives audience freely, and her
disposition towards affairs and that of her ministers can be better
understood in personal conversation witli her; besides which she
speaks to her ministers differently when she is well informed. If,
on the other hand, she is not inclined to deal personally with the
representative here, she refers to the Council the decision as to
the day of audience ; which they delay until they can discover
something about the matter he has in hand, and they can then
advise the Queen, who is thus forearmed. — London, 20th February
1580.
21 Feb. 9. Juan de Vargas Mejia to the King.
Paris Archives The Scotsman Balfour of Burleigh came to see me on the 20tl),
- B 5f!^G7. ^^'^'^ ^f*'^^' beating about the bush for a long time trying to come to
the point respecting which I wrote in my last, he began to profess
his great desire to be useful to your Majesty if an opportunity
were offered for him to do so which should redound also to the
benefit of his own mistress, who was so much attached to you that
any service done to you she would consider as done to herself. He
stuck to this point with an infinity of words, saying that his deeds
would prove him, and so on, but without coming to particulars.
As I knew perf-ectly well what he was driving at, and thought it
made all the difference in the world whether the matter was first
broached by him or by me, I replied simply thanking him and
saying I would let your Majesty know.* I closed with him by
saying that his prudence and knowledge of the state of aflPairs were
so great that they would doubtless suggest to him how he could put
* Iu the Kiug's liand : " He acted well with B:ilfour in first trying to get to the bottom
of the business and keeping him m baud by promises of due reward."
ELiZABETH. 13
1580.
his goodwill into practice ; and I begged him to speak openly to nie,
and I would convey his proposals to your Majesty, from whom he
might be sure of receiving a worthy recompense for any service
he performed.
At this point the Scots ambassador entered, and he waited over
two hours for Balfour to go and leave us alone. At last he was
obliged to tell him in his own language and he went. When we
were rid of him tb.e ambassador said he had not come before in
consequence of its being Carnival time, and he wished Balfour to
speak to me first. He liad promised to do so three days before,
and he, the ambassador, did not want to meet him. I told him
M. de Guise's message about his credence, and he said he had now
given him a full account of the whole matier with my reply. He
then opened out on the proposal he had to make, which in effect is
identical with that which I have informed your Majesty his mistress
had written to him to tell me, for your Majestj^'s information,
namely, that after mature consideration she hnd decided to place
herself, her son and her realm, under your Majesty's protection
entirely, well knowing that she was serving our Lord in doing so,
as it would result in the salvation of the whole country and its
conversion to our holy faith, together with England ; which would
lead to the submission of Flanders and the universal good of
Christendom. She was determined thus to avoid her son's
remaining as he is, in the iiands of those people who wish to
many him to a daughter of Denmark, for which purpose a Danish
ambassador is now in Scotland, or to some other lady of the
queen of England's choosing, such as a daughter of Orange. I
again tried to ascertain whether, if your Majesty approved, they
could be sure of putting the Prince into your hands, and he
answered me now more confidently that they had means of doing
so. He earnestly begged me for God's sake to let no one know of
this business, as I coukl see how much depended upon secrecy both
to his mistress and himself. He said that up to the present, not a
living soul knew of it but M. do Guise, himself, and I. Above all
he prayed me that M. de Saint Goard* should not get the least
scent of it, as he sells himself, and they look upon him here as a
person deep in the confidence of your Majesty's court. If he knew
of it the whole project would be ruined. He besought me most
urgently, since his mistress had so firmly and voluntarily made the
oflter, and was in sore need of consolation, that an answer should
be sent to her as soon as possible, as was indeed also rendered
necessary by the nature of the business itself. He repeated what
he said the other cl,ay that his mistress did not intend to leave
where she is, except as queen of England, and he assured me that
her adherents and the Catholics wore so numerous in the country
that, if they rose, it would be easy even without assistance, but
with the help of your Majesty it would soon be over, without any
doubt. He again pointed out to me the anxiety and suspense caused
to the English ambassador, and all England, by your Majesty's
.■' " _— .^^____^^_—
* The French ambassador in Madrid.
14 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1580.
fleet ; and tlie great things that might be done in Ireland, and how
desirable it was to keep up their alarm. He also mentioned the
inclination shown by many of the gentlemen of his own nation to
serve your Majesty (especially by Lord Hamilton) in either of the
two enterprises, and the large number of followers they could
bring.
With regard to Balfour of Burleigh, he tells me that be (Beaton)
communicated with his mistress Balfour's proposals without the
knowledge of the latter, and she writes approving of them
and instructing him to carry the matter forward warmly and
dexterously ; keeping her informed, but not allowing her name to
be mentioned in the matter, so that in the case of disaster she shall
not be compromised in any way. "We arranged that he should tell
Balfour to speak frankly to me, and, if he thinks necessary to
sound his Scots again, that he should take a trip thither (i.e. to
Flanders).— Paris, 21st February 1580.
28 Feb. 10. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
Since I wrote to your Majesty on the 20th, the French am-
bassador has had audience, and pressed the Queen greatly, on
behalf of Alen9on, for a decided answer as to whether she would
marry him or not. She replied that it was not a matter that could
be concluded in such a hurry, and she could not avoid taking the
opinion of her Council and her subjects. There was much talk
between them about it, which ended in the ambassador tt-Hing her
that if she did not marry him, Alen9on would be obliged to publi.sh
her letters to him in order to exonerate himself for having come to
England, and that people might know that he had not come
through his own flightiness, but on the assurance contained in the
letter she had written him. She replied that she was surprised
that Alen(;on should think of treating any lady in this way, much
less a Queen. She v;as extremely angry and embarrassed at the
conversation.
After this, being alone in her chamber with Cecil and the
archbishop of York, whom she considers a clever man, she said :
" My Lord, here I am between Scylla and Charybdis. Alen9on has
" agreed to all the terms I sent him, and he is asking me to tell
" him when I wish him to come and marry me. If I do net marry
" him, 1 do not know whether he will remain friendly with me;
" and if I do, 1 shall not be able to govern the country with the
" freedom and security that I have hitherto enjoyed. What rhall
" I do ?" He answered that they would all be pleased with
whatever she decided ; whereupon the Queen turned to Cecil and
said, "What do you think about it? you have not been to the
Council these three days past." He replied that if it were her
pleasure to marry she should do so, as no harm could come to the
country thereby, Alen9on having agreed to all the conditions as
they were submitted to him ; but if she did not intend to marry
she ought to undeceive Alen9on at once. She replied, " That is not
" the opinion of the rest of the Cjuncilj but that I should keep hiui
ELIZABETH. 35
1580.
" in correspondence." Cecil answered that lie bad always heaid
that they who tricked princes tricked themselves. " How can I
" tell," she said, " the feeling of the king of Spain towards mo ; and
" whether it is meet for me to let go my hold on France ?" So far
as I can understand, the prorogation of Parliament immediately on
Stafford's arrival here was done in order that it might serve for
an excuse, if it were needful, to delay matters and to enable the
negotiations to be postponed until its re-assembly. Alen§on's pressing
for an answer now, doubtless is owing to the idea that if she do not
marry him, he can force her to help him in his plans in the
Netherlands, in order to avoid an entire rupture between her and
the French. This is apparently one of his designs, as the day
before the ambassador saw the Queen two gentlemen came from
Cond^ and La Noue* to ask for aid.
The States of the Union have sent to the Queen through Orange,
to request permission to engage 1,500 Englishmen, and they have
been told that the colonels and captains have already been appointed
but the men cannot be sent until the States say what assurance
will be given for their pay, and name the places in which they are
to be quartered, to avoid their being treated as on former occasions.
I am told the Queen is manoeuvring^ for these Englishmen, if they
go, to be placed in some important fortresses, so that she may have
a better security for the money she has sent to the States, which
she will endeavour to recover by all jjossible means. She is
particularly pressing about the amount she sent when Casimircame.
That was, as I wiote at the time, when Cobham and Walsiugham
were sent to the States and delivered the money and alum to them,
saying that the Queen required more security than they Lad given
her, which consisted of bills accepted by the States with the consent
of the councillors of Antwerp. The States thereupon brought out
some of the silver which they had taken from the churches and
lodged in the mint to be coined, together with a quantity of jewels
obtained from the same places. These were j)laced before Cobham
and Walsingham in a coffer, the t( tal value being estimated at
130,000 crowns. The coffer was locked with three keys which
remained in the hand.s of the States, and this coffer was brought
with the rest here to England, where it now is. The Queen has
sent for the keys as she says she requires payment and wishes to
see the securitj^. The States have sent the keys by a special
messenger, saying that when she desires to pay herself from the
contents of these coffers she must accept the valuation of them which
was made for the States. The 4,000 infantry I mentioned in my last,
as having been ordered to be raised by the city of London, are
being got together with great diligence, as also are the ships. As
time is necessary to lit out all the Queen's ships, she has ordered
eleven of her vessels to sail accompanied by eleven armed merchant-
men. Tliey will sail in the middle of next month. Lord Howard
* Francois dc la Noue — Bras de fer — the famous Huguenot commander, formerly
Governor of Eochelle, had accepted the invitation of the States-General of the
Uethsrlands to become Adjutant-General of their armies,
l6 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1580.
being admiral, and will take in tliein the 4,000 London troops
and a part of those which are being raised in Kent. — London, 28th
February 1580.
12 March. 11. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
On the 28th ultimo I wrote to your Majesty, and on the 7th
instant, there arrived here a gentleman of Alen5on's named Captain
Bruc, and his coming has again given rise to a great deal of gossip
about the marriage, he having brought letters for the Queen in
which Aleu9on says, with many fine words, that he only awaited
the reply to be sent by this man to dispatch hither Marshal de
Cosse. The Queen, told him to rest here for a few days when she
would give him the answer. On the 10th instant, in the morning
whilst she was in her barge on the river accompanied by two or
three lords and ladies, she visited the ambassador at his house and
was talking with him for air hour in the presence of Alen^on's
gentleman. On the same night the ambassador humedly sent off a
courier. It was considered a great innovation for the Queen to go
to his house, and it is looked upon by s 'me as a sure indication
that the mai-riage will take place ; besides which Walsingham and
others who opposed it are now declaring that it is necessary, in
order to avoid troubles which otherwise might befall them as a
consequence of disagreement with France at this time. So far as I
can ascertain, this is the reason why they are carrying on the
affair, as they are in fear of your Majesty's fleet and of Alen9on's
desire, which I have already mentioned, to take advantage of the
position to force the Queen into helping him in the Netherlands, as
the Ghent people are making great efforts to get him to come to
their assistance.
This gentleman brought letters from Alen9on to the Earl of
Sussex, Leicester, Cecil, and Hatton, captain of the guard, the
purport of ^vhich is to say, in general terms, that if the marriage is
not to be effected by the vmanimous consent of the Council lie
would not be satisfied. The letter to Leicester is the most emphatic
on tills point and is written by Alcnpou himself. Leicester sent to
the ambassador saying that for his part, he would forward the
business, though neither the king of France nor his brother has sent
hire anything, altliough they kncAv that he was selling his possessions
in order to pay his debts, in consequence of his having spent so
much in serving them.
The preparations of which I wrote your Majesty have now for the
most part ceased, as I understand, from the fear of some disturbance
ill the country as a result of raising so manj' troops, the people in
general not being in favour of the marriage. The Catholics have
helped in this direction^ as it was said that the preparations were all
owing to the fear of our fleet, and that it would be the best oppor-
tunity for the Catholics to rise. This the Government thought best
to prevent, and consequently ]niblished that there was now no need
for armament, since the king of Portugal had died and the duchess
of Brag.inza. had been crowned Queen, and your Majesty would
therefore be obliged to employ your fleet -there. This was not only
Elizabeth. X7
1580.
said by the Ministers, but was also publicly repeated by the Queen
herself to a Portuguese as she was coming out of chapel, in order
that he might repeat it to the Portuguese ambassador. The latter,
however, is so sensible, clever, and well-disposed towards your
Majesty, that he answered that although they might write this to
the Queen, he did not believe it.
They are fitting out with great diligence four ships to send to
Ireland, whence the news comes to the Queen that some of the
rebel soldiers had been paid with money that had come in a small
vessel from Spain; and that Dr. Sanders affirmed that 3,000
Spaniards and Italians were being sent to their aid by your
Majesty in the name of the Pope. For this reason they ai-e sending
the ships under Captain Winter, Lord Howard remaining with the
rest of the fleet, which is being fitted out, but with less haste.
This Queen, as I wrote to your Majesty, being suspicious of
Scotch affairs, now that D'Aubigny* is in such good repute, was
desirous of obtaining possession of the King's person, and I sent to
tell his mother of this. D'Aubigny, however, taking advantage of
the raising of so many troops here, persuaded the heads of the
Council there to make ready ; and that the King, as he was now
growing up, should visit his fortresses. They agreed to this and
carried him to the castle of Dumbarton where he now is with
D'Aubigny. This is one of the strongest places of the country, and
vessels can come up to the walls of the fortress. The Queen is much
annoyed at this move and at Morton's not being so favourable
to her as he used to be. She told the treasurer, with whom she was
discussing the matter, that he, the King, would be a Scotsman
alter all. He replied that it was her own fault for not having got
the King into her hands before, to which she answered with a great
sigh that it would have been better. She has news from France
that the Queen-mother is trying to arrange a marriage between him
and her grand -daughter, the daughter of the duke de Lorraine.
Captain Santa Cilia has again asked me to beg your Majesty to
pardon him, and is so pressing upon the matter that I see clearly
that he now desires t) serve your Majesty as a good vassal should,
and submit to tlie Roman Church. I therefore humbly beseech
3'our Majesty to extend to him your usual clemency and allow him
to end his days in his own country, Majorca, and fulfil his duty aa
a former ecclesiastic. — London, 12th March 1580.
23 March. 12. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
I wrote on the 12th announcing the arrival of a gentleman from
Alen(jon, and the dispatch of a courier by the Queen as soon as she
had seen him, which courier bore an autograph letter from her,
but no decided answer. When Captain Bruc begged her to dispatch
him she replied that she could not do so until the return of the
courier she had sent. The latter brought her a letter from
Alen^on liimself, who wrote at the same time to the French
ambassador telling him not to treat of the marriage with any one
Esme Stcwatt D'Aubigny, Duke of Leiiqox eowo pfJftmes VI.
¥ HH\.
IS SPANISli STATE PAPERS.
1580.
but the Queen alone ; and when it was necessary to communicate
anything to her Ministers, he wished it to be done through
Vehitelli, a Lucchese resident here, who has always served the
French. When the ambassador learnt of the return of the Queen's
courier, he went to tell her of the instructions he had received, and
begged her to dispatch Captain Bruc. She told him that, judging
from Alen(;on's letter, he did not appear to have understood hers,
which she said was probably caused by his having lost the cipher
which she had given him. The ambassador replied that there was
no need for any cipher in the business ; all they wanted was simply
yes or no.
On the 20th she dispatched Bruc, to whom she gave a chain of
200 crowns, with one letter only to Alen5on, which she had
written and sealed with her own hand, in order that no one
should see it. From this it may be inferred with confidence that
there was nothing in it but a desire to keep the matter open with
gallantries of this sort. It is to be supposed that she would not
d;ire to decide definitely about the marriage without the con-
currence of the Council, nor about the aid Alencjon wants in
Flanders, since aid could only be sent in men or money, and the
affair must be carried out by her Ministers, with whom she must
di.scuss it. The French have set their minds on this, of which I
have every day more evidence ; beside.s which Leicester emphatically
assured a confidant of his that this was the case. I took the
opportunity of Leicester's being ill to visit him, and see how tlie
land lay, and drew liim out by saying that his enemies were
pushing forward the affair of the marriage only to spite him. He
replied that he knew that very well, by the position in which it
now is, and that the French were continuing it in the interests of
the Flanders business. The French ambassador, he said, had told
him the previous day that this was no time for a po'sonage like
him to be ill ; he ought rather to be on his way with 10,000
Englishmen to aid Alen9on in dominating Flanders. He said that
he would advise the Queen not to foiget her alliance with your
Majesty, and I gave him many thanks and fair words, although I
knew full well, from what had passed, that it had only been his
artfulness which liad made him tell me about the intentions of the
French. They have sent hither the son of La Noue, pretending
that he had been driven to England by contrary winds ; although
he told Protestants here that this was what his father told him to
say, and to give out that he did not wish to see the Queen until
she sent for him. He was with her for three hours before he left,
but I am told that he took nothing back with him but hopes,
wherewith he had to be satisfied. Leicester and Walsingham
loaded him with presents and caresses.*
The Portuguese ambassador has received a letter from the five
Governors ordering him to inform the Queen of the King's death,
and that tliey had consequently taken charge of tlie Government.
* Odet de la Noue, Sieur de Teligny, La Noue's eldest son. He was then only 18
veart old,
ELIZABilTia. 19
1580.
She gave him a private audience, to which he entered by a secret
door, in order that people might tl)iuk that he was begging lier for
help, and this was at once publicly stated.
The rebels in Ireland have been making some very successful
raids and have much damaged the English. The Queen is informed
that the earl of Westmoreland who served your Majesty in
Flanders, had arrived in the island and had joined the rebels ; and
that Ormond, who is one of the greatest men in Ireland, was not
to be trusted, although he had not declared himself against her.
They are quite right in this, as I am assured by Englishmen that
he has sent word to them that if they make any movement or
foreigners arrive in Ireland they may be certain that he will rise
with the rest.
With regard to the message which I mentioned had been sent
from liere to the rebel States and Orange, about the 1,500
Englishmen they wish to engage. Orange has replied that he would
undertake to pay the wages and give them quarters in very goo<l
places, but the Council have decided that it will not be advisable
to send these men together at this time and openly offend your
Majesty ; Avhereas if they go over separately the rebels will at
once send them to the front and will not place them in any
important fortress as they are short of foreign soldiers. The
consequence has been that the Captains have been ordered to
suspend recruiting. For the last week I have been informed that
the Queen receives four or live times a daj', and at night, a man
who is brought in by secret doors, his face being covered by a
taffety. I have not been able to find out to what country he
belongs, nor what he comes about, only that he has been in close
conference with Cecil and other Councillors, and I suspect therefoi'e
that it must be some business connected with Scotland, the Queen
being much alarmed at the King's visit to Dumbarton.
The arrest of the ships ordered by the Queen has now been
raised, on condition that they may go anywhere excepting to
Spain or Portugal. The London merchants are much grieved at
this, both on account of the prohibition itself, and because they had
paid for licenses for five ships, four or five hundred crowns each,
and the ships have sailed only half loaded. The Queen has since
received such great complaints from all the other ports, .<;aying that
the trade of this country will be ruined if they are prevented
from going to Spain, that she has given so many licenses that it
is almost equal to raising the prohibition. This is another proof
of how important it is to the English to carry on this trade, and
that they should be allowed to load merchandise in Spain, inasmuch
as their having been prevented for a month from doing so in the
slackest time in the year has caused them to raise this outciy with
regard to the damage they suffer thereby.— London, 23rd March
1580.
23 March. 13. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
The ship I mentioned in mine of the 12th of January Iieicester
bad fitted out to search fer Drake, and plunder on th*? way to th^
20 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1580.
Indies, was driven by contrary winds into a port in Ireland in
posses-siou of the insurgents, and tlie earl of Desmond has seized
the ship and ill-treated the crew. Leicester is much grieved at this
as the ship was well fitted.
The London merchants trading with Muscovy and Persia have
fitted out two small ships to try and discover a road to the
kingdom of Cathay by the northern coast of Muscovy, the exact
opposite of the voyage attempted last summer by Frobisher, in
which he found so much difficulty. No doubt this attempt will
encounter similar obstacle.H, as no passage has been found in that
direction beyojid the River Obi. This is the river that Strabo,
Dionysius, tlie poet, and Pliny believed ran out of the Caspian Sea,
and according to all arguments of astrology and cosmography, the
sea there must be impassable in consequence of the excessive cold,
as much as 70 or 80 degrees, the nights lasting, as do the days, for
many months. — London, 23rd March 1580.
23 March. 14. Bernakdino de Mendoza to the King.
Since writing to your Majesty I have seen the Queen to inform
her of the happy delivery of our Queen, whereat she exhibited the
pleasure which is felt by all your subjects. She asked me what I
henrd about Portuguese atf'airs, and I told her that I he late Kin^,
having before his death caused jour Majesty's right to be declared
in the Cortes, the nobles and clergy being of the same opinion, the
matter was clear, and there was nothing more to say about it ;
although some portion of the popu'ace and some Lisbon people
were against you. She asked me whether there would be any
appeal to arms, and I replied that as your Majesty's right was
undoubted and had been acknowledged by the Government, not much
force would be necessary. All her Ministers are sorry for this, and
will not on any account admit that the Portuguese crown will be
added to your Majesty's possessions. I therefore spoke to her in
the sense I have indicated.
She told me that they had brought three men prisoners from
Ireland who had arrived in the last ship, and who asserted that
your Majesty would send aid to the rebels under cover of the
Pope's name, and also that he had sent bulls to Ireland, which she
had in her possession, declaring her schismatic, and ordering them
not to recognise her as their sovereign. She had complained of
this to the king of Fiance, and would send a ])erson specially to
your Majesty with the same object, In the meanwhile she begged
me in God's name (this was the expression she used) to write to
your Majesty about it. I replied that I recognised the Pope as the
vicar of Christ on earth and the head of the Catholic Church, in
support of which I would lose a hundred thousand lives, if I had
them, but that with regard to other actions he might perform as a
temporal prince, I had no concern therewith. As Don Bernardino,
however, I might say that inasmuch as all the ministers of her
realm were constantly dwelling on the tyranny of the Pope, and
those coloured pictures entitled " The Three Tyrants of the World "
ELUSABEttt Si
1580.
with portraits of tlie Pope, Nero, and the Turk, were publicly sold,
she need not be surprised if attemi)ts wore inade to enlighten them,
and bring her country back to its former condition by means of
the admonitions of the Church. She began to storm at this, saying
that if the Pope or your Majesty sent any help to Irebind she
would let out at Flanders, and get the French to enter at the same
time. I replied that, having her interests at heart, I warned her
that if your Majesty did extend your arm to make war upon her- it
would be with sucli a heavy hand that she would not have time to
breathe, even in her present po-ition, much less to do anything in,
Flanders. She was much upset at this, and I pointed out to her
how important it is for her to maintain her alliance with your
Ma/jesty and not help the rebels. She has done so in every way,
and has even advanced money against your Majesty's own jewels,
which were found in Brussels and were brought hither. I told her
this, and also that she was dealing with Alen^on, who, it was
publicly known, was trying to aid the States, on condition of their
accepting him as sovereign.
She confessed that the jewels were in her possession but said
she had taken them to prevent tiiem from falling into worse hands ;
and with regard to all the rest she was Just as weak in her excuses.
With respect to Alenfon ; she said she had written to him to take
care not to undertake any evil enterpii-.e at the persuasion of no
matter whom, and gave nie to understand that if he entered
Flanders it would mean an entire breach between the French and
your Majesty. I replied that if they do attempt it I hoped to God
that they would come back as well trounced as I had seen them
on other occasions.
After this she asked me what had become of your Majesty's fleet.
I answered that it had been sent to Gibraltar and Poj t St. Mary,
whereupon she said, " Well, now that it is tlirough the Straits, it
behoves us to be ready," and referred to the preparations she had
made. I have approved of these preparations in general terms, as
I had done to her Ministers, thus plucking the antidote from the
poison, which I thought was the best thing to do under the
circumstances. I was moved to this by the consideration that if
your Majesty sends the fleet to Flanders or hither, the warning
of the militia will be no obstacle to success, as they are all at
home, and will not budge until the foreigners have actually appeared.
The .ships she has prepared are insufficient to resist a quarter of your
Majesty's powerful fleet and are of no use for Flemish affairs,
because the rebels having all the ports, any help sent from here is
easily carried by coasting vessels in safety, the ■\oyage being so
short. So that all these preparations are useless excepting for vain
show, and to demonstrate to the world how weak are her resouices,
even with a supreme effort, and at the vast expense she has been
at, especially in the ships, which have cost her so much. This will
probably be the greatest of all reasons why neither the rebels or
the French will see anything of them. If they do get the help of
any of them, it will be for a much less sum than they have cost
her, she having now no need for them. Both the rebela and the
S2
SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1580,
French are trying this on, as ships are what they need most for
the invasion of the States, and not troops, if tliey had money to pay
for them.
One of the advantages of her having armed out of fear of your
Majesty is the encouragement which this has inspired in the
insurgents in Ireland to persevere, and the hope it has infused in
the Catholics liere, whom the Queen greatly fears. This has caused
her recently to revoke the commission given to her bishops to
ascertain who were Catholics. She told them with her own mouth
that they were a set of scamp's for they were oppressing the
Catholics more than she desired.
She and her councillors are thus in dire confusion, as they admit
to eacli other that they do not know in whom to confide, having
offended your Majesty, in aiding the rebels, and affronted the King
of France in so many ways. When some of them tokl her she
might be sure that the fleet was coming to Ireland or hither, the
Queen replied that whilst your Majesty maintained a minister in
her Court she could not believe that you would break with her, —
London, 23rd March 1 580.
23 March. 15. Bernabdino de Mendoza to the King.
After sealing the enclosed letter, I heard that the man who went
in and out of the Queen's chamber with a taflety over his face was
a Scotsman of the House of Hamilton, who had offered to place
the King in the hands of this Queen, he having been bought over
in Scotland for the purpose. He has now come for the reward
they promised him, and it is ))retended that the four ships that
sailed, ostensibly for Ireland, have really left with this design.
They take with them a small craft with oars which can be of no
use in Ireland. Although I do not believe that the ships have
really gone on this errand, I am certain that the Scotsman has
offered to deliver the King, and I have advised the Queen, his
mother, of it. I have also taken steps that the French ambassador
shall hear of it through his friends, because if I were to tell him
myself it would only i-esult in putting me on bad terms with the
Queen, as in accordance with his usual attitude towards me he
would be sure to tell her, in order to serve French ends, that I had
conveyed it to him so as to prevent mother and son from both
falling into the hands of these folks. As this ambassador will
not do much to prevent it, I have written to Juan de Vargas to tell
the Scotch ambassador in Paris, and it is to be supposed that greater
etlbrts will be made to prevent it when the king of Fi-ance is
informed of the project. — London, 23rd March 1580.
28 March.
Paris Archives
(late)
[ti 51 . 69.
16. Secretary Idiaquez to Juan de Vargas Mejia.
With regard to the negotiations with the Scots ambassador on
his mistress' behalf respecting the departure of his King from
Scotland, you may tell him assuredly that his Majesty is as well
affected towards his mistress' affairs as ever, and will help and
sujport her with all affection. He will also lovingly receive and
ELIZABETH. 2B
1580.
welcome the King either in Spain (which would be best) or
any other part of his dominions, and treat him as his own son.
In order, however, that all this may be successTully carried
through, it will be necessary for the Queen to consider well the
means she will employ, and that the King's depirture should be
cleverly and rapidly managed. You may assure him of absolute
secrecy on our side, and that neither St. Goard, nor any man
in the world, shall hear of it. This is all his Majesty can do in the
matter at present, but he will help and assist the Queen when the
time arrives. If the a.ffair gets wind prematurely, it will be
ruined and rendered impossible. In the meanwhile you will
encourage them to continue in tlioir project, and keep his Majesty
well posted ; taking care that the business is based on a sound
foundation, and that nothing is done lightly.— Madrid, (?) 28th
March 1580.
7 April, 17. Juan de Vaegas Mejia to the King.
(late) ^ have seen the Scots ambassador, and told him what Don Ber-
B 51 . ia2. nardino de Mendoza had written to me.* He thanked me, and said
that the Hamilton who has been in London and has seen the Queen
is a brother of the one here, and had crossed the Border when his
brother came hither. He (the ambassador) is well aware that he
has been tempted se\eral times by the queen of England to deliver
the King into her hands, but that he had always refused. It is
believed that the Queen had sent for him again to pi'ess him on the
same subject, and as he was a fugitive from his country he could
not refuse to go ; but they are quite confident he will do nothing
of the kind. The ambassador has letters from Scotland dated
8th ultimo reporting that when the prince was at Lisleburgh, one
day before Shrovetide, in full council, he told the earl of Morton
that he had been informed that he (Morton) was going to attempt
to poison him or deliver him to the queen of England. Morton
knelt before him and declared that he was a good and loyal subject,
and prayed him not to believe such a calumny wliich had been
invented by his enemies in order to ruin him. He prayed the
King to tell him who had made the accusation, and to have a full
investigation made so that the guilty might be punished. The
prince at once replied that those who had said it were the earl of
Argyll and M. D'Aiibigny, who were present, whereupon Morton
replied, " Would to God that there were no more truth in their
" plots to deliver your Majesty to the French than in the accusations
" they bring against me of wishing to surrender you to the queen
" of England." Shortly afterwards the Prince summoned all the
nobles to meet on the 22nd or 23rd ultimo at Stirling, and especially
Morton and his friends. The King himself had suddenly gone to
Stirling, whereupon Morton and his followers had retired to one of
his castles on the English border, and it was expected that he would
not go to the meeting. — Paris, 7th April 1580.
* About an alleged plot of Claude Hamilton's to seize or murder the king of Scotland
at the instance of Queen Elizabeth. See letter No. 15 on preceding page.
U SPANISH STATE PAPEliS.
1580.
9 April. 18. Bernaedino de Mendoza to the King.
On the 30th I wrote to your Majesty, and on the 4th instant
the Portuguese ambassador &aw the Queen, and delivered a letter
from the governors. I am told that the man who translated it into
English said it was a credence for the ambassador, and also said
that if necessary, they, the governors, would appeal to her for helpto
defend the liberties of their country jointly, if your Majesty tried
to deprive them of them by forbidding tliem to nominate the
successor to the throne. They wrote to France in the same way,
and some of the councillors here say that the king of France
therefore ordered the stoppage of all ships in his ports. Tlie Queen
has given fresh instructions that no vessels are to leave here for
Spain, and the licenses are withheld from those which have not
sailed ; but I do not see any appearance of an intention of sending
aid to Portugal, although they say tliey will do so, wishing to
prompt the Portuguese to act in a way which shall make your
Majesty employ your forces against thera. They have published
this to-day, saying that they have news that your Majesty had
ordered 50 galleys to enter the river at Lisbon and an army to go
overland.
The Queen has advice from Ireland that the insurgents are
constantly increasing in numbers, and as soon as they arrive at
any place which acknnwledges her they burn it. The Englishmen
she has there are urgently begging for reinforcements of men and
all other things, for they are short even of stores. — London,
9th April 1580.
17 April. 19. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
Since my last writing to your Majesty, the French ambassador,
in addition to his ordinary despatches, received a packet in great
haste with a letter for the Queen. The substance of it was to say
that, although it was most important to both nations to prevent the
aggrandisement of your Majesty, and that Portugal should not be
added to your dominions, it was especially important to her as he,
the king of France, was sui-e that as soon as your fleet had finished
in Portugal it would conic hither or to Ireland. He assured her
that this was so, and that the fleet had been raised for this purpose.
He urged her therefore to be beforehand in breaking with your
Majesty, and not to give any chance for Spanish soldiers to set foot
in this island, as in such case she could hardly defend herself, nor
could he help her. If, on the other hand, she would join with him
and declare war at once, he would have the means of cutting your
Majesty's claws in union with her, so that you should not even be
able to get Poi'tugal. This Avas contained in the letter in these
very terras, and it continued that if she did not accept the sugges-
tion and at once declare herself an enemy to your Majesty, he
would not do so. The Queen was referred to the ambassador for
particulars, and the latter had orders from the King to broach the
subject first to Cecil alone. Th's hedidjon the 14th, and afterwards
sa^v the Queen. He delivered some grand speeches and haranguea
ELIZABETH. 28
1580.
to her urojing the business upon her, to which she replied with very
fair words, and afterwards discussed it with Leicester. She ordered
the matter to be kept secret, as she desired that no one but himself
and Cecil should hear of it. She said that she had no reason for
breaking with your Majesty before the king of France, and even if
what the latter said was true, she had sufEcient forces to protect her
country. It was nevertheless an important proposal which must
be deeply considered. Altlioiigh, as I have written frequently to
your Majesty, the matter has often been discussed, the French have
never pressed it so earnestlj' before, and it may be suspected that
much will depend upon the negotiations which the envoy Giraldo*
is to discuss with tliem and the offers he makes from the Portuofuese,
as I know that letters come from him in the Queen's packets and
not through Antonio de Castillo, the re'^ident ambassador here. I
gather from this that he is working to the same ends. I also have
heard tliat a Portuguese had arrived at Eouen by sea, and had gone
to Paris shortly before the arrival of the king of France's letter here.
Thinking that it is important that your Majesty should know this,
I send a special courier with the news.
Leicester is deeply offended with the French and has taken an
opportunity of sending a message to me saying that, since his
enemies, in order to ruin him, had embraced the French cause,
which he formerly favoured, he would in future be on the side of
your Majesty, both to revenge himself upon them and upon the
Frcncl), who not only had failed to thank him for his services of
the last twenty years, but had sided with his enemies to ruin and
totally undo him. He asked me to let your Majesty know his
intention and he would prove by his acts that he would serve you
in every way. As it is advantageous at this time to have him in
hand and learn whether his offers are sincere, as well as to keep
myself informed through him of the French and Portuguese intrigues,
I answered him that I had foreseen for months past that a great
and generous spirit like his could not for very long brook the way
in which the French were treating him, but I told him that to
write clearly to your Majesty what he said might be productive of
more harm than good, and might appear mere fickleness, as the
change was so sudden. I said I told him this, prompted by the
affectiou I bore him, and that I had better merely signify to your
Majesty that he was much more favourably disposed towards your
interests than formerly. The business could thus be initiated and
would gain solidity as time went on, with the gradual change of the
appreciation in which he had formerly been held. I said that I did not
want to chop words with him like the French, and he was delighted
at this, accepting my advice with many thanks. Your Majesty
will order me whether I am to go any further with him. Although
I think it would be hard to make sure of him entirelj', it is most
important just now ; because, besides my anxiety for information
about the French and Portuguese plans, I really think I see signs
* Giraldo, who had formerly been the Portuguese Minister in England, was now
accredited to the king of France and was inclined to oppose ' he» 'cession of Philip to
the Portuguese throne,
26
1580.
SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
of sincerity, as he professed himself willing if I wished, to declare
himself openly against the French. I told hitn that it would be
better not to do so but to temporise with them as before.
The negotiations for the Queen's marriage still go on although
more slowly. She is advised that M. de Vray, Alen5on's secretary,
is coming with letters for her, he having left after the arrival of the
Queen-mother in Anjou. Amongst other things, they say that the
object of his coming is to mollify Leicester, for which this man is
thought to be the best instrument, as he was here with Sinner, and
being a great Protestant, he advised Leicester that Slmier and
Castelnau were acting falsely towards him and trying to injure
him.
News comes from Scotland that Morton had rejoined the
Hamiltons, who were formerly his deadly enemies ; and that there
had been a plot to kill D'Aubigny, who had raised troops for his
protection and for the defence of Dumbarton. — London, 17th April
1,580.
20 April, 20. Juan de Vargas Mejia to the King.
""" Rate] '^^^' I have little to say to your Majesty in this letter, except with
B. 51 . 185. regard to the queen of Scotland and her son. I went to see her
ambassador as soon as I received your Majesty's letter of 28th
March, and gave hiui the message contained therein, which he was
anxiously awaiting. He was naturally grateful for it, because as
he is very warm in the business, it was just such a reply as he
could have desired. I said this to him, and told him that now the
rest lay with them, and he must consider deeply the methods by
which the affair may be successfully carried through secretly and
promptly, seeing the danger which may attend it. He undertook
the task and assured me that he would cipher his letters with his
own hands, as the Queen would do with hers and the matter would
not go beyond them.
He asked me confidentially, as if satisfied with the position,
whether he should give an account to the duke of Guise. I replied
that he was a better judge than I on that point, and knew Guise
bettei- than 1 did, and how much trust could be placed in him. To
speak frankly, however, if it were my own case and I were he, I
should take care not to give an account of such a matter to any
living man until I had communicated with my Queen and had her
express commands to do so. He was extremely pleased at this
advice ; which he said he would follow implicitly. So far as can
be judged, the matter is really on a solid foundation and has been
maturely considered with every intention of carrying it out.
Whether circumstances change, or the project is possible of execution,
can only be proved by events.
Balfour of Burleigh has not spoken plainly yet, although the
ambassador was to tell him to do so. He is a keen cautious
man, who has the means and power to get the Scots to retire
from Flanders, especially the larger body under his kinsman
Colonel Balfour. The ambassador is a more straightforward
man, who deals quite confidentially and frankly with me ; and
EIjIZABETH. 2?
1580,
he tells me that Balfour is shy of visiting me, in order not to
aroufe suspicion, and to enable him the better to perform the
service in question. The ambassador has told him that the Queen
approves of it, althcugh seeing the calamity she is in, she does not
wish her name to be mentioned. Balfour has agreed to go to
Flanders to arrange the matter personally, and, if he succeeds, to
return hither and give an account of how and when it is to be
executed, and at the same time formulate his own claims. I
understand these to be that, if the affair is successful, your Majesty
will grant an allowance in Scotland to the Colonel and his soldiers,
whilst they serve the Queen, either there or against England or
Ireland, as they may be ordered. As regards the other Colonel,
whose name is Stuart, and the men under liim, he is a friend of
the ambassador's, and is more influenced by him than by anyone
else. We have therefore agreed that he shall be sounded by hints
to the same effect, and I am to be informed of the result; it
being understood that not only are they to be urged to retire,
but also to do some notable service at the same time. T can say
no more about it than this, but will continue to report all that
occurs.
As your Majesty said some months ago that you approved of
the information I sent about Lord Hamilton, and on the first
opportunity would send a credit for the sum of money your
Majesty had granted him for his present requirements, I have
done my best to keep him in hand without telhng him anything,
but he is pressing me very much, and I see that he is in sore need.
I understand he has recently sent some Scots of his house with a
letter to your Majesty. Your Majesty will order for the best. In
the meanwhile I am putting him off with the fairest words I can
find.— Paris, 20th April 1580.
30 April. 21. Bernard tno de Mendoza to the King,
The Queen has received a letter from Francisco Giraldo, Portu- ,
guese ambassador in France, setting forth the manj^ occasions
upon which Portugal has supported and aided this Crown, and
pointing out the poor return she is making for it at this time when
her help is needed, in consequence of your Majesty's attempt to
usurp the throne. He fays that the king of France has shown a
much better disposition towards them, and has given them all they
wanted, namely, artillery and munitions. When the Queen read
the letter she said, as did her Councillors, that Giraldo was not
strong enough to have written such a letter himself, and it was
doubtless prompt; d by the French, Giraldo having acted at their
dictation rather than at that of the Governors. She therefore
decided not to answer the letter, and Leicester, who at the same
time received another letter from Giraldo asking for his support,
will act in the same way.
The Queen summoned me on the 6th and told me that she had
received a letter from the Governois of Portugal, informing iier
that they were quite agreed, since the death of the King, to give
28 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1580. "
the Crown to tlie person who was the rightful heir to it ; and if
any force was brought to bear upon them they would defend them-
selves. With this end they asked for her aid and support in
consideration of the friendship between tlie countries. Answer
was sent that the Queen rejoiced to know that they were agreed
to proclaim as their king the riglitful claimant, and she did not
believe that any prince would try to use violence, especially your
Majesty, who was so sincere a lover of justice and so benign and
christian a prince. She said she wished to convey this to your
Majesty through me, and as Giraldo was very busy in France, and
she believed the king of France was writing to your Majesty on
the matter, she thought it well that she also should not neglect it,
.and asked me to favour lier' by writing as soon as possible. I
promised her to do so, although, I said, by the information I received,
I learnt that nearly all the Portuguese were unanimous in acclaiming
your Majesty as King.
She afterwards told me that, when the four ships she had sent
to Ireland arrived with tlie battery of artillery, tlie English had
taken a redoubt or small fort, in which were some rebels and
fifteen Spaniards, who said that they had gone thither at your
Majesty's orders. They had all been killed but the leader, whose
name was Julian, who had been ordered to be brought hither. She
did not know what she had done to deserve that your Majesty
should support her rebel subjects. I replied that, even if fifteen
Spaniards were there, there was no reason to suppose that so small
a number had been sent by your Majesty's orders. I told her to
cast her eyes on the Netherlands, where there were whole regiments
of Englishmen who bad been serving the rebels for the last three
years, sacking towns which owed allegiance to your Majesty. I
said that if this were not remedied, and the alliance with your
Majesty respected, she would not only see fifteen Spaniards, but
many thousands of them, and so neur, too, that she would not have
time to repent of what she had done. To this, and other tilings of
the same sort, she only answered by saying that she was being
threatene'd on all sides by your Majesty's fleet.
The prince of Beam and Conde recently sent a gentleman to the
Queen to give an account of the reasons why they were moved to
take up' arms, the king of France having broken his word and the
peace by trying to betray Cond^. They begged her not to let the
idea that she needed the king of France and his brother as a
protection against your Majesty, force her into marrying Alengon,
as the best thing for her was to remain free, she having men and
resources which were more powerful than those of the king of
France. She replied with many thanks and promises to them of
her usual friendship. Two days after this gentleman had left she
herself dispatched another envoy to them.
Alencjon's secretary, who I wrote was expected here, has not
arrived, and the marriage negotiations are being rapidly forgotten.
The Queen has news from France that a marriage was spoken of
between Alen9on and the sister of the prince of Beam.— London,
30th April 1580.
ELIZABETH. 29
1580.
16 May. 22. The King to Bernardino de Mendoza.
^K^mr^'^r'' Your letters of 28th February and 23rd March received. Many
tlianks for tlie diligence you display in my service. You did well
in forwarding the writing and discourse translated into Spanish,
that we may see here what it contains.
It will be advisable for you to continue to keep yourself well
informed with regard to preparations in England ; the troops that
are raised and embarked ; what munitions are provided, how many
ships there are, and for how long a time the latter are provisioned.
You will discover all you can; and also, if possible, the objects in
view, and report to us here. You will also keep us advised as to
how the Irish are going on.
You have acted prudently in your recent' audiences with the
Queen. It will not be harmful for her to be alarmed at our fleet
and you are doing well in fostering this fear.
Captain Augustine Clerk, an Englishman with a well-armed
ship, has entered the port of Bayona in Galicia; and having regard
to the letters from you he produces, and the patent he bears from
M. de la Motte, I think of availing myself of his services in Pedro
de Valdez's fleet there. We learn irom this captain that they were
intendiog in England to send a number of ships to Portugal under
pretence of trading, but that they would carry arms, &c., as ballast,
and crews of double strength. They think that after they have
sold their merchandise they will be sure to be .seized, and this will
give them a good excuse for serving us, as it will appear as if they
were compelled. Investigate this, and if you find it true, take the
necessary steps with the Queen to stop it ; but do not declare the
author.— Merida, 16th May 1580.
16 May. 23, The King to Bernardino de Mendoza.
K^U48^"^^' ^^ addition to the letters from you acknowledged in the other
despatch, nine others have been received, four of 20th February,
four of 23rd March, and one of 9th April, all of which will be
answered here.
You did very well in taking the action you did with the Queen
when you saw she was afraid of our fleet ; and it was prudent to
have taken the opportunity of protesting jigainst the help being
sent from England to my rebels in Flanders, and the sailing of ships
to plunder on the voyage to the Indies. I approve of your action.
Perhaps your having fostered her fears will cause the English to be
more moderate.
The measures you have adopted to obtain news of Drake as soon
as he arrives are good, and so also are those for having him
proceeded against. Take care they do not conceal his arrival ; so
that you may try to obtain restitution of the plunder, or at least
protest against the outrage.
The raising of the embargo on the English ships hei-e and allowing
them to ship Spanish merchandise, was in consequence of the great
injury and loss which would have been incurred in Andalucia if
they were unable there to export their crops this year; and also to
30 SPANISH STATE PAPERSi.
1580.
enable you to make the most of the concession with the Queen, as
if it had been granted by your influence. The reason why the
Queen's letter was not answered, as was requested by the English-
men who had the business in hand, was in order that we might be
untrammelled as to our future action. I have ordered your proposal
that a general prohibition should be re-enacted, whilst special
permits could be granted, to be considered ; and in due time will
advise you of the decision.
You did well in frustrating the intentioQ you heard of, to deliver
the king of Scotland into the hands of the queen of England, by
communicating with tlie Scots ambassador in Paris through Juan
de Vargas.
It will be well to keep us informed of the result of the attempt
to reach Cathay by the northern parts, although, as you say, it
seems a difficult enterprise.
We note what you say about the letter of the Governors of
Portugal to the Queen, sent through their ambassador, and the wish
entertained in Enghmd that we should be at war here. You had
better inquire very carefully and thoroughly whether any aid be
sent from England to them {i.e., the Portuguese), and be very
vigilant in this matter ; so that, in case of need, you may take
steps to show the Queen how important it will be for her not to
allow the English to help the Portuguese against me, either directly
or indirectly, and that otherwise she will compel me to resent it
in good earnest, no matter under what pretext or disguise it be
done.
Thanks for reports about Ireland, Scotland, and Flanders, which
please continue to send. — Merida, IGth May 1580.
IG Way. 24. The King to Juan de Vargas Mejia.
''''k''h[s'"g^'^^' '^^^ steps you took with the Scotch ambassador about his king
and queen were very advisable, as also was your advice to him, not
to mention it to anyone without instructions from his queen.
The plan for withdrawing the Scots from Flanders is of the
highest importance, and you will do your best to forward it, by the
means you mention. Report what is done.
You will have heard from Juan de Idiaquez that it was not
considered advisable to grant Lord Hamilton a pension, but only
to entertain him with present gifts of money. For tliis purpose a
credit for 1,000 crowns is now sent you, and you can give it to
him in one or more instalments, as you think best, keeping him in
hand the meanwhile with fair words and making what use of him
you can. — Merida, 16th May 1580.
21 May. 25. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
What your Majesty directed me to convoy to the queen of Scot-
land has been signified to her with the caution which your Majesty
enjoins. In consequence of the need for secrecy, and the danger
which she might incur, I delayed communicating with her until
she provided means for my doing so. She has sent and asked me
ELIZABETH. 31
1580.
to inform your Majesty that she has done, and will do, all she can to
Lring her son to submit to the Catholic church, to which she herself
will be faithful whilst she lives. She also begs me to reiterate her
sincere and constant attachment to your Majesty's interests, and
also her efforts to bring her son to the same feeling. Alen9on',s
secretary,* whom I mentioned as being expected here, came on the
3rd, with a cypher letter for the Queen in Alen9on's own hand,
which letter she deciphered herself, and at first allowed no one else
see it. The substance of it was to say, with many fine words, that,
although much pressui-e was being exerted to prevent him from
marrying her, he would stand at nothing to attain an object he so
greatly desired. He therefore begged her to say whether she
would allow commissioners to be sent to her to settle the conditions.
The bearer and the French ambassador addressed her to the same
effect. With the letter there came another from the King, espe-
cially referring to the efforts being made by the Pope to prevent
the marriage. He highly praises Alenjon and points out to the
Queen how important it is for the safety of her country that the
marriage should be effected, as it would strengthen her against the
alarm caused to her by your Majesty's fleet and the news from
France.
He also brought a letter from Alenyon for the Earl of Sussex,
and another to the treasurer, both written in his own hand. He
ordered that Leicester should not be informed that he wrote these
letters, and the Queen told Leicester of this. When de Vray
spoke to Leicester from his master begging him to favour the
business, he replied that he did not know how they thought to get
any help from him, since his master did not even write to him,
whereas letters had been sent to Sussex and Cecil. De Vray
excused his master by saying that he was prevented from doing so,
as he was being bled. Leicester accepted the excuse, but he quite
understands the distrust with which the French regard him,
although he is in the same high favour with the Queen as before.
When the .secretary begged the Queen to dispatch him, she told
him she would send an autograph letter by him. He said he was
instructed to take a verbal answer, and that if a written reply
were handed to him he was to open it before he left England and
learn the decision it contained. This was a reason for delaying
him until the 18th, when he left with two letters for Alenyon and
the king of France respectively, which were handed to him open
that he might see them, and they were sealed before Vray himself.
They contained many sweet words but no decision. They thought
this the best conr.se, as the ambassador told the Queen herself that
the matter was now so far advanced that if it were not carried
through, Alen^on could not avoid being offended. In this way
both parties are weaving a Penelope's web, simply to cover the
designs which I have already explained to your Majesty.
The Q\ieen has received a letter from the Governors of Portugal
to the same effect as I wrote on the 9th ultimo. This duplicate
J — • — — — ' ^ '
* De Vray.
32 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1580.
was brought by Francisco Barretn of Lima, as far as Paris, and
came thence by the hand of a Portuguese, with a letter from the
duchess of Braganza to the Queen, urging upon her the duty of
coming to the aid of the person rightly entitled to that crown,
without further particularising. The Queen replied, both to the
Duchess and to the Governors, that she would not fail to aid the
person who had a right to the Crown. I have tried to discover
whether the Portuguese who brought the letter came from Portugal
on purpose, but I find he only came from Paris, the letter having
been sent to Giraldo and forwarded by him.
The only object of raising forces in Scotland, on account of the
rumour I mentioned, was to protect the person of d'Aubigny from
the opposite party. He is in iiis former position with the King,
and, as the efforts of his opponents to overthrow him have failed,
they have determined to attempt another plan, this being to call a
meeting of ministers in order to force d'Aubigny not to alter the
religion of the country. With this object they sent a man from
here on the 11th to be present at the meeting.
Pedro de Zubiaur, a merchant establislied in Seville, informs me
that when he landed at Plymouth, he learned that two English ships
had arrived at places about four leagues from there. One of them
had discharged wheat at Cartagena, and tlie otlier had con)e from
Algiers, whither she liad taken a cargo of munitions. These two
ships had stolen a ship belonging to Martin Vi^ante, valued at
40,000 crowns. I begged the Queen to grant a commission that I
might send and sequestrate the property, embai-going it until its
ownership was established. This has been done, and the Admiralty
will have no chance of interfering, as otherwise it would not be so
easy to recover for your subjects that which may be found in the
possession of these thieves. — London, 21st May 1580.
31 May. 26, Juan de Vargas Mejia* to the King.
'"'(lat'eV'^" ^^ '^ reported from Scotland that the Parliament held there on
B 51. the 4tli instant did nothing but order, at the instance of the Prince,
a proclamation by sound of trumpet to be made, of the innocence
and fidelity of the earl of Morton, who was now in higher favour
than ever. In consequence of this and of the presence at the Court
of the queen of England's ambassador,t the earl of Huntingdon and
another English lord being on the Border, some great embroilment
to the prejudice of the King and his realm was expected, notwith-
standing that I learn from the Scots' ambassador that efforts vveie
still being made to transport the Prince to the port of Dumbarton,
whence he might be sent out of the country. This is not without
his own goodwill and consent. — Paris, 31st May 1580.
* Juan de Vargas Jtejia died early in .July of this year and wns succeeded in the
January following (1581) by Juan Bautista de Tnssis the yonnger, but only with the
rank of charge d'affaires and not with that of ambassador which was enjoyed by his
predecessor and his suneessor.
f Sir Jllobert liowes.
ELIZABETH. 33
1580.
11 June. 27. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
The rebel States have sent some of theii' English captains hither
for troops to reinforce their companies, and to beg the Queen's
permission for more captains and soldiers to go. As soon as I learnt
this I asked audience of the Queen and Council, and pointed out to
them that they well knew the evils which I had often told them
might come to them if they gave help to these rebels. I said I
would not repeat these arguments, as no doubt they were fully
alive to them, but I was forced to state that the Queen was
ignoring the alliance with your Majesty, and not only helped the
rebels with whole regiments of Englishmen, of which there had
been no lack in the Netherlands since the beginning of the war,
and against whom I myself had often fought, but she had also
supported them even with loans of money, against your Majesty's
jewels ; and now, I said, fresh levies of Englishmen were being
sent. If the Queen did not remedy this and T-ecall the soldiers
already in Flanders, I must inform your Majesty of it, and must
represent to them also that it was most pernicious in any Prince to
support rebellion, and much more so in the case of the Queen, who
had herself a rebellion in Ireland and many refugees from her own
country, some of the inhabitants of which were not very well
satisfied, and if help were extended to any of these, it would give
her enough to do. The Queen and Council replied that as soon as
she succeeded to the Crown, although the alliances between
England and your Majesty referred only to the House of Burgundy,
she had greatly desired to continue the ancient amity, and had sent
Lord Montague to confirm the treaties. This your Majesty had
neither accepted nor refused ; and it was therefore considered that
the Queen was free from any obligation under the treaties, and was
at liberty to help the Netherlands and prevent the French from
taking possession thereof. As to the jewels, she had them in her pos-
session, and would surrender them when your Majesty wanted them.
The Queen also referred to the rising of the duke of Norfolk and the
pensions your Majesty gave to those whom she had declared rebels,
and she mentioned the capture of the fifteen Spaniards in Ireland,
which I spoke of in mine of the 30th April, and complained that she
was being threatened on all sides by your Majesty's fleet. I replied
in the same way that I have often done, according to your Majesty's
orders, and upc^n the Queen and Council asking me two or three
times what I had to say about your Majesty's not having confirmed
the treaties, I said that I could not enter into any reasons as to
what had happened so many years ago, but it was my duty to tell
them that it behoved them, for their own safety's sake, to remedy
the present state of aflfairs. By the urgent requests of the Queen
and Council that I should write to your Majesty about the
confirmation of the treaties, I perceive that they greatly wish to
discuss this point.
Not only has the earl of Leicester communicated with me that he
wishes to sei've your Majesty, but says he desires to bring about a
new secret alliance between the Queen and your Majesty. I have
answered, putting him off and saying that the most important thing
7 HUh C
34 StANISS STATE PAPEtlS.
1580, '
was that he should do his best that existing treaties should be
respected, and that no help should be sent to the rebels,
I sent to tell the queen of Scotland what your Majesty ordered,
to which she replied that she welcomed with gratitude your
desire still to help her in her troubles. She asks me to inform
your Majesty that she thought of negotiating with this Queen to
set her at liberty ; although she expected that it would be refused
on the advice of Leicester and Walsingham, who persuaded her that
she, the queen of Scots, had no object but to plot with other Princes
to destroy he)-. This, she said, was a reason for treating her worse
than ever. She wrote two letters on this matter to the Queen and
Council, and sent them to the Fjench ambassador that he might
use his influence for her. — London, 11th June 1580.
11 June. 28. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
On the 29th ultimo I wi'ote to your Majesty. Since then the
negotiations for the Queen's marriage, which had been almost
dropped, have been again revived. A council was consequently
held on the oth instant, in which it was decided that the Queen
should send word to Alen9on, that Commissioners might come to
agree upon the capitulations. They were unanimous in this
and when the Lord Chancellor was spoken to by the Queen
about it she said to him, "Hdw is it you have changed your
opinion, for you thought differently before ?" He replied that his
inexperience in such affairs, he being new in his post, had caused
him to err on the matter. He now thought that a person should
be sent to France speedily. Although the people think the
marriage is now certain, my own belief is that the great outcry
that they have raised about it at this time has no other object than
before, on both sides, namely, to make use of the negotiations
for the purpose of maintaining the war in the Netherlands and,
if possible, exacerbating affairs in Portugal ; because after Alen^on's
secretary's departure with the last subterfuge, I was told that
Alenjon had written to the Queen that it was desirable to him that
people should not think tliat the marriage negotiations had quite
fallen through, and he begged her to allow them to continue, which
she did. At the same time I heard both from Antwerp and here,
that Orange was making great efforts through his confidants here,
to discover whether the marriaee and other negotiations with
the French were going forward. He was told that they were
considered to be still in progress, and he thereupon sent Plessy,
who, as I wrote, was at Antwerp for tlie prince of Beam, who told
Walsingham that if the Queen married Alen^on, the rebels would
maintain the war in the Netherlands, but not otherwise, since most
of them after the rout of La Noue* were inclined to peace, as they
saw that their force was insufficient with Alenjon alone. For this
* La Noue had been routed and captured uo.ir Courtrai a month previously by
the Marquis de llichebourg, and was l(ept a prisoner for some years afterwards.
The loss of so trusted a commander threw the NetherlanderB into great dii-
CQuragement,
ELIZABETH. 35
1580.
reason the States in Antwerp were not inclined to effect the
agreement with Alencon, and the result of this has been the
holding the Counoil I have mentioned and the publication of the
decision arrived at by them.
Plessy has been dealing with the Ghent people for them to
surrender the lordship of the towns held by Beam's father in that
province,* and I am privately informed also that Plessy has been
negotiating for the election of a magistrate in Dunkirk in the
interests of Beam, the hope being to place there a French governor
for the purpose of having a port whence the Huguenot ships may
sail on their plundering voyages, and make another Rochelle of it.
The French heretics have begun this already by taking a Genoese
ship which was anchored in the Downs awaiting the wind, but the
weather did not allow them to take it into Dunkirk, and they were
obliged to enter Flushing, where I am told they were arrested,
although they had letters of marque from Beam and Cond^,
authorising them to seize property of subjects of any of the Princea
of the Holy League. — London, 11th June 1580.
11 June. 29. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
After sealing the enclosed letter I have been informed that a
French tihip has arrived at Plymouth with 1,000 harquebusses,
and a quantit3' of powder, in consequence of which she was
arrested and intelligence sent to the Council, who, understanding
that the arms and powder were intended for Portugal, have
ordered that the ship may depart without hindrance. It was
sent by Giraldo, in accordance with the letter I mentioned from
him to the Queen, saying how much more willing the king of
France was to assist Portugal than she was, as he had given them
stores and munitions. No doubt he referred to these. — London,
11th June 1580.
18 June. 30. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
I have received to-day two despatches from your Majesty, dated
16th ultimo, and in conformity with your instructions that I
should report the preparations being made by the Queen, I beg
to say that they are confined to the four vessels which have been
sent to Ireland, the calling out of the militia, which had been
under orders to muster for the last four months, and the vigilant
watching night and day from the beacon-towers, which has hitherto
only been done iu time of war.
The Queen has also ordered artillery, harquebusses, powder, bow-
strings, and other warlike stores to be taken out of the Tower, and
sent to the arsenal at Rochester, where her ships are, to be in
greater readiness. In addition to this, she has sent to-day to the
Guildhall for the London companies to raise four thousand
infantiy, a thousand pikeman, and three thousand harquebussiers.
* These Flemish lordships had descended to Autoine de Bourbon by his ancestor,
Robert de Claremont's, marriage with the daughter of John of Burgundy.
0 8
€6 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1580.
It is not known how she intends to employ them, and as these
folks are so unstable, not much dependence can be placed
on such orders, which are given one moment and changed the
next.
The intelligence which your Majesty ordered to be conveyed to
me as having been given by Augustine Clerk, the English captain
whose ship had arrived at Bayona, respecting the men who were to
be sent from here with arms to Portugal, is nothing but a fable got
up by Walsingham, who sent this men as a spy to Spain, as I
wrote to Don Juan de Idiaquez. I said that he was in constant
correspondence with these Councillors, and that his pretended
revelations were simply to gain him more credit with your
Majesty's officers. 1 am quite certain of this, because there
has never been any discussion about sending arms or ships
to Portugal in this way, and if any attempt is made to employ
those which have been sent to Rochester, I have a man there
to inform me. On the other hand their constant fear (which I
take care to increase) of your Majesty's fleet, causes them to
keep the Queen's ships in port, and there is great difficulty
in getting license for ships to go to Spain and Portugal par-
ticularly, which licenses the merchants can only obtain by heavy
payments.
Your Majesty's order that Clerk should serve in Don Pedro de
Valdes' fleet will only be bringing an enemy into it, wherever he
is.* He came from Gravelines with a little ship which was serving
there, under the pretence that he was forced hither by the weather,
and after having communicated his plans to Cecil and the
Queen's secretaries they told him to obtain my help in asking the
Queen to allow him to sail with a larger ship. I refused to do
this, because I .suspected double dealing ; whereupon he came and
told me that he had obtained power to take out the ship secretly and
would go with it to M. de la Motte, and asked me for a letter. This
I gave him, but in general terms, as my suspicions of him had been
confirmed, in consequence of certain letters I gave him for de
la Motte not having been sent, as well as my having heard of his
scandalous talk with some of these Councillors. I advised de la
Motte of this, and told him to revoke the man's commission. I
then learnt that his ship was being fitted out at Plymouth by the
Queen's orders to go to Spain, and a week since de la Motte wrote
to me saying that he had received a reply from the duke of Alba
acknowledging the information of Clerk's departure, and that he
had ordered the m,arquis of Santa Cruz to capture him, as he
deserves punishment.
♦ It would appear that the King was fully alive to this possibility, and with
characteristic caution wrote from Badajoz to Cardinal de Granvelle in Madrid on the
17th June (the day before the above letter was written in London). " As regards the
" English Captain Clerk, it will be advisable, whilst not offending him, to put it out
" of his power to play us any tricks. Don Pedro de Valdes should therefore be
" informed that if he employ him he is to make sure both of him aiid his ship, until
" news shall arrive about him from Don Bernardino de Mendoza, and he can then b«
" treated as he deserves."— B. M. Add. 28,702.
ELIZABETH. 37
1580.
Very little hopes are now entertained of Drake's return, as he
has been so long delayed.
A Portuguese recently arrived here by sea who has been lodged
in Secretary Wilson's house. I am told that he brings letters for
the Queen and some of the Councillors, and has gone to-day to
deliver them. I suspect that they are from Don Antonio, prior of
St. John, as he was in loving converse with the Englishmen
who are in his favour. He avoids Antonio de Castillo, who
represents the Governors here. I will report to your Majesty
the reply that is given to him, but hitherto the Queen shows
no desire of mixing herself in the matter by sending troops
thither.
A captain has come from Ireland to entreat the Queen to
send thither men, stores, and victuals. He says that the earl of
Glencarn has again declared himself against the Queen, and he
assures the Queen that if he, Glencarn, and the rest of the rebels,
receive no foreign support, they cannot stand out for many months,
if she will send the force now requested. She is in some fear
that the French may seize the king of Scotland, as she is advised
that he is going on a progress in the North, where it is thought
the French may take him with the connivance of d'Aubigny, who
still retains his position with the King, and is popular with the Scots,
— London, 18th June 1580.
26 June. 31. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
The Portuguese, who, as I wrote on the 18th, had come addressed
to Secretary Wilson, saw the Queen and gave her a letter from Don
Antonio, dated the 10th ultimo. He also brought some letters for
the Councillors. The purport of them all was to state generally his
right to the Crown, in virtue of the Bull granted to him by the
Pope. He pressed upon the Queen the obligation she was under to
help him, in consideration of the good understanding which had
existed between the countries, and referred her for information to
the bearer, who had full authority to speak in his name. In the
letter to the earl of Leicester there was also a request that he would
help the gentleman in getting audience of the Queen and advise him
as to the best way of proceeding. He told the Queen that, not
only was Don A.ntonio legitimate, as would be seen by the proofs,
but all the Portuguese people were in his favour, and wished him for
their King, they being armed on his behalf to resist your Majesty's
entrance into the country. They would however need aid in
munitions, and begged that they might be sent in order to strengthen
Don Antonio. She I'eplied that as she had many times told Antonio
de Castillo, the representative of the governors here, it was not for
her to help any person whose right had not been acknowledged ; and
the man is therefore seeking license for the Antwerp merchants to
export on their own account some powder from here, in the certainty
that they will make a profit on it. He is being helped in this by
Secretary Wilson to whom Don Antonio sent a bezoar stone worth
80 crowns. If I see any signs of powder being sent I will speak to
S8 SPANISH STATE PAPERS,
1580. ' ~~
the Queen about it, and will find out the quantity. These people
are well aware that Don Antonio has not the slightest right, and
that what he says is all lies ; besides which they think he must
have very few followers, since he has sent hither as his envoy a
man whom they well know as having been a common servant of
Giraldo when he was here. The Queen received letters two days
since from the duchess of Braganza, which were sent through
France by Giraldo. They only said that she would on no account
renounce her right, but if she could not get justice she would obey
the King, whoever he was. Giraldo also wi'ote in favour both of
the Duchess and of Don Antonio.
Plessy, who I said had come from Antwerp, told the Queen that
the prince of Condd considered it advisable in the interests of
revolution in France for him to come hither and give her an
account of affairs, and begged for a passport, which the Queen
granted. Cond^ thereupon came by way of Germany, and arrived
here secretly on the 19th from Flushing. He saw the Queen who
was gracious to him, but I do not know whether they will favour
his pretensions, which are to take money or credit from here to raise
cavalry in Germany, as the Queen told the Council how bad it was
for them that the Huguenots should have appealed to arms at this
time ; whereas it would have been better tor them to have been
free to help Alen9on in the Netherlands, thus encouraging the
Portuguese and keeping your Majesty busy on all hands, which is
the object they always have in view.
For the last few weeks they have proceeded with much more
rigour than formerly against the Catholics ; those of them who had
been imprisoned and were released on bail having been sent back to
prison again. In the county of Lancaster they have arrested sixty
men for attending mass. When the order arrived the people in the
neighbourhood said that if the Queen was going to punish them for
that, she would have to imprison all the country. I understand the
cause of this is that one morning lately certain Latin papers were
found about the streets of London in the form of a Papal Bull
declaring the Queen schismatic, although many people think that
this is nothing but a trick of the heretics themselves to sound the
Catholics. By God's mercy the latter are increasing daily in
numbers, thanks to the preaching of the clergy who come from the
seminaries in Spain and Portugal. — London, 26th June 1580.
29 June. 32. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
On the 26th I wrote to your Majesty of the arrival of Oonde
here and of his going to see tlie Queen. After she had seen him
two or thee times she sent Stafford to France to see Alen9on, whom
she wishes to have on her side, so as to be more secure against
his brother. She promises that she will not fail to help him as he
desires. By these means she will keep him in suspense and
prevent him from declaring himself with his brother against the
Huguenots, and she and her Council think that they will thus
be able to traaquillise affairs in France, which is their object.
ELIZABETH. 89
1580.
She also sent to say to the French ambassador on the day that
Stafford left, that she had heard that the prince of Cond^ had
arrived, but that she would not speak to him excepting in his, the
ambassador's, presence, and asked him to come the next day.* Ha
did so, and whilst he was with the Queen, Cond^, whom she had
lodged in the garden, came in. She ordered the room to be cleared
and they remained together, the three of them alone for four hours.
Condd repeated his complaints against the King and the reasons
why the Huguenots took up arms. The ambassador replied and
pointed out how the King had borne with them, the Queen closing
the colloquy by saying that she wished to reconcile them. With this
object the Queen gave the ambassador a document, of which I enclose
a copy, saying that it contained the exculpation which Bearn and
the Huguenots had to offer. The substance of it is the same as the
letter addressed by Bearn to the nobles of France to be sent to the
King. Until she hears in what disposition Stafford finds Alen5on,
I am told that the Queen will not decide bow she will act towards
Cond^ and the Huguenots. As soon as Condd arrived he sent a man
to La Feie giving an account of bis arrival and assuring them that
they would receive aid. A gentleman from Casimir came with him.
The 4,000 infantry raised here were mustered yesterday and
to-day, it being asserted that they and some of the others from
elsewhere, to the number of 8000, would go to Ireland, and they
also say that they are going to arm some ships, but I see no signs
of it.— London, 29th June 1580.
10 July. 33. Bernardino db Mendoza to the King.
After I wrote on the 29th ultimo Condd left, taking a ship in
Dover which had been lent to him by the Queen, and he arrived
on tlie 4th at the Sluys of Bruges, whence he went to Antwerp.
Although he did not profess much pleasure at the Queen's reception
of him, and asserted that she had given him no help, it is all
trickery of these people to tranquillise French affairs, in which
they are making great efforts. With this object Conde was hurried
off, so that the Queen might appear to oblige the king of France in
the matter. The show of only speaking to him in the presence of
the ambassador was made with the same end, as also was the
sending of Stafford. The marriage negotiations have again been
renewed by Stafford, and the Queen has been informed that on the
12th of August Commissioners will come to discuss the conditions.
Stafford also sent a dispatch from Alen9on to the ambassador,
enclosed to the Queen. She sent it to him and told him to come
and see her next day. He went, and handed to her a letter from
Alen^on, which had come in his packet, containing much talk
about the marriage. The Queen has received it well, as they think
that it is the best way of calming French affairs, of which they
have now great hope from the ambassador ; and Stafford having
• French historians have assumed that the Queen was sincere, and that she had not
seen Conde before.
40 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1580.
also written that the king of France had sent blank signatures to
his bi'other to make peace in the way he thought best. They
gave hope to Conde that if peace be not made the Queen will
certainly help him to raise troops in Germany. They gave him a
thousand crowns when he left, on the pretence that it was a loan
from the earl of Leicester.
The Queen has appointed as viceroy of Ireland Lord Grey,
whom they consider a good soldier,* he having served in the wars
with France. They have told him to choose a thousand of the
four thousand men raised in London to take with him ; and four
Queen's ships are to be fitted out to reinforce those already in
Ireland. They learn from Ireland that some sloops are ready in
Santander to take over some soldiers whom the Pope is sending
to aid the insurgents.
I am informed from Antwgrp that Orange is preparing to send
arms to Portugal. Giraldo writes daily to the Queen and ber
ministers, urging them to do the same, and pointing out how
important it is to them that they should help the duchess of
Braganza, and prevent your Majesty fi'om succeeding peacefully. —
London, 10th July 1580.
16 July. 34. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
Whilst the Queen was speaking (to me) in the presence of
Sussex, Cecil, and Walsingham, they asked her to enquire what
answer your Majesty had ordered to be given to the letter
she had written respecting the loading of English ships in Spain.
I said that your Majesty had been pleased to allow them to load
on this occasion. She replied that although this was so, and
similar permission had been given here, she wished to know
whether it was to continue for good, as it was so advantageous
to your Majesty's subjects. This opened up the matter, and after
hearing their discourse, I answered them ; and concluded by
saying that, as the English were so pressing in the business, its
importance and advantage to them were evident. Lord Burleigh
said that they were of opinion that no such prohibition could be
imposed by your Majesty, without contravening the treaties in
existence between the countries ; to which I replied that no diffi-
culty would be found in that, as the edict had been enacted by the
Ferdinand and Isabel, and on its re-publication by the Emperor
Charles V., Henry VIII. had requested that English ships might
be allowed to load in consideration of the alliances with the House
of Burgundy, which the Emperor had granted as a concession.
When the edict was again published, at the time your Majesty was
here, an addition had been made saying, " and in lilce manner our
English subjects may load goods," which clearly proved that it
had merely been as a favour and concession that they had been
'An interesting letter from Lord Grey to the earl of Sussex, dated 29th June,
expressing sorrow at his appointment, and complaining of the " Scarborough warning "
(i.e., short notice), will be found in the Cotton MSS. (Vesp., F. 12, p. 164.)
ELIZABETH.
41
1680.
allowed to do so all this time. When for the third time the edict
•was published by your Majesty on the 9th August 1547(1567'?)
two years were granted from that date before it was to be
enforced, which again confirmed my view. Lord Burleigh told
the Queen that it was a matter which ought to be looked into
carefully, so that as a consequence of this and the pressure which
is being brought to bear by the merchants that the matter should
be elucidated, I have no doubt the Queen will write to your Majesty
about it. As I have previously written, it is ruining the country,
and the people at large are consequently suffering greater need, —
London, 16th July 1580.
16 July. 35. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
I wrote on the 10th, and on the same day that I dispatched the
duplicate the Queen summoned me to Nonsuch.
She said she wished to see me in order to speak of two things *.
first with regard to the numerous advices she was receiving about
the active negotiations being carried on by the French in the
Netherlands, which most certainly would lead to their seizing the
country, unless some arrangement was promptly made with them ;
and, secondly, she wished to say that she was much aggrieved at
the assistance which the Irish insurgents were obtaining in your
Majesty's ports. It had been her intention to issue an edict,
proclaiming as rebels those Englishmen who were serving with your
Majesty's enemies in the Netherlands, unless they withdrew, which
she did not think, however, that they would do ; but in view
of the aid given by your officers to the Irish rebels, she had
changed her mind. She dwelt at length on these two points ; and
with regard to the question of the Netherlands, I replied that I
too had been informed thereof. I said that although the Ghent
people wanted to arrange with Alengon, the other rebel provinces
were not of the same mind, but even if they were, and the French
were admitted, the latter would be turned out as on former
occasions. She replied arrogantly, that this would not be so, for
they would enter with a much larger force than I expected, and
their enterprise would be an easy one. She said it alarmed her
greatly, both because it was so prejudicial to your Majesty, and
would be injurious to her own position. I told her that, as I had
been a soldier mjself, I was not at all frightened at the victories
gained on paper by armies before they were formed, and I under-
stood what was necessary before so powerful a force as would be
needful for such a task could be collected. It would take years ;
and if she had not helped the rebels and fed the war, she would
now be free from these fears. There was still time to remedy it,
however, if she resolutely commanded the English to withdraw,
which they would do ; and refrained from helping the rebels in
future, to which moreover she would be forced, seeing the small
result she had gained by it hitherto.
With regard to the Irish question, I said that as to the actions
of the Pope as a temporal prince, I liad nothing to say. His
42 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1680.
officers and ships had, of course, full liberty to enter and leave
your Majesty's ports, and these fictions were simply presented to her
by some of her Councillors, in order that she might not desist from
aiding the Flemish rebels, on the excuse that your Majesty, under
shadow of the Pope, was helping the Irish insurgents, for which
purpose, they said, the fleet now on the coast of Galicia was
destined. I said she could judge how true this was when she
recollected what she told me when James Fitzmaurice came ;
which was to the eflFect that 1,500 Spaniards accompanied him,
the truth being that not 60 men of all nations came with him, and
of those only three were Spaniards, As to the 15 who were
recently taken in the fort, who were said to be Spaniards, it turned
out a lie, as they were nothing of the sort, and the so-called Julian
was, after all, an Italian named Giulio. After this conversation, in
which two hours were passed, she called Sussex, Burleigh, and
Walsingham, and, in their presence, made a great harangue to me
on the two points mentioned, to which I replied as before, enlarging
particularly on the aid and support she had given to the rebels, and
the bad offices she had effected since the beginning of the war. I
said that all these things were accomplished facts, whereas her
present complaints were merely the result of apprehension, since it
appeared that the Irish only affirmed that your Majesty would
help them. The Queen closed the conversation by saying that, as
she had experience of the slight esteem in which your Majesty held
her letters, you having failed to give any decided answer to the
envoys by whom he had sent them, she had decided to signify the
above points to your Majesty through me, and begged that I would
write to that effect.
After this she took me apart and told me that she had only taken
this step in order to satisfy her Councillors, and that they might
not say that she was neglecting a subject of such great importance
to her. She had no other desire but to maintain the old friendship
which had existed with your Majesty and the House of Burgundy,
and, if necessary, to draw it closer by fresh treaties.
I could see that the Queen was in great fear of the fleet, and
much desired that your Majesty should entertain the proposal to
renew the alliance, because, although Alengon promises that by his
influence her treaties with the French shall be confirmed, and a
new alliance with them made on her own terms, she dares not trust
them entirely, and consequently neither accepts nor refuses their
proposals, but keeps Alengon in hand with fair words. She
persuades him that what is of most importance for his claims and
the advantage of France, is to make peace with the Huguenots and
prevent the Netherlands from being pacified. It is understood
here that Aien9on has adopted this view and is urging it upon his
brother.
The Portuguese who I wrote was here on behalf of Don Antonio,
has left for Antwerp, as I understand to endeavour to get the
merchants, with the permission of Orange, to send some arms and
munitions, as he could get no other answer from the Queen here
than what I wrote on the 20th ultimo,
ELIZABETH. 43
1680.
Tliey tell me that she is going to send a gentleman secretly to
Portugal, and to judge from the person appointed, it may be
inferred that lie goes as a spy, under cover of bearing letters to the
duchess of Braganza and Don Antonio, rather than to do anything
of importance. Although a rumour is current here that the
populace had proclaimed Don Antonio as King, and that con-
sequently a number of English ships would go to help the
Portuguese, it is only a baseless story invented by the merchants.
Only 300 of the 1,000 soldiers who I mentioned were going to
Ireland, are to go. They are to embark at Portsmouth, where the
four ships now are.
The Queen has also ordered Davison, her former agent to the rebel
States at Antwerp, to make ready to return thither. The queen
of Scots is greatly distressed with a malady of the spleen and
melancholy, and has consequently begged this Queen to allow her
to go to the baths.* This has been granted, on condition that the
earl of Shrewsbury and the ordinary guard are to accompany her,
— London, 16th July 1580.
23 July. 36. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
After I bad closed the accompanying letters, the Queen sent to
say that, as her conversations with me had been so long, she
considered it advisable to send me the heads of them in writing,
and begged me not to communicate anything until she did so. This
has caused me to delay the despatch until now, and I enclose her
letter and document herewith. I see that the subjects are put in
quite a different light from that in which they were treated
verbally by her. I understand that the letter she writes to your
Majesty is about loading English ships in Spain.
The enclosed proclamation has recently been published here, and
as will be seen by its tenour, is inspired by the fear that the
Catholics may rise. All the Catholics in London, and the whole of
the country, who had been released on bail, or had given sureties
to appear when summoned, have been ordered to surrender them-
selves in the London prisons within 20 days, under pain of death.
A great number of them have already done so, and it is a subject
of heartfelt gratitude to God that they bear with joy and confidence
this travail and persecution, such as they have never been afflicted
with before.
The French ambassador on the 2nd instant received a letter from
the Queen-mother, half of which was written with her own hand.
She says that she believes the Queen will not have given any help
to Conde, seeing the good reason her son (i.e., the king of France)
had for taking up arms against him and the Huguenots, but that
the King had referred the whole matter of peace and war to his
brother, if the Huguenots would make a beginning by disarming
and surrendering the towns they had taken. The Commissioners,
she had been informed, were coming hither, and if her presence
* T3uxt9H.
44 SPANISH STATE PAPEBS.
1680.
would secure the settlement of the matter she had at heart, she
would gladly accompany them herself. She says that Simier would
come with the Commissioners, and the Queen is greatly pleased at
this, and at the renewal of the marriage negotiations, for the
reasons which I have already mentioned. News comes from
Antwerp that Conde would request the States to grant him free
ports in Holland and Zeeland where they may sell the goods
captured from Catholics of all nations under the letters of marque
granted for the purpose by him and Beam. Villars and other
French heretics who are with Orange are again talking of a marriage
between hi m (Beam 1) and his (Orange's ?) daughter. — London,
23rd July 1580.
7 Aug. 37. Bernabdino de Mendoza to the King.
Since I wrote saying what the Queen-mother had written for
this Queen's information about the coming of Simier and the
Commissioners, the Queen has received letters from France saying
that thej' were not coming so soon, but would be preceded by a
gentleman sent by the king of France, and another from Alen(;on.
In consequence of intelligence she receives from the Huguenots
she has written to the king of France about his coming to an
agreement with them, and has urged Alen^on earnestly to insist
upon a settlement. She told me when she saw me that she had
done so, and said she had no doubt that the siege of La Ffere would
be raised and peace made, although the news from France is not
so confident. She will do her best to pacify matters. I enclose
the answer from the king of France to the document the Queen
sent him from Beam, Condd, and the Huguenots.
The Queen has ordered 500 men to go from the province of
Winchester (?) to Ireland, in addition to those who left here to
embark at Plymouth. It is thought that she will exert greater
efforts now, because the new Viceroy is pressing for fresh
reinforcements and news comes that an insurgent Yiscount had
brought his troops against Dublin itself, and would have taken
possession of the city but for a woman who gave notice of their
coming. This has caused great anxiety to the Queen, as the Irish
have never undertaken such an enterprise before, and it is thought
that they must be well backed up to attempt it.
They al?o say that O'Neil* with .3,000 men has refused to declare
himself on either side, which has caused the Queen even greater
suspicion.
The earl of Desmond has been closely pressed by the EngUsh in
a skii-mish and Desmond had to fly to refuge in a forest on the
coast ; Dr. Sanders being carried on the shoulders of the men.
The king of Scotland has returned from his progress to the castle
of Stirling and M. D'Aubigny is still in his place near the King,
enjoying more power in the country than Morton. The Queen has
* Tirlough Lenough O'Neil, chief of Ulster,
ELIZABETH. 4.6
1580.
ordered a gentleman named Bowes* to make ready to visit the
king of Scotland and to learn the position of affairs there after the
King's progress. The Councillors here have been discussing
the selection of a castle or stronghold in every county, in -which the
principal Catholics of each may be imprisoned. No order to this
effect has yet been dispatched, but those Catholics who had been
released still continue to return to prison. — London, 7th August
1580.
7 Aug. 38. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
I have received your Majesty's letters of the 10th ultimo, and
saw the Queen to give her the account of Portuguese affairs! as
your Majesty orders therein. She had already received intelligence
by a special courier from France and was much grieved at the
news, as I was informed before I saw her. It appears that she
said " It will be hard to withstand the king of Spain now." When
I saw her she interrupted me at the beginning of the conversation ;
which she does cunningly, in order to understand the intentions of
her interlocutor, when she is not informed beforehand respecting
the subject upon which she is to be addressed. She said that, in
consideration of her alliance and friendship with your Majesty, she
was sorry that a matter had been carried so far which it would be
diiEcult to maintain. Knowing her chai-acter and object, and
that the only thing necessary to bridle her is to treat her with
spirit and get her to contradict and countermand some of the
advice given by her Councillors, I replied that, not only had God
given your Majesty the heritage of that crovvn, but the great
power with which she was acquainted, not only to maintain it,
which was easy, as all the Portuguese were rejoiced to be your
vassals, but also to punish the Portuguese who assisted those who
dared to resist a right so clear and just, or attacked you in any
way. This reply impressed her so much that after I had proceeded
further and she had heard me with much meekness, she replied
that I could bear witness that she had said from the first day that
she would not mix herself up in the Portuguese question nor help
anyone whose right had not been acknowledged. She said that
she had been glad to hear of your Majesty's recognition and
the success of the entrance of the army. Her rejoicing was
natural, considering her friendship and alliance with you ; and
your friends might look upon it as a matter in which they themselves
were benefited, all of which she asked me to convey to your
Majesty.
After she bad given me this reply, she kept me talking for more
than four hours, in the course of which she begged me to tell her
* Sir Rohert Bowes, who for several years subsequently resided iu Scotland as
Elizabeth's ambassador.
t The Duke of Alba had crossed the Portuguese frontier with bis army on the 27th
June and had captured St. Ubes in the middle of July. The regents had gone to
render their submission to Philip ; and Alba was rapidly marching upon Lisbon,
which surrendered at the end of August.
46 SPANISa STATE PAPERS.
1580.
my opinion on the matter, and what would be done in Portugal ;
not as a minister, but in mj private capacity. I replied that the
affair seemed now clear, but I could only say in either capacity
that your Majesty's right was so undoubted and manifest, that it
would be a most scandalous thing for any Portuguese to oppose it or
to countenance others who did so. If even this were not so, I said,
as a matter of State policy she would be obliged to act in the same
way and not to offend a King who had so strong an arm and so
long a sword, especially as the business was one which in no case
could bring any profit to hei-, but rather the contrary, as the
Portuguese, both people and nobles, had nearly all voluntarily
surrendered to your Majesty, and Don Antonio had no following
of importance, even amongst the common people. I said, for these
reasons, she would see that it was more important for her than for
anyone that great vigilance should be exercised to prevent a single
man, ship, or a grain of powder leaving any part of her kingdom
for him, and thus to banish the suspicion which otherwise might
be entertained of her. I forced this point, for the reasons I have
mentioned in other letters.
I also told her in the course of the conversation that it was just
as important for her to change her aspect towards the affairs of
the Netlierlands, as seeing the state of things there and in France,
and that the king of Scotland, whom some looked upon as her heir,
viras growing up, she would understand that it was of moment to
her not to offend your Majesty in any way, but rather by deeds to
blot out the past. She replied that she desired greatly to see
those countries pacified, accepting very amiably what I had said,
for not only did she thank me, but went afterwards to walk in the
garden, where she said, in the presence of some ladies and
gentlemen, that I had spoken very sensibly about Portugal.
She asked me if your Majesty had replied about the fifteen
Spaniards who had been taken in Ireland. I told her that there was
nothing to answer about that, as it was a matter of no importance,
and it was not even true that any of them were Spaniards.
The day before I saw her she had a letter from the duchess of
Braganza sent by Giraldo through France. He wrote at the same
tinae to Leicester, and the purport of both the letters was to complain
that no answers had been sent to the letters from the Duchess. He
has been informed that answers were sent by sea.
Before I received your Majesty's despatches, news had arrived
here of the proclamation of Don Antonio as King, and I took the
opportunity of pointing out to the ministers here how weak his
party was, and how small a following he had throughout the
kingdom. In conformity with your Majesty's orders, as many
Englishmen have asked me what news I have from Portugal, I
have given many copies of the information to them, and by this
means, without appearing to force it, the intelligence of the small
chance he has of making resistance has been spread broadcast,
and has also been sent to Antwerp, where I am told they
are still arranging to send arms to Portugal on account of some
merchanta.
teLiZABETH. ^1
1580.
Some French corsairs have captured two English ships, and ten
or twelve English pirates have consequently left the ports here. I
think of speaking to the Queen about it, and have told the
merchants who trade with Spain to press the Council on the subject,
as otherwise their goods in Spain may suffer for it, and their ships,
unless they go with certificates and recommendations from me, may
be refused entrance on the ground of piracy.
They write from Flushing that Orange was pressing for ships to
put to sea. And, if their object be not to go to Portugal, both
these ships and those above mentioned may do much damage on
the route to the Indies when the fleet is homeward bound, which is
a matter that some of these people are on the look out for. —
London, 7th August 1580.
15 Aug. 39. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
I wrote to your Majesty on the 7th, and on the 10th there
arrived here by sea a Portuguese named Juan Rodriguez de Souza,
a man 32 years of age, a knight of the Order of Christ. He comes
from Don Antonio with letters for the Queen, the earl of Leicester,
and Secretaries Walsingham and Wilson.* He also brought a
letter from Don Antonio himself to Antonio de Castillo, which he
sent to him saying that his master the King had ordered him to
deliver it and to tell him verbally that it was desirable for his
service that he, Castillo, should at once leave here for Portugal.
The envoy added that he was unwell and consequently could not
perform his mission in person, but asked Castillo to send him a
receipt for the letter. Castillo refused to receive it, and replied
that he was astonished that a letter should be sent to him from tlie
king of Portugal without saying who the king was. He said that
he had come hither in the time of King Henry, and since his death
he bad represented here the crown of Portugal by order of the five
Governors. Until he saw by a letter from them, whom they
acknowledged for king, he should recognise no one as such. Tlie
other man replied that his master was the King Don Antonio, to
which he was answered that when he, Castillo, left Portugal, King
Henry had proclaimed Don Antonio as illegitimate, and, as such,
having no right to the crown, and he, Castillo, could therefore not
receive a letter from him as king, without the instructions of the
Governors. He could only recognise Don Antonio as the son of aa
Infante of Portugal and as such wish him well.f The Queen's
Minister.? consider Castillo's reply to have been a good one, and I
can assure your Majesty again that, since his ariival here, he has
behaved with much good sense and prudence, loyally serving the
interests of Don Heiary whilst he lived, and since the King's death
he has failed in no point to protect the interests of his country, aud
* Dr. Wilson had been English ambassador in Portugal.
\ Don Antonio, prior of Crato, the Portuguese pretender, was the illegitimate son of
the Infante Don Luis, secoud sou of the king Don Manuel, and consequently a first
cousin of I'hilip II, whose mother the Empress Isabel was the eldest daughter of that
King.
48 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1580.
as a good Portuguese, to strive for its quietude. In consequence of
this, and his refusal to negotiate with the Queen without orders
from the Governors, from whom he has not heard for six months,
and for not having consented to be mixed up with the plots and
intrigues which Giraldo has been planning here and in France, the
latter has been writing a thousand slanders about him and has
even warned the Queen to beware of him, as he was a Castilian
and attached to your Majesty ; even after Giraldo himself had
written to him many times asking him why he did not help him
and press the Queen to send arms to Portugal, to which Castillo
had replied that he could not act without the instinictions of the
Governors. As I was assured of the honesty and straightforward-
ness with which he has acted since he has been here, I thought that
I should not be doing my duty to j'our Majesty if I did not say so ;
particularly as I am sure that he will now serve your Majesty,
whose subject he is, with the same fidelity, and I beg humbly that
you may be pleased to reward him as he deserves.
As soon as Castillo heard that Don Antonio had been proclaimed
king, and that the Governors had gone to salute your Majesty, he
said that he was no longer a minister, and I have consequently not
taken any steps to get the Queen to refuse to acknowledge him, he
having anticipated the need for it. I have sent to ask for audience
in order to renew the offices your Majesty has commanded in view
of the coming of this Portuguese. I am to see the Queen to-morrow
and will advise the result of the interview. Hitherto no notice
has beeu taken of the man (i.e., Rodriguez de Souza), nor has he
stirred from London. Besides the ship which I advised some
months ago left here with arms and munitions for Portugal, two
hulks have left with munitions, but they are still detained off the
coast by contrary weather.
Augustine Clerk, as I have written several times, corresponds
with the Council here, he having been sent by them as a spy, and
I am now told by a man who has seen his letters that he says your
Majesty has employed him and given him 1,000 crowns, ordering
him to stay with the fleet to be raised in Galicia, whence they were
to go with 800 Italians to Ireland, and that he would trj' to get
possession of one of the best of the ships and go over with it, and
with his own vessel, to the Queen's side. He also gives full details
of your Majesty's fleet and forces, and of everything that is being
done in Galicia.
Stafford came three days since from France, only bringing news
that the commissioners from Alen^on would come ; but he does not
say when, nor who they are to be.
As I was closing this letter, I have been put into possession of a
letter written by this Portuguese (Rodriguez de Souza) to Leicester,
asking him to get him audience of the Queen. I send a copy. He
has been told that the only information they have here is that your
Majesty is king of Portugal, and until they learn to the contrary,
the Queen was not disposed to receive him. I have, however, spies
to tell me whether he gets a secret interview. — London, 14th August
1580.
ELIZABETH. 49
1580.
15 Aug. 40. The King to Behnardino de Mendoza.
^^liis "l^' Six letters of yours have been received, dated 29th May, and
others of 11th, 18th, 26th, and 29th June. Thanks for advices
contained therein. Such points as require answer are dealt with
below.
I approve of the steps you took with the Queen when you heard
of the arrival in England of the English captains who are serving
in Flanders, with the object of raising men to take thither. Please
keep me informed on this matter. You gave a good answer to the
complaints made to you relative to the same subject. The remarks
of the Queen and Council with regard to the confirmation of our
old treaties shall be considered. If they ask you anything further
about it before you hear from us, say you have received no reply.
Your reply to the earl of Leicester on the subject is approved.
Inform me with what object the Queen was sending the munitions
from London to Rochester arsenal ; and what was done in the
matter of the troops they were raising, ostensibly for Ireland.
Let me know also about the ships they intended fitting out, We
note what you say about Clerk, and will take care now that
he plays us no trick. His ship is in our hands and his crew
dispersed.
We are expecting news from you as to the reply given to the
Portucruese who had arrived there with letters from Don Antonio to
the Queen and certain councillors. Let me know when the man left
and whither he went and for what purpose. What person was it
who took the letters from the duchess of Braganza to the Queen,
and what answer was given to them.
Keep me well informed about Ireland, and all you can hear of
Drake.
Try to get to the bottom of the reasons for the new persecution
of Catholics in England and inform me thereof, and say whether it
is calculated to provoke disturbance or allay it. When did the
prince of Conde leave England, what was his errand, and what did
he arrange there ? — Badajoz, loth August 1580.
21 Aug. 41. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
I wrote on the 14th that I was to have audience of the
Queen. Before I could say a word she asked me if I knew a
Portuguese who had come, and who had sent to beg for an oppor-
tunity of presenting a message from Don Antonio as king of
Portugal, \yhich she could not admit that he was, and would not
acknowledge him as such. I replied that I did not know who the
man was, and for the rest, since she was good enough to tell me
beforehand the course she would take, I could only say that I
agreed with her entirely, as nothing could be more important to
her than to avoid opposing so just a right as that of your Majesty.
I pointed out the dangers which an 0])posite course might bring
upon her, without taking much notice of the promise she had made,
as I found her in so yielding a mood. By this means I left the
door open to renew with greater urgency the steps your Majesty
y 84541. D
50 SPANISH STATE PAPEES.
1580.
orders me to take, in case she should alter her attitude. She
agreed with me to send a clerk of the Council to learn fiom the
Portuguese what he wanted. She therefore sent Secretary Wilson,
and on the same day that I had been with the Queen, the earl of
Leicester came to London to see the Portuguese, and invited him to
supper at his house that night. They tell me that he brought
some jewels as presents, and, amongst the best of them, a diamond,
a belt, and collar, which were intended for Leicester, although I
have not learned yet whether he gave them to him. No answer
has been given to him, as they are holding off to learn what is done
in Lisbon on the arrival of your Majesty's army and fleet.
They are expecting here a gentleman from France sent by
Alengon to the Queen, and she is advised that the commissioners
will be a brother of the prince of Cond^, Marshal de Coss^, and
M. de Piblac, altlwugh they do not say when they are coming, nor
is any time fixed for Parliament to meet, it being intended that
they shall attend during its sitting.
D'Aubigny, as earl of Lennox, is pressing to obtain the free
custody of Dumbarton Castle, which has always been an appanage
of his family. The man who has it now, one Brustel (Sir William
Stuart ?), who has held it for years jsastas lieutenant of the house of
Lennox and has sworn not to surrender it until the King reaches
22 years of age, has been released from his oath, in order that he
may deliver the fortress to D'Aubigny, who has great power in the
country. He has however replied that ho had received his charge
from the King, with the consent of the Queen of England, and that
he would not give it up witliout informing the latter and receiving
her permission to do so. D'Aubigny therefore is sending a man
to ask the Queen to allow Brustel (Sir William Stuart ?) to give up
the castle to him. I understand that the man is one of this Queen's
pensioners there, and a friend of Morton's, who is greatly reduced,
as well as being in the bad graces of this Queen for allowing
D'Aubigny to obtain so much power.
This Queen has ordered letters to be written to the earls of
Northumberland, Montague, Worcester, and Southampton, five
barons, and three hundred gentlemen, who are held to be Catholics,
and has ordered them to be imprisoned in the castles and
strongholds, which, as I mentioned in a former letter, had been
chosen for the purpose, in fear of a rising of Catholics here as well
as in Ireland. The Viceroy* of the latter country is daily pressing
for tioops and money. When the Catholics here are summoned
before the Council and are asked why they do not attend the
preachings, they answer that it is against their conscience to do so,
and they are then sent to piison. They have given the nobles who
have hitherto presented themselves a month to make up their
minds which they will choose, either to hear the sermons or to stay
* Ijorcl Grey de Wilton had entered Dublin as Lord Deputy on the 12th July, and
gives an interusling account of the state of affairs in Ireland in a letter to the Queen,
dated 2nd August (MS. Cotton, Titus, B. XIII., p. 305), in which he begs for money and
victuals J fiiiling which he says " it will be beyond the industrie or reatoh of man to
performe any acceptable or expected service,"
ELIZABETH. 51
1580.
in prison, where they would hke to keep them during the sittings
of Parliament to prevent them from opposing a Bill which they are
determined to pass against the Catholics. This is to the effect that
any Englishman who will not openly attend the preachings shall
be punished by a fine of 40i. sterling for the first month, 80f. for
the second, and so on, doubling the fine for each month. This is
Cecil's idea, who says that it is much safer for the Queen thus to
deprive the Catholics of their property than to take their lives.- -
London, 21st August 1580.
4 Sept. 42. Bernardino de Mendoza to the Kino.
A gentleman from Scotland has come to the Queen and has
informed her that the King had renewed his alliance with France
and on the occasion a present had been sent him by the duke ot
Guise, who addressed the letter to him as King, which he has not
hitherto done, out of respect for his mother. The same reason
prevented the king of France years ago from having a Scots
ambassador in his Court. The news has caused great suspicion
here, because they think that Guise would not do this without the
French king's consent, and that the French must be therefore sure
of Scotland. This suspicion has been much increased by the
assurance brought by this man that D'Aubigny and Morton had
joined hands, and that Morton had been reconciled with the French,
and had broken entirely with this Queen, in consequence of his
having asked her to lend him 4,000i., to which she had replied that
she would only lend it on security. On receiving this answer he
made friends with the French through D'Aubigny, who daily
becomes more powerful in the country ; so much so that they say
it is again suggested that he should he recognized as heir to the
Crown, in defect of issue to the King. Some time ago this Queen
tried to divert JVIorton from such negotiations with grand promises
and new hopes, but he refused to lend ear to them ; he is so greedy,
however, that doubtless if the French are less profitable to him
than this Queen, he will turn Englishman again.
After a skirmish in Ireland between the insurgents and the
English in which a brother of the earl of Desmond was killed, the
Queen is informed that the insurgents had unanimously sworn to
sacrifice their lives and property in defence of the Catholic faith.*
The Viceroy with the English reinforcements which had arrived
was marching overland to besiege Desmond, who was on the coast
opposite Spain ; Captain Winter being also there with the four
Queen's ships and the other four which I said had been sent to join
them, and which left Plymouth ten days since. The Queen is also
told that a Spanish ship had been discovered which had come to
reconnoitre the position of the insurgents.
Alenjon wrote to the Queen that the commissioners would soon
be here, to which she replied that if the siege of La Fere was to go
* This was doubtless the engagement mentioned by Lord Grey in his letter to thj
Queen, dated 2nd August (Cotton MS., Titus, B. XIII., p. 305), in which Jaiiita of
Desmond was captured by Sir Oormack MoTeig, lord of Muskerry,
P g
52 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1580.
on and the king of France would not help him to go to the aid of
the rebels in the Netherlands, there was no reason why the com-
missioners should come so hurriedly. This has greatly cooled the
negotiations with the French, aided by the suspicions I have
mentioned that there is an understanding between them and the
Scots.
The Portuguese who came from Don Antonio offered Leicester
the collar of precious stones which he had brought, but he
(Leicf-'ster) would not accept it. He gave Secretary Wilson some
jewels aud is negotiating with him and Walsinghani, who have
almost convinced him that any aid which might be given to him
• here woidd be too late to be of any use in Portugal ; and tliat, so
far as concerned the Indies and the Azores, it would be more
important that English ships should go thither. This, as I wrote
your Majesty, is the object of these people. The Portuguese, who
went from here to Antwerp, has negotiated with Orange, who
writes to the Queen that if she will help Don Antonio in this
enterprise, he. Orange, will contribute 22 armed ships from Holland
and Zeeland to the same end. — London, 4th September 1580.
16 Oct. 43. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
Aaa^28*42o! *-*" *^® 3^^ instant I last wrote to your Majesty, and on the
same day I received your Majesty's letters of 15th and 29th August.
I had already sent the inforiuation requested in the former, and
with regard to the victory and capture of Lisbon, with which God
has blessed your Majesty, I have not reported it to the Queen, as
your Majesty commands in yours of 29th, as she refuses to give
me audience, for the reasons which I have explained in my former
letters.
As soon as she received news from France that Marshal de Biron
had routed M. de Berdin, she hastily sent Stafford to France. He
left on the 18th, and requested a passport of the French amba-
sador, saying that his going was in the interests of the king of
France. Tlie ambassador gave the passport, and as tiiis proceeding
is looked upon as very extraordinary, the Queen not having asked
for such a document for any of her envoys for years past, it is
thought by some that Stafford may be instructed to proceed from
France to Germany, and that this may be the reason why the
passport was requested. I do not think there is much in this ;
because, if the king of France thought proper to prevent his going,
he could delay him at his Court, the ambassador's passport being
only of value so far. The reason for sending him so hurriedly was
to beg Alenjon to urge the King to make peace, and to expedite
the coming hither of the commissioners, who the Queen desires
should be sent, to arrange the new alliance with France. The
object of this is decidedly to break with your Majesty, and strike
a blow in the Netherlands, since all their designs in Portugal have
ended in smoke. She also desires that Alen5on should be acknow-
ledged as the protector of the Huguenots and those of " the religion"
in France, by which means the people here think they will secure
ELIZABETH. 63
1580.
thamselves against tho French, whilst the King will also be dis-
suaded from prosecuting the war against the Huguenots, who are
at present more lacking in force tlian ever. To this end the Queen
is using every possible artifice, and, so far as I am able to judge,
the French are treating her in the sauie way ; delaying the nego-
tiations, and thus preventing her from helping the Huguenots,
whilst Alengon is being impelled to appear favourable to lier views,
in hopes of the marriage.
Since the news about Ireland, which I said in my last, the
Queen had received (which news judging from their constant
variations aie not always to be believed), I learn that a private
gentleman had arrived from there, who assures her that the
number of troops that had landed was 1,500, who after taking
possession of an island, where there was a quantity of cattle and
wheat, had fortified themselves on the land. They h id also near
them seven large ships and au Aragonese vessel, containing,
apparently, sufficient troops to cope with the Queen's forces. In
consequence of this intelligence, a full Council was immediately
summoued, and some of the Councillors were of opinion that the
Queen should at once send 8,000 troops to Flanders, since your
Majesty had countenanced the departure of these Papal ships from
Spain. Other members opposed this, and said that on no account
should it be done, especially before an alliance was concluded with the
French ; this being the opinion of the majoiity. The result of it was
that they ordered the people whom they call here the " spirituality,"
to raise 1,000 horse, a lialf of which are to be ready to embark on
the 16th instant; and the ships which were being victualled are to
be hurried off, and tliree more immediately made ready. 2,000
more infantry are to be raised, in addition to the 1,000 who were
already notified to sail from Bristol. The city of London is
ordered to levy 500 more men, but without musters or drum beat.
Out of the 500 they have already raised, 300 only are to ship in
the vessels; the reason for which being that tlie people shall not
think that the Queen is making so great an eHbrt, in consequence
of the news she has received. After these orders were given fresh
letters from Ireland came, dated the 2nd instant, reporting that
Pelham, who was formerly viceroy, and the earl of Ormond, were
expecting to engage the foreign troops on the following day. This
news caused them to decide to await the result of this, and if the
English were not badly beaten, to send them orders to occupy
some strong place near where the enemy was, and thus prevent
him from proceeding any further this winter, and at the same
time obviate the necessity of sending fresh troops from here. Later
still they learnt that the Viceroy, wishing to have an interview
with O'Neil and biing him to submit to the Queen, had marched
ten days' journey from Dublin, towards the place where O'Neil
was, with 3,000 men, most of them redshanks, Scotsmen from the
islands on the Irish coast, who are considered good fighting men.
When O' iVeil learnt tiiat the Viceroy's troops were in the woods, he
charged them and put them to flight, after killing over 300 men. He
had then pursued them, burning on his way three or four towns.
64 SPANISH STATE PAPEES,
1580.
Pelham and Ormond also had suffered some damage in an engagement
with the enemy, who was accompanied by the earl of Desmond.
The earl of Kildare was in command of a force against the
Viscount Baltinglass (?), who I informed your Majesty had risen,
and a skirmish that had taken place, which had turned out very
badly for Kildare. This has again made the people here give
secret orders for the troops they had arranged, to be forwarded to
Ireland at once, the news in the meanwhile being kept carefully
concealed, and private letters coming from Ireland kept back, so
that the intelligence of what is passing shall not leak out. With
the similar aim of preventing disturbance here, they are continuing
the imprisonment of Catholics, who suffer with great patience all
tlieir persecution, and give no signs of a desire to resent it ;
saying pubHcly that they are powerless to move, except with the
certainty of strong support and the co-operation of foreign troops.
This Queen sent a pensioner of hers named Bowes to Scotland.
When he aTrived there the King sent word to him that he was to
give an account of tbe instructions he brought to d'Aubigny ;
but, as his only errand was to confer and plot with Morton, on
the pretext of visiting the King, he was obliged to return at once.
They had previously arranged to send thither Walter Mildmay, a
Councillor and a great lieretic, but on Bowes' return, they
suspended his going. The English are saying, quite publicly, that
the intention of these people is to seize the King.
This Queen has not given me audience yet, nor has the CouDcil
replied to the communication, which I told your Majesty I
had sent to them. I can only iinagine that this delay is caused
first by a desire to conceal a part of Drake's plunder, and
secondly, in order that the Queen may see how their nego-
tiations for an alliance with the French turn out. Several of the
Councillors are having the rumour spread that the Queen refuses
me audience in consequence of Irish affairs, and in my capacity
as your Majesty's minister, thinking thereby to oblige the
French. They are very vigilant in seizing my despatches, a
duplicate of one of them having fallen into their hands from
France. They are trying to decipher it. — London, 16th October
1580.*
16 Oct. 44. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
■ 28 420. ' After Drake had landed the money he had stolen; in accordance
with the orders sent him, as I wrote to your Majesty, he came hither
to see the Queen, and I am assured that he was with her for
more than six hours, the Council having previously been summoned
to consider what had better be done in the matter. The only
members present were Lord Burleigh, Sussex, the Admiral, James
Crofts, the Controller, and Secretary Wilson. They ordered a
letter to be written to the effect that all the money was to be
* The above letter and the following one appear to have been intercepted by th«
Eoglifib, as no copy of theu exists at SimancaB,
ELIZABETH. C6
1580
registered and handed over to the Queen's possession in the Tower
of London, in the same way as was done in the case of the
plundering of a sliip from the Indies by an English pirate named
Renegat (!) in the thiie of the Emperor. The order was signed
by tlie five Councinors above-named, and was then taken to
Leicester, Hatton, and Walsingham and the rest for their signa-
tures, they being tlie principal owners in the venture. They
refused to sign it, saying that they would speak to the Queen
about it. After they had done so, she ordered the suspension of
the said letter, and that tlie rumour should be spread that Drake
had not brought much money. This statement lias been indus-
triously circulated, and that the money is the result of their trade
with countries which do not owe allegiance to your Majesty. They
are \ory particular not to divulge the route by which Drake
returned, and although, as I wrote to your Majesty, Hatton's
trumpeter had said that the road liome had been by the Portuguese
Indies, Drake himself signifies to the contrary, as he affirms that
ten months ago he was before Lima on the coast of Peru, and has
brought back with hiin two of the frigates which usually navigate
the South Sea, with 45 men on board of them, as well as his own ship.
The Queen orders that these men are to be taken much care of,
and not to be allowed to make themselves ill by eating too much.
They are not to disclose the route they took, on pain of death.
Drake affirms that he will be able to make the round voyage in a
year, as he has found a very short way ; and this fact, together
with his assertion tiiat he was so recently before Lima, leads to
the conclusion that he must have returned by the Straits of
Magellan, as he went. I have sent men to Plymouth to discover
the particulars from the men who went on the voyage, as the only
person who has hitherto come to London is the trumpeter, whom
Hatton is keeping close. When my men return I shall be able to
report the truth to your Majesty. Drake asserts that had it not
been for two Portuguese pilots, whom he took from one of the
ships he plundered and sunk on the coast of Brazil on his way out,
he could never have made the voyage. He has given the Queen a
diaiy of everything that happened during the three years he was
away, and a verj^ long letter about it.
He is arranging to return with six ships, and offers adventurers
for every jjound sterling subscribed to return them seven within a
year. This has so great an influence over Englishmen that every-
body wants to have a share in the expedition. The ships which
I wrote to your Majesty were going to the coast of Brazil, have
been delayed by Drake's return, in order to ship a larger number
of men, in consequence of the promises made by Juan Rodriguez
de Souza, who came hither to represent Don Antonio, as to
the profits they will make if he goes with them, not only to the
coast of Brazil, but also to the Portuguese Indies. For this
reason it will be desirable in your Majesty's interests, that orders
should be given that no foreign ship should be spared, in either
ti,the Spanish or Portuguese Indies, but that every one should be
sent to the bottom, and not a soul on board of them allowed to
28,420.
B6 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1580. "
live. This will be the only way to prevent the English and
French from going to those parts to plunder, for at present there
is hardly an Englishman who is not talking of undertaking the
voyage, so encouraged are they by Drake's return. — London, 16th
October 1580.
45. Report of Captain Luis Cabreta to the King, on Francis
B y[_ Drake's Voyage.
^of Ao^^''" ^° *'^^^ matter of Francis Drake's voyage, I am quite aware that
many will be of opinion that it may be remedied with the forces at
present at your Majesty's command, with the Portuguese ships and
others, and tlie galleys and galleasses. I might well say the same,
but I prefer to call it into question, because it must be concluded
that if the enemy intend to hold what they have gained they must
have got together a large force, and a much greater number of
well armed and excellently manned ships than your Majesty could
send ; and when a matter of this sort is left to chance, a reverse
may be met with which would imperil the safety of the rest. As
the stake is a large one, we must play with a sure hand. It must
also be borne in mind that the object of the queen of England may
be to divert your Majesty's forces in those parts, to enable her
with greater facility to strike a blow in Portugal, and win over
200,000 men to her side. This she could do easily without
diminishing her strengtii, because even though she may send many
men out of England, she will gain many more elsewhere, with
whom to trouble your Majesty.
What I think might be done with the forces at present at your
Majesty's disposal is (after having obtained trustworthy accounts
of the enemy to be encountered, who, it will be safest to conclude,
will be strong) to send out a large force of galleons and galleasses
and some galleys, to be quite on the safe side, and prevent a greater
evil happening than heretofore. It will be necessary also to make
due provision, both afloat and ashore, on the coasts of Portugal
and Galicia, and bring thither a half of the galleys, in order to
guard to some extent against the evil that might occur there,
although God knows whether they will be sufficient to prevent the
enemy from landing.
It must be borne in mind that the fleet to be sent out by your
Majesty to redress these injuries will run some risk, because not
only will the enemy be already strong there, but another fleet may
Bail from England to destroy our force, so that it will be in danger
in any case, and if it were lost (which God forbid !) your Majesty
would be very unprotected. For this reason and to prevent the
evils which might result, it will be necessary in the meanwhile to
build 12 or 15 ships of the new invention I have described, which
would, to a great extent, secure us from danger at sea, and might
ha,ve an opportunity of destroying a fleet of the enemy. These
ships might be finished in a year if dihgence is used with them.
In conclusion, I wish to say that evils will be sure to happen in
the future (siuce troubles never come singly) and that the sea
forces which the enemy can collect are very great, and will increase
ELIZABETH. 67
1580.
from day to day, unless some strong effort be made to render your
Majesty's present small number of vessels more than equal to the
multitude of the enemy. What is most to be feared is that trouble may
be stirred up, perhaps very near at home, and consequently it will
be necessary for your Majesty to take up a very strong position in
marine aflfairs, and not to beat about the bush and patch things
up ; so that you may be fittingly served and live in tranquillity, and
in the assurance that you will be able to redress all possible injuries,
present and future, as master of the sea. At present the coasts are
in such a condition that it cannot be said that your Majesty's
position at sea is strong, since people presume at any time to offend
you with impunity. Be it well understood that this arises from
the great lack from which your Majesty suffers of all sorts of
marine requisites, and especially seamen and gunners, who are
needed most of all, as nothing can be done without them. It is all
very well to say that your Majesty has 100 galleys. They may be
of some little use perhaps in the Mediterranean, but they are of small
importance elsewhere and quite unable to redress the evils which may
arise, especially on the high seas. It is clear to me that, whilst
the expense of tbem is constant, their utility is only conditional
and intermittent. It must be borne in mind that the times are
changeable and that what does not happen to-day may happen
to-morrow. When a danger is close at hand it is difiicult to
provide against it, and it behoves us therefore to look ahead and
be forearmed against attack, especially as the very fact of your
Majesty being strong at sea would prevent any molestation. This,
then, is the remedy, and I cannot understand the reason why your
Majesty does not give me the credit for the construction of the
100 galleasses which I have already proposed. With them and
with tiae 12 or 15 of the newly invented vessels, your Majesty will
be the indisputable lord of the seas at all times, and will derive
therefrom all the benefits that ran be wished, and all for the cost of
100 galleys. I cannot understand what other difficulty can exist
except the question of the expenditure of two millions, one million
for the construction of the vessels and the other for the artillery,
although much of the latter expense might be saved by your
Majesty using for the vessels the guns from many of the fortresses,
which would be rendered to a great extent unnecessary by the
existence of this fleet. This difficulty of the cost appears to me to
be a very small one, as the fleet would pay for itself in the first
year, and if the amount were borrowed the interest would only
come to 200,000 ducats a year. For this sum, therefore, your
Majesty may, if you please, become lord of the sea and no more
than this need be said, except to beg your Majesty to consider the
point well, as so much depends upon it. God guide your Majesty
to a fortunate decision.
19 Oct. 46. Document headed : " Reply to the Instruction brought by
,,„^- ^- Diego de Cueva of Santander."
MSS. Add. °
26,056 c. The side of his Holiness is sustained by the Earl of Desmond
Transcript, and his brother John of Desmond, and those in their county. In
58 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1580.
the neighbourhood of Dublin the party is upheld by James Eustace
and Feagh MacHugh with other influential persons. Colonel
Sebastian St. Joseph and the force sent by bis Holiness are with
the Earl and his brother, who have about 60 horse and 1,000 foot.
James Eustace and his companions have about 60 horse and
400 foot with 100 harquebussiers. The Colonel has almost 400
foot and munitions.
The affair has proceeded as follows. John of Desmond rose
15 months ago and the Earl a little over a year, since when they
have sustained the war against the Queen. Eustace has been
helping us for about three months. Since the Colonel came a
fort is being built at Smerwick to defend the land and sea and
600 natives have been hired. These pikemen will not serve except
at a wage of four gold crowns in coin, and the other soldiers a
little more. They wish to be paid in advance. The whole of the
population is favourable, and if they saw any strength they would
all rise for the cause except the earl of Ormond, who is the leader
of the English and persecutes our party, and Cormac MacTeague,
who killed the Earl's third brother. If there were any reinforcement
sent, there is no doubt we should .succeed in the enterprise.
MacCarthy More and MacMorris, vassals of the earl of Desmond,
are also against us.
The following things would be necessary for the success of the
enterprise : —
6 bronze cannons.
6 demi -cannons with all necessary apparatus.
2 culverins, a quantity of powder, some artificial fire.
25 bombardiers.
8,000 footmen at least, more if possible.
300 corselets to arm infantry.
100 light suits of armour.
Out of the 8,000 infantry, at least 2,000 should be armed with
corselets, headpieces, and pikes. To arm the natives we shall
require 2,000 barquebusses and morrions, 1,000 broad swords and
belts, 1,000 pioneers with spades and sapping tools, 100 scaling
ladders, 200 saddles with all appurtenances, 1,000 horse-shoes and
a quantity of nails, 200 roundels, 100 musketoons, a quantity of
bulle(s and much lead and fuse, a great quantity of money, for
everything depend.? upon the money; and let it come with the
greatest speed, so that we may be able to hold out until the succour
arrives. Without money it is impossible to raise or muster the
people of this country. A great quantity of wine also will be
required, at least 200 pipes of wine as a reserve. A supply of flour
up to 10,000 fanegas, of biscuits and other necessary victuals
enough to keep all the troops for six months, as this land has been
destroyed by the enemy. Finally every sort of stores necessary
for the enterprise ; oil and vinegar 50 pipes, 1,000 complete suits of
clothes, jerkins, doublets, shirts, shoes and the rest, above all shoes.
The principal enemy of our cause is the earl of Ormond, who
has appeared before the fort with 1,800 men and 100 horse,
ELIZABETH. 59
1580.
and they say the Governor is coming with a force of the Queen's
troops, and a galley is in the port, whilst seven others are
expected.
For the purpose of soliciting the Pope and j'our Majesty for the
aid they require, Friar Matthew de Oviedo is being sent with full
powers and information. If all the above-mentioned supplies be
sent speedily, it is hoped that the whole of this country may with
the help of God be brought to submit to the holy Catholic faith. —
Dated in the castle of Ore, Smerwick, Wednesday, 19th October
1580.
(Signed) J. Geraldine.
James of Baltinglas.
Cornelius Laonenus, Bastian de San Joseph.
Episcopus. Alexander Bertoni.
Fr. Mateo de Oviedo.
NicoLAUs Sandeeus.
2.S Oct. 47. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
Drake having returned, as I wrote to your Majesty, after having
seen the Queen, delivered the boxes of gold and silver which he
had brought to the Governor of Plymouth, who, by orders of the
Queen, has lodged them in a tower near Saltash, where he has
forty men to guard them. Sussex, Burleigh, the Admiral, the
Controller, and other Councillors, insist that the Queen should
retain the treasure in her own hands and bring it to the Tower of
London, saying that if your Majesty will give them the satisfaction
they desire respecting Ireland, the treasure may be restored, on
the reimbursement to the adventurers of their outlay, but if they
are to have war in Ireland, the treasure should be applied to that
purpose. Drake has returned to Court, where he passes much time
with the Queen, by whom he is highly favoured and told how great
is the service he has rendered her. Leicester and Hatton have
advocated in the Council that he should not be punished in his
person nor made to restore his i)lunder, if the business is carried
before the tribunals. They give as a fine excuse that your Majesty
has not prohibited in any of the treaties with this country the
going of Englishmen to the Indies, and they may therefore make
the voyage at their own risk, and if they return safely their
punishment cannot be demanded, as there is no binding treaty on
the matter.— 23rd October 1580.
No date. 48. Memorandum of Bernardino de Mendoza, with a running
Ai<s<s^' ^' contemporary translation into English.
(jalba, c. Til. The earl of Sussex said to a servant of mine who had gone from
me to demand audience of the Queen, " You will tell the ambassador
" that the last time he had audience the Queen was told tljat he
" had letters for her Majesty, whici) she did not see in the audience.
" Her Majesty says that if the ambassador has letters for her, in
" satisfaction of the things he wots of, he may come with the
" answer ; but if he have none, she has no intention of giving him
" audience, as she has always said,"
60 SPANISH STATE PAPEKS.
1580.
The following is the ambassador's instruction to his servant to
reply to the aforegoing : —
" You will say to the earl of Sussex that I marvel greatly that
it should have been reported to the Queen that I had letters to
her from my master the King, as I never said such a thing, but
that I had received letters myself, I having a week ago received
despatches dated 29th ultimo, wherein I am commanded to convey
certain things to her Majesty, this being the reason why T requested
audience. If her. Majesty the Queen refuses to hear me or receive
me as formerly that I may communicate my master's affairs to her,
I shall accept it as an indication of her Majesty's desire that I
should leave here, and that relations should be broken off between
her and the King, my master, wherefore I shall not be to blame,
only that I shall regret that in my time a friendship of 500 years
is thus broken, and to serve for my justification and desire to
comply with her Majesty's wishes in leaving the country, I beg
that I may have my passport at once. I have always desired to please
her Majesty, and I should be sorry to displease her upon this point,
by staying upon any of her territories at this time. As to the
satisfaction demanded, his Lordship heard what I said verbally
to the Queen on the subject, satisfying her as the minister of the
King by his orders, although I am ignorant of what the Queen
may have written to him about it, because since the 10th September
I have been unable to obtain audience as I requested for the I7th
instant. I have, moreover, no instructions to take any further
steps in the matter." (October 1580 ?)
23 Oct. 49. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
I wrote to your Majesty on the 16th instant, and the Queen
sent two Secretaries of the Council to me to-day ; the first one
directly after dinner and the other at night. They came to tell
me that she had heard that I was talking about Drake's arrival,
complaining of his proceedings and the reception accorded to him
here, which I had no right to do. She had made careful inquiry
into the details of his voyage, and found that he had done no
damage to your iVIajesty's subjects nor in your dominions. If the
contrary were the case she would take care that justice was done.
Her message was evidently prompted by a desire to make it
understood that your Majesty had countenanced the Irish
insurgents. Slie said that I was not to be annoyed at her not
giving me audience, because until she elucidated the Irish business
she would not receive me as a minister from your Majesty, but
would perhaps send a special envoy of her own. If, however, in
my private capacity I wished to see her I should be welcome, and
as I had, she knew, exerted myself since I have been liei-e to
preserve her friendship with your Majesty, she hoped I would not
cease my efforts, which were now more necessary than ever they
were. With regard to Drake, I replied that, in consideration of
my desire to serve her, I felt sorry that she should send me a
message which the many documents and proofs in my possession
contradicted. This, I said, was the second time that this maa had
ELIZABETH. 61
1580.
plundered, and I showed them some of the evidence I had against
him, consisting of documents sent to me by the consulate of
merchants in Seville, particularly one statement of a sum of
385,000 dollars taken from a ship called the " Master of St. John,"
besides the robberies, insults, and murders that the man Drake
had committed in the same .sea, and other places belonging to your
Majesty, burning ships and cutting the rigging and gear of otliers
to prevent pursuit. These things, I said, I would leave to her
judgment, and whether she ought not to fitly punish them. Your
Majesty had great reason to take offence at them, particularly as
the man had stolen a million and a half of money, ■vphich was no
small sum, but I had no desii'e to enlarge upon this matter until I
saw her. With regard to the audience I said that, as she had, for
tlie second time, refused to receive me, and had ordered her Council
not to do so, I had not thought for a moment of requesting audience,
nor had I any reason to do so, until I received your Majesty's reply
to the courier that I had sent. Whilst I was in England it would
ill befit me to divest myself of my quality of your Majesty's
minister in order to see her as a private individual, but I thanked
her for the great honour she was willing to extend to me in
allowing me, as Don Bernardino, to kiss her hand, and I regretted
exceedingly not being able to do so.
A week before she sent me these secretaries, Leicester sent a
secretary of his to say that my talk about Drake's robberies was
causing much fear amongst the merchants that your Majesty would
declare war, about it, and this would oblige the Queen to send all
her ships to sea and raise troops. In view of present circumstances
he would leave me to judge whether it would be advantageous for
your Majesty's interests fur the Queen to arm at this time, now
that the French were ui'ging her to marry Alenjon and bind
herself to them. He therefore thought that it would be better to
come to some arrangement about Drake. I told him that until I
had seen the Queen and conveyed your Majesty's message to her,
I had nothing to say upon the matter of Drake ; and as for the
rest, I would only say that, in my capacity of a simple soldier,
whose weapon was his arm rather than his tongue, I had done my
best to keep the Queen from provoking your Majesty to lay hands
upon her, and as to her marrying Alen^on and joining the French,
that concerned me little, as I was sure that both parties, jointly
and separately, would understand the importance of not oflTending
so powerful a monarch as your Majesty. When the Secretary
returned with this reply, Leicester and other Councillors went to
the Queen, and in conversation with her about it, said that it was
necessary, to sound me again and see how the land lay, which they
tried to do in two dififerent ways, the last attempt being with
the Secretaries of the Council I have mentioned. So far as I
could gather from their talk, the idea was to stand their ground if
I replied as before, in the belief that, in order to recover the money,
your Majesty will avoid giving countenance to the Pope's people,
and that the Queen's message to me would doubtless make me go
and see her. As they are much troubled about affairs in Ireland
62 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1580.
and are very distrustful of many people here, I thought it best to
reply to their vapouring with spirit, and avoid seeing the Queen
until I receive instructions. I have taken care to announce that
Drake's plunder exceeds a million and a half, and the news has
spread all over England, giving rise to much searching of spirit, as
they think that the aifair is so enormous that it will lead to a
perpetual war between the Queen and your Majesty unless she
makes restitution.
Great outcry is being raised about this, for if such war breaks
out they are ruined. In view also of the greatness of the plunder,
the Councillors who are not concerned in the enterprise have become
jealous that the others should enjoy the profit, and are condemning
the matter greatly to the Queen. On the other hand the result
of the arrival of the news in France has made that King less pliable
with the Queen, becajse he sees that her fear of your Majesty will
cause her to be more solicitous, and he understands that she will
therefore not now dare to help his rebellious subjects, with whom
he will be able to make much better terms than ever before, if he
be not able entirely to destroy them, owing to their want of
resources and the Queen's failure to help them to raise troops in
Germany. When the Queen saw the French ambassador lately she
received him very brusquely, and told him that her ambassador
wrote that he saw no means of bringing about a pacification in
France, such as he, the French ambassador, had always assured her
would take place, which she said she could not help looking upon
with suspicion. In order to increase her distrust, caused by the
rumours that the king of France is arranging with your Majesty,
I am treating the French ambassador with more cordiality than
usual, inviting him to my house and the like, which arouses great
suspicion in the Queen's mind.
News arrives from Ireland that the earl of Kildare, in whom she
trusted greatly, was behaving in a way which gave rise to fears
that he would go over to the insurgents, who are now so strong
with their new reinforcement that they had almost beleaguered
Waterford. Men, too, were flocking over from Scotland to aid
them, together with many Scotsmen who were in France. During
the last six weeks five hundred English gentlemen have been
imprisoned here on the charge of being Catholics, there being
fears that they might rise in consequence of the news from
Ireland.
Sogers, who I wrote your Majesty had been sent by the Queen
to Germany to the Emperor, in order that he might attend the
meeting at Nuremberg, has been captured on the confines of
Juliers by some horsemen in the service of your Majesty in Gueldres,
who took him because they saw he was burning some papers.
The Queen has written to the prince of Parma about it, without
sending word to me. — London, SSrd October 1580.
30 Oct. 50. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
The Queen has ordered Drake to return to Plymouth to bring
back the boxes of gold and silver which he had delivered to the
ELIZABETH. 63
1580.
Governor of that town. Notwithstanding the declaration, which
I mentioned in my last, that Drake had done no damage to your
Majesty's subjects, they confess that he has brought twenty EngUsh
tons of silver, of 2,000 pounds each, and five boxes of gold a foot
and a half long, besides a large quantity of pearls, some of great
value. According to advices sent from Seville he has even stolen
more than this. The Queen has decided that the shareholders in
the enterprise shall receive as much again as they invested, and
that the rest of the plunder shall be deposited in the Tower of
London — London, 30th October 1580.
30 0' t. 51. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
I wrote to your Majesty on the 23rd, and since then the Queen's
Councillors have news that the earl of Ormond, after the skirmish
I mentioned that lie had had with the Pope's soldiers, had been
reinforced by 4,000 men and bad again faced the enemy who, this
time, had routed him and killed the greater part of his men,
Ormond himself being amongst the slain.* The news has been
concealed from the Queen, as well as the distrust entertained of
Kildare, which causes tliem to hold all decisions in suspense, as they
think that if Kildare goes over altogether it will be necessary to
take an entirely different course, particularly as the insurgent
forces have been greatly increased by this victory. The Viceroy
writes that the Englisli dared not issue from Dublin, where they
had 1,000 soldiers, and they were not sure of the countij', even
where English garrisons existed. Of the troops sent from London
200 were drowned, in consequence of the ship in which they sailed
being wrecked near Ireland without a soul being saved.
This Queen has pressed the rebel States in Flanders to pay the
principal of the loans she has made to them. The Councils have
been called together, they having consented to the States and burghs
making themselves responsible, and they have decided as a com-
promise to pay 4,000 odd pounds for interest due, postponing the
payment of the principal until later, on the assertion that if they
are obliged to pay at once they will be forced to submit to your
Majesty. — London, 30th October 1580.
13 Nov. 52. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
The Queen has news from Portugal by way of Antwerp by two
sloops which had arrived at Flushing from Portugal in twelve days,
that Don Antonio, after having taken possession of the castle of
Feira, and being reinforced by a large number of troops, had sacked
Aveiro and captured the town of Viana, from which he had taken
twelve pieces of artiller}'. With these he had reduced the city of
Oporto, and this has so greatly elated the Queen, that both she and
her ministers have declared it in the most exaggerated manner,
besides sending to tell me of it. Although the news is groundless,
these people are so evil-minded that they think it will embarrass your
* This news was untrue,
64 SPANISH STATE PAPEKS.
] 580.
Majesty, and they have discussed whether it would not be well to
lend part of Drake's money to Don Antonio for his support.
Directly the news was received tlie Queen sent orders to Bristol
for four ships to sail, on the pretence of going to Ireland, with
harquebusses, powder, iron artillery, and corselets, for Oporto, to
help Don Antonio. It is said that the Queen discussed secretly
with Leicester whether it would be well for a thousand foot soldiers
to quietly leave the various ports in England, without orders from
her, to serve Don Antonio, to which end certain captains have been
appointed, and I am told that some of them are making inquiries
as to whether the voyage will be safe, and if they can depend upon
finding a port in Portugal where they may land. They say also
that uotwithstaading the orders that no ships were to sail for Spain,
Portugal, or the Levant, permission is to be given to any ships that
may wish to go with victuals and munitions to Oporto.
As soon as the Queen received this news, she dispatched Souza,
who was here for Don Antonio, to Antwerp, with a letter for
Orange, asking hiin to assist Don Antonio with men and munitions
in conjunction with her. She gave Souza a chain of 400 crowns
and Leicester gave him another worth 130. Souza, thinking now
that Don Antonio will be able to hold out until help reaches him,
abandoned his intention of going to Brazil, which he had arranged
to do in one of the ships whicii was to sail thither with merchandise,
called the " Mignon " of London. She has now sailed, bound direct
to the Port of St. Vincent consigned to an Englishman named
Ventidal (?) who is married to the daughter of a Genoese named
John Baptist Malio resident in that port. This Englishman has
been the instigator of the voyage in conjunction with another
Englishman in Pernambuco.
The Queen has summoned Morgan, one of the English Colonels
who served the rebels in the Netherlands, with the object of
sending Jiim with the thousand men I spoke of, to Portugal and if
this falls through, he will go to Ireland where things are daily
growing worse. News comes that the ships that brought the Pope's
people had safely returned to Santander. In order that people
here should not know what is going on in Ireland, the Queen has
ordered that no one from there is to be allowed to go beyond the
English port where they land, but must send on dispatches from
there. Confirmation has arrived of the rout which I mentioned in
former letters, excepting that Ormond had not been killed, although
the statement that he had been slain arose from the fact that he
was missing, hidden in a Avood for four days. O'Neil has again
laid down his arms on the terms ofiered to him by the Viceroy on
behalf of the Queen.
These conditions are that all Englishmen in ca.stles in his country
are to be withdrawn, and the castles surrendered to him, as is also
the person of a son-in-law of his, who had repudiated his wife and
entered the service of this Queen. Great .suspicion still exists of
Kildare, who, however, was in poor health. The Queen has
ordered 800 more men to go from Bristol in consequence of news
from the Viceroy that he needed more men and victuals, the latter
ELIZABETH. 65
1580.
being so scarce even in Dublin, that the keep of a soldier, for each
meal, costs twelve pence.
They write to the Queen from the Isle of Wight that 800
Frenchmen are being shipped on the coast of Brittany in small
vessels ; their destination being, according to some, Ireland, to
others, Holland and Zeeland, and to others, Portugal for Don
Antonio. Letters to me from the same coast confirm this ; but as I
have no news of the arrival of any of the ships in Holland and
Zeeland, and it is not likely that they are for Ireland, their
provisions, moreover, not being sufficient for the voyage to Portugal,
1 am under the impression that these Frenchmen are going to seize
the ports of Dunbar and Dumbarton by order of D'Aubigny, who
is greatly feared by the English, and with good reason, as most of
the Scotsmen who were in France have left there lately.
An ambassador from the king of Denmark has arrived here to
warn the Queen that, in consequence of the war with the Muscovite
he cannot assure the navigation of the English to Muscovy as he
formerly did.
Another ambassador from Scotland has come hither about some
robberies committed by English pirates; and an ambassador has
also arrived from Constantinople, who, from his language, should
be an Italian renegade. He brings a letter from the Turk to the
Queen assuring her of the good reception extended to Englishmen
who go to trade in his country and persuading her to help the
Portuguese in preventing their country from being added to your
Majesty's dominions. He declares also that he, the Turk, has made
peace with Persia and that he would certainly make a descent with
his fleet on some place in Italy.
As I was closing this letter I leamt that the Queen had received
letters from Don Antonio, through France, begging her earnestly to
send bim powder, cannon, and arms, but no men, as be had as
many as he wanted. — London, 13th November 1580.
14 Nov. 53. The King to Bernardino de Mendoza.
I'aris Archives By your letter of 29th September we leam of Drake's arrival at
■ Plymouth, and that he was at first ordered to remain in the port
and afterwards to discharge his ship and land the silver. We also
note the freedom with which the Queen spoke of the matter, and
that you had requested audience for the purpose of demanding
restitution of the plunder and taking such action as might be
necessary; of all of which, so far as you are concerned, I approve,
and trust you will have dealt with it as energetically and strongly
as a matter of such great importance demands, the otFence being
without JQstiKcation. Proceed with all diligence and promptitude,
in order to recover the booty and punish the corsair. Do not fail
also to point out the outrageous nature of the case.
Pedro de Zubiaur has written about the matter to some of our
councillors of the Indies, saying that, as he has been in England for
some months on behalf of the prior and consuls of Seville, if they will
send him particulars of the property stolen hj Drake when they
are received from Peru, together with powers and iastructions, he
y 84541. _ *♦
66 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1580.
has hopes of being able to recover a considerable proportion, with
my support and assistance, and he hoped, yours also. In addition
to the sureties he has already given in Seville he is willing to
give further security for 100,000 crowns, if necessary, in England.
It has been considered advisable that the instructions should be
sent to him through you, so that you may deliver them if and
when, you think fit. If, therefore, you are of opinion that Pedro
de Zubiaur can be of any use, you may deliver the instructions and
employ him in the matter-, taking care first to obtain the security
he offers, which must be approved of by you. I again press upon
you most urgently, oithtr by this or some other means, to make
every possible effort in favour of this business, informing me
continually of what is dons and the result attained. — Badajoz,
14th November 1580.
Add. 2»,i-20.
24 Nov. 54. Memorandum (of Cardinal de Granvelle ?) upon letters
B.M. Mss. from Bernardino de Mendoza, London.
Letters arrived yesterday from Don Bernardino de Mendoza
containing advices of importance, both as to the negotiations with
tlie French and the manner in which the Queen is treating iiim in
the niattfr of granting audience. He reports also upon the plunder
brought by Drake the corsair, and upon the determination they
sliow of troubling the S[>anish and Portuguese Indies.
With regard to the French negotiations there, they depend upon
the success of the attempts to reconcile the Catholics and the
Huguenots. It is probable that the Queen-mother will do all she
can to sustain the Huguenots, but I do not know whether the
Cai holies will be so lax as to neglect the advantage they possess,
and fail to influence the King against this agreement. It will be
well to write to Juiin Ba'itista de Ta-sis to come to an under-
standing about this with J\I. de Guise, and other Catholics, and to
encourage them to keep their attention fixed on the point, and not to
be deceived by vain hopes, at a time when they have their opponents
•so liardly pressed. If peace be not effected between Catholics and
Huguenots there will probably be little to fear, either from France
or England, but if they come to teims and find some means of
raising money, of whicli they now stand in need, it is evident that
tiiey will do iheir worst. In this uncertainty it will be necessary
to look ahead and be prepared what to do, in either eventuality.
It is a shanieful thing that the ambassador should be denied
audience, and although liis stay there may be the means of
supplying a certain amount of information, the loss of prestige by
reason of his treatment is so great that it would be better to get
this information .through secret agents rather than maintain an
ambassador there under such undignified circumstances. Don
Bernardino should be instructed again lo request audience and to
complain of the way in which he is treated, as well as of the
injuries done to us, for which he will demand reparation. If
audience be not granted him he should, as if of his own accord,
ask for leave to depart. If they allow him to go he should return
hither, in order to terrify the Queen the more, and encourage the
ELIZABETH. 67
1580.
Catholics with the hope of a rupture, which might perhaps enable
them to decide upon doing something, especially if they see the
Irish uffair going on prosperously. In any case it will be necessary
to succour the troops there by January at latest, by sending a fresh
force. An answer from Rome to the Nuncio's communications on
the subject cannot much longer be delayed.
I revert to the recommendation that no English ships should be
allowed to load on these coasts as the point is of such immense im-
portance. It would be more likely to cause disturbance in England
than anything else. All vessels coming from Flanders also, except
from places loyal to your Majesty, should be seized, in order to
arouse the people against the prince of Orange and to alarm them
with the apprehension that the trade with Spain and Portugal will
be quite closed to them. If any large number of English boats
should be seen on the coast, they should be closely watched, in
order that they may all be arrested, in case the ambassador should
be detained there against his will. This may well be done, because,
as has been seen on other occasions, there are no vessels belonging
to loyal subjects of his Majesty in England. Their fear is
now evident, as is also the evil intention of the Queen, They
will certainly do their worst against us, as if they were at open
war, and it behoves ns, therefore, to strike hard and on all sides
without any further declaration, depriving them of this advantage
(i.e., of trade) and crippling the power of the lieges to help the
Queen. The Queen cannot be very well 8up[i]ied with money,
unless it be the plunder brought by Drake, and as there are so
many persons to divide this, her share will not be very large.
Much care should be taken of both French and English ships
which may go to the Indies. In the Emperor's time the method
described by Don Bernardino was adopted, namely, to throw
overboard every man found in such vessels, not allowing one to
survive. The flotillas that are to go to both Indies should be well
manned in good time, provided with every requisite to cope with
attack, and especial vigilance should be used at the points where
the pirates generally pass.
I again me^ition the advisability of filling up the strength of the
companies of Italian and Albanian light-horse in Flanders. The
prince of Parma should be written to about this, as also should be
Don Sanclio de Paclilla, in order that they may act in concert.
This also might be the quietest and best way to increase our
strength.— Madrid, 24th November 1580.*
26 Nov. 65. The King to Bernardino de MeNdoza.
K.'i4« .'sf.'' Circum,stances have prevented replies being sent to your letters
for some months past. Those of 10th, 16th, and 23rd July, 7th,
14th, and 21st August, and 4th September are replied to here.
* This report appears to be from Cardinal de Granvelle, who acted as Prime Minister
in Madrid during the King's abseuce on the Portuguese expedition.
S 2
68 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1580.
With the first letter came the despatch from the Queen with the
writing signed by Walsingham, which they gave you as their
version of what the Qneeu said to you, although you say it was
different from that set forth. An answer could easily be given to
it, but it is not considered to be worth}' of it, particularly as you
replied perfectly well. You also did wisely in appearing to take
no notice of the Queen's information that the French were going
to attack Flanders, as her reason for giving it is quite evident.
Your reply to the complaints about Ireland, and the way in which,
with obvious and excellent reason, you exonerated me in the
matter, on the ground that it had been done by the Pope, is also
fully approved, as are your remarks to the Queen in deprecation of
the aid sent to my Flemish rebels. You can continue to answer
in the same way if they speak about the loading of (English) ships
{in Spain), which, as you know, I permitted as an exceptional
thing and not generally. Notwithstanding this, and that, in good
truth, the succour recently sent to the Irish Catholics was by order
of the Pope, and consisted of troops raised and despatched by hia
officers, it will be well for you to keep me informed as to what is
going on there, and what forces the Queen is sending. Report to
me also what progress is made with the negotiations with France.
I am informed from there that the Queen bad sent Stafford to
Alen9on to treat, amongst other things, of this question of Ireland.
I thank you greatly for the care you take to learn what they
write to the Queen from Portugal, and I especially praise you for
the efforts you made to prevent the reception by the Queen of
Juan Rodiiguez de Souza, who went on behalf of Don Antonio.
I am also pleased to learn how well Antonio de Castillo has
behaved. From the favourable account you give me of him, I will
gladly avail myself of his services as you will have learnt. The
Portuguese matter being now all plain and straightforward, nothing
more need be said about it, beyond what is written to you in a
separate letter.
I approve of the steps you took to have a prohibition against
going to the Indies given to the corsairs who were fitting out on
the pretext of revenging themselves against certain other French
corsairs ; and you will take a similar course whenever this danger
appears.
I am greatly grieved at the persecution you report of the
Catholics, by their being compelled to attend the heretical preachings
and services, under i)ain of imprisonment and confiscation. If the
Queen would only look at it dispassionately she would see that this
fact alone proves how unrea.wuable are they who express surprise
that I should refuse to allow any other than our holy Catholic
faith in my Netherlands, seeing that they (the English) are obliged
to re.sort to such means as this to sustain them in the blindness in
which they live. But God may bring good even out of the aflBiction
which is being laid upon the Catholics, as this persecution may
awaken indignation and make the Queen more unpopular. God
send His own remedy.— Badajoz, 26th November 1680.
ELIZABETH. C9
1580.
28 Nov. 56. The KiNa to Bernardino de Mendoza.
K, 1447 . 24. '^^^ victory of Oporto having completely crushed Don Antonio's
rising, the Pretender has escaped. Use the most unceasing vigilance
to learn whether he arrives in England. If so, give a full account
of the circumstances of the rebellion to the Queen, and request her
to arrest Don Antonio as a rebel and surrender him to me a
prisoner. Assure her how deep will be my obligation to her if she
does so, and how just my cause of offence if she refuse, which I
cannot believe she will.— Badajoz, 28th November 1580.
11 Dec. 57. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
On the 3rd I wrote to your Majesty the news I had from Ireland,
and on the same day a captain came to the Queen from that island,
who told her that the Viceroy, after having returned to Dublin
with all his force, owing to want of victuals and the foul weather,
had decided, in view of certain reports he had received of the bad
conduct and poor courage of the Romans, to go and besiege them
with eight hundred Englishmen, with whom he arrived on the
6tb ultimo near Smerwick in Kerry, between two streams where
they had made their fort ; the Queen's ships having already arrived
on the coast, from which were landed two hundred soldiers and a
few pieces of ordnance. After firing a few shots they dismounted
one of the cannons in the fort, and the besieged at once hoisted
a white flag to parley. Notwithstanding that they made not the
sliglitest resistance and did not fire a shot, the Viceroy delayed
parleying with them, in the fear that it might be a stratagem to keep
him in check until Desmond arrived and attacked him in the rear ;
since it waa impossible for any soldier to believe that there could
be so few brave men in the fort, which they had been strengthening
for two months, as to surrender without striking a blow, In view,
however, of their entreaties, the Viceroy asked them under whose
authority they were, to which they answered only that they came
by orders of the Pope ; whereupon he answered that he could not
treat them as soldiers but simply as thieves. Notwithstanding
this, they surrendered on condition of their lives being spared.
Twelve of the chiefs came out and were told to order their men to
lay down their arms. When this was done the Viceroy sent a
company of his men to take possession of the fort, on the 10th,
and they slaughtered 507 men who were in it and some pregnant
woman, besides which they hanged 17 Irish and Englishmen,
amongst whom was an Irishman named Plunkett, a priest, and an
English servant of Dr. Sanders.* Oidya single one of the Viceroy's
* The massacre of the suirendered garrison at which the Queen was, or pretended to
be, much displeased is said by Camden to have been resolved upon " against the mind
" of the lord-deputy, who shed tears at the determination that the commanders should
" be spared, and the rent promiscuously put to the sword for a terror, and that the Irish
" should be hanged up." This cruel deed was partly entrusted to Sir Walter Raleigh;
and Spencer the poet, who was Lord Grey's secretury, endeavours to justify it in his
" View of the State of Ireland." It remains, however, an indelible stain upon Lord
Grey's otherwise good name. The Lord Deputy himself in his despatch to the Queen
(12th November) states the number of slain at 600, but Catholic historians havt in
poiEe cases exaggerated the number to 1,700,
70 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1580. '
men was injured. In the fort weie found two thousand corselets
and harquebusses and other vvea[)ons sufficient to arm four thousand
men, besides great stores of victuals and munitions, enough to last
for months, in addition to money. The Queen is informed that it
would have been impossible to have found a worse place in which
to build a fort, since it neither commanded a port nor a land pass,
had no natural capabilities of defence, and did not even possess in
the neighbourhood wood for fuel. This had necessitated their
burning the ships that had brought them over. Dr. Sanders had
left the fort ten days before with two thousand ducats for the
insurgent camp, and Desmond arrived two days after the surrender,
with six thousand men to succour the fort. Two foreign ships had
arrived there, it was believed, with troops from S[)ain, accompanied
by an English captain, but the weather had prevented their landing.
The Viceroy said that, although lie had gained this victory, it must
be borne in mind that the only result of it was the slaughter of
these foreigners, and it could not be counted as a victory over the
Irish, who were more obstinate than ever, and it would be necessary
to send him large reinforcements if the insurgents were to be
crushed. The Englishmen there say that if the fort had held out
for four days until Desmond airived, the Viceroy's retreat would
have been cut off, and the Queen's ships could not have held their
own, to the great peril of the English in Ireland.
The Danish ambassador has been de.spatched by this Queen with
many thanks for the offei brought on behalf of his master, giving
him a chain of four hundred crowns. The renegade, of whom I
wrote to your Majesty as having come from the Turk to the Queen,
has gone to Holland to see Orange.
The Queen has ordered an inquiry into the incomes of the
imprisoned Catholics, which cannot fail to be considerable as their
number is largo. It is understood that the object is to pass an
Act in Parliament confiscating their property if they do not go to
church. Their punishment hiherto has only been imprisonment. —
London, 11th December 1580.
20 Dec. 58. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
I have been informed to-day that the Queen has sent from the
west country a small vessel to the people of the Azores to tell them
to stand firm to Don Antonio, and help shall not fail them, apart
from the aid which may reach them from Oporto. The idea is
that this may prevent them from acknowledging your Majesty, and
no doubt it has been partly suggested by the idea that if Don
Antonio should escape by sea, he may take refuge there, this course
having been urged upon him here as a last resource. It is thought
that he might hold out there, and it would be very important to the
English to have the people of the islands in tiieir favour, in view of
the designs they entertain of sending a number of ships to the
East and West Indies and to the Mollucas by the route taken by
Drake on his homeward voyage. Ships are being made ready for
this voyage with great haste, in order that they, may leave in
ELIZABETH. 71
1580,
February. The business is ia tlie hands of Leicester, who is very
; energetic about it.
I have received advice from St. Michaels, Azores, that a factor
there was shipping, in a ship called the " White Falcon," 2,000
quintals of woad from the warehouses of your Majc-ty under the
authoi-ity of Don Antonio, and that two Portuguese were being-
sent with it to sell it in Antwerp, with the object of employing the
proceeds in arms and munitions. If the weather should force the
shi)) into an English port, which is likely at this time of year, I
have obtained permission from the Queen to stop the ship and
I have sent a man secretly to Flushing to inform the Portuguese
who bring the merchandise, when they arrive there, that it is the
property of your Majesty, and that the best, thing they can do for
their own safety will be to come to England with it, which would
be more profitable to them than going elsewhere. If they should
be so obstinate as to take it to Antwerp, I have written to the
Portnguese Consuls, so that they may adopt the best means they
can to get) possession of the woad, on the ground that it is Portuguese
property, and so to prevent it from falling into the hands of the
rebels. I have taken these steps as the value is large, and, it
being the property of your Majesty, I wish to prevent its loss. —
London, 20th December 1580.
1581,
9 Jan. 59. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
With regard to your Majesty's orders that I should inform you
about Ireland, I have hitherto done so, and also that they have
brought the Colonels and Captains {i.e. of the Papal force) prisoners
hither, and permission has been given to them to send one of
their number named Giustiniano, a Genoese, to inform the Pope as
to what has been done.
The Viceroy kept Captain Arteaga, who, when he was asked by
whose orders he had brought his company to Ireland, replied that
he came by your Majesty's orders, and could show documentary
evidence of this. I am told that this evidence has been sent hither
by the Viceroy, and is in the form of an order given by some
judicial authority in Biscay for him to raise troops. Stafford's
instructions to speak to Alen^on about Ireland were that he was
to complain of your Majesty in this matter, amongst others, in
order to inflame Alen^on the more in the Netherlands enterprise,
and, at the same time, to discover whether the Pope had taken
part in this Irisli business with the knowledge of the king of
France, of which they are still suspicious, this suspicion being
constantly kept alive by the heretics, who assert that your
Majesty, the Pope, and the king of France, have a secret league
against them.*
Captain Winter, with tlu-ee of the ships the Queen had in Ireland,
lias returned hither, leaving there two other ships and an oar-
galley. He brings news from the Viceroy that he, being suspicious of
* In the handwriting of the King :— " It will be well to send a copy of this to Cardinal
de Granvelle to show to the Nuuoio,
72 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1681.
Kildare, had arrested him and a son of his, the eldest son and heir
having escaped, as well as his servants, a son-in-law, and four men
of rank, three beiog lords and one a baron, so that they say that
the only man of position who is now on the Queen's side is the
Earl of Ormond; since O'Neil, although he has not declared
himself against her, has put his vassals under arms. The councillors
therefore fear the insurgents more than ever, and if tlie Papal
soldiers had only had spirit enough to hold out for a few days and
had been fit for their task, the general opinion is that the Enghsh
would have by this time lost all footing in Ireland excepting in a
few walled towns.
Neither this Queen nor her subjects seem at all anxious to
ascertain whether your Majesty will allow ships to load under the
edict, as they do it without hindrance all over Andalusia and
elsewhere, except iu Biscay, where some attempt is made to prevent
them. If your Majesty is pleased to shut your eyes to its being
done in Andalusia in order to allow an outlet for the crops,* it is
my opinion, and I believe would be to your Majesty's interest,
that the ships should only be allowed to load under some
form of special license in each case, so that these people might
understand that it was a mere concession on your part, and not, as
they now say, obligatory. This, at all events, would bridle their
arrogance somewhat. It has reached such a pitch that the profit
they make by the trade, like nutriment to savage beasts, only
increases their strength and enables them to exert their fury and
violence with greater eflfect. It is therefore better to keep them
distressed and to weaken their power to carry out their wickedness.
The effect is seen clearly, because with the great profit they make
by the Spanish trade, and in confidence that it will continue, they
are Ijuilding ships without cessation, and they are thus making
themselves masters of the seas. They not only employ this profit
in sending a multitude of vessels to Barbary with arms and muni-
tions, but have now begun to trade with the Levant, whither they
take tin and other prohibited goods to the Turks, besides fitting
out ships daily to plunder on the route to the Indies ; which things
they could not do unless they had the certainty of the heavy gains
brought to them by the carrying trade assured to them by their
being able to ship goods in Spain. All this swells their pride,
as they see their country with such multitudes of ships, and
they think that, therefore, they are unassailable by any prince on
earth.
Antonio de Castillo has well deserved your Majesty's favour, by
the firmness with which he has conducted himself here in the
interests of your Majesty and the Crown of Portugal. He would
be a very fit person to serve you there, as he thoroughly under-
stands the affairs of the country, and can throw great light upon
them, and upon the Indies, as he had in his charge and has deeply
studied the papers of the Tower of Otombo.t as well possessing
• In the King's hand : — " He is very right in all this. I will recollect to have this
discussed, as it is very important to remedy it, and punish them."
f The place where th« Portuguese State archives are preserved.
ELIZABETH. 73
1681.
great judicial learning which would enable him to administer
justice eiBciently if your Majesty should deign to employ him in
that way.
I have sent men to the English ports wiih a commission to
seize the woad ship from Azores, if it arrives there, and I have
taken this opportunity to arrange for intelligence to be sent to me
if Don Antonio should enter any of the ports, although from the
many recent arrivals of ships from the south, the weather
being favourable, no doubt he would have arrived already if he
had intended to taiie refuge here on his flight. — London, 9th
January 1581.
9 Jan. 60. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
With reference to your Majesty's instructions that I should
advise you of the Queen's reply respecting the robberies of Drake,
I have not asked for audience in consequence of what has occurred,
as I have thought better not to do so under the circumstances
without express orders, and a reply to my letters to your Majesty
relating to the messages the Queen had sent me, and her refusal, on
two occasions, to receive me.
I have received the despatch your Majesty ordered to be written
to Pedro de Zubiaur, which I have not delivered, as the business
is not in a position which will render it necessary for liim to give
the security, nor can I understand on what grounds he writes to
the Council of the Indies, that, if the powers and authority were
sent to him, he had hopes of being able to recover a large share
(i.e. of the plunder). As I have not spoken to the Queen since ther,
and see no indications of such a possibility, I cannot believe it ; nor
do I understand how Zubiaur can have had communication with
any Ministers here who can have a&sured him of it, because
certainly if he had done so he would have given me information.
When he arrived here he told me of the power he had from the
Consuls (i.e. of Seville) to negotiate, and that he could do nothing
except through me. He therefore put the matter in my hands as
one which appertained to the interests of your Majesty and your
subjects* ; and even if any of the parties may have suggested that he
should make terms, the only result of his doing .so would be to enable
the English to retain the whole of the plunder, as they would see then
that they had to do with private individuals only, as has happened
on other occasions ; and that your Majesty had abandoned the
matter.f It is of the highest importance for the recovery of this
treasure that the matter should be treated in your Majesty's name,
and the Queen be made to give an account of it ; and my efforts
have been directed to endeavouring, although I have not seen her
personally, to make her understand that, for the sake of her own
dignity, and the j;eace and the preservation of her country, it wns
fitting that she should embargo the proceeds of the robbery, as it
was a matter of great moment, and that your Majesty's ministers
* In the King's hand : — He says truly, and I think it ought to be approved of.
t See address on this subject from the merchants trading with Spain to Burloigli,
in the Hatfield Papers, Part 2, p. 515, Hist. MSS. Com.
14, SPANISH STATE PAPEES.
1581.
would treat it as such, both on account of the heinousness of
the crime and the great amount of the plunder belonging to your
Majesty's self. I meant these expressions to reach the Queen's
ear and those of her ministers; and as I knew her charactei,
I was sure they would have due effect upon her, forcing her, in
view of possibilities, to take the yjlunder into her own hands, which
is the most important step hitherto, to keep it intact and not
distributed amongst the adventurers. By this means the Crown
of Enghind is rendered responsible. I knew, moreover, that my
words would cause the Councillors who were not interested in the
adventure, and were the enemies of those who were, to speak with
greater warmth to the Queen about it and press my view of the
question, urging the need of not offending your Majesty wantonly,
and not allowing the property to be divided for the benefit of
private individuals, to the prejudice, and perhaps the ruin, of the
country itself.
Leicester, Walsingham and others, pressed the Queen with great
persistence to give part of the money to the Flemish rebels to
maintain the war and raise troops in Germany, and also to aid
with it the French Huguenots in their enterprise, by which, they
said, her own power and security would be greatly increased, and
your Majesty involved in a long and costly war maintained with
your own mone^'. Seeing that they could not bring the Queen to
this against the advice of her other Councillors, who had been
moved by ni}- arguments, besides the objections raised to bringing
all the money together and placing it in the Tower, they resolved
to delay matters and tempt me by saying that, if I softened my
tone towards Drake's voyage I might count upon for myself, or
for any other ]}erson I might appoint, 50,000 crowns profit, as I
wrote to Don Juan de Idiaquez ; but I prayed that God would give
me grace, so tluit neither this nor any other offer should cause me
to swerve a hair's bre;idth in my duty to your Majesty, and replied
that, if I had much more than .50,000 crowns I would gladly give
it to punish the ciimes of so great a thief as Drake, and they
might thus judge whether I was likely to take a bribe to pasa
the matter over. In sight of my reply, and that the Queen gave
decided orders that the money was to be taken from Sion to the
Tower, Leicester and Walsingham have pressed her to have it
coined, as in the case of having to return it the profit would still
be very great, both in the form of interest and tlie time they would
enjoy it. She replied that she would not do it until she had seen
me with a reply from your Majesty ; and, in the meanwhile, the
bars were to be assayed. This has been done, the treasure being all
now in the Tower of London. I have not been able to ascertain the
sum, which they keep secret, and Drake has rendered the account
to one officer oidy by command of the Queen, whom he has informed
that if this money is to be leturned he has furnished all necessary
particulars as will be seen by the registers themselves, in the
assurance 'that there will be no proofs against him for the amount
he has stolen without registration, which is an enormous sum, as is
set fortli in the memorials sent to me. Drake is squandering more
ELIZABETH, 75
1581.
money than any man in England, and, proportionately, nil those
who came with him are doing the same. He gave to the Queen the
crown which I described in a foimer letter as having been made
here. She wore it on New Year's Day. It has in it five emeralds,
three of them almost as long as a little finger, whilst the two round
ones are valued at 20,000 crowns, coming, as they do, from Peru.
He has also given the Queen a diamond cioss as a New Year's gift,
as is the custom here, of the value of 5,000 crowns. He offered (o
Burleigh ten bars of fine gold worth 300 crowns each, which
however he refused, saying that he did not know how his conscience
would allow him to accept a pi-esent from Drake, who had stolen
all he had. He gave to Sussex eight hundred crowns in salvers
and vases, but these, also, were refused in the same way. The
Chancellor got eight hundred crowns worth of silver plate, and
all the Councillors and Secretaries had a share in a similar form.
Leicester getting most of all. The Queen shows extraordinar}'
favour to Drake and never fails to speak to him when she goes out
in public, conversing with him for a long time. She says that she
will knight him on the day she goes to see his ship. She has
ordered the ship itself to be brought ashore and. placed in her
arsenal near Greenwich as a curiosity. — London, 9th January 1581.
9 Jan. 61. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
I wrote in former letters that ships were being fitted out to leave
this February to plunder in the East Indies and on the way thereto
With this end Leicester has agreed with the Queen that Drake
shall take ten ships to the Isles of Moluccas by the same route as
that by which he returned, which was to go almost in a straight
line to these Islands from the Cape of Good Hope sighting only the
island of San Lorenzo. They expect to find the same winds as he
encountered before, the Portuguese pilots having discovered that
only two winds blow in those seas, east and west, so that if the
weather does not serve for doubling the Cape of Good Hope when
they arrive there, they will run before the wind and winter on the
coast of Brazil, whence they will afterwards set their course. They
promise shareholders who will invest five hundred pounds in this
adventure that they shall have sixteen hundred returned to them
within the yeai*. This bait will certainly attract greedy people to
help the enterprise, which they think will turn out as rich as
Drake's last voyage. KnoUys, tlie son of the Treasurer of the
Household, who fitted out a piratical expedition to the Indies two
years ago, is going now with six vessels to winter on the coast of
Brazil at Port San Julian, at the mouth of the Straits of Magellan,
whence he will go, by the instructions of Drake and with some of
his sailors to the South Seas, stealing all he can lay his hands upon
there, afterwards continuing his voyage to the Moluccas, and
returning thence with Drake.
Humphrey Gilbert who accompanied Knollys on his other
voyage is to go with six ships to Cuba, with the intention of
fortifying himself on some convenient spot, whence he may sally
76 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1681.
forth and attack the flotillas leaving Santo Domingo, New Spam,
Peru, and other neighbouring places. They are also pressing
Frobisher to renew his attempt to discover a north-west passage to
Cathay and the Moluccas, which, notwithstanding the difficulties
he formerly encountered, Drake is decidedly of opinion must exist
in that direction.
Doubtless these people will meet with great obstacles in the
execution of their various designs, but the success of Drake
encourages them to make light of them all. As soon as I get your
Majesty's orders to see the Queen 1 will speak to her about these
preparations ; but the best way to stop their fit of activity atIII be
for your Majesty to order that not one of the ships that sail for the
Indies shall be spared, and that every man on board of them shall
be sent to the bottom.
One of the two ships which I mentioned had left here to discover
a passage to Cathay by the north coast of Muscovy, has returned.
It is a ship of 150 tons and they report that in June last they started
from Lopia (?) near the river Kola and sailed for ten (two ?J months
in a noith-easterly direction, but the great quantity of floating ice
they encountered prevented them from passing beyond the island
of Waigatz, which is shown on the map as being near Pei-choi in
about 62 degrees north latitude, nearly opposite the island of Nova
Zembla, which in tiie Muscovite tongue means new land. From
this place they returned without seeing land again and with little
hope of ever reaching home owing to the intense cold, which, even
in July and August, fioze water in one night an inch thick. They
saw no living things but two white bears on an ice floe, which
escaped by swimming on the approach of the ship. When the
vessel entered the Thames she had still on board stores sufficient to
have lasted for thirty months. — London, 9th January 1581.
9 Jan. 62. Bernarj)INO de Mendoza to the King.
Stafford arrived here from France on the 26th ultimo with the
ratification of the peace, of which your Majesty will have heard.*
He brings news that the Commissioners were preparing to come
hither, aud although the Queen displayed great delight at the
news, she would be better pleased if some of these Commissioners
were of higher rank, respecting which point she thinks of sending
someone to France ; but when she received news of the illness of
the King she altered her mind in order not to offend Alen9on, who
had written that he had forced his brother to make peace solely
out of regard for her and at her request. The Queen holds out
hopes to the French ambassador that as soon as the Commissioners
arrive she will let Alen9on have two hundred thousand ducats of
the money brought by Drake, to help him, in conjunction with
Beam and Conde, in his Flanders enterprise, and that at the same
time she will cause Casimir to enter by way of Gueldres, in order
to make sure of that State and divert your Majesty's forces, unless
* The treaty of peace between the Huguenots aqd Henry III., signed at Fleii in
Fetigord, on the 26th IToTember 1580,
ELIZABETH. 77
1581.
it be more convenient for him to join with the French in Brabant.
Although such an enterprise will not be easy, the Queen is
encouraging AlenQon with hopes, and both she and the French
imagine that they are sure of success, the wish being father to the
thought.
Juan Rodriguez de Souza, who I wrote had left here in a ship
belonging to the earl of lioicester, returned on the 21st, after
having arrived at the isles of Bayona, where he received news of
the second defeat of Don Antonio, and, after landing two of his
servants, himself returned in the s.ime ship. One of these servants
was his busines-i man here, named Alvaro Bardinia, to whom he gave
orders to return to him after he had been to Lisbon. He is a man
of middle height, of dark colour, and with his beard tinged with
grey. He is a native and was formerly a resident of St. Ubes, and
subsequently came with his wife to live at Lisbon. It would not
be bad to discover what Souza has been an-anging with Leicester
and other ministers here about the Indies, and Don Antonio's
affairs generally, which might be done by interrogating this man
on the points set forth in the enclosed memorandum. Souza's
return has attracted no attention here, and was easily accomplished,
as his ship was very fleet and could outstrip the ships of Don Pedro
de Vald^s.
The Queen received a hasty dispatch from Scotland two days
since, saying tliat the King, in Council, had ordered Morton and
four or five of the partisans of this Queen to be seized, and she at
once dispatched Randolph, her Master of the Posts, with two letters,
one for the King and the other for Morton, with orders that the latter
letter is to be delivered into Morton's own hands, at any cost. At
the same time she has ordered Lord Hunsdon, Governor of Berwick,
to go to the frontier, and certain English captains who were raising
troops for Flanders have been ordered to remain, and have been
told that not they alone, but the English already in the Netherlands,
will have to be sent to Scotland. It is feared that these arrests
having been ordered by the King, and that there may be some French
men with D'Auhiguy, earl of Lennox. Those who were at Nantes
destined for Portugal, to the number of 1,500, embarked after they
had heard of Don Antonio's second defeat, ostensibly to sail on a
plundering voyage, and the Queen fears that they may have gone
to Scotland under the authority of the duke of Guise, which may
well be true, because I have news that on the 3rd instant three
pirate Frenchmen arrived in the Downs, and shortly afterwards
sixteen more, some of them being loaded with French wines and
herrings. On the day following they left, running swiftly before
a south wind, so that it appears certain that they must have
gone either to Scotland or Holland, most probably the former, as
the Dutchmen are not particularly wishful of welcoming Frenchmen ;
unless, indeed, it be a trick of Orange's to put thein into possession
of some fortress, and so to oblige the Dutchmen, whether tiiey like
it or not, to accept the fact.
The Queen has sent orders to the earl of Shrewsbury to strengthen
the queen of Scotland's guard and keep her more closely.
78 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1581.
The Queen has recently ordered the arrest of Lord Howard,
brother of the duke of Norfolk, and two other gentle ci en, Cliarles
Arundel and Southwell, who were formerley great favourites at
court.
The reason of this is partly religious, they having been accused
by a great friend of theirs of receiving the Holy Sacrament and
hearing Mass as Catholics four years ago, this being here the crime
of high tieason ; but it is suspected also that it may be attributed
to their having been very intimate with the French ambassador,
with the apparent object of forwarding the Alengoa match, together
with some court ladies of the same party who were favourites of
the Queen. What adds to tlie mystery of the matter is their
having been tal<en to the Tower, and Leicester's having spread the
rumour that they were plotting a massacre of the Protestants,
beginning with the Queen. His object in this is to inflame people
against them and against the French, as well as against the earl of
Sussex who was their close friend.
The count de Sosa, the ambassador of the duke of Savoy, arrived
here yesterday to restore the Garter which was worn by his father
the late Duke.* The Queen has ordered him to be welcomed
warmly, and is sending four persons of rank to receive him on the
road, — London, 9th January 1581.
12 Jan. 63. The Kino to Bernardino de Mendoza.
"With the letter we sent you on the 14th ultimo we enclosed
another for Pedro de Zubiaur, a resident in England, ordering him
to follow your instructions and to negotiate with your co-operation
for the restoration of the plunder taken in the South Seas by the
pirate Francis Drake, due security being previously given by
Zubiaur as he proposes, as you will learn by the said letter.
It has since appeared that it may be advisable to come to some
compromise with regard to the recovery of our property, and if
such be the case, it does not seem meet that it should be done ia
our name, but may be negotiated with the other points by Zubiaur,
he rendering us an account of what he may effect. As soon as you
receive this you will summon him and give him our letter, and will,
when you accept his security, instruct him as to the course he
should pursue, both in the negotiations themselves and as regards
any compromise that may be proposed. In view of the turn that
affairs may take and in the exercise of your vigilance and Zubiar's
efforts, you will take the best course you can in recovering, as far
as possible, both our own property and that of private persons,
and will advise us as occasion may offer. — Elvas, 12th January
15S1.
* The order of the Garter had been sent by Queen Mary to Kmmaiiuel Philibcrt, duke
of Savoy, the first cousin of Philip II., in November 1554, by Lord Chutou, afterwards
lord Admiral and carl of Lincoln. The investure took place in Flanders where the
Duke was commanding a portion of the army of hie uncle the Emperor.
ELIZABETH. 79
1581.
15 Jan. 64. BERNARDINO DE Mendoza to the King.
In consequence of the arrest of Morton and others by the king
of Scotland, this Queen has summoned Parliament for the 16th
instant, after she had given orders for its prorogation. On that
date the Chancellor will order the House to elect a Speaker,
which they will do on the following day, the Treasurer attending
in person ; a further delay of a week will then be requested, when
the Queen herself will attend. All this is simply to delay matters
until they get full information about Scotland, and learn whether
the sixteen French ships have gone thither. They have news that
."30 persons have been arrested amongst the King's courtiers alone,
but that Morton had not been killed, as they had thought.
Sir James Bedford, however, a lawyer, had come horn France
and accused Morton of having murdered the King's father, and
three other high personages, by poison. The King has adopted
this course with Morton in order still further to establish his
mother's innocence, and the falseness of the charges against her.
When the Queen received this despatch she sent a gentleman to
follow Randolph, with letters for the King, urgently begging him
to have Morton's case heard and decided only by twelve nobles of
the realm, according to the laws.
They say that this Sir James Bedford had been to Spain and
that your Majesty had ordered a sum of money to be given to him,
for the purpose of buying people over for the execution of this
business.
The Queen has ordered the earl of Huntingdon not to attend
Parliament, notwithstanding her summons. The same message has
been sent to Bedford, Shrewsbury, and the bishop of Lincoln, to
whom patents have been given to arrest any persons they may
cotisider necessary in their districts, and to raise troops, Huntingdon
being made General nf the Scotch Marches and the North.
Hunsdon has been ordered also to reinforce the garrison of
Berwick with 200 men, and to call out 6,000 men and 500 horse of
the Border militia.
I have approached certain English Catholics by way of
conversation to urge them to insist ujjon the punishment of Morton,
as this was my most convenient way. I have also written to the
queen of Scotland giving her an account of what had happened,
and although I am sorry that these events have been made a
reason for rendering her prison closer, which, however, she must
suffer in patience like the rest of her troubles, yet the joy of all
her friends at the thought that Morton may meet with due
punishment at the hands of her son, arouses great hopes that her
son may turn to her side, and it is meet now that her friends in
Scotland should persevere more than ever. I have therefore
thought that it would be to your Majesty's interest that she should
recognise my desire to serve lier, and have sent her the information ;
which would certainly reach her ears by some means, and so to
bind her in gratitude to your Majesty. I point out to her how
important it is that Morton should die, in order that the Catholic
80 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1581.
religion may be restored in Scotland, and in the interests of herself
and her son.
The ambassador of the prince of Piedmont (i.e., Duke of Savoy)
has had audience and has restored the Garter. The Queen told him
it was not worth while to have come such a long journey for this
purpose, the meaning of this being that he was not to go on to
Scotland, for which he had requested license. This license will not
be given to him, although it is asserted that his only object was to
pay a visit of ordinary compliment to the King as to a relative of his
master, with whose house alliance and friendship has always existed.
The Queen has ordered the earl of Kildare to be brought hither
with his wife and other prisoners of his house. — 1.5th January
1581.
15 Jan. 65. Bernabdino de Menjjoza to the Kino.
Since I wrote on the 9th I have heard that the Queen has
ordered Drake to be given 10,000?. of the money lodged in the
Tower. The signed warrant sent to him states that this is a
reward for the voyage he made, but it may be suspected that it
may be rather to fit out the ships I spoke of. Drake's sailors say
that he promised them, when the great plunder was taken from the
" San Juan," that if they did their best to capture it, he would
divide 10,000?. amongst them, but he has not done this, nor has he,
indeed, settled accounts with any one connected with the voyage,
but is simply keeping them in hand with sums of money, in order
that he may get them to return with him on his next voyage. The
boxes of gold he captured in the ship from Chili he would not
allow to be examined by any one but his own servant.
The Queen frequently has him in her cabinet, and never goes
out in public without speaking to him ; often, indeed, walking with
him in tlie garden. Drake told her the other day that if she
ordered three of her own ships, which he would choose, to accompany
those he was taking, and seven merchant ships as well, he would
guarantee to place affairs on the route to the Indies in such a state
that your Majesty would gladly send her what they call here a
" blank-signet ' for her to dictate her own conditions on all points
which she might consider to her interests. — London, 15th January
1581.
17 Jan. 66. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
I wrote to your Majesty on the 15th ; and last night an
Englishman arrived here to tell the Queen that he had come with
Don Antonio from Bayona, where he had embarked in a poor
disguise, and had arrived on the coast of Brittany in great want
of money, whereupon be, the Englishman, had immediately left
witliout the knowledge of Don Antonio to inform the Queen
thereof, Don Antonio having written to the king of France, The
Queen and lier ministers fully believed this, as tliey have a good
opinion of the Englishman who brings the news. I have thought
Elizabeth. 81
1681.
well to report this to your Majesty instantly, taking the oppor-
tunity of a ship which is sailing for Laredo, altiiough I have no
certainty about the news, and the Queen has received it from no
other source than that mentioned. It was conveyed to me at once
by one of her councillors. — London, 17th January 1581.
, 28 Jan. 67. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
I wrote on the 17th by sea through Laredo, sending the
duplicate the next day by France, and the Queen has now received
fresh news from the latter country by another Englishman, that
the king of France had sent one of his councillors to see Don
Antonio, and tell him to go to Alen^on, who would be able to
forward his claims by the help of the Netherlands rebels and arm
some ships for him. This Englishman has not signified the precise
place where Don Antonio was, but they are now certain that he
has arrived in France. They have told the news to Juan Eodriguez
de Souza, who is staying here in the house of a Portuguese doctor
named Lopez, saying at the same time that they were sure that
it was true ; although the Queen had no information from her
nmbassador about it.
Randolph has written from Scotland that the King had sent
Morton under guard of 500 horsemen to the castle of Dumbarton,
which is entirely in the hands of D'Aubigny, with a strong garrison
devoted to him ; the Constable* being Mortoii's deadly enemy, into
whose hands he is to be delivered. Orders are given that if any ,
attenjpt is made to rescue liim from the guard, the first thing they
lire to do is to kill Morton. Randolph also reports that the King has
quite changed his tone ; D'Aubigny governing him entirely and the
whole country. D'Aubigny was followed by most of the principal
people and others of his party. They show great inclination to
make war upon the English, and Randolph had no doubt that as
soon as the winter wa.s over they would do so. He thinks that
if Morton wtro not taken to France, as some people thought
j)robable, although Randolph doubted it, he would certainly very
soon lose his head. Another man has been sent from here to
endeavour to have D'Aubigny murdered by means of some of his
enemies of the house of Hamilton. The 6,000 men and the
500 horse are in readiness, awaiting orders, as no news has arrived
here of the coming of any foreigners, although it was reported from
Berwick that there were ten ships, with some Frenchmen and
stores sent by the duke of Guise.
The Queen has opened Parliament, and the Chancellor, in her
name, informed tliem that it was the Queen's wish that the subject
of the appointment of a successor and of the Queen's marriage
should not be dealt with, and it is understood that, as seen as they
vote the supplies she desires, the Parliament will close.
The queen of Scotland has sent messages to the French ambas-
sador and letters to the Queen that, in case of a successor to the
Crown being appointed in this Parliament to her prejudice, a protest
• Sir William Stuwt,
7 tmu
82 SPANISll STATE PAPERS.
] 58] .
should be made in her name, the necessary steps being taken by the
French ambassador.
The Queen has ordered one of her ships to be made ready to
bring over the Commissioners from France. — London, 28th January
1581.
13 Feb. 68. Bernardino de Mendoza to the Kino.
I wrote on the 28th ultimo that this Queen had received
confirmation of the arrival of Don Antonio in France, whereupon
she despatched instantly again the two Englishmen who brought
the news, with orders that they were to remain with Don Antonio
and report bis movements. She afterwards received letters from
Cubliam, her ambassador in France, further confirming the intel-
ligence, and on the 3rd instant sent Captain Perrin, the son of an
Englishman, born in the Azores, who had been with Don Antonio,
bearing letters containing great promises to him. Leicester told
this to Souza, and said that he had better make ready at once to
join his master in France. On the 4th Cobham wrote that the
king of France assured him that he had news that Don Antonio
was either captured or killed, which news lias much troubled the
Queen, as she imagined that he would be an instrument to enable
her to disturb Portugal. How much they desire this may be seen
by the facility with which they believe anything that tends in that
direction, however groundless it may be.
As soon as Morton was captured, the Queen granted a thousand
pounds a year pension to the two Hamiltons* who are out of
Scotland, one of them here and the other in France. They have
for the last two years been pressing for it, but they had never
been able to obtain it. She also ordeied the earl of Huntingdon
and Lord Hunsdon, with their troops, as soon as they were ready,
to enter Scotland to force the King to give a sufficient guarantee
to prevent the entry of foreigners into the country, The order
has again been changed and the forces told to retire into the Border
castles. Tliis has been caused by the answer given by D'Aubigny
in the King's name to the repeated pi-essure from Randolph, to
the effect that the Queen might be sure that Morton's case would
be dealt with in accordance with justice, and if she wished further
to assure herself of this, she might send two Commissioners to be
present in her name at the trial, on condition that two others from
the king of France were also present. He said, as regards the
coming of foreigners to the country, the lords of the realm would
bind themselves in writing that none should be received, and
if the Queen were not satisfied with this, they would send
hostages to guarantee it. They say that, when the king of Scotland
was told how much the English wished to get possession of Morton,
he said that if they loved him so much, he would send the queen of
England his (Morton's) body, whilst he kept the head, as he was a
good councillor,
■ — ■
* Lord Jobij and Lord Claude Hamilton.
ELIZABETH. 83
1581.
The insurgents in Ireland have slaughtered Captain Zouch* with
300 Englishmen, and are quite masters of the open country, as it
is now winter time. Most of the Englishmen sent by the Queen
have died from flux and the plague, and the Viceroy is therefore
asking for fresh troops.
The eldest son of the earl of Kildare, who, I wrote, had escaped
when his father was captured, has again returned to his submission
to the Queen, having surrendered himself a prisoner.
The French ambassador recently gave the Queen an account of
the Commissioners who were coming, and she expressed displeasure
that they were not the men she had indicated. A gentleman from
Alen^on who is to precede them is expected here.
In addition to the intelligence received by the Flemish heretics
here from some of tlie consistories in Holland, the Queen herself
has received news that Holland and Zeeland had agreed to receive
Alengon, and that the Colonels in Antwerp, who are nearly all the
magistracy, had administered an oath to the newly raised soldiers,
to the effect that they were the enemies of your Majesty and your
confederates, and renouncetl their allegiance to you as their
sovereign. Orange had also endeavoured to put a tax of a hundred
groat-livres on the hundred of salt, which now only costs 23 livres,
in order to help the entry of the French. He says, for the purpose
of persuailiuff people to this, that whereas at the beginning of the war
they paid 250 or 300 livress for the hundred of salt, it will not be much
hardship to them to pay 100 livres for it now to bring in the French.
If it be not your Majesty's wish to stop Hollanders and Zeelanders
from taking salt from Spain, it would be advisable to put a very
heavy export tax on every measure of salt shipped for the Nether-
lands, thus greatly raising the price, which, according to news
received by merchants here, does not exceed seven reals the
measure in Spain and Portugal. This tax would not only produce
a considerable sum in aid of your Majesty's heavy expenditure on
the war in the State.s, but would be drawn from your enemies, who
cannot live without salt. — London, 13th February I.58J.
24 Feb. 69. The King to Bernabdtno de Mendoza,
K 1447. 28. The prior and consuls of Seville write to say that Pedro de
Zubiaur informs them that it will be easier to recover Drake's
plunder if the Queen is requested first separately to restore what
belongs to individuals, rather than asked to surrender all toj^ether.
They beg me to write to you accordingly, so that you may take tlie
most fitting steps. As you were previously informed, it will be
necessary to adopt every possible means to recover the plunder
taken by Drake, and I therefore request that you will consider
whether it will be likely to forward the object aimed at if you let
Zubiaur take the necessary .steps for the recovery of the property
belonging to .specified individuals ; or whether it will be better to
demand the restitution of the plunder as a whole. The decision is
* This was probabl/ a mistake, ae Sir Jqhij Zouch w^s ftiive ponje time subsequenUy.
84 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1581.
left to you, but I urge you to do your best to forward the interests
of the individuals, and, so far as may be fitting, to extend all
possible help and countenance to Zubiaur. — Elvas, 24th February
1581.
27 Feb. 70. Beenardino de Mendoza to the Kino.
I wrote on the 13th that the Queen was expecting a gentleman
from Alen9on, M. Marcliaumont,* who arrived on the 19th, and he
is accompanied by many gentlemen, amongst whom is Councillor
Jean Bodin as hia secretary. The latter is a great heretic, as is
proved by the books he has written. The Queen sent word to the
French ambassador that he was to entertain him and give him
(Marcha\imont) good cheer as she knew what a favourite he was of
Alenyon. She has lieraelf received him well and gives him lengthy
audience nearly every day alone. So far as can be gathered from
them, he must have come to impress the Queen with the great
efforts which Alen^on has made to bring about peace for the
]nu-pose of obliging her, as well as to clear the way for the comilig
Commissioners, and to discover the disposition of the Queen and
Council with regard to marriage and other negotiations, in
view of the events in Scotland. He has saluted, on behalf of
AleuQon, Sussex, Cecil, and James Crofts, who appear to be the
Ministers most in favour of the marriage, in consequence of their
opposition to the earl of Leicester. The Queen has referred the
negotiation of the matter to them. The envoy has told them in
general terms that Alen9on's wish to marry the Queen is prompted,
not so much by his hopes of having an heir, as by the belief that
his importance will be so greatly increased by his marriage that it
will aid him strongly in his designs. By having brought about
peace in France he had gained over both the Catholics and the
Huguenots, and had also pledged to him the German Protestants,
wliom he wished to have entirely on his side, as he would have if he
could please tlieui by energetically helping the Flemish rebels and
succeeded in getting this Queen to choose him fur her husband and
the protector of her realm. This he thinks would encourage them
(the Germans) to endeavour, for their part, to promote his appoint-
ment as king of the Romans, which is the object of all his efforts.
The Commissioners, he (Marchaumont) said, would not come until
the Queen sent her wishes by a gentleman who had accompanied
him by Alen9on's orders for that purpose, this gentleman being
called M. de Mery. He has now left with a letter from the Queen
written by herself, without any of her Ministers knowing the
contents. They aie equally in the dark as to her conferences with
Marchaumont, and only know that she has given him a wedding
ring for Mery to take to Alen^on. She also said publicly that she
was so anxious for the Commissioners to come, that every hour's
delay seemed like a thousand years to her, with other tender
♦ Pierre Clausse Seigneur de, Marchaumont, His correspondence will be found in
the Hatfield Papers, part 2,
ELIZABETH.
88
1581.
speeches of the same sort, which make most people who hear them
believe that the marriage will take place. The three Miniaters for
whom Maichaumont brought letters only replied to him that they
could say nothing further, but that the Queen seemed very desirous
that the wedding should be effected.
Marchaumont has also signified that he will stay here for some
months on his master's business, and this gave rise to the belief,
before his arrival, that he was coming to ask the Queen for money
to help Alen9on in his intended invasion of the States, and to make
an alliance against your Majesty. Marchaumont latelj' told the
earl of Northumberland and other Lords in the presence Chamber
that he had heard tliat the object of his visit was reported to be to
ask the Queen for money, but that he had no such instructions.
Notwithstanding all this, however, your Majesty will have seen
by my former letters that the Queen's conferences with the French
ambassador and other indications tend to the belief that he will
attempt it, but, being a Frenchman, he glosses it over, in order the
better to carry on the deceit and not to offend the English, who are
very angry when anyone asks them for money. The real reason of
his coming and that of the Commissioners is more to raise funds
and cement alliances than to effect marriage.
The earl of Huntingdon, who, as I said, the Queen had made
General of the Scotch Marches, is a great Puritan and a deadly
enemy of the queen of Scotland and her son, he having pretensions
to the succession of the English ci'own. He has therefore been
dealing secretly with some of Morton's Scotch partisans to enter
England on a raid, as they sometimes do, even in time of peace,
thus giving him an opportunity of reprisal and an excuse for
invading Scotland. The Scots accordingly came as far as Carlisle,
nine miles over the border, where the}' killed some Englishmen and
captured others, retiring with their booty in the form of cattle.
Huntingdon advised Lord Hunsdon, governor of Berwick, who sent
a number of Englishmen into Scotland to take revenge. The Scots
met them and drove them back with a loss of 200 men. They
concealed this news from the Queen, but she learnt it through a
lady, and when Walsingham came to see her on business she said,
" What is this about Scotland ? Did I order anything of this sort to
" be done ?" Walsingliam replied that the loss was slight and it
could easily be remedied ; to which she answered : " You Puritan,
" you will never be content until you drive me into war on all
" sides and bring the king of Spain on to me." Although this
has happened, the Queen has ordered that not a soldier is to be
mo\-ed from the Border until they see the result of the half-yearly
meeting which takes place on the 21st instant on the frontier, to
settle the qiiestions of robberies on both sides.
The viceroy of Ireland has written to the Queen that the earl of
Ormond was behaving in such a way that he thought his pension
should be taken away from him, and asked Leicester and Walsingham
to press the matter. They. managed to persuade the Queen to do
so, and as soon as they liad sent the despatch they got news that
O'Neil had been joined by 400 redshank soldiers from Scotland,
86 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1681. '" ~°
■who are men experienced in Ireland.* This caused the arrest on
the same night of all Irishmen who were studying here, their
papers being seized to learn whether they had any communication
with the Scots. They found nothing of importance except
" Agnus Dei," absolutions, and the like, on some of them, who were
thereupon taken to the Tower ; and a messenger was sent off in
haste to tell the Viceroy not to deprive Ormond of his pension, as
his lands lie near to those of O'Neil and the redshanks. The
Catholics have slaughtered Captain Crins (Green ?)t, with some of
the Englishmen in his company, and what with this, and the great
mortality from the Aux and the plague, which has reached five
thousand men, the Viceroy is again pressing for reinforcements,
and two thousand men are ordered to be raised and sent off with
all speed to Ireland.
Cobliam, this Queen's ambassador in France, has written bo fully
of what Tassis told the Queen-mother in your Majesty's name,t
that it may be suspected, either that she conveyed it herself to
Cobham, or told her son Alen9on that he might do so. — London,
27th February 1581.
6 March. 71. The King to Bernardino de Mendoza,
K.' 1447 .31.'' ^^ "ote from your letters that, partly owing to the coolness
with which the Queen is treating you by refusing you audience as
my Minister, and partly owing to your ill-health, you are desirous
of leaving England. It has been considered whether it would be
well to send you leave to do so at once, but as it has been decided
that the withdrawal of my representative at that Court might
cause the veil to be completely torn from the evil intentions of
those people, and might drive them to closer union with the
French, I am obliged to request and order you to stay there for
the present, if you can do so without loss of dignity. As soon as
you receive this you will demand audience in the usual way as my
Minister, and let the Queen's advisers know that if she refuses so
to receive you, it will be taken as a clear indication of their desire
for you to leave the country, and you intend to do so. Only that
it will befit them to consider whether it will serve their interests
thus to arouse my just resentment. If they persist in refusing you
audience as my Minister, you can leave as soon as you like, using
for your journey the credits recently sent you, and instructing
* Mendoza frequently applies the word " Redajaques," and variants thereof, to the
inhabitants of the Hebrides. I have assumed this to stand for " redshanks," by which
name they are spoken of by Spencer and other writers of the period.
t Probably an old officer named Panl Green, who is warmly recommended by
Sir Henry Sidney to Lord Grey in his letter to the latter on his departure for Ireland,
I7th September 1580. See " Sidney Papers, Collins, 1746," Vol. 1.
J This was a strong remonstrance made by Juan Bautista de Tassis, the Spanish
ambassador, to Catharine de Medici at Ch^nonceaux, first against Alengon's raising
fresh troops for Flanders, and secondly against the despatch of the Commissioners to
England for the conclusion of the marriage with Elizabeth. Catharine replied that it
was too much to expect her son to give up both projects, and that, as he was a good
Catholic, he was more likely to convert Elizabeth than she to convert him to
Protestantism. — Archives NationaleB (Paris), K. 1559.
EI^IZABETH.
1581
Antonio de Castillo to keep us informed as to what passes. It is,
however, necessary to avoid this course if possible, and yon will
try to manage dexterously for the audience not to be denied you,
in which case you will stay. You will represent to tlie Queen and
her Ministers the danger they incur by irritating me and causing
me to look to my own affairs by troubling theirs ; whereas if they
do not provoke me further, they need have nothing to fear from
my forces. In short, you will do your best not to snap the thread
of negotiation, as you will do if you leave, and will plunge me into
obligations which at present are best avoided. You will intimate
to them all I say here, so that fear of my forces may somewhat
bridle them from further offending me ; whilst at the same time
they may not get desperate and lose hope of being forgiven for
their past misdeeds, and thus be driven into new and pernicious
leagues to the prejudice of Christianity and the public peace, and
perhaps into plotting new evil in Flanders. You will manage
with your usual dexterity to fulfil my intention in this very
important matter. In order that you should not think that I am
unmindful of your health and wishes, I request you in reply to this
to report to me what passes in the matter of the audiences, and if
all go well a successor shall be sent and you can return. Advise
me in such case whether you think Antonio de Castillo would be
a proper person to stay there in charge of affairs, since you report
so higlily of him. Keep all knowledge of your proposed departure
secret until you hear further. — Portalegre, 6th March 1581.
6 March. 72, The King to Bernardino de Mendoza.
k'.\447.32!'' ^o*^ S^"^^ ^ goo<i answer to the two gentlemen who were sent by
the Queen to tell you that Drake's robberies had not been
committed on subjects of mine ; as you proved by the papers you
showed them that the contrary was the case. You also did well in
declining the private audience they offered you, as you were not
to be received as my Minister. Your answer to the earl of Leicester,
and the other Ministers who tried to tempt you in the matter of
Drake's robberies, is likewise approved. You will conduct the
business as you have begun, availing yourself of the public fear
that a declaration of war may be the result of it, and that those
wlio have no share in the plunder may unjustly suffer for those
who have. When advisaljle you may make use of the instru-
mentality of Pedro de Zubiaur, whom you will support and aid in
his attempt to recover the property of individuals. The whole
matter is left entirely to your discretion.
I thank you for the relation you send of the ships that tried to
sail to Cathay by the north, and of the events of the voyage, which
would appear, as you say, to be impracticable. You did well, too, to
advise of the ships which Drake was fitting out to sail again to the
Straits of Magellan, or to reach the Moluccas from the Cape of
Good Hope. What you say on the subject is very apposite ; both
as to the treatment which should be dealt out ti the corsairs that
are taken, and the necessity for our boats and fleets to be forwarned
and prepared, 1 have accordingly ordered the formation of a fleet
88 SPANISH STATE PAPERS,
1581. " '
of 12 ships well armed and found, with 1,500 soldiers on board,
besides the seamen, of whom there will be another thousand. The
fleet will bo fullj^ armed with artillery and will carry stores
for a j^ear and a half, and will sail to the Indian seas for the
purpose of keeping them clear and defending the coasts, We send
yon this advice for your information, and leave to your discretion,
according to circumstances, whether to publish it or keep it secret.
If they knew of it they (the English) might refrain from sending
the ships they were preparing, but if you think it may put them
on the alert and cause them to increase their own force do not tell
them. You know the temper of thuse people so well that the
question may safely be left to you. — Portalegre, 6th March 1581
6 March. 73. The King to Bernardino de Mendoza.
k!^1447 . 3^3.*' '^^^^ '''^^ "^f *''^® troops that his Holiness had in Ireland has grieved
me much, and particularly the bad way in which they behaved,
both in the matter of their choice of a location and in their defence
of the fort, which was so well provided with arms and munitions.
The sorrow is increased by your news that, if they had only held
out a little longer, they would have been re-infoi'ced by a lai-ger
body than that of the English. You will continue to report all
you hear in this respect, and of the condition of the Catholics in
Ireland, as well as the spirit in which they are, since receiving this
blow.
Advise me also of the result of the persecution of the Catholics
in England, with the object of depriving them of their property ;
what effect this has had, whether it has caused murmurs, and also if
the arrest of so many people of high position will give rise to any
disturbance, and what will be the outcome of the parliament which
was about to be convoked. The news from Scotland of the
imprisonment of Morton is of the highest importance ; and the
step you took with the queen of Scotland as soon as you heard of
it was well advised, as also were the steps you were continuing to
take for the purpose of helping the Scots and Englishmen who
favour her party. You will jiersevere in this course with due
dissimulation. You did well in taking the steps you did, both with
the Queen and the Portuguese consuls in Antwerp, about the woad
ship from the Azores which you learnt was on the way. Advise
the result. Your remarks against allowing English ships to load
in Andalucia are approved of. I have consequently ordered the
decree to be strictly enforced in all parts and the present excesses
put a stop to. With regard to giving special licenses for cargoes
to be loaded, the matter will be taken into consideration from time
to time, and decided according to circumstances and the news you
may send. Antonio de Castillo's services shall not be lost sight of.
—Portalegre, 6th March 1581.
14 March. 74. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
Tliis Queen has received advice from Ireland that all the nobles
and gentry who had not already declared themselves against her
have now done so, with the sole exception of the earls of Kildare
ELTZ/VRETH. 89
1581.
and Orraond ; the fovmev because he was a prisoner in Dublin
Castle, his wife and son being Iiere ; whilst Ormond is regarded with
suspicion, although he was in this Queen's service and is an enemy
of Desmond. Lord Bernay (Barry ?), who was taken with Kildare,
has escaped from the Castle and has been joined by all Kildare's
people. The greater part of Ormond's men have left him, so that,
at this rate, he will be the only man to serve the Queen. She was
greatly grieved at the news, as O'Neil declared himself against her
at the same time, notwithstanding the great promises made by the
Viceroy, who endeavoured to bring about an interview. The
Queen has ordered 1,000 more men to be sent thither and some
shiploads of stores and munitions. — London, 14th March 1581.
17 March. 75. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
But for the haste in which the duplicate of my last letter of
14th had to be sent, I would have given your Majesty an account
of the reports sent to the Queen by Cobham about Don Antonio,
which are repeated to me bj' a person who sees the letters, I having
no other means of getting news. But for this I should not venture
to write on the point, as so many different reports have been
current about him. On the 5th instant, Cobham sent a courier
post-haste to inform the Queen that Don Antonio's great friend,*
who resides in France, had shown him letters, saying that after he
had been routed from Oporto he went, on the 22nd of October, to
Viana, where he was hidden for three days in a tavern or cook-shop.
Three servants of Botellot himself were taken, and Don Antonio,
the Bishop, and Botello subsequently escaped by night unnoticed
on the road to Lisbon. On encountering some people on the banks
of a river, fearing discovery, they separated, and remained hidden
amongst the rushes, where Don Antonio and Botello lost sight of
the Bishop de la Guardia. They arrived after great hardships
at Lisbon and were there hidden all the time ; Don Antonio
conferring with some of his friends by night, with the object of
arranging for his escape to France by land.
After writing this, Cobham sent another despatch on the 7th,
which arrived here yesterday, saying that the same friend had
informed him that Don Antonio was already in France, at Angers,
with Botello, in very bad case and without a real. He said Don
Antonio did not wish to discover himself, as he did not think that
liis person was safe in France, but he would come to England as
soon as possible and give an account of himself to the Queen, and
of what had been arranged by his friends in Portugal, Cobham
was of opinion that the Queen should warmly aid him to return to
Portugal, and wrote her long discourses on the subject, to persuade
her to trouble your Majesty by this means, since the Duchess of
Braganza was now of no use for the purpose, your Majesty having
granted her so many favours.
• Probably the Queen-motber, who although nominally a claimant herself to the
Portuguese throne, was actively helping Don Antonio.
f Diego Botello, one of Antonio's chief adhei-ants, and afterwards his agent in
England,
80 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1681.
These reports are entirely credited here, and Leicester took Juan
Rodriguez de Souza, who is still here, to speak to the Queen
secretly, with whom he stayed two hours. Souza is constantly
with Leicester, with whom he has arranged these matters, although
no decided resolution has yet been taken, pending the coming of
Don Antonio hither, as he promises to do, or his staying in France.
They are somewhat cooler, however, at his coming in so poor a
case, because Souza and Cobham affirmed that he brought away
many jewels with him, and particularly the rich harness, which
assertions Leicester believes.*
The Queen has endeavoured by means of her pensioners, the two
Hamiltons, to gain over some of their party to her side, in case the
English should enter Scotland, but last reports say that this has
failed, and that the Scots, judging by the great muster of troops
they have made, were in greater force than the English. The earl
of Huntingdon and Lord Hunsdon have therefore asked for the
Queen's permission to raise more troops.
A printed document was published here yesterday which, they
say, was written by the King of Scotland, and of which I enclose
an original and a Spanish translation. It is the most abominable
and disgraceful thing that ever was written,t and many people think
that it must have been forged here in order that it may be talked
about by Parliament — men and the people atj large. The opinion
justlj' held here by many is that when the Scots desire to break
with the English, it will be impossible for your Majesty or any
Catholic Prince to help the King after he has made such a shameful
confession, which will also turn the English Catholics against them,
as there will be ample reason always to distrust people who could
make such a declaration as this. It is therefore thought that it
has been invented to break oft' any communication between the
Scots and English Catholics, who are desirous of the liberation of
the queen of Scotland.
Parliament had resolved to close three days since, without having
done anything of im[)ortance, except to restore in blood the earl of
of Surrey, who is now called of Arundel, the eldest son of the duke
of Norfolk. His brothers and sisters refused a similar favour,
which it is usual to extend to all members of a family.
It is believed that the object in deferring the close of Parliament
is the opposition which exists to the passing of a Bill proposed by
tlie heretics to punish, with much greater rigour than hitherto,
Catholics who will not attend their churches. | — London, l7th March
1581.
* This was true ; Antonio brought jewels of enormous value, as will be seen later.
t The National Covenant.
X The measure was proposed in a .stronp; speech by Sir Walter Mildmay, the
Chancellor of the Exchequer, reported by D'Ewes. It provided that reconciliation to
the Church of Kome should be punished as high treason, the saying of Mass was to be
punishable by a fine of 200 marks and a year's imprisonment, the hearing of it by
half that fine and the same term of imprisonment. Absence from <!hurch was to be
finable by 20^ a month. Unlicensed schoolmasters were liab'e to a year's imprisonment,
and their employers to a fine of 10/,
EtTZABETH, ^1
1681. ~~~ ~
6 April. 76. Bernaedino de Mendoza to the King.
After M. de M^ry arrived in France the Commissioners were
more speedy in gathering at Calais than the Queen had expected,
the prince of Condi's man* not being with them in consequence
of illness, as was said. The Queen, therefore, did not write, as I
had advised your Majesty, that she wished a Prince of the Blood
to accompany them, and Alen^on begged his brother to send the
Prince Dauphin, whom the rest have been awaiting in Boulogne
and Calais. As soon as they were ready a great Council was held
here as to the advisability of sending them passports, which had
not been done. There was much difference of opinion about it,
many thinking that it would be better that they should not come
over, or at all events not with so large a train.t With the news,
however, that the health of the king of France was much broken,
and the belief here that he will not live long, the Queen said that
it would not do to offend Alengon, nor arouse the suspicion of the
French, and consequently that a passport should be sent in very
general terms. This was done, the wording of it being that they
gave safe conduct to come and go for all princes, dukes, counts,
barons, and gentlemen, without mentioning any " pririceps
legationis."
They are working away furiously at the building of a gallery
in the houses at Westminster Avherein to entertain them, and
14 coaches have been ordered for the ladies. A great joust has
been arranged for the 16th, and 10,000L sterling of silver plate
is being made to divide amongst the ambassadors. This is being
taken from the bars brought by Drake. The Queen has ordered
one of her houses to be prepared for them, where they will be
splendidly lodged. Much desire is being professed to them that the
marriage should take place, which however is quite incredible to
most Englishmen. Leicester is of this opinion, and is very suspicious
that the coming of these Frenchmen may be a plan of his enemies
to undo him. I am told that he assured the Queen that AleD9on's
object was only to weaken her power at the instigation of his
brother and your Majesty, in order that this country might be
submitted to the Catholic church, which lie told her was evident
from the fact that Alen9on had sent to ask the Pope's permission to
marry her. There was no better way of weakening her, he said,
than to lead her into heavy expenditure, and drain her treasury ;
and the sending of this great company was all part of the artifice.
This and other things that he said have aroused the Queen's
suspicion, and she has ordered the expenses to be restricted, saying
* In the King's hand : — " He must mean Conde himself."
f This splendid embassy was accompanied by a suite of 200 pereons and consisted
of Prince Francis de Bourbon, Dauphin d'Auvcrgne, son of Montpensier ; Charles de
Bourbon, Count de Soissons, the youngest of the Condes ; Marshal de Cosse ; the
Counts de Sancerre and Carrouges, Lansac, Barnabe Brisson, the famous president of
the Parliament of Paiis, La Mothe Fen^lon, who had formerly been ambassador in
England, Claude Pinart, Baron de Valois, the Secretary of State to Catharine de
Medici ; Pierre Clausse, Seigneur de Marchaumont ; Jacques de Vray, Alen9on'a chief
secretary ; Bodin, the well known writer, and several courtiers of high rank,
^8 SPANISH STATE PAPERS,
1681. "~~ '
that as the king of France did not pay the expenses of ambassadors
sent from here until they arrived in Paris, it would not bo
dignified of her to act otherwise. By this means she excuses
heiself from finding them horses and entertainment from Dover
hither.
Lord Cobham, as Warden of the Cinque Ports, the earl of
Pembroke, and other lords, have been ordered to meet them ; and
the peers who were attending the Parliament have been ordered
to remain here with their wives. They are also collecting all their
servants and trains, both for the sake of ostentation, and because,
being a suspicious folk, they fear some disturbance, particularly
Leicester, who is making greater efforts than anyone to collect a
large company of kinsmen and servants. All this is being judged
of differently according to partialities, since Ireland being disturbed,
and relations with Scotland strained, people in general think that
the coming of the Frenchmen can bode tliem no good, because from
the cradle they are brought up in enmity with them and their old
allies the Scots This was represented to the Queen lately by the
arclibishop of York, and she replied that the French, it is true, had
promoted former disturbances in Scotland, but he was mistaken in
supposing that this was the case with the present troubles, which
were the work of the Spaniards.
Besides this, not only Englishmen but others judge this embassy
to be pregnant of such great results that the end thereof can
hardly be predicted. Even in case the Queen should decide not
to marry, wliich is the opinion of everyone, even of the French
themselves;' and that the design is to form an offensive and
defensive alliance against your Majesty, it is noticed that
Marchaumont is careful to conceal from the French ambassador
here what he is negotiating with the Queen. The ambassador
himself, who, however, in the Fiench fashion, often speaks liglitly,
declares publiclj' that these Commissioners do not come from the
King but from Alen9on, with the consent of his brother and
motlier, and that when any treaty has to be made they will find
tliat Alen^on is not the king of France, and cannot arrange such
a thing.
It is evident also that this Queen in her dealing with the matter
is paying more attention to ostentation and details of no moment
than to points of importance for the conclusion of a treaty. For
instance, she has been delaying the coming of the Commissioners
by asking that certain persons should be appointed who have
no experience in such matters, and are not of a quality for her
to willingly await them for so long. She may be sure that the
king of France will not thus be drawn by the solicitations of
the French and the Flemish rebels into deciding the manner of
Alen^on's invasion of the Netherlands, notwithstanding the
extremity of Cambrai and the importance of not giving time
for your Majesty's forces to be strengthened, whilst the rebel
resources were more rapidly dwindling every day. If any treaty
is to be made, these are points of the most pressing moment,
and yet the Queen takes less notice of them than she does of
ELIZABETH. 93
1581,
whether there are any new devices in the joust, or where a ball
is to be held, what beautiful women are to be at Court, and
things of similar kind. She has even issued an order in Council
that shopkeepers are to sell all their stuffs, cloth of gold, velvet,
and silks, .at a reduction of one quarter from the price per
yard, as she aays she wishes them to do her this service in order
that the ladies and gentlemen may be the better able to bedizen
themselves. This seems an evident sign that her only object ia to
satisfy her own vanity and keep Alen9on in hand.
Her ambassador, Cobham, writes that Casimir had obtained a
pension of 6,000 ducats from your Majesty, on the condition that
lie is to raise as many horsemen whenever he is required to do so.
They tell me that when Walsingham read the letter he said that
two of the four pillars of their Church had failed them ; one of
them, Casimir, had bent, and the other, Morton, had been broken.
He prayed God that the two that remained, namely Leicester and
Orange, would stand firm.
Captain Perrin, whom the Queen had sent to Don Antonio
in France when his arrival there was first announced, has
returned hither. He says that Don Antonio remained at Angers
with 12 Portuguese, the Bishop de la Guardia being among.st
them. He brings letters for Leicester and Secretary Wilson,
begging them to induce the Queen to find him some money.
She sent Souza to France, providing him with the means for the
voyage from the Treasury. 1 am told that he bore instructions
from Leicester to invite Don Antonio to come hither. On his
departure Leicester gave him a chain, two others being given by
Walsingham and Wilson, with orders that they were to be conveyed
by one of the ships that brought the Commissioners over, by which
it may be gathered that they were a present to Don Antonio,
particulaily as Souza has left all his own people here, and only
travels with one English servant of Walsingham's.
I am informed from Antwerp that the Archduke Mathias wrote
a letter to a physician of the Queen's by one of his chamberlains,
which letter was intercepted by the rebels there and delivered to
Sr. Aldegonde, who deciphered it. After this had been done
they sent to the Archduke and asked him for the key. The
substance of the letter was to ask the physician to propose
marriage with the Queen, and to point out some of the evils which
might befall her if she married Alen9on. The Archduke gave up
the key, and said they should not take it amiss that he negotiated
for liis marriage since they did not do so. They have informed him
that he can go away when he likes, and the States would undertake
to pay what he owed in Antwerp. This is a plot of Orange to get
him to renounce the government, and to demand the Count de
Buren and La None in exchange for his person. — London, 6th April
1581.
6 April. 77. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
In your Majesty's duplicate of the 14th of November, I received
a warrant issued by the Council of the Indies on the 12th of
9i SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1581. ' " ~~
January, saying that if a good opportunity offered to arrange a
compromise for the recoveiy of Drake's plunder it was not
considered fitting that it should be done through me, but rather
by Pedro de Zubiaur. I have written to your Majesty that I see
not the slightest chance of any such compromise, nor can I imagine
that Zubiaur can have any ground or reason for advisiDg such a
possibility, until I speak with the Queen, both on the subject of
your Majesty's own property and that of private merchants.
Zubiaur has seen me every day and he has not hinted at such a
thing to me, only saying that, unless your Majesty's Minister takes
the matter up, not a farthing will be recovered. I am unaware
whether, under cloak of this, he writes differently to Spain in hope
of making pi-ofit for himself by getting at all events something,
rather than have to return with empty hands. If he were dealing
with people of influence for the compromise, and the plunder
amounted to 30,000 or 50,000 crowns, it might be possible. But
as the plunder is so tremendous, and has been seized by the Queen
without the intervention of any Minister, Drake having given her
100,000^. sterling besides what she has in the Tower, it cannot
be believed that she will be contented with arranging with the
merchants only, without satisfying your Majesty as well. This is
evident, because she thinks, from what I have said, that most of the
money belongs to your Majesty's patrimony. My view of the case
is strengtliened by the fact that, when an English pirate captured an
Indian ship with 80,000 crowns in the time of King Edward, they
lodged the plunder in the Tower although it was nearly all
private property, and the owners, sending special powers here
to recover it, restitution was not made until nearly eight years
afterwards ; and then the restitution was only partial, and was
made on the intervention of the Emperor's ambassador here. If
the consulate at Seville has petitioned your Majesty to allow thetn
to compromise the matter, they do not understand events here,
even in the recovery of booty of small importance ; in which cases
the owners can never obtain their property, however strong their
proofs or just their claims may be. The person negotiating for
them looks after his own interest, and, as liis share is usually
a third of what he recovers, his only anxiety is to get what he
can for himself and give a receipt to the pirates, who are thus
protected against any attempts on the part of your Majesty's
Minister to have them duly punished. The Queen's officers say
that, if the owners of the property are satisfied, there is no more
to be done, and thus your Majesty's subjects suffer, whereas the
English and French go scot free. As soon as pirates of either
nation have had anything captured by the others, they request
and obtain letters of marque from this Council or the king of
France to enable them to make reprisals on goods of the other
nation, and they thus pay themselves in kind. Your Majesty's
subjects do not maife similar requests of your Councils, and conse-
quently are not granted the same facilities for recouping themselves
for their loss. They do not even do as was the case in Flanders
in the time of the Emperor, when, as uoou as it was proved that
ELI2ABt)TH.
1581.
Englishmen had captured Flemish goods, a similar amount o£ .
English property was seized in Flanders, and this caused the
English to appoint commissioners to summarily punish the robbers
and restore the booty. The publication by the consuls in Seville
of the statement that your Majesty had given them leave to
compromise, has not done and will not do them any good, as the
English have heard of it, and have already said that the matter
is nothing to do with your Majesty nor your ministers, as the
property belongs to private people who will come to an arrangement
with Drake.
As I have already advised, they continue to fit out ships here
for the Indies, but it is decided that Drake himself shall not go,
although, no doubt, he has arranged the matter through other
hands in order that he may not be too conspicuous. Captain
Bingham is to command. He is considered a good sailo)', and
was the man who entered the fort in Ireland to slaughter the
soldiers of his Holiness. They say that they will not leave until
September, but they are preparing with furious haste ten ships
iu port, beside those already known, and it is understood that if
Bingham were not ill he would have sailed before this.
On the 4th instant the Queen went to a place a mile from
Greenwich* to see Drake's ship, where a grand banquet was given
to her, finer than lias ever been seen in England siuce the time of
King Henry. She knighted Drake, and told him there she had
there a gilded sword to strike off his head. Slie handed the sword
to M. de Marchaumont, telling him she authorised him to perform
the ceremony for her, which he did. Drake, tiierefore, has the
title of "Sir" in consideration of the lands he has purchased, and
he gave her a large silver^ coffer, and a frogf made of diamonds,
distributing 1,200 crowns amongst the Queen's officers. — London,
6th April 1.581.
6 April. 78. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
Since I wrote to your Majesty, news comes from Scotland that
the King had appointed D'Aubigny, his Lieutenant-General and
protector of his person, Lord Chamberlain and President of the
Council, whilst Lord ,J one of the Hamiltons, who was in
prison, is made Lord Admiral, and the Earl of Mar guardian of
the English border. He has effected a truce between the Scotsmen
who are called of the " mortal feud." These are people who
entertain terrible bands and refuse all quarter to each other. Tliey
are to be ready for the service of the King whenever they may be
summoned, and the truce is on both sides being agreed to for
fifteen months, Angus, the nephew of Morton, has been ordered
* Deptford.
t Although the decipherer has written the word " raiia " frog, this may possibly be a
mistake for " rama," spray ; or it may have reference to Alen9on, whom the Queen
jokingly called her " grenouille."
J The King in a marginal note remarks that the name is left blank in the cipher.
The writer was probably confusing the unfortunate earl of Arran, head of the Hamilton's,
with the King's new favourite, James Stewart of Ochiltree, who had ,iust been mud«
earl of Arran, the riglitl'ul poBSCssor «f the title being confined as a lunatic,
&6 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1681.
to retire to the Highlands, which is exphiined away by some of this
Queen's officers by saying that this was at his own reqnest, but it
is really a punishment. Randolph, the Queen's minister, has again
pressed his three points, namely, that Morton should be legally
tried ; that D'Aubigny should be expelled the country as a seditious
person ; and that the troops collected ou the English border should
be withdrawn. The queen of England, he said, did not wish to
disturb his country, but to preserve her friendship with the King.
Randolph was told that the Scottish nobles had been summoned to
deliberate a reply to these three points, which in due time they did.
They said that Morton's affair would be dealt with according to the
laws of the country, as the Queen had already been assured ; witii
regard to the exile of D'Aubigny, as he had come from France to
serve the King willingly, when he was summoned, leaving a country
so rich and fertile to come to sterile Scotland, it would be a poor
return if the King expelled him. D'Aubigny deserved very much
more than he, the King, had given him, both on his own account,
being his nearest kinsman, and for the loj'alty with which he had
served him. To the third point, with regard to the Queen's desire
that his country should not be disturbed, they said that her acts
proved to the contrary, as she had called to arms all the border
men under the command of the earl of Huntingdon and Lord
Hunsdnn, and the King, seeing so large a force on his frontiers, had
increased his own forces there. As his men were on his own terri-
tory the Queen had no ground for complaint, and they would remain
where they were until she withdrew her soldiers from the border.
The Queen, seeing that her efforts were without result in their
object of inducing Morton's friends to raise a civil war, has resolved
to send Commissioners to be present at Morton's trial, and to with-
draw her troops ; reinforcing the garrisons, however, with double
their usual strength, which will enable her to delay matters without
an open rupture with the Scots. She has been moved to this by
the grant of 40,O0OZ. made by the Scots to the King to keep his
troops on the borders. Randolph writes that the Scots have taken
advantage of the delay in answering him for making ready
gallantly, and, in his opinion, are more likely to injure the English
than the English them, if they came to blows now. He therefore
thinks that it will be well to temporise with them by means of
their friendship with the French.
The viceroy of Ireland writes to the Queen that the O'Mores,
whose lands march with those of Desmond, whom they support,
have taken up arms. The Viceroy has urged them to submit, on
the assurance of Ormond that the terms granted to them shall be
fulfilled. He had given them thirty days to make up their minds,
which time expires at the middle of the month, when if they do not
submit and lay down their arms, he will proclaim them rebels. He
writes that if they do not submit he could not hold out in the
ordinary fortresses, unless they sent him 4,000 more men, and said
that the Council could judge from this what number of troops
would be necessary to take the oifensive and conquer the insurgents,
■ — London, 6th April 1581,
ELIZABETH.
9t
1681.
6 April. 79. Bernardino de Mendoza to the Kino.
The English Catholics, with whom, in accordance with your
Majesty's orders, I keep up communication, liave sent to tell me by
certain enei-getic gentlemen whom they look upon as their chiefs,
that in addition to the troubles, miseries, and imprisonment that I
myself have witnessed for the last two years, it is now evident to
them that God is about to punish them with greater calamities and
persecutions than ever. Up to the present they have had only to suffer
in their estates, and with the irksomeness of imprisonment, which
is a mere shadow of what now portends. As they cannot leave the
country, they will be afflicted, unle.-is they consent to forget God
and accept the errors of these people, with the loss, not only of
liberty, estate, patrimony, and life, but will be branded with infamy
to be handed down to their children. This is the outcome of the
law the Queen has passed in this Parliament, and of which I send
your Majesty the details. Although these people, however weakly,
have put the case in the hands of God and offered their lives to be
employed where necessary in His service and the exaltation of the
Church, they cannot help feeling, as men, the opprobrium which
will remain as a stigma upon their descendants as traitors to the
Queen. And all the more so, that the result may be to entirely
root out the Catholic religion in this country, if God in His inflnite
mercy do not provide a roinedy for their ills by postponing the
rigorous execution of this unjust law. The heretics have made
every possible effort with the Queen to this end, with the object of
crushing tlie Catholic religion, representing to her that the Catholics
not only desire freedom for their faith, but to change the sovereign ;
against whose person they are plotting, for the total ruin of
England, and other similar lies and fictions. These are supported
by the testimony of the heretics of many provinces, and alihough
the Catholics have done their best to prove to the contrary,
offering lately, even, 150,000 crowns to the Queen if these statutes
were not passed, they have been unable to prevent it. They there-
fore approach your Majesty as the buttress and defender of the
Catholic Church, humbly beseeching you to turn 3'our eyes upon
their affliction and succour them, until God should complete their
liberation. They seek the notification to his Holiness, of th" gre-it
importance, in order to prevent the vile weed of heresy from quite
choking the good seed sown here by the seminarists, that an
English cardinal should be appointed. There are two persons,
Dr. Sanders,* and William Allen, who is in the seminary at Rheims,
whose virtue and learning are such as to render them worthy of
the dignity. So far as I am able to judge from the state of things
here it would be a step of great moment in the interests of God and
your Majesty that this petition of the Catholics should be granted,
as, if they liave no leader, the new statutes, their own modesty,
and their inability to leave the country, will cause them to lose
h(;art, with no one to encourage them. The principal men amongst
* iSee note to the reply to this letter, 26th May. Sanders died miserably in Ireland
soon afterwards t
y nm
K 155'J.
9g SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1581.
them are therefore very earnest about it, and I am assured that a
Catholic gentleman here has promised a thousaad crowns a year to
aid in maintaining some such personage. If he be not a Cardinal,
whatever his other rank may be, he cannot assist them as they
desire, for the reasons which they set forth, and may well be
understood. — London, 6th April 1581.
10 April. 80. Juan Bautista de Tassis to the King.
^"'k'^nv!"'*'' On the 7th I last wrote to your Majesty. The Scots ambassador
having returned hither from' a lengthened stay in Paris came to
see me yesterday, and conveyed the following message to me on
bfhalf of his mistress.
She heartily congratulated your Majesty on your success in
Portugal, and pointed out that so great a power should not be
employed solely in maintaining your own dominions but should
be exercised for the benefit and advancement of Christendom in
generiil. Slie had been much grieved and condoled with your
Majesty on the death of our Queen,* but as it had been God's will,
it was to be hoped that your Majesty would find consolation in
your children. The earl of Morton was still a prisoner, and no
rising had taken place in his favour or that of the queen of
England, although the latter had sent a body of men on to the
Border to encourage her partisans in Scotland. Things were
therefore never better disposed in Scotland than now to return to their
ancient condition, and to be satisfactorily settled, so that English
affairs could be dealt with from there subsequently. The King,
her son, was quite determined to return to the Catholic religion,
and much inclined to an open rupture with the queen of England,
whicli he would certainly not avoid as soon as he could be sure
of substantial help and support. She hoped your Majesty would
afford him this, both on her , account and to counterbalance the
proposed alliance between England and France, from which, to
a certain extent, arose Alen9on's designs on Flanders.
The Queen begs your Majesty earnestly to send this help to her
kon, and reeoinmend.s that it should first be landed in Ireland, and
remain there until it was summoned to enter Scotland, after the
treaties of alliance between Spain and Scotland had been signed.
She requests that your Majesty should send some person to
Scotland, under a pretext, to arrange this.
She declares it to be her intention that her son should go to
Spain; both to forward the marriage which has been mentioned
for him, and to complete his conversion to the Catholic religion,
whilst at the same time ensuring himself from the plots his enemies
are weaving against him.
She instructs the ambassador to write to Lord Ogilvy,t who is
doubtless one of the intimates o£ the king of Scotland, urging him
to exert all his influence to persuade the King to the course she
* Auue of Austria, Philip's fourth wife, who had died on the 26th October 1580.
t This perhaps again refers to James Stewart of Ochiltree, the new earl of Arran,
whose influence o\'er the young King was boundless. There seems to be no particulm
fcBson why Ogilvie shgald have beei) written to,
ELIZABETlt. 0^
1681.
desires, and particularly as to his going to Spain ; and to exhort
him to continue his opposition to the queen of England, with the
certainty that help will come from your Majesty. She adds that a
person ought to be sent to your Majesty to request the said assist-
ance, in the first place to secure the passage of her sou to Spain,
and secondly to guard and defend the country against England
during his absence, even if no open war takes place. She says that
the king (of Scotland) luu'it provide some port on the Argyll coast
for this purpose, as well as some fortresses or places that may be
fortified inland for the quartering of the foreign troops. She
desires him to thank your Majesty most sincerely for the honour
you do theTn in entertaining the proposed marriage, for the care
your Majesty has for her safety, and for the favours you extend
to her subjects ; and promises her perpetual friendship to your
Majesty, of which the goiug of Ihe King to Spain will be a
])ledge, to be followed by a firm alliance. She desires that he
(the proposed envoy) should go and learn your Majesty's pleasure
on these points, and conclude the negotiation ; and if tliis embassy
be not promptly sent from Scotland he (the Scots ambassador in
France) is to try to get the negotiations entrusted to him.
She says she is desirous, after the conversion of her son to the
Catholic religion, of bringing England back to the faith, and
adopting the cause of the Eugliah Catholics, but she thinks that
Scotland ought first to be brought into a thoroughly satisfactory
condition, and completely devoted to your Majesty, as the other
affair could then be undertaken with greater security.
She also instructs the ambassador to urge the Nuncio to beg his
Holiness to send her son assistance in money, as he promised to do
when a good opportunity offered, as it does at present.
The ambassador told me all this ; and even showed me the
deciphered letter of 4th March, mentioning his mistress' letter, and
asking me to convey the contents to your Majesty, which I venture
to do, as in a conversation with Cardinal de Granvelle before I
left Madrid he told rue to lend ear to and report what might be
said to me on this matter.
I notice certain contradictory points in this communication, such
as the suggestion that your Majesty should send an envoy to
Scotland to conclude the negotiation, and that a man should be
sent by them to Spain for the same purpose; and again, the
l)roject for the King to leave the country, whilst they say he is
inclined to break with England,-at which time it \vould be most
necessary that he should remain at home. The assertion, too, that
there are no signs of risings in favour of Morton and the queen of
England hai dly tallies with one of the reasons given for his going
to Spain, namely, to escape the plots of his enemies to seize hiiu
and deprive him of the crown ; from which it may be inferred that
not much security exists, and it is somewhat strange to ask your
Majesty to send assistance at once, without having discussed any
particulara' of how or whither. It is no wonder, however, because
the Queen being a prisoner she cannot be expected to discuss
matters so clearly as those who are in the midst of affairs. X
loo SPANISH STATE PAPfiRg.
1581.
judge from all this that her object is to impress upon your Majesty
that the present is a favourable opportunity for you to help her,
either openly or otherwise, and at the same time to promote injury
to England.
I asked what was the attitude of her son towards the matter, and
the ambassador replied that he could say nothing for certain on
that point, except that he had sent his reply to the Queen, and he
(the ambassador) is informed by private persons that the King is
entirely in accord with his mother's wishes in the matter.
I also asked how it was that M. D'Aubigny came to agree to it,
sinre he, being a Frenchman, would presumably be but little
pleased with this proposed friendship with your Majesty. He replied
that M. D'Aubigny would do as the Queen wished, and that he
was displeased with the King and Queen (Mother) of France, with
whom he held no communication.
I asked him whether this matter was being broached by him
with the co-operation of the duke of Guise. He said that when
he was instructed by his mistress to bring it before Juan de
Vargas,* it was done with the intervention of the duke of Guise ;
but as the latter at that time exhibited some coolneas about it,
the Queen had ordered that nothing of this should be commu-
nicated to him, so that he knows not a word of the present
message. I await your Majesty's instructions as to how I am to
reply, as I will not mention the matter until I receive them. I
as-ked him also how his Queen dared to attempt such negotiations
whilst she was a prisoner in England, to which he replied, the
stronger the king of Scotland became the more careful would they
be not to do harm to his mother. — Blois, 10th April 1581.
11 April. 81. BiiKNARDiNo DE Mendoza to the King.
The Queen yesterday received advice from Randolph of his
arrival at Berwick. It is understood that he has come on the
pretext of wishing to be there during the settlement of the raids
ou either side, but really in consequence of the discovery of a plot
he had arranged with tiie Earl of Angus to murder D'Aubigny,
which, as I have already reported, he had orders from here to
attempt by every possible means. Randolph was informed that
D'Aubigny was aware of the plot and Randolph was advised to
escape at once or his life would be in danger. He accordingly fled
to Berwick ; and, whether from fear or because it really happened,
he asserts that he was followed by horsemen and that a shot was
hred at him from a distance. He asks the Queen to consider
whether, in view of these events, it will be fitting for him to return
thither. He believes that this affair will expedite the condemnation
of Morton, and it is also, he urges, another proof that if the King
were not certain of French help, if necessary, he would not so
strongly have manned his frontiers ; nor would he have swaggered
as he has done, unless he had your Majesty behind him likewise.
* Juftn de Vargas Mejia, the Spanish ambaBsador in France, ■who had receutly
died,
ELIZA.BETS. 101
1581.
They (the Scots) were assured that it is so, by a Scotsman who had
come from the Spanish Court, where he had been entertained during
the whole of the time that he had been banished from Scotland by
Morton, and wliere the King had been very kind and gracious to
him.* All this had caused the King of Scotland to take up a
position which had never been assumed before. He had ordered
that on pain of death no Scotsman should carry provisions to
Berwick or any of the frontier places. As soon as the Queen
received the news she sent a speedy courier to [Huntingdon and
Hundson, ordering them to hasten the withdrawal of the troops
from the borders, and at the meeting to settle about the raids that
tliey were to be as conciliatory as possible, in order to give no
excuse to the Scots for breaking witl) them.
She also dispatched De Mery with a letter in her own hand,
written without the knowledge of any of her ministers, to AleuQon,
in answer to one that he had written to her by De Mery. Marchau-
mont also sent with it a purple and gold garter belonging to the
Queen, which slipped down and was trailing as she entered Drake's
ship. Marchaumont stooped and picked it up, and the Queen
asked for it, promising him that he should have it back when she
reached home as she had nothing else with which to keep her
stocking up. Marchaumont returned it and she put it on befoi-e
him ; presenting him with it when she got b;\ck to Westminster.
This and all other signs seem to indicate a real intention to effect
the marriage. — London, Hth April 1581.
16 April. 82. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
Since my last of the 11th I have ascertained the ti-uth about the
news that the Queen has heard from Don Antonio. One Brito,
who came to France in his name some months ago with some
boxes of sugar, invented the other reports the Queen had received,
and which I communicated to your Majesty ; the object being to
entertain this Queen and the King of France, in oi'der to prevent
them from cooling in Don Antonio's cause, on the assertion that
Don Antonio was in France, although his identity could not be
declared until the arrival of Count Vimioso. The latter now says
that Don Antonio was in Mazagan in Barbary. After he had left
him there he, Vimioso, had returned to Spain, and had landed
disguised as a priest, saying that he was going to Rome, and so
passed into France. The moment the Queen received this despatch
she sent another to her Ambassador Cobham, directing that Souza
should confer with Count Vimioso and Brito, for the purpose of
arranging the coming of Don Antonio to France and defei-ring
until his arrival there the settlement of the best method of aiding
him in annoying your Majesty ; as up to the present time no
resolution has been taken with i-egard to the Indian project, although
a meeting has taken place between Walsingham, Leicester, Drake,
Hawkins, Winter, Frobisher, and Bingham, all the latter being
experienced mariners, in order that their opinion might be gained
as to what may be done in that way.
* Sir James Balfour ? He is called Bedford in letter No, 64,
1^2 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1581.
Leicester has been pressing the Queen very much to consider
deeply before marrying Alen9on. . She replied that a,s the matter
was so far advanced, if she placed before the commissioners the
reasons for not effecting the marriage, greater evils might result
than if she told them to Alen90n verbally, as she was sure that he
would accept them without offence in consideration of his being
able to count upon her friendship under any circumstances. For
this reason she had written asking him to come a few days after
the arrival of the commissioners, and to bring but a small company
with liini. This has partly re-assured Leicester, who is now much
more intimate with Marchaumont than he was.
The earl of Sussex and other advocates of the marriage confirm
what the Queen said to Leicester, in order to reconcile him and his
friends, and to prevent their making any effort to stop Alen^on's
coming. They say at the same time, that if he do come they aie
quite certain that she will marry him, and both the Queen and
Sussex have signified this to Marchaumont, who I am told, however,
has conveyed it to the commissioners, saying that if they are not
perfectly satisfied within a few days after their arrival that the
marriage would take place, it will not be advisable for Alengoii to
come, so that if the Queen do not distinctly promise them that she
will marry, they, if they are of the same opinion as Marchaumont,
will not let Alen9on come. This will enable the Queen, if she
pleases, to seize upon that as an excuse, saying that if he is not
here, she cannot marry him without the advice of her Council,
many of whom, as they know, oppose it. She will thus infer that
the business has not fallen through from any fault of hers. The
Commissioners arrived in Dover yesterday. — London, 16th April
1581.
20 April. 83. The King to Bernardino de Mendoza.
K 1447 44. ' Lisbon is greatly in want of wheat. If you can induce the
English merchants to send some cargoes thither they shall be
welcomed and well treated. Do not ask the Queen, but treat only
with the merchants. — Tomar, 20th April 1581.
24 April, 84. The Kma to Bernardino de Mendoza.
K 1447 . 48. ' '^^s only letters of yours unanswered are dated 27th February
and 14th and 17th ultimo. We approve of all you have done as
related in them. Report everything you hear, and especially about
Ireland, and whether you think there is any probability of the
Catholics there coming to terms with the Queen, as it is asserted
here that some negotiations are going on with the Viceroy. Advise
us also of movements in Scotland, and whether you have discovered
the falseness of that proclamation you sent attributed to the queen
(king?) of Scotland and summoning the estates. It cannot be
true.
You did well in advising the arrival there of Marchaumont, and
the sters he was taking on behalf of Alen9on with the Queen and
her Ministers. Keep me well posted as to all you hear about it, and
investigate whether the real object of his coming is to seek money
ELIZABETH. lOS
1581.
for Alengon to go against Flanders. If you have any means of
correspondence with the queen of Scotland, it will be very advisable
to entertaici and preserve her in her attachment and friendship
towards me, and, through her, to lead her son in the same way.
Tell me what has become of Drake, and what you hear of arming
ships, their number, destination, stores, and crews. It is most
important that I should know all this. — Tomar, 24th April 1581.
1 May. 85, Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
Arnaldo Burcaut, a subject of your Majesty and a lawyer in
Antwerp, who was ordered by the magistrates to leave the country
as a suspicious person, he being a Catholic and a zealous adherent
of your Majesty, as well as a man of spirit, communicated, jointly
with another gentleman subject of yours, namely, Henry Court of
Breda, with two Dutch friends of theirs, from whom thej' heard that
a treaty might be arranged in the most important place of the Isle
of Walcheren ; in consequence of the great discontent of these two
Hollanders, who had served the rebels at sea and had been neglected
by them, and their remuneration not paid. They consequentl}''
expressed a desire to render some great service to your Majesty,
and Burcaut carried on the negotiation, as he tlionght they would
be fit men to effect the projected arrangement. As soon as Burcaut
left Antwerp he went to give an account of the matter to the prince
of Parma, who kept him three months in Mon.s, and at last told him
that the business was a difficult one but would be considered. As
Burcaut had given hope to the Hollanders that a reply should be
sent to them, and had advanced them money out of his own pocket to
keep them in the meanwhile, he came to Calais, from which ])lace
he had arranged to write to them, and sent word that means would be
found for them to carry out their good intention. He and Court
specially came hither in September last, to lay the matter before me
and to ask me to expedite it. As I heai'd from them that the two
Hollanders were ready and the place itself well disposed (I having
news from there every week), and consequently that the enterprise
might be effected easily, I wrote to the prince of Parma by one of
the men, saying that from my experience of the Netherlands, I
judged the matter to be very important, and as it could not be
undertaken in any other way, I begged him to consider it deeply
and not to lose sight of it. The prince of Parma answered, saying
that he quite agreed with me, and would leave the matter to my
management ; and caused the Hollanders to be sent hither that I
might satisfy myself about them and decide whether the matter
should be undertaken. They came before Christmas, and I found
them w ell disposed and men of spirit and understanding ; ti;ey
telling me tbat they had a ship in which they sailed for plunder
under letters of marque from the prince of Beam, and that,
consequently, they might carry out their de.sign the more easily.
They proposed to raise from 80 to 100 men who had served under
them before, and who, they were certain, would be glad to under-
take the enterprise, and had, indeed, many times suggested to them
to seize Brille or some other port of importance to deliver to your
104
1681.
SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
Majesty, as tliey were so poor and ill treated. They said that if
they had money to keep these men, not a large amount but about
enough for two months, they would change their ship for a larger
one and would enter the town, where they would have a hundred
men already distributed amongst the various taverns. At the same
time four or five hundred men might be embarked at Gravelines in
large boats, such as usually ply between St. Omer and Antwerp
with wheat, and these might be introduced in the course of one or
two tides, without the least suspicion, and moored alongside the
quay, as there is no examination of ships that enter the port. On
the signal being given, as agreed upon, by the first boat, the men
on shoie would seize the landing-place, killing the guard, which only
consists of eight men, as well as the sentry at the gate. They
would then hold the gate until the men in the boats were landed,
whilst the rest of the hundred men they had on shore would seize
a breastwork near the gate, which is armed with twelve cannon and
has only one sentry to guard it. This would give them possession
of the place, and, in order that I might see their sincerity, tlie
principal of them said he would leave bis son in my hands, and did
not a.sk in advance of the service more money than was necessary to
keep the hundred men ; the reward to be given after tlie enterprise
being that the first of the men should be made Admiral of the
island and his friend Vice-Admiral.
I advised the prince of Parma of all this, and he sent me two
patents for the Captains in accordance therewith. With regard to
to the payment of the money, he requested me to hand them what
I considered necessary, and he would have me repaid at once, whilst
he left in my hands the arrangement of the whole of the details.
He said he had ordered the raising of two companies of Hollanders,
who were accustomed to the sea, who would be sent to lodge in
a convenient place near Gravelines to be ready to embark. This
despatch of the Prince, which was brought by Burcaut himself, did
not agree with the message that he had been entrusted to convey to
me verbally. By a special mercy of God I therefore did not act
until I got confirmatory letters from the Prince, and I did not hand
them the money as I otherwise should have done. The weather
has been so stormy that it is impossible that they could have
carried the business through without discovery, but this delay
necessitated my again writing to the Prince, and the matter was
therefore kept pending until the end of last month, thus giving
time for the Hollander to come with his son, whom I now have in
my house. I handed them the patents from the Prince, and they
brought me a plan of the place, assuring me that there was no
change either in the matter of the guards and sentries or in the
examination of ships ; the garrison of rebels only consisting of a
company of 150 men.
I advised them of the principal matters to be borne in mind, and
particularly as to the form in which it had to be spoken of to those
who were to aid them, and that it should be disclosed as little
as possible, in order to diminish the risk of its discovery. They
replied it would only be known to eight men, in whom thej^ could
ELIZA.BETH. 105
1681.
trust, as all the rest depended upon them, and it was unnecessary
to say anything until the actual execution. I gave them many
directions, which I will not tire your Majesty by repeating, only
that I enjoined them that when they killed the guards they should
raise the cry of "Liberty and down with the French," as this would
prevent the townsmen from resisting, especially as the matter had
to be done in daylight, after the gates were open. I gave them
630L sterling, besides 49i. which I had given them in small sums
for their expenses. They told me they would be ready within twenty
days or a month after they arrived at the place, whereas with
this money they could, if necessary, keep the men for two months
until the five boats came ; and if for any reason it were necessary
still further to delay the business, they could keep the matter
pending for any length of time without suspicion if I sent them
money.
The time agreed upon expires at the end of the month, and the
business is to be carried through at the beginning of next month,
as the weather will be fine and most of the townsmen out fishing ;
besides which the coast people of Holland and Zeeland are most
wishful to submit to your Majesty again, as they are now awake to
the tricks of Orange and his gang. Until this business was all
arranged and on the point of execution I have not ventured to give
an account of it to your Majesty, but I have striven to conduct
it with all possible secrecy and caution, both for the purpose of
pledging the two Hollanders, and in order to satisfy myself of their
good faith. I can only say with regard to this, that one of them
has entrusted his son to me willingly, which is the greatest pledge
he could give me, and I cannot doubt that if the troops are secretly
and cautiously shipped and God blesses them with a fair wind, the
business may be looked upon as done. I have written to the prince
of Parma, begging that all care should be used and that the sailors
should be beyond suspicion, and have asked him, in addition to
Burcaut and Court who offered to go, that he should send two or
three officers of tried trust and bravery. Nothing is necessai-y but
this, as the place is not in a position of defence. I am so convinced
of this that my only sorrow is that I cannot go myself ; and I tell
the prince of Parma that, as it is an affair which cannot be tried
again after failing once, and can only be successfully accomplished
by such people as I indicate, he should try only to employ in it men
whose sole object is to serve God and your Majesty without thought
of themselves.
When the two Hollanders took leave of me, they said they
sought no reward until the service was done, but if one or both of
them died in the enterprise, they asked me to promise that your
Majesty would give some reward to the widows. I thought this so
reasonable that I promised in your Majesty's name to do so. I
have paid already in the business 2,263 sun-crowns, besides the
cost of some couriers sent to Mons, and 400 crowns which Burcaut
and Court gave to the Hollanders before they communicated with
the prince of Parma. The sum is not large, but if it were three
times what it is, it would be well spent in making such an attempt
108 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1581.
as this, which I cannot help thinking is a special boon from the
Almighty. I have received all this money from a Fleming here
named Joost Van Erpe, who, as a, good subject of your Majesty,
willingly supplied it when I told him it was for your service. He
has assisted me so much that I have written to the prince of Parma,
that if this affair succeeds he might provide for him in your
Majesty's Treasury in the island, which I humbly beg your Majesty
to confirm. — London, 1st May 1581.
4 May 86. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
I have continued to give your Majesty accounts of affairs in
Ireland as ordered. Latest advices only say that the Viceroy has
not been able to prevail upon any of the Irish to lay down their
arms, notwithstanding the promises that have been held out to
them. He says that, unless the Queen will send him six thousand
men, as he asks, he cannot hold the island. I am told that the
Queen has ordered four thousand to be raised at Leicester (?), but in
this levy, as in the rest I have mentioned, she seems to proceed
slowly, with the desire of assuring herself as to whether the news
the French give her, that the Pope will send troops to Ireland this
summer, is true or not. In mj' opinion it is only to urge her into
the marriage. I also hear that the Council has decided that the
Queen shall send a free pardon to Ireland, to see whether any effect
can be pro<luced in that way. The arrest of Catholics and the
severe laws against them passed in this Parliament have not yet
stirred up disturbance, nor has the enforcement of certain other
Acts passed in it, which threatened with the rest to cause trouble,
as they endanger all the nobles of the North and the Scotch border,
where they are mostly Catholics. For this reason the earl of
Huntingdon, who is a great heretic, prevailed upon them in
Parliament to pass these Acts representing to the Queen that the
common people of those parts were not able to take up arms
fittingly to resist the Scots or invade Scotland, because the nobles
let their lands at such high rents that the husbandmen could hardly
live, much less keep horses and arms necessary to serve her with
effect. This, he said, was a danger to the country unless it were
remedied by an order that no gentleman should let his lands there
at above a certain very low price. This was done, and Huntingdon
has endeavoured thereby to oppress the nobles of the country,
whilst gaining popularity with the common people, in order to have
them on his side, in case tlie Queen should die, he being one of the
claimants to the crown. At the same time he has weakened there
the cause of the queen of Scotland, who had most adherents in
those parts. It would appear that either of these enactments should
have been resisted by the Catholics, but, for our sins, God is allowing
theii' spirits to fail them, whilst, on the other hand, each new change
raises still more the courage of the heretics and confirms them in
their blindness.
Your Majesty's orders with regard to the enforcement of the
edict relative to the loading of foreign ships in Spain will be of
BLIZAPETH. 10?
1681.
the greatest advantage to your Interests and the best bridle wliich
can be put upon these Englishmen.
The man who came with letters from the Turk took back no
reply, as he went to Orange, and thence straight to Venice, where
he shipped on a galley provided by the seignory. The object of
his mission was to offer friendship to this Queen in consideration of
her alliance with France, and to beg her to send persons to arrange
a treaty of commerce for the English in those countries. The
Queen has made no reply yet, and the merchants are not pressing
her to do so.
With regard to Drake's robbery and your Majesty's orders with
regard to Zubiaur's letter to the consuls, saying that the plunder
could be more easily recovered if the Queen was asked to restore
first that which belonged to private merchants, I have spoken to
Zubiaur and he assures me that he did not write any such
thing, and he has sent to tell the consuls so. He says that
he was always of my opinion, which I have written to your
Majesty. I can say no more on the matter until I have seen the
Queen.
The English in Seville have written giving an account of the
fleet of twelve ships which your Majesty has ordered to be raised
to protect the coasts of the Indies, and I have also made it public
in order to restrain them somewhat from carrying out their
intention of sailing thither for plunder. I have declared that the
fleet is extremely strong, and try thus to increase their fears of
these voyages. — London, 4th May 1581.
4 May. 87. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
I wrote in my last letters that Randolph had arrived at Berwick.
He has now arrived here, and the details of his flight from Scotland
are known, as well as the substance of the plot which he had made
with Archibald (?) Douglas, a great friend and councillor of
Morton's. They had agreed to set fire to the castle and town of
Stirling and to kill D'Aubigny in the confusion. By aid of their
accomplices they had obtained false keys of the gates of the castle
and of the King's apartments, and they intended to seize him, or
kill him ; murdering D'Aubigny, Mar, Herries, and the rest of
Morton's enemies. They had agreed with Lord Hunsdon to come
from Berwick on the same night with a force of horse and foot to
aid them in the execution of the plot. One of the accomplices was
a brother of Douglas called Whittinghame, who divulged the plot
to the King and D'Aubigny. This caused the escape of Douglas to
Berwick, and the retirement of the earl of Angus, Morton's
nephew, to Carlisle. Randolph also fled at once, Whittinghame like-
wise di^-ulged the place where Morton had hidden his money, which
has now been seized by the King, to the amount, it is rumoured, of
40,000?. sterling.
The king of Scotland sent, John Seton(?), who they tell me is a
gentleman-of-the-mouth to your Majesty, to give an account of
Randolph's proceedings and to complain of them to this Queen. He
arrived at Berwick on the 12th ultimo, and was badly received by
108 SPANISH STATE PAPERS,
1681. ^^ ~~~~~~
Hunsdon who would not let him pass, whereupon he reported hla
arrival to the Queen. She replied that he was to inform the King
that she was pleased with the embassy but not with the ambas-
sador, and he had better send another person. The King therefore
recalled him and appointed Lord Herries, who is now expected
here.
At this juncture the Queen summoned Lewis (Claude ?) Hamilton,
to whom as I have already mentioned, she liad granted a pension,
to persuade him to get hia kinsmen to take up arms in Morton's
cause.
When he was given some of the money for this pension he
replied to the earl of Leicester, who first spoke to him upon the
matter, that he would on no account take up arms against his
King, but would serve the Queen against anyone else. She herself
spoke to him afterwai'ds and had long conversations with him, as
she was informed that both he and his younger brother in France
were strongly attached to the queen of Scotland. The Queen told
him that the enmity of the English would injure the king of
Scotland much more than the king of Spain's money would
benefit him, whereupon he replied that, as he was an exile from
his country he could give no opinion about it. Walsinghani after-
wards told him to send word to Scotland that if the King had any
communication with your Majesty he would lose all chance of
succeeding to the crown of England, as the Parliament would
immediately declare him not the heir. Before Hamilton returned
to the border, where he lives, he pointed out to the Queen that for
many years past she had promised him and his brothers that she
would cause them to be reinstated in the possession of their
property in Scotland, which had been confiscated ; which promise
originated in the following circumstances. It will be necessary for
me to be somewhat diffuse as I have to go back for some time. The
Hamiltons are three brothers, the first being tlie earl of Arran,
the second this Lewis, the third brother being in France. They
have all followed the queen of Scotland's cause, and when she left
the country they went to France.
In order to assure herself of Scotch affairs (she at this time not
having yet gained over Morton), this Queen, thinking that the best
way to do this was to entirely crush the Catholic religion there, sent
Thomas Randolph secret!}' to treat with these Hamiltons in France,
and to offer the eldest brother that, if he would promote a change of
religion in Scotland, she would marry him, this being the ordinary
lure with which she baits her traps, as she did with Arundel and
Norfolk. It was represented that the King, who was then very
young, could easily be killed and the countries united, he, Arran,
being one of the nearest heirs to the crown ; and he was promised
that this Queen would maintain and support him and his brothers
in their claim to enjoy their revenues and offices in Scotland. This
promise of the Queen to marry Hamilton influenced him so much
that it caused him to forget his religion and his loyalty, and he
resolved to go with his brothers to Scotland, where his great
influence enabled him to do away with the exercise of the Catholic
ELtZABETS. 109
1581.
religion. By tliis time the Queen had gained over Morton, who
was Regent, and, as this enabled her to do as she liked, she took no
more notice of the Hamiltons. On the contrary, in order that
they might not be strong enough to resent lier treatment o£ them, she
persuaded Morton to oppress them, on the pretext that their great
following made them dangerous. When the Hamiltons insisted
that the King should not take possession of the government, as
w.is urged by the Guises, Morton joined hands with D'Aubigny
and besieged the castle of Hamilton, where the brothers were.
Two of them fled, Lewis coming hither and the other going to
France, the eldest alone remaining in the hands of Morton ; he
being idiotic and out of his mind in consequence of the Queen's
treatment of him. He was kept prisoner by Morton until the
latter was arrested, when the King released him and appointed a
guardian for him. As this Queen now sees that all her efforts to
bring about a civil war in Scotland and overthrow D'Aubigny have
failed, and that Morton is in such desperate straits, she wishes to take
the opportunity of sending these Commissioners to inquire why the
liropurty of the two brothers Hamilton is confiscate ; not so much
because she wishes them to obtain possession of it, as for the purpose
of raising dissension and giving a pretext for an appeal to arms, in
Older to overthrow D'Aubigny. This is lier way — to sustain civil
M av everywhere without declaring herself
Catholics here assure me that they have news of the entrance of
Scotch priests in Scotland disguised as laymen, as the priests are
here. Aujongst them are members of the Society of Jesus, who
are beginning to produce great fruit. God grant that it may
continue.
The queen of Scotland has written to me, full of gratitude for
the message I sent her. She says that in view of the interest your
Majesty shows in her affairs and those of her son, she is making
every effort to bring the latter to submit to the Catholic Church.
With this end she has sent him a Papal brief and some Catholic
books to read, which, she is told, he begins to like. She says that
an English gentleman named Liggons, formerly a servant of the
duke of Norfolk, and to whom she is under great obligations, has
been deprived of the favour your Majesty formerly showed him,
since the departure of the Spaniards from Flanders. For this
i-eason he has retired to Paris, and she asks me to pray your
Majesty, with your accustomed munificence, to grant him a pension
for his maintenance. She also intercedes for William Paget, son of
Secretary Paget,* who was a faithful and attached servant of your
Majesty, and secretly acted for the queen of Scotland. In con-
sequence of this, and because he was suspected of being a Catholic,
he ]iad to escape from here to save his life. She says she dare not
support them out of the property she has in France, as it would
reach the ears of this Queen. — London, 4th May 158L
* In the King's hand; — " It will be right to do th
the first niati ip. The sr.cond one I do, or at least hi
this, although I do not recollect who
" is father.
ilO SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1581.
4 May. 88. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
In former letters I advised the arrival at Dover of the Com-
missioners from France. A day before their coming hither, the
Queen summoned the Treasurer, the earl of Sussex, Leicester, and
Secretary \^'alsingham, aud told them that for some time past, she
had felt repugnance at the marriage, as she was a woman of middle
age, and the ardent desire of so young a man as Alen^on to marry
her must give rise to grave considerations. She told them to
discuss the matter, and if they thought she should not marry, that
they should try to satisfy the Frenchmen. The latter heard of it
and wrote to France, saying that this did not at all agree with the
Queen's written undertaking. They arrived here on the 21st,
coming from Dover with a great companj-, and were received here
with grand ceremony. The Prince Dauphin comes to represent the
King, the Due de Bouillon and his brother the Prince de Sedan,
both of whom are very young men, come only for ostentation,
whilst the business is to be managed by M. de Lansac, M. de
Crdvecour, M. de Mothe F^nelon, formerly ambassador here.
Secretary Pinart, aud President Brisson of the Parliament of Paris.
In representation of Alengon come Marshal de Cossd, Marchaumont,
and M. de Vray, his seTetary. They are all followed by trains of
gentlemen, to the number in all of 500. The Queen gave them
audience on the 24th and received them with great ceremony. On
the following day she invited them to a feast, and on the 27th
some of her councillors went to visit them, namely, the Treasurer,
Leicester, Sussex, BedforJ, Hattoa, and Walsingham, these being
the men whom she had chosen to manage the business. They asked
the Frenchmen what commission they brought, and the Treasurer
made them a long speech, in which he said that he, at first, had not
been an advocate of the marriage ; but, at the present time, in
view of the state of the country and eventualities that might
occur, he thought that nothing was of so great importance for the
preservation of the Crown as that the marriage should take place.
President Brisson answered with another oration to the same eflect,
producing the commission, which was in French, empowering them
to arrange the marriage, and nothing else. After the Englishmen
Lad seen this, they said that they had no written commission from
the Queen, but only verbal instructions, as they thought the
Frenchmen were only going to bring letters, but they would now
request the Queen to give them powers corresponding with those of
the French.
Every day since then, when they were not banqueting, they
have had constant meetings, and the French have signified to the
Queen their opinion that, as she had so deeply offended your
Majesty in various ways, it was advisable for her to marry Alen9on
in order to gain the support of France, which it was most important
for her to obtain. They enforced this by saying that your Majesty's
money was being employed to raise trouble in Scotland and Ireland,
to all of which the English replied that, if the Queen married, she
would do so out of pure affection, and not from necessity, and if
the marriage did not tike place they i^uggested that the conclusion,
ELIZABETH. Ill
1581.
of an offensive and defensive alliance should be considered against
your Majesty, whose power Tiaturally aroused the suspicions of both
nations. They said they ought not to allow the opportunity of
the Flemish disturbances to slip through their iingers, nor miss the
chance of troubling your Majesty in Portuguese affairs. The French
replied to this that their King would not enter into an alliance
against any Chiistian prince. If the Queen married Alen9on
and the latter was king of England, he might attempt what he
pleased against the Netherlands, and he, the king of France, would
not fail to help his brother. In the meanwhile no formal commission
has been given to the English Ministers, by which it is clear that
the Queen is simply procrastinating about the marriage, in order to
dniw the French into an offensive alliance, without burdening
lier.-elf with a husband, whilst the French wish first to make sure
of the marriage.
They have signified that their commission was limited in duration,
and they consequently could not waste any more time in banquets,
but must come to business, after which there would be time for
banquets and good cheer.
M. de la Mothe Fenelon, who, when he was ambassador here, was
vety intimate with Leicester, has sent to beg the latter earnestly to
meet him privately, which Leicester has hitherto refused to do. La
Mothe says he does not look upon this as a good sign for the
success of the mariiage. Tilings are therefore in this state with
no resolution taken, and I have thought well to explain fully the
position.
With these Frenchmen there came a Portuguese to press for aid
for Don Antonio, who is said to be in Mazagan, and to have in his
intei-ests some of the isles of the Azores, which is confirmed
by letters to me from the islands, and particularly from Terceira.
At the last fair at Frankfort a large number of heretic books
were bought, with the intention of sending them to Spain, and as
the heretics are tlius busy in sowing their poisonous weeds, it will
be much to the interests of God and your Majesty that great
vigilance should be exercised in all the ports. Before the arrest of
the lieretics who were discovered in Genoa, I wrote to Don Pedro
de Mendoza to report to the seignory that certain Genoese here
and in Antwerp were living in such a way that, if they were not
watched they might infect Genoa. I also wrote to Abbot Brizefio*
to inform his Holiness, because these people serve as spies, which
of itself would not much matter, if they did not try to transmit
their errors to those with whom they correspond. — London, 4th
May 1581.
May 4. 89. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
A week before the arrival of the French envoys in England the
earl of Leicester and the Queen's Ministers endeavouied to discover
whether I had any instructions from your Majesty to see her.
^"■"- — • ' ■ ■ ■ — —
* The Spanish lunbassador to tbc Pope.
112 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1581.
This they did by means of persons who they knew would convey
it to me at once. One of these persons told them that he had not
heard that I had any such instructions, but that it was quite
possible, even if I had, that I might not think fit to see her until
after the Frenchmen had left. To this Leicester replied that, on
the contrary, it would be much better that I should see her whilst
they were here. I heard this before I received your Majesty's
last despatches, and, as I know Leicester's character so well, he
frequently resorting to such tricks as these in order to discover
things, I thought well, after I had received your Majesty's last
letters, to seize the opportunity thus offered, but without appearing
to be very desirous of it. I simply said that if the Queen could
spare time from so many ambassadors, perhaps she might receive
me. This was said in the course of conversation with a confidant
of Leicester's, with the knowledge that it would reach him, thus
opening the door for them to seek me if they desired it. They
understood this move, however, as I expected they would, saying
amongst themselves that, even if I were to ask for audience of the
Queen, it would be better that she should not grant it, but that I
should get myself gone, as there was no English ambassador at your
Majesty's Court. The people interested in Drake's plunder have
been urging this.
The French ambassador heard from the French courier who
brought me your Majesty's despatch that he had been specially
enjoined at Calais to deliver it into my own hands, as it was from
your Majesty. The ambassador informed the Ministers here of
this, and asked whether, if I requested audience in view of my
f lesh letters, the Queen would grant it. They replied that, even
if I was to ask for it, it was quite possible that she would not
receive me, and the ambassador divulged this. Perhaps this may
have been done with the same false intent as before, thinking that
they will thus pledge the French to agree to what the Queen wishes.
In order to uphold your Majesty's dignity, whilst at the same time
keeping myself informed as to the best way of treating them
without swelling their insolence by seeming to seek them, I am
feigning illness, whilst spreading the report that the Ministers
have been throwing out feelers to me to learn whether I had your
Majesty's instructions to see the Queen. I give out that, even if
I had such instructions, my poor health would not allow of my
seeking audience, and I am thus gaining time until I see what
success attends the French attempt to relieve Cambrai, and I
discover how the Queen gets on with the (Commissioners. Your
Majesty will see by the other letter I write that they are not very
close friends, wliich makes me think that, if they continue in their
idea of refusing me audience, it may after all be a special mercy
of God to Iiarden their hearts, in order that affairs in Scotland and
Ireland may become more and more strained. Most Englishmen
are not well pleased with tiie marriage negotiations ; the very
heretics saying that, if the match takes place, there will be a revolt
in the country. I am losing no opportunity of urging this view,
jtlthough I do not see the Queen, but am moving secretly in every
ELIZABETH.
113
1581,
possible way to promote your M;yeaty's designs, although really it
demands more prudence than I possess to deal with people so evil-
minded, cautious, and fickle. I thank your Majesty humbly for
granting me leave ; and although the necessity for my remaining
here until matters are put into train may mean the sacrifice of
my health, life, and what little sight is left to me, I reflect that
all these have been granted to me by God only to be devoted
to your service. I have received none of the remittances your
Majesty has ordered to be sent for use, if necessary, in your
service.
Although Antonio de Castillo is clever and learned, and properly
zealous as a good subject in your interests, which has enabled him
to render to me a good account of the business with which he was
entrusted relating to Portugal, he would nevertheless be unfitting
to attend to your Majesty's interests here as he is quite ignorant
of the. affairs of France and Flanders, and especially so of warlike
matters, both of which subjects are most important for the minister
here. Even if he were able to make himself acquainted with
French aud Flemish affairs, he could only do so after a delay
which would greatly injure your Majesty's interests. Besides this,
he does not .speak French, which is very necessary here for Flemish
affairs, whilst Latin and Italian are needful for English. He has,
moreover, no knowledge at all of military matters, and could not,
therefore, judge of the opportunities offered by affairs in the
Netlierlands for curbing or loosening the rein on this Queen.
This can only be done by a man versed in warfare. It was thia
knowledge which allowed me to present a bold front to the Queen
on many occasions after I saw how abashed she was when I gave
her smart answers, and it has been of advantage iu making her
more modest than if I had treated her softly. Castillo will be very
fitting to serve your Majesty in the legal affairs of Portugal, and
it will be advisable to accede to bis desire and withdraw him at once
from here, sending him a letter for the Queen that he may request
permission to leave as your Minister. I say this because he left my
house in consequence of illueH,y, and the English have already begun
to gossip about it, saying that your Majesty cannot be very sure
of Portugal, since you have a separate ambassador here for that
country who does not live with me. These discourses are aided by
the fact that there is no business to be done, and by the bad
oflSces of the naturalised Portuguese Jews here, who were friendly
with Castillo at first and now are spies on his actions. — London,
4th May 1681.
7 May. DO. Bernakdiko de MenddzA to the KiiiA
Since I wrote on the 4th the only news is thslt the Queen has
signed the commission for the Ministers who are to treat with the
French, which is, word for word, the same as the French commission,
it having Ijeen copied fiom the latter. Lansac and La Motho
Fondlon have secretly seen Leicester, who pointed out the services
he had rendei-ed to France, the only reward for which had been
that Simier had set the Queen against him. They threw the
5 81541. a
114 SPANISH STATE PAPEtlS.
]581.
blaijje on Siuiier, and urged Leicester to continue his good
offices, they making him many fine offers, and holding out grand
hopes.
On the oth the Queen, in conversation witli La Mothe, at a
supper given to them by the earl of Sussex, said she was glad that
they had spoken to Leicester, and undeceived themselves of the
false opinion which was held of him in France. She said he had
done his best to promote the marriage, and to maintain a good under-
standing between the countries, of which he saw tlie necessity. La
Mothe replied that it depended entirely upon her when the marriage
was concluded. Tlie Queen answered that, as for the marriage,
that wa.s in the hands of God, and she had nothing to say about it
until she had received a reply fiom Alen(;on, to whom she had
written, but in the meanwhile they might discuss other points.
La Mothe said that he had no instructions to discuss anything but
the marriage, whereupon the Queen appeared annoyed, saying that
it was necessary to await the reply from France. This pro-
crastination and suspense on the part of the Queen is beginning to
annoy the Frenchmen, notwithstanding that she tries to cajole
them with l'east.s ami hunting parties to extend their stay here. The
business is reduced to what the Queen has written to Alen9on,
which has only been communicated to Marchaumont and Sussex,
and this naturally serves to increase the annoyance of the French-
men. I do my best by secret means to exacerbate this feeling,
working under the current, as I see that that is the best way to
bring the English to seek me and try to prevail upon me to listen
to them. Your Majesty's wishes may thus best be carried out,
because when they find me stiffnecked it piques them the more.
Ey merely saying that I was ill and avoiding them, I know I
have made them think that I am in treaty with the French,
whose object they believe is to throw upon the Queen the blame
for the failure of the marriage, in order to take advantage of it for
Scotch affairs.
I have been informed that Leicester says that Casimir's having
accepted a pension from your Majesty, was by his consent and
advice, and that if France broke with your Majesty, as might be
expected, you would employ Casimir, who would then be better
able than ever to help the Protestants, repeating what Maurice
did at Metz. He forgets that if it suits your Majesty you may
hold him tightly, instead of employing him. — London, 7th May
158L
7 May. 01. Beenahdino dk Mendoza to the King.
After I had written the enclosed despatch, advising the arrival
on the west coast of ships from the Azores, a Portuguese arrived
here, a tall mulatto, who-se name I have not learnt, to beg of
this Queen to send aid for the holding of the Isle of Terceira, in
the interests of Don Antonio. He assures her that if she aids
them the rest of the islands will side with them. They ofi'er to
pay for all the aims, munitions, trnd stores, which may be sent to
them.
ELIZABETH. 115
1581.
The bishop of Angra writea to Antonio de Castillo a letter, of
which I send copy, and I have therefore kept back the despatch
until I see what the Queen will decide about sending the aid
sought. It is a very old project, as I wrote to your Majesty on the
20th December, reporting that the islands had sent a ship hither
about it, and that the vessels then ready to sail to the Indies for
plunder were kept back in respect thereof.
Leicester and Walsinghani, who have charge of the business,
have discussed it with the Queen, apparently in accord with
Count Vimioso in France, as an Englishmean who was sent with
Souza has returned. The Queeu has decided that six of the ships,
which are in Plymouth ready to sail for plunder to the Indies,
shall leave by the first fair wind, under Drake, who has volunteered
to conduct the succour in person, on the promise of the island to
reimburse him the expenses. He will stay there until the rest
arrive, and will be joined by the ships from France, when they
will try to invest your Majesty's fleets, in co-operation with the
other pirates, I am told that in Havre and Dieppe alone there
are four armed ships ready to leave on the first spring tide,
taking a large quantity of muskets and supports, which is a sign
that the intention is to go to the Indies, as the persons who have
fitted them out are private individuals, and it cannot be believed
that they are being sent by the Guises to Scotland. Three private
pirate ships have left here for Barbary, besides the ships which are
being fitted out in Bordeaux and Nantes, of which Tassis will
send au account to your Majesty. These Councillors are calculating
that after the succour has been taken to Terceira the ships may go
and fetch Don Antonio from Barbary to the Azores ; where, if he
can be maintained with help from here, they may be able to
continue to prey upon the commerce of the two Indies, without
having to make such a long voyage for the purpose as Drake
undertook, the intention being to make their raids under letters
of marque from Don Antonio, and to disturb all the Spanish
coast and your Majesty's subjects. It may be feared that, even
if the people at Terceira do not willingly welcome so many
thieves in their island, the latter may invade the place by force,
in order to establish Don Antonio there ; and although I can only
treat of the matter generally, as I have no particular knowledge
of the Azores, I am of opinion that it will be well to take the
matter in hand with all energy, and I send a special courier with
the news, so that there may be time to provide for the security of
the Indian fleets, as the ships that go to meet them leave Portugal
at this season.
I have also taken steps in another matter connected with this.
A Portuguese of Terceira, who w.as in communication with Antonio
de Castillo before Don Antonio's rising, but who broke with hiiri.
afterwards, and became intimate witli Huuza, has died horc. He
had two thousand crowns worth of cloth at Lyme destined for
Terceii-a. In order to prevent those who may come from the
island from getting hold of the property, aud employing it in
munitions or in fitting oat ships for the succour ; I have sent
H 2
il6 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1581.
to have it embargoed, on the plea that the duties payable to
your Majesty on the woad, which this man exported, have not
been paid, tliis being 13 per cent, for which Antonio de Castillo
informs me they give security, to pay after their return and the
sale of the merchandize.
This will prevent them from laying hands on the 2,000 crowns,
and will secure your Majesty's dues, which I have proved as a
debt, because if I were to have dealt with the property otherwise,
and claimed it on account of rebellion, these people would not have
given me the embargo. — London, 7th May 1581.
12 May. 92. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
The Portuguese who I informed your Majesty by special courier
on the 7th had arrived from the Azores, have gone to France to
convey to Count Vimioso the decision arrived at by the Queen and
Ministers respecting the succour of Terceira, which is being pushed
forward with frantic haste. I have news that there is a ship
loaded with munitions in the port of Lyme, but the weather is
against them, and none of the ships can sail. Although I do not
speak to the Queen, I have pointed out to some of these Councillors
the danger they run in not remedying this matter. I have reported
the departure of these Portuguese to Juan Bautista de Tassis, in
order that lie may take necessary steps in your Majesty's interest.
On the night of the 7tli, Marcliaumont, by order of the Queen,
dispatched M, de Vray with a letter written by the Queen herself
in the sealing-wax of which was embedded a diamond. Vray's
departure was not communicated to the other envoys, who are
murmuritig thereat. I am told that Marchaumont sent a document
signed by Leicester, the Treasurer, Sussex, and the rest of the
Commissioners, saying that they are of opinion that the Queen
should marry Alen9on, Marchaumont managed this, understanding
that it would be the best means of bringing Alen9on hither, which
is what the Queen wishes. I cannot help thinking, however, tliat
this sudden resolution of the Queen's to send de Vray (the French
after having almost given up the marriage having now made up
their minds that it will take place) may indicate rather tliat some
great disagreement exists between Alen9on and his brother, and this
demonstration of the Queen's may be for the purpose of preventing
the decline of Alen9ou by proving that she is prompted only by
aflection for him, and makes no account of the King or his Minis-
ters here, thus pledging him (Alcnjon) in a way whicii may prevail
upon him to come hitlier, when, if she please, she may marry him ;
and if not, may satisfy liim (as she told Leicebtcr she could) in a
way which would prevent his being offended ; wliich he probably
would be if the thing was done through Commissioners.
She has also arranged for Marchaumont to go and live in a
house adjoining her gardens, and in one of the rooms they are
making an appearance of having a man hidden, taking in his meals,
and so forth. The Queen herself has twice come alone, to the
garden ; and tliis has given rise to the belief that there is some
great personage there : some say Alen9ou, others Don Antonio, oi"
ELIZABETH. 117
1681.
Count Vimioso. They are so certain about this, indeed, that I have
thought well to report to your Majesty, in ease it sJiould come to
your ears by other channels, but it is nothing but a cunning trick
of the Queen's to learn how the people would accept the coming of
Alen9on, and also, in case he should come, to have a place ready
where she can see him without hia being known. With the same
end she has deferred from the 7th to the 15th some great entertain-
ments which were to be given to the Commissioners, — London,
12th May 1581,
14 May. 93, Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
In conformity with the orders contained in your Majesty's
despatch of the 17th, I have ascertained the price of wheat in this
country, and whether merchants would be willing to send it to
Lisbon, in consideration of the profit they would make. I find that
the price has greatly risen recently, in consequence of the heavy
rains of last month, and the fears of a poor harvest. The Queen
has therefore ordered that none is to be exported. The quarter,
which is equal to five Spauish fwiegas, is quoted at 23 to 24 shillings
equal to 45 to 48 reals, whilst in Lisbon, by last advices of the lOth
April, the price was equivalent to 15 reals the fanega. English
wheat, with cost and freights would stand the merchant in 2G shillings
the quarter, or ten and a half reals a fanega, the rest being profit.
They will not risk it at this time of the year with such a mer-
chandise, as they are not .sure whether the demand for it in Lisbon,
arises from the continued westerly winds, which may have pre-
vented the arrival of the fships which ordinarily carry wheat
from France, Flanders, Holland and England, or whether from a
short harvest there. I understand that if the scarcity there arises from
the non-arrival of wheat ships, the loss the merchants would suffer
is certain, as is the profit which would accrue if the scarcity is in
consequence of short harvest. They will not therefore risk the ex-
port, liaving regard also to the Queen's prohibition, and the fact that
this is not the time when a return freight could be obtained from
there. I have secretly treated with a merchant, and pointed out to
him that this is a business which might produce great profit, as I am
convinced, that when the Queen learns that there is to be a short
harvest here the prohibition of exports will be made much more
severe, and that not a grain then could be sent, excepting to the
enormous profit of the English themselves (in which case they
would manage somehow to export it), and I have therefore asked
this merchant whether, on the assurance being given to the English
that a certain price shall be paid for all wheat placed in Lisbon
within a given time, in good order, he would undertake to supply a
quantity. He assures me that he will, if the payment is guaranteed
by a private merchant. They are to deliver the wheat at their own
cost and risk, and if it do not arrive within the time specified, they
are not to be paid for it. 1 thought it well to give your Majesty
an account of this, as if the scarcity arises from a bad harvest, pro-
vision might thus be made at a reasonable price, because the English,
if the quantity required is a large one, will be encouraged by the
118
SPANISH STATE PAPEES.
1581,
amount, even though the profit per quarter is small. They will
thus be sure of having a supply in Lisbon without depending upon
chance cargoes sent from France, Flanders and here, as it is probable
that both in France and here efforts will be made to prevent the
exportation of food, in order that, by reason of famine the discontent
in Lisbon may be increased, but I am assured by the merchants
that if the guarantee of Diego de Marquina of Lisbon is given for the
payment, there they will undertake to supply the quantity agreed
upon. If your Majesty decides to make this agreement, it will be
well to instruct me instantly, so that I may conclude the affair with
the Englislimen and expedite the dispatch, which will be managed
without the knowledge of the Queen and her officers, for certainly,
if she hears of it, slie will prevent it with all her strength. I have
written to Flanders through another person, telling them to send
wheat from there, and doubtless ships freighted by Portuguese
will similarly sail from Holland and Zeeland. — London, 14th May
1581.
28 May. 94. The King to Bernardino de Mendoza.
Paris
Archives.
K. 1447, 49.
28 May.
Paris
Archiveii.
K. 1447, 48.
Thanks for advices about England, Ireland and Scotland, con-
tained in letters of Cth and 11th April, especially about the great
French embassy.
I am pleased to learn of the zeal and fervour of the English
catholics, as 1 am so anxious for tlie restoration of the country to
our Holy Catholic church and obedience to Rome. I have therefore
favourably considered the reasons they give for desiring the
appointment of an English cardinal, and the benefit that might
be derived therefrom, and have decided to support the request. I
have ordered the Pope to ho. written to in recommendation of the
persons of Sanders and William Allen, who are mentioned in your
letter. You may inform the Catholics of this, for their consolation;
and it would not be bad for them to do as they suggest, and provide
some portion of the money for tlie new Cardinal's fitting maintenance.
1 will not, however, for my part, forget to make a grant to them
for the same purpose, and 1 hope his Holiness will do the same.
As regards the -steps taken by Zubiaur on behalf of the persons
interested in Seville to recover some portion of Drake's booty, yuu
will have noticed that I have always left the matter entirely to
your discretion. Your opinion as to the objections offered by the
suggestion of allowing Zubiaur to come to terms with the English
for the restitution of a small portion of the plunder, has been
referred to the Indian Council for their consideration. The decision
shall be communicated to you. — La Cardiga, 28 May 1881.
[Note. — In a marginal note the King instructs Tdiaquez to write
the following letter to Mendoza.]
95. Secretary Idiaquez to Bernardino de Mendoza.
His Majesty is replying to all your letters up to that of 11th
April. He has resolved to accede to the petition of the English
catholics, like the father and protector of all catholics that he is.
ELIZABETH. 119
1681.
With regard to the appointment of an Englisli cardinal, I can
assure you that we here are of opinion that, not only one should
be appointed, but that both the persons you name should be elevated
to the dignity, so tlfat one might remain in Rome and the other
in Flanders or here. By this means the sympathies of the
Pope might be retained by tiie man in Rome, wliilst a more
intimate understanding and intelligence might be kept up with the
catholics in England by the cardinal in Flanders.
As we are uncertain whether the Sanders you mentioned is the
same as the Sanders* who is in Ireland, I shall be glad to be
informed on that point and any other that may occur to you, for
communication to his Majesty. — La Cardiga, 28 May 1581.
2 June. 96. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
The clianges in the marriage negotiations have been so sudden
and frequent on both sides that I have not ventured to give an
account of them to your Majesty, but have waited until something
was settled.f Althougli it has appeared several times that this
was so, things have always changed the next day, and I am con-
sequently obliged to report events as they have happened since
the departure of M. de Vray, which I advised on tlie 12tli ultimo
The Queen heard from her ambnssador Cobham that tiie king of
France would not listen to the idea of an offensive and defensive
alliance if the marriage were not effected, and this caused the English
Commissioners to move, before Vray's return, the aVn'ogation of one
of the clauses already agreed upon, namely that Alen9on and his
servants might publicly exercise the catholic religion. They said
that, in view of the condition of tilings here, although the Queen
had previously conceded this clause, it was not advisable now that
it should be accepted or that, either publicly or privately, Alen^on
or any member of his household should exercise his religion after
the marriage ; as they {i.e. the Council) did not wish to have any
difference of religion in the country.
This appeared to the French Commissioners to be a great innova-
tion, which the king of France and his mother ought, on no
account, to allow ; even though Alen^on were to accept it. They
therefore replied that the matter was already agreeil to, and
Lansac, la Mothe F^nelon, and Pinart, sent to ask Leicester to
confer with them about it, and persuade the Queen not to alter
the clause, and to agree to the marriage. He excused himself from
seeing them, but sent to say that when the Queen decided to marry
he should be pleased, but he would not persuade her to do so on
any account.
At this juncture Vray arrived with letters from Alen9on, saying
that, for his part, he would do whatever the Queen wished, but
* There is in the Paris Archives (Simancas, K. 1448), an extremely eulogistic
report upon the career and qualities of Dr Sanders, iu connection with tlie suggestion to
raise him to the cardiualate. It is sent by the agent of the duke of Savoy in Madrid to
Don Juan de Idiaquez and is undated, but was probably written shortly before this
letter.
t The letters from Pinart giving an account of these negotiations are in the
Bibliotheque Nfttlonale Fon4s-Francai9 3,308,
120 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1581. "
that his brother would not break with your Majesty, nor with any
other Prince ; saying that Alen9on after his marriage could do as
he liked. In view of the proclamation issued by the King on the
I7tli ultimo,* and the offer made to Alen9on by tiie Queen-mother
also, the French were of opinion that they ought to depart at once
as the marriage could not now be effected. The French ambassador
came to see me at a very unusual hour and, from what I could infer
from his conversation, it was the wish of the envoys that he should
come and assure me that the English were only aiming at inducing
the King to break with your Majesty. He expressed himself as
very indignant at the way in which they were treated, and I took
care to increase this feeling, cautiously ; replying to the rest of his
discourse in general terms. I thus deepened the suspicion that the
secret negotiations of the Queen with Alenjon might result in her pro-
viding hiiu with means from here for gaining over a port (in France)
to his interest, through which the English might help him, if neces-
sary. After the reception of the despatch, the Commissioners saw
the Queen respecting their departure, and decided on the 27th ultimo
in a conference with the English that it would be advisable, in
order to guard Alenyon's honour, to agree upon the negotiations.
This the Englishmen consented to, and the Queen was to write a
letter saying that when they thought well to marry, these articles
should be the ones adopted, but that at present'it was not desirable
to effect the marriage, pending the discussion in Parliament of the
question of the coronation and the alimony to be given to the
consort in case of the Queen's death. The French made great
efforts to prevent this letter from being written, whilst the Queen,
herself kept delaying their departure. In view of this they said
they wished to know why she refused to sign the cai)itulations,
as, if the reason was that they had not sufficient authority to
accept them on behalf of the King, they would be glad to be
told so.
At this time the Queen received secret intelligence from Alen9on
respecting the anger of his mother when she left him, upon his
telling her that he would not fail to relieve Cambrai in person, in
accordance with the promise he had made to this Queen ; and that,
although he had asked all the nobles of France to help him to
that effect, the King had prevented them from doing so.f Upon
the receipt of this, the Queen told the envoys that Alen9on and she
were the persons who were to be married and they understood
each other very well, so that there was no need for the signing of
capitulations, nor for their acceptance by the King. It is to be
believed that she took up this position in the certainty that Alen9on
was coming hither. He embarked at Dieppe on the 28th ultimo
* This was an order from the King to the prnviiieinl authoritips to disperse by force
of arms all the levies being raised in France for the service of his brother in Flanders.
t A letter from Catharine de Medici to Ferrier, the French ambassador in Venice
(Bibliotheque Rationale, Colbert, 368), gives an interebting account of her fruitless
efforts to dissuade her son from again entering the Netherlands. She expresses the
deepest grief at his determination, " seeing him on the brink of ruin both of person and
reputation,"
ELIZABETH. 121
1681.
at six iu the morning, telling the Governor of the town not to
inform his brother or liis mother until after he had sailed, as he
was going to visit this Queen. Contrary weather, however, drove
iiim back to land and he left the town, although other people say-
that he did not disembark there, but in another port between
Dieppe and Boulogne. All are agreed that after he landed he
started with a crowd of horsemen, from whom, after a short time,
he separated with only eight attendants, without its being known
whether he travelled to Boulogne or Dieppe. Although some
people assert positively that he has arrived here, I believe that
this is not the case, but that the Queen is expecting him and that,
at this moment, he may have landed on the coast. The Queen
certainly is satisfied that he is coming, and has dispatched
Marchaumont and de Vray to meet him. This step has taken
the King's Commissioners here by surprise, as, indeed, it has the
English also. When Leicester and Walsingham told the Com-
missioners that an English merchant had seen Alen9on embark
at Dieppe they were much perturbed, and the certainty of his
coming has caused great sorrow in the country. I wUl give an
account of his arrival to your Majesty with all speed. — London,
2nd June 1581.
2 June 97, Bernaedino de Mendoza to the King.
In conformity with the orders contained in your Majesty's
despatch of the 24th April, received 31st ultimo, I have already
advised with regard to Ireland that the Viceroy was negotiating
with some of the insurgents, but he could not prevail upon them
to submit on his promises alone. The Queen therefore sent the
pardon which I mentioned in my former letters, but it has not been
taken advantage of by any of those who are in arms. O'Neil had
postponed his interview with the Viceroy, but when the day arrived
he did not attend, but marched eight leagues inland to avoid him.
The Viceroy was constructing a fort to prevent the raids which were
made upon the English territory by the people of Baron Grangas
(Clancar or Baltinglass ?), and the insurgents had slaughtered two
companies of Irishmen who were on the side of the Queen, and
with them some Englishmen who were engaged in building the
fort. I have no communication with the insurgents, as 1 am
without instructions from your Majesty,* and it would be very
difficult for me to get into negotiation with them, but I understand
from the news received by the Queen, and the English who are
well informed on these matters, that although the principal people
are mostly in arms they are not making so much progress as they
might, in consequence of their want of harmony ; the principal
chiefs, namely O'Neil, Desmond, and Baron Clancar (?) remaining
each in his own territory, concerned principally in preserving
themselves from falling into the hands of this Queen and losing
their lives. The result of this is that their forces are of littie
* In the King's hand : " It will be well to consider whether he should arrange it,
although it would be better to do it here,"
122 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1581. ""
service, disunited as they are, and unable to withstand separately
the attacks of the English. For this reason the Queen is tem-
porising, and delaying the dispatch of the large foice which the
Viceroy requests, fearing that the arrival of such a force would
cause the Irish to unite, which might give her much more trouble
than at present, when they are divided ; and, in the meanwhile,
she is gaining time and trying what can be done by promises and
favours. In the interim too, she will watch whether his
Holiness sends them fresh aid, in order to regulate her forces in
conformity therewith. This is the present position ; but little
dependance can be placed on the people of the island by reason of
their inconstancy and fickleness, which has been proved frequently
by their repeated submission and agreement with the Queen and
her predecessors, at times when they had least cause for it. For
this reason it would be well, if his Holiness helps them again, that
it should be in such force as to compel the Irish to co-operate with
him, and that the chiefs should be thoroughly informed as to the
reason of the war, as otherwise no aid sent thither will be of much
use, and the Irish will probably act as they have done in the pa'it.
The Scotch proclamation which I sent to your Majesty was
actually issued last year, at the time that Morton was paramount,
but in order to maice people here believe that it was issued this
year they had it printed here, with the object I mentioned before,
because here they reckon the beginning of the year from the
25th March, thus giving the impression that the proclamation was
dated this year. The trick was seen through by Catholics at once,
and they made known the fact that in Scotland the year began on
the 1st January. As this opened people's eyes, the English had
the proclamation again printed under date of 1581, inserting
therein the clauses passed in 1566 in tiie time of the Regent
James,* respecting religion. This heretical poison is so pestilential
and artfully concocted that I have not dared to send it to your
Majesty.
In addition to the plot divulged by Whittinghame, the latter
has also declared that his brother Douuflas, in order to overthrow
d'Aubigny and arouse the indignation of the Scots against him,
forged a letter in his name to the bishop of Glasgow, the queen of
Scotland's ambassador in France, telling him to beg his Holiness
to give a license to him (d'Aubigny) to pretend to be a heretic in
order to take the opportunity of seci'etly doing what service he
might to the Catholic faith in Scotland. This letter, he said, had
been sent in a way which would insure its falling into the hands
of the Ambassador Cobham in France as if it had been intercepted,
as Cobham believed it had been, and instantly sent it to this Queen,
who forwarded it to Morton's friends in Scotland. The fraud having
been divulged, however, has increased d'Au'oigny's credit and
justified him before his enemies.
The Queen is informed that the Scots were hastily fortifying
* The Earl of Murray. The National Covenant had, in fact, been signed in 1580,
Pr. Robertson confuses it witji the Bond of 1588,
ELIZABETH. 123
1581.
Leitb, the port where the French were in the year /62, and
notwithstanding that the English liad withdrawn all their troops
from the Border, the Scots had left 600 picked men there. She
also has letters from the king of Scotland complaining that she had
not allowed the ambassador John Seton, whom he sent, to pass.
The King says that as he received her ambassadors, even after he
knew the bad objects with which they came, he was astonished that
she should repulse his. This was really an artifice of the English
to prevent the Scots' envoy coming hither whilst the French
Commissioners were here.
This Queen sent Master Harrington to Scotland with a message
to the King, to the effect that she would receive his ambassadors,
but that the person he had sent was a pensioner of your Majesty,
and consequently was not pleasing to her. This mission is only
a pretext to allow of an effort being made with Lord Argyll,
Chancellor of Scotland, to prevent the condemnation of Morton at
Dumbarton, and to have him brought to Edinburgh. The King
received this Queen's envoy extremely well. Lord Seton, who is
the father of John Seton, has been made admiral of Scotland, and
this has caused some suprise here, seeing the slight they put upon
his son at Berwick. Although the Chancellor has always been a
deadly enemy to Morton, the Queen's envoy bought him over by
gifts and promises, so that, when they brought for his signature
the patent for the twelve men who, according to the law of the
country, were to sentence Morton at Dumbarton, he refused to
sign it as was agreed. It was brought to him by Sir James
Douglas,* guardian of Lord Arran, the eldest brother of the
Hamiltons, and Morton's most persistent persecutor, and when he
found the Chancellor \pould not sign it, he told him that if he had
as many teats as horns he would make a better cow than a Chan-
cellor, which remark they say is very appropriate to the person of
Argyll. As the patent was not signed Morton was ordered to be
brought from Dumbarton to Edinburgh, where he arrived on the
27th ultimo, and at the same time 1-58 burgesses, who were
understood to be in his favour, were ordered to go out of the town,
leaving their wives, children, and property. It is understood that
Morton will be condemned, but these people are convinced that the
King will grant him his life and imprison him in the castle of
Dumbarton, even though he may be condemned to death. I am
told that this will be done upon the petition of the queen of
Scotland, it having been negotiated by the councillors here, who
held out hopes to her that it might lead to her relief and possible
liberation. I have written to her upon the subject, and when I
get a reply will communicate it to your Majesty, as, in conformity
with your orders, I continue to keep up a correspondeuce witii
her, and am trying to gain over through her the King and his
friends to look favourably upon your Majesty's interests.
• The person referred to is doubtless Captain James Stewart, of Ochiltree, who had
obtained for himself the title and lands of his lunatic ward. The anecdote here related
of him is quite in keeping with the character for coarse insolence given to him by his
contemporary. Sir James Melville and others,
124 •SPAXISH STATE PAPERS,
1581.
I also learn that tlie earl of Angus, and other of Morton's friends
who had fled from Scotland, went to ask for the aid of Sir John
Forster, governor of Carlisle, on the frontier, who told them
that, as this Queen was at peace with Scotland, he could not
receive them, but sent them word secretly that they were to
remain in the houses of certain gentlemen who are chiefs of parties.
Tliis was done by order of the Queen to see whether men would
flock to them for the purpose of making an armed entrance into
Scotland whilst she helped them underhand, and thus to cause civil
war in the country. She has still hopes of this, especially if Mortou
be saved, and she is pressing this point warmly.
The king of Scotland has ordered the arrest of a very confi-
dential servant of his who belonged to his chamber, called Roger
Austin, who had been sent to the King formerly by his grand-
mother, the countess of Lennox. The reason of the arrest was that
certain letters were intercepted from him to Lord Hunsdon at
Berwick, which letters, although they were not signed, were declared
to be his by the messenger who bore them.
Movements in Scotland were considered both here and in France
to lie of the highest importance, having regard to the suddenness
of Morton's arrest, and to the haughtiness with which the King
replied to the messages upon the subject sent to him by this
Queen ; and also to the spirit with which the Scots flocked to the
Border as soon as this Queen began to collect forces on her side.
When, however, the slowness of the proceedings against Morton
was seen, and no change was made in religion, it was recognised
that the events were not prompted by a design to bring the
country to submission to the Catholic church, so much as by
private rancour and d'Aubigny's wish to consolidate his party
by getting rid of Morton. This view is supported by the fact that
d'Aubigny is accused, both here and in France, of having pandered
to the heretics in going to their preachings and in other ways,
which on no account should he have done being a Catholic. This
shows the power which the heretics possess there, and the small
trust which can be placed in Scotsmen, who moreover are people
of notoriously weak faith. There are indications that the belief
that the seizure of Morton by d'Aubigny was at the instigation
of the French is incorrect, as this Queen is so intimate now
with the French, and withdrew her troops from the Border so
unhesitatingly, saying that Spanish money was the origin of the
Scotch troubles.
These considerations are supported by the absence of any
indication that the principal Catholics here have any secret
communications with those of Scotland, as well as but little
connection with the Queen (of Scotland). It is certain that if
they be not united with regard to her release and the conversion
of Scotland, the Scots will not break with this Queen unless they
are supported by foieign troops, who will not be admitted by the
heretics, unless indeed a large number of the Catholics declare
themselves. This is ray interpretation of the position. I think
that the movements were most important at the beginning, and
ELIZABETH. 125
1581.
would have so proved if they had been continued with the same
firmness as at first. I try by all means to forward them secretly
through the queen of Scotland and some of her English Catholic
adherents, but I have not ventured to open direct negotiations with
the Scots without orders from your Majesty.* — London, 2Dd June
1581.
2 June 98. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
As soon as the wind served two or tlii'ee of the ships sailed which
I said were ready to go to Tcrceira, and now four more are ready to
follow them, the largest being of 300 tons burthen and the smallest
100 ; as well as seven little vessels being fitted out by Drake. I
understand tliat five hundred corselets have been brought from
Antwerp, many of them proof, a thousand harquebuesses and
muskets, a thousand morrions, and 27 proof roundels. I do not
know whether the ships are taking more provisions than are
necessary for the voyage to Terceira. News has arrived from there
that French pirate ships had already begun to collect, and par-
ticularly two which had been captured by Frenchmen from English
merchants, one being called "The Jonas," a very swift ship, which
had chased a ship from St. Michaels as she was coming to England
with woad.
Juan Rodriguez de Souza has returned from France. Before he
arrived in London he stayed a week in Canterbury, on the pretext
that he was awaiting Count Vimioso, but seeing that the latter
tarried so long, Souza came on to London. The earl of Leicester
is caressing him as usual, inviting him now publicly to his house,
which he did not do before. They tell me that there are signs that
he brings much money, and he affirms that Don Antonio is alive
and safe in a secure place. He is seeking a large house wherein to
move, in order that he may lodge Vimioso when he comes. London
2nd June 1851.
2 June. 99. Bernardino de Mendoza, to the King.
I wrote to Don Juan de Idiaquez on the 24th ultimo for your
Majesty's information that these councillors had decided that it
would be unadvisable for this Queen to give me audience whilst the
French envoys were here, which caused me not to ask for an
interview, but to temporise in various ways with them, pretending
at first to be ill, and saying that, until the Queen were released
from the entertainment of so great an embassy, I would not trouble
her. This was said as if the avoidance of an audience was at my
instance. I have been approached by hints as to whether I would
have a secret conference with Leicester, the only object of this being
to raise him in the eyes of the French, and to learn from me what
instructions I had from your Majesty with regard to speaking with
the Queen. As I was of opinion that your Majesty's interests
would be best served by my avoiding such a conference, I replied
that it M-ould injure him seriously if the French were to learn that
* lu the King's liaud, " Kote.—CoMicler wliat had better be done in this."
126 SPANISH STATE PAPEES.
1581.
he had secret interviews with me, besides which he would waste these
fine presents and entertainments which he had given to them and
would forfeit the good opinion they had formed of him. I thus
left it to be inferred that I avoided seeing him in his own interest,
and I took care that his approaches to me reached the ears of the
French envoys secondhand. In order to find out how the land lay,
I also sent to ask Lord Burleigh, who is the principal minister,
whether it was true, as I had been informed, that the Queen was
feasting the ambassadors so splendidly that it was believed they
would delay their departure as long as possible, in order to enjoy
such a welcome. I begged him to let me know if they would shortly
leave, as I had business to communicate. He replied that he under-
stood that they would soon depart, and that the Queen would
then be at liberty to receive me. In the meanwhile the other
events which I have related have happened and I have thought it best
to say no more about an audience. I am therefore sailing with the
sheet-line in my hand to shorten or loosen sail according to the
wind ; thus attaining the end desired by your Majesty and giving
time to see what success attends the treaty about which I have
written, which could be ill carried through if I were not here. I
have news from the Hollanders* that they had got together the
men they wanted, as well as the men on shore, and I have reported
this to the prince of Parma, although I have not learnt whether
the men he is to send are ready. This leads me to believe that the
attempt cannot be made until the 15th, as there must be a full tide.
I again assure your Majesty that my advices from the place convince
me that, if these men are conveyed thither secretly, the business
will be accomplished, and may be looked upon as done. — London
2nd June 1581.
5 June. 100. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
I wrote on the second that there were manifest indications of the
duke of Alen9on'8 coming, in addition to his having embarked at
Dieppe. He arrived at this place on the 4th instant at midday,
coming up with the tide, and although a number of Frenchmen
were on the watch for him at various points, doubtless by the orders
of the King's envoys, he dodged all the spies and entered the
house which I have already described, as being destined for his
reception, where Marchaumont is staying, adjoining the Queen's
garden. Shortly afterwards one of Alenjon's most intimate gentle-
men entered the presence chamber, as if he had just come from
France with letters from Alen9on to the Queen, which letters he
handed to her. On his leaving the room he was recognised by a
son of the controllert who was formerly a page to Alen90n, and
who told his father, who sent word to me, saying that I might with
confidence write to your Majesty that he had come.
* The Hollanderi with whom he had arrangerl for the betrayal of the port (Flushiiip)
on tho isle of Walchereti. As will be seen iu subsequent letters, the affair was a trap
into which Mendoza was led.
t Sir James Crofts, a member of the Queen's council in the pay of Spain, and con-
troller of the household,
ELIZABETH. 127
158i;
I have also news from another source, that the moment Alen^on
arrived Marchaumont sent to Leicester a jet ring, which was to
be the signal of his arrival. Leicester and Walsingham could not
believe it, and they were, according to all accounts, justified in their
incredulity, for there was no reason which demanded his coming.
He had no passport, the King his brother not having been consulted,
and the ambassadors here were ignorant of his intention. Marchau-
mont has been very shy of the envoys, both in this matter and
others. No man, great or small, can believe that he (Alen9on) has
come to be married, nor can they imagine that the Queen will marry
hiui because he has come, and it may be suspected that her having
persuaded him to come with the hopes that they two together would
settle matters better than could be done with the intervention of
his brother's ministers, has been the motive which brought him.
No doubt this has been helped by the annoyance which Alen9on
publicly displays against his brother for the proclamation he has
issued and the demonstration he has made against his subjects
going to the relief of Cambrai. Alen9on's plans may not have been
looked upon as serious at first, but the meeting of the nobles which
he summoned, and the suspicion that the raising of an expedition
in Germany might be with a different object than the relief of
Cambrai, have made the king of France moi'e suspicious and
determined that Alenjon shall not collect an army. This has
increased Alen9on's anger, as he could not compel the King, and
has driven him (Alenjon) to make this visit here, as he thinks that
it concerns him vitally to assent to the Queen's requests. One of
his reasons may be to convince himself about the marriage, and to
prove that he, for his part, had followed the Queen's advice in all
things.
It is also evident that none of his designs against the Netherlands,
or rebellion against his brother, could be carried through without
money, which this Queen would the more readily find him if
he asked for it in person, on the ground that he imdertook the
enterprise to please her, especially as Marchaumont will have
informed him that, on the occasion of the king of France saying
that, on no account, would he declare war against your Majesty,
the Queen said that, if he would do so, she would help him with
500,000?. sterling. Although these words were used with an
object, they would doubtless arouse hopes in Alen§on's mind that
he might get something from the Queen if he asked for it himself,
particularly as the Queen-mother only raised 150,000 crowns in
Paris to give him.
He may also have been prompted to come by the many difficulties
of repeating the attempt to relieve Cambrai, and may have adopted
the device of coming to this Queen in his desperation to ask for
aid as a sufficient excuse to the States, as well as exalting himself
in his brotlier's eyes by his influence with this Queen, who publicly
declare.s that her friendship to France is only for the sake of
Alenyon. It is true that these considerations would have no weight
with any one but such a person as he, but I set them forth here
because his tlightiness makes them important in his ca'se.
128 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1581.
The Controller has also informed me that he learns that they are
preparing with great energy the ships to send for the succour of
Terceira, and to meet the flotillas from the Indies. He says that
eight fine ships, besides the small ones will go, and amongst
them two belonging to the Queen. Besides which Leicester and
Walsingham, who are the two principal adventurers, have almost
arranged for another ship of 500 tons, a beautiful vessel, which was
bombarded by two of your Majesty's galleys some months ago in
the port of Cadiz, when she was escaping from an attempted
embargo on the part of the Mayor. The Controller tells me that
the best way for your Majesty to prevent these things and the
sending of help by the Queen to the Flemish rebels will be to land
2,000 men in Ireland under cover of the Pope's name. This will be
the best of all bridles to prevent the Queen from allowing a single
man or ship to leave her country.
I should not be fulfilling my duty to your Majesty if I did not
state here with what zeal he (Sir James Crofts) treats of this, and all
other matters which concern your Majesty, advising me instantly
of what happens. As he is understood to be a Catholic at heart,
moreover, the Queen shows him no favour, and he therefore suffers
greatly from poverty. I gave him what your Majesty ordered, but
he serves so zealously that it would be well in your Majesty's
interest for him to be again given a similar sum, and further hopes
held out ; because, if he be not thus supported, want will drive him
away from Court, and whoever represents your Majesty here will
be without any assistance at all — London, 5th June 1581.
6 June. 101. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
The Hollanders I wrote about have evidently divulged their plot
to Orange, and it is a great mercy the men who were to be sent to
help them were not ready on the 5th, when the spring tide was full
at 6 in the morning and the attempt was to be made. They wrote
twice urging me not to allow this opportunity to be lost, but their
object was to murder the men when they came. On the 4th instant,
at 9 at night, a secretary of the prince of Orange, four or five men
of his guard, and two London constables came to the door of my
house whilst I was visiting the French ambassador, and took from
the hands of my servants and a woman who had the care of him, the
son of the Hollander who had been left with me. The boy, who
is 11 years old, was taken away by one of the constables and
hidden ; the people of the neighbourhood being told that it was
done by order of Walsingham and the Council, and warned to keep
the Queen's peace, as they call it here. My servants began to show
fight, when, fortunately, I arrived in the midst of the turmoil, and
was informed that a secretary of the prince of Orange was there. I
had also heard that morning that neitlier of the Hollanders had been
in the place to be taken three days before, and that they liad not
raised the men they said. On being told by the constables that they
were acting under order of the Council 1 at once prevented any fur-
ther disorder. I judged that the matter had been arranged between
Walsingham and Orange, in order that the boy might be got out of
ELIZABETH. 129
1681.
my hands, at the same time as the boatloads of men were to leave
Gravelinos, so that I should not possibly be able to send news in
time to stop their departure, and in due course their arrival at
the place to be attacked,* whilst at the same time I was deprived of
power over the boy. God inspired me, seeing that it was for your
Majesty's service, and that the plan had been discovered ; and I there-
fore gave no opportunity for any disrespect to be shown to ray person
or household on the part of the multitude of people who were gathered,
and wlio were as insolent as ever. Controlling myself, therefore, I
said to the constable that, since ho assured me that the order came
from the Council and Walsingham, I required that the boy should
be detained and he must be answoiulile to me for him, Walsingham
and the Council being at once informed of the matter. The next
morning I got a message from the Council, to the effect that as I
had given out that I held the boy because he was the bastard son
of a friend of mine, born whilst we were in Flanders together, they
would arrest the constables. As I thought, however, that this waa
a good opportunity for me to see the Queen now that Alen9on waa
here, I took advantage of it, and said that this was no excuse or
fitting explanation of so daring an insolence. I then called angrily
for my garments, and said I would at once go to the Queen and
leave for Spain. Tlu-y took this message to her, and she sent to
say that I was not to complain until I knew wliat justice had been
done, as she had sent to close all the ports, and had ordered every
possible effort to be made to recapture the boy. She said that I
was to excuse her for not receiving me at once, as she had promised
audience to the French ambassadors, but that I could go and see
her the next clay, which is to-day, my anger having doubtless
softened her to this extent. The anger itself was feigned, and I
will adopt a similar course during my audience. I could not keep
the Holland(-'r's son in my house more securely than I did, and
they would never have got him out of it unless they had come with
the Queen's authority. I can assure your Majesty that until the
departure of the Hollanders from hero when they left the boy with
me, they were acting straightforwardly, but, being heretics, they
must have changed their purpose afterwards and must have divulged
the matter to many others. Orange is such a perverse and knavish
scoundrel that perhaps he planned to punish the father of the boy
and the other man, although they had divulged their plot, in order
to prevent such attempts for the futui-e, — London, 6th June 1581.
15 June. 102. Beenaedino de Mendoza to the King.
I have received your Majesty's despatch of the 8th, ordering me
to report what persons from Terceira had come hither, which I
have done in my letters of the 7th ultimo by special courier. Since
then there lias been nothing fresli in the matter, excepting the
sailing of the ships with munitions, which I reported to your
Majesty, the rest having been delayed, in consequence of the rumour
* The men who were to start from Graveliaes to co-ojjerate with the pretended
betrayers of Flushing fell into the suare and were sacrificed,
y 84541. I
i30
1581.
SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
which I had secretly spread to frighten tliem, that your Majesty
liad ordered 40 galleons to leave Seville and Lisbon, in May, for the
purpose of punishing Terceira, and to await the flotillas. I also
gave out, in accordance with some information I had obtained
from those who came from the island, how difficult it would be to
hold the place, and the lack of shelter for ships, which made it
necessary for vessels which load there to keep under'^sail the whole
time. I replied also to those who told me that succour was to be
sent thither, that when they arrived they would find forces there
to bring them to account ; and all this has caused hesitation. This
has been increased by reports sent by Englishmen in Spain that
ships were being fitted by your Majesty's orders, to make the
voyage. As I did not see the Queen, I took care that the merchants
trading with Spain should represent to her the great risk which was
incurred to their property in that country, as well as to the ships
which they were sending for the wine harvest, seeing that Drake's
plunder was still un-restored. Such was the alarm caused by this,
that the principal members of the company met together, and went
to tell Walsingham that they had heard that, by his aid and
countenance and that of other Councillors, Drake and Bingham,
who was his servant, were arming ships with the object indicated.
They said that they had no other livelihood than their trade with
Spain, and would not now dare to send ships thitlier, seeing that
vessels openly left here to help the rebels and injure your Majesty's
subjects. If the liope of gain moved him, Walsingham, to be
interested in these adventures, they would give him ten thousand
marks, of 26 reals each, to desist therefrom ; and, if not, they pointed
out the injury it would cause to the country for tlieir trade to be
stopped, They were told that Drake was his friend, and Bingham
his servant, but that they were acting without his consent. The
mercliants replied that, without the countenance of him or other
Councillors, they were sure that it would not be attempted ;
whereupon he replied that the matter had been decided upon for
fitting reasons, and they must have patience. I again increased
their alarm, and the merchants thereupon brought individual
pressure to bear on some of tlieir friends in the Council, saying
that if they had to lose their property they wished to hear from
the Queen's own lips, whether it was necessary in her interests.
This has somewhat slackened the fury, and the ships are not to
leave until the end of August, so that Terceira will be unprotected,
and we have thus gained time, for your Majesty, to reduce it with
greater ease, and fur mo to see the Queen, and take fitting steps
to prevent the going of the ships altogether. — London, 15th June
1581.
15 June. 103. Bernaedino de Mendoza to the King.
On the 6th I wrote to your Majesty that Alen^-on was here. In
addition to the assurance from the Controller that I might write
this, I had other inf'oi'mation, and saw plain indications that he
had arrived, so it was impossible to disbelieve it. The Ebglish,
great and small, began to murmur about his coming, saying that ■
Elizabeth. 131
1581.
if he came to many the Queen, it was fitting that he should come
as the brother of a king ought to do, and with proper means ;
whereas, if he did not come to marry, they did not want poor
Frenchmen in this country. All this is said so boldly, that probably
the Queen may have feared that some disturbance would result ;
these fears being promoted by Leicester and Walsingham and their
friends. It may well be imagined that this would cause the Queen
to change her course. She gave many fine promises to Alengon and
begged him to return at once, saying that when he came back
here publicly she would marry him. It appears he did as she
desired without having been seen by any of the Frenchmen, and I
am assured that he only stayed here two nights. This has given
the French an opportunity for saying that he has not been here.
They announced their departure at this time publicly, saying that
they might meet the Duke of Alen9on and return hither with him.
Their departure, however, was deferred from day to day, and on
the 12th, after they had shipped their belongings and taken leave,
they sent to ask for another audience, which delayed them until the
14th, when they departed without any other decision, excepting
that they and the English Commissioners have signed the capitu-
lation about which I have already written, to the effect that when
the Queen and Aleii9on marry these conditions shall be adopted,
the Queen reserving three or four points by letter to Alenjon.
These are, as to whether he may exercise his Catholic religion here,
the question of his being crowned, the alimony he is to receive if
the Queen dies, and the liberation of the Queen of Scotland. The
Queen says that these points they will settle between them, without
the intervention of anyone else, a period of six weeks being given
for this purpose, during which it is to be decided whether Alenjon
is to come and be married or not. This seems quite incredible, and
to be only a device to preserve the dignity of Alen9on, after so
solemn an embassy. 'Ihe negotiations are thus left open and
Marchaumont still remains here to keep up appearances, on the
pretence tliat he is awaiting the expiry of the six weeks.
The Frenchmen assured the Queen in their last audience, that if
the marriage took place, she should receive from the King of France
whatever she desired. She is urging Alen9on greatly to succour
Cambrai. I cannot hear that any alliance was concluded, or that
they or Alengou raised a loan, although both sides opened the door
to some such arrangements, and hopes were held out concerning them.
It may be judged from what has passed, that this communication
may lead to ill blood rather than friendship between them, because
Sussex, and those who promoted the marriage, have assured the
French that Leicester and his friends have been the cause of its
failure ; whilst he, Leicester, tells them that he has never seen
any desire on the Queen's part to marry Alen^on, and that those
who professed that she wished it had no other object but to drive
the French into enmity with this country. I am assured also by
confidants of the French, that they are in reality much offended at
the Queen having enticed them here on the assurance of the
marriage ; whereas tliey are going back with empty words, and
I %
132 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1581,
she has made use of their coming to magnify her own importance
and diminish that of France, saying that they wished to make an
alliance with her and nothing else. They resent this, and with
reason, as people judge that the French power must indeed be
decayed, if they are obliged to send so great an embassy for this
purpose alone. I have made use of this, and have extended the
rumour, without showing my hand.
The English have also become suspicious at the execution of
Morton, whilst the ambassadors were here, inasmuch as the King
of Scotland had only a few days before written the Queen a letter
full of endearment, promising that he would do nothing except to
her liking. All this was merely artifice, in order to make sure of
her. She thought that, owing to the steps that had been taken
by her ministers towards the queen of Scotland, even if the King,
for afipearance sake, condemned Morton, he would not take
his life, in ord^' to avoid offending her. As she now sees the
contrary, and that Morton was executed with so much boldness,
she has been greatly inflamed, and her suspicions aroused that the
whole thing has been managed by the French, by means of
d'Aubigny. She instantly sent orders to the Scotch Borders that
the garrisons should be doubled and held in readiness until further
orders, the wages of the new draft, however, not commencing until
such orders arrived.
Morton was sentenced in the presence of a squadron of eight
hundred men as a guard, for having been the principal actor in the
death of the late King, which, having been proved, the King,
his son, did not wish Morton's other heinous crimes to be investi-
gated. From this it is seen that his only object was to establish
the innocence of his mother, of the groundless accusations brought
by Morton and the Englisli heretics against her. I am expecting a
man of mine to bring me full particulars, which I will at once send
to your Majesty. Thank God it has turned out much better than
was expected, seeing the slowness with which the king of Scotland
proceeded ; but it is now clear that this was only sagacity and
artifice, the better to accom])lish his design. This, too, is a great
beginning, from which we may hope for the submission of the
country, that God should have decreed that this pernicious heretic
should be removed with so exemplary a punishment. — London,
loth June 1581.
15 June. 104. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
As I wrote in my last, the Queen had appointed an audience for
me on the following day, I having requested it on the occasion of
the boy having been taken from my house by the constables,
which I resented as a disgraceful insult. On the day appointed
she informed mc that the French ambassadors had received a
courier which necessitated her receiving tliem that day, but said
that if I would come on the following day she would be glad to
see me. The hour fixed was two in the afternoon, but when that
hour arrived, she sent to request me to wait until three, when she
ELIZABETH. 133
1681.
would senfl and summon mo. I thought that all tliis ceremony was
in consequence of the French ambassadors being here.
The secretary who had brought the messages came as arranged,
and said that the Queen did not wish to put any slight or jealousy
upon the French as they had been so long here, ancl she requested
me as a Queen, and a lady, to be good enough to defer my coming
until they had left, when I should be very welcome. I had heard
from various sources that when, after receiving your Majesty's
dispatch, I had signified that I would not trouble her by requesting
audience whilst she was so busy with the Fi-ench, Leicester and
other ministers had urged her to refuse it if I asked for it, saying
that this would be a good opportunity for getting rid of me, and
that the Fiench would be annoyed if she received me. She was
persuaded to this view, against the opinion of Cecil, who told her
that on no account was it advisable that your Majesty should be so
openly flouted, and as I now saw that your Majesty's dignity had
to be considered, she having appointed three audiences foi- me, and
when I was ready to go, suddenly stopping me, and as I also knew
how timid and pusillanimous the Queen is by nature, I replied with
spirit that I was astonished that a minister of your Majesty should
be treated in such a way. I said the French could have no reason
for complaint at her receiving your Majesty's ministers, since peace
and harmony existed between her and your Majesty. There was
no cause, moreover, from jealou'^y, since my reason for seeing her
was unconnected with the marriage, and was only respecting the
recent events which had happened to me. She knew that I had
delayed other affairs until she had settled her business with the
French, avoiding asking her for audience until they were gone, but
the present treatment was apparently prompted by a desire that I
should go back to Spain, since she gave me no opportunity of
communicating with her on matters concerning your Majesty's
interests, and this being so she might send me my passports and I
would comply with that wish.
The reply she sent to this was, that sovereigns did not often make
such earnest requests of ministers as she had done to Don Bernardino
de Mendoza, and she was astonished that I, being a Spaniard and a
Mendoza, who had assured her many times of my wish to servo
her, should have refused the petition she sent to me as a lady. She
Avould, however, .be very sorry that I should leave her country in
anger. My reply to this was, that I should never dare to show my
face again before ladies in Spain, if I refused to comply with such
a request as hers, who, besides being a Queen was such a great
lady ; and not only would I oblige her by delaying my visit until
the Fiench were gone, but four days afterward, during which time
I could satisfy myself as to whether she really wished to receive
me or not. I could assure her that this was not by any means the
smallest service I had rendered her. She thanked me greatly, and
said that as soon as the Frenchmen were gone, which would be within
two days, I should be very welcome, and I should have no cause to
complain after the audience. I have therefore delayed matters, as
your Majesty directs, having insured an audience, although I doubt
not that Leicester and the others would have prevented it if they
134 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1581. '
could, as tliey did in fact, as long as possible, the object being to
keep me in suspense until the end of the six weeks, in order that I
might not stop their tricks and dodges by verbally pointing out to
the Queen the many evils which might result to her from them,
without any corresponding advantage. The knowledge that I was
ready to leave the country, greatly influenced her, as she did not
wish to break with your Majesty. To cope with the evil minds of
her ministers, with all their falseness and fickleness much greater
prudence and understanding than I possess are needful, but all the
dexterity and artifice, that I can employ shall be used to conduct
affairs fittingly, and although I consign these affairs into the hands
of God, as being especially for His service, my own sinfulness makes
me fear that they may fail to turn out so successful as we all
desire. — London, 15th June 1581,
24 June. 105. Bernardino de Mendoza to the KiNa.
On the 15th I wrote to your Majesty what had passed between
the Queen and myself respecting audience. On the I7th, which
was the fourth day of the time I had fixed, she sent to say that, if
I wished to see her, I was to go by water and she would await me
in a gallery overlooking the river. I arrived there, and landed at
a private door, and on ascending to the gallery was met and
entertained by Hatton, Captain of the Guard, being shortly
afterwards joined by the Queen, who was accompanied only by tlie
earl of Sussex, and had no lady with her. The others retired tq
the end of the gallery, leaving me alone with the Queen. I suspect
that the reason why she did not give me audience before her ladies
and other courtiers, was for fear I might be very angry, which she
did not wish them to see. She therefore took me so far apart that
no one in the gallery could hear one word of what passed.
After receiving me with many endearments, she began to
complain that the soldiers who had been sent to Ireland had come
with your Majesty's consent. She said she did not want to
quarrel with anyone, but if she saw that people were disturbing
her she would find means to do the same to them. This was set
forth in a wordy harangue, tracing the troubles in the Netherlands
from their beginning, and setting forth her good ofiices therein.
I listened to it all, as I saw that she had been well armed for the
fray by her Councillors, and then I replied that she evidently
wanted to be beforehand with me, and to prevent my complaints
by her supposed grievances about Ireland. These I said I would
leave until I had another opportunity of seeing her, as they were as
groundless as they were numerous. I would therefore at present only
deal with the treatment which her officers had extended to me, to
the prejudice of her own Crown, since they denied me the rights of
nations, which even savages recognise as inviolable. I said that
certain constables and officers of justice of hers, professing to act
by order of the Council, had taken the boy from my doors, he being
a subject of your Majesty and a domestic servant of my house. I
pointed out the scandal of the matter in this way, and said that
the coQatables had told me that they acted by her express orders,
ELIZABETH. 138
1581.
which I could not otherwise than believe, seeing that they did not
hang the men the next morning for having used her name without
warrant ; nor could I believe that I could stay here with security
for myself, since, neither on my part nor that of the boy, had
anything been done to the prejudice of her realm, I said this
because Walsingham had told her all about the agreement with
the Hollanders, and had shown her the arrangements I had made
with them, which bad been sent hither by Orange. She then sent
and summoned the earl of Leicester and Sussex, and told them that
they were to make strict inquiry into the case and to report the
result to her, in order that she might give me full satisfaction.
She then again raised the question of Ireland, and said that she
thought my desire to see her arose from my having received special
orders from your Majesty with a letter of excuse about Ireland,
since she had sent to tell me that, until there was some message
about this she would not receive me. This is the exact contrary
of what the two secretaries told me, as I wrote on the 23rd of
October, which was that, as I was a Minister of your Majesty, she
would not receive me until she liad ascertained whether the soldiers
wlio came to Ireland were sent by your Majesty's advice, for
which purpose she would send a special envoy to your Majesty, or
otherwise. I said that, io consideration of this, I had no reason
to repeat what I had often said upon the subject, but had only to
wait until she had satisfied herself by inquiry, giving her time to
do this, as I had, by not requesting audience. She now knew
that, not only had confessions been obtained from soldiers in
Ireland, but the men had been brought hither, and some of them
had been released who had expressed a desire to speak with her.
I judged, therefore, that she would now be fully informed upon the
matter, and liave received a reply from Spain, which might have
convinced her that the succour was really sent by the Pope to the
insurgents. She replied that she had in her possession au order
signed by your Majesty for the raising of the troops, and as I had
certain information that this was a lie, and that the prisoners had
not confessed such a thing, but had only said that they were sent
from the Pope, I replied that I could hardly believe that, unless I
saw the paper itself. She replied that it was true, and she had
the memorial which Cardinal Kiaiio* had given to your Majesty
on the matter. I asked whether she knew the answer, whereupon
she said there was no reason to tell me that, if the business was not
to be discussed now, but she would do so later. I told her that
in plain Spanish it was a decided negative, and your Majesty had
given such a reply in order to set her an example not to help the
rebels in the Netherlands with troops, munitions, and provisions,
such as went from here daily, and also that she might restore
Drake's plunder and punish the pirate, as well as refusing to lend
ear to Souza or helping the rebels in Portugal. I said, in this
way the evils of the past might partly be remedied, but if she did
* Filippo Sega, Bishop of Piaceuza, Papal Nunciol at Madrid. This document with
the King's reply will be found in the B.M. MSS. Add. 28,420. See Vol. 2 of this
Calendar, page 666.
136 SPANISH STATE PAPEBS.
1581,
not act thus, and further irritated your Majesty with new causes
of complaint, she might consider what would happen. I did not
wish to go further into details, in order to leave her in suspense
and to give me another reason for seeing her. My object had been
simply to touch lightly upon the three points to see how she took
them, and the result of this was her saying that she did not wish
to break with your Majesty, and that the king of France had done
more harm than she had done in the matter of Portugal. To this
I replied that the fact of the king of France doing evil was no
reason why she should do so likewise.
It is impossible for me to express to your Majesty the insincerity
with which she and her Ministers proceed. In addition to repeating
to me the very opposite of the message she had sent, she
contradicts me every moment in my version of the negotiations.
I understood from her and Cecil, whom I afterwards saw, and who
is one of the few Ministers who show any signs of straight-
forwardness, that they had learnt that your Majesty was going to
write to the Queen assuring her that the succour had not been sent
to Ireland on your behalf, and although I assured them that the
matter concerned the Pope alone, he said they wished to see a
letter from your Majesty on the matter. I replied that, after I
had, as your Majesty's Minister, given them the assurance, no more
affirmation was required. If I had not shown spirit, which is the
thing whicli moves the Queen and her Ministers most, I have no
doubt, such is their insolence, that I should never have been able
to get conference with them. This alone has enabled me to hold
my own with them until now, thus gaining time for matters to
develop themselves.
I understand that the boy they took from me has been sent back
again hither from Zeeland at the instance of Walsingham, in case the
Queen should press him very hardly upon the matter. I know
where he is lodged, but I have not made any efforts to claim him,
as I am of opinion that, the plan being discovered and the money
irrecoverable from the sureties, it will be more to your Majesty's
interest, if the Queen do not offer proper official reparation,
that I should not press especially for the boy to be restored to
me. — London, 24th June 1581.
24 June. 106. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
In my former letters I have informed your Majesty of the
condition of the ships which were being made ready here. At the
same time as the communications were going on between the Queon
and m) self, Drake and Bingham and others opened negotiations on
behalf of some of the councillors, with the nierchants here who
owned the best vessels, with a view of purchasing them and sending
them on the Indian voyage. This referred not only to those which
were actually in England at the time, but also to others which the
owners are expecting to arrive from Spain and the Levant ten or
twelve of the best vessels being specified. They also said that three
of the Queen's ships which were being purchased by merchants
were to be supplied with long boats, and that ground glass and
ELIZABETH. 137
1581.
other things against the ravages of worm were to be put in them.
All these preparations were made so hurriedly and ostentatiously
that it occurred to me that they had some artful end in view, for
the following reasons amongst others.
Now that they have lost confidence in the relief of Terceira, their
object in fitting out ships would probably be one of three ; namely,
to go to the Indies ; to intercept and attack your Majesty's fleets
from the East Indies, Tierra Firme and New Spain, the best time for
which is the end of August ; or else to molest the fleets from the
Mina and Cape de Verd which usually arrive at the end of October.
As in the negotiations for purchasing the ships, they talked about
waiting for those which were coming from Spain and the Levant,
and having regard to the work commenced on the Queen's ships,
they could hardly get away before some time in August at the
earliest, and it cannot be believed that they would attempt to leave
on the long voyage to the Indies at the beginning of the winter.
Nor could they expect to do much against the Indian fleets, as they
would not leave here until the time they usually arrive ; and they
would not go to the expense of fitting out twelve ships, as they say,
which will cost at least 60,000 crowns, for the pui'pose only of taking
the flotillas from Cape de Verd and the Mina. It was evident to me,
therefore, that their object in making a show of arming at the
present time, was that the knowledge of it would reach my ears,
and that I might be beguiled into losing sight of everything else,
and address the Queen on this subject alone ; upon which she could
quickly reassure me, and put me off the scent of other things by
saying that she would see that no ships were fitted out. I perceived
the design and would not address her upon the subject, as there would
be plenty of time to do what was necessary if the preparations
were proceeded with. When they^saw that I took no notice of it the
talk about purchase and preparation of ships soon slackened
after my interview with the Queen. Although I am told that
Drake himself said that he had been ordered to suspend the fitting
out of the ships, and I see no possibility of their being able to
leave for the next two months, I am still keeping my eyes open .so
as to lose no opportunity of acting in your Majesty's interests. —
London, 24th June 158L
24 June. 107. Bernahdino de Mendoza to the King.
Since reporting the departure of the French ambassadors, I have
heard that Leicester suggested to Secretary Pinart that they should
keep up a private correspondence about affairs, and that Pinart
told him that the secretaries of France were not in the habit of
doing such things, and he had better not write to him, for he would
not answer. When there was any business about which he wished
to treat with the King his master, he might communicate it to the
ambassador here, who would wi'ite it in due course without his,
Pinart's, mediation.
When the ambassadors left, the Queen hinted that she might send
a great Embassy to France in return, and Leicester has approached
Marcliaumont to persuade him to write to Alen90ii and to Fraace
138 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1581.
urging the King to ask the Queen to send Leicester as ambassador.
Marchaumont has sent M. de Vray to Alenpon about this, and the
Queen has also dispatched Somers, one of her secretaries, with letters
for him. The marriage business has taken a fresh turn, as the
Queen says now that, if she marries, it will be for the purpose of
giving peace to Europe by pacifying France, bringing the Nether-
lands to submit to your Majesty, and releasing the Queen of
Scotland ; under cloak of which she is pressing more than ever for
the relief of Cambrai. She has been much grieved at the advice
she has from her ambassador in France of the issuing of the pro-
clamation by the King ordering Frenchmen who go to the Netherlands
to be punished as rebels, this being an artifice to keep the marriage
matter pending and prevent the downfall of Alengon.
She has given leave, as usual, to the Queen of Scotland to go to
the baths and allows her to have a coach, which is a greater
privilege than she has hitherto enjoyed.
An English ship which went with merchandise to Zante left there
without a cargo, with the intention of robbing at the entrance of
the Gulf of Venice. She took two Turkish vessels with Indian and
Greek goods, with which she went to Malta, The news has arrived
here, and it is impossible for me to exaggerate the energy displayed
all round the coast to arrest the ship, as they have already done the
merchants who loaded her. This has been done without any
complaint being made in the matter, and only in the fear that the
Turk may arrest all English goods there as soon as he hears of it.
Your Majesty may well imagine therefore, that if you were to allow
this course to be taken in your dominions,* how quickly they would
restore the plunder they take daily. They are not now content
with stealing merchandise alone, but maltreat and even kill many
men whom they capture, and for months past I am constantly
sending back to Spain sailors and other subjects of your Majesty,
who are arriving at these ports and are expelled without any form of
trial ; and clamour as I may, the Council will provide no remedy. —
London, 24th June 1581.
20 June. 108. BERNARDrao DE Mendoza to the King.
I wrote on the 24th that I had learned of the arrival here
of a Portuguese vfith two trunks and a black velvet cushion,
braided with gold. He went to stay in the house of Juan
Rodriguez de Souza, his guide being a Portuguese physician of the
Queen called Dr. Lopez, who has been the leader of Souza all
through. Although Dr. Lopez came with this Portuguese, he did
not come to London, but went straight to Nonsuch, where Leicester
was hunting, and the latter saw the Queen immediately afterwards.
After Souza iind Lopez had seen Leicester and the latter had conferred
with the Queen, they started for Dover, Lopez telling a great friend
of his, an Italian, that he was going to meet Don Antonio who was
already in England, having come to Calais and landed with the
eight or ten Portuguese who accompanied him disguised as sailors.
* In tb« King's band :— i" It \7iU l>e "well to consider this. Bemiud me of it,"
ELIZABETH. 139
1581.
Doubtless Souza, for this reason, went over to Calais, as he did
with the Frenchmen. Although I have on other occasions reported
the arrival of Don Antonio in France and other places, it now
appears more likely to be true than before, as I have been informed
that Lord Cobham also told a certain Fleming that Don Antonio
was very shortly coming to supper with him, and that if he, the
Fleming, would pretend to be his, Cobham ',s, servant, he would see
him for himself. I have also learnt that eight or ten Portuguese
did land at Dover, and the person who told me came with them as
far as Rochester. They seemed to him to be persons of po.sition, and
could not have been Count Vimioso's people, as he was known to be
at Tours. All this has set the rumour afloat that the man is Don
Antonio himself In case this should be so, as I have already pre-
pared the Queen in the way your Majesty ordered, I have sent to ask
for audience, and in the meanwhile will ascertain if it be he or not.
The person who has seen the man describes him as being under the
middle height, with a thin face and very dark, the hair and beard
being somewhat grey, and the eyes green, which description tallies
with Don Antonio, both in Antonio de Castillo's opinion and mine,
as I saw him 16 years since in Madrid. I will instantly send a
special courier to your Majesty when I have ascertained, and will
address the Queen as your Majesty orders. If it be not he, I will
speak to her on other subjects. — London, 26th June 1581.
4 July 109. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
In accoidance with your Majesty's orders in the despatch of
28th May, 1 have communicated to the heads of the Catholics here
the favourable reception you have given to their request ; this has
been a great consolation and encouragement in the persecution
which afflicts them so heavily, and they hope that God will,
through your hands, extricate them from their cares. I understand
they have written to his Holiness on the matter, and they will, on
their part, do their best to maintain the Cardinals. From what
I can gather, I believe it will be of the greatest advantage in
converting this kingdom, for them to see their own countrymen in
such a high position, and it seems as if God himself had inspired
them to beg this favour of you, although they did it so timidly
that they feared even that I would refuse to send the petition to
your Majesty.
In pursuance of the Act of Parliament they have made inquiries
in the parishes of London as to those who absent themselves from
church, and they find that 1,500 people refuse absolutely to attend.
In addition to these, there a great number schismatics, who listen
to their preachings, although they know they are false, rather than
incur the penalty, although this place is more infested with heretics
than any in England. Some of the imprisoned Catholics are allowed
to go to their homes, but under such terrible conditions that they
prefer to remain in prison. The first is that they should pledge
themselves to go to the preachings once a month, under penalty of
201. for each time they fail ; second, that they may not go more
than three miles from their homes; third, that they are not to
140 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1681.
converse with any other Catholic, even though he be a relative ;
fourth, that they are to have no Catholic servant, and tliey may
not even converse with any clergyman or other person who may
have come from Rome, nor may they harbour or associate with
any one who may have given shelter to such a man. All this is to
be punished as high treason, but nevertheless God allows the same
to happen here as we read of in the early Church, and there are
people, even though they be heretics, who are so faithful to tlie
many priests who are here in disguise that, for their sakes, they
disregard wives, children, and possessions, saying that they are
good people and they will not betray them. There has not been
a man hitherto who has denounced any of them as Catholics.
The viceroy of Ireland has been in treaty through the earl of
Ormond for the reconciliation of a gentleman who had taken up
arms. Ormond had pledged his word, on behalf of the Viceroy,
that he should be pardoned when he presented himself. The
Viceroy, distrusting him, placed an ambuscade of 300 men on
the road by which he had to pass. This being discovered by the
gentleman's troops they attacked them, and the Viceroy with
the rest of his men came to the help of his ambuscade. But the
Irishmen fought with such fury that the Viceroy had to retire with
the loss of over 2(J0 men and part of his baggage. If it had not
been for Captain Fuller (?), an Englishman who held tlie rear
guard and was wounded, not a man of the Viceroy's force would
have escaped. Ormond is much annoyed that, under shelter of his
word, such a thing should have been done, and he is on bad terms
with the Queen's people. Lord Grey is said to be so unpopular
that the Queen thought of recalling him, but Leicester and his
party, being as great heretics as he is, have insisted upon his
retention, and have persuaded her to send another general pardon.
The Queen has written to France, offering a large sum of money if
they (the French) will openly break with your Majesty whilst she
stands on the expectant. She has news that the king of Fiance had
seen Alenjon, which has caused her much surprise and increased
her suspicions about Scotland. — London, 4th July 1581.
4 July. 110. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King,
On the 26th ultimo I informed your Majesty that I had requested
audience, in consequence of the suspicions I entertained that Don
Antonio had arrived liere. At the end of my last audience the
Queen was very gracious, and told me that, when I saw her next
time, I could speak to her of the various other affairs. Since then
some other Ministers have altered her so that the reply she sent to
me was a refu.sal, in a very different tone, the earl of Sussex giving
the message to my servant publicly. In consequence of this I
determined to have no more pros and cons through third persons,
because I see that their method is simply to talk nonsense and then
repudiate what they say, throwing the blame on the messengers.
I judged that the change had been brought about by Leicester,
Hatton, and Walsingham, who are those most interested in Drake's
robberies, and endeavour to persuade her oot to allow s, Minister
tltlZABETH, 141
1581.
from your Majesty at her Court, as she had none resident in yours.
I therefore resolved to write her a letter, copy of which I enclose,
conceived in the same spirit as her answer to me, so that she might
be obliged to show it to her Council, where, I was sure, some of the
members would point out to her the danger she was running in
refusing to receive fne, and thus irritating your Majesty. Cecil,
particularly, who is the person upon whom the Queen depends in
matters of importance, had seen me a few days before, and had said
how sorry he was that these things should occur, and that he should
be unable to remedy them, as he was sure that I could not avoid
being offended. I told him that I had fallen ill in consequence
of the message sent to me.
My secretary handed her the letter at the end of last month,
when she was coming from hunting at Eltham, in a very good
humour, Marchaumont, Leicester, and Hatton being with her. She
seated herself and read it twice over, and it was generally noticed
that it caused her to look very sad. Hatton replied to the man
who delivered it that if, in consequence of my own health, or
any private reason connected with your Majesty's interests, I
wished for my passports, the Queen would give them to me, but
that, for her part, she had not the slightest desire that I should
leave her Court or that she should break with your Majesty. He
told him to return the next day fcr a reply as to when I could
have audience. They ultimately fixed the audience for 3 o'clock,
but as soon as the sei-vant had gone this fickle folk sent after him
to call him back in a great hurrj'. They made him wait for an
hour, whilst they hastily held another council, the result of which
was that they confirmed the reply which they had given him.
The Queen received me in her private chamber, to which I was
conducted by a secret staircase. She ordered the room to be
cleared of all but Leicester, Sussex, Hatton, and Walsingham, and
her first words were that it was not much to expect your Majesty
to write to her giving some satisfaction about Ireland, this being
said in the course of a long speech to me. I replied that she
should recollect that she had, through me, sent a letter to your
Majesty last July on that matter, and that your Majesty had
commanded me to reply thereto that the affair really concerned
the Pope alone. I had for the second time requested audience,
saying that I had fresh letters fi-om your Majesty for the purpose
of giving her this reply and for other business, this being at the
end of October last, and to my request she had sent a reply that
she would not receive me or any other of your Majesty's Ministers
until she had thoroughly investigated what troops had gone to
Ireland, and whether they went by your Majesty's orders. This
message was confii-med by the two secretaries on the 22nd October
when they came to see me, and I had therefore given her time to make
such inquiries. She immediately called Sussex and Walsingham,
and began to speak loudly to them, saying that she had not sent
such a message, and called Walsingham to witness that she had
said that, until I could tell her something about the matter in your
Majesty's name, she would not receive me, and she thought that
142 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1581.
she had not done me any disservice in keeping silent with regard
to the answer I had given her, which she considered was prejudicial
to your Majesty's interests, as she believed your Majesty would also
think. I replied that if I had failed in my duty to your Majesty,
I had a head to pay for it, and although, as your Majesty's
Minister, I was bound to render an account of my actions, God had
granted me such an honourable descent that this alone would
prevent me from failing in my duty to my King, if for no other
reason but to leave unsullied the escutcheons of Coruna* and
Mendoza, She screamed out louder than before at this, saying
tliat I was to blame for everything that had happeaed, and I
smilingly told her that she was speaking as a lady ; those of her
sex usually displaying most annoyance at the things that were
done in their interest, and I said that it was no small service that
I had rendered her to await her pleasure so long. I reminded
her that at the last audience I had said, in answer to her inter-
rogation as to the capacity in which I spoke, tliat I spoke as your
Majesty's Minister. She said that ambassadors often invented
fictions out of their own heads for the purpose of theii' mission, to
which I replied that I always spoke the truth, as she had seen
during the three years that I had been here, and I would on no
account say a thing in my capacity as Minister which was not
in accordance with my instructions. If, I said, I had no such
instructions, I was not such a simpleton as to be unable to say that
I knew nothing about the matter. — London, 4th July 1581.
4 July, 111. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
In addition to the conversation reported in the enclosed letter,
tlie Queen asked me during the audience, what I had to say to her
in virtue of the letters which I had received from your Majesty.
I signified that I had heard of Don Antonio's arrival here, and
repeated your Majesty's instructions to me with regard to his
arrest and surrender. She thereupon summoned the Councillors
to hear what I said. She asked me how it was possible that your
Majesty could know tliat he had arrived here, to wliich I replied
that as his agent, Juan Rodriguez de Souza, liad from the first
been so much caressed by her, it might well he supposed that when
Don Antonio embarked at St. Ubes he would come hither. She
wished thereupon to know the dates of the letter's I had at the time
that I had asked for the first audience, and where your Majesty was
at the time. I told her that they were dated on the 28th of May,
but that that morning I had others dated at Villafrauca on the
12th ultimo, which was partly true, as with the duplicate of that
of the 28th I had received a note from Don Juan de Idiaquez of
that date, although I said it was from your Majesty. She replied
that she knew couriers ran, but she was sure they did not &.y,
and that what I said was impossible. I pointed out to her that,
from the 12th of one month to the 5tli of another, was 21 days,
and that it was nothing miraculous for a courier to come from
Lisbon hither in 14 days. Don Antonio had not been in such a
' Mendoza wftS the son of the Count of Coruna.
ELIZABETH. 143
1681.
hurry to come to England that advice could not arrive of his
departure from Portugal, as he embarked on a Flemish sloop at
St. Ubes, and, on approaching the coast of England, offered them
two hundred crowns to he put on shore at Plymouth. After
having been some days in Calais, he embai-ked for Dover on the
22nd ultimo. I said I was not so tlioughtless as to speak to her
on the matter unless I was sure he was here ; they might tell her
any man was Don Antonio, but that would not do for me, as I
knew him by si<Tht. She said that, as I gave so many particulars,
he might be in her country, but that your Majesty had entertained
the earl of Westmoreland, who was her rebel subject, and had
taken part in the duke of Norfolk's rising with the intention of
depriving her of her crown and giving it to the queen of Scotland.
Notwithstanding that she had many times written to your Majesty
about it, Westmoreland had not only been received but maintained
and pensioned. She said she did not know yet whether she should
help Don Antonio or not, but she would not arrest or surrender
anyone to be killed; and, if she did not think fit to give him up,
she would not be the first who had broken the treaties of alliance
she had with your Majesty. Whereupon I repeated the formal
words, as I had been ordered, calling upon her to fulfil the
engagements to which she was bound. She replied that such a
request could not be made verbally by the ambassador, which view,
if I mistake not, was founded on Article 5 of the general treaty,
which says that any demand for the surrender of a rebel or outlaw
shall be made by letter, and that, within a month of its presentatioon,
the prince shall expel him from the country on 15 days' notice ;
and if not, may proceed against him as if he were a rebel against
the country in which he had taken refuge. If this be the case, it
would be well for your Majesty to have a written demand sent
for the surrender of Don Antonio, because, even though she may
not consent to fulfil the treaties, it will be a great check upon her
aiding him in any other way. When I was in the Netherlands
in the time of the Grand Commander (Requesens) a similar matter
was discussed on your Majesty's behalf, when it was advanced
that, if the persons declared to be rebels by this Queen were
expelled from those States, they might be properly rpceived in
your other dominions, as the treaties were only with the House of
Burgundy, whereupon this Queen's envoys replied that the treaties
did not refer to one but to all of your kingdoms, as the clauses
stated that such rebels could not be received in any of your
territories, I thought well to state this point to your Majesty,
and to say that in the treaty with Portugal the matter was not
mentioned. Antonio de Castillo tells me moreover that there
is no treaty in the Tower of Tombo touching upon the matter, so
that Don Antonio must be demanded by virtue of the treaty with
the Low Countries.
He is here ; and although they say that the Bishop de la Gnardia
came with him, the signs do not confirm this, as the oldest man in
the company is tall and thin and wears glasses, and may therefore
be Diego Botello. I am quite certain about Don Antonio, even
if the Queen had not confessed it, as I have seen a person who has
144i SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1581. ~~~~
s]:)oken to him. The rest of them have changed their names and
keep close, like their master. When they passed through Rochester
he went to see the Queen's ships, and gave the man who took him
only once round in a boat, 40 crowns, and 4r to the oarsmen. I do
not hear that he brings much money or jewels, as they have had
even to supply him with shirts here. There are six or eight men
with him, for whom cloths and silks have been brought for clothing,
part being paid for in cash and the rest owing, a thousand crowns
being all that has been spent hitherto. The Queen has had him
lodged two miles from Greenwich at a place called Stepney in the
house of an alderman who was Lord Mayor* last year. I understand
that Leicester and Hatton went there to see him, at night, when
the Queen was at Eltham, at the end of last month, and he went
seci-etly to see her the next day. In the afternoon he was with
Leicester an d Walsingham ; and Captains Drake, Winter, and Hawkins,
who are pirates and seamen, were present, and a conversation
took place about their going to the island (Terceira ?) encouraged
by the hopes which Don Antonio held out to them. The matter of
the succour has been dealt with very energetically in consequence
of the arrival here of a ship with letters from St. Michael, dated
11th ultimo, from the Bishop of Angra for Antonio de Castillo :
saying that the Terceira people are still obstinate, having refused
to admit the Governor sent by your Majesty with a general pardon
for all, excepting only the Mayor of the island and two other
persons. The other islands have submitted to your Majesty, and
the English sailors who come in the ship confirm this. They are
determined to send help thither at once in four vessels which
Winter had got ready to go with Drake, which are now at Plymouth
ready to sail. I told the Queen, in order to alarm her, about the
giilleons and troops which your Majesty had ordered to be sent to
Terceira and I am doing my best to stop the sending of this succour,
although I cannot imagine by what artifice I can contend with these
people, as 1 find them different every day ; their venom being such
that they only think of troubling your Majesty by every means.
Notwithstanding all my efforts, the only thing I succeed in doing
is to retard somewhat the execution of their designs, and this gives
me time to advise your Majesty and for a remedy to be adopted, or
for events to change. In order to stop their fury in sending
assistance to the Indies, it is important that your Majesty should
instantly write to the Queen regarding the surrender of Don Antonio,
sending the letter hither with all speed. Although I have known
that Don Antonio was here for five or six days, I have delayed
writing until I sent an account by this special courier of w^hat
passed at my audience.
The Earl of Leicester went this morning to see Don Antonio, and
told him what had passed between the Queen and me. He (Antonio)
said that he was at Tomar at the coronation of your Majesty, and
the taking of the oath of allegiance to the prince ; and that he had
spent 20,000 crowns upon those who concealed him and contrived
• This was Sir Nicholas Woodrowe, a member ol the LHttbeidasher's Compauy.
Walsingham had a house at Bow, hard by .
EtiZABilTH. l^iS
1581.
his escape, which he said was most difficult and dangerous, as he
was being hotly pursued. All this is only to persuade them
that he has many adherents in Portugal, although lie confesses that
the duke of Alba pressed him so closely that he could hide himself
no longer, and he therefore had to escape under such perilous
conditions. — London, 4th July 1581.
14 July. 112. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
I wrote on the 4th instant by special messenger an account of
what had passed with the Queen about the surrender of Don
Antonio. 1 hear that he and his peojile say that they were hidden
for a long time in St. Ubes, before they embarked, and had left
Bishop de la Guardia there. The men who accompany him,
are known are Manuel de Silva and Diego Botello. It is said that
after they had sailed they were nearly forced back to port again
by contrary winds, and although Don Antonio had not disclosed
himself to the ship master, when he saw his determination to put
back, he had him told who he was ; and four hundred crowns were
given to him not to return to St. Ubes or to any of your Majesty's
territories. He was also promised a perpetual pension of 2,000
crowns if Don Antonio was successful. The master thereupon made
great efforts to keep at sea, and brought him to a port lictween Boulogne
and Calais, where he landed, and tlie Dutch sloop continued her
voyage. Antonio then went to Calais, and this gave rise to the idea
that he had come all the way by land. He is now here publicly, as
any one mny see him, although the Portuguese avoid him unless they
are forced to meet him by the rest. He has sent one of the servants
who came with him, to Vimioso in France ; and is trying to insure
there, at Antwerp, and here, 200,000 crowns which it is said are
coming for Don Antonio in two ships, from the island of Terceii^a,
in the name of an Italian merchant, with whom Vimioso has made
an arrangement. Although I have tried my best to discover the
name of this Italian, and what is the amount of the loan, I liave
been unaljle to find out anything, which makes me believe that it
is all a fiction, and that they will lose the ships and claim the
amount. There will be some dilliculty about this, however, there
being but few merchants who would insure it, as they know little
of Don Antonio, and he could hardly pay them the premium ia
cash, as is usual in some places, and this would amount, on the
200,000 crowns, to at least 2.5,000.
There is also some talk of his giving letters of marque against
your Majesty's subjects, and to leave here with a fiwt, of which a
statement is now enclosed. He has already paid in cash for three
or four of the ships, and has agreed for the fleet to be ready on
the tenth of next month, which is hard to believe, notwithstanding
that the Queen may assist him warmly. I cannot help suspecting
that when they put to sea they will rather go to the coast of Brazil,
than anywhere else, as Don Antonio says that there are no forces
there to withstand him. He signifies to the Queen, and to Leicester
and Walsingham, who manage the business, that he left more than
a million in money and jewels hidden ia the baud of his friends in
y 84541. K
14)6 SPANISH STATE PAPEES.
1581,
Portugal, and I gather from certain ambiguous words that it is in
St. Ubes and Oporto, and may be transported with ease in small
skiffs, and then sent overland.
Certain Englishmen and Portuguese are going over in vessels
being sent for cargoes of oranges ; they are to serve as spies and
take letters, and it will be to your Majesty's interests that every
ship from France or England should be strictly overhauled on arrival,
and the persons on board examined, with the letters they bear.
Two days since Don Antonio sent a Fleming, who is very well
versed in Portuguese and Spanish, to Lisbon with letters. I have
not discovered particulars about him, as my informant only saw
the money and despatch given to him at night time in the house
Gonzalo Jorge who is the father-in-law of Dr. Lopez, and helps
Don Antonio and Souza. This Gonzalo Jorge corresponds with a
son of his called Jacob Anes* who is married in Lisbon, as well as
with Henry and Paul Sebastian, Portuguese. This man will
probably take letters for some of them, as I am told that letters
have already passed through Jacob Anes to Don Antonio and
Souza. An Englishman named Botolph Holder who lives in Lisbon
will say who these persons are. He has sent many letters from
Don Antonio under cover to Wilson, and as he has therefore
offended since the general pardon, he will deserve punishment.
Another Flemish lad bred in the Azores has also been sent by
Don Antonio with letters to Terceira.
I understand the Queen gave a draft for 5,000i, a week ago,
which I am assured is for the purpose of fitting out this fleet, and
munitions are being secretly brought from the Tower for the same.
Leicester has sent his silver plate to Don Antonio for his use, and
said that the King Don Antonio was very welcome to England, as
from what he, Leicester, understood, he had a better right to the
crown tlian your Majesty, and would find in England 100,000 men
willing to help him in his claim. He said that there was no
question of treaty rights in the matter, as a King was not a rebel,
and your Majesty could therefore not claim him. Don Antonio
very frequently sees the Queen, and Walsingham instantly sends
to him any news they get from Portugal. Although I pointed out
to the Queen what a good opportunity she now had of obliging
yuur Majesty by surrendering Don Antonio, and how important it
was to her that no help should be given to him here, such is the
insolence and arrogance of the Queen and these people that I cannot
describe the eflfrontry with which they speak of it, I have
represented this to Cecil and to other ministers with every possible
artifice, and have done everything that a human being can, but as
they receive and welcome Don Antonio as publicly as if they were
doing nothing against your Majesty, it will be necessary to treat
the Queen in a different way ; and it will be well for your Majesty
♦ This name is very diversely spelt in the correspondence, and I have adopted the
above spelling for the sake of uniformity. I have been unable to trace the^ name in
conneetion with the family of Sara Lopez, but an Irishman named Anias was indirectly
connected with the Lopez plot. The family of Mrs. Lopez are supposed to have been
I'ortuguese Jews in Antwerp, and vrere probably related to the Felipe Georgio who is men-
i ^ tinned in th«HatlieWMSS. Partly, GoBzalg JgrgQ is e'lse-ffliCTe call«4 L9u«5t9n Anes.
ELIZABETH.
147
1581.
to write to her making this clear. Up to the present, she has not
imagined that your Majesty would resent anything she thinks fit to
do, on her bare assurance that she knows nothing of the matter,
and says that your Majesty has more need of England than of any
one else. Besides this helping of Don Antonio, not a day passes
without boat loads of Englishmen going over to Holland. The
Ghent people have taken from here 4,000 crowns worth of cast
iron artillery, and when I complain they tell me that the Queen
considers the States her friends.
They have sent John Hawkins to Plymouth, Drake and Souza
accompanying him for one day on the journey in order to expedite
the succour for Terceira. From the latter place there arrived here
on the 8th a ship loaded with sugar, and with her one of those
mentioned on the 12th May as having gone from here with powder
and munitions, which she discharged there. They report that
Esteban Ferreira de Mello,* and his son-in-law, who had been
released from prison in Lisbon by your Majesty in consideration of
the services they promised to render as natives of the island, had
arrived at Terceira on the 13th ultimo. They were met by a
French ship with 50 Frenchmen, which the Mayor of Angra had
sent out for the purpose, with orders to capture them. This was
done and the Mayor delivered them to a French captain there that
he might take them over to France in his caravel and surrender
them to Don Antonio, and if he were not there to Brito Pimentel,
who sent the French ship to Terceira. The caravel bringing these
Portuguese was sighted near the English coast by one of the ships
which arrived here, and Ferreira and his son-in-law told another
Portuguese on board that they were taking them to Nantes. I have
advised Juan Bautista de Tassis of this, to try and get them released,
as they were serving your Majesty.
The arrest which I obtained of the property of the Terceira
Portuguese at Lyme, was raised as soon as Don Antonio arrived, by
a private letter from the Queen's attorney, notwithstanding the
injustice of the proceeding, as an attorney on ray behalf will prove
to them, it being against the laws of the land as the debt for which
the embargo had been placed was acknowledged. It was ordered
that, even if the goods were not detained, the embargo should only
be raised on surety being given, but they decided that the embargo
should be raised unconditionally, to the surprise even of the Judge
of the Admiralty himself, who said that it was a manifest injustice.
This will prove how they help Don Antonio's interests, and I have
no doubt that he will get possession of this property, — London,
14th July 1581.
14 July. 113. Bernaedino de Mendoza to the King.
As soon as I had my last audience with the Queen, some of the
London merchants asked me to give them passports to send ships
* This mail is periiiips ideuticul with EHtuban I'evreira da Gaiiio, alias Domingo
Peiraiiais, wlio was oue of tlie principals iu Dr. Lopez's plot to muiJcr tlie (.iuei-ii aud
was hanged with bim and another Portuaueee called Tinoco at Tjbmu on the 7th Juus
148 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1581.
with goods to Spain. I told them, that until I saw the form in
which the Queen was going to restore Drake's plunder, I would
give none, as I understood that unless it were promptly and wholly
restored, j^our Majesty would accede to the request of the Consulate
at Seville and order the seizure of all English goods, without
detention of persons, to recoup the loss of Spanish property. They
went and told Walsinghani that if I would not give them a pass-
part as usual they couJd not safely send their ships and merchandise
to Spain ; and, as this was the time when the wine harvest was
being prepared for them, they wished to know whether the Queen
was going to do justice in Drake's affair, as, without my passport,
they would not send their ships to Spain. He told them to do very
little trade this year, and they re|»lied that tiiey would not do
either little or much, excepting on the guarantee of the Queen and
Conncil, and all the merchants trading with Spain would meet and
tell him so. He ordered them not to discuss the subject until they
received a further answer from him, and said that the Queen would
appoint Commissioners to examine the documents I had against
Drake. My reply has had a great effect upon the merchants, who
have also set the sailors saying that they should like to know how
they are to live, if trade with Spain is stopped. This is the only
way to make the Queen restore the plunder, and I have therefore
adopted it. If this fails your Majesty should order the arrest of
all English goods, that the loss may be recouped, which is of the
greatest importance at this time, as those who persuade the Queen
to keep the booty argue that with this money she may keep your
Majesty at war for two or three years ; and then a peace may be
made in which in all she has done against you will be forgotten;
whereas if there be no war in the meanwhile, her offences against
you cannot be passed over. They think that upon this plea the
Queen will keep the plunder, and that Drake's principals will get
most of it. — London, 14th July 1581.
14 July. 114. Bernardino de Mendoza. to the King.
Since I sent my last intelligence about Scotland the King has
cimvokcd Parliament for the 16th proximo, and has summoned
thither the earl of Angus, Lord Carmicliael, (and) the two bastard
sons (jf the Regent Morton, for the purpose of their exculpating
themselves from the following four accusations, namely, that they
were accomplices in the murder of the King, that they attempted
by force to release Morton from Dumbarton Castle, that they
fortified Tantallon Castle, which was the King's property, and that
they confederated with the earl of Huntingdon, Hunsdon, Thomas
Kandolph and Robert Bowes, to capture the King and dispose of
his person. They are to free themselves of these charges or the
King will hold them as rebels and traitors to his person and realm.
Most of them are on the border's of England with but little credit
or company.
Secretary Walsingham says that the king of Scotland has
restored the property of certain Scotsmen who had fled, they being
Catholics. I do not know whether it is true although I hear
ELIZABETH. 140
1681.
from France that some of them have left there on the strengtii of
it. — Lonrlon, 14th July 1581.
17 July. 115. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
Juan Bautista de Tassis has written- by special courier to say
that the despatches that I sent on the 4th to your Majesty by Paris
had been lost, the courier who had gone from there witli them
having been rifled. Duplicates had already been sent by sea; I
now send third copies enclosed.
Since I wrote on the 14th, bills of exchange on merchants here
have arrived, payable to Juan Rodriguez de Souza, " Ambassador
of the King of Portugal." One of them, I know, is for 1,000 crowns
drawn by a Portuguese in Paris named Capay, on Hypolite
Beaumont, and although I have not been able to discover the total
amount, I do not think that it is large, as the men upon whom the
bills are drawn are not very wealthy. In order that funds may
not reach Don Antonio in this way, I have had these men informed
at secondhand, that they are exposing themselves to great danger
in accepting or paying such bills, and from what other merchants
are already saying about it I expect there will be some difficulty in
recovering even these amounts, as they are payable to the •' Am-
bassador of Portugal." The furious liurry in the fitting out of the
ships continues, and Don Antonio has bought, to send to Terceira,
700^. worth of muskets, harquebusses, and some balls and powder.
The Queen and Council have also secretly ordered 5()0 men to be
raised for the expedition, who, I understand, will be recruited and
sliipped in the neighbourhood of Plymouth.
I learn from Hamburg that they have brought from there powder
for these ships, it having been bought by a merchant in the name
of the Queen. Don Antonio has sent to Orange one of Dr. Lopez's
men, and he has been informed that ships are being fitted out at
Rochelle to join him. The only Portuguese who came with him,
besides Diego Botello and Manuel de Silva, are Constantino de
Brito and Tomas Cachoro who they tell me are his private servants
Four Portuguese arrived yesterday with letters from Vimioso, ano
I am told they brought a tremendous packet.
The Queen-mother sent orders to the French ambassador here to
visit Don Antonio on her behalf, which he did two days since.
Don Antonio had already sent to salute Marchaumont but not the
ambassador. — London, 17th July 1581.
22 July. 116. The King to Bernardino de Mendoza.
^K utr-^^ss!'' ^^th regard to the French embassy to the Queen, and the
negotiations being carried on, there is nothing to say but again to
enjoin you to discover whether, underneath all this, there is any
private league or understanding between them, and if so, for what
purpose, and what forces they would employ. The arrest of Morton
in Scotland was of good augury, but things seem to have slackened
since. If you have no other means of helping forward our interests
in that country, you will at least miss no opportunity of assuring
the Queen of Scotland of my goodwill towards herself and her son.
160 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
. .. . II if
1581.
Urge lier to keep her son on the alert for himself, and to submit to
the Catholic Church, making himself master of his kingdom and
curbing and keeping in order those who oppress it, Assure her that
she will always find support and help from me.
Continue to advise about Ireland, the number of the insurgents,
and of the Queen's troops, and how long the former will be able to
hold out without being compelled to submit or come to terms.
You did well in not pressing for the audience, on the excuse of
illness, whilst the French embassy was there, and I trust you will
have been able to adopt the best course with regard thereto since
their departure. I again urge upon you not to leave there, if you
can stay without flagrant objection, at least until a succes.sor
arrives, We shall remain quite in the dark about affairs there if
you, who manage things so well, absent yourself, and the new man
would arrive quite uninformed and unintroduced if you went away
before he came thither.
I thank you for your private advice with regard to the qualities
needed in the person who may be appointed to succeed you, and
will keep it in view. In order that the absence of the person of
whom you speak as giving you such valuable information should
not be necessary, I send enclosed a credit for 2,000 crowns, which
you may give him in one or more instalments and as you think
convenient, promising him continued reward commensurate with
his services.
You did well in making public the intention of sending our fleet
to tlie Straits of Magellan, in order to alarm the corsairs. You can
act in the same way, so as to detain Drake and the other expedi-
tions if necessary, with regard to the ships I am sending to the
islands. The first fleet, under Pedro de Valdez, consisting of six
ships and a good force of infantry, has already arrived there,
and the otlier under Don Lope de Figueroa will take 27 sail, and the
flower of the Spaniards and Germans who had served in Portugal.
We expect to hear shortly that all these matters at sea are at last
amended.
According to our news from France your information about
Alengon's secret arrival at the English court must be incorrect.
The news that Antonio landed at Calais on 11th June with the
intention of going to England has arrived here by some Dutch
sailors. You will doubtless have obtained information of this and
sent it by special courier, advising me also of the reception he gets
from the Queen, the aid he requests, and what he offers in return,
the treatment he receives, whether they are going to aid him to
make an attack, and, if so, when, where, with what forces, and
with or without the co-operation of France and Orange.
Advise me on all these points, and as much more as you can
learn on the matter, with the utmost vigilance, promptitude, and
dexterity.
You did well in reporting the entrance of forbidden books in this
country, and you will continue to do so in any future case. Due
action has been taken to avoid the evil.
I thank you also for your action in respect of the provision of
ELIZABETH. IBl
1581,
wheat for Lisbon, and, if it be necessary, to do as you suggest and
ensure the English merchants a certuin price, secured by Ijond and
bills of exchange for the wheat they may bring, we will advise you
in order that you may take action.
I note the plan suggested to you by the Hollanders about the
island of Walcheren, and the arrangement you had made with them,
as you have advised the Prince of Parma, in order that he might
send the necessary troops; and also that the affair had been
discovered and had failed. I also note how the secretary of the
Prince of Orange and others of his company had taken out of your
house the son of one of the Hollanders who had been left as a
hostage. Although the plan has failed J recognize your zeal,
diligence, and care ; and thank you highly for them. I approve
also of the resentment you show at the outrage they have committed.
We shall see whether the Queen takes any step in the matter, even
out of compliment, for we can hardly expect more. — Lisbon
22nd July 158L
23 July. 117. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
Since my letter of the 17th, M. de Vray, who had been sent by
Marchaumont to France has arrived here. On his arrival he and
the Ambassador saw the Queen and requested an answer, as the
six weeks had expired. They said if the marriage took place the
king of France would accede to anything she might desire for the
conclusion of an alliance against your Majesty, and they wished to
know whether she would marry or not, without any further delay.
Although the Queen gave them to understand that the reply should
be given to them, she has now decided to send Walsingham with it
to France. When she told the Ambassadors this, they instantly
dispatched a courier with the news,
M. de Vray brought letters from the King, the Queen-mother,
and Alen5on, for Leicester and the other Ministers, who also received
letters from the French Commissioners who were here, the substance
of all of them being to beg them to continue their good offices in
favour of the marriage.
I understand that Walsingham is going to prevent the marriage
negotiations from being broken off, and to represent to the King and
his brother how important it is for their ends that the need for the
immediate settlement of the marriage question should not stand in
the way of the prompt relief of Cambrai and the projected invasion
of Flanders, instead of delaying it until the end of September. The
reason why the Queen has chosen him for the mission (much as she
needs him in England) is that he was in France before, and is
therefore the most lifting person to inform her as to the feelings of
the King and his brother, and whether the show of preventing the
relief of Cambrai is sincere or not, which Walsingham, through the
Huguenots, could elucidate better than anyone. He is also to
ascertain what foundation there is for hopes of a rupture between
the King and your Majesty, and for the assistance to be given to
Don Antonio; Walsingham and Leicester being the persons who
press tljis most upon the Queen, and persuade her that she can only
152 Spanish state papers.
1581.
insure her own safety by troubling your Majesty in all ways, anJ
preventing peace in the Netherlands and your other States. Only
tlie other day they both of them said that, whilst the queen
of Scotland lived, and I was in the country, the Queen could not be
sure even of her personal safety, much less of that of her crown.
I recently wrote to the Mayor of the Province of Guipuzcoa to
forbid, in virtue of the edict of your Majesty, the loading of an
English ship called the " Salamona," which belongs to Alderman
Bond here. My reason for this was that the owners are dreadful
heretics and make every possible effort to injure your Majesty, with
the aid of their kinsman Walsingham. Although the authorities
refused to let the ship load at St. Sebastian, she came to the coast
near Fuenterrabia, and there shipped her cargo, with 40,000 ducats
in cash, of which only 6,000 are registered. The ship has now
returned thither and will bring (if she be not confiscated for her
last voyage) another equally lai-ge sum. As it is greatly against
your Majesty's interests that these large amounts of money should
leave the country, I write to the Mayor of the Province, saying that
he should on no account allow this ship to load, and should carefully
watch whether she went to St. Juan de Luz, and there received her
cargo in pinnaces, and, above all, that she should not he allowed to
ship coin, as she has done before. — London, 23rd July 1581.
29 July. 118. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
Since I wrote on the 23rd, this Queen received a despatch from
France which caused her to delay Walsingham's departure, although
he was quite ready to leave. Nearly every point of his instructions
has been changed, and, after a Council with Leicester, Cecil, and
Sussex, the Queen had orders sent with great secrecy to Alderman
Martin to pay .50,000?. of the Exchequer moneys, on two warrants
for 20,000Z. and 30,0()0Z. respectively. Before Walsingham left, they
brought out from the Tower the 30,000?. in gold, secretly, at night
by water, and I have been unable to ascertain if Walsingham took
this sum with him to Calais or whether it went to Flanders ; except
that the constable told a friend of his that Orange had now money
to help Friesland, and the French to relieve Cambrai. It may
therefore be inferred that the 60,000?. will be divided bet-\reen tliem.
I have written to Juan Bautista de Tassis about it, because, if
Walsingliam is taking this money in specie, its weight will be so
great that it will be impossible for him to conceal the fact. I
believe that most of it, if not all, will be for Alen^on, as Marchau-
mont has been more pressing about money for him than anything
else, but the Queen had refused to accommodate him, until she
learnt that the King of France was not apparently earnest in his
attempts to stop his brother from going to Cambrai, — London,
29th July 1581.
12 Aug. 119. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
In accordance with the laws, which I said had been passed in
this Parliament, they have now begun to persecute the Catholics
ELIZABETH. 153
1581.
worse than ever before, both by condemning them to the 201. fine
if they do not attend church every month, and by imprisoning
them closely in the gaols. The clergymen they succeed in
capturing are treated with a variety of terrible tortures ; amongst
others is one torment that people in Spain imagine to be that
which will be worked by Anti-Christ as the most dreadfully cruel
of them all. This is to drive iron spikes between the nails and
the quick ; and two clergymen in the Tower have been tortui'ed in
this way, one of them being Campion of the Company of Jesus,
who, with the other, was recently captured. I am assured that
when they would not confess under this torture the nails of their
fingers and toes were turned back ; all of which they suffered with
great patience and humility. At the end of last month they
martyred a clergyman who would not acknowledge the Queen as
head of the Church, of which only three years ago he had been an
heretical minister, and had been converted by conversation with
Catholics, and confirmed in the faith at the seminary of Rheims,
and there ordained a priest. He returned here voluntarily, to aid
the imprisoned Catholics, and say mass for them secretly. He
died with invincible constancy and fortitude, greatly to the
edification of the Catholics, and the surprise of the heretics
themselves. The great number of Catholics there are and their
fervent zeal are proved by the fact that two days after his
martyrdom there was not a bit of ground left which had been
touched by his blood, it having all been taken by the faithful, who
also offered large sums of money for his garment:^.
None of the Irish insurgents have submitted to the Queen's
fresh pardon. It is reported that the Viceroy, seeing that John
O'Neil would not declare for the Queen, had favoured O'Neil ( ?), who
is his enemy. They were going together to attack John O'Neil
on one side, whilst Captain Malby was to attack him on the other.
John O'Neil was awaiting them in his own country with a large
force, and it is thought that he will now consequently openly
declare himself against the Queen, as he hears that Desmond and
his men are coming to his aid. The Viceroy has given so much
license to the English in the slaughter of Irishmen that they not
only kill men, women, and children, of the insurgents, but they
treat their friends in the same way. I am told that a councillor,
condemning this behaviour, said that they had intelligence that
one of the most intimate captains of the Viceroy had invited
17 Irishmen to supper, and as they arose from the table he and
another man had stabbed all of them to death. — London, 12th
August 1581.
12 Aug. 120. Beknardino de Mendoza to the King.
When I took leave of the Queen the last time I saw her, I said
that if every time I had to ask for audience there was to be all
this discussion I should like her to tell nie so verbally at once,
and if she did not mean in future to give me audience as freely as
she formerly did, I would salute her and take my departure. She
replied that I should have audience as often as I desired, and that
154 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
158L '
when she came back from hunting, in a few days, I could return
and she would tell me the names of the Councillors she would
appoiut to deal with the matter of Drake's robbery. On this
pretext I sent and asked for audience, and she replied by the Lord
Chamberlain what I conveyed to Don Juan de Idiaquez for your
Majesty's information on the 23rd ultimo. I allowed a fortnight
to pass after her return from hunting, and then sent word to the
Vice-Chamberlain, as the Lord Chamberlain was absent, that I had
business to communicate to the Queen, and wished to know, in
conformity with the message they had sent me, whether she would
give me audience or not. The Vice-Chamberlain replied that the
Queen did not well see how she could receive me, since your
Majesty had not paid her the compliment of writing to her,
explaining the affair of Ireland, but only sent a message by one
of your servants as if to slight her. If I had such important
business I might communicate it to two of her Councillors. As I
understood that the Treasurer, when he had been asked why
audience was not granted to me, had replied that he did not know
that such was the case, but that he did not think it wise that I
should be refused ; and as he is the most important of the Ministers
I thought well on receiving this reply, to send and tell him the
answer I had received from the Queen. I said that it was not for
me, or any other ambassador, to object to monarchs referring
affairs to their Ministers, and consequently I would not refuse to
do as she said, but if any other business were shortly to need my
communicating with the Queen and she refused to see me, referring
me to her Ministers again, I wished to be prepared at once for it,
and should like to see him, Cecil, as such a reply would indicate a
desire on the Queen's part that I should leave the country. He
replied that, while he was absent from Court, he had heard that I
asked for audience, but did not know what reply had been sent ;
he, however, would convey my message to the Queen, and would see
me on the first opportunity.
In a few days, he sent to say that he had come from the Court
to Leicester House in order to see me, his gout having prevented
him from coming further. I went thither, and found him and
Leicester together. Tlie first thing they said was, that I had sent
to ask the Queen, when she could not receive me herself, to order
some of her ministers to hear me ; and in accordance therewith,
the Queen had sent them to see what I wanted. I replied that I
had not for a moment thought of saying such a thing, but since
they were here I was glad of the opportunity of ascertaining
whether the Queen had decided to give me audience or not,
notwithstanding that she had told me, the last time I saw her, that
I should have audience whenever I desired it. Cecil took up the
conversation, saying that the Queen had refused to receive me,
pending the receipt of a letter from your Majesty givi»g her
satisfaction about Ireland, in the belief that I should have requested
your Majesty to write. All this was said witli a lengthy rodo-
montade, as if to make out that it was my duty to write and ask
your Majesty to send such a letter, and that it was through my owa
ELIZABETH. 156
1681.
fault that the Queen had not received me for so many months, the
letter not having arrived. I saw which way lie was tending, and
taking advantage, as I always do, of his own perverseness, I
answered that, although I was most desirous of serving the Queen,
I could not do so to my own detriment ; and after your Majesty,
ten months ago, had instructed me what to say upon the matter,
I Avas not so thoughtless or foolish as to write to your Majesty again
about it. I had done quite enough, I said, in waiting so long in
order that the Queen might ascertain, as she said she wonld, about
Ireland, and I, consequently, had nothing more to write upon the
subject. They again returned to their former point that it was my
duty to write as they had said, and I replied as before. I said that,
as we were together, they might tell the Queen that the reason why
I wished to see her was to learn what course she was going to take
about the restitution of Drake's plunder. It ended in their saying
that they would convey my remarks on both points to the Queen,
and would send me her reply. I thought well to raise first the
question of Drake, as it is the worst matter against your Majesty
now in hand, and I do not wish them to think that we have forgotten
it, particularly as all other things hang upon this. People here
are in great fear, lest your Majesty should order the seizure of
English goods in Spain and thus stop trade, which they will feel more
than anything else, and about which they will clamour loudest.
The damage thus done will fall upon all of them, whereas the
profit of the robbery comes only to a few individuals. I did not
care to urge the matter of the ships they are arming, as the pre-
parations are going on slowly ; more for appearance sake than any
other reason, until they see how the French' alliance turns out, upon
which will depend whether they help Don Antonio or not. Wiiatever
step I might take before then would be fruitless, and only make
them think that your Majesty was distrustful of the Portuguese ;
since I was alarmed at a few ships and small forces, such as these.
They cannot have them ready, moreovei-, in time to prevent the
necessary steps, and in the meanwhile your Majesty's letter
demanding the surrender of Don Antonio will arrive, and will
strengthen my hands when the moment for action comes. I am
however working always with muffled tools to prevent these people
from helping Don Antonio. On the 6th instant the Queen ordered
that no ships or goods should sail for Spain without forther orders.
This step has been taken at the request of the merchants, in order
that single ships should not go, but that they should sail together ;
and the merchants in the meanwhile have sent to ask the council
whether they may safely send merchandise to Spain. The reply
was that they were to wait for a fortnight, when the information
they requested should be sent to them ; the meaning of this being,
no doubt, that they expected to know in the meanwhile the decision
about France. The general stop was therefore decreed to prevent
ships from leaving other ports until the London merchants were
informed. — London, 12th August 1581.
12 Aug. 121. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
On the 19th ultimo I wrote to your Majesty the reason of the
Queen's delaying Walsingham's departure. After he had left she
166 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1 581,
received a letter from her ambasyador, Cobham, saying that the
question of the alliance with the French King was now so far
a'lvanced, that it would be well to send an experienced person to draft
the articles, and a person of greater parts than Walsingham. This has
aroused great hopes, now that they see the King of France will not
stay his brother from going to Cambrai, with greater probabilities
than before of his breaking with your Majesty. They consider
this view to be confirmed by Cobham 's information that tlie King
of France was recalling his ambassador from Spain, anil replacing
him by an agent.
Of the 30,000Z. which I mentioned in my last, 8,000^. were .sent
to the rebel States and 22,000i. were taken by Walsingham, the
assertion being that they would be used to bring over to their
wishes some of the ministers of the King of France ; but this is only
an artifice of Walsingham and the rest to induce the Queen to give
the money, in which she would have been very hard if they had
asked her for it openly for Alen9on, but on the excuse that it was
to buy ministers, 'in order to get the King of France to break
witli your Majesty, she would consent more easily, as this is
her most cherished design. Now that Walsingham has got the
money it will find its way into the hands of Alen^on, on the
plea that it was necessarj' to give it to him for the succour of
Cambrai.
At the time of Walsingham's departure a great show of haste was
made in the arming of many ships by Don Antonio. A large
number of captains for the raising of infantry were appointed,
and preparations of meat, biscuit, and other provisions made.
Eight wawgon-loads have been sent from the arsenal here for the
ships which are being fitted in Southampton, as well as some
arms, such as muskets and harquebusses ; a? well as those sent to
Bristol. They have brought out eight bronze pieces from the
Tower, to ship on the "Galleon," a merchant vessel formerly
belonging to the Queen which they have sold to Don Antonio. All
this is to prove to the King of France the Queen's intention of
succouring Don Antonio and breaking with j'^our Majesty, if the
French would join her with that object.
The real fact is, however, that Don Antonio has bought certain
ships, for which he has paid in part here, and undertakes to pay
the rest at Terceira, whilst for others he has given security for the
payment here within a year. He has likewise freighted other
ships, and Leicester has paid sums of money belonging to the Queen,
on the pretence that they are his, to some captains to raise a few
troops. It is all being done slowly, and it is clear that the 25 ships
will not be ready to, leave so quickly as they say. The provision of
meat and biscuit has been made with the money sent from France
in the name of Souza, which [ mentioned in a former letter, and
as tins is not the time of year in which meat salted now can be
kept, it is evident that they do not intend to make a long voyage.
Four ships have started down the river, saying that they were to
meet at Southampton and ship their stores there, but there will be
some difficulty about it, as fourteen of sucli ships are to go thither
in all, and it seems strange that they should go so far for victuals,
to a place where thejr are much dearer than here, particularly if
ELIZABETH.
15^
1581.
they ba'l been bought in the Queen's name, in which case Don
Antonio might have got them at the cheap price which she pays.
From all this I deduce that not a half of the 25 ships will be ready
to leave on the 20th, as they say.
On the 5th the captains Avho had been selected to raise troops
met and went to Don Antonio for the purpose of asking him to tell
th«m clearly whither he wanted them to go, who was to be their
general, how much they were to be paid, and to whom they were
to look for payment. He replied that, as to the place he was going
to with tlie fleet, he had arranged that with Drake, who was to be
the Admiral, and was the only person who was to be informed of
the destination ; whilst as to the other questions he would discuss
them with the Queen and let the captains have an answer before
they left. They have begun to grumble at this, and most of them
say that they will not go under Drake unless their pay is secured.
So far as I can understand, Don Antonio's destination is still
undecided, excepting that they have discus.sed going to succour and
fortify Terceira, and thence sailing to Brazil, where they think they
can do more without resistance than elsewhere. This view is
confirmed by the fact that, however much they may hurry in the
fitting out of the ships, they will not leave, even if the weather
serves, until the beginning of next month, at which time of year
they could hardly attempt any other voyage than that mentioned.
It is generally admitted that they will not carry stores for more
than three months, and the evident intention of most of the
Englishmen is simply to plunder under the name of Don Antonio,
as, indeed, they openly state. Some of them have even sent to
tempt me to give them passports enabling them to capture the
property of the Flemish rebels, with my assurance that they may
take their prizes safely into Spanish ports for sale, as here and in
France, they would not allow them to do so, and there is no
harbour for them at Gravelines. They say that if I would do this
they would desert Don Antonio. I have kept them in hand,Sr>j'ing
that M. De la Motte* gave such passports by your Majesty's orders,
and that when I am authorised to do so, I doubt not that most of
the men contracted by Don Antonio will leave him for the other
side, which offers a more assured profit than he c.nn do. The
English will by this means be embroiled with the rebels, seeing the
damage that they will do them. The jewels which Don Antonio
has tried to dispose of here are 150 pearls, of the value of 12,000
crowns, and seven diamonds set in gold, worth 7,000, as well as
other diamonds and rubies estimated at 6,000 ducats. Tliey
summoned a Portuguese silversmith here named Amador Rodriguez
to value all these. As I knew this man in Antwerp, he refused to
go without iny cofisent, and assures me that they are not worth
more than 25,000 ducats, and were formerly all the property of the
Infanta Maria, in whose possession he had seen some of them. Don
Antonio brought with him a diamond formerly belonging to the
King Don Manuel, weighing 80 carats, but it is not limpid, being
* The Governor of GraTelincs for the king of Spain.
158 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1581.
rather turbid, and they are told that there will be no sale for it
here, although Don Antonio values it at a great sum.
The number of Portuguese who have joined him hitherto do not
exceed 20 persons, of no note. There arrived in a ship from Lisbon
recently a young Commander of St. John named Silva, and Vimioso
sent from France another young man named Geronimo da Silva,
who has a sword mark on his left cheek and another wound on the
right. With him came a Portuguese pilot named Gaspar Alvaro, a
little man of 50, and they both returned to France together two
days afterwards.
The insurance which I wrote they were trying to effect on
property being brought from Terceira is again being attempted,
the insurers being Simon Centurion, a Genoese, on behalf of another
Genoese, Biagio Rinaldo, who lives in Terceira. The insurances are
on the merchandise, gold, silver, pearls, and jewels, coming in the
ships " Pelican " and " Jacques de Ocaiia " to Bordeaux, or any port
ill Brittany or England. Some merchants here have already
underwritten 2,000Z. of it at 8 per cent, premium, on condition that
if these ships should be seized by your Majesty's fleet they are not
to pay. As this is not a great business centre they will not get
much more underwritten here.
Whilst I am writing this the afore-mentioned silversmith tells me
that Don Antonio himself showed him another table diamond of
the purest water, weighing sixty carats, from which he took the
lead in his presence. He has pawned it to a Genoese with the
150 pearls for 30,000 ducats, as the money he was expecting from
Terceira has not arrived, and he has to make some payments here.
The man tells me that this diamond is worth more than 50,000
ducats, and says that Don Antonio sent him with a letter to
Dr. Lopez, telling him to allow the man to take the lead from the
SO carat diamond and from another of 90 carats, both of which
must be in the possession of Leicester, as Lopez told the man that
it was necessary to speak to him first, and that he would have to
go seven miles off to see the stones. Don Antonio also showed
him a perfect pearl, weighing 26 carats, which he valued at 3,000
ducats. It is not yet decided whether Don Antonio himself will go
in the fleet nor what number of soldiers will be sent, the only
provision being made are some stores, ostensibly for the 25 ships
already mentioned, and Orange is being requested to help Don
Antonio with some ships, but I cannot learn that any are being
fitted out in Holland or Zealand. — London, 12th August 1581.
12 Aug. 122. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
After writing the enclosed letters, I learn that the Queen has
received a dispatch from "Walsingham, reporting what had passed
witli Alen^on, to whom he had said that, as he had declared himself
so openly against your Majesty, she could not now marry him
without adopting a similar course, which the people of her coimtry
opposed, and recommended her rather to make masked war on you,
^vith other things of the same sort. Alen9on answered Walsingham
that he did not accept this as an answer, and would receive none
ELIZABETH. 1B9
1581.
as regards the marriage, excepting from the Queen's own lips, for
which purpose he would come to this country as soon as he had
finished the business he had in hand. He was quite sure, he said,
that such messages as this were not in accord with the Queen's
own will, judging from what she had said and written to him many
times. He also said that, even if his brother made an alliance,
unless he married the Queen, he, Alenjon, would break it. Pie
went to such a length that Walsingham reports that if the Queen-
mother had not been present he thinks he would have lost his
composure entirely.* I am told that when the Queen heard this she
wept like a child, saying that she did not now know what to do, nor
into what trouble Leicester had drawn her. She sent Lord Ho\vard
to Alen^on to mollify him, writing most sweetly, so as not to lose
him altogether. Walsingham also reports that the king of France
was much annoyed that, after having sent so many personages here,
Walsingham alone should be sent to him in return, and that if he
could manage to have him put out of the way he would attempt it.
Thej' have agreed, in view of this news, that Don Antonio's
armaments shall be delayed until they hear more from Walsingham.
— London, 12th August 1581.
13 Aug. 123. The King to Queen Elizabeth.
K 1447 61. ' ^^^ been informed that his rebel subject Don Antonio has taken
Latin. refuge in her country, and there continues his machinations again.st
the tranquillity of his (Philip's) dominions. Has specially instructed
the ambassador Bernardino de Mendoza to request her to surrender
him. Signed, Philip. Countersigned, J. Idiaquez. — Lisbon, 13th
August 1581.
[Note. — This letter was enclosed in the following one to the
ambassador.]
14 Aug. 124. The King to Bernardino de Mendoza.
K. 1447. 02. I '^°te what passed between the Queen and you about the
audience both before and since the departure of the French embassy,
as well as your letter to her when she postponed the audience, and
the answer you gave to her complaints about Ireland. You have
acted well in all this, and especially in frightening them with the
fleets that have sailed from here, and so checking the corsairs, who
are fitting out in England. Do your best for the continuance of
the steps taken by the merchants in their own interest, to prevent
the Queen's ministers and others from sending expeditions towards
the Indies, and use all your efforts in every way with this object.
As you say nothing about the recovery of Drake's plunder, I
suppose nothing has been obtained yet, and every day diminishes
the chance of it, as the money is doubtless being spent.
I am glad to hear your news from Ireland, and that the King of
Scotland is plucking up heart and making himself respected.
* This iuterview took place at La Fore in Pic.ardy, aud a full accouct of it and
Walsingham's other negotiatione during his visit to France -Bill be found in llio
" Walsinghaui Correspondence." Consult also Le Lahoureur's additiou to Ihe Casteinau
Memoirs.
160 SPANISti STATE PAPERS.
1581.
Adopt the best means you can of letting the queen of Scotland
Imow how pleased I am at this, and try to keep her well disposed,
and her son also, through her. Assure them of my goodwill and
point out to the mother what a signal mercy it would be, if God
were to bring about the conversion of her son to the church, and
urge her to strive for this with all her influence.
You did well to pass over the matter of taking the Hollander's
son away from you, since the first steps having been so fruitless,
any subsequent action would doubtless also have been in vain. All
this would be forgotten if you could induce the Queen to give up
Don Antonio, or at least to expel him. As she said the matter must
be dealt with in a letter from me to her, and you also think I should
write (in accordance as you say with a clause in the treaties), I send
you the enclosed letter which you will deliver to her and address
her in support of it. Press upon her how much she would please
and oblige me, if she will accede to my request, and paint in vivid
colours my displeasure if she refuse : ; both on account of the offence
to me, and also on account of the foolishness of leaning upon such a
weak reed as the vain hopes of these people. As you think well to
keep her in fear and anxiety, you can adopt the course you deem
most likely to be successful. If she again tries to retaliate by
complaints of the reception of some of her outlaws in Flanders, you
ma}' give her every satisfaction, and so cut away this cause of
complaint. Indeed you will meet her in every way, for the purpose
of managing this business of Don Ant()nio, of which you see the
importance. (If you cannot get her to accede to my request you
may tell the Queen that, even though she do not wish to break with
me, if Don Antonio leaves her country for any of my dominions, or
to injure any of my subjects, I shall understand it to be a declaration
of war. This is so important that I need not urge it further upon
you)* Send me full and frequent reports of all that may be done
or discussed in favour of .Don Antonio.
You have been written to about the fleets I have sent to Terceira,
and as the news sent to England about the damage that they have
Deceived Mill probably reach there distoi'ted and exaggerated, I
think well to send you a true account of what has happened. Don
Pedro de Valdes landed 300 men, who did great damage to the
enemy, but were afterwards withdrawn as their number was so
small, one half their number having been lost. Don Pedro, however,
was still cruising round the island and Don Lope de Figneroa will
now have arrived with the other fleet, which by God's help I hope
will make m.atters smooth. — Lisbon, 14th August 1580.
*
23 Aug. 125. The Kii\G to Bernardino de Mendoza.
K.' h/t". e'e! ^ ^'^"*i herewith tiie letter you rec^uest for the queen of England,
but have thought well to send you two separate letters,! one stronger
* The passage in lirackets ha.s been added lo the draft by (he Kinir.
t The two draft letters in Latin, for the Queen, accompany the above letter, both
protesting against any aid being furnished from England to J)on Antonio, but one much
more strongly than the other, and threatening to cousidcr the furnishing of such help as
St declaration of war.
ELlZABETfl. 161
1581.
than the other, and you will use the one you think most appropriate,
as you know the temper and disposition of those i)eople so well.
■ I leave the matter to your discretion, but will only observe that in
addressing the Queen firmly and haughtily, you may take higher
ground, if at the time this letter arrives the aid for Don Antonio
should not have sailed, and you think that your more emphatic action
may stop it. But if the fleet for him you mention should have gone,
it will be better for you to moderate your tone, and to smooth things
down, so that I shall not be obliged to make a greater demonstration
than the time and circutnstances m^y render advisable. — Lisbon,
23rd August 1581.
23 Aug. 126. The KiNQ to Bernardino de Mendoza.
K.' 1447^. 65! ^ ^°*'^ *^® minute intelligence you send about Don Antonio, and
the ships and men being prepared for him. I sent you as requested
the letter for the Queen, asking her to surrender or expel Don
Antonio, but in view of your opinion that I should write to her
strongly myself, and not refer the matter to your credence only, I
send you enclosed another letter which you may deliver, and you may
address her in the same tone, if the first letter shall not have sufficed,
If they both arrive together, it will not matter as you can deliver them
in their order. You will take such a position as you may consider
advisable to alarm her and the mercliants with the fear of a rupture,
and this is a much greater reason fur it than was Drake's robbery,
about which you fritrhtened them before. If the Queen adopts
the attitude foreshadowed by Leicester, in saying that the case does
not come under the treaties as a King caimot be a rebel, you will
meet it with the arguments you know of, namely, that Don Antonio
was always reputed and acknowledged to be a bastard. (A full
statement of the case against Don Antonio here follows.)
With respect to the ships being fitted out for the islands, I hope
to God they will do but little, if they go thither, because, in addition
to my other two fleets there, I have a fleet of 20 sail and 3,500 men
in Seville, which will sail at once to meet the ships you mention.
Use this intelligence as you think best to stop Don Antonio's aid.
Scotch affairs are tending well for tlie King's popularity, and the
discrediting of tlie queen of England. Continue your assurances
to the queen of Scotland and her son. — Lisbon, 23rd August 1581.
27 Aug. 127. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
I wrote on the 11th instant saying how slowly the armament of
Don Antonio's ships was proceeding. Recently the Queen openly
remarked in her chamber that things never came to her ears
until they were on the point of being effected, and this had
happened with regard to the fitting out of Don Antonio's ships.
She said that none of her people were to enter the service of Don
Antonio, the object of this being that it should be made public ;
which is an ordinary artifice of hers when she wishes things to be
known. In view of this di3j)lay on the part of the Queen a
Council was held, and it was decided that the three ships which
Don Antonio had bought, namely, the galleon " Buena Ventura," of
162 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
]581,
GOO tons, and two others of 160 and 150, with a pirato ship
commanded by Vaughan now in the Isle of Wight, and four of
those fitted out by Drake in Plymouth, should be allowed to sail, with
Drake as admiral. After this decision had been adopted, and the
last ])reparations for the sailing of the eight ships were beiog
completed, a change was made, and Drake, with his ships, was
ordered not to go, but only the two of Don Antonio's and the
pirate ship, which were however slow in making ready for sea. I
understand they only carry stores for two months, and not more
than enough men to plunder unprotected ships at sea.
As I wrote before, I did not move on the mere appearance of
great armaments being fitted out, as I knew these people and
understood their object. It is often to your Majesty's interests
that they should be allowed to proceed without interference, but
I had men spread amongst the sailors and shipmen to convince
them liow much safer it was for them to go on their ordinary
voyages for merchants, and this has not been without its effect. I
have at secondhand also approached the ministers with a similar
end, as I was sure that, if only to oppose Leicester, they would
dissuade the Queen from a business which he was advocating. I
am informed that the Queen and Councillors have expressed their
surprise that, in the face of the mari'iage negotiations and the
arujing of the fleet, I should be so serene as not to have spoken to
the Queen. If affairs in France do not alter, it may be concluded
that even the four ships I have mentioned will not leave, as the
admiral has not yet been appointed.
I have tried by every means to ascertain the offers made by
Don Antonio to the Queen, and whether their ideas were directed
against any particidar point. I find, however, that nothing but
generalities have as yet passed between them. They say that if
she aids him, your Majesty will be disturbed and obliged to spend
a great sum of money, and to this end he pretends to have a large
number of Portuguese on his side and speaks of the power he
formerly possessed in the country. With relation to this he told
the Queen that Antonio de Castillo had been his councillor years
ago, whereupon she sent an Italian, through the earl of Loicester,
to tempt Antonio de Castillo, and tell him that Don Antonio was
greatly in want of councillors and persons of quality, and that if
he would be on his side he would not only oblige the king of
France and herself, but Don Antonio would reward him much
more highly than your Majesty. He told the messenger, a Lucchese
named Velutelli, who is a creature of Leicester's, that if he were
not an old acquaintance he would throw him out of the window
for having dared to bring him such a message, and that he was to
tell Leicester that in the mountains, from whence the Castillos
came, no traitor was ever known, and he for all the world would
not be one. He was to tell the Queen that he would not be a
Protestant for the two hemispheres, and that his having followed
your Majesty's side was because God had chosen you for hia
sovereign, and of right the throne belonged to you. He under-
stood Jthis so well that he would prove it legally to any lawyers
ELIZABETH. 16^
1581.
whom she might appoint, or the kiug of Fnince either. He thus
answered as a good vassal should ; but doubtless the reason why
these people thought they could tempt him was that they saw he
was needy and had left the shelter of my house, although he had
done so witliout my wish. Since then I have offered him what I
possess, as he has not received his wages as your Majesty ordered.
I humbly beg you to favour him, and grant him his petition thiit he
should bp allowed to leave here. This would not only be a favour
to him, but would be greatly to your Majesty's own interest.
There was some talk of attacking the island of Madeiia with the
fleet which was to leave here, after it had succoured Terceira. It ia
believed, to judge by the talk of Portuguese who favour Don
Antonio, that they have some understanding there, and it is thought
they would go thence to the coast of Brazil. As the initial project
has now fallen through, the others must naturally cease, but it may
be worth while to advise the Madeira people to be on the watch.
Don Antonio sees the Queen nearly every day with Leicester.
He goes from London in a boat, with two or three men. I am told
that he is beginning to complain that the Queen is cooling towards
him, and that he would like to get possession again of the diamonds
he entrusted to Leicester. — London, 27th August 1581.
27 Aug. 128. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
The Queen has received advice of the entry of Alen^on iuto
Cambrai, neither she nor her Council being so pleased at the news aa
was expected, although she is sending to congratulate Alen^on, who
informed her of the intelligence by a gentleman of his, and begged
her for 300,000 crowns,* as he had spent all his own money in the
relief, and neither the States nor his brother would give him a real.
If she did not provide him with the money he should be obliged
to return with his army to France without going any further. I
will report what reply she may send liim, but she is very suspicious
that the relief of Cambrai may have been effected on an agreement
that Alen^on should return from there to France, as she was
informed by Walsingham. This suspicionhas been confirmed by the
seizure by the king of France of the best town possessed by the
Marquis de Turenne, in accordance with his edict proclaiming all
those who went to the Netherlands as traitors, and also because the
King bad allowed 400,000 crowns to pass through France for
payment to the prince of Parma, which he certainly would not
have done if he had meant to break with your Majesty in union
with this Queen. Alengon advises that they had fixed up to the
1st proximo as the period when he and the king of France's
Commissioners, with Cobliam representing (he Queen, should
discuss the questidn of the alliance, which, Alen9on says, will mean
the ignoring of the marriage negotiations and the contract made
here by the French Commissioners.
' The request that Elizabeth would furnish this sum to Alen<;on had first been made
to Walsingham at La I'ere by Turenne, before AleD90u entered inlanders.
I. 2
164 St>ANISH STAtE PAPERS.
1681.
The Queen has not yet sent me a reply to what I had conveyed
to her ministers, and I have sent to ask them whether they had
been able to communicate with the Queen on the points. I am
temporising as much as I can whilst maintaining fitting dignity.—
London, 27th August 1581.
4 Sept. 129. The King to Bernardino de Mendoza.
Paris ArchiTes, rEXTRACT.l
K. 1447. 71.
There is no sign of the Fleming you said had been sent hither.
The other persons you mention as being the means by which Don
Antonio's correspondence is carried on have been arrested, and are
being proceeded against. Report every sign or indication you can
learn of the matter, so that we may clear it up.*
The countess of Vimioso, Diego Botello's wife, and some other
persons, have been banished to Castile, as correspondence might
pass through their hands.
I hear from Juan Eautista de Tassis that an ambassador has
arrived in France from Scotland, to ascertain whether his master
will be addresFed as King, and they (the French) have sent to ask
the queen of Scotland what they shall do. Report what you hear
of this and continue your action in Scotch affairs, in accordance with
previous instructions. — Lisbon, 4th September 1581.
4 Sept. 130. The Kma to Bernardino de Mendoza.
^"'i^T^^'m"' '^^^ P'"^''^ ^^^ consuls of the city of Seville have written to us,
^' saying that they learn from Zubiaur that the business of the
restitution of Drake's plunder is progressing favourably, and that
persons have been appointed to examine his claims. He is in hopes
of success and they (the prior and consuls) beg me to write to the
Queen asking her to have the property delivered to Zubiaur, with
as little delay as possible, in virtue of the powers and instructions
sent him. As I set forth in the despatch of 23rd February, it is of
the highest importance that this property should be recovered, both
on account of the great damage to trade by the robbery, and the
loss suffered by individuals, and I again ask you to consider whether
it would not be well to let Zubiaur do what he can to recover the
property that belongs to private persons, or whether you still think
the whole should be asked for at once. The decision, as before, is left
to you, but I urge you very warmly to do what you can in favour
of these individuals, and so far as you consider fitting, to help
Zubiaui' with the zeal and diligence demanded by the importance of
the matter. — Lisbon, 4th September 1581.
7 Sept. 131. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
Since I wrote last, this Queen has received several despatches
from. Walsiugham, and as they were pressing the king of France in
» In the King's hand — " You (i.e. Idiaquez) had better write, saying that the
Englishman is looked upon here with much approval and his imprisonment causes great
surprise. Tell him (i.e., Mendoza) to try to discover really whether he is to blame, so
that otherwise he may be released. This refers to a certain Botolph Holder an Bnglish
IBcrchant resident in Lisbon.
ELIZABETfl. 165
1C81.
the matter of the alliance, which they wished to be offensive and
defensive, your Majesty being broken with at once, the French
asked Walsingham what the Queen offered on her side, wliereupon
they were requested to state what they thought she ought to do.
To this they replied that if they were to break with you at once,
she should immediately disburse 800,000 ducats and contribute
500,000 a year to the cost of the war. As the Queen thinks that
her country will not supply so great a sum, she slackened in her
demand for a rupture with your Majesty, and adopted another
policy, namely, to effect an offensive and defensive league, on
condition that, if your Majesty makes war on either of them, they
shall be jointly bound to defend each other, but if France or
England should make war without the consent of the other party,
the latter should not be obliged to come to its aid. Walsingliam
reports that this is being discussed, and your Majesty will learn
from Juan Bautista de Tassis if it be carried through.
Marchaumont told the Queen that it was on her account that
Alen9on had made peace in France, although he was not the King,
and had entered into war in your Majesty's dominions without
means ; and this, he said, should be a sufficient proof- of his desire
to serve her and become her husband. He intimates, also, that
Alen§on will shortly retire to France, and will at once come thence
to England in disguise to ascertain whether tiie Queen will really
marry him or not. He will try to get his brother to delay
Walsingham in the meanwhile, so that he should not be here when
he, Alen^on, arrives, as he looks upon him as the greatest opponent
to the marriage.
Besides the 22,000?. which I wrote had been taken by
Walsingham, and reached the hands of Alen9on, I am assured that
the Queen has supplied him with another 20,000?., which sura has
been taken in gold, most of it being carried by twelve men sent
by Hatton, the Captain of the Guard, on pretence of their serving
Alengon at Cambrai at Hatton's cost. The money spent by
Alen^on for the pay of his men and the victualling of Cambrai,
was in the form of newly coined broad-angels, which are those
sent from here. I am told that the Queen can let him have no
more money this winter, as she has incurred a debt of 100,000?. by
her two years' war in Ireland, and for this reason the supplies
voted by Parliament were granted six months before the proper
time. Most of the money she has provided Avas coined from the
bullion brought by Drake. — London, 7th September 1581,
7 Sept. 132. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
I have anticipated your Majesty's orders to advise you of the
designs and movements of Don Antonio. Although he is making
ready, it is announced, to go to France in ill humour with these
people, he is still trying to arrange for arming ships. He saw the
Queen the other day, and complained to her that the ships had not
been allowed to leave as he had been promised. She replied that
she would not on any account make war on your Majesty; to
which he answered that if she would not let bis ships go, he hoped
166 SPANISH STATE PAPERS,
1581.
she would lend him the SO.OOOZ. which she had promised him on hia
jewels. The Queen told him that this, too, would be warring
against your Majesty, whereupon Don Antonio said that if she
would do neither the one thing nor the other she should let him
have his jewels back. She asked him in whose possession they
were, and he told her that Walsingham her secretary had them,
and she promised that she would have them restored. Don
Antonio thereupon went and asked Walsingham's wife for them,
who said that her husband had left these jewels in her care, among
them being the 60-carat diamond, with orders that she was not to
give them up, except on payment to her of 2,000^, for which he
was surety, in respect of some stores and other things for Don
Antonio. When the latter heard this, he asked the Treasurer to
write a letter to Walsingham's wife about it, on receipt of which
she said that she had since received a fresh letter from her husband
in France, telling her not to give up the jewels unless slie
was paid a thousand pounds, besides the two thousand for which
he was responsible. Don Antonio thereupon pressed urgently for
a passport to allow him to leave. A certain heretic Spanish friar
named Corro, who years ago fled from St. Isidro in Seville, and is
now married here, and a professor of writing at Oxford, was
brought to London by Leicester to preach to Don Antonio and
try to convert him, whilst spying on his actions, and I am told
tiiat Don Antonio said to this man, when he found how he
was being treated, that his coming to England had been a punish-
ment for his sins, as the people were so fickle, only Leicester being
his friend, and Walsingham slightly so. These words were said in
great grief and desperation to Corro as a confidant. Don Antonio
also tried to sell the ships he had purchased and the stores for
them, the rumour being that neither they nor the pirates who
were to accompany them would put to sea. On the 5th, however,
tliey changed their opinion, and Leicester came and told him that
the Queen would gi^'e him leave to send the three ships he had,
and four pirates with them; the largest of 300 tons, and the
smallest of 150. They are to meet at the Scilly Isles, and do not
c.irry stores for more than two months, 100 soldiers going in the
largest ship and 60 or 80 in the others. The design is to land
them at Terceira, if the island should be for Don Antonio. The
captains are Portuguese, and the commander, I am told, is Manuel
de Silva, who will, after his arrival at Terceira, issue letters of
marque in the name of Don Antonio, authorizing the capture of
property belonging to your Majesty's subjects, thus freeing Don
Antonio from the responsibility of paying any further wages for
the pirate ships. If they find the island in submission to your
Majesty, the letters of marque will still be given to the English,
and they will all come back together, robbing on the way.
The Queen has already had signed a general passport for these
seven ships as well as a separate one for each, allowing them to
enter or leave any ports in the kingdom. It has been by her
orders that Don Antonio has given no letters of marque here,
which are to be issued by Silva on his arrival at the isle^nd. This
ELIZA.BETH. 16?
1581.
is to pi-event any complaint from me of what is done, although
certainly, if thoy take any prizes they will he brought hither.
Their only design, up to the present, is to make your Majesty spend
large sums of money in titling out fleets in consequence of the
sailing of these ships. It has also been decided that the Queen
shall fit out three ships in the name of Don Antonio to sail to tlie
East Indies, and try to effect a landing, with the aid of some of
his adherents there, who he says are numerous. They would then
stay there if they could, and if not, they would carry merchandise
for trade, and go to the Moluccas. Frobisher will take these ships,
which will sail at Cliristmas. I can only conclude that the Queen's
change of course in letting the ships go must have been caused
by her belief that the alliance with the French will be effected,
particularly as she has aided them with stores and ammunition,
which have been supplied by her officers under Walsingham's
guarantee, as if they were not hers. In this way they think to
keep the jewels for good, as Don Antonio can neither pay the sum
advanced nor get the stones, a time being fixed for repayment of
the loan, after which the pledge was to be forfeited.
These eight ships are ready to sail with the first fair wind, and
they declare that, if they find any Spanish ships in the Downs,
they will capture them in virtue of separate orders given to e<ich
ship by Don Antonio. I send a translation of this order, which
has been given in this form, so that if they are separated each ship
should know what to do at Terceira. — London, 7th September 1581.
7 Sept. 133. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
I sent your Majesty a statement of the infantry and cavalry in
the pay of the Queen in Ireland, but the truth is that the foot
soldiers do not reach 2,500, with the Irish, and the cavalry not
300. The Viceroy only aims at holding the English portion of the
country, and his sallies consist of a few men, hastily conducted. In
the course of these raids lie not only desolates the land, but kills
all the people he encounters, whereby he thinks he will be able
to finish with the insurgents, none of whom, however, have yet
submitted, because the Irish never think of pardoning any one else,
and consequently pardon for themselves does not enter their heads.
The Viceroy constantly presses for more troops, but the Queen will
not send them, in order to save expense, unless foreign troops come
to the island, as she thinks that with the men she has there she
will be able, in time, to bring the insurgents to submission. The
insurgent forces are as follows. Baltinglas is at Dingle, a strong
monntain near Dublin, with about 300 Irishmen to defend the
place when necessary. The Queen has news, which I have
confirmed, that the Viceroy had been informed that this Baron
had gone to Spain and left in his place a gentleman named Feagh
MacHugh, who had recently deserted the Queen's service with
500 men.
The earl of Desmond is in his own country with 500 men, but
when there is any fear of his enemies he can gather 1,500, and with
them hold his woods and fortresses,
1C8 SPAKJSH STATE PAPEBS.
1681, ~
Pelham, the General of Artillery who was acting as Viceroy
before the arrival of Lord Grey, has, with other captains, petitioned
the Queen to grant them the lands of the earl of Desmond, which
they offer to conquer at their own cost and people with Englishmen.
She has not granted this, but they are still discussing the conditions
under which it will be granted.
O'Neil is in his own country, on the borders of which he has the
men necessary for its defence. It is impossible to state his strength,
as it is ruled by the behaviour of the Viceroy. The plan of the
latter is to cajole him with fair words and secretly treat with his
enemies.
If the Queen sends no more troops than she now has, it is
improbable that any of the insurgents will submit, as they have
not hitherto done so, and the Viceroy is powerless to make them,
especially in the winter, as the Irish are then usually masters of
the land, the English being unable to withstand the severity of the
climate. If, therefore, they do not fall apart from mere feebleness
and natural inconstancy, there is no apparent reason why they
should not hold out much longer than next summer, unless much
more energy is displayed by the Queen. It is expected that
there will be a great famine in the island this year, in consequence
of the Viceroy's having burned the land to prevent sowing of
crops. The fanega of wheat was worth a hundred reals in Dublin
last summer,* although the Queen allowed free export from
England thither, and sent four thousand quarters for her own
garrisons.
I received with the despatch of the 22nd July the credit of
2,000 crowns which your Majesty orders to be given to that
persont for the care he displays in your Majesty's interest. I have
told him what your Majesty orders me, and given him 1,000 crowns,
taking the opportunity, of my knowledge, that he was seeking a loan
on pledges, t told him that I had no reply from your Majesty about
him, but in the meanwhile, as he was in need, I would lend him
1,000 crowns, which I thought would make him value the favour
more, and bind him with the certain hope that he would get the
rest. This is the only way that Englishmen are kept faithful, for
if they do not actually see the reward before their eyes, they
forget all past favours ; and so, in this case, we shall keep him
longer by giving him the money in two payments.
I have not pressed the Queen for an answer to the various points
I had discussed with the Ministers, nor have I asked for audience,
both to keep on the balance with them, as your Majesty orders,
with my hand always on the tiller to change my course according
to affairs in France, and because, Don Antonio being already
leaving, I do not want them to make a favour of his going.
With regard to my complaining strongly of their having received
him, notwithstanding my urgent protests against their allowing him
to purchase and fit out ships here (which will be of no benefit to
* There vere five Spanish fanegas to an English quarter of wheat, and the real was the
real jjlata worth about bd. The prieo of wheat in Ijondon at the time was 24 s. per qnarter,
I Sir Jum«s Crofts, the ControUsr of the hoKSghol(}i
ELIZABETH. 169
1581.
him as he has only spent in this way the little money he brought
with him), it has been rather a favour which the Queen has done
to your Majesty, besides disclosing the evil minds by which they
are animated, that she should have always pressed Don Antonio to
stay.
With regard to the restitution of the boy they took from me, the
only thing done by the Queen about it was to direct Leicester and
Sussex to inquire how it had come about, because a few days
afterwards they sent him back to Flushing again, and released the
constables. — London, 7th September 1581.
7 Sept. 134. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
I received your Majesty's despatch of the 22nd of July, and will,
on the first opportunity, convey to the queen of Scotland what
your Majesty commands. I have hitherto entertained her as
directed. I understand that she is well, but more retired than
formerly, although they gave her leave to go to the baths. I have
sent, through Cardinal de Granvelle, the letters which she forwarded
to me for Sir Francis Englefield.
I have tried also to spread the view in Scotland of how
advantageous it would be to the King if he were to submit to the
Catholic Church, although this is a difficult thing to do without
its coming to the ears of this Queen, as nearly all the Scotch
councillors are declared Protestants, who would inform her instantly,
and she would thereupon become more closely attached to the
French. I have, therefore, had to wait until I could discuss it
with some of the principal Catholics here, by whose means alone
was it possible to attempt it. I pointed out to them that, in view
of the present position of neighbouring countries and of the
Netherlands, the first step to be taken was to bring Scotland to
submit to the Holy See. This, I said, would cause this Queen
more anxiety than anything else, since even if the multitude of
heretics in France, and the wars forced upon your Majesty in your
dominions, would allow of your Majesty sending any of your forces
hither to help the Catholics, the desired end would not be gained
in that way, as its only result would be to make war inevitable
between your Majesty and France, which latter country would
naturally oppose such a step, and take the side of the heretics in
order to prevent, at any cost, your Majesty making yourself master
of England under cover of religion. This was evident to them, as
the Catholics themselves think that, oppressed as they are, they
could not take up arms, or make any movement, unless your
Majesty sent a great fleet with more than 15,000 men, which
would be rather an army to conquer than to succour. For this
reason, and because they thought that Irish affairs could only be
made use of for the purpose of embarrassing the Queen and
hindering her from helping the Netherlands by the waste of her
men and money, they agreed with me that it was most advisable
to lose no time in laying the foundation of the Scotch project.
Even if Ireland were conquered, the movement in England would
hftve to come from there through Scotland, and consequeutljr the
170 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1581.
idea of commencing with Scotland was considered the best. I laid
all this before them, and asked them to consider the subject and
tell me which they thought the best way to set about it, as not
only did they know most of the principal men in Scotland and
the humour of the people, but they would probably possess more
recent intelligence of the state of the country from their Catholic
friends on the Borders, with whom I knew they corresponded.
My proposal was approved of, and six lords, who are the leaders
and chiefs of the other Catholics, met for the purpose of considering
it. One of them repeated to the others what I had said, and urged
that the best way for them to shake off the oppression with which
they were being afflicted by the heretics would be to attempt to
bring Scotland to submission to the church. They took solemn
oaths to aid each other and to mutually devote their persons and
property to the furtherance of this end without informing any
living soul of their determination excepting myself. They
decided to send an English clergyman who is trusted by all the six,
a person of understanding who was brought up in Scotland, to the
Scottish Court, for the purpose, after he had made himself acquainted
with the state of things, with their assistance and recommendation,
to try to get a private interview with D'Aubigny, and tell him
that, if the King would submit to the Roman Catholic church,
many of the English nobles, and a great part of the population,
would at once side with him, and have him declared heir to the
English crown and release his mother. He was to assure him that
the help of His Holiness, your Majesty, and it was to be supposed
also of the king of France, would be forthcoming to this end, but,
if the king of Scotland were not Catholic, D'Aubigny was to be
assured that the Catholics would oppose him more even than did
the heretics, and would endeavour to forward the claims of another
person to the succession, without mentioning any name until
D'Aubigny's intentions were understood.
If D'Aubigny give ear to the discourse and the person to be
sent sees the matter proceeding favourably, they think of sending
a brother of one of the six lords to his Holiness to give him an
account of the matter, and to beg of him to request your Majesty
to help them in their object. I have not yet opened out further
with them, as the end upon which they have their eyes fixed
at present is the conversion of Scotland to the Catholic church with-
out going into further particulars. They are not to have the
matter spoken of in France more than necessary, in order to prevent
its being hindered, by the fear that it is a plan of your Majesty
alone, and I have warned them to be vigilant on this point. They
agree with me in this, as they are all Spanish and Catholic at
heart, and do not wish to have anything to do with France,
excepting with the concurrence of your Majesty's representative.
When the king of Scotland has submitted to the Catholic church,
these six lords, who most of them have sons of the King's age,
intend to send them as hostages to assure him that, directly he
;. enters England with his army, they will raise all the north country
for hitn, will demand the restoration of the Catholic church iu
ELIZABETH, 171
1581.
England, proclaim him heir to the crown, and release his mother.
In addition to his own forces, and the help they will bring him, he
will have your Majesty's support, and, as there is now no hope of
the Queen's having children, she being 49 years of age, the whole
country will acclaim him as her heir, and, if necessary, as he will be
so strong, the Queen herself may be deposed if she will not consent
to the restoration of the church.
I do not write to your Majesty the names of the six lords, as
they pledged me not to divulge them until they saw what reception
their approaches received in Scotland. If this be not favourable as
they desire, and their design falls through, they do not wish to be
known, or for the business to appear as if it had been proposed
out of mere compliment, and to bring themselves to your iilajesty's
notice. As this request seemed reasonable I acceded to it, knowing,
as I do, their quality and zeal in the service of God and your
Majesty. The business seems so well founded, and so much in
accord with divine justice, that one cannot help hoping that God
will bless it with success, its main object being to save such a
multitude of human souls. So far as I can see, the success of God's
cause and the conversion of these countries, besides being of such
inestimable good in themselves, will also greatly benefit your
Majesty's interests and tend to the quietude of your dominions, as
when these two kingdoms are Catholic it 4s to be believed that
they will endeavour more earnestly than ever to maintain their
alliance with your Majesty for their own sake, and especially as
the ministers who have to carry the matter through being your
adherents will keep in view your Majesty's interests. — London,
7th September 1581.
10 Sept. 135, Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
Whilst I was handing the accompanying despatcli to the courier,
I heard that Don Antonio intended to take leave of the Queen
next day, so I detained the man until I had heard what was the
result of the interview.
There was news here that two valuable Spanish ships loaded at
« Antwerp had anchored in the Downs, the wind being against
them. Don Antonio's three ships, which are at Blackwall, on the
contrary, were favoured by the wind and prepared to drop down the
river with the intention of capturing the two Spanish ships, which
I had already warned to quit the port. I also sent to tell the
English merchants who usually ship goods at Ant^verp consigned
to Spaniards, that if Don Antonio's ships carried out their
design they, the merchants, would be the first persons to
suffer for the damage done. This was the best course to take
rather than complaining to the Council, as the merchants, in
order that the property should not fall into the hands of Don
Antonio, took such steps as procured a stop from the Queen, for-
bidding Don Antonio's ships from moving until further orders. He
was notified by the Judge of the Admiralty that the Queen had
prohibited the sale of any English ships to foreigners, and those
that had already been sold were not to be allowed to leave port.
172 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1581.
She hoped that Don Antonio would not take this amiss, but if he
wished his ships to be allowed to sail he was to sign a bond, as it is
called here, which the Judge of the Admiralty took to him in
Latin, undertaking that his ships should do no injury to your
Majesty's subjects. Don Antonio had had notice of the stoppage of
his ships the day before, and after reading the bond brought to
him by the Judge of the Admiralty at 8 o'clock in the morning,
he started out booted and spurred, after dinner, with all his Por-
tuguese, hastily putting his baggage into a boat, and went to take
leave of tlie Queen. He arrived at the Court unexpected by her with
the inteution of at once proceeding on his journey, but the Queen
spoke tenderly to him, although he was offended about the stoppage
of his ships ; and said that as he had now missed the tide and it
was very dark, he had better return to London for the night and
postpone his departure until the next day. He did so, and the
same night she sent a gentleman of her chamber to tell Lord
Howard and Philip Sidney to accompany Don Antonio. Ihe four
ships were ready to leave to-day by the midday tide, but a message
from the Queen came at 10 o'clock, which further delayed them, and
it is expected they will sail to-morrow. The Earl of Oxford has been
ordered to accompany him, but I do not venture to assert that tiiey
will go, as it depends upon these fickle people, and I fear he may
still be detained here. I do not know whether he will go to France
or to the Prince of Orange ; to whom he has sent two Portuguese,
but I will let your Majesty know as soon as I can learn. I have
advised Tassis some days ago of his intention of leaving. Four
Portuguese came for him recently, having come in a poor boat from
St. Ubes in 18 days. They landed at Dover, and wore false
beards.
AleD9on has sent back to the Queen her gentleman of the
chamber, Sterling (Somers ?), who went over with Lord Harry.*
He only brings a letter for herf and one for Marchaumont, dated
the 4th instant at Chatelet, where Alen9on was with 3,000 men, the
rest of his force having broken up. Marchaumont says, since this
man's arrival, that AlenQon will certainly be here shortly in disguise,
and will pretend he is going to see Orange, the better to carry out
his intention. The Queen has sent Sterling (Somers ?) back again to
Alenjon to-day. She was not pleased with his visit. — London,
11th September 1581.
26 Sept. 136. The King to Bernardino de Mendoza.
Paris Archives, Walsingham's negotiations in France in favour of the treaty
R. 1447 . 48. ^Qyi(j pvobably have as little result as those about the marriage,
besides which, as you say, the Queen was exhibiting fear of sending
out a fleet to help Don Antonio. However this may be, you will
be most careful to investigate and communicate everything you can
learn, and, above all, try to discredit Don Antonio's people there.
This should be done, not so much by direct action with the Queen,
your former attitude of not making too much account of them
♦ Howard.
I This letter will be foun4 in Part 2 of the Hatfield Papers, Hist, MSS. Com,
ELiZABETH. 173
1581.
having been a wise one, but rather by indirectly letting the
merchants and others know liow poor and exhausted Don Antonio
is, and how ruined they will be if they trust him or ship with
him.
Although it would appear at first sight advisable to grant to
some Englishmen the patents they desire enabling them to capture
property from my rebels and bring it safely to Spain, yet, under
cover of this, they might do more damage lo my faithful subjects
than to the rebels, and the matter needs deep consideration.
In the meantime, you have done well in referring the men to
M. de la Motte. Any similar offers you will keep pending in the
same way, saying that you will consult me, and giving hopes of a
favourable reply which may prevent the men from joining Don
Antonio. This is important, and you will exercise in it your usual
dexterity and sagacity.
You did well in pressing Drake's affair as you have done, and it
will be advisable to keep alive the alarm of the merchants that
reprisals will be used against them unless satisfaction is given.
Tiiis will cause them to bring influence to bear upon the Queen to
restore the booty, and moderate her attitude towards me in other
things. I note the trouble j'ou have had about the audiences,
and approve of your action. It is a fine thing for the Queen to
take offence that I have sent her no excuses about Ireland, con-
sidering that for years she has sent none to me for having
succoured and supported my rebels in the Netherlands. We shall
see what happens, and as they seemed so anxious to have letters
from me, it will be interesting to note what effect will be produced
by those I wrote about Don Antonio. The cruelty exercised
against the Catholics is greatly to be deplored, and the constancy
and firmness they show in their affliction worthy of all praise.
Our Lord, for whom they suffer, will provide the remedy, and, in
the meanwhile, you will continue to animate the Catholiis. I
hope soon to have a reply from Rome about the appointment of
English Cardinals, in favour of which I have used the stiongest
possible influence. — Lisbon, 25th September 1581.
27 Sept. 137. BEENAEDrNO de Mendoza to the Kxng.
I wrote on the 7th and 10th that Don Antonio was about to
leave, but he has delayed up to the present, although saying that
he was going every day. The day following my last letter they
raised the stop placed upon his ships, although they had made a
show of taking out the sails and crew, on the ground that they
would not allow them to leave without an undertaking being given
that no damage should be done to the subjects of princes with
whom the Queen was at peace ; and also to secure debts which
Don Antonio was leaving here, in respect of the purchase of ships
and other things to be paid for in six or eight months. The object
of this was evidently to drive him to borrow more money on the
jewels he has here, which, the pledge being increased, the Queen
would eventually keep. He has had to do this; Leicester having
174 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1581.
seen him, and promised him that he would find some merchants to
lend him 12,000?. move on the jewels, with which he could pay
what lie owed here and complete the preparations on his ships,
in which case the Queen would give him leave to depart. Don
Antonio agreed to this, and the Treasurer called together the richest
aldermen and merchants of London, telling them in the name of
the Queen that they knew how the injustice and extortion to
which they were exposed in Spain were reducing their trade ; that
Don Antonio had a better right than your Majesty to the crown of
Portugal, and that the Queen wished to help him. In order that
their business might benefit by his obtaining possession of his
country, she requested them to lend him some money on good
pledges, and the Queen would make herself responsible for the
repayment. The sums to be given were 1,000L each by those of
the grand-jury, as they call it, and 5001. by those of the petty-jury,
which she knew they could easily afford without detriment to their
business. They have lent the money ostensibly to Leicester and
Walsingham on the jewels in their possession, and, if they be not
redeemed within a certain time, they are to be forfeited. This
trick of getting private merchants to find the money has been
adopted so that if at any time the restitution of the jewels should
be demanded, as belonging to the Portuguese crown, the merchants
may claim their principal and interest, wliich will have grown to a
very large sum. Don Antonio sent part of this money to enable
three pirate ships to sail from Bristol, one large and two small, and
three more from Plymouth, whither Drake is going to expedite
them. The ships here are only waiting for a fair wind, and none
of them take victuals for more than two months.
Don Antonio has been hunting with Leicester, and on the 13th
went to see the Queen, when she gave him a signed document
binding herself to help and support him in the same way that the
king of Fiance and the duke of Alengon may do. With this Don
Antonio is determined to go to France, the intention being for
him to cross in one of his own ships, as I am informed, not for
greater safety, but as a means of getting the ships away, in the
fear that, once his back was turned, these people would find some
fresh pretext to detain them and keep them altogether. I send
your Majesty a drawing of the diamonds that Don Antonio brought
hither. I have not been able to discover whether they are all in
the Queen's possession.
The Company of Merchants trading with Spain insisted upon
Don Antonio's ships being stopped, for fear, as I wrote, that the
two S[)anish ships in the Downs might fall into his hands ; and,
although the Queen has given them leave to send their ships to
Spain, they are afraid to do so now that Don Antonio's ships are
released. Tliey have tried to induce me to give them passports,
but I have refused, because, althougii it may not have the effect
of stopping the ships from sailing, the keeping of the merchants in
a state of alarm will cause them to continue to place obstacles in
the way of the departure of Don Antonio's and the pirate ships.
These people are so changeable, and their minds so distorted,
ELIZABETH. l75
1581.
that I can do nothing more advantageous to your Majesty's interests
than to delay somewhat the projects they have in hand.
Lord Harry, whom this Queen sent to Alen^on, has returned.
He reports that Alen9on was marching along the French frontier
towards Boulogne, saying that he was going to Dunkirk for greater
facility for his coming hither.
Walsingham has written that he had taken leave of the King
and would see Alen^on before he returned to England. Although
they had discussed at great length tho conditions of the alliance,
nothing had been concluded, notwithstanding that he had dealt both
with Catholics and Protestants for its conclusion, but that the French
liad refused to settle anything until the marriage was decided upon. —
London, 27th September 1.581.
1 Oct. 138. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
Various despatches received, and, new general cypher ; also the
letter for the Queen respecting the surrender of Don Antonio,
which I have not yet delivered to her, nor the second letter your
Majesty wrote.
I have been delaying asking for an audience or pressing the
Ministers for a reply on the points I have mentioned in other letters,
because they are slackening in their assistance to Don Antonio
without any prompting from me, and it was therefore better to run
out the line and dissemble with them, until your Majesty's letters
for the Queen reached me ; and so to avoid the risk of an audience
being refused to me, and my being again referred to the Council.
As soon as I received your Majesty's despatch I sent to the Queen,
who is hunting at Nonsuch, asking for audience ; taking this step
in order thut Cecil might be present, and Leicester and Hatton
pi'evented from stifling my request as they have done before,
persuading the Queen privately not to gi-ant me an audience. I
sent to teJl Cecil that I had no reply to the points which I
had discussed with him and Leicester ; and had now some other
business to communicate to the Queen by order of your Majesty ;
asking him whether she would be at liberty there some da}', as I
did not wish to interfere with her pastimes by requesting audience.
He replied that the Queen would be there for some days, and that
he himself would ask for audience for me, if I wished. My
servant had been instructed to accept this otfer if he made it, and
answered that it would be a very great favour to me if he would
undertake the commission. Cecil shortly afterwards called the
man back and told him that it would be better that he, the
servant, should ask for audience in the usual way, and he at once
addressed himself to Hatton the Vice-Chamberlain, the Lord
Chamberlain being absent. He was delayed there for three
days, being told every morning and afternoon that he would be
dispatched, and at the end of that time Hatton and Walsingl.'am
noticing him as they came out of the Queen's ch.ainber, told him
that they had no decision yet to give him. They then went to
Cecil's room, tdling the man to wait. After having been for an
176 Spanish state papers.
1581.
hour in Council, the two, with Cecil, went back to the Queen, and
held another Council with her, and at the end o£ another two
hours, Hatton summoned my servant to his room, and gave him a
letter for me in English, the purport of which was that I was to
send word whether I had a letter from your Majesty to myself
ordering me to communicate affairs to the Queen, as in such case,
certain Councillors would come and listen to what I had to say.
To this I replied that I had a letter from your Majesty to the
Queen, with instructions to give her an account of certain matters.
I had not, I said, received any reply to the points I had discussed
with Cecil and Leicester at the begining of August, although I
had requested it twice ; and it was difficult for me to attend to
your Majesty's interests here iinder such circumstances as these.
The reply to this was that the Queen was moving to Richmond
yesterday, whence an answer would be sent to me. I am now
awaiting this, and will proceed in accordance with its tenour,
delivering one of the two letters which your Majesty has had sent.
I shall also be guided in my course by the departure of Don
Antonio, the time for which is not yet known, and I shall tack
according to this. I am every day getting further proofs that the
Queen's refusal to receive me as formerly is owing to the bad offices
of Leicester and Hatton, who, seeing that they have not been
able to prevail upon her to refuse to acknowledge me as your
Majesty's minister, do their best to annoy me personally.
Leicester said, whilst he was at supper two days before he left
the Queen, that he would either turn me out of here or lose his
own life and property ; whilst Hatton, in the chamber said before
the Queen's servants that he would make every effort to expel me
from the realm, for the Queen trembled every time that I asked
for audience. When he was asked by a friend of his whether
this was because I spoke to her rudely, he replied, No, it was not,
for no ambassador was more courteous and respectful, but I com-
municated affairs in such a way to her that she trembled to listen
to me. I will report to your Majesty how I find her, and whether
the intrigues of these two persons, to whom she is entirely given
up, have really alienated her so much as appears.
With regard to the restitution of Drake's booty, I am always
striving in the direction I have advised in other letters, but I am
not pi'essing the matter furiously, because of the reserve which
has been necessary lately, in consideration of the arming of Don
Antonio. I have always kept pegging away at the matter however,
as it is so important, and the sight of so much money in hand
incites them to try and attack your Majesty, and I do not want
these people to think that we have forgotten it. The merchants
are much more apprehensive of their goods being seized on this
account, than for the arming of Don Antonio, which, after the first
rush, it was seen would end in smoke.
I am continuing the steps which your Majesty orders with
the queen of Scotland and her son on every possible occasion.
This Queen is annoyed at D'Aubigny's having takeu the king of
Scotland to Glasgow for the Parliament. It is twelve leagues fi-om
Elizabeth. 177
1581.
Dumbarton, and the Queen thinks that the intention may be to
carry him to France.
Some of the chief heretics here have held a conference, and have
resolved, in reprisal for the priests who have come to preach here,
to send Englishmen to sow the weed of heresy in Spain. I have
been unable to discover the number or the description of the men
who are to go, but it will be of the greatest importance that this
should be prevented, and your Majesty's dominions saved from
infection with their errors, by the strict enforcement of the edict
published many years ago, forbidding any stranger to lodge in
the house of another stranger. In most parts the execution of
this law is not rigidly enforced by the secular authority, under
the impression that it is simply a matter of regulation, but in
these evil times it is of vital moment for the cause of religion,
and the Holy Catholic faith, and as such, your Majesty should
deign to order the Holy Inquisition to insist upon the secular
authorities carrying it out with great care, particularly in
Seville, where the population is so large, and Englishmen, even
though they be not heretics themselves, know that many of their
lodgers are so.
Many Englishmen go thither at Holy Week, and other times,
in which they should give an account of themselves, and they
(the English residents) do not render particulars of their guests,
being of their own country, and fail also to report if they use
forbidden rites ; which would not happen if these men lodged
with Spaniards, nor in such case would they dare to live so
freely as they do.
The persecution of Catholics here has reached such a pitch that
they want to deprive the prisoners of human charity, and have
ordered that the gifts sent to them should not be given to them
alone, but divided amongst all the prisoners. They are mostly
incarcerated with crowds of thieves, .and are left to die with
hunger amongst them, in order that their torment may be the
greater. If any one goes to ask after one of them he is arrested,
and consequently most of the gifts are sent through me, and are
distributed amongst them by my own servants, the Catholics alone
receiving them. In the same manner I take charge of the money
sent by the Catholics who have fled the kingdom, and of the sums
given by others for the maintenance of Englishmen in the
seminaries of Rheims and Rome, in order to save the donors from
the penalties inflicted, the least of which is to ]3unish them as
traitors. I get bills of exchange upon France for the money
payable to the persons who have to distribute it, and so in this,
and other things, do I help these poor people in their affliction for
the service of God and your Majesty. — London, 1st October 1581.
1 Oct. 139. Bernardino de Mendoza to the Kmo.
Don Antonio left here on the 18th ultimo, as your Majesty will
have learned from Don Juan de Idiaquez, to whom I instantly
reported it. His intention was to go to France, whither he had
sent a few days before Juan Rodriguez de Souza, with a message
y 84MJ, M
178 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1681,
to the duke of AleiKjon and the King, the Queen having ordered
that no vessel was to be allowed to leave Dover or the neighbouring
ports. The French ambassador accompanied Don Antonio in the
barge from London to Gravesend, and on passing Greenwich he did
not go ashore. He was joined shortly afterwards by Philip Sidney
and Dr. Lopez with a message from the Queen. They entered the
barge, and the French ambassador returned from Gravesend. Don
Antonio travelled thence in a coach drawn by four Hungarian
horses, which the Queen had sent to take him to Dover. He
passed the first night at Rochester, where he received news that
Walsingham was coming over, and said on the following day that
he would not cross until he saw him at Dover. He and Walsingham
put their heads together for a long time, despatches being posted
off to the Queen constantly, to which she has sent frequent replies
ever since he left Gravesend. As soon as Walsingham left him the
rumour spread that he had told him on no account to risk going
to France as they would kill him, for which purpose men had
already been appointed, in confirmation of which Don Antonio
went to the house of the custom house ofiicer Smith, six miles from
Dover, where he still remains, saying that he will not go over until
the weather serves for his ships to come down the river. Some of
them havi; been in the neighbourhood of Dover for days past, but
two of them, one, the largest of all, ran ashore below Gravesend,
which has delayed the rest. But the weather since yesterday will
allow them to sail. Two days ago a fly-boat belonging to the
earl of Leicester joined them, this being the vessel which they sent
from here with the intention of taking Souza to Portugal. News
comes that the rest of the pirate ships, four in all, with two
pinnaces, in his pay, both from Bristol and those belonging to the
pirate Vaughan, are now at the Isle of Wight, which is the most
convenient point for robbery, as they can attack any ship passing
the Channel. They all carry plenty of Portuguese flags, but are
only manned by sailors. If, however, they were fuU of soldiers;,
all they could do would be to plunder, as people here are now
Batisfied that the Terceira business is at an end. As they only
take victuals for two months they can hardly, as some people
think, go to the Mina, besides which the pirates do not relish going
long voyages when they can get prizes so near at home, and run
for England at once. It is to be supposed that the men in Don
Antonio's own ships "will do the same as soon as their provisions
run short, for they have begua to desert already. This happens some-
times even when they are serving in the Queen's ships if they touch
in any port before they get to Ireland, and in these ships of Don
Antonio's there are certain men who are persuading the sailors to
desert. These ten ships and the French nirates which join them
could not keep together even if winter were not coming on, as may
be seen by what happened nineteen years since, when there were
at the Isle of Wight twenty armed Holland ships, and twice as
many English and French pirates, and yet they broke up within
two months without attempting to rob on the Spanish seas
notwithstanding the large number of Spanish ships ther to be met
ELIZABETH. 179
1581.
with, which is not now tho case, as trade is reduced to English,
French, and Flemings. It will nevertheless be advisable that your
Majesty should order vigilance to be exercised at the ports to
overhaul carefully all ships arriving, and to arrest at once all tliose
that are not obviously merchantmen. Some pirates bearing letters
of inarque from Don Antonio are to take some merchandise for
Spain as a cloak, and either on the voyage out or home capture
any vessels they find unprepared. It should also be ordered that
no ships should be allowed to load excepting in your Majesty's
enclosed harbours, as great evil is caused by their loading elsewhere.
Only the other day the ship " Solomon," belonging to those heretics,*
escaped from Pasages and loaded at Fuenterrabia, where I hear she
shipped 30,000 ducats in cash unregistered.
As Don Antonio has shipped everything that he and his people
have in his vessels, I am spreading the rumour that, as soon as he
gets to France, he will take all his property out of the hands of the
Englishmen and give it to Frenchmen, which people here have
already began to fear and suspect.
I cannot assure your Majesty of Don Antonio's departure, as he
is evidently pusillanimous, and these people whilst, on the one
hand, they do not wish to keep him any longer now that they liave
flayed hitii, on the other hand are prevented by theii- malice from
lotting him go, because they think that he will always be a good
tool with which they may disturb your Majesty in Portugal.
Between these two ends they vacillate with incredible fickleness,
and many people think that Don Antonio's mind has been changed
by the fears with which Walsingham inspired him, and that, as
soon as his ships arrive, he will go on board and sail to Flushing.
Orange (Don Antonio ?) has sent William, tlje son of Loneston
Anes and a brotlier-in-law of Dr. Lopez, to Portugal, by way of
France, with letters. He is a young fellow of 20, well built,
with a fair and handsome face and a small fair Ijeard. He is
addressed to Jacob Anes his brother in Lisbon, of whom I spoke on
the 14th of August; the jiretext Ijeing tiiat he is to take charge
of a shipload of wheat sent to him from here, and bring back
a cargo of goods. The three ships belonging to the Queen, which I
advised on the 7th ultimo were being fitted out in the name of
Don Anlonio, to go to the East Indies, will not now be sent, in
face of the news of the fleet having come from there with the
submission to your Majesty. Only one is to be sent with Frobisher,
a ship of 500 tons now being fitted out with great haste at
Southampton. A vessel of 300 tons arrived from Portugal three
months ago, whose captain is Alonso Mayo, with a good crew of
experienced Portuguese sailors. Don Antonio sent them word that
as he was their King and they his subjects they should serve him
with their sliip and persons. The captain replied that he would
rather burn htr than 'be a traitor, and came du-ectly to Antonio de
Castillo .'ind to me to tell us what had passed, saynig that as his
ship was discharging in the Downs, Don Antonio and the English
* i.e., the Londou firm of Alderman Bond and nephe^f.
180 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1681. ~
might seize it by force; asking me whether in your Majesty's
interests he had better not sink her than let her fall into his hands,
as in such case he would do so. T thanked him, and praised his
zeal, telling him to persuade his sailors not to desert and go over
to Don Antonio. Since then, I have heard of the great eflforts that
are being made by Don Antonio's people to seduce the sailors,
whom they want much more than they do the ship, as they are
all experienced in the Indian navigation, and seeing that if the
ship sailed it could never get out of the Channel without faUing
into his hands, Antonio de Castillo and I, in your Majesty's
name, have ordered the captain to bring the ship into the Thames,
and not to sail without our license. We both thought this best
in your Majesty's interests, in order that these sailors might
not be forced to serve Don Antonio, to the injury of trade in
your Majesty's seas ; having in view Drake's experience with
the Portuguese pilot, whom he took to Brazil, and who brought
him to England, where he received fit remuneration as the traitor
that he was.
Horatio Pallavicini, the Genoese, not content with injuring your
Majesty by lending money, as I wrote years ago, to the Flemish
rebels, and hunting after my despatches to divulge them to the
Queen and Orange, is now helping Don Antonio, under cover of
another Genoese, Mortara, a rebel who came here moved by the
greed of dealing in Don Antonio's precious stones. Horatio is not
only a declared heretic himself, but mixes usually with the worst
heretics of all nations, serving this Queen in all that tends to
damage the cause of God and your Majesty, and striving to disturb
peace and quietness in Italy and his own country, being a spy and
go-between for all evil work there.
Whilst writing this, early on Sunday morning, I have received
the report of an eye-witness, that Don Antonio embarked on
the niglit of the 29th in a tender and sailed for France on the
following day, escorted by his ships. People here believe that
as soon as he arrives he will go to Alen9on.* — London, Ist October
1.581.
1 Oct. 140. Beknakuino de Mendoza to the King.
Walsingham has arrived here and confirmed what I wrote to
your Majesty, that nothing had been eflected in France ; and the
Queen has consequently not received him very graciously, in view
of the reports that he had made as soon as he arrived in FrancOj
to the elluot that the alliance was easy of arrangement. When he
conferred with Alen9on on his way hither, he tried to dissuade
him from coming to England ; and in consequence of this, and of the
iuconveuience which the Queen tells Marchauniont might ensue by
Alu)i(joa's coniini;, a rising of the people being feared, Marchau
iiiont lias written that the Queen does not wish him to come, and
he should consequently demand a definite reply with regard to the
* The Portuguese had an intemew at Calais with Alen^on, who was on his way to
ELIZABETH. 181
1581.
marriage. He did this, but no reply has yet been given ; the
Queen being extremely angry since tlie request came. In order to
bring more pressure to bear upon her, the French ambassador and
Marchaumont have declared publicly that Alenyon was coming ;
and, as the people showed no discontent thereat, they say the
Queen has nothing to fear. Leicester has left Court, in order that
the French may not blame him for the obstacles offered to the
coming of Alen9on, but that it should all fall upon Hatton and
Walsingham, but he did not go until he was quite satisfied with
the effect of his own efforts upon the Queen.
Antonio Rosa, a Flemish subject of your Majesty, wliom I
knew as secretary of the town of Coutrai, is very learned in the
chronicles of those countries, and has, at his own expense, come
from Holland, whither he retired years ago, to tell me that the
documents which were in the archives of liipplemond had been
taken by the burgomaster to Ghent, but that he had means of
copying most of them, and sending them to me to be forwarded to
to Spain ; which would be the safest place to prevent these
important memorials of old times from being lost. Although
many years will be necessary to copy them all, yet, as the loss of
these papers would be irreparable and the late Emperor was so
careful always to have them transcribed, I gave this man written
authority to return to Holland, in order to save the expense of his
remaining here, and I said I would send him your Majesty's
instructions for the diligent copying of some of the documents,
assuring him that his living in a rebellious country should not
injure him in person or estate, pending a reply from your Majesty
or the prince of Parma. I am moved to this by the fact that
this man has a natural aptitude for the preservation of such
memorials, and even if he should be unable to get copies of them
all, he will be very vigilant to see what is done with them, and
keep watch upon them. — London, 1st October 1581.
8 Oct. 141. The King to Bernardino de Mendoza.
K^Uil" 87^' I^etters of 27th August received. Thanks for advices about
Don Antonio's preparations ; your steps to discredit him with the
sailors are approved of. Although the preparations have slackened,
things again may change from one day to another, so that you will
be as much on the alert as ever to learn whether they have any
idea of succouring Terceira and of going thence to Madeira and
Brazil. Advise me of everything, and what answer Walsingham
brought back from France, as well as the reply given by the Queen
to the man who came to ask for 300,000 crowns for Alen9on
I was glad to hear of Antonio de Castillo's answer to the man
sent by the Queen and Leicester to tempt him fiom my service.
Thank him from me, and tell him he shall not he forgotten. — Lisbon,
8th October 1581.
8 Oct. 142. The King to Bernardino de Mendoza.
g^'^'/^sT' Although from our intelligence and from indications we see, the
negotiations for the treaty with France seem to have cooled rather
182
1581.
SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
than otherwise, still, to avoid the evils that such an alliance might
producG, wo thiiik it will be well to try to prevent it by arousing
the (Queen's distrust of the French, and imbue her with some
confidence in me, which her own conscience and acts must prove
to her she deserves to have forfeited. You will therefore warn her
i'roin me of the ancient enmity between the French and English, and
point out how little she can trust to Frenchmen, who are only too
anxious to play her some great trick, which will be easy when once
they have porauaded her to an alliance. They will then soon find
a pretext for getting her to send her money and men out of the
country, the farther off the better for tlieir design, and they can
then run over from France, which is so near, and take the greater
part of her realm before she could help it, or obtain help from her
old friends and allies. Out of my affection for England, and
because it does not suit me that the French should gain a footing
there, I cannot refrain from putting her on her guard against this
great danger she is incurring, besides many others which she will
see may arise from this feigned friendship. If she will keep the
old treaties with me, I will forget all past offences, and be a good
friend to her. If she thinks a ratification of the old alliances will
be insufficient and desires a new treaty, I beg she will let you know
what conditions she requests, and I will not depart a line from
what is just and honest.
It may be that this will divert her from the French alliance, and
you will add thereto whatever other arguments may occur to you,
to arouse her distrust of the French. Let her think that I am not
Bo implacably offended that, if she acts properly to me in future, I
cannot forget the past or refrain firom seeking revenge.
I send you a new credence, in case it should be needful. You
will not descend to further particulars, in order to prevent them
from making use of my offer elsewhere ; and if the league with the
French should either be concluded or entirely at an end when this
arrives, I leave to your discretion, in such case, the fulfilment of
the instructions or otherwise. — Lisbon, 8th October 1581.*
8 Oct. 143. The King to Bernardino de Mendoza.
K. 1447 89. ' I^uarte de Castro, who has been in prison in Valladolid, has been
released in order that he may join Don Antonio in London and
report his movements and intentions, in accordance with his own
ofi'er. It is believed that he will do so faithfully, as he has already
shown his attachment to my interests by keeping up an intelligence
with the duke of Alba whilst he was publicly serving Don Antonio.
Favour and help him, but with the utmost secrecy, and forward his
letters.— Lisbon, 8th October ISSl.f
9 Oct. 144. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
Don Antonio's ships have gone to rendezvous at the Scilly isles.
I have not delivered any of the letters which your Majesty has
* The above letter is accompanied by a fresh letter of credence for Mendoza, in
Latin, addressed to the Queen.
t A similar letter was sent on the same date to Juan Baptists de Tassis, the Spanish
^.Bibassador in Paris.
ELIZABETH. 183
1581.
sent to me for the Queen, as she has again postponed my audience,
on plea of illness. They told my servant to return to-day for an
answer, and until I know what this is, I cannot say how I shall
bear myself towards her ; but I judge, Don Aaitonio having now
left, that it will be better in your Majesty's interest to give her
only the letter of 14th August, requesting her either to surrender
or expel him according to the treaties.
With regard to the Englishmen named Botolph Holder and
Jacob Anes I can only say that Antonio de Castillo tells me
that on one occasion, when in the courSfe of conversation with
Giraldo's secretary here, Pcro Vaez, and Antonio Fogaza, he
remarked that Botolpli Holder was considered a very good Catholic
in Lisbon, they assured him that seven years ago, when he came
to England, they had seen him attend lioretie churches ; and he
was hand in glove with Secretary Wilson, to whom he sent
intelligence of everything that passed in Portugal, for the Queen's
information.
He is a man of good undeistanding and sends a clear relation of
events, and accordingly represented how groundless and foolish
were Don Antonio's claims, advising also that the credits given to
Souza should not be paid. Wilson often wrote to Don Antonio
through him, as did the Queen to Don Antonio and the duchess of
Braganza ; and Wilson sent l^.m a packet last July by a servant of
Castillo's who was going to Portugal, enclosing, as I am assured,
letters from Leicester and Wilson to Don Antonio and other
persons. I therefore advised the duke of Alba and the marquis de
Santa Cruz to seize the packet. Wilson before he died complained
bitterly to Castillo that it had not reached the hands of Botolph
Holder, saying that it was of the greatest importance, although
Castillo had thought it only contained merchants' letters. The
servant who took it is still at Castillo's house in Lisbon, and can
say what was done with the packet. I am told that Botolph
Holder, since Wilson's death, is in correspondence with Leicester
and Walsingham, and this was the reason why I said that Don
Antonio's letters might pass through his hands, as I am sure that
letters of Don Antonio have been sent in English ships leaving here
for Lisbon. I did not know how they were addressed, but for
this reason I advised that Botolph Holder's packets should be
watched.
Jacob Anes is the son of the man who has acted for Don
Antonio here, and a brother-in-law of Dr. Lopez. Through him
were purchased all the stores and ships, and he and his kinsmen
were sureties for all of Don Antonio's transactions here. I am told
by his own relatives that, even before Don Antonio left Portugal,
jewels and letters were sent and received through Anes. I have
already reported that Don Antonio was sending a brother of this
Jacob Anes to Portugal with letters.
I hear that Leicester is repeating Don Antonio's assertion that
your Majesty was expelling from the country the countess of
Vimioso and other women, a very necessary step in your Majesty's
interests, and for the quietude of the country. I also gather from
184 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1581, ~~ ~~
tlie Portuguese themselves here, the great efforts made, both in the
Azores aud elsewhere, by friars and priests against your Majesty ;
and Antonio de Castillo assures me how important it is that such
men as these who have interfered in matters of this sort should be
sent to other monasteries outside the country.
When Morton was Regent he refused to allow a French minister
to reside in Scotland, in consequence of his, Morton's, attachment to
this Queen, and the desire in France that the King should not be
addressed as such during the life of his mother. Since, however,
Morton is dead, and D'Aubigny all powerful, he has sent an
Ambassador to France, in order that the King may ask the queen
of Scotland whether her son shall be addressed as King or not. I
believe that the king of France Avill be requested by her to do as he
thinks best, the reason being that by this means he may be able to
send a minister to Scotland, if advisable, without offending this
Queen, as it has been the custom to maintain an Ambassador in
Scotland, and the presence of one there now could not be otherwise
than beneficial to the queen of Scotland. The country is not now
so completely deserted and in the hands of the English as it was,
and this step may strengthen those who are striving to bring the
country to the Catholic Church ; I am, indeed, under the impression
that they may have been at the bottom of it. The imprisoimient
of so many Catholics has deprived me of three of my means of
writing to the queen of Scotland, but, four days since, I received
a letter from her through another channel, saying how much she
rejoiced at your Majesty's goodness in restoring the pensions to
certain Englishmen for her sake. She begs me to write in hername.
expressing affectionate gratitude to you, and to pray that you will
not forget William Paget, respecting whom I wrote before, at her
wish.*
She says she has written to the Netherlands recalling the Scots
who were there, and particularly Colonel Stewart, to whom she
promised a good pension in Scotland. I replied to her as your
Majesty instracted me. I am informed that most heretical English-
men who go to Seville stay in the house of William Stelan (?), the
servant there of the Alderman Bond. I cannot learn anything of
his religious opinions, although he is supposed to be a Catholic, but
many of these who stay in his house have, on their return to England,
been open heretics ; and say that there are many more of their way of
thinking in Spain than is supposed. This is said with so much
effrontery, that it will be greatly to the interest of God and your
Majesty to prevent the spread of the infection by rigorously
executing the edict mentioned in my last.f — London, 9th October
1581.
9 Oct. 145. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
I wrote on the 4th to Don Juan de Idiaquez, for the information
of your Majesty, that Alen9on was at Calais, which news had been
♦ lu the King's hand: — " Bear this in mind."
f In the King's hand: — " Copy this clause for Mateo Vasqu«z to send to the Inquisitor
peneral and Council of the Inquisition,"
ELIZABETH. 185
1681.
brought by a man who had been sent by him with letters to the
Queen, who said that he was expected to arrive there on the day
that he left or the following day. I have since discovered that his
design in saying this was, first, to get the rumour spread here, in
order that the English might swallow his coming ; and, secondly, to
bring more pressure to bear upon the Queen to accede to Alen^on's
demands for money. He says he is so poverty stricken and driven,
that he could not maintain the garrison of Cambrai, nor discharge the
soldiers he had with him, unless she sent him some money, and
only to get himself out of this tangle he would at once come over
to England to see her, since his brother had refused to give him a
pennj' (without having the excuse of poverty to fall back upon,
for he had just spent a million in feasts). As soon as the man
arrived the Queen ordered Sion House* near Kichmond, where
she is, to be got ready for Alen§on's reception, and after much
conference, as she thinks she will be obliged to content him
with some money, she has decided to send him 15,000L sterling. A
gentleman of Alen9on's was sent off yesterday with the despatch,
pressing him very much, for various reasons, not to come hither. It
is not known whether Alen^on will do as they wish, but they think
that he will hardly have started until this man got back to him.
If he should insist upon coming they will welcome him, in order
not to give him offence, and because they think he is in such urgent
need that they can always stop his mouth with money, and thus
prevent his resenting the Queen's not marrying him.
The Queen for the last several days has made an appearance of
being very angry with Walsingham, in consequence of his having
written to Sussex from France that Alengon was not fit to be the
Queen's husband, or even her friend. Sussex read the letter to
Marchaumont, who complained about it to the Queen, and the latter
displayed great anger, although some people think that it is all put
on, and that she herself had ordered Walsingham to write this, so
as to hinder the marriage, as she is a woman very fond of adopting
such tricks. At all events Walsingham takes very little notice of
her anger, and Alenfon turns a deaf car to everything, and only
asks for money, whilst Marchaumont keeps the negotiation alive by
pressing for a decision with regard to the marriage. — London,
9th October 1581.
20 Oct. 146. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
I wrote to your Majesty on the 9th that I expected on that day
to receive a reply from the Queen appointing the day for my
audience. She has behaved towards nie, both in this respect and
during the audiences themselves, in such an insolent and outrageous
manner that I must necessarily be somewhat diffuse in giving my
account of it to your Majesty, which I will do in detail.
I had signified to Cecil that I had letters from your Majesty to
the Queen, and my servant had been told that, when the Queen
went from Nonsuch to Richmond she would give me audience.
* Jn the King's hand ;— " It ased to be u very beautiful monastery,"
186 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
U8l,
After my man had left Cecil's room, he had him called back and
said to him, " Sir, I must tell you the truth, the Queen is alone just
" now, without Councillors, and as Don Bernardino is to bring letters
" to the Queen from so great an enemy to her as his master, it is
" meet that he should be received as the minister of such a one." I
expected from this reply that these people would change their
course, and it was advantageous for me to have taken the steps I
did with Cecil, as he had spoken to the Queen in the absence of
Leicester. After the Queen had returned to Richmond I waited
for some time in the expectation that they would send me an
appointment as had been agreed, but as Leicester had now returned,
and I heard he was still urging the Queen not to receive me, I sent
again to ask for audience. They replied that the Queen was busy,
and that if my servant returned on the 9th, he should have a reply.
This was the day upon which I wrote to your Majesty last. My
servant told me that he had seen the Queen go out in a litter, and
on her return he asked the Lord Chamberlain when I should have
audience, and was told that the Queen was not well, and my
servant had better go back, and they would send me word when I
could see her. Notwithstanding this, she passed all that day with
Marchaumont, and the next day gave audience to the count of
Embden, who was here. On the 11th the Lord Chamberlain sent
a very low officer of the Queen's household to say that the Queen
would give me audience at two o'clock. It was already past twelve,
and it is ten miles to Richmond, but I made ready with all haste
possible, and went to see her, suspecting that she had some bad
news from Flanders, which would make her send for me in such a
hurry as this. This turned out to be the case, as I learnt that at
ten o'clock the same morning she had received intelligence that the
Englishmen and the States troops had been routed in Friesland,
which news had very much upset her and her Ministers.
When I arrived at Richmond I was met at the staircase by three
pensioners, who said when they received me that I had come very
late, which the Lord Chamberlain also repeated when he saw me.
I replied that I did not get notice of the audience xmtil past twelve,
and that I could do no more than come post at once. They took
me to the presence chamber, and after a short time there I was
conducted to the Queen's chamber. I found her seated on a settee
under the canopy with only two Councillors, namely, the Lord
Chamberlain and the Admiral, and three ladies. She received me
without making her usual demonstration of stepping down from the
dais and advancing when asked for her hand to kiss, and saying, as
she always did, " V. S. sia il hen venuto, signor ambasciatore."
Now, however, she took not the slightest notice of me when I
approached to make my bow, the first words she pronounced being
that she had a pain in the hip which had troubled her for some
time past. I replied that I was extremely sorry to find her
suffering in this way, and that, although she had delayed my audience
so long, I should have rejoiced if she had delayed it much more,
rather than give her the trouble of discussing business whilst she
was in pain. She made no display of thanks at this, contrary to
ELIZABETH.
m
1581.
her custom, and let me remain uncovered for a very long while,
She then said, " How about the letter which you have from his
Majesty ?" I had all three of your Majesty's letters with me, to
use according to circumstances, although I thought, unless I were
forced, that it would be better only to give her that of the 14th,
requesting the surrender of Don Antonio, in accordance with the
treaties. My object in this was to have the matter formulated and
the complaint recognised, in case he or any of his rebels should
return, in which case I might take advantage of the steps I had
taken as occasion might demand. My object was, moreover, to
present my complaint in a general form, rather than to produce the
belief that your Majesty was apprehensive that Don Antonio could
leave here with a force large enough to give you any anxiety.
I therefore handed her the letter, and when she had read it she
said that I knew Don Antonio had left her country before I asked
for audience (which is not true), but that if she had been willing
to help him, your Majesty's varioui? Indian fleets would not be
where they are now, and perhaps Portugal would not be so quiet ;
and all this with much hectoring and vociferation. She said that
your Majesty referred her to me, in credence, and asked me what
I had to say. Seeing her rudeness I replied that, as to the fleets,
things of this sort were very much more easy to talk about than
to do ; as your Majesty's fleets were all so well prepared that, no
matter how large and powerful were those that might go against
them, the assailants would return well trounced. With regard to
Don Antonio, I said that not only had she received him in her
kingdom, but she had helped him with munitions, troops, arms,
and money, which was all the support and aid that any prince
could give to a rebel ; and this was done so publicly that all could
see it, and, in addition to her welcome hospitality to Don Antonio,
whom she had dubbed " king " iti England, the ships he had
bought here had sailed down the river, with arms and munitions
from thfe Tower, and had actually passed her own windows at
Greenwich covered with pennants of the arms of Portugal. The
merchants of London, too, at the request of her ministers, had lent
him money on the jewels which he had left here in the charge of some
of them, and no one better than herself could judge what harvest
was to be gathered from such seed us this, considering the ground-
less and feeble hopes that Don Antonio had of really disquieting
your Majesty. The only result would be to irritate and offend
you, thus exasperating still more the feeling which had been caused
by her constant action in Flanders, and recently by the great sums
of money she had given to Alen^on, without which he could not
have relieved Cambrai or invaded the States. Besides the ships
which had left here for Don Antonio, many English pirates had
joined him and had gathered at the Isle of Wight, with no other
design but to plunder your Majesty's subjects, as Knollys did two
years ago. Although I had complained of this at the time, justice
had never been done. I had asked her to restore the million and a
half which Drake had stolen from your Majesty and your subjects,
but instead of this, fresh ships were being fitted out by her owq
188 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1581.
Ministers to go on the voyage to the Indies. Some soldiers of
M. de la Motte, moreover, had been driven by a storm into Norwich,
where they had been arrested and cooped up in prison for six
months, as if they were enemies, notwithstanding my having
clamoured about it to the Council. I asked her whether it was
possible for her to have done more than this if she had openly
declared war against your Majesty. With respect to Don Antonio,
she answered that she had helped him and would still do so,
as would her subjects, and as for the other things she neither
knew nor understood anything about them. This was said with
the most terrible insolence, and as I saw her evil intent, I replied
that I had been here for more than three years and a half, and had
been constantly telling her of these things, but as it appeared that
during all this time she had heard nothing about them, and would
find no remedy for them now, it would be necessary to see whether
cannons would not make her hear them better. She told me I
need not think to threaten and frighten her, for if I did she would
put me into a place where I could not say a word. This she said
without any passion, but as one would repeat the words of a farce,
speaking very low, and showing signs in her countenance that she
had been instructed what to say. She then continued, that in
future I could communicate my business to the Council, and be
satisfied with remaining in the country, as she had no ambassador
in Spain. I replied that what I had said was not intended as a
threat, but only to repeat to her what your Majesty had instructed
me to say. As for the rest, as I was in her country she could do
with me as she pleased, what it was I cared but little, as I was
certain that God had given me a King who would not forget to
vindicate me, even if I were only his vassal, but much more being his
minister, as she knew. After a little further talk she became more
civil, and raising her voice said " V. S. commande che vadaforse il
suo segretario," my secretary being only in the room with me. She
then told the ladies to leave the room and called the two councillors,
to whom she repeated, not what she had said to me, but only that
I had said that, as she did not listen to my many complaints it
would be necessary to bring cannons to redress them. She said this
in a very hectoring way and repeated that I need not try to
frighten her. I smiled to hear her relate this with so much fury
and perturbation, and replied that I would not waste time on that
point, as I well knew that monarchs were never afraid of private
individuals, and above all she who was a lady and so beautiful,
that even lions would crouch before her. She is so vain and flighty
that her anger was at once soothed at hearing this, and she began
to relate how much obliged your Majesty should be to her for
having refused to receive the Flemish rebels. She said that what
slie had done was only for the purpose of preventing the French
from getting possession of the Netherlands, in which statement she
was aided by Sussex, and in payment for this, she said, your Majesty
had sent troops to Ireland and had given pensions to her rebellious
subjects, and Don Guerau de Spes had promised people here that,
if the^ would rise against her he would furnish money, with other
ilLI^ABfeTH. 189
1681.
like things of the past. She said, too, that I had plotted with
some Englishmen to murder Don Antonio whilst he was in her
country. I replied to all this that it was a fine way to prevent
the French from taking possession of the Netherlands to provide
money for Alen^on to invade them twice over, as well as by every
possible means helping the rebels to support the war. With respect
to Ireland I had told her the truth about it many times, and
and what she said about Don Guerau only referred to what he
would have done, whilst I spoke of the bad offices which she had
done and continued constantly to do against your Majesty. I
dwelt upon these two points with many arguments, which would
carry conviction to any impartial person, and said that with respect
to murdering Don Antonio, I grieved that, although I had been here
so long, she should yet fail to see that I was not bom to kill men
except in honest warfare, and I was not desirous of doing Don
Antonio so great a favour as to shorten a life, the folly of which
would be its own greatest [punishment ; but even supposing I had
attempted such a thing, I would remind her that she had ordered
an Englishman to be kidnapped in the Netherlands* in the time
of the duke of Alba, and that she had executed the man and had
pensioned his kidnapper. I said that, whatever was the case with
the Netherlands, surely the French had nothing to do with Terceira,
that she should send succour to that island, and that Englishmen
should sally from there to attack your Majesty's fleets. It was no
reason, moreover, why she should help Don Antonio with 5,000 men
to conquer Portugal, but fortunately the men have been captured by
your Majesty's admiral and taken into Lisbon, where they had made
such declarations, proved by letters from her and her Ministers,
which had been found in Portugal, as proved her complicity in a
much worse form than I had said, and some day I would show her
the proofs of this. I invented this to move her the more, but this
was prevented by Sussex intervening with the remark that your
Majesty's action in Ireland had been an extremely grave offence.
She thereupon began to hector again, saying that it was not
much to expect that your Majesty would have written to her some
explanation of such an injury. I asked her whether she recollected
by what means your Majesty had expressed your regret. She said
that he had done so through me, whereupon I remarked that she
had therefore no reason to feel aggrieved, as I had told her the
truth about it, and had spoken as I had done in your Majesty's
name. She again said that your Majesty might well have written
to her, and that she would not give a final decision, as I requested,
in the matter of Drake until your Majesty had given her entire
satisfaction with regard to Ireland, as it was only reasonable that
she, being the person first offended, should be the person first
satisfied, and after this was done she would see about Drake's
piracy. I pointed out to her tliat, inasmuch as the consulate at
Seville was so deeply interested in the matter, having lost more
than a million and a half, even if your Majesty were to overlook
* Dr. Stotey. See Vol. 2 of present Caleudar.
190 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1681. ~
the loss of your own Treasury, you could not avoid acceding to the
requests of your subjects, in the manner which all princes did, and
she in particular, namely, by giving letters of marque for the
recoupment of their losses by the seizure of property belonging to
the subjects of another prince. I said that I had no doubt that,
in view of the answer she had given me, your Majesty would
command the Seville merchants to recover their losses by the
seizure of English property in your dominions and the arrest of
all of her subjects. In order that she might not complain of me
afterwards, as she had done of Don Guerau in a proclamation she
issued at the time of the seizure of the money, to the effect that the
duke of Alba had arrested goods of English subjects in Antwerp on
the same day that Don Guerau had spoken to her, and consequently
that the seizure would have been effected in Antwerp whatever her
answer had been, I reminded her that the date was now the 11th
of October. In order that not even the smallest of her subjects
should have cause to complain of me, I told her my firm belief now,
that if Drake's plunder were not restored, your Majesty would
order the seizure of all English goods in your dominions to reimburse
your subjects for their losses. She again replied that she bad been
first offended and should be the first to receive satisfaction, and
thereupon took leave of me very drily. I told her that, in order
to give her no more annoyance, I would iu future communicate
affairs to her Council. I said this so that the members of the
Council present might understand that it was I who refused to
have audience again. After I had taken my leave and was two
paces away from her, I heard her say with a great sigh, " Volesse
a Iddio che ognuono avesse il suo, e fosse in pace."* — London, 20th
October 1581.
20 Oct. 147. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
As I write in the enclosed letter, I took with me all the letters
which your Majesty had written to the Queen, in order that I might
use the one which might appear most appropriate. Although
the Queen's rude and extravagant behaviour rendered it desirable
that I should hand her the long letter after the other two, I
thought better to retain it, so as not to pledge your Majesty unduly
by giving it to her iu public, and with more formality than the
occasion demanded. But I did not wish her to think that the
steps I had taken with her were matters of my own fancy, and
determined to let her know your Majesty's feeling. I therefore
adopted the course of writing her the next day a letter, of which I
enclose copy, sending with it the longest of your Majesty's letters,
my tone being that of sorrow that she should have used such words
to me, and exonerating myself by enclosing her your Majesty's letter.
This was a very convenient step, and, indeed, the last thing that
was left for me to do, to prevent her and her Ministers from
proceeding absolutely unchecked in their opposition to your
Majesty's interests. By this means the Queen would see what
* " Would to God that each one had his own and was at peace."
ELIZABETH. 19l
1681,
your Majesty said, without pledging your Majesty more than you
desired, as my letter was supposed to be a personal one to herself,
although I am quite sure it will be seen by all the Ministers. I
was moved to take this step by seeing the warmth with which she
helps Alen9on in his Flanders project ; and although Don Antonio
may have taken but few ships from here, a large number of English
pirates are joining him, and many more are fitting out. It is true
they are not strong enough to undertake any great enterprise, but
your Majesty will be obliged out of suspicion (if Terceira should
not have submitted, as these people fear) to maintain garrisons
everywhere, besides which the action of the faithless Turk, so near
to Spain, may incite these folks to proceed even more shamelessly
in all these matters, unless I act more vigorously than by simply
exchanging words with the Queen. I therefore embraced this
decision, although I do not conceal from myself that the venom of
this woman and her Ministers is so deep seated that there is no
antidote which will enable me to do more than restrain them for
the moment.
The Lord Chamberlain detained for three days the man who
took my letter to the Queen, telling him every morning that they
would deliver the letter in the evening, and every evening, that
they would do so next morning. In the meanwhile the Queen
sent Wilkes, the Clerk of the Council, to me, to ask me to put my
complaints in writing, in order that her Council might consider
them, the real object of his coming being for Wilkes to get into
conversation with me and find out what the letter contained, as
they wanted to know before it was accepted or opened. I briefly
repeated my complaints, saying that I had already twice stated
them to the Queen, who had assured me on each occasion that a
decided resolution should at once be adopted. I said, if she had
not understood them, I would once more go and lay them before
her, but with regard to sending them to her in writing, I could
only say that, when I first arrived in England, her Council had
asked me to put in writing certain afiairs which I had communicated
to them, which I had done, and a few months afterwards I had
requested that they should do the same with an answer that they
had verbally given me. CecU had thereupon, in the presence of
the Council, told me that neither the Queen nor her Council were
in the habit of communicating with ambassadors excepting verbally,
and I therefore could not break through this custom, especially as
I had conveyed to the Queen what your Majesty had ordered me
to do. I therefore avoided doing as they wished, which was only
to spin out matters by documents, and to make Drake's business
into an ordinary lawsuit. I at once sent a servant to Court to
speak with the others (i.e., servants) to give the appearance of my
recalling them, ordering them to make a show of returning. As
soon as this was seen by a servant of the Ijord Chamberlain, he
told his master, and they were approached as if casually, and
the man who took the letter was told that he could now deliver it.
The Queen accepted it with an excuse that she had not received it
before, i^ consequence of indispositionj and that a reply would be
192 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1681.
given next day. I have not sent for this reply, as it was not
necessary for the end in view, my only object being that she and
her Ministers should read and ruminate over what your Majesty
had written, which might be a means of recalling them from their
evil ways. My efforts to turn the Queen remind me of an old
rusty weather cock, which long use has worn away, and which will
only move at a strong gust of wind, turning back again to its old
point as soon as the breeze dies away. In like manner I always
convince her to be on the side of your Majesty, with truth and
reason, whilst I am with her, but the impression only remains
whilst I am in her presence, after which she veers back again to her
old quarter.
The day after she received my letter, she sent to summon Drake
in a furious hurry, although I judge by the answer she gave
me, and other indications, that they will never restore the plunder,
unless your Majesty orders the arrest of all English property in
your dominions. This, if your Majesty pleases might be done at
once, whilst we see how they proceed on Drake's arrival, and in
face of the recent steps that I have taken indirectly with the
merchants. I have had the latter warned of the great importance to
them and the country at large, of retaining their trade with Spain,
now imperilled by Drake's robberies, and the murder of your
Majesty's subjects. They have gone to Court to make represen-
tations to the Council, and when they return I will report the
result to your Majesty, in order that any steps may be taken
during the time of the vintage, when there will be more English
goods and ships in Spain than at any other time. — London, 20th
October 1581.
20 Oct. 148. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
I wrote on the 1st instant of the efforts which were made by
Leicester and Hatton with the Queen, that I should be expelled
from here. What success has hitherto attended them your Majesty
will see by my enclosed letter, and by my observations in the
audiences I have had. The Queen is completely in the hands of
these two men, and my suspicion is now turned to certainty by
evident demonstration. Leicester thinks of nothing else, and on
the day that I went to see the Queen he was heard to say, " Don
Bernardino will get his audience, but a very bad answer." I was
informed of this at once, but as I was travelling so hastily to
Court, I had not time to hear the words themselves until the next
day. At my audience none of them would be present, but when
they saw afterwards how much I had altered the Queen's mind,
Leicester said, " The Spanish Ambassador, forsooth, is a great
" negotiator, but it will go hard with me if I cannot turn him out of
" this." He has adopted various means by which he thinks I may be
forced to complain, and his end be gained, such as preventing the
Queen from giving me audience, and always introducing me by a
back door, instead of through the presence chamber, but I have
taken no apparent notice of it, and with regard to the latter step,
I said that it was looked upon by a Spaniard as a much greater
ELIZABETH. 193
1581.
favour to be introduced by a private dour tlian by public ones, and
so on with the rest of his plans. He is trying every day to invent
new and greater excuses for my expulsion, and has gone to the
length of causing a married Flemish servant of mine to be arrested
because he had his infant son baptised in my house with Catholic
rites, such a thing as this never having been done to a Minister before.
I have dissembled, as your Majesty ordered, whilst endeavouring
by indirect means to get my servant released. Seeing the activity
with which Hatton, Walsingham, and their gang are trjing to get
rid of me, and if necessary to break with your Majesty, which is
the real object they have in view every hour of the day, together
with the growing distaste with which the Qacen looks upon me, in
consequence of their ceaseless machinations, it is clear tliat they
may, in. the end, succeed, and my departure may be brought about
in such a fashion that your Majesty may be forced to resent it
sword in hand. This may happen at a season when it would be
inconvenient for your Majesty to undertake such a matter, and,
seeing that the Queen has refused to receive me, and refers me to
her Council in all things, I cannot be of any service to your Majesty
here now, with my hands thus tied, and her ears closed against me,
e.Ncepting so far as her Councillors may choose to allow her to hear.
For this reason, and to avoid trouble, it will be advantageous in your
Majesty's interests, that my successor shall come hither at once,
although at first not ostensibly to replace me. He should bring a
letter from your Majesty and a specific power to deal with the
investigation in the seizures of Portuguese goods, which will result,
as I am told by Antonio de Castillo, in an amount of 100,000
crowns being due to Portugal. He should bring another letter, also,
enjpowering him, if necessaiy, to treat of tho robberies during the
truce which was made between the two crowns on the 15th
November 1579.
He should bring yet another letter, containing a statement of
that which your Majesty v/rote the Queen on the Uth April 1579,
respecting complaints against her subjects in the matter of property
concealed here, which iiad not been registered at the time of the
seizures, with special power in the matter, as otherwise they will
reply to him as they did to me in December 1579, demanding such
a power, and they will not allow him to deal with the business
unless he brings it,
Your Majesty will also do well to let him bring a special letter
about Drake's business, and as all these matters are so important,
any one of them, and much more the three, would form a good
excuse for sending a special envoy. They ai-e, moreover, of such a
character, concerning questions of money, that these people cannot
refuse to entertain a Minister who comes to treat of tliein, and thus
your Majesty will be saved from the evils which might result froai
my staying liere, and yet you will be represented. Your Majesty
may withdraw him at any time you may consider advisable, but,
in the meanwhile, your interests would not be entirely abandoned,
nor the efforts for the conversion of Scotland quite dropped, to the
dismay of the Catholics here, who in such case would lose heart
y 84541,
i94 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1581.
entirely. I humbly beg your Majesty to pardon my boldness for
speaking thus, but my zeal in your service forces me to say what I
think, without mentioning even my own illness, of which I make
but small account, as I only desire health and hfe to be spent in
harness, here or elsewhere, as your Majesty may deign to command.
In Older that I may have more time to initiate the man who comes
into business here, it will be better that he should not be appointed
to succeed me, but that his powers should constitute us jointly and
severally your representatives, and I can then stay as long as may
be needful, and leave when I like, on the pretext of my illness, a
sufEcient reason, without its being said that I was withdrawn. The
Queen will not refuse the new man audience at first and he may,
as I (lid when I arrived, do good service in diverting her somewhat
from her evil course. In order to gain sufficient time for my
successor to arrive, I purposely told the Queen in the presence of her
Ministers, when I took leave of her, that I would not trouble her
any more with business, but would in future communicate it to
her Councillors. In this way we shall avoid the inconvenience of
my being refused audience if I asked for it, in which case, coming
after otlier things, I should be obliged to leave, or else put up with
a slight upon your Majesty. If necessary I will feign illness until
I get a re[ily to this, temporising with these people and avoiding
couHuunication with them unless I am obliged. — London, 20th
October 1581.
20 Oct. 149. Bernardino dk Mendoza to the King.
The clergyman of whom I wrote on the 7 th ultimo has returned
from Scotland after a successful journey. He was conveyed
secretly across the border and was furnished with introduction to
the duke of Lennox, the earls of Eglington, Huntly, and Caithness,
Baron Seton, and his eldest son, and Gray, of Fernihurst. They
received him well and he bore himself prudently, avoiding an
entire disclosure of his mission until he had assured himself with
regard to leligion, which was treated as the principal basis of the
business. Ho said he wished to learn from them whether they
wouhl admit priests and friars into the country, who, moved by
zeal in God's service and the salvation of souls alone, wished to
preach and administer the sacraments. They replied unanimously,
thai nut only would they willingly admit them, on condition that
they brought money for their own maintenance, but they would
quietly manage that they should preach to the King himself in
their presence, and should, if necessary, hold a disputatiou with the
ujinisters, by which means their doctrines might be presently
preached iu public, without frightening the people when they first
arrived. He came back with this reply, after having assured them
liDW important it was for the King's power and aggrandisement,
and his inheritance to the crown of England, that the English
Catholics who had fled for religion's sake, should be allowed to live
in Scotland by consent of the Parliament. They told him that
they would try to obtain this. He avoided opening out further to
the duke of Lennox, as he depends upon France, and he found him
ELIZABETH. 195
1681.
now avowedly schismatic, but in accordance with LLs instructions
from here he went more deeply into the matter, by way of
discourse, with Lord Seton, whom he found very well disposed.
He said that the best argument to bring about the King's con-
version to the Catholic faith, in addition to its being the true road
to salvation, was to show him that it was the only means by which
he could become a powerful king, uniting the crowns of Scotland,
England, and Ireland, which could be brought about alone by his
gaining the sympathy of so mighty a monarch as your Majesty.
An alliance between you would be a renewal of the leagues with
the houses of Burgundy and England, which were the solid
foundation for the maintenance of the three kingdoms. This,
however, need not mean his turning his back upon the French, who
for so long had been friendly with Scotland, and with whom it
was meet that he should still be kindly, but not so intimate as tc
deprive liim of the greatness that the proposed alliance would giv«
him, in which the French certainly would not aid him, as Aleu90n
was trying to marry the Queen. Seton thanked the priest, and
promised that when tlie King went on a hunting progress, he
would have him told this privately, and would encourage him thus
with brilliant prospects. He said that when this man returned
with the priests, he would tell him how he had found the
King, as well as the other ministers, with whom he would
communicate.
As soon as this clergyman returned, the result of his mission was
conveyed to William Allen* in France, and Father Persons of the
Company of Jesus,t who was secretly here. The latter went to
France for a few daj's to choose the persons to be sent to Scotland,
and although the clergyman who went was of opinion that Persons
himself, and Father JasperJ of the Company, who recently came
hither through Germany, would be the best persons to go, as it was
necessary that they should be very learned to preach and dispute,
as well as of signal virtue. Father Jasper came many miles to see
* Allen was chief of the English Jesuit Seminary at Bheims, and -was raised to the
Carilinalate by Sixtus V., after repeated urging by Philip.
t This remarkable man, who tor so many years was a thorn in the side of Elizabetli,
was bnrn in Slowey, Somersetshire, of obscure parentage in 1546. He wjs sent to BalUol
College, Oxford, at the cost of John Haywood the rector of the parish, whose natural
son lie was stated to be. Camden, who was a fellow student with him, gives him a
very bad character. " He was a violent fierce natured man, of rough behaviour
" When he was young, the fellow was much noted for his singular impudency and
" disorder in apparel, going in great barrel hosci, as was the fashion of hacksters of those
" times, and drawing also deep in a barrel of ale." Camden quotes another writer, who
says that Persons was " a common alehouse squire, and the drunkenest spunge in all
the parish where he lived." He graduated JI.A. in 1563, and became dean of the
College, profesfiing at the time strongly Protestant opinions. Ur. Abbot, afterwards
archbishop of Canterbury, who was a fellow of Halliol, describes hhn as being " a
'■ man wonderfully given to scoffing, and that with bitterness, which was the causd that
" none of the company loved him." As bursar iu iCiTS lie got into trouble over his
accounts, and wjs forced to resign his fellowship on the ground of his illegitimacy.
He then went abroad, and drifted from Louvain to Padua, J3ologna, and Koine, studied
medicine, and adopted civil life, but eventually, in 1575, entered the Company of Jesua
at Komc, and at the time the above letter was written had been appointed Provincial
for England.
± Jasper Heywood,
W 1?
196 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1581.
me here and obtain my opinion upon the point. After. having
discussed the matter minutely, we have resolved to write to Allen
saying that, although Fathers Persons and Jasper would be the best
and most able persons to be sent to cure the important limb of
Scotland, yet we should not deprive the brain of its principal
support, wliich we should do if these two men were both to leave
here, where their presence is so necessary to govern and distribute
tlie priests who are in this country, as well as for conducting
matters of religion which are cropping up every day, and helping
the Catholics in many ways. Besides this, no sooner -will these
men set foot in Scotland, than this Queen will be informed thereof,
and their description sent hither, so that neither of them could
ever return to England again, except with great peril and probable
.martyrdom. For these reasons it would be well that Jasper, with
two other learned clergymen, should go to Scotland with some
otliers in their train, whilst Persona should remain here, until His
Holiness was informed, and he had appointed proper persons for
tho ministry. By this means the priests in England would not be
deprived of their superior, it being so difficult and dangerous for
people of his position to enter the country unknown. I shall daily
watch for a reply to this, and, in accordance with it, the men who
are to go will make ready for their journey.
A daily growing difficulty to this conversion of Scotland is the
increasing persecution of Catholics here. They are not only now
iMi[)risoned, but are reduced to the extremest misery by the fines
of 201. for every month that they absent themselves from church.
This has given occasion for some members of the Holy Church to
go astray in order to avoid payment of the fines, at the same time
greatly diminishing their charities, so that the Catholics in prison
can now hardly be fed. At the same time the seminaries abroad
sutler great need, as well as tho^se inmates of them who go from
here with fervent zeal to indoctrinate themselves and become priests
to return hitlier and teach. All this was upheld by the charity of
Catholics here, wliich was often so large that at one time two or three
persons only found three hundred pounds, which I sent to Rheims.
It is now much reduced, whilst new needs for it have arisen, to
help those who are going to Scotland, as well as the necessity for
maintaining the priests whilst they are there in a way which will
make them more acceptable to the Scots, who must be impressed
with tho idea that their object is )iot to gain money but to save souls.
In order thai they may be sustained, I liave thought well to beg your
Majesty to turn your eyes hitherward, and upon these Catholics in
their ti'ouble and affliction, as they now cannot help themselves.
Tliey join with me in humbly begging your Majesty to favour
them with some charity, that they may be able to carry on the
work commenced, which is so worthy' of the aid of your Majesty,
the true column and protector of the Holy Roman Church.
God has proved to those of us who are interested in this business
that it is His will to forward it now that it has been begun, for if it
were not for His support it would be humanly difficult to maintain
the work now, seeing that the earl of Worcester, who was so good ^
ELIZABETH. l9f
1681.
Catholic, is dead, and most of the six lords I mentioned in prison,
which, however, does not much matter, now that the business has
been arranged, as even if they were at liberty it would have to be
directed from France. It will be very important, therefore, that
your Majesty's Minister in that country should be well versed in
matters touching England, Scotland, and Ireland, and in close
touch with Allen, in order to conduct the business, which must be
done in such a way that the French have not a suspicion that
your Majesty is concerned in it, and so as to prevent them from
interfering, even if they did suspect, as being a religious question
alone. If they have an idea that the matter is promoted by English
adherents of your Majesty, and that the aim is, after the con-
version, to bring these kingdoms under the shelter and protection
of your Majesty, it is to be feared, as religion is so unhinged in
France, that they may impede the work, especially as it is
impossible, owing to old connection, for the Scots to discuss a
business of even very much Jess importance than this without
consulting the French ; besides which the queen of Scotland being
a prisoner, with all her relatives and property in Fiance, makes it
now even more impossible. The French, too, at present, are in
nowise reticent about anything which may prejudice the queen of
England, and the queen of Scotland is therefore very reserved with
them, and keeps back many things from the Minister she has there
(i.e. in France), ' communicating them in preference to Allen, who has
to manage this business. Your Majesty's Minister in France must
watch all that the French negotiate with Allen and in Scotland, and
must see that he does not give them more particulars about the
English than necessaiy, in order that the French may think that they
themselves are conducting the business, and that his communications
with your Minister is only in consequence of your Majesty being so
Catholic a King, whose aid he begs in their affliction and misery.
Under this cloak he must press the matter warmly with them,
without showing any public sympathy with the queen of Scotland
further than is natural towards a Catholic widowed Queen in her
present state. The Minister representing your Majesty here can
be of no further use to her, as the Queen and the heretics are
served by such a multitude of spies that she, the queen of Scots, is
in great alarm. Through him (i.e. Father Allen) safe and constant
communication can be carried on, the Catholics encouraged, and the
queen of Scotland sustained. At the same time an artifice may be
used which I have often adopted, namely, to take advantage of
this Queen's jealousy of French negotiations in Scotland and
apparently participate in it, as touching also somewhat your
Majesty's interests, and urge upon her the importance of keeping
her eyes on their proceedings there. — London, 20th October 1581.
20 Oct. 150. Bernaedino de Mendoza to the King.
This Queen has added 5,000?. more to the 15,000?. which she had
decided to send to Alen^on. It left here on the l7th in broad
angels, 15,000?. being taken from the Exchecjuer, and the other
198 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1581. "
5,000^. being given by Walsingham. The money was contained in
four valises of 5,000^. each.
Marchaiimont is making every possible effort to persuade the
Queen to the marriage, and a few days ago be told her that he
beard from France that the queen of Scotland considered herself to
be the legitimate heiress to this crown, and although she had not
pressed her claim during the Queen's life, and would not do so if
she married Alenijon, if that marriage was not effected she would at
once transfer her rights to her son, who could press them if he
pleased. She was much disturbed with the news, as Walsingham
had told her that the king of France had addressed the king of
Scotland as such, and she at once sent a despatch to France about
it. She had letters from Alen9on on the 19th, confirming his
coming, but saying that he would not come for another week.
The Queen has a ship on the coast ready to escort him across, to
avoid the evils which might occur by his taking an ordinary
passage. Besides preparing Sion House, she has had a lodging made
ready for him at Richmond. It is said that Alenpon thought of
sending the Prince Dauphin to Antwerp to receive in his name the
oath of allegiance as sovereign, but as the rebel towns are not very
united about this, and- Alen^on can ill spare the cost, ho has delayed
sending hirn until he returns from here.
When I said to the Queen that she had given Alen9on money,
she asked me how I knew, whereupon I said that it was so public
that the French ambassador himself had told me. She asked me
whether that was true, and I said Yes, it was, and as I held the
ambassador to be a gentleman, he would not deny having told rae
so. She has written great complaints about it to Alen^on, and sent
to ask the ambassador whether he counted the money himself, that
he should know so well what she gave.
Three hundred Englishmen have been raised very secretly, and
they are already in Gravesend and Sandwich. I have informed the
prince of Parma and M. de Lamotte, suspecting that they may be
intended for some plot.
One of the counts of Embden, who I reported was here, recently
left for his home through France, fearing capture at sea, a steward
of his having been taken by your Majesty's ships at Friesland.
lie was not very well pleased here, as the Queen would not accede
to his request that the dissensions between the English merchants
and the Easterlings, respecting the maintenance of their privileges,
should be arranged. Hamburg and the other maritime towns of the
empire have asked him and his brother to turn the English trade
out of Embden. The earl of Leicester gave him two jewels worth
three hundred crowns.
As soon as Don Antonio arrived in France he sent French pilots
and captains hither for his ships, but the English would not admit
them, as they had been warned by men whom I had set on for
the purpose that Don Antonio wanted to get his ships out of
English hands. Don Antonio then ordered them (i.e., the English
crews) t'l bring the ships to Fx-ance, but they said they had signed
ELIZABETH. 199
1681.
articles for a voyage to Terceira, where they were to receive pay
and victuals, and for this voyage they were ready. Seeing their
determination Don Antonio had to put u|) with this.
On the 6lh instant six of Don Antonio's ships aad some pirates
left the Isle of Wight and Portsmouth. They only carried victuals
for a month and were short of sailors, many of them having
begun to desert. If this weather continues they will have to come
back to the coast, where there is a great multitude of English and
French corsairs awaiting any ships that arrive, and particularly
those from the Newfoundland fisheries.
Leicester has bought a ship of 2-50 tons for 2,000^., to accompany
that which I said was in Plymouth for Frobislier to take to the
Mollucas. They think of sending 3,0001. worth of merchandise in
them on account of private individuals^ the shares being lOOL and
2001. each, at Leicester's request. He sent to ask Drake for sailors
for the voyage, which he has promised to send, and to contribute
400L to the risk, as well as giving a pinnace of 40 tons which was
built on the Queen's stocks here. I am informed from Dieppe that
four well fitted ships of 100 and 150 tons each had left there for
the Straits of Jilagellan.
Some Englishmen have arrived in this country from Barbary,
having arranged with the king of Morocco to take him timber
from here ready cut to build his galleys. The quantity is so large
that, although Leicester is mixed up in the affair for the sake of
the profit, they have had to send to Holland for some of the wood,
as all of it could not be furnished here. — London, 20th October
1581.
20 Oct. 151. Bkrnaedino de Mendoza to the King.
Since my last report on Scotch affairs I hear that a meeting of
nobles had been held, almost like a Parliament, in order to fulfil
the laws of the country, which forbid the confiscation of the
property of a rebel whose body is not above ground, as they call it,
meaning unburied. For this purpose they did not bury Morton
until they had held the meeting to confiscate his property, and at
the same gathering they confirmed the title of duke of Lennox
which the King had given to D'Aubigny. All other subjects were
postponed and the Parliament prorogued, the only reason for this
being apparently to await the return of the man who they had
sent to France to see if the king of France would address the
king of Scotland as such. Walsingham assures the Queen that
he will do so, and says that, when the king of France was
talking about Scotch afiairs, he called the King " king of Scotland "
two or three times, which he, Walsingham, appears to liave thought
very important.
This Queen is very suspicious that the king of France, having
recognised the king of Scotland, the Scotch Parliament may accede
to the wishes of some of the principal personages of the country,
and allow the exercise of the Catholic relig'.ou. She is, therefore,
making every possible effort, both in France and Scotland, par-
ticularly with Alen9on, to prevent the Parliament being held.
Jjeicegter and the heretics, ia the same way, are inciting the
aoo
SPANISH STATE PAPEBS.
1581.
27 Oct.
B. M.
MSS. Add.
28,702.
Extract.
29 Oct.
B. M.
Add. MSS.
28,702.
Kxtract.
Protestants not to allow it, and arousing their hatred of the
Catholics, publishing here with this end that there have been
public disputations in Scotland, with the result that the exercise
of the Catholic religion was to be allowed by Parliament,
D'Aubiirny having obtained a license under the Great Seal to
bring his wile to Scotland and have mass said in their house. The
first statement is a lie, and I am not sure whether that about the
license is so or not. — London, 20th October 1581,
152. Memorandum of Cardinal de Gkanvelle to the King
on English affairs.
Don Bernardino's letters report that he had not yet obtained
audience of the Queen, and that Don Antonio is already in France.
It is probable that he (Don Bernardino) will not use the letters his
Majesty sends him, as they are expelling him and he has no
opportunity of pressing for the restoration of Drake's plunder.
As I ha^'e written on other occasions, it may be of some use in the
meanwhile for him to make a noise about it, and render the Queen
unpopular with the merchants and other persons interested, so that
they may be made to understand that, for her own profit, and that
of some of her councillors, they are placed in danger of losing their
trade, and thus a quarrel may be set up against the Queen.
It is most important that we should know what is being done
in Scotland. The greatest vigilance must be used in counteracting
the attempts of the English to sow their heresy here, and to this
effect the edicts with regard to the lodging of Englishmen should
be carried out strictly. Don Bernardino's other remarks on this
subject are also well timed.
It is pitiful to see how the Catholics are suffering, and especially
as, the more attempts are made to help them, the harder is their
fate. Don Bernardino is acting exceedingly well in aiding them
underhand, in order that they may be the deeper pledged by his
solicitude for them.
It would be very desirable to have copies of those documents
which he says the rebels seized at Ripplemond, and it would be
well that he should continue negotiations with the man who offered
to copy them, although it may cost something, but it is of the
highest importance.
He should be instructed to thank the man who refused to serve
Dnn Antonio with his ship, and also for the care taken to prevent
the pilots who came in the ship from joining Don Antonio.
With regard to the marriage, still being pushed by Marchaumont,
I look upon it as feigned, the object being rather to get hold of
some money than to marry the Queen. We shall see what happens ;
but if the marriage takes place, I shall not be sorry ; indeed I wish
it had already done so.— Madrid, 2'7th October 1581.
153. Memorandum of Cardinal de Gbanvelle to the King
on English affairs.
From what can be gathered of these letters (of Don Bernardino),
the marriage i.f the queen of England and Alencon is not so far
advanced as had been asserted nor is it Ijkelv'that it will evey
ELIZABETH. 201
1581.
happen. Perhaps God, for His own good ends and to punish the
wickedness of both parties, may in His infallible wisdom act so as
entirely to frustrate their designs, and may cause these close
negotiations for friendship to result in bitter enmity. God grant
it ! I am delighted to see that the Queen demands Calais and an
alliance against Scotland. These are vital points, upon which it
may be hoped they will disagree.
A great pity on one side, and a great consolation on the other, is
the martyrdom of these holy men, whose sufferings, I trust, will
aid in the faith, whilst God punishes the impious wickedness of
those who have done them to death. — Madrid, 29th October 1581.
29 Oct. 154. Bbrnaudino de Mendoza to the King.
Since writing on the 20th5 1 hear of the retui-n of the English
ships which 1 said had gone to Terceira with arms and munitions
under Captain Dun (?), a servant of Walsingham. He brings with
him a Portuguese called Peri-Jacome, a native of the island, who, I
am informed, is the richest man in the place. His desii-e is to see
Don Antonio, in order to learn where he wishes the money to be
sent which is derived from your Majesty's revenues and other
property in the island. They accepted there the bills drawn by
Don Antonio, in respect of this money, to pay for the ships and
other things he had purchased here. He, Peri-Jacome, also requests
that gunpowder be sent and lime to build two breastworks on the
shore there this winter, as a defence. He says that no men are
wanted, unless it is to conquer St. Michaels, and the rest of the
islands that are faithful to your Majesty, which they would do if
they are aided from here. This Peri-Jacome says he brings 4,000
ducats, which a lady cousin of his at Terceira asked him to present
to Don Antonio for her, with a petition that he would allow her to
sell her property and devote the proceeds to his service. With him
there come four or five Portuguese, and amongst them a friar, who,
the I'ortuguese say, advised them to drive herds of cattle before
them, to break Don Francisco de Valdes' troops in the island. They,
the Portuguese, were two days at court before they arrived in
London, and I am told that the news they bring is to the effect
that your Majesty's fleet under Don Lope de Figueroa had not been
able to land any men, and that there were eight thousand fighting
men on the island, with about three hundred Englishmen, who
were receiving four ducats a month pay, with which, however,
they were not satisfied and wanted to return. A ship from France
with 150 Frenchmen on board had arrived, but they would not
allow them in the island, as they brought no letters from Don
Antonio. The English were reimbursed for the arms they carried
thither in sugar and hides, which had been plundered from Spanish
vessels, aud which have been brought hitlier in these two ships.
I have been unable to asctrtain whether the value of these is
greater than that of the arms ; but have learut that the monies
belonging to your Majesty which they had there amount to 30,000
crowns, besides 60,000 in the forn) of pearls, sugar, and hides, which
202 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1681. """
had been confiscated in ships arriving there fiom Santo Domingo,
the coast of Brazil, and elsewhere.
Peri-Jacome lodges in the house of one Vega, who was left here
by Don Antonio instead of ,Souza, but I understand that he wishes
to leave for France at once. This Vega is giving a host of letters
of marque against Spanish subjects, by virtue of a power left in his
favour by Don Antonio, and the English are ready enough to take
them. Although I represented this to the Queen, with other things,
when I saw her, she only replied that the king of France was doing
a great deal more of this sort than was done in her country, and
asked me what I hnd to say about that. I replied that I was
not your Majesty's Mini-ster in France, but in England, and
consequently only concerned myself with English affairs, but that
I knew that she would be much offended if any of her rebellious
subjects were to give letters of marque in Spain against her people.
Don Antonio's ships made an attempt on the Flemish hulks coming
from Andalusia and Lisbon, on the ground that they carried
Spanisli property, but the hulks defended themselves, and although
ii is said here that some of them were captured, I am not sure of
this, only that Don Antonio's ships were at Plymouth a week ago
with contrary weather. Alen^on is now openly expected every
day, but the weather apparently has prevented his coming over.
The Queen has ordered some doors to be made in certain galleries,
so that access may be afforded to her without the need of passing
through the public courtyards, and 30,000?, are being got ready in
the exchequer, by which it may be gathered that, the English
having scoffed at the idea of the marriage, the principal object of
his visit is to ask for money, which the Queen wishes to give him
and send him off in a good humour. The ambassadors say he will
not bring more than 40 horse and the Prince Dauphin. I will
advise his arrival. — London, 29th October 1581.
30 Oct. 155. The King to Bernardino de Mendoza.
kT447.'"93.^ Your letters of 7th and 10th September were received here on
the 18th instant, and we note that the French had asked the Queen
to contribute her part if she wished the league to be an offensive
one and to break with us at once. We see also that when she was
asked for so large a sum as this, she tried to make the treaty a
defensive one only, after all. We await news of the result, and
also as to whether Walsingham has returned, and, if so, what he has
settled. You will inquire into this and report with your customary
diligence.
You did well in sending the minute intelligence about Don
Antonio, and the changeable way in which they are treating him,
first promising him ships and then refusing them. As he was on
the point of leaving, I doubt not you will advise me as to the road
he was taking, w^hat ships he had, and how he was treated on his
departure. Let me know also whether he still keeps up a
correspondence with England from the place where he now may
be, and whether there are any signs of aid being sent to him. If
ELIZABETH.
208
1681.
the letters I wrote to the Queen oa the subject reached you just
before liis departure, I expect you will have kept them back, and
not taken the ac'.ion which you were instructed to take, as otherwise
the Queen may want to put me under an obligation for doing what
she had decided to do on her own account.
With regard to Scotland and the negotiatiou which has been
opened by those lords, I cann. t refrain from thanking you highly
for the clever way in which you have taken it in hand, which well
proves your care and sagacity. The business is such a great one,
however, that it cannot fail to present many difSculties, but you
will follow the course yoa have begun, and keep the Catliolics in
hand, urging them to b.ise the plan on solid foundations, in which
case they may look for help.
I have been glad to hear so fully as you write the details of
Irish affairs, and of the troops employed there on either side ; and
as it may be important for me to know all that is passing there, I
request you will report any cliange tliat may take place.
With regard to the 2,000 ducats sent to you for the purpose you
are aware of,* the plan you adopted was a good one. You have
acted wisely in temporising about the audience. — Lisbon, 30th
October 1581.
2 Nov. 156. Bernardino dr Mendoza to the King.
I wrote on the 29tli that M. d'Alengon was expected every day.
He arrived yeslerJay here in disguise and remained in Stafford's
house awaiting the Prince Dauphin, who had embarked in another
ship ; Alen^on being obliged by the heavy weather to anchor in the
Downs and disembark with some danger. I understand that he
will go to-night to Richmond, as he sent woi'd to the Prince
Dauphin, who arrived to-day and is lodged at the French Embassy,
that he is to remain there until the Queen sends for him. I will
instantly inform your Majesty of what I can learn about his stay.
The Queen appointed a gentleman three daj's since to go to
Scotland, although no commission has yet been given to him. I
suspect, however, that it will be concerning the abdication which
the queen of Scots wishes to make in favour of her son.
St. Aldegonde comes with Aleii^on, who met him at Boulogne ;
he having gone to meet Alen^on with the 40,000 florins which
Orange and the rebel States were fending him.
I understand that Don Antonio's ships took a hulk and another
little vessel loaded with sugar from Viana, and I have given an
account to the Queen and Council about it, in order that the
mcichandise may be placed on deposit, as the property of your
Majesty's subjects, until the power of attorney arrives from the
owners. Orders have been given to this effect, and a Queen's
officer sent, but I do not know whether it is n.erely compliment or
not. — London, 2nd November 1581.
* i.e., to bribe Sir James Crofts, the C'ontroller, and a member of the Queen'i
COUUL'il,
204
SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1581.
G Nov. i57_ Juan Bautista de Tassis to the King.
Paris Archives.
K. 155a. The Scots ambassador recently came to give me tlie reply from
his mistress to the message from your Majesty rospecting the
proposals he had made to me, and I communicated to your Majesty
in my letter from Blois (see letter of lOtk April 1.581). As the
answer was in writing, I have thought best to send your
Majesty a literal translation of it enclosed, so that I have only to
add what the ambassador told me respecting the mission of Douglas
hither some time ago, as he (Douglas) is mentioned in the reply.
He says that Douglas was sent by the prince of Scotland with
letters to tlie king of France and duke of Guise, to learn whether
an ambassador from him would be received here as from a King,
for the purpose of renewing the ancient alliance between France
and Scotland. If the Prince were assured that his tit^e of king
should be recognised, he would send hither a formal embassy, but
Douglas was instructed, in the first instance, to consult the duke
of Guise and follow his opinion in the matter.
It appears that the ambassador (Beaton) then approached the
duke of Guise, and even the King, to prevent anything being done
to the prejudice of his mistress, to whom he immediately reported
what had been done, and he succeeded in px-eventing Douglas from
speaking to the King and Queen (Mother) or delivering his letters.
He also contrived, probably aided by the duke of Guise, to get the
KiniT to defer decision in the matter until he had learnt the wishes
of the queen of Scotland, to whom he wrote. The result of this was
that the queen of Scotland ordered Douglas to return without
doing anything, which order he obeyed, as she did net wish her
son to assume the title of King, except in conjunction witli herself,
both names being used. I understand she will be willing to accord
him thus much if he is obedient to her as he should be.
The ambassador casts the principal blame for the coming of
Douglas upon the duke of Lennox, who is a Frenchman of the
house of D'Aubigny, and has the greatest influence over the Prince,
to the Queen's displeasure.
I asked him what was the present position in Scotland, as regards
the person of the Prince, the hopes of his conversion to the Catholic
faith, and also as to the tranquillity of the country, and the bodies
of men who had risen there in favour of the queen of England's
party. He told me that, as for religion, no change had taken place,
although the Prince showed signs of desiring to follow his mother's
wishes in all things ; and, with regard to the bands in favour of
the Queen of England, he understood that the latter was still
making great efforts to foment them by money. There were still
intrigues going on amongst those who surrounded the Prince, but
he hoped that things would settle down in time. He s lys that his
mistress shows some desire that he himself should go to Scotland
to deal with her son for her ; and, although it is many years since
he was there, he thinks of going, if necessary, but he knows not
when. He tells me also, that before Douglas left here he saw the
Queen-Mother, by the advice of the duke of Guise, merely as_ a,
ELIZABETH. 205
1681.
matter of compliment, and without aaying anything about his
mission.
I beg- your Majesty to instruct me how I am to reply. I recollect
to have reported to your Majesty that I had heard something about
negotiations for a marriage between the princess of Lorraine* and
and the ju-ince of Scotland, in connection with a design for the
duke of Guise to go to his support with a body of troops. 1 learnt
this from the Secretary of Herculesf at the same time as Douglas
arrived here ; and I now think that his roraing gave rise to these
discourses, Init it is certainly the case that the Duke makes great
professions of service to the Prince, whose mother is his kinswoman
and I understand he sent him a present of some horses. It is true,
also, that such a match as that mentioned is being looked for in
several quarters. The said secretary told me lately that the Queen
(of Scotland) had written saying that if she did not succeed in
getting your Majesty's daughter for her son, no other bride would
please her so much as the princess of Lorraine. — Paris, 6th November
1581.
Enclosure iu the aforegoing letter, headed: — "Document in French
" given to me by the Scots ambassador on behalf of his Queen,
" nnd translated literally."
It is my intention that you shall acknowledge the reply you
have sent me from his Catholic Majesty, thanking his ambassador
from me very warmly for the good advice and assurances of friend-
ship contained in the reply. You wiJl inforai him tbat, with regard
to sending some person to his Majesty to learn his wishes and
convey our own to him, respecting an alliance between us, and the
conditions and details of the same, I quite approve that all nego-
tions in this matter should be carried on by the said ambassador
and yourself, and have written to my son asking him to send you
an ample commission for the purpose. At the same time, j'ou will
present my excuses for not having already sent an envoy to the
king of Spain, which was in consequence of my having previously
seen but little basis for this negotiation, and also of my desire to
avoid the suspicion and jealousy which such a step would have
aroused, and which his Majesty himself warns me would be very
dangerous to me in ray present position.
You will also communicate to him the mission of George
Douglas sent to the king of France by my son, at the instigation
of some of those who are near him ; and that I have authorised
him to return to Scotland without doing anything in his mission.
I am, therefore, resolved to persevere in my former intention
of making a league and alliance with his Catholic Majesty, of
whofe goodwill towards me and my interests lam assured. He is
a good prince naturally, and I am sure he will not abandon me.
As he has been burdened by the war in Portugal, I do not. wonder
* Christine, flaiiglittr of Charles II,, flake of Lorrrine, and of Claude, Princess of
France. She was born in 1565, and in 1583 married Ferdinand de Medici, Grand Duke
of Tuscany.
■f The duke of Guise.
206 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1681.
that he was unable to take in hand at once the affairs of Scotland,
which, at the date of his reply, were full of difSculties and seemed to
be tending to a war with the queen of England. I now hope,
however, that Eia Catholic Majesty, whose friendship I know is
better for me than any other in Christendom, will send me a more
detailed reply ; and that his affairs will have reached a point, and
Scotch affairs assumed such an advantageous position for us, as will
offer him a better opportunity than before, and especially that he
may have less reason to refrain from taking this matter in hand on
account of his neighbours.
7 Nov. 158. Beknakdino de Mendoza to the King.
I wrote on the 2nd that Alen9on had that day gone to see the
Queen, and the next day he sent four coaches to his people for the
purpose of bringing the Prince Dauphin, The result of his
interview is to inspire hopes that the marriage may be effected, and
he wrote to his brother and to his mother to this effect by a
gentleman whom he dispatched on the 3rd, as Marcbaumont
assures an Englishman who is a close friend of his own and an
adherent of his master. Notwithstanding this, the indications in
every other direction, even iu the countenances of the Ministers,
mucli more clearly portend that he will be disappointed. Alen(;on
is lodged in the Queen's own house, although he enters by that in
which Marchaumont is lodged, whicli adjoins one of the principal
gallaries of the palace. The Queen s officers are not providing his
maintenance, and although some people think that Alen9on's people
are given the money for the purpose, it is certain that all the
money they have vspent hitherto has been in gold " Caroluses " and
" Philips,'' and I therefore infer that this will be the money brought
by St. Aldegonde, as on their arrival at Gravesend, they placed in
the bats four small boxes so heavy as to need two men to carry
tiieni. They took great care of these, and it is doubtless the
40,0U0 crowns, as, if it had come from France it would have been
in different coins, and Alen9on wisiies to spend it here to make the
English believe that he is spending his own money, and not the
broad angels sent to him by the Queen. This will oblige her to be
more liberal than she would otherwise have been. There has been
no show of bringing more people to Court than usual, but the
Queen went out to meet Alen^on, on the excuse that she was going
into the country, in order that he might catch sight of her before
he arrived.
Leicester has recently become much more intimate with
Marchaumont, whilst Sussex has stood back somewhat, which is a
sign tiiat Leicester is assured that the marriage will not take place,
and that Sussex is distrustful. Walsinghani, in conversation lately
with the Queen, had much to say of the good parts and under-
standing of AlenQon, whose only fault, he said, was his ugly face.
She replied, "Well, you knave! " (which is a very insulting word
in English) " why have you so often spoken ill of him ? you veer
" rouod like a weathercock."
ELIZABETH. 207
1581.
St. Aldegonde tells the Flemish heretics here of the " Church,"
as they call it, that Alen^on will certainly be married, as he is
assured thereof, and has been brought here for that purpose. I
understand that St. Aldegonde's mission from the rebels was to
press Alenyon to send three thousand infantry and five thousand
French cavalry to the Flemish provinces, under chiefs of his own
choosing, as there were so many difEculties in his going in person
and with a larger force. He is to be requested to have this force
leady as speedily as possible, and the 40,000 florins were sent for
the pur|>o^e. Alen9on had told St. Aldegonde to come hither with
him, and he then would decide. This Queen has been making
great eflbrts to prevent the holding of a Parliament in Scotland,
and although she has not succeeded, she has caused the earl of
Argyll and six other personages to avoid attending. The mission
of the gentleman I mentioned in my last as being sent to Scotland
by the Queen is to assure the King that she heard with annoyance
that greater efforts than ever were being made by him to induce
his mother to renounce all her claims in his favour, in forgetfulness
of the friendship which she (Elizabeth)has shown him by preserving
his life and kingdom. She tells him that if the French incite him to
this, he must consider how weak his forces are, and how exhausted
France is. If your Majesty's friends are persuading him to the
same effect, although you are very strong, yet you are fully
employed with powerful enemies in many places. She dwells
particularly upon these two points, and tells him many lies in her
statements with regard to your Majesty's occupations, in order that
he may despair of receiving any help from you. She points out
that the.se considerations will prove to him how much more
important it is for him to be friendly with her, than with any
other monarch. The envoy is to make every possible effort, if the
arrangement about the Catholic religion there and the admission
of English Catholics into the country has not been made, to prevent
it ; whereas, if the matter is already settled, he is to arouse the
indignation of the Protestants against it, so as to cause them to
revolt, in which case he is to offer English help.
When the envoy returns they are going to send thither Walter
Mildmay, a great heretic and Councillor. On the 5th they sent to
coiuinunicate with the queen of Scotland about the renunciation,
and they have begun to treat her more kindly than before, in
order that if the king of Scotland opposes this Queen about the
renunciation, she may otter the queen of Scotland to restore her to
the throne by force, thus embroiling mother and son. They
understand that the queen of Scotland would not refuse this
offer.
I have been informed that before she dispatched this man the
Queen was alone in a window recess, and she angrily said to herself
in the hearing of some ladies, " That false Scotch urchin, for whom
" I have done so much ! to say to Morton the night before he
" arrested him, ' Father, no one else but you has reared me, and I
' ' will therefore defend you from your enemies,' and then after this,
" the next day, to order him to be arrested, and his head amittea
208 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1581. " ~~"
" off! What can be expected from the double dealing of such an
" urchin as this ? " It is clear that the king of Scotland's
proceedings are causing her much anxiety.
Parliament here has been prolonged until the 20 th, as it was
not dissolved in June. They say that Alen9on's coming will
cause it to sit longer still, although this is not certain.
The two ships, which I said had come from Terceira, are making
ready to return with munitions, and Don Antonio's ships are, with
the two KnoUys, at the Isle of Wight. — London, 7th November
]5S1.
7 Nov. 159. Bernaedino de Mendoza to the King.
In consequence of the steps I had taken, underhand, with the
London merchants trading with Spain, the principal men of them
went to the Council to represent that at this season the greater
])art of their property and ships was in Spain, and they were
desirous of learning what the Queen had decided with regard to the
restitution of Drake's plunder, as they feared that their goods
might be seized. They were told that the matter would be
considered, and that they might return in a few days for the reply.
They spoke to Walsingham apart, and begged him to expedite the
matter as it was of great importance to them, and he replied that
the Queen had already given an nnswer to the Spanish ambassador,
saying th;it she was going to keep the treasure Drake had brought,
in payment of what the king of Spain had caused her to spend in
Ireland ; '' and if," he said, " they take your property, there is plenty
here to pay for it."
The president of the company replied that they wanted no better
security than that, to which Walsingham replied, "Do not take my
" word for it, but come back for your answer, and get your property
" away from Spain as quickly as you can." When I heard this,
and that some of their ships are already coming back, I saw that
they could not all be seized during the present vintage, and even
if it had been possible, it might have caused inconvenience in your
Majesty's interests whilst Terceii'a still held out. I therefore
thought best to arouse their alarm, and at the same time prevent
the restitution being Ibrgotten, it being of the highest consequence
just now because it is the lure by which Alen9on and the French
keep the Queen attached to them ; so I pretended that I had a
letter from the Master and Consuls of the merchants of Seville,
addressed to the company of Spanish merchants here, saying that
they were expecting the reply to be given to me by the Queen
about the restitution of Drake's plunder, and if this was not what
they hoped it would be, your Majesty would order them to be
reimbursed out of English property. This they would greatly
regret, as they had for so long held friendly commercial intercourse
with them; and they advised them, therefore, to endeavour to induce
the Queen to do justice. I dwelt fully upon these points, and I
had the letter conveyed to them on the arrival of a ship from
Seville. They read it wliilst in session together, and resolved to
have it copied in English, sending copies to the Treasurer and,
ELIZABETH. S09
1581.
Walsingham, and another to the Council. It was there considered,
and the company was told to answer very civilly and moderately,
saying that Alen^on's visit was occupying the attention just now,
but that a reply would shortly be sent. Two days afterwards
Walsingham sent to ask the Company of Merchants to request
Pedro die Zubiaur to go to the Council (he having given them the
letter). He was told that the Queen would appoint persons to
examine the powers and documents he brought against Drake, to
which Zubiaur replied, in accordance with my instructions, that he
had no documents, as they had all been handed to me, who had
been ordered specially by your Majesty to deal with this business.
He said that his stay here was only for the pupoae of pressing me,
on behalf of the Consuls, not to forget tlie affair. Walsingham
said that the Queen would send to tell me the names of those who
were to examine the documents ; one of the persons would be the
Judge of the Admiralty, but tlie matter could not be settled until
Treoch affairs had been disposed of.
I cannot assure your Majesty whether, having brought them to
the point of examining the documents, tlae business will really bo
taken up, as I desire, on an oflBcial demand by your Majesty's
Minister, and not as a private matter, as they have so persistently
tried to make it. Restitution can only be obtained by showing
that the matter concerns your Majesty, and in that case, if
restitution is refused, the Crown of England will manifestly be
responsible for the value of the property. — London, 7th November
1581.
7 Nov. 160. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
In accordance with your Majesty's orders that I should duplicate
and triplicate my letters, sending them by various ways, I do so on
evciy possible occasion, by Rouen, Calais, and Antwerp, but, after
all, I am obliged to send all these through Paris to be forwarded
by Tassis, to whom I enclose them under cover of other names, to
avoid danger of capture. Tliis is necessary, as the ships sailing for
Spain are rare, excepting at certain seasons of the year, and even
then, unless some Spaniard is going in them, or other very trust-
worthy person, I dare not confide to the hands of any English-
man a despatch that I would not readily show to the Council*
Even merchants' letters are read by them, and ships are always
hunting after mine. As couriers have to wait for favourable
Weather and means of passage, excepting in the case of special
messengers, which are costly, I am obliged to depend upon the
letters being forwarded from Paris. This is the reason why I
* It is curious that on the very day that these lines were written by Mendoza, Herll
writtrs from Lambeth to the earl of Leicester (Cal. Domestic) that he has meaue
to discover the Spanish ambassador's actions ; " He (^Mendoza) sends his letters over
" seas by a woman, hanging them round her waist next the skin. He does not negotiato
" with the Queen or her Council until he has been well shriven, absolved, and
" holy-watered." Herll next goes on to nay that Mendoza has 1UU,UU0/. to his credit,
to corrupt instruments for intelligence, which statement will be seen to be very wide of
the mark by reference to the King's letter of 3<Jth Octobuf and others.
J 84541. 0
2i6 [SiPANISH STATE PAPER^.
1681.
write so frequently, so as to miss no opportunity of the letters going
from there.
I am keeping in hand the Englishmen who were asking me to
give them passports to capture property from your Majesty s
rebellious subjects, saying that M. de la Motte would grant them ;
and although this has had some effect, and has cooled them about
going with Don Antonio, it is necessary that T should have
a reply from your Majesty with regard to their being admitted
into Spanish ports, since M. de la Motte, although he gives letters
of marque, has no harbour for anything larger than a boat. As
Don Antonio's ships are already taking prizes, which they bring to
these coasts, a multitude of Englishmen with ships have begun to
urge Vega, who is Don Antonio's agent here, to give them letters
of marque. As they are many, this may be very inconvenient,
especially as they and the pirates from France will certainly
enormously increase their strength by dint of their plunder, much
as boys' snowballs, which get bigger as they roll. The pirates have
also been greatly encouraged by the news from Terceira and the
prompt payment of Don Antonio's drafts in their favour. This
makes them very busy in fitting out ships, and although I try to
divert them by alarming the merchants, and by my efforts with
the Councillors, yet as the head of the pirates is KnoUys, a kinsman
of the Queen and of Leicester, none of my endeavours succeed, as I
have nothing to offer in the way of an inducement to wean them
from a sure profit.
It is a great consolation for the Catholics here, in their affliction,
that your iWajesty should favour them ; as by your hand they hope
that God will release them from this captivity. I tell them what
your Majesty orders, and do my best to alleviate their sufferings.
After having again terribly tormented Campion,* of the Company
of Jesus, they have " indicted " him, as they call it here, as a traitor,
with sixteen others, mostly clergymen. They are in prison, and it
is to be feared they will be executed, Campion not yet having been
brought to trial, as be is aU dislocated and cannot move.
The Lords and gentlemen who are prisoners, it is understood,
will be brought before the Star Chamber, which is the supreme
tribunal here, where only great cases are heard. Their reason for
pressing these matters now is that they want them done whilst
AJen9on is here, in order to gratify the English and Scotch
Protestants, and discourage the Catholics and make it appear that
* Edmund Campion, the Jesuit, was born in 1540 in London, and wa« educated at
Christs' Hospital and St. John's College, Oxford, where he took his master's degree in
1564. He was at first a zealous Protestant, and received ordination from Cheney, bishop
of Gloucester. In 1569 he began to waver and passed over to Ireland for the purpose
of writing a history of the country, and here his tendency towards Catholicism became
confirmed. In the following year, 1570, lie publicly acknowledged his conversion and
fled in disguise from Ireland to Douai, where he became professor of divinity. From
there he found his way to Prague, where he lived for many years as a priest of th«
Society of Jesus. He was summoned to Rome i>y his General Mercuriano early in 1580,
and despatched with Father Persons on the secret Jesuit mission to England. On
landing at Dover on the 25th June he was at once charged with being a Catholic pro-
pagandist, and was suspected of being Allen himself. He was, however, released and
proceeded on his mission of maityrdom ai related in this correspondence,
ELIZABETH. 211
1581.
he cares nothing about religion, but that his only desire is to please
the Queen.*
The Catholics ask me to try to bring influence to bear in France
to get the Queen-mother to write to Alen^on, asking him to beg
the Queen to save Campion's life, as they do not trust the French
Ambassador here for such an office. As Campion had been gifted with
great parts to win souls by his eloquence, I wrote to Tassis secretly
to tell the Kector of the Jesuits in Paris, in order that he and other
Friars might beg the Queen-mother to write earnestly to AleQ9on
about it. This was done, in a way which would prevent the
Queen-mother from imagining that the matter had been started from
here, and that it should appear to have originated in the Friars
themselves, because if these people were to think the (English).
Catholics had begun it, it would be quite fruitless. J also wrote to
William Allen at Rheims.
The Queen has again received confirmation from Ireland of the
death of Dr. Sanderaf from illness. — London, 7th November 1581.
11 Nov. 161. Bernardino de Mendoza to the Kma.
I wrote on the 8th instant in triplicate, sending each copy by a
different road, relating the hopes which were entertained by Alen9on
of the marriage, after his first interview with the Queen. He is
with her everj- day from the time he rises until supper time,
Sussex and Staff'ord only being allowed to be present ; but I am
assured that even they are not allowed to hear what passes between
the two, and the Queen has not yet called a council to decide
anything, I hear, however, that as soon as she learnt that Alen9on
had arrived in England, she said to certain of the Councillors
separately that they must consider what would have to be
done with him ; to which they replied that they could hardly do
that, unless she made her own intentions upon the subject clear.
To this she answered tliat she was quite satisfied with the person
of Alen9on. When he arrived here he told those who he knew
were his adherents that he would not go out in public nor under-
take any other affairs until he had settled with the Queen the
subject about which he came. If this be so, present indications
prove that he has got an affirmative answer, as he now shows
himself almost publicly, and appears to be in high spirits ; all the
principal people at Court being allowed to see him at dinner and
supper. Leicester leaves nothing undone, and, in the absence of the
Pj^ce Dauphin, always hands Alen9on the napkin, publicly de-
claring that there seems to be no other way for the Queen to secure
the tranquillity of England but to marry Alen9on ; and Walsingham
says the same. The Frenchmen who came with him and the
am))assadors who were here before, look upon the marriage as an
* C;amden rather confirms this view. He says, " Duiinf,' his (Alemjon's) stay here
the Queen, to take away the tear which had possessed many men's minds that religion
would be altered and popery tolerated, permitted that Campion, of the Society of Jesua,
Ralph Sherwin, Luke Kirby, and Alexander Briant, priests, should be arraigned."
f Note in the King's hand : — " It will ha^e been a great loss,"
0 Z
212 SPANISH STATE PAPEBS.
1681.
accomplished fact, but the English in general scoff at it, saying
that he is only after money, and that he has already begged the
Queen to give him 100,000?. and four thousand men to aid your
Majesty's rebels. The principal Englishmen, indeed, are saying that
if he wanted a regular pension they would grant it him, to the
extent of 20,000?. a year, so that there are more _ indications of
money being given to him than anything else. It is certam that
the Queen will do her best to avoid ofiFending him, and to pledge
him in the affairs of the Netherlands, in order to drive his brother
into a rupture with your Majesty, which is her great object, whilst
she keeps her hands free and can stand by looking on at the war.
She has ordered three of her ships to be fitted out with great
h-iste and secrecy. As it is not evident what they can be needed
f )r at present, and judging by the preparations being made they
can hardly be for Terceira, it is to be suspected that they may be
to carry Alen9on to Flushing and Antwerp, which of all things
this Queen would like best.
I have been thinking over all these things, and although _ the
marriage question and the others may not yet be settled, yet it is
clear that this intimacy of Alenyon with the Queen cannot be
advantageous to your Majesty's interests, and I have been trying to
devise some means by which I might get to see her. This I artfully
endeavoured to manage, as soon as I heard that Alen90n had come
to England, on the pretext that Antonio de Castillo had received
his letters of recall from your Majesty, and that I had orders to
piesent him to her, for the purpose of his taking leave. I thought
that she would be obliged to give me audience, and added that she
might see that in this audience she would not be obliged to send
her ladies away ; and T felt that I ought to excuse myself to them
for having been the cause of it before. I thought that this remark
would prevent Leicester from standing in the way of an audience,
besides which I thought that the path would be smoothed by the fact
that the letter your Majesty sent her had caused them some anxiety,
and she might think it necessary to say something to me about it,
in which case I could quietly try to wean her somewhat from her
intimacy with the French, without appearing to seek the opportunity
myself, but only in reply to her remarks. She appointed an
audience for me, and said I should be welcome in two days. There-
after Alen(;on having then arrived, and I being just ready to get
into the coach, she sent me word that she was not well, and as my
audience was not for the purpose of treating with her about pressing
business, she begged me to excuse her for the present, and she would
send word to me when I could see her.
This attempt having failed, and as I could not press again for
an audience whilst Alengon was here, and seeing also that his
negotiations were prospering, I perceived the necessity of hindering
tliem somehow if possible, or at all events of throwing cold water
upon tliein. At the same time it was necessary to proceed with
the Queen and Ministers so that they could not imagine that they
were being courted on your Majesty's behalf, because the moment
such an idea enters their heads their insolence soars to the skies,
ELIZABETH. 213
1581.
and they get worse than ever when they think they are sought
after, this being the basis of their confidence, and of their growing
effrontiy in keeping your Majesty busy. It is also UDadvisable to
let them get desperate, with the idea that they cannot hope for
your Majesty's friendship, and I therefore adopted the course of
sending to Cecil at an undue hour, in order that he might think
that it was the more important, saying that I had just received a
special courier from France with intelligence of great moment both
in the interests of your Majesty and of this Queen. I said I did
not wish to ask for audience, in order that it might not be thouglit
that I did so in coosequence of Alen^on being here, but that I
should be glad if I could see him, Cecil, to discuss these matters
with him. I told him that I had been informed from France that
the queen of Scotland had acknowledged her son jointly with
herself as sovereign of the country, and that even if the queen of
England thought fit to pass this over, in consequence of the friend-
thip that France was now displaying towards her (which I did
not mean to say was feigned), I, nevertheless, in view of the ancient
alliance between your Majesty and this country, could not avoid
pointing out to her the palpable disadvantages to her which it
might produce. I cited at length many examples from the past,
and dwelt with appropriate arguments upon the subject, founded
upon the long and mortal enmity which had existed between
France and England, and upon the long course of intrigue which
the French had carried on in Scotland, up to the recent overthrow
of Morton. I cast further suspicion upon the matter by pretending
to have news fi'om Rome and elsewhere, and reminded Cecil of how
often, ever since I had been here, I had warned the Queen to keep
her eyes on the queen of Scotland, and I pointed out to him that
I had prognosticated what was now happening. I said that it
did not matter to your Majesty whether there was a King or a
Queen in England, and consequently that I had nothing to say
about the marriage although Alen§on was here ; but that it was of
the greatest importance to you that England should always remain
a separate kingdom, governed by Englishmen and not by Scotsmen,
the latter of whom had al ways been your Majesty's enemies, whilst
the English had been your friends.
Cecil received all this with many thanks, and said that he would
inform the Queen thereof immediately, he being sure that she
would greatly esteem the admonition and my good manner of
proceeding, which he himself liad always acknowledged. Under
cover of these general expressions of thanks he tiied to draw me
out by asking whether I knew that, in addition to the help being
given by the king of France to his brother in Flanders, lie was
aiding Don Antonio strongly, in consequence of his having received
information (which had also reached the Queen) that, on the
slightest demonstration being made in his favour, all Portugal
would rise for him, as the people were discontented to have your
Majesty for King. Cecil's only aim in this wa^ to impress upon
me that these facts rendered their friendship necessary to your
Majesty. T paid him with his own coin on both points, by saying
214 SPANISH STATE PAPEES.
1581. ~ ~
that, as to the Netherlands, the king of France was not strong
enough to declare war against your Majesty, as in such case you
would be obliged to listen to the many approaches made to you to
bring both Scotland and England to your side, and he was therefore
glad, under cloak of his brother, to promote war in Flanders, with
the impression that it would pledge this Queen to him, as it was
not undesirable for her that your Majesty should be engaged in
war there. It was, however, not to her interest that the French
should make themselves entire masters of Flanders, and, whilst
assuring her on this point, they persuaded her to overlook Scotch
affairs in which they were so busy. I said he might think all this
was merely my imagination if he did not see what was going on
in Scotland, but I could positively assure him that what I said was
true. With regard to Portugnl, I said that he might see the loyal
attachment of the Portuguese to your Majesty by the fact that,
when Don Antonio went so rashly to take possession of Lisbon,
there was not a man in the whole country who would lend him a
real wherewith to keep himself, and even Botolph Holder would
not give him a letter of credit for 2,000 crowns against some
pepper, whilst they had spent two hundred thousand crowns in
triumphal arches and other things on your Majesty's entrance into
Lisbon, notwithstanding your Majesty's having desired that no
expense should be incurred. They had humbly begged your
Majesty to let them spend the money, and to allow them to sliow
their gratitude to God in all things for having granted them your
Majesty for their King. I said that he could see what sort of a
following Don Antonio had by the people he had with him here,
hardly one of whom was of any importance. The aid promised by
the king of France was not so much for the benefit of Don Antonio
as for that of the King himself, he having, at the request of his
mignons, deprived Strozzi of the command of the infantry. It was
not to his interest to allow him to be idle after he had dismissed
him, as he belonged to the new religion, and he therefore employed
him in Don Antonio's business, by which means he would get safely
rid of him.
Cecil confi lined to me that the queen of Scotland had sent word
to this Queen ten days before that the king of France and the
Queen-mother, at the request of her kinsmen the Guises, had asked
her to associate her .son with herself in the crown of Scotland and
any claims she possessed ; and that she (the queen of Scotland)
had begged the Queen to be allowed to send a gentleman to
France, and another to her son to discuss the matter. This Queen
had thereupon sent Beal to the queen of Scotland to learn fully what
had moved her to this, and when he returned he, Cecil, said he would
let me know what the Queen decided about it, and he would now go
to tlie Queen and convey to her what I had said.
According to my poor understanding I thought that this was the
best course to take under the circumstances, as it did not pledge us
to any particular point, and yet introduced your Majesty into these
Scotch :iffair.<, which is necessary in the pre cnt condition of things
i^nd in the view of future events, At the same ti""e these people
ELIZABETH, 216
1581.
will not think that your Majesty is seeking them, but only
warning them of their own danger if they bind themselves too
closely to the French, whilst it may be instrumental in opening the
door to a reconciliation if they change their behaviour, and will
show that you are not implacable towards their offences since your
Ministers are so careful of the interests of England. If I had
taken any other course the Queen would immediately have tried
to curry favour with the French by telling them that your Majesty
was running after her. I have full experience of this, and of her
lies and deceit, for after my last audience she told the (French)
ambassador, so that every one should hear, that she had told me
that, if your Majesty wanted war, she would declare it at once,
and that I had thereupon instantly seized her hands, praying her,
for the love of God, not to say that, and that your only desire was
to enjoy entire peace and friendship with her, the very opposite
of what really happened. The ambassador repeated it to me, and
I said I was not sorry to hear that the Queen had said that, for it
would cause me, in such case, very shortly to leave England, which
was my greatest wish. He replied that, although the Queen had
told him, he did not believe it, and thought that I had told the
truth. At the same time, in order to prevent the Queen and her
Ministers from disheartening the queen of Scotland by telling her
what I had done, and saying that she will in future have against
her both the French and your Majesty, which might cast her down
entirely and cause her to abandon the conversion of her son and
his kingdom, which, according to all human judgment, will be the
means of extirpating the multitude of heretics in Europe, I have
written to the queen of Scotland that this Queen had sent a
Minister of hers to tell me that the prevention of the association of
her son with her in her rights was as important to your Majesty as
it was to England. I said that, although I had listened to their
suggestions, I advised her of it at once in order that she might
not be scandalised thereat if she heard of it through another
channel, and I assured her that I had acted as I did in order to
get on well with these people, with the object of the conversion
of her son and the country in accordance with your Majesty's
desires. I thus avoided any distrust she might have had if I had
not told her myself, and the result will probably be to greatly
increase her ardour in bringing her son and the country to the true
religion. As it is important, I send this despatch by special courier
to Tassis, and ask him to forward it from Paris in the same way. —
London, 11th November 1581.
162. Extract of Letter from the Queen of Scotland to
Mendoza received whilst this Letter was being written,
and sent enclosed with it.
In accordance with the resolution I have taken to follow, as far
as I can, in the conduct of my affairs the wishes of my good
brother the king (of Spain), I desire to direct his attention again to
the approaches which have newly been made to me on behalf of
my son, asking me to accord him t^e title pf king of Scotland, with
216 SPANISH STATE PAPEES.
1581,
all dutiful submission towards myself. He has, unknown to me,
written to the king of France and the Queen-mother asking them
to intercede with me to this effect, and I have recently n^ceived
letters from them appealing personally to me, with great demon-
strations of their affection for us. In order not to lose this
opportunity oF promoting the re-establishment of my afif'airs, I
have consented to associate my son with myself in the throne of
Scotland, and he and his Council will, as a consequence, take such
measures as shall bring the whole country to my side. I do not
know how the queen of England will take it when she is informed,
but whatever she may do I am resolved to proceed with it. In order
to obviate any fear of suspicion or jealousy on the part of the king
(of Spain), I shall be glad to hear from him on the subject.— (6th
November 1581 ?)
11 Nov. 163. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
The Scotch Parliament was prolonged until the end of last
month because certain men, at the instance of this Queen, had
delayed attending. She secretly sent thither, through Leicester,
an Englishman named Roger Austin, who had served in the king
of Scotland's chamber, and who, as I wrote months ago, was
arrested there on suspicion of being a spy of this Queen's. He has
been here now for some months, and she gave him a sum of money
and sent him to Scotland. As he was well acquainted with the
country he managed to gain over some of the principal people on
the border and in the North, in order that the Queen might be
secure if the king of Scotland sought to break with her. I am told
that, amongst others, he has already brought over to her side
Alexander Hume, a man of influenice, who had declared himself the
mortal enemy of Morton, so much so that when they brought him,
Morton, from Dumbarton to Stirling for execution, Hume was the
only man who would raise troops to take him, and he gathered five
hundred men and took him to Stirling.
This Alexander Hume has lost the favour of the King and
Lennox for accusing Lord Creighton, a neighbour and great enemy
of his, of having been an accomplice in the murder of the late king
of Scotland, having bought over to this end a servant of Archibald
Douglas, who was condemned to death for complicity in the same
crime. Hume promised him that he should be pardoned if he
accused Lord Creighton of the crime, whereupon the servant made
a statement against Creighton in the presence of Alexander Hume,
who begged that he himself might be commissioned to arrest
Creighton, with authority to kill him if he resisted. As soon as
this commission was signed Creighton was informed, and, as his
conscience was clear, he at once presented himself to the Council
and proved his innocence, and, at the same time, the wickedness of
Alexander Hume.
The heretic ministers in Scotland have lately been scattering
some books against the duke of Lennox, Lord Seton, Sir John
Seton, and the .-ibbot of Newbogle, in which it was asserted, in the
language wbiQh tjiese heretics use, that they were " Papists," and that
ELIZABETH. 217
1681.
the King should therefore beware of them, as their intention was
to plunge the country again into " papistry." The nobles and
commonalty of the country were begged to consider whether it was
licit that such men as these, suspected in religion, should be allowed
near the King's person. This was preached in the pulpits, and the
Catholics replied in other books, but, as the Catholics are not
many, I fear that this Parliament will hardly dare to propose
anything in I'avoar of the Catholic religion, as they think that
matters are not yet ripe, nor the persons who will have to be
consulted yet well disposed.
The Queen sent special couriers to Beal, Clerk of the Council,
recalling him. As 1 said, he was sent to see the queen of Scotland,
and I understand that the change has been brought about by the
discussions with Alen9on. — ^London, 11th November 1581.
11 Nov. 164. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
Since the closing of the letters sent herewith, my man informs
me that, on the persuasion of Leicester, the Queen has pressed
Alengon to go over at once to Flanders with the three ships, and
she will give him SOflGOl. When the States have taken the oath
of allegiance to him he could return hither, and she would give
him her promise that she would then marry him. Sussex begged
Alen^on not to deceive himself ; for no matter what pledges and
promises were given to him now, if once he went away without
being married he might be quite sure that the marriage would
never take place. He therefore advises him on no account to be
driven out of England until the business is effected. This has
caused Alen^on to put his back to the wall, and to tell the Queen
that, not only will he not leave England, but he will not even
leave the apartments where he now is until she tells him
clearly the Yes or No of the marriage. When they are alone,
she pledges herself to him, to his heart's content, and as much as
any woman could to a man, but she will not have anything said
publicly. This has caused him to delay a gentleman he was sending
to his brother and has prevented him from closing the letters he
was to take.
My man also tells me that he has seen and read with his own
eyes a letter from the king of France to the Queen, telling her to
undeceive herself, for whether she marries his brother or not, he
will not openly help him in the Netherlands, but will do his very
best to bring about peace there. The Queen has called a general
meeting of the Council at Court to-morrow in order that they may
decide what should be done.
Yesterday M. d'Insi arrived liere in search of Alen9on with
fifteen horsemen, amongst whom were some of the principal officers
of the garrison of Cambrai, which M. d'Insi surrendered to
Alen^on.
At the same time there arrived a secretary of the Queen-mother,
who has been closeted with the French ambassador before going
to Court. I will advise instantly what I can learn of their
proceedinub.
218 SPANISH STATE PAPEES.
1581.
Whilst writing this I learn that Knollys was at the Isle of
Wight on the 9th with Don Antonio's ships. A person who was
with them tells me that they have not more than 500 men, and
were very short of victuals, having been unable to leave the
Channel in consequence of contrary weather. — London, 11th
November 1581.
11 Nov. 165. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
I am told that when two Flemish heretics and intimate friends
of St. Aldegonde, asked him whether he had deciphered the
despatches captured recently in France,, he answered that it was
\'ery easy to do that, as your Majesty's cipher was in so many
hands, and drafts of letters could so easily be obtained. They
were therefore anxious to get hold of cipher dispatches corre-
sponding with the drafts, even when they were months old,
because that enabled them to construct a key. He said the cipher
in which all your ministers wrote was the same, and it was
extremely difficult to obtain an original key. I am assured that
Walsingham said something to the same eflPect, and that your
Majesty's despatches could easily be understood by obtaining a
draft of some letter written from a place where no suspicion
existed ; and after that, the valises of the ordinary couriers could
be opened at night in the hostelries, the despatches extracted and
afterwards returned to them again, which is perfectly simple. I
myself have done this here frequently, getting hold of letters
which I think will be to the interest of your Majesty to see, and
in an hour, with a bone reproduction of the same seal, I make up
a packet, closed in the same way, after having seen all I want to
see, and the matter cannot be detected. I have heard since I have
been here that when they deciphered Don John's letters in the
States, it was done by means of Secretary Escobedo, who had
a servant with him who wrote his cipher despatches. When
Escobedo went out the man always accompanied him, leaving his
papers in the trunks which, although they were locked, as well as
the rooms they were in, and he had the keys, were just the same
as if they had been left wide open, as there is hardly a room in
Flanders of which the occupants have not two keys, in case one
should be lost. The rooms were therefore entered and the locks
of the trunks picked, which is easy anywhere, and much more so
Flanders, where there are so many skeleton keys that will open
any lock.
Seeing how injurious it is to your Majesty's interests for the
letters to be deciphered, and considering that it is almost impos-
sible to prevent them from falling into the Iiands of enemies or
false friends, as they are carried by couriers of various nationalities
and are handled by postmasters owing no allegiance to your
Majesty, whilst it is impossible for your Ministers to fulfil their
duties and frankly report the state of affairs, surrounded as they
are everysvhere by enemies and heretics who are always on the
alert, it would not be bad if your Majesty should order, in addition
to the general cipher in the hands of all Ministers for ordinary
ELIZABETH. 2l6
1581.
correspondence, that three or four other ciphers for your Majesty's
Hole use should be distributed amongst the Ministers, and the evil
of having only one cipher would thus be obviated. As it is now,
directly a courier is rifled in France they understand, by means of
a draft taken pei'haps elsewhere, all that is written to your Majesty
with regard to England, France, and Flanders, which they would
not do if these ciphers were varioiis. Another advantage of this
would be that, if any of the clerks play false, they can be traced
at once, which is not possible now, as they all write the same
cipher which is in so many hands. It is of no importance that
those who write to the Ministers in Italy and elsewhere should be
so careful in writing the ciphers and keeping the papers, but if I
or my people are not scrupulous great danger may result when the
cipher we use is the same. I know how bold it is for me to write
this and I humbly beg for pardon, but I am in a place where at this
time affairs are of such importance in the service of God, that if the
the Queen and her Councillors should imagine, much less hear, what
was going on they would frustrate it, and I am therefore obliged
to say this, and to send all my despatches in cipher. — London,
11th November 1581.
19 Nov. 166, The King to Bernardino de Mendoza.
x'uiT '.'97^' Your letters of I7th September and 1st October to hand. You
did well to send the drawing of the diamonds, and the reports you
hud received from all parts, particularly about Don Antonio's
departure. As he has gone to France, I expect you have not
handed to the Queen the letters I wrote, since the reason for them
has disappeared. You may still press for the restitution of Drake's
plunder. If it has no other effect, it will make the merchants there
understand that the Queen and her Councillors, for their own
interests, imperil them with the loss of all Spanish trade, and this
may cause them to maintain the attitude you desire. You will, in
short, keep this complaint and others open with the Queen. With
regard to your audiences, we can only leave the question to your
discretion, as you are so well acquainted with the temper of those
people.
You have done well in reporting the attempts of the heretics
there to disseminate their hateful heresies here. Measures Lave
been adopted to prevent this, and to punish those who may come
with such an object. Your suggestion that Englishmen should not
be allowed to lodge in the houses of their countrymen in Spain
shall not be lost sight of.
It grieves me to learn how the Catholics are suffering there,
without my being able to help them. Any demonstration in their
favour which I might make at present would be sure to do them
more harm than good, but you are doing well by secretly
encouraging them and confirming them in their good purpose.
You will continue to do this, and as soon as we get an answer
from Rome {i.e., about the English cardinals) it shall b^
communicated to you.
220 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1581.
It was unfortunate for the archives at Ripplemond to be taken
away, and as it will be very advantageous to have copies of as
much as possible, you are directed to continue the negotiations
with Antonio Rosa with this end, even though it be necessary to
pay something for the transcripts, so long as it is not an excessive
sum. You do well to report fully about Scotland, as it is moat
important that we should be well posted in this respect. As the
marriage negotiations have fallen through so often, and Walsingham
has returned from Paris without settling about tlie treaty, it is not
likely that the fresh negotiations for the marriage, which you now
advise, are not undertaken seriously with the intention of effecting
it, but with some other object. Advise what this object can be, and
all else you can learn about it.
I thank you for your good offices with the pilots and seamen
who came to England in Alonso Mayo's ship, by which they were
prevented from joining Don Antonio. Thank the captain also, if
he still be there, for the spirit and loyalty with which he answered
Don Antonio's message. Thank Antonio de Castillo for the writing
sent through you to Don Juan de Idiaquez, which you did well in
sending. An answer shall shortly be sent about Bodin. In the
meanwhile keep him in hand, — Lisbon, 19th November 1581.
Postscript. — Since writing the above, your letters of 10th
ultimo to hand, by which we learn that they were still deferring
your audience. As you have told them you have a letter of mine
for the Queen and intended to deliver to her my first letter about
Don Antonio, notwithstanding his departure, we approve of your
intention, although we say elsewhere that the reason for the letter
has disappeaied and we expected you would not use the letters.
The reasons you give are satisfactory, and the step you propose
to take may make the Queen more cautious in giving help to
Don Antonio, even if it do not prevent her from doing so
altogether.*
20 Nov. 167. The King to Bernardino de Mendoza.
k"i447^ 9^4.'' ^ ^™ informed that Antonio Fogaza, a Portuguese merchant,t
resident in London, who formerly opened a correspondence with
officers of mine here and in Flanders, is in prison in London. He
begs me to send him money and help to obtain his liberty, which,
he says, he lost in my service. As we have no other information
* The above postscript is written in obedience to a long autograph note of the
King's on the draft of the following letter, complaining that the draft in question is not
sufficiently explicit on the point, and directing the postscript to be written in the above
form.
f The King has run hia pen through the word " merchant " in the draft, and has
added the following marginal note : — " I am not aware that he is a meichant, but I
" know that he managed Portuguese affairs in London, and was very well affected
" towards my interests, which probably has got him into trouble there. Zayas will be
" able to give you full particulars about him. It is only just that he should be helped,
" and ytm had better write to Don Bernardino to that effect. I do not therefore sign
" this letter. He ought to be helped also here (i.e. in Portugal), for I believe he has
" served well and suffered much." The above letter was therefore not sent, but another
written in the tone of the King's note much more favourable to Fogaza. This man's
letters of advice and a full account of him will be founa in Vl. 2 of this Calendar.
ELIZABETH. ~ 22l
1581.
about the man and his services beyond what he himself writes,
before adopting any decision in the matter I have thought well to
reiTuest you to inquire what services Fogaza has rendered to us,
and why he is in prison. Report all you can learn about him to
me, and in the meanwhile help him so far as you can. — Lisbon,
20th November 1581.
20 Nov. 168. The King to Bernardino de Mendoza.
K 1*447^1 lo"' -^^ Juan Baptista de Tassis advises me that Alen9on embarked
at Boulogne on the 16th ultimo for England, I enjoin you to use
great vigilance in learning his object, and if they again commence
their plots against Flanders, as he is taking Aldegonde with him, or
revive the negotiations for an alliance. Let me know also whether
the Queen is in correspondence with Don Antonio, and if they are
fitting out any ships. Report to me in full detail.
You can reply to the Queen of Scotland's letter to you, in which
she thanks me for having, at her request, restored their pensions to
certain Englishmen, that in the same way that I respected her
wishes in this matter, I will accede to anything which I think may
give her satisfaction. — Lisbon, 20th November 1 581.
20 Nov. 169. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
Alen9on despatched the gentleman I said that he had delayed to
iiifdrin his brother that he was satisfied with the Queen's pledges
about the marriage, and that the King might therefore confidently
send a person to settle the alliance which was discussed when
Walsingbam was in France, and in which, as I wrote on the 7th of
September, the English were seeking to introduce fresh clauses,
whilst the King has refused to concede a single point until the
marriage was absolutely settled. Parliament has been prolonged
until the 5th proximo, to give time for the King's reply to be
received, and in the meanwhile the Queen has taken no other
resolution about Alen9on, who appears quite satisfied with her
assurance, excepting to order the suspension of the preparations
being made on the three ships I mentioned.
Some Englishmen judge that the prolongation of the Parliament
is a pure artifice on the part of the Queen, in the certainty that
the king of France will not conclude an alliance with her on the
mere word of his brother that he is satisfied with her promises,
and that, if Alen9on thereupon asks her to fulfil her pledges, she
will call Parliament together, which will certainly oppose the
marriage ; by which means she will shelter herself from carrying
it into eflfect, without giving him any excuse for blaming her
personally. This supposition is very plausible, as the Queen has
always proceeded in the business in this underhand way, causing
soiHe of her Ministers to oppose it sometimes, and on other occasions,
others, if she were really desirous of taking him for a husband,
there would be no need for her to seek the consent of Parliament,
as the second Parliament of her reign gave her such consent after
her coronation, without the need of a fresh reference to them.
222 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1581.
To this may be added that, although Hatton formerly professed
so much attachment to Alen90D, and sent a nephew of his who is
in France learning the language, and whom he has adopted as his
heir, to the relief of Cambrai, and even despatched twelve gentlemen
from here to accompany him thither, he had not seen or spoken to
Alen9oa until yesterday, when he entered the room where he was
with the Queen witnessing the jousts. The French have murmured
about this. The earl of Huntingdon, Leicester's brother-in-law, acted
in the same way.*
Besides the Prince Dauphin, those who enter the palace with
Alen(;on are Saint Aignan, Laval, Chateauroux, M. de Prunart, and
Marchaumout.
He hears mass at eight in the morning, rising from his bed in
shirt and dressing gown to hear it, and returning to bed afterwards.
At 9 o'clock the Treasurer, Sussex, and Iieicester usually visit him
on behalf of the Queen. The ambassador accompanied him until
recently when he went to see the Queen, but Alen9on has told him
not to do so unless he is ordered. The Queen has caused her house
in London to be made ready that she may come there to-morrow,
the better to entertain Alenpon.
St. Aldegonde is pressing Iiim very much to let him depart in
company with M. d'Insi, and to send troops to help the rebel States.
The only answer given to him hitherto is that it shall be discussed. —
London, 20th November 1581.
20 Nov. 170. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
Judging that, to obviate the results of Alen90u's visit, nothing
would be so effectual as to arouse the Queen's distrust of the
French, in order to make the thing seem as substantial as
possible, I decided to cause suspicion on Scotch affairs, and as I
could not see her personally, I adopted the course described in my
former letters. Since then I have received the despatch containing
your Majesty's orders, and I gather from the steps I am now
commanded to take that what I have already done will be very
advantageous, as it will cause the Queen to show her hand, and we
can then proceed with the circumspection which so important a
matter demands. As I have not yet received any fresh reply from
the Queen, and do not expect one until Beal returns from the
queen of Scotland (except that she sent me through the Treasurer
many thanks for my information), I can hardly say, at present,,
whether it will be advisable or not to adopt the course your
Majesty directs, for the following reasons ; first, the talk of the
(French) alliance had not only cooled, but was almost at an end,
although Alengon was endeavouring to renew it by the aid of the
Queen's pledges to him. Since he came, although the Queen does
not see me, she nevertheless hints that it will be advantageous to
your Majesty's interests for me to ask for audience, her excuse
being that she had promised me one before he came, and I had
* Note in tlie King's hand :— " This is unintelligible." The passage, however, is made
alcar by the introduction of a stop.
ELIZABETH. 223
1581.
since given her this intelligence. Seeing, however, that she treated
me so rudely and violently at the last audience, and coolly referred
me to her Council in future, I fear that for me to go to her just
now on such a feeble errand as this would only make her more
haughty, under the impression that we were seeking her out of
pure necessity, and that the fears J have always aroused in her of
your Majesty's forces are groundless, whilst she drew the French
on by saying that your Majesty was beseeching her. As the matter
your Majesty commands, moreover, could only be approached with
the Queen personally, I will lose no time in endeavouring to
discover her tendency, and act in accordance therewith and the
state of the French negotiations, with the object of diverting her
from the alliance, handing her a fresh letter of credence if necessary.
I have sent her, as a present, some gloves and needlework, with
which the duchess of Alba provided me, of which things she is
very fond, to soften her, if possible, with such a lenitive to hear me
kindly as she used to do. I am doing all that is humanly possible
with this end.
I repeat, therefore, that, until I see her and get a reply about
Scotland, I cannot decide whether it will be well to take the step
your Majesty orders. I cannot avoid pointing out to your Majesty
that if, the first time I see her, I ask her point blank, in the event
of her thinking the present alliances with your Majesty insufficient,
to come to an understanding with me as to what she wants,
according to my own poor judgment this course presents two
important objections. First, I have constantly impressed upon her
how advantageous to England the connection with the house of
Burgundy had been, even in past times when the latter was much
less powerful than at present, and said that, such being the case,
she could judge how beneficial it would be to her to maintain it;
but, notwithstanding this, she has never sincerely taken the hint,
but has just said that it was very true, only that she did not trust
your Majesty. I have replied that her own actions were the cause
of the distrust, and that if she changed her course, her confidence
would thereby be restored ; and thus I have smoothed the way for
her, showing that by avoiding future offence the old friendship
could be re-soldered, but yet it never had tlie effect of softening
her. I therefore had to change my tone and treat her with spirit,
which has bridled her better than the other course would have
done. The other objection I see to approaching her on the lines
directed by your Majesty is that, as I wrote to your Majesty
privately at the time, when I first arrived here Sussex promised
to be instrumental in confirming the old alliances between the two
Crowns, as he was in the Queen's confidence, if your Majesty,
whilst ratifying old treaties, would enter into a new one with this
country against the queen of Scotland, and they have frequently
sounded me about it since. If the Queen is approached now about
a confirmation of our alliance, I have no doubt that the first thing
she will do will be to propose a league against the queen of
Scotland, who is the person she fears most, in the belief that, on
Catholic grounds, her claims will be supported by your Majesty
2'14i SPANISH STATE PAPERS,
1581.
more warmly than by any other prince. This is the maxim which
she and her heretic Ministers have set before themselves, and upon
which they base their action in disturbing your Majesty on all
hands, in order to prevent you from turning your attention to the
conversion of this country. If, therefore, your Majesty is not
prepared to concede this point to them, it would only confirm their
suspicions to approach them with an offer to re-enact the old
alliances alone. Whilst humbly craving pardon for my boldness,
I beg to say that, unless there be some reason which I do not
understand for taking this step formally, I am of opinion that, if
the Queen should ask for some further security for the verbal
professions of friendship on behalf of your Majesty, in exchange for
reciprocal kindness on her part, she should be offered a rectification
. of the old treaties, which she and her Ministers say that your
Majesty has refused ever since she acceded to the throne, although
they have frequently requested it. By this means I can come to
an agreement with her, if it be necessary to take the step, although
moving always with a leaden foot and the plumb-line in hand, and
we shall be aided by the fact that Don Antonio has left the country
not too well satisfied. I undevstand the following are the objects
to be aimed at in the negotiation. To dissuade her from a close
intimacy with the French, and at the same time to prevent her
from making any extraordinary effort in supporting your Majesty's
rebels, whilst, if possible, ascertaining what course she would adopt
in the event of a firm mutual friendship being proposed to her on
your Majesty's behalf. If this step is to be taken it will be well to
send me fresh letters of credence, and that the Queen should think
that the offer is made to her in consequence of the intelligence
I have sent to your Majesty on Scotch affairs.— London, 20th
November 1581.
20 Nov. 171. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
Roger Austin, whom, as I reported, this Queen had sent to
Scotland, has now returned. In accordance with his instructions,
he negotiated secretly with James Stewart, who has influence and
is a great Puritan, to discredit the duke of Lennox with the King
m consequence of their fear that he will restore in Scotland the
holy Catholic faith by the aid of foreigners. He, Stewart, was
warned how important the matter was to him, as he and those who
thought like him would certainly at once be deprived of life and
property, and the only remedy for it would be to try to put
D'Aubigny out of the way. He replied that up to the present
neither he nor anyone else could complain of D'Aubigny's pro-
ceedings, as he had in all things conformed to the religion and laws
of the country, but if he acted contrary to this he, Stewart, and all
his friends would take up arms to prevent a change of religion or
the nitioductiou of foreigners, and he at once bespoke the Queen's
aid in such case.
Austin also took letters from Leicester to D'Aubigny, full of
compliuients, which have been answered in the same way, with
pledges on both sides to use every effort to maintain friendship
Elizabeth. 225
1581.
between the two countries. Before this man came back the Queen
sent two other persons on a similar errand, but the King gave
orders that they were not to be allowed to cross the frontier, on
the excuse that he was very busy with the parliament, but that
they would be welcomed after the parliament was ended. This
has caused these people some suspicion.
The King has given to this James (Stewart) the title of Earl of
Arran, which belonged to the house of Hamilton, solely in conse-
quence of his having been a great enemy of Morton, which ensured
him the favour of the King and d'Aubigny. He formerly served
Orange and the rebels in Holland as a captain of infantry. The
Queen and Leicester take advantage of this, and of his being an
obstinate heretic, to bind him to their interests. — London, 20th
November 1581.
20 Nov. 172. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
On the 2nd instant I sent a letter advising the details of Dou
Antonio's departure, and since then the only matter occupying
attention here is that of France. It is true that a Portuguese
aceompanied Alen^on to prompt him to persuade the Queen to
help him according to agreement, but I cannot hear that anything
has yet been discussed in the matter, nor that any decision has
been adopted with regard to the granting of letters of marque by
the man authorised by Don Antonio to do so. In the meanwhile
he is looking after the realisation of some merchandise brought
from Terceira, which had been stolen from your Majesty's subjects
on its way from Santo Domingo.
I have used every effort with the Councillors to get them to
order the warehousing of this merchandise, as the English them-
selves confess that it was stolen from Spaniards, to whom of right
it should be surrendered. I am urging that it is not desirable for
the Queen to acknowledge as fair prizes those things which are
taken by your Majesty's rebellious subjects from their fellow
subjects, or that she should allow such property to be sold in her
country. I have supported this fully by pressing arguniouis in
this case, as 20,000 crowns worth of sugar and ginger has been
brought into the port of Lyme. I will duly advise your Majesty
of the result of my efforts. Although they have promised me to
issue orders for the retention of the goods, I am afraid that it will
be only for the sake of appearances, as the property was brouglit
in by a servant of Walsingham's, who is himself doubtless interested
in it ; but at all events, my action will discredit Don Antonio's
affair with the public, even if it do not prevent any part of the
property from falling into hie hands, although it is not much
of it that the English would allow to slip through theirs.
The ship from Flanders, which I said that Don Antonio's vessels
had captured, was ordered by the Queen to be stopped at the Isle
of Wight by my request, and the raercbandise delivered to its
respective owners, who are Portuguese resident in Antwerp. They
have sent powers here, and their attorneya not being satisfied with
jr 84S41, ' f.
S26 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1681
what I had done, themselves went for the purpose of rescuing the
goods without advising me. I have been unable to help this, but
they have thus prevented me from getting the prize formally
surrendered as your Majesty's dignity demanded.
I hear that the ships of Don Ajitonio sailed from the Isle of
Wight a week ago, leaving only one to guard the prize I have
mentioned. They have not revictualled, and there are no signs
that they were undertaking a long voyage, unless indeed they
mean to victual in France and join there with the ships which are
being fitted out for him in that country.
A small ship arrived lately at Lyme, which had been sent by
Drake to the island of Terceira. Captain William Thomas, who
commands the Englishmen there, sends the report of which I now
enclose translation. The two ships I mentioned previously have
been for the last three days only awaiting fair weather to sail
for Terceira with munitions which they have already on board.
I am informed that Don Antonio has written to Walsingham, ,
saying that the king of France had received him very well and had
granted him a regular pension for his maintenance, but that he
(the king of France) had told him verbally that he did not wish
him to stay in France under the name of king of Portugal, in
order not to prejudice his mother's claim.* He does not make
clear in his letters whether the King is giving any specific help in
his enterprise. — London, 20th November 1581.
24 Nov. 173. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
I wrote in triplicate on the 20th, and on the following day
Alen9on and all his company displayed, not discontent alone, but
entire disillusionment as to the marriage taking place. On the
22nd however, at eleven in the morning, the Queen and Alen9on
were walking together in a gallery, Leicester and Walsingham being
present, when the French ambassador entered and said that he
wished to write to his master, from whom he had received orders
to hear from the Queen's own lips her intention with regard to
marrying his brother. She replied, " You may write this to the
King : that the duke of Alen^on shall be my husband," and at the
same moment she turned to Alengon and kissed him on the mouth,
drawing a ring from her own hand and giving it to him as a
pledge. A]en9on gave her a ring of his in return, and shortly
afterwards the Queen summoned the ladies and gentlemen from
the presence chamber to the gallery, repeating to them in a loud
voice, in Alen9on's presence, what she had previously said.t
Alen9on and the French are all extremely overjoyed at this, and
Alen9on at once sent a gantleman to his brother with the news,
whilst Marchaumont himself made ready to go.
♦ Catharine de Medici, for form's sake, was a claimant to the throne of Portugal, as
the descendant of the King Alfonso III., by an alleged first and only legitimate
marriage -with Matilda Countess of Bologna. All the other claimants therefore, and all
the sovereigns of Portugal since the time of Alfonso III., were alleged to have detceUded
S~oa\ a second and bigamous marriage of the King with his Queen Beatrix.
t Ibis swni is also described in the " Memoiro) dv Due rf? NeverSf" fjA lay Can'**''*
Elizabeth. 227
1681.
The Queen sent to give an account of what had passed to the
Treasurer who was in bed with the gout. When he received the
message, two lords who were with him heard him reply, " Blessed
" be the Lord that this business has at last reached a point where
" the Queen on her part has done all she can : it is for the country
" now alone to carry it out." From this it appears that the display
she has made is after all only artful and conditional, because these
lords are not experienced persons to whom Cecil would say such
a thing without calculation. The news has now assumed such
proportions that people in London consider the marriage as good as
accomplished, and the French are of the same opinion. It is said
that Parliament will be held on the 6th proximo, and the
conditions will therein be approved, after which the marriage will
take place publicly.
Notwithstanding all this, I cannot avoid saying that, according
to my poor understanding, I am unable to look upon the matter as
by any means concluded. I am moved to this view by the
following reasons, which I think are of some force. By the way
the Queen has conducted the negotiations for the last three years,
during which, if she had really desired to marry, she would not
have wasted time as she has done, nor would she have exerted
herself so earnestly to prevent his, Alen<;on's, second visit hither.
If, moreover, she had oven now desired the marriage, there was
nothing to have prevented her from taking the course she now lias
taken the same night as he arrived. Seeing there was no way of
preventing his coming without giving him offence, and that since
his arrival he was pressing her every day more urgently for a
reply, without which he declared he would not leave the country,
she rather prefers to let it appear that the failure of the negotiations
is owing to the country and not to herself, as it is important for
her to keep him attached to her, in order to counterbalance his
brother, and prevent anything being arranged to her prejudice.
By personally pledging herself in this way, she binds him to her,
whilst at the same time causing a quarrel between Alenjon and
his brother, in consequence of the latter having refused the terms
demanded iyy the English in exchange for the marriage, by vvluch
means the Queen will keep Alen9on on her side.
During the many pros and cons which have passed in the
business, the Queen has understood that the king of France would
not agree to certain articles proposed to him with regard to
breaking with your Majesty ; and in order to conduct this business
in the way she desires, she has instructed Cobham, since Alenjon's
arrival here, to again broach the subject to the king of France,
He will no doubt have replied resolutely, and the ambassador vnill
at once have informed the Queen, this doubtless being the secret
despatch she received on the 21st, and this will have enabled her
to make the display which she has done, the only eftect of which,
moreover, is to pledge herself personally to words and promises
which she had already made to Alen9on. In addition to this,
Leicester's confidants assert, with more persistence than ever, that.
the marriage will not take place, from which it may be inferred
228 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1581.
that the giving of the ring by the Queen to Alen9on in the presence
of Leicester and Walsingham, but without the knowledge of the
most ardent advocates of the marriage, is only an artifice to draw
Alen9on on, and make him believe that the men who were most
opposed to it are now openly in its favour. This is the present
state of affairs. The clauses they demand from the king of France
amount practically to a rupture with your Majesty, and I am
trying my best to obtain a copy of them ; in the meanwhile,
however, I send this by special messenger to Paris to be forwarded
from there in the same way by Juan Bautista de Tassis.
I have letters from the queen of Scotland dated the 6th, and
from what she tells me, I am now fully confirmed in my suspicions,
as she is extremely well informed as to what passes in this Court.
She says that she was expecting Beal, the decision about sending
whom to her was taken on the 2nd ; and she also knew of
Alen9on's coming, assuring me that the real object was rather a
league against your Majesty than marriage. She also understood
that this Queen was annoyed at her associating her son with her
in her rights, and at the way in which things were going in
Scotland, which she, the queen of Scots, was determined to forward
by every possible means, stopping at nothing, unless it appeared
prejudicial to your Majesty. From the way in which she speaks
of it, it is clear that the matter has been under discussion for a
long time, and that she has not entered into it without an assur-
ance of help from France. If this be the case, the queen of
England cannot be so secure in that quarter as she thought, because,
notwithstanding Alen9on's presence here, the queen of Scotland
goes on her way unswervingly.
The reason why the king (of Scots) ordered this Queen's envoys
to remain on the Border, was because he understood that they
were coming to ask him not to confiscate the earl of Angus' property.
He is a nephew of Morton's, and the King wanted to get the
matter done before the envoys arrived.
Don Antonio's seven ships, namely, three of his own and four
pirates in his pay, returned on the 19th to the Isle of Wight,
almost without victuals, and Don Antonio has sent fresh orders to
Knollys to go to France and leave the ships in the charge of
another man, but he has refused to do this. There are only four
liundred men in all now with the ships, poor hungry fellows, and
^11 friends with the few Portuguese who were with them as officers.
They were taliiing of sending two ships, of 100 and 80 tons, to
Tcrceira, with the object of capturing some ships to provide them
with food for maintenance. Certain captains have been approached
here by the Council about raising troops to send to Terceira, but
the number has not yet been decided.
The munitions which I mentioned in my former letters as
being sent in the 80 ton ship from Lyme to Terceira, are 20 pieces
of ordnance of cast iron, 1 5 quintals* each, the calibre of which
* A ijuintul is a hunclretl pounds ftToirdupois.
Elizabeth. 229
1681,
will be six or eight pounds, and 24 barrels of powder. They are
saying that if a number of ships were suddenly to leave England
and France in Don Antonio's interest, they might capture the
island of St. Michael's where they understand that your Majesty
has no troops in garrison. This would make the submission of
the rest of the islands the more difficult,— London, 24th November
1581.
4 Deo. 174. BEfiNAEDiNO de Mendoza to the King.
On the 24th I sent a special courier by way of Paris, relating the
circumstance of the Queen's giving a ring as a keepsake to Alenjon.
It appears that Hatton took this so much to heart that when he
saw her he spoke with great boldness and many tears about it ;
saying in effect, that even if she herself wished to marry, she ought
to consider the grief she would bring upon the country by doing so,
not to mention what might happen to her personally if she married
against the wish of her people, upon whose affection the security of
her throne depended. This was a hint that she might be deposed.
She suffered him to speak thus and answered him very tenderly.
Subsequently Leicester, who was much disturfeed at the confidence
expressed by the French that the marriage would take place, asked
the Queen, with reference to her having given the ring to Alen5on,
whether she was " a maid or a woman," to which she replied that
she was a maid, as the condition upon which she gave the pledge
would never be fulfilled. He told her that she had not acted wisely
in carrying the matter so far and so ostentatiously. In consequence
of this and what had passed with Hatton, the Queen agreed with
Leicester that she would send a message to Alen9on about it, saying
that she had been thinking of the ring she had given him, and she
was sure that if she married him she would not have long to live.
He might see this for himself, as he was a witness of the dissatis-
faction of the English people at her attachment to him, which
attachment she hoped he did not wish to be fatal to her. For this
reason she would be very glad if he would allow her to defer the
matter, and there was nothing in her country she would refuse him,
and she would be very much more attached to him as a friend even
than if he were her husband.
She sent Walsingham with this message, to which Alen^on
replied with much gentleness that all he had said and done was to
please the Queen, whose death not only did he not desire, but he
would venture his own life to give her pleasure, as he had often
done, and indeed was doing now, to save her from annoyance, by
pressing his suit with less ardour at her request.
In the meanwhile Secretary Pinart arrived, after having been
delayed some days in Calais by bad weather. The French say that
he comes with a mission from the King to agree to all that is
demanded of him, upon condition of his brother's marriage ; although
I find it difficult to think that the King of France can grant their
terms, as I am told that not only does the Queen demand that he
8liall break with your Majesty, but that Calais shall be restored,
230 Spanish state papers.
1581. " ~
and an alliance entered into against the Queen of Scotland and
her son.
She appointed as Commissioners, the Chancellor, the Treasurer,
Sussex and Leicester, to discuss Pinart's mission. She told them
that she had always desired to marry Alen9on, in the belief that it
would redound to the benefit and quietude of her realm, as she
would then have the support and kinship of France ; but on no
account would she postpone the good of England to her personal
inclinations, and they must therefore consider what was beat to
decide, and what answer should be given to Pinart, letting her know
first what they thought. They replied three days ago, that if the
marriage were accompanied by the benefits to England which she
mentioned nothing could be better than that she should effect it,
but they did not enter into details and were merely speaking
generally. The only reply she gave was that it was well, and
that they should hear what Pinart had to say. Parliament being
prolonged until the 8th of January.
Pinart has been with them every day, but I have not heard of
any decision, although the French are strongly pressing them for a
prompt reply.
I will instantly advise your Majesty of what I hear, but this is the
position at the present time. My confidant tells me that the Queen
frequently sees Alen9on alone,* but the French are getting dis-
illusioned about the marriage. As to the alliance with France, I
cannot do anything directly with the Queen as I do not see her, but
I have by various means done my best to get an audience without
appearing that I desire it whilst Alen9on is here. I am working under
hand amongst Catholics and others to increase the distrust which is
generally entertained of the French. This is so great that Leicester
has not seen Alen^on since the matter of the ring, and has incited
the London people to rise if the marriage is carried forward, the
means adopted being to double the guards who are on duty at night
to prevent tumult. By this means they are doubling the numbers
of those who would raise a disturbance, as all the heretics are on his
side, whilst the Catholics have greatly lost heart at seeing that
Alen9on has made not the slightest effort to induce the Queen to
suspend the execution of those who had been condemned, and about
whom I write in another letter. People of all sorts therefore are
openly saying that no dependence can be placed upon the French.
Whilst I was writing this, my confidant sent to say that the
Commissioners met with Pinart again last night, the Admiral also
being present, at the Queen's desire. After much pro and con the
English oflfered to give a sum of money and a regular yearly pension
to Alen9on to carry through the enterprises he thought fit ; where-
upon the French had replied that if the marriage were not to
take place all negotiations must cease. I have heard the same
thing from other sources, and that the meeting broke up disunited,
• The " Memoires du Due de Nevers " Bays the Queen detained Alencjon at this time
"par de nouvelles demonstrations, accompaynevs de baisers, privautes, caretiet et
jfiii/nfirdisfs ordinaires avx amants."
ELIZABETH. 28l
1681.
Pinart requesting at last that a, decision should be promptly given."
— London, 4th December 1581.
4 Dec. 175. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
Of the Catholics whom, as I wrote, they had arrested, they have
condemned this term 13 priests and one layman, three of them
having been executed on the 1st instant in London.f amongst them
being Campion of the Company of Jesus. They suffered martyrdom
with invincible constancy, after the most atrocious torments, and
their countenances whilst they were being dragged to the place
shone like those of persons to whom God had given a crown for
their faithful service. The rest of them are most firm,t and they
will be martyred at the places where they were arrested. A printed
statement has been issued here that they are not condemned for
their religion, but for having plotted with the Pope to kill the
Queen, and other like fictions to deceive the people.§ Knollys, the
Treasurer of the Household and a Councillor, who is a great heretic,
was present at the execution, and cried out that this was not a case
of religion, but of treason, with respect to which, both at the trial
and before their death, all the men said some holy words, asserting
their innocence and pardoning their persecutors. Their martyrdom
has greatly edified and confirmed all Catholics, whilst the heretics
are confounded. There were three thousand horsemen and a great
number of footmen present at the execution.
Persons of great intelligence and trustworthiness assure me that
one of these priests, called Briant, whom I knew well, and who
was a man of 26 or 28 years old, had, during his incarceration,
been favoured by God with revelations, to strengthen him in the
cruel torments he had to bear. Their last torment was deprivation
of sleep and food, during the whole of which he replied, " if
you can do no more than this I feel it not." When Campion was
executed it was noticed that all his nails had been dragged out in
the torture. The behaviour of all these priests has been so
exemplary, and their firmness in suffering such fearful deaths has
been so conspicuous, that they may be counted amongst the great
martyrs of the Church of God. For Him to allow the Catholics
♦ Lorenzo Priuli, the Venetian ambassador in Erance, asked the Queen-mother for
information as to the position of affairs at this time, and whether Alen9on had returned
the Queen's ring as was asserted. Catharine replied that the ring had not been returned,
but that she did not attach much importance to it, as the mere giving of a ring did not
constitute a serious engagement. She added : — " La reine Elisabeth est bien astncieuse
" et mon fils bien jeune, il s'est laisse embarquer par elle dans cette aventure, malgre nos
" representations et nos conseils ; on I'aecable de fetes ; et il vient de m'ecrire qu'U avait
"encore de I'espoir (" Ambassadeurs venitiens, Priuli')-" Mza 1!(. Bibliotheque
Nationale Paris.
t The three were Campion, Sherwin, and Briant.
j John Harte, one of them, wrote on 1st December to Walsingham, offering to
become a spy upon Allen.
§ " A particular Declaration or testimony of the Undutifull and Traiterous Affection
borne agaynst her Majestie by Edmund Campion and other condemned Priestes."
Published by authority, London. A full account of these martyrdoms wUl be found
in Allen's book " De Persecutione Anglicana," and Butler's " Historical Memoirs."
See also '■' Elizabethan Religious History," by Soames,
232 SPANISH STATE PAPEES.
1581.
to be so much afflicted again, and so much martyrs' blood to be
spilt, is a sign that lie will be pleased soon to convert the country.
Tt is a proof that the Catholics that still remain here are firm
indeed in their faith, for they do not look upon these glorious
deaths as miracles to confirm them, but only as ordinary examples
of their troubles, which they bear with so much patience. In
order to catch the blood of those who are martyred, and to collect
things which belonged to them, they expose tliemselves to great peril ;
and women especially are showing many signs of ardent faith and
holy life. From one quarter of Campion which they placed on the
gates of London, a finger has been taken, and these Councillors are
making great efforts to investigate the case. God extricate them
from their blindness. — London, 4th December 1581.
4 Dec. 176. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King,
The idea of recruiting men for Terceira which I mentioned has
quite cooled, in consequence of the English saying that they have
not any hope of Don Antonio's paying them a single real, as he is
in want of food himself in France, and the sailors in his ships are
suffering so terribly from famine that they are running away as
fast as they can, If it were not indeed in the hope of getting the
ransom offered by the owners of the sugar ship captured by
Knollys, I understand that he would have left the ships, as they
are not now in a condition even to go out and plunder.
I am told that Vega, who was left here by Don Antonio, says that
as Knollys would not go to France in obedience to his master's order,
he, Don Antonio, would send Manuel de Silva to his three ships.
Under cover of a merchant I got the Court of Admiralty in the
ordinary course to send a stop to Lyme for the sugar, ginger, and
other merchandise, the stolen property of your Majesty's subjects
which had been brought from Terceira thither. The object of this
was to gain time and prevent the delivery of the goods to the
factor of Don Antonio, the value of them being over 20,000
crowns. The Admiralty stop was sent to Lyme, but the officers
there refused to make the aaBftst without special orders from the
Council, to whom I addressed a statement of the case. They
replied, through Walsingham, that the matter was an important
one, as it involved the question as to whether the people of Terceira
were justified or not in being at war with your Majesty. He said
that with these French affairs on hand they had not time to decide
so important a matter, but as soon as a full Council was held a
decision should be sent to me. I understand that Walsingham,
being interested in the case, has adopted this excuse in order that
the property may be distributed.
The ship of 500 tons, which I said was fitting out at Pl3rmouth
with another, to go to the East Indies and Moluccas with Captain
» Frobisher, are now ready to sail. — London, 4th December 1581.
11 Dec. 177. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
I wrote to your Majesty the proposal which the Councillors had
made to Pinart ip the Queen's presence, and I learn that on the
ELIZABETH 233
1581.
following day they proposed amongst themselves that Alengon
sliould be given 1,000 marks (of 26 reals* each) for three years,
the Iciiig of France 100,000?. sterling, and the rebel States 80,000^.,
in consideration of -which sums they were to bind themselves to
make war on your Majesty in the Netherlands ; but if the king of
France would not contribute a similar sum or enter into the
arrangement, Alen90n was to be given 200,000Z. at once, and the
marriage negotiations dropped, in consideration of the money
he had spent on the relief of Cambrai at this Queen's request.
At the council Leicester undertook to answer that Alengon
should be satisfied with the 200,000?., which sum could be obtained
easily without taking it all from the Queen's treasury by giving
" privy seals " as had been done on other occasions. This means
that the Queen asks for loans from individuals according to their
wealth, for some months, which loans are afterwards repaid by
treasury bills, and the "privy seals" withdrawn, the result of it
being that it is almost a forced loan, as people cannot refuse, and it
is hard to believe that so large a sum can be raised, unless they
make use of Drake's plunder, or that the Queen will deprive
herself of it.
When the Queen heard of this resolution, she made a show of
great[anger and annoyance,'saying that her Councillors only thought
of their own profit, wasting the substance of the country without
reflection, and buying, under cover of her authority, that which
suited them best. As Alen^on thought fit to forget her in exchange
for her money, she would neither marry him nor give him any
money, and he might do the best he could. She sent at once for
him, Alen9on, and told him this very angrily, to which he replied
in a similar way, and they parted very ill friends, although, so far
as I can understand, it is all artifice, because since then she has
suggested to the French, who think it very hard to be bound to
break with your Majesty and lose Calais, and discontinue the
Scotch alliance as well, that a condition of the marriage might be
that the French were to break with your Majesty in connection
with the Netherlands, the war being carried on by Alen9on at his
brother's expense, assistance being sent to him from here in the
form of men. The Queen says that she gave him the ring on this
condition, and has again confirmed it, desiring that Marchaumont
should go to France to discuss it with the King and Queen-
mother.
Some days ago they arrested here a legal gentleman, a terrible
puritan, who vehemently persecutes all Catholics, and particularly
priests, in whose martyred blood he has even gone to the length of
washing their own hands. The cause of his arrest is that, being at
supper with three other gentlemen, persons of position and property,
he said that he was in negotiations with a lord at Court to raise
the people of London in revolt against the marriage, and with the
aid of the citizens to seize the advocates of the match, carry them
to the Tower, Councillors though they were, and cut off their heads
* This -jfas the silver real, worth about 5\d. each.
234 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1581.
next day, referring the investigation of the case afterwards to
Parliament. He said also that as they kept the queen of Scots a
prisoner so could they keep Alen9on. The three gentlemen
informed the Treasurer and Sussex of this, and the man was
summoned immediately before them, great pressure being brought
to bear upon him to divulge the name of the lord he had spoken of.
He refused to do so, and although they told him that his words
alone amounted to high treason, they ordered him to be detained
in a gentleman's house, as they fear that if they sent him to the
Tower those whose instrument he was to raise London might get
communication with him. They are understood to be the persons
mentioned in my former letters,* with the addition of the earl of
Huntingdon, who Ls now also openly condemning the marriage. —
London, 11th December 1581.
11 Dec. 178. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
In one of my recent letters I advised your Majesty of the steps
I had taken with the Council with regard to the merchandise which
came from Terceira, to which a reply had been sent through
Walsingham, that the Queen declined to take upon herself the
responsibility of declaring whether the war was just or not, but
that as Terceira was in arms, orders should be given that the
property should be deposited until the matter was duly investigated.
Walsingham said that this would be done in the name of Dr. Lopez,
in whose hands the property would be placed. I replied that,
although the Queen said that she would not decide as to the justice
of the war, it was quite clear that by placing the goods in the
hands of Lopez she was actually taking such a decision, sis he was
the representative of Don Antonio, who was in rebellion against
your Majesty. If the property, I said, came directly or indirectly
into his hands, or those of any other representative of the rebel
Portuguese, I should accept that fact as indicating the Queen's
approbation of the war, and immediately advise your Majesty to
that effect. Walsingham replied that the Council would again
meet and consider my communication, the fact being that for
his own interest he had been instrumental in having the goods
warehoused in Lopez's name.
As it is most important to diminish Don Antonio's credit, and
this would be largely effected by preventing this property from
formally passing into his hands, or those of any of his people, I
had the Judge of the Admiralty informed (he being the official
who has to make the order) that I should not be sorry for the
goods to be deposited in the name of some Englishman, my object
being to prevent them from bringing anything else from Terceira,
or Don Antonio getting hold of this property, without appearing
to put the screw on too much. I will advise the result.
I hear that the Englishmen in Don Antonio's ships are extremely
dissatisfied, and that Knollys has left them aud gone ashore. It is
* Leicester, Hatton, and Walsingham,
ELIZABETH. 235
1581.
true that they were not strong enough to do anything very impor-
tant, but still it would be advantageous to have the ships disarmed
by formal order ; and through third parties I have therefore got the
Flushing people to complain here, that notwithstanding the kind
treatment which they extended to English ships, Don Antonio's
vessels had captured one of theirs. As I had also heard that they
had stolen another ship in the port of Cowes, Isle of Wight, I sent
to the Council to say that, as these ships in the pay of your
Majesty's rebels had reached such a pitch that they captured
property belonging to your subjects in the ports of England itself,
(the ship in question having come from Andalusia) if the Queen
did not immediately remedy such a state of things she must not be
surprised that those people whom she regarded as rebels against
her captured property belonging to her subjects in your Majesty's
ports. Before sending this message I arranged for the London
merchants to complain to the Council, that if Don Antonio's vessels
remained there, the customs would greatly diminish and trade would
fall off, as well as their own property being imperilled. I under-
stand that the Council ordered that the ships which were now
cruising under Don Antonio's authority should return to port, and
if they failed to do so that two of the Queen'e ships should be sent
out to capture them. The answer they sent to me was to the effect
that they had taken fitting steps in the matter as I should see by
the result. I have tried to get this order published, and it is said
already in France and Flanders that it will greatly diminish Don
Antonio's following. Although my formal action in these matters
is firm and spirited, in accordance with demands of your Majesty's
dignity, I always try to gain my ends with these people under-
handedly and to bring them round gently to the end desired. I
hope that the order they have sent will not be merely a compliment,
as the last ship that was captured they set free at once of their own
accord.
The two ships which I mentioned were ready to go to the
Moluccas, take four pinnaces and a brigantine made in quarters
stowed in the holds, so they can launch them where they may need
them. — London, 11th December 1581.
11 Dec. 179. Bernardino dk Mendoza to the King.
The clergyman who I said in my former letters was again to go
to Scotland with another priest, writes to say that they have been
extremely well received, and have even had converse with the King
himself, to whom they gave some account of their mission. He
accepted it extremely well, and said that although for certain
reasons it was advisable for him to appear publicly in favour of the
French, he assured him that in his heart he would rather be Spanish,
which he, the envoy, might write to the Englishmen who sent him.
Notwithstanding this, the priest did not entirely lay bare his
mission until he quite satisfied himself of the sincerity of the King
and his Ministers. He thought that he would be able to do this ^by
Christmas, and would report the result immediately, so that they
could then form an opinion as to the conversion of the King and
236 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1581,
country. In the meanwhile he is pressing the [personages with
whom he communicates to expedite the sending of more priests
thither.
With regard to this, I wrote to your Majesty that we had resolved
to send Father Jasper (Heywood), of the Company of Jesus, to
Scotland on this business, whilst the other (Persons) remained to
assist Catholics here. Since then Jasper has been ill with sciatica
and Persons has been declared a rebel by the Queen ; and this has
caused us to change the plan, as Persons cannot return to this
country without great risk, although he was already waiting to
embark ; and if he were here he would now be unable to do anything,
since any person who sheltered or conversed with him would be
liable to punishment for high treason. We have therefore decided
that Jasper shall remain here, as God endows him with grace to
win many souls, whilst Persons should go to Scotland direct from
France where he now is, with five or six priests who may be
selected. Father Allen, whom this Queen has also declared to be a
rebel, has been informed of this, and they have been told that
although they may consider it advisable to send some Scotch priests,
we think that in the present circumstances great inconvenience
might arise from this, as being natives of the country they would
probably proceed with greater zeal, which would certainly irritate
the heretics, who would probably take up arms, and this would be
very prejudicial. With this view, it would be better that all the
priests sent should be Englishmen, whose arrival there would not
cause suspicion to the heretics, that they were coming to forward
other ends under cloak of religion, as they have nothing to gain
from any change in the country. If, on the other hand, they were
native Scotchmen a different opinion might be formed. The Queen
of Scotland's ambassador in France must not be informed, nor
must people in France be allowed to suspect that any Minister of
your Majesty is interested in the matter as such a suspicion might
be injurious. The French must think that there is no hope
entertained of special aid being given by your Majesty, except in
so far as is dictated by general sympathy in matters of the true
faith ; whilst for State reasons Scotsmen themselves must be treated
with great caution.
So far as can be seen this business is proceeding most hopefully,
under God's protection, for whilst these two priests were on the
English border one night a great search was made in every house
in the neighbourhood by order of the Queen, who had been
informed that some such Englishman would endeavour to go
thither ; but God ordained that they should escape, almost by a
miracle.
Thomas Tresham, whose son is the heir to the marquisate of
Northampton, and William Tresham his brother, were the first
people to broach this subject, and it is with them that I deal, in
addition to the priests who have the matter in hand. Although
Thomas Tresham is a prisoner, I am in constant communication
with him by means of priests. He and all his family are strong
Catholics, and he is extremely prudent and circumspect io tis
ELIZABETH. 237
1581.
actions. Notwithstanding the torture by -which they sought to
extract from the martyrs declarations of the persons with whom
they were in communication, they were unable to obtain them,
and I cannot exaggerate the beneficial effect that this has had,
and the confidence that it has inspired in all sorts of people to
reconcile and convert them to the Catholic faith, as before they
saw this firmness in refusing to divnlge the names of their
friends, the English were shy of attaching themselves to the
cause.
The Scots Parliament has closed without adopting any im-
portant resolution, excepting to confirm the new titles given and
the filling of certain offices, the earl of Angus having been
proclaimed a rebel, much to the sorrow of this Queen and her
Ministers, who thus see most of their friends undone. I am told
that a person who had been secretly sent to Scotland by the
Treasurer has returned, reporting how entirely ruined was
Morton's party, and most of those upon whom the English depended,
whilst all the Ministers (of Scotland) were changing their religion
without making much display of it ; whereupon Cecil said, " Now,
indeed, may we say that that country is really lost." Beal arrived
yesterday from the queen of Scotland, but I have not been able to
hear what news he brings,* only that since his arrival Alenjon's
departure is being whispered about, and whilst I was writing
this I heard that the Admiral had ordered the summoning of the
captains of the Queen's ships, two of which ships are to be got
ready to convey him across.
Couriers and gentlemen are arriving every day from the viceroy
of Ireland, all of whom bring news of the great famine and distress
of the Queen's people, whilst the insurgents are strong. I do not
know that anything is being done in the way of sending reinforce-
ments.— London, 11th December 1581.
11 Dec. 180. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
After writing the three accompanying letters, I heard that on
Beal's arrival the Queen ordered seven of her ships to be fitted
out, and the summoning of her captains was in consequence of this ;
although it was said at the time that only two ships would be
fitted for the purpose of conveying Alengon across, but it is
impossible that all these ships can be for that purpose. t I will
report what I can learn about it, but I hear that Beal is discontented
with the queen of Scotland's behaviour.
Advices come from Ireland that the Viceroy had ordered fifteen
gentlemen to be beheaded, kinsmen of the principal people in the
country.J This was done in the English pale, as they call the
country under the Queen's rule, in consequence of a plot to seize
♦ Particulars of Beal's proceedings in this matter will be found in the Marquis of
Salisbury's papers (Historical MSS. Com., Part 2), and in Beal's own documents now in
the possession of Lord Calthorpe.
t In the King's hand : " Perhaps they are for Don Antonio or Terceira.
j In the King's hand : " It is a pity that nothing of this sort succeeds, and that
thofe who try their best always suffer the penalty."
238 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1681.
Dublin, and murder the Viceroy and his English garrison whilst
liberating the Irish prisoners there. One of the accomplices
divulged the plot, and has been knighted by the Viceroy in
recompense for his services. They also write that Desmond and
the insurgents were in better case than ever, whilst the Queen's
garrisons were suffering great privations. The garrisons themselves
are short, as many of the troops have deserted from sheer famine, —
London, 11th December 1581.
14 Dec. 181. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
Although the constant changing resolutions of these people inake
it necessary that your Majesty's Minister should be discreet enough
to avoid conveying them all to your Majesty, yet things are in
such a condition now that I am obliged to write every instant.
In one of the four letters I wrote in triplicate on the 11th, I
reported that the Queen had ordered seven of her ships to be
fitted out, but this has now been partly changed. Last night all
the captains and mates who were in London were called out of
their beds and ordered to set out at once, under pain of death, to
be on board three ships belonging to the Queen, to leave Kochester
to-morrow. The sending out of so many captains and mates, who
are the best mariners in the kingdom, in default of whom they
would hardly have a man fit to conduct a ship ; with victuals
enough only for a month, would seem to indicate that their mission
must be to convey some personage across. Many people think that it
will be Alen5on, because so much ceremony would not be made for
the passage of the prince Dauphin, who is said to be going. Others
think that the Queen-mother may be coming over, but this is not
probable, as the marriage is not now pending. Since I wrote last,
Alen9on again pressed the Queen for an answer, in order that he
might advise his brother thereof, and in addition to the demands
which I have already mentioned, she then brought forward a new
one, to the effect that the English seminary at Rheims should be
abolished. Alen^on asked her whether she would give him her
word to marry him if his brother agreed to this and the other
conditions ; whereupon she replied, that even then she should
have to think whether it was advisable for her to change her
state. Alen9on asked her to send some person to discuss these
conditions with his brother, but she said that it was for him
to do that. This reply has delayed Pinart who was ready to
leave here. 20,000 crowns have arrived for Alen9on in the last
two days, part of which was plunder. — London, 14th December
1581.
17 Dec. 182. Bernardino de Mendoza to the Kino.
On both occasions when he came to this country, Atltonid
Fogaza has helped me in your Majesty's interests as I reported
years ago. They captured him here on an occasion when he wfla
being sent by Antonio de Castillo in the time of the Governors in
Portugal, he bearing a passport from this Queen, which had beea
ELIZABETH. 239
1581.
obtained by Antonio de Castillo for him. As he avoided the
ordinary road for his embarkation, the officers at the port suspected
him, and detained him, examining the letters which he carried.
With them they found minutes of letters which for many years
past he had written to your Majesty's Ministers and to Portugal,*
in consequence of which they brought him to London and put him
in the Tower, immediately returning to Antonio de Castillo the
packet which he carried from him ; and although they very
carefully sought for some letter of mine, they found none, as I did
not even know of his departure.
He has been in the Tower for nearly two years, where they
put him under torture at first two or three times, to make him
declare with whom he was in communication. He accused no one,
however, and as lie is very old I imagine the Queen would release
him. I have avoided mentioning the matter hitherto, because at the
time of his arrest he was not a subject of your Majesty, and I
was sure, moreover, that the moment I spoke about it they would
want me to pay the expense of his keep in the Tower, which
amounts to 400 crowns, as they did in the case of Antonio de
Guaras ; as well as some money that he owes to other persons, who
have lent it him on his representation that he was serving your
Majesty here, and needed it for his maintenance, and to send
despatches. He told me that he had sent his account many times to
Secretary Zayas ; and I understand that these debts, besides the
expenses in the Tower, reach 1,200 crowns. His services have been
such as to deserve that your Majesty should order him to be given
money to pay this, and I humbly beg you to give him this charity,
in order that he may leave this country, and die at home as a
good Catholic. Antonio de Castillo and I, on the occasion of his
taking leave of the Queen, will beg for this man's release. — London,
17th December 1581.
17 Dec, 183. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
Since my last I learn that the three Queen's ships which were
being fitted out are to carry Alen9on across, his departure having
been decided upon after the surrender of Tournai, in the fear that
other towns might follow suit ; and he is therefore to go to
Dunkirk in these ships to encourage the rebel States, and accept
their oath of allegiance, as promised. He is to try, by any
means, to get possession of the country and to introduce French-
men therein. I even fear that he may go to Flushing, for which
reason I have had heretics and Flemings here secretly warned
to write to that effect to their compatriots there and at Antwerp.
I also send a special despatch reporting everything to the prince
of Parma.
The Queen adopted this resolution on the 14tb, and ordered the
Lord Chancellor to put it in writing under the Greal Seal ; whilst
* 'rteBe drafts are How in the Cotton MSS. at the British Museuta, and are
Bumraarised iii the second volume of the present Calendar.
240 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1581.
with a profusion of tears and sighs, she was begging Alen^on not
to go ; and if he did so, to assure her that he would soon come
back again. They tell me that he replied that, if she would give
him her unconditional promise to marry him, he would come back,
but not otherwise. She replied to this, that it was not at present
possible for her to give such a promise. I suspect that he has seized
this opportunity for leaving here, and that both the Queen's tears
and his tender regrets are equally fictitious and feigned ; the
object being that he should not delay his departure, he having
refused to discuss any other subject unless the marriage was settled
first. The result of it is that he is leaving without either money
or an alliance.
The Admiral has left for Dover to convey Alen5on across, and I
am told that the Queen will accompany him as far as Cobham House
at Gravesend, if she do not go as far as Dover. Notwithstanding
all this, the French are dissatisfied.
The French ambassador has sent to tell me that the marriage
would not be good either for the Queen or Alen9on, which he
did not declare before. I will report what happens ; at present
Alen5on's departure is arranged within the next two days.
The Queen was asked whether she would give a passport for
the duke of Guise to go through England to Scotland. She
replied that, if he did not take more than 40 horsemen with him,
he could come. She had a hasty post from Berwick last night,
saying that Guise had come by sea. They believe this, but it is
very improbable, and some other Frenchman doubtless will have
arrived whom they have christened with the name of the man they
fear the most in that direction.
Dr. Allen writes to me from Eheims that, although he is
giving an account of the Scotch affairs to his Holiness, it will be
very advisable that I should do the same, so that greater
pressure may be placed upon him to act in the matter, and order
the General of the Jesuits to appoint fitting persons for the
task. I have written to the abbot Bricefio, advising him of
everything, so that he may, in conformity with your Majesty's
instructions, give an account of what may be advisable. — London,
17th December 1581.
18 Dec. 184. The King to Bernardino de Mendoza.
^k"i447'!'io6.' Letters of 29th October, 2nd, 7th, and 11th November received.
Many thanks for important intelligence contained thei-ein about
matters still pending, results of which we hope to learn in your
next letters. They write from France, positively asserting that
Alenron's marriage with the Queen will take place ; but however
much they may afiirm it, I am loath to believe it, in the absence of
a special courier from you with the news, seeing the great difference
of opinion you report on the subject. If it has taken place I hope
you will have sent me a full report of the conditions imposed by
the English, both as regards religion and the government, and
also whether the King of France has intervened, and all else you
can learn.
ELIZABETH. ^41
1581.
Your action with the Queen and Councillors with the view of your
staying there was wise, as also was that directed against the Queen's
allowing her subjects to accept letters of marque froui Don Antonio
against mine. You are doing well also in keeping alive the fears
of the merchants of injury to themselves if Drake's plunder be not
restored. Keep on this course, as it may cause them to insist upon
the Queen and Councillors making amends.
I note what the queen of Scotland writes to you, saying that she
has associated her son's name with her own in the government of
the country, and your reply thereto. Continue to assure her of my
goodwill towards her and her son, and thus keep her well disposed
towards my interest, and press upon her the great desirability of
her son's submitting to the Catholic Church, in order that God
may favour him and we all may be better able to help him.
Although of itself this association with her son does not appear
to be objectionable, yet as it has been put forward by the French, it
must be considered whether they have not some secret object of
their own. You will investigate and carefully consider what this
may be.
The step you took with Cecil in connection with this matter, for
the purpose of arousing the suspicions of the Queen and Council
against the French, was not bad, as Alengon was there at the time
and the marriage negotiations so warm, and it might serve to cool
them somewhat, which we were otherwise powerless to do. For
this purpose it was useful, but as soon as the reason has disappeared
it would be highly inconvenient for the queen of Scotland to learn
that she was being embarrassed by any action of yours, and I doubt
not you will have taken care to foresee and remove this cause of
complaint by not repeating the step further than it may be needful
to do.
You did well in writing to the queen (of Scotland) yourself about
it and satisfying her.
Your remarks about Aldegonde's assertion respecting the cipher
used in my despatches, and your suggestions for greater secrecy,
are noted with approval. Your proposal that a special cipher should
be given to each minister who left here has been adopted for some
time past, and in this special cipher the minister writes to me alone,
the general cipher being used for correspondence of one minister
with another. As you say, truly, you in your present position need
a private cipher more than any other minister, and a new one shall
be sent to you.
If when the summer approaches, or as a consequence of Alenjou's
visit, they should begin to fit out more ships to help Don Antonio.
or for any other purpose prejudicial to me, you will use the utmost
vigilance in reporting it, so that, if possible, we m;iy got the news
in time to take the necessary counter-measures, which we can do if
we know where the blow is to fall ; as I have ordered fleets to bo
made ready to go wherever tbey may be required. — Lisbon, ISth
December 1581.
S42 Spanish state papers.
1681.
18 Dec. 185. The King to Bernardino de Mendoza.
k"i447! no!' Your letters of 20th October received. I thank you for giving
me so full an account of your audience with the Queen at Richmond.
Your remark that it will be advisable for you to leave, and that in
order not to lose touch of affairs there, a person should be sent under
the pretext of Drake's robbery, with powers and instructions to act
in that matter, has been favourably regarded, and we will be on the
look-out for a fitting person to send, when we shall have received
your report as to the effect produced by the last letter from me
which you say you gave to the Queen. No final decision can be
taken until we know what orders she has given to Drake, whom,
it would appear, she had summoned in consequence of that letter,
notwithstanding the violence of your interview with her. Until
we are able to decide what is to be done, we urge you to exert your
usual dexterity to keep your footing there, with due dignity and
authority. During this time you will continue to aid and encourage
the Catholics who are endeavouring to open up an understanding in
Scotland. I am glad the priest who went thither got such a good
reception, and is so hopeful of being able successfully to preach our
holy faith. I approve of all you have done in this respect with
Fathers Persons and Jasper, and I have ordered a credit of 2,000
crowns to be sent to you, to provide for those who go thither, as
they may need it. You will constantly keep me informed of what
I can do to help them, in the assurance that I will do it, as you
may inform them.
In order the better to forward so holy a work, you will consider
whether it will be advisable to put yourself into communication
with the queen of Scotland on the subject and seek her aid in it,
as she desires so much to see her son converted. Perhaps, on the
other hand, this course would make the matter prematurely known.
You will act as you think best, with care and vigilance. The news
you send about Alen9on, Don Antonio, and armaments in England,
and the coast of Normandy are useful, and should be sent frequently
and in full detail. Let me know also if you learn anything
more about the timber the English have contracted to take to
Barbaiy for the building of galleys ; giving me particulars of the
terms of the contract, the parties concerned, the ports they are
going to, and when they are to sail.— Lisbon, 18th December
1581.
25 Dec. 186. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
On the 19th and 20th the barges were ready for Alen9on's
departure ; some of the Frenchmen and the baggage having already
.started, The supper for the Queen and him was all prepared at
Cobham, when a strong north-east gale sprang up, and has been
blowing ever since. This being against the crossing, he has been
delayed, and in the meanwhile letters came to him from France,
about which he has conferred with the Queen, who had been
ELIZABETH. 243
1681.
anxious to expedite his departure in view of Flemish affairs.
Although she displayed grief publicly at his departure, I under-
stand that in her own chamber she danced for very joy at getting
rid of him, as she desired of all things to get him away from here.
Whilst he was being detained by contrary weather he told the
Queen that he could not help feeling hurt that she had been so
ready to let him go, knowing as she must how much he was
attached to her; but he could see by this how luke-warm was her
love for him, and that his presence tired her, since she was leady to
send him away rather in public disgrace than private satisfaction.
The Queen with a hundred thousand false words and oaths assured
him of her affection for him, and said that she had only been
brought to allow his departure in order to give him pleasure, and
not for her own gratification, since his departure was unnecessarily
hasty. Alen9on replied to this, " No, no. Madam, you are mine, as
" I can prove by letters and words you have written to me ;
" confirmed by the gift of the ring, of which I have sent intelli-
" gence to the King my brother, my mother, and the Princes of
" France, all those who were present at our interviews being ready to
" bear testimony. If I cannot get you for my wife by fair means
" and affection I must do so by force, for I will not leave this
" country without you." The Queen was perturbed at these words,
and replied that she had never written anything that she could not
justify, and she did not care what interpretation people chose to
put upon her letters as she knew her own intention better than
anyone else could ; and as for the ring, it was only a pledge of
perpetual friendship and of a conditional contract, dependent upon
his brother the King acceding to her conditions, which she was
quite sure he never would do. She protested, finally, that she was
entirely free from any matrimonial engagements, and, on the
contrary, was desirous of remaining in her present state, until she
could at all events overcome her natural hatred to marriage ; but
slie assured him, notwithstanding this, that there was nothing that
she desired more than that he should stay in this country as her
brother and friend, for mutual good companionship, but not as her
husband. Many words passed about this, the end of which was
that after the holidays they would discuss what money should be
given to him.
As the Queen saw this unexpected change in Alenjon, and at the
same time received nevys from the Ambassador Cobham that the
king of France would not be sorry for his brother to be delayed
here, she called the Lord Treasurer and repeated to him what had
passed, directing him to endeavour, with the greatest discretion
and moderation, to represent to Alen9on how important his presence
was in Flanders, and how evident was the danger that tiiey (the
States) would submit to your Majesty unless he were there to
prevent it. Cecil, by this means, was to urge him to depart, whilst
she undertook to feed him with hopes that he should take some
money with him.
When the Queen had done this, she sent secretly for Simicr, who
appareatly for a long time she has ^ad ia her iotereat, and hag
S8
244 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1581.
been entertaining here.* To him she complained greatly of the
annoyance she felt at Alen9on's pressing her so closely, saying that
she could not get ]'id of him without danger, or entertain him
further without inconvenience. Simierf advised her that if she was
not willing to marry, she should stand firm in the conditions which
she was demanding from the king of France, and that she should
insist upon their being granted before the settlement of the
marriage. The Queen repeated to him the conditions she had
proposed, (which I have already written to your Majesty), and
said that it was not to be imagined that the King would consent
to declare war against your Majesty, unless she undertook to
contribute to the cost. This would give her an excuse to publicly
negotiate for a confirmation of her old alliance with the House of
Burgundy, whereupon she doubted not that the King would break
off the negotiations, and recall Alen9on. Simier replied that she
must not depend upon this, because the king of France well knew
the evil inclination of his brother, his inconstancy in religion, and
his readiness to encourage faction, and he might well grant her
terms in order to get rid of his brother out of the country, and set
him free to encourage sedition elsewhere rather than in France,
and tlius put a stop to the civil war which England had kept alive
for so many years. The Queen replied, " Do not think that the
" King will grant these terms ; but even if he do, I shall find a
" road out of it. You may see how Alen5on loves me by a very
" good thing I will tell you in strict secrecy. On the 22nd, he
" asked me at least to let him have some money to maintain the
" war in Flanders, which he said he had begun for my sake, and
" that I should thus recompense him for the affront of my refusing
" to marry him. As I found no other convenient way of getting
" rid of him, I offered him a considerable sum per month, the first
" payment of which I promised to assure at once. This has so
" much brightened him up that you would not know him, if you
" saw him, but as soon as he is across the sea, I will assure him
" that my Council will not agree to the arrangement, on the ground
" that my country cannot, without unduly weakening itself,
" contribute so large a sum and the people would not allow it." This
was the more evident as it might be inferred that Alen5on's object
in getting so much treasure from England was to reduce the
country to impotence (this being one of the reasons which were set
forth in the Council when Alen^on arrived) and that there was no
* Simier, always in high favour -with the Queen, had been driven from thn serrice of
Alen9on by the deadly rivalry of Balagny (the natural son of MonluB, bishop of
Valence), and Fervaques. He was really in England at the time for the purpose of
keeping the king of France secretly informed of the inner working of the Queen's
mind, -which Simier's extraordinary familiarity with her eniibled him to do. His
ostensible reason for coming was to challenge Fervaques, The latter arranged with
Leicester ouce again to attempt to have Simier murdered. He was attacked by assassins
on the Exchange but escaped, and the Queen was so enraged with Leicester as to tell
him that he was a murderous poltroon who was only fit to be hanged.
f In the King's hand : — " I either! do not know, or do not recollect, who this is.
He must be a Frenchman." The King's forgettulness of Alen(;on'8 former favourite
and Leii^ester's temporary rival perhaps arises from the fact that in this letter his uams
Js uiis-sfelt ^'Picv,
ELIZABETH. 245
1581.
better way for Alen90n to attenuate the strength of England than
to get money under cover of its being to the advantage of this
country to maintain the war in the Netherlands. She said that
money was the sinew of warfare, for it was certain, as the world
went now, that no one need want soldiers who had money to pay
for them, Cecil is of opinion, therefore, that if any money is given
to Alen^on it should be very little, and that the Queen should not
divest herself of what she has. She dwelt at length with Simier
on the point, and the colloquy ended with great merriment as
they said that Alenjon was a fine gallant to sell his lady for
money.
I am informed that since the return of Beal from the queen of
Scotland with his report of her good reception of him, the Queen
discussed the matter with Alen9on, complaining of the Guises, of
whom Alengon used the most shameful and dishonourable language,
so much so that the Queen showed him a letter she had written to
his brother the King, complaining of them (the Guises) in the most
vituperative and abusive words. Alengon wanted the Queen to
moderate it somewhat, in order that the Guises might not think
that he had incited her to write thus, but he did not dare to press
the matter upon her, for fear that she might think that his own
expressions were feigned. And so the letter was sent to the King.
Alengon has been pressing the Queen greatly to send Simier
away, but she has excused herself by saying that it was not well to
expel any one from the country, especially a stranger, who had
come hither to justify himself with regard to his behaviour in the
marriage negotiations, which she could testify he had managed
better than anyone else. Alengon had thereupon sent to tell Simier
that, if he considered himself still in his service, he must instantly
leave England. Simier replied, that, although he had been his
servant, he was not so now, and that until he had given a good
account of himself, and all the world had acknowledged that he
was innocent of the charges made against him, he would not budge
li-om the country; whereupon Alengon became more angry than
before, and again pressed the Queen to expel him.
The Treasurer continues his efforts to expedite Alengon's
departure, and I understand that, as another reason for hastening
him, they have represented how expensive it will be for him to
stay here over New Year's Day, by reason of the presents he will
have to give, according to the custom of the country. I cannot
say, however, precisely, the day that he will leave, as it depends
upon the instability of the Queien and Alengon ; nor can I assert
whether his going to Flanders will be carried through, but it is
quite evident that all Englishmen were greatly rejoiced at seeing
him ready to go, and they brought the ships to the mouth of the
river to take him over, almost dead against the wind.
Lord Harry Howard, the brother of the duke of Norfolk, I have
known by repute for years past, by means of priests, as a good
Catholic, who, since his reconciliation with the Church, has
performed all his duties as such. He was therefore desirous of
bringing about the marriage, as he believed, like many others, that
24^6 Spanish state papebs.
1581.
it would result in their being allowed freedom for their faith. On
hearing that the earl of Oxford (Hertford ?) had accused him and
Francis Arundel of submitting to the Roman Church, and that the
Queen had ordered them both secretly to be arrested, they came to
my house at midnight, although I had never spoken to them, and
told me that they had been warned of their danger by a Councillor,
a friend of Lord Harry's. They had been in close communication
with the French ambassador, but they did not dare to trust him at
this juncture, and feared that they would be taken to the Tower
and their lives be sacrificed. They therefore came to me in their
peril, and asked me to hide them and save their lives. As they
were Catholics, I detained them without anyone in the house
knowing of it, excepting one servant, until their friend the
Councillor informed them that they would only be placed under
arrest in a gentleman's house, whereupon they immediately showed
themselves in public. In his gratitude for my kindness in
sheltering him, Lord Harry has expressed to me most emphatically
that all that he has is at your Majesty's service, thus showing his
acknowledgment for the favour I did him, which is no small
noveltj' for an Englishman to do. He has very good parts and
understanding, and is friendly with the ladies of the privy chamber,
who tell him exactly what passes indoors. He is extremely intimate
also with Sussex, and as he is so pressing in his desire to serve
your Majesty, I have thought fit to represent it to you.— London,
25th December ] 581.
25 Dec. 187. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
When the order I mentioned in former letters was sent to Don
Antonio's ships by the Queen, nearly all the mariners and soldiers
le(t them, glad of the opportunity, in consequence of the hunger by
which they were pressed. The captains alone remained, as they
wrote to the Council, in order not to abandon the ships until they
knew who had to pay them the wages that were due. The Council
sent a new order for all of the pirates bearing Don Antonio's letters
of marque to enter port at once, under heavy penalties, and for the
captains to put into port all the ships which Don Antonio had
bought, on the sale of which the wages due should be paid to them
out of the proceeds. I understand that when this second order
arrived, two of Don Antonio's ships were at sea, and I do not know,
tberefcre, how they w ill obey it ; but as the three have not sailed
together, and have not taken fresh victuals, it is to be expected
that they will only go to the mouth of the Channel to plunder. If
they do not capture a ship with plenty of victuals on board, they
must soon return to port. I have also had the jiirates in his pay
incited to claim their wages out of the proceeds of the sale of the
ships, and I am told now that all the pirate ships have returned to
the ports.
The Council met to consider the reply I sent, as advised on the
11 til December, respecting the property brought from Terceira.
Some of them were of opinion that it should not be deposited in
the hands of Dr. Lopez, but should be entrusted to some Englishman;
ELlZABtlTS. 247
1581.
but Leicester and Walsingham, who are interested in it, represented
that tlie Queen had already given the order, and those who opposed
it were consequently silenced. Although, to prevent anything
from falling into the hands of Don Antonio, I have advocated the
appropriation of this property at a very low price by the Queen's
officers, to be used in her own household, in order to decrease the
amount recoverable, Leicester and Walsingham have managed to get
the embargo raised, so that Walsingham himself might the better
get his finger into it. I understand Don Antonio will obtain very
little indeed for his share, but, little as it may be, Lopez and a
brother of his will keep it, on the ground that they have guaranteed
certain sums for him on account of the purchase of ships. Although
virtually we have succeeded in the main design, namely, to prevent
Don Antonio from benefiting, I said that I would report to your
Majesty the declaration which this carried with it, of the Queen's
approbation of the war. I think of telling her this, as I am assured
that she knows nothing about it, and that it is all a trick of the
men I have mentioned. This will have the effect of bridling them
somewhat for the future.
Francisco Antonio de Souza, Don Antonio's secretary, who came
with the French consul in Lisbon, I understand brought the letter
to prevail upon Alen9on to intercede with the Queen to allow Don
Antonio's ships to go to France. He has also conferred with
merchants, who have some jewels of Don Antonio's pledged for
5,000^., to get them to send the jewels to Flanders in the Queen's
ships that are going, insuring them, for which three per cent, will
be paid, and undertaking that, on their arrival at Antwerp, the
loan should be repaid to the person who delivered the jewels. They
have refused the proposal, and I am told that Souza is about to go
to Antwerp, having been closeted with Alen9on lately for more than
an hour.
Six hundred Englishmen have lately slipped over from Dover and
Sandwich to Holland, with the intention of reinforcing the standards
of Colonel Norris, who writes to the Queen that Verdugo was
pressing them so closely in Friesland, that they must abandon that
province and take refuge in Gueldres.
At the conclusion of the last Parliament in Scotland it was
prorogued in order to settle some pending 'matters in a few days.
Amongst these, was the renewal of the statute forbidding people to
leave the kingdom without the King's license, or to exercise, out of
the country, any other religion than the national one. If anyone
returning from abroad was proved to have heard mass, he was
condemned to loss of property for the first ofience, and loss of life
for the second. They have spread the news here in a different
sense, saying that it only referred to people in Scotland, and also
that d'Aubigny was in such disgrace with the King that he was
trying to escape, which is a lie and contrary to all advices. When
they proposed in Parliament to allow disputations respecting the
Catholic religion, the King said that it was a matter that should be
considered, but was not then to be discussed.
248 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1581. ~
When the French commissioners came hither there arrived
within a few days a Baion Gaspard de Schomberg who is a
vassal of the duke of Guise, eldest son of his Lieutenant-General,
and a brother-in-law of Gaspard Schomberg (?), a Colonel of German
infantry, and a Marshal of the king of France. He usually
associates with Frenchmen, but he sought an opportunity for an
interview with me, saying that as he had come to see this country,
and was a Catholic, having served the Emperor Maximilan in Poland,
and was a devoted adherent of the House of Austria, he wished to
know whether he could be of any service to your Majesty. I thanked
him as I thought appropriate, and he afterwards fell ill, which
kept him here until the duke of Alen^on arrived, and the latter has
been approaching him thvougli Marchaumont, and Hans Schomau
the Swiss captain of Alenjon's guard, as to whether he would raise
troops to serve in the Netherlands, in which case they would give
him the same entertainment that the king of France gave to his
brother-in-law. He replied that; until he had made up his mind as
to whether he would serve a prince, he was not the man to enter
into discussions as to the conditions under which he should serve,
lie had served King Charles, his brother, and brought troops to
France, but he never thought under any prince to bear arms against
the House of Austria, and above all, against your Majesty. He
advised me of this, saying that I should no doubt hear of it through
other channels, ami as he was now about to leave for Germany, he
asked me to write to the Archduke Ferdinand, who knew him,
telling him how he had behaved here. He also said that if it was
important to have the Electors of Saxony and Brandenburg on your
Majesty's side, he had means of arranging it if your Majesty would
deign to employ him in the matter, which he said your Majesty's
minister in Germany would understand, and would say more about
his abilities than he cared to do. I promised him the letter for the
Archduke, which was conceived in general terms, but said that the
other matters were not in my province. So far as I can judge,
he is a manly soldier, and speaks many languages, very much
more perfectly than Germans usually do.
It is said that Alen9on has i-eceived from his brother in cash and
bills here 80,000 crowns ; but the truth is that it is only the 20,000
of which I wrote, and which have been paid by merchants here.
He has begun to buy some jewels of them, and three days ago a
courier brought him some jewels from France to give as presents.
All the money he had spent previously was that which St. Aldegonde
brought him. He sent the Swiss captain Schomau to Germany a
few days ago to raise troops.
The rebel States ha-^'e sent to ask him to take measures to prevent
the Frenchmen stationed l^etween Bruges and Antwerp from
committing such great disorder, a.s the country cannot endure them.
They say that the Ghent people, as soon as Orange left, detained
the States and Council, without allowing them to depart. — London
25th December 158L
ELIZABETH. 249
1581.
25 Dec. 188. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
The Councillors usually resident at Court met to discuss what
has passed between the Queen and Alengon, as related in another
letter herewith. They resolved that they had given their opinion
so often that they had nothing more to say about it. The
Treasurer proposed that it would, under the circumstances, be
advisable to seek the friendship of your Majesty ; tranquillising
affairs in the Netherlands and confirming the alliance with your
Majesty. The object of this was to sound the other councillors
on the subject. The Lord Chancellor approved of the idea, as
did also the Admiral and Sir James Crofts, the controller, all
of whom agreed with Cecil, whilst Leicester, Hatton, Knollys, the
treasurer of the Household, and Walsingham, were of a different
opinion, and affirmed that nothing would suit them so well as
to make a supreme effort to trouble and disturb you on all
hands. Sussex only remarked that it was a subject for deep
consideration, as looking at the circumstances, both here and in the
Netherlands, your Majesty and your Councillors were not likely to
accept a peace which was not both honourable and profitable to
you ; and he thought therefore that the matter would be difiicult of
arrangement.
At the same sitting the Treasurer raised the question of the
restitution of Drake's plunder, whereupon Leicester and Walsingham
took up the matter with much resentment, and said that there was
no reason to discuss that, but that the money should rather be
employed underhand in making war upon your Majesty, than it
should be thought for a moment that it could ever be restored.
The Treasurer, the Chancellor, the Admiral, Sussex, and the Con-
troller, replied that they thought that it must be restored, especially
as it was the Queen's will that this should be done with what was
in her possession, but that it might be so arranged that a time
might be taken for paying it, security being given that at the
expiry thereof it should be surrendered, which might be settled
with me.
A Spaniard who has lived here for some time, a man of no
particular ability, had occasion recently to see the Treasurer on a
private matter, when Cecil took him aside, and, having asked after me,
with some preamble said that, as he (i.e. the man) was a born Spaniard
resident here for so many years, he was sure he desired that the
two countries should be friendly ; he, Cecil, would like to hear his
opinion as to how a firm friendship might be made, your Majesty
retaining the Netherlands. He dwelt at great length upon this,
and the man replied that these were matters which he did not
understand, and he could say nothing about them, except that he
had always found me desirous of bringing about kindly relations.
Looking at the circumstances by the light of my poor under-
standing, I can only say on this point that the opinion of people
here, great and small, is that the most desirable thing for them is
to make sure of your Majesty, this also being the view of the most
influential Councillors, as is proved by Cecil having broached the
piatter to so light and inconsiderable a man as the one I have
250 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1581. — —
mentioned. They are mainly moved to this by two reasons, one of
which is the fear naturally aroused by affairs in Scotland, and the
association of the King and his mother in the claims of the latter,
which will enable her when she please to claim, not only the
succession, but the possession of the English crown, for which reason
the Queen desires to divide the Scots Catholics from the rest of
their countrymen. Their number is large enough to cause anxiety
now, without taking into account the possibility of the King, by
God's mercy, becoming a Catholic, in which case his just claim,
favoured by his Holiness and the Christian princes, would enable
him to overthrow, not the Queen only, but, above all, those who
are now paramount here. The other reason is that the Queen has
gone so far in the matter of the marriage with Alen9on (although
they have all agreed from the first that she never had the slightest
intention of marrying him) that, even though he may not resent
his treatment at present, he undoubtedly would do so as soon as
he married, which must be soon, as his brother has no children.
Besides this the Queen is sending him away without any intention
of fulfilling her promises to him about the Netherlands, and he will
certainly be persuaded by all his advisers, for the sake of his
interests in France, to retaliate upon England by means of affairs
in Scotland. He will be moved to this both by his own interests
and desire for vengeance.
In addition to these reasons, which are forcible enough, I plainly
see that my action with the Treasurer about Scotland, and my
usual spirited and firm treatment of the Queen and her Ministers,
have had the effect of driving them to seek your Majesty directly
they see themselves pressed by the French. I am, however, so
suspicious of their falseness that, on the supposition that these
approaches may be for the purpose of conciliating me in order that
they may thereby be able to treat more favourably with Alen9on
and the French, to whom they may represent that, if they do not
come to terms with them, I was still courting them, I am displaying
more firmness towards them than ever. In pursuance of this I am
showing no anxiety whatever about the Queen's intimacy with the
French, as if I thought that the alliance with them might even be
advantageous to your Majesty. By this means I have succeeded
in making Alen9on press the Queen more closely, and have increased
her fear of your Majesty, as she is almost certain that when he
leaves here she cannot avoid a quarrel with the French. They will
therefore be obliged to come in search of your Majesty, and we
sliall be able to deal with them as your Majesty desires. It has
also had the effect of preventing their insolence from reaching the
clouds, as it would have done if they had seen me so much as wink
at them. I told the man who brought the message from the
Treasurer, when he suggested that I should tell him by what means
the Queen might be able to assure herself of your Majesty, that it
was lor her to do that by removing all reasons which made her
apprehensive of your Majesty's power. I thus opened the door to
them.
Should they approach me on the question of the restoration of
^ELIZABETH. 2B1
1581,
Drake's plunder, I will not refuse if they offer to return that which
is in the Queen's possession, but at the same time I shall not omit
to demand the rest, and this in such a way as shall force her to
deliver what she holds with greater promptitude. I will give
instant advice to your Majesty, but as all these Ministers are
somewhat inharmonious with the French, and they with them,
I think that it will be best for me not to see the Queen until I
understand which is the best course to pursue. — London, 25th
December 1581.
29 Dec. 189. Bernakdino de Mendoza to the King.
As I was despatching the three accompanying letters, I heard
that a reply had been received from the king of France, and I
consequently delayed them until I learnt the purport of it. The
Queen displays every day further signs of her never having
intended to marry Alen9on, and in conversation with the Treasurer,
on the night of the 25th, she told him that, even if it would make
her empress of all the world, she would not marry Alen^on. The
Treasurer on the following day therefore urged upon Alen9on that
on no account should he miss this opportunity of going to the
Netherlands, and rescuing them from the hands of your Majesty.
Alen9on replied that he thought the Treasurer's remark was
prompted more by a desire to please the Queen by getting rid of
him than by any wish for his, Alen^on's, aggrandisement. He said
that on account of England he had taken upon himself the defence
of the Flemish rebels, in the hope of marrying the Queen, but if the
latter result were not to be attained, he would go no further with
the war, and would meddle no more with the Netherlands. He
would by every means in his power complain to all Christian
princes of the injury they (the English) had done him, and doubted
not that the King, his brother, would resent it.
When the Queen heard this she intimated to AIen9on how
impossible it was for her to control the matter of the marriage, and
begged him to accept her as a friend and sister, without thinking of
her as a wife. Alen9on was much offended at this, after having
undergone so much, both publicly and privately, for her sake, and
having entirely lost the attachment of the Catholics, in consequence
of his fervent pursuit of the marriage, imperilling hia safety and
running so much risk as he had, and said that he would rather lose
his life now than leave here without marrying her. The Queen
asked hinj whether he meant to threaten a poor old woman in her
own countrj-, and whether this was the result of all his protestations
of love for 'her ; and added that if she did not think that all these
things were not rather inspired by the force of his love, rather than
by his reason, she would surely think he was crazy, and he had
better take care not to lose the best friends he had by such words
as these. Alen9on replied, " No, no. Madam," and assured her that,
if she doubted his love for her and thought that his words were
meant to threaten her, she understood them ill, for he swore that
rather would he tear himself to bits with his o-yvn hands than lose
252 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1851.
the hope of raarrjdng her, and thus become the derision of the whola
world. He thereupon burst into tears, and the Queen gave him a
handkerchief to dry them, consoling him with words more tender
even than the occasion demanded.
She afterwards related what had passed to Sussex, and told hira
that she would rather be able to dismiss Alen5on in a good humour
than possess another crown. The day before yesterday she
complained also to Sussex that Alen^on had written to his brother
within three days of her having given him the ring, teiUng him
that he was affianced, with a pledge and keepsake, as much as he,
the King, was to his wife the Queen. Sussex said it was incredible
that he could have written such a thing as that, whereupon she
said that the king of France had actually repeated the formal words
to her ambassador, Cobham, and if Alen9on had known her intention,
even for his own reputation's sake, he would not have written such
a thing, as the promise was a conditional one on both sides, first
depending upon the ratification of the conditions by the king of
France, which conditions she was obliged to demand for the sake
of herself and her realm ; and, secondly, dependent upon her ability
to bring herself to marry, which was so repugnant to her, her
sole object being the benefit of her country. She told him that the
conditions had therefore not been complied with on either side,
inasmuch as, for her part, she hated the idea of marriage every day
more, for reasons which she would not divulge to a twin soul, if she
had one, much less to a living creature, whereas on the side of the
king of France she directed attention to a letter written by
the King's own hand, saying, in substance, with regard to the con-
dition imposed by her, namely, that the war should be sustained in
the Netherlands without any help from England, that he, the King,
remained of the same opinion as when he wrote through Secretary
Pinart, namely, that he would not make any fresh alliance with
England before the marriage ; saying that she must marry
Alen9on first, and might then ask for fresh conditions, in
accordance with their new relationship. She would, he said,
thus by the marriage gain with the King as much as she would
with Alen^on, her husband ; and in addition to this the King stated
reasons why she should contribute a half of the expenses of the
Flemish war, instead of throwing on to his shoulders the whole
burden, with the enmity of so great a prince as your Majesty;
besides which, even his friendship for England made him unwilling
to dissipate his strength and money in a similar business, which,
moreover, was England's affair. When Sussex had read the letter,
the Queen called him to witness that the marriage was now
impossible for her, and " for the future," she said, swearing to God,
which she very frequently does, " What living man will dare to
" throw the blame on me, seeing that they wanted to bind me with
" a conditional contract ?" It is clear from this that she gave the
ring with the object which I mentioned to your Majesty, of making
the conditions an excuse for arousing Alengon's resentment against
his brother, and so to set them by the ears in this way. Sussex
approved of the Queen's opinion, and she gave him raanjr thanks,
ELIZABETH. 253
1581.
telling him to do his best to send Alentjon away in a good humour,
for it was quite impossible for her to marry him.
Lord Harry assures me that he is told by trustworthy people
that, during the conversations between the Queen and Alen9on, she
pointed out to him how difficult it would be for them to live
together if he were of a different religion to her, whereupon
Alen9on assured her, with an oath, that he would abandon his
religion for the sake of her love ; which would be difficult to believe
if the French themselves did not say that Alen9on had won the
four best dukedoms in France by having taken the side of the
Huguenots against his brother, and to be king of England would
be a greater prize still.* He hears mass every day, and although he
eats fish on Fridays and Saturdays, on the eve of St. Thomas, which
was a fast day and a vigil, he publicly supped on meat. The
Queen has hitherto refused to give him a final reply with regard
to the marriage, but she now desires to do so with a decided
negative, which he is evading. Alen9on's most intimate friends
say that he has greatly cooled lately in the idea of going to the
Netherlands, so much so that they assert that he would prefer
rather to tarry here than go thither or to France, as, in addition
to the suspicions he has of his brother, he has not a penpy to spend,
having, as the French themselves confess, pawned the revenues of
his dukedoms for the next three years.
The Treasurer recently told the earl of Northumberland that he
would never concur in a sum of money being given to Alen^on,
unless it was as the Queen's husband, and the rest of the Councillors
are of the same opinion. The Queen herself told this to a person,
and I suspect that her withdrawal of the promise to give him the
money was caused by the representations made to her and the fear
that, if she gave him the money, these people would be against her.
I do not know when Alen9on will leave.
The Swiss captain who I wrote to your Majesty that Alen9on
had sent to Germany is not called Haus Schornau, but Joshua
Caber. They gave him three hundred crowns here, and an order
for twelve hundred more in Paris, with which to go to Swit;5erland
and raise G,000 foot, for which money and commissions would be
sent him, although his friends say that he had little hopes of doing
this. Alen9on had also decided that Hans Schornau, who is a
German, and a lieutenant here of Count Charles Mansfeldt, who
was with Ludovic in the Friesland rout, should raise 3,000 horse,
to be commanded by the Count. Orange has sent to say, however,
that they had better only raise 1,500, and he would raise the other
1,500, whilst there should only be 3,000 Swiss footmen. He
intimated to Alen9on that it would be better not to have all the
forces together, but that Alenjon should have one body and he.
Orange, the other, so as to divide your Majesty's armies, under
which pretext Orange will always be stronger than Alen9on.
* By the " Peace of Monsieur," as it was called, signed in 1576, Alenpon had gained
100,000 livres and the duchios of Anjou, Berry, and Touraine,
254 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1581. ' ~ ~
Notwithstanding this, Alen^on has ordered Hans Schornau not to
raise more than 2,000 horse, but has again been told that only
1,500 should be raised, Hans will leave directly, and will take bills
on Frankfort, in order to pay ten crowns earnest per horse, fifteen
thousand crowns in all. — London, 29th December 1581.
31 Dec. 190. Tiie King to Bernardino de Mendoza.
k"i447'. 83.°' Four letters from you of 20th November, and one of the 24th,
have been received, and I am anxious to get your next letter to
learn how the marriage with Alen9on has ended. From what you
say, it did not appear so entirely settled as they declared in Paris
that it was. The Parliament again may raise difficulties, although
in other respects the matter was forward enough, and you did well
to send the report you did.
The step you were instructed to take on the 8th October with
the Queen had for its object, as you were informed, to check the
negotiations they were so warmly carrying on with France for an
alliance, for which purpose Walsingham was in Paris. As the
affair fell through of itself and has not been renewed, and Alengon
has gone to England with the idea of marriage, our reason for the
step disappeared, and you did well to defer it, as at that time it
might have had an opposite effect. By your next letters we shall
learn the position of affairs, and whether it will be advisable to
send _you another letter of credence of fresher date. If any desire
is showDj it will be, as you say, amply sufficient to ratify already
existing treaties, but on no account anything further.
I was very glad to see the coufidence with which the queen of
Scotland writes to you, and that affairs in that country were
assuming a better form. You will do your best to gain and keep
her sympathy, and will act in all Scotch matters in accordance
with previous instructions.
The steps you took to recover the merchandise taken by Don
Antonio's people were appropriate, and j^ou will continue them, as
also your efforts to obtain the restitution of Drake's plunder, which
is much more important. — 31st December 1581.
1582.
2 Jan. 191, Memorandum of Cardinal de Granvelle to the King.
B. M. [Extract.]
28,702. From the contents of the letters of Juan Bautista (de Tassis),
and the assurance given to him by Hercules (i.e., the duke of
Guise), I am confirmed in my opinion that Alen9on takes no step
without the knowledge and coimivance of his brother and mother.
The marriage with the queen of England is taking the course which
I foretold long ago, and this will be seen all the more clearly from
Don Bernardino's letters. There is no appearance, so far as I caa
see, of the Queen-mother's going to England ; I expect the ships are
rather for the return of Alen9on. It is quite probable that not only
will their alliance fall through, but they will become enemies in
consequence.
ELIZABETH. 2^^
1682.
8 Jan. 192. The King to Beenardino de Mendoza.
Ii*'^H47^! ii"' ^^ learn from your letters of 4th December that the Queen's
marriage with the duke of Alen9on was being broken off. I hope
that God will ordain it as may be best for His cause, which
doubtless was not the end they had in view. You will keep me
fully informed on this. You did well in having the stolen mer-
chandise, brought from Terceira, stopped at Lyme, and I am sure
you will follow the matter up. I am delighted to hear how
discredited Don Antonio must be with the mariners, for them to
have deserted his ships. Advise us as to the crew and stores of the
ship which was at Plymouth bound for the Moluccas, and also, if
possible, the course she intends to take out and home. It is a
deplorable thing on the one hand, and a great consolation on the
other, to hear of the martyrdom of those saints. I hope to God, as
you do, that this and all the blood shed in England for the faith
will cry aloud to Him for a remedy to be sent. — Lisbon, 8th January
1582.
10 Jan. 193. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
On the 8th instant Captain Robert, who I wrote had sailed from
Bristol for Terceira with two ships, arrived here. He reports that
no foreign troops had arrived there up to the 10th ultimo, and
that they were busy fortifying the country. He brings back
another ship besides his own two, all of which left Terceira for the
purpose of robbery, and captured two caravels loaded with sugar
coming from Brazil. One of them he sent to Terceira, and the
other, the larger and more valuable, he brought hither. I received
information as soon as he arrived in port, and sent to ask the
Treasurer to obtain an order from the Queen for the stoppage of the
property until the owners appeared, at the same time complaining
of the piracy. He replied that it was a matter upon which I should
address the full Council. I had done this in a communication to
Walsingham, whose business it is to lay such matters before them,
but he sent word that the Council would not meet so quickly, which
is merely an excuse for him and Leicester, as interested persons, to
keep the property, this Robert being a servant of Leicester's who
had been despatched for the purpose of plundering.
Francisco Antonio de Souza has arranged nothing with Alenjon
or the Queen. On the contrary, Alen9on is understood to have
expressed his annoyance to Marchaumont that this Portuguese was
pressing him to approach the Queen on Don Antonio's business
whilst his own affairs were still pending. Souza has gone to
Antwerp, as he says,'^to forward Don Antonio's affairs. I hear that
the two ships of Don Antonio's which had put to sea were at the Isle
of Wight a week ago. — London, 10th January 1582.
10 Jan. 194. Beenardino de Mendoza to the King.
I wrote on the 29th, saying how anxious the Queen and Ministers
were for Alenjon to leave, but he is still here.
The Queen's ambassador in France has reported the arrival
2^6
1682.
SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
there of a special Nuncio who came to treat of four subjects
amongst others — first, that a Turkisl) ambassador should not be
allowed to reside in France ; second, that Alen9on should entirely
abandon his help to, and connection with, the Flemish rebels ; third,
that the marriage negotiations should be broken off; and, fourth,
the marriage of Alengon to one of the Infantas. The ambassador
adds that since the Nuncio's arrival the Turkish ambassador was
with but small hope of a favourable despatch, and that M. de
Lansac would not leave until the king of France had received a
reply to a letter which he had sent to his ambassador in Spain
reporting the intelligence that Alen9on had sent from here.
At the same time the Queen received news from the earl of
Arran in Scotland that D'Aubigny was negotiating with the duke
of Guise for foreign troops to be brought into the country, which
has caused great anxiety to her and her Ministers. Before
she received this intelligence she adopted the course of getting
St. Aldegonde to persuade Alen9on to leave at once, he having
assured her that he would not do so until she gave him an answer,
giving her as a token of this, for a New Year's gift, an anchor set
with precious stones. The above-mentioned news, however, made
this Queen slacken in her efforts to get him gone, and she again
made a display of wishing to conclude the marriage. On Twelftii-
night eve she assured Alen(jon of this with tender words, which
fihe sealed with an oath ; and Alengon and Secretary Pinart made
it clear to her that, when she gave her decided promise to marry
Alenjon, and Lansac came, the other conditions should be discussed,
but she has not yet consented to this.
The Queen-mother has written rather a sharp letter to Alen9on
pointing out the injury which he may suffer by remaining here, as
the Queen was only delaying him for the purpose of sending him
away the more discredited. I understand that on the 7th the
Treasurer urged the Queen to give Alen^on some money and send
him off, as he said it was not meet that he should be detained
here. She replied that when she had an answer to what she had
written to the king of France she would do so. The French
declare that Lansac will be here in four days, and they are basing
their hopes of the marriage on the action of Parliament, which is
convoked for the 18th instant, whilst the English are so vexed at
hearing them say this, and that the marriage will take place, that
it has been necessary for the Queen to tranquillise the people by
ordering the sailors who had left the ships to return to them and
go to the mouth of the river, in order that they may think that
Alen9on is shortly to leave. There is, however, no certainty of
this, although he has ordered some of his servants, who were about
to return to France, to delay their departure, saying that he
himself would shortly be going. The instability of him and the
Queen is such that no dependence can be placed upon the decision
of either of them.
Alen9on was already wavering about going to Flanders, and now
the news of Orange's retirement from Ghent and Antwerp has
cooled him still more, although he continued to make preparatioQS
ELIZABETH. 261
1582,
for the war. He sent to Antwerp some of the money which he
had received in cash from France. The remittance is sent in sight
bills on Antwerp drawn by Horatio Pallavicini to the duke of
Alenfon's order, and the money is to be sent to Lyons. I under-
stand that this is in fulfilment of an ofier made by certain
Florentines here to raise some companies of light horse for him in
Italy if he would advance them some money. I do not know
what sum was sent, but as this money market is a narrow one,
and there are not many bills to be had on Antwerp, it cannot be
large.
Whilst writing this I learn that St. Aldegonde, having received
a despatch from Orange, represented to Alenyon the state in which
the rebels were, and said that he must make up his mind, yes or
no, whether he would immediately go over to the States. He
replied that they must be told to do the best they could with the
troops he had sent them, as he could not decide to go over in
person until after he had efiected the marriage, upon which
depended the help he was to receive in the war from his brother
and this Queen, To this St. Aldegonde replied that he would take
the message to the States himself, but I do not know whether he
has yet done so. — London, 10th January 1582.
14 Jan. 195. The Queen of Scotland to Bernardino de Mendoza,
I received on the 20th ultimo your letters of the 13th, and
Bubseqnently those of 9th, 28th, and 29th November. I thank
you affectionately for the trouble you take to keep me well informed
of events, and for your good advice respecting my own affairs, both
in the above-mentioned letters and those of October last, to which
I have not hitherto had an opportunity of replying as I desired,
except when I wrote on the 6th November. I will now deal
summarily with the whole question, and my intentions thereon.
First, as to the conversion of my son to the Catholic Church, which
you ask me to forward in the name of your master the King in
order to complete the harmonious understanding already com-
menced between us with regard to Scotch affairs, and to bind my
son as closely as possible to the King, with a view to the conclusion
of the treaty of alliance recently proposed, and a close friendship
for the future. I have had my son approached by some of those
who surround him with all possible care, as most of his principal
councillors are so infected with this unhappy heresy that they give
the poor child no opportunity of breathing any other atmosphere.
For this reason I have hitherto only been able to obtain the
assurance that he will listen to the ecclesiastics whom I have sent
to him. If the archbishop of Glasgow goes to Scotland from
France, as I have ordered him to do, I have directed him expressly to
take with him some doctors of theology who may be worthy of
such a task. They will omit no efforts to lay the foundation of a
re-establishment of religion in that poor realm, now so corrupted,
I have come to the conclusion, different from that which you
mention, that it will be better to employ Scotsmen, as the Enghsh
y 8454J. ^
258 SPANISH STATE PAPERS,
1582.
are not popular there, particularly amongst the common people,
owing to the ancient hatred between the two countries. As they
are foreigners, moreover, and do not understand the language, they
could not do much good. With all my heart I pray to God, upon
whom alone depends the perfection of the good work, to inspire my
son and his principal councillors to recognise the truth of His faith,
for the triumph of which I would willingly give all that this world
can afford.
With regard to the negotiation put forward for the association of
my son with myself in the crown of Scotland, respecting which I
wrote to you in October, and to which I have mainly been in-
fluenced by the advice of the Pope, confirmed by that of all my
best friends and servants, I have so complete a tmst in you that
I can say that my son in manj' letters has plainly assured me that
there is nothing in the world concerning the State in which he will
fail to obey me as a dutiful son. Whatever may be done with
regard to the resignation of my position in Scotland, I protest that,
in consideration of the goodwill towards us of the King your
master, and even of your own responsiveness in his name, my
greatest desire is to bind my son to him entirely by the above-
mentioned means. Up to the present, however, I have been unable
to obtain a decided pronouncement from your master the King, or
any plain declaration of his intention, and I therefore beg you very
earnestly, in acceptance of your own offer, to pray the King to
reply fully as to his wishes with regard to what I have written
to him, so that I may know what to expect and not labour use-
lessly to bring things in Scotland to his devotion, as I have done
for the last twelve years. If he has any desire to concern himself
in the matter, I can assure you that there is no more prompt way
of advancing it than by the granting of some gifts and pensions
to some of the principal persons, as I have often been solicited
to do, but have been unable, as you may judge, out of the little left
to me of my dower in France, wliich has so many claims upon it.
The greater part of them might be won over in this way, and I
even have certain assurance that the duke of Lennox himself may
be made instrumental in this, as he is only seeking his personal
aggrandisement.
With regard to your question respecting your communications
with Scotland, if you have people to undertake the carrying of
your letters to the iirontier I will find people who will take them
from there and bring back the reply thither. You may safely
address Lord Ogilvie, George Douglas, first usher of my son's
chamber, brother to Lord Lochleven, or to the laird of Fernihurst,
who is on the border.
I thank you for the warm interest you show in my affairs, and
your continued stay in England on my account. I am deeply
indebted to you for this, and again importune you privatelj' still to
defer your departure for some time longer ; even until some
decision is arrived at regarding the marriage of this Queen with the
■duke of Alen9on, respecting which, I can assure you, things are in
ELIZABETS. 26Q
1582.
BUeh a confusion and feeling is bo strong that some great change
must result from it shortly, in view of which fact you will see how
very necessary your presence will be to my interests.
With regards to Beal's visit and his negotiations with me, I will
give you the principal points of his mission. His first object was
to discover what was the real object of the granting of the style of
King to my son, and how I intended to proceed in the matter ;
secondly, to dissuade me from it on behalf of his mistress, who
was infinitely offended, as he said, at the bad behaviour of my
son towards her, wherefore she sought to induce me to join with
her in settling Scotch affairs, and complained of my son and the
duke of Lennox, his councillor, who, she said, was the principal
perturber of the harmony between the two countries. She
advocated the restoration of the Hamiltons and the earl of Angus,
and the return of all those who were exiles for religion ; which, in
effect, would cause the ruin of the country and of myself personally,
and place Scotland, my son, and me under the Queen's yoke. In
consideration of this proposal, he held out great hopes of my
complete liberation, and, in the meanwhile, all gentle treatment,
if I would promise not to agree to any marriage for my son
except to the satisfaction of the Queen, who, Beal said, had been
much displeased at certain matches proposed for him by some of
her subjects. He pressed me very very earnestly to refer all aSairs
to the Queen, from whom he said, I had more to hope than from
any foreign prince. He warned me to cease all secret under-
standings, both with the King your master and the king of France,
as such understandings could only raise distrust of me here and in
France, without bringing me any advantage. He dwelt particularly
on the power of the King (of Spain), and said it was very necessary
for all other Christian princes to keep their eyes on him, and that
perhaps I myself would be the first to repent of it if I helped him
in his designs against this country. He opened out considerably
on 'this point, aud, in conference with my Secretary, he told him
plainly that the principal aim was to keep the King busy in certain
islands of the Indies belonging to Portugal, and, if possible, to
deprive bim of a part of the Netherlands, as he could hardly hold
both places ; and in any case, they could thus assure themselves
against trouble or attack from him for a good half-dozen years,
during which time he might die, and, his children being so young,
they could not undertake anything of importance. Thus he made
his account, as the saying is, without his host. My reply, in short,
to all the aforegoing was to the effect that I could not decide with
regard to the granting to my son the title of King, as I had been
asked to do, without first knowing the Queen's views upon the sub-
ject, and I therefore desired permission to send a person who should
fully inform her of my wishes, and to convince her that my desire
was to please her in all things by following her advice in every-
thing I negotiated in Scotland. I avoided all details, but said that
with regard to the Queen's complaints of my son's conduct towards
ber I had not any information ; but I believed hoxa what be tol*
9 z
260 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1582. '~~~~ ~
me that more than sufficient reason had been given to him for
acting as he had done by the way he had been treated on this
side.
With regard to his marriage, I had done nothing I said ; but
when I was consulted on the matter I should have as much regard
for the quiet and welfare of this country as for my own and would
try to satisfy the Queen [therein. I begged, however, that the
Queen would let me know her own views as soon as possible, in
order that I might, as nearly as possible, accede to thero, as I
desired to do on all occasions. I said that, as she desired, I had
never had any plots with a foreign prince to the prejudice of the
English crown, and that she had no reason for distrust or suspicion
with regard to the maintenance of my ancient friendship with
France, and, as for Spain, I had nothing whatever to do with it ;
whilst from no quarter was I seeking support or assistance, unless
indeed my enemies near her deprived me of her friendship and
protection, and made it necessary for the preservation of myself and
my son.
I will not trouble you with the details of what passed between
us respecting my state and treatment here; and, as to what the
Lord Treasurer tried to make you believe, I may assure you that I
have not said or done, and will never say or do, anything that may
redound to the prejudice of the King (of Spain), for whose welfare
I pray, &c. — 14th January 1582.
J 7 Jan. 196. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
On the 10th I wrote that Lansac was expected, but it appears
that the king of France would not send him, on the pretence that
he was ill, the son of Secretary Pinart coming instead, with the
ratification of all the articles which this Queen had requested of
him, signed by himself, his mother, some of his Councillors, and
the chiefs of the Huguenots. Simier's assurance to the Queen,
which I related in another letter, to the effect that she must not
base any hope upon the King's refusing to consent to her terms,
as there was nothing he would not do in order to get rid of his
brothei' from France, together with Cobham's assurance that the
King would consent to her demands, he being extremely appre-
hensive of Alen9on's return to France, made her very anxious
about it, and she asked the Treasurer what would be the best
means for her to escape from the position. He told her that the
best way would be to ask for Calais to be surrendered as a security
for the fulfilment of the conditions, the importance of which was
so great, especially as a marriage contract was of such sort that it
could not be undone when once it was effected, whereas the King
might thereafter fail to fulfil his part of the bargain unless soma
valuable pledge were given. He said also that it would be well to
write to France, arranging for another Huguenot rising. This was
done at once, which is proved by the fact that they knew here of
the prince of Conde's appearance in France. The Queen was
delighted with the expedient, and said that she would not divulge
jt to any of her other Councillors, and particularly to Sussex, tg
ELIiSABETH. 261
1582,
whom she still held out hopes that the marriage should bo effected
as soon as the king of France's reply was received.
Pinart's son arrived on the night of the 11th, and I am told that
when Alen90n learnt how entirely his brother had met his wishes
he wept with emotion, saying that this was a proof of how much
he loved him, and how wrong had been the action of those who had
tried to set him against him by falsehood and jealousy. He went
to tell the Queen the news, as soon as he learnt that she was alone,
thinking that now the only thing remaining was for her to say yes.
She replied that she would decide within two days.
The next morning Alen9on sent to the Treasurer and Sussex, by
Marchaumont, an account of the letters he had received, asking
them, now that the time for settling his business liad arrived,
that they should warmly aid the Queen in coming to a decision.
Cecil replied that when the matter was discussed in Council he
would frankly state his opinion as to the best course for the
interests of the Queen and country, but that as the whole matter
was in the Queen's hands he could take no step at present. Sussex
displayed much annoyance in consequence of Alen9on having
become friendly with Leicester, and abandoned him, Sussex, on
the advice of Marchaumont, notwithstanding his having done his
best to please the Prince and become very unpopular in England
in consequence. He said that, as after all this Alengon thought
more of his new friend than his old ones, he could be of no more
use in the matter. On receiving these replies Alengon pressed the
Councillors, and afterwards the Queen herself, for a decision.
They had an angry conversation, during which she said that the
documents sent by the king of France should be considered in
Council, which has not yet been done, but I do not believe that,
even if they surrendered to her Calais, Boulogne, and Havre-de-
Grace, she would marry, besides which the king of France can
hardly grant her such a pledge as that.
From the news I send it might be inferred that I was credulous,
having assured your Majesty so many times of the answers sent
verbally and in writing by the king of France to the Queen,
particularly on the 29th ultimo, to the effect that he remained of
the same opinion as when Pinart was here, namely, that whether
she married his brother or not she might be certain that he would
not break with your Majesty. The articles now agreed to are
diametrically opposite to this, and although Frenchmen are so
volatile that their fickleness will surprise no one, I can confidently
assure your Majesty that the king of France has not really pledged
himself. His fear of his brother and his having seen through the
Queen's game by means of Simier has caused him to hoist her with
her own petard. I described her plan to your Majesty when the afiair
of the ring took place ; which was to ask for such terms that the
King would have to refuse them, whereupon Alenjon would be more
at issue than ever with his brother, and therefore obliged to bend
to her wishes. She laid the whole plot open to Simier, whom she
had quite won over, letting him know that, no matter what the
King conceded, she would never marry his brother, Simier
262 SPANISH STATE PAPEES.
1582.
undoubtedly conveyed this to the King, by whose secret connivance
he was here, and thus he has been able to learn the whole
particulars of the proceedings of his brother and the Queen, and
the King has seen fit, in the face thereof, to concede the conditions.
By this means he has assured and pledged his brother, and has
opened his eyes to the Queen's artifice, without running any risk.
All this is proved, amongst other things, by the fact tbat the king
of France wrote to Simier a week ago that he intended to appoint
him his ambassador here, instead of the present man, which Simier
conveyed to Sussex, and asked him bis opinion as to whether he
should accept the appointment.
Alengon has shown extreme irritation at Simier 's stay here, of
which he was very suspicious. He not only pressed the Queen
most earnestly to expel him, but a few days ago, whilst speaking of
the matter, he pulled out his dagger and placed it to his breast,
swearing a great oath that he would kill himself if the Queen did
not turn Simier out of the country. She told him not to take so
violent a course as that. To please him she would send him,
Simier, away, although there was no reason for it until Simier s
cause had been justified. The Queen thereupon had Simier
summoned to take leave of her, for the purpose of carrying a
letter from Alen9on to the duke of Montpensier, who within
a certain period would declare his, Simier's, justification in the
name of Alen9on ; and, when this was done, he was told that it
should be held as a sufficient exculpation. The Queen wished that
he should return here after this had been done, in order that she
might make him fit amends for the discourtesy she now did him
in sending him away at Alen9on's request. Simier accepted the
arrangement, indeed, he could not have done otherwise, and asked
the Queen what she thought of doing for Alen90n in recompense
for the cost he had incurred here in gifts and otherwise. She
replied that she had already done three things for him : first, she
had sent him 30,000^. to hold Cambrai ; second, she had maintained
him here for so long, whereby he had saved money for the
Netherlands ; and third, she had not been the reason of his going
thither. She said that she was sorry that she had gone so far in
the matter of the marriage, but this was Simier's fault for not
stopping the negotiations when he (Alen90n ?) had come here the
first time, on which occasion, for his (Simier's) own ends, he did
not wish him (Alen9on) to leave until he had seen her again.
In the meanwhile, she said, he was under great obligations to me,
as I had been very sorry for his disgrace,* which I had said I
regretted the more, as I had heard it had been caused by his having
had, some communication with your Majesty, which is a thmg I
never imagined. Simier replied that he would be glad to be in a
position which would allow him to thank me without incurring
* simier's disgrace really arose from Leicester*! intrigues, in revenge for his having
disclosed to the Queen, the Earl'a secret marriage with the widowed countess of Essex,
and from the constant fights and quarrels that had occurred between Simier and
Fervaques, and the other nobles who followed Alen9on, and were concerned with Queen
Jlargaret in opposing the marriage with Elizabeth.
ELIZABETH. 263
1682.
suspicion. The reason why the Queen said this, is because she
suspects that the king of France and Alen9on are making offers to
your Majesty and proposing terms for the pacification of the
Netherlands, and she thought to learn something about it from
Simier by this means. — London, 17th January 1582.
17 Jan. 197. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
In my former letters I have related the steps I have taken to
stop the sugar caravel from Terceira, the value of which is 20,000
crowns. I had the Bristol people warned how bad it was for them
that the ships had sailed from, and arrived at, that port, with so
valuable a plunder as this, seeing that they had great commerce
with Spain. This caused them to write a letter to the Council,
saying how hard they had tried to keep their port free from pirates,
but that if, by orders of some of the Councillors, ships were fitted
out there, it would be difficult for them to continue their trade with
Portugal and your Majesty's other territories.
I also sent to ask audience of the Council to speak upon the
matter, but I saw the delay Walsingham was causing in it, and
could not get an audience appointed until the 15th, on which day I
got a message that the Queen wished to see me at three, and that I
might afterwards go to the Council. I suspected that the Queen
had sent for me without my asking for an audience in order to
make Alen9on jealous, and, that no one should have reason for this
by my dealing with her secretly, I took Antonio de Castillo with
me to take leave of the Queen, and give her the letter from your
Majesty. Alengon went to the Queen at the same hour as was
appointed for me, and when we entered the Court they took us to the
Council-room where the Treasurer, Sussex, Leicester, and Walsing-
ham were. They told me that they had orders from the Queen to
hear me, which, I said, was a very different message from that
which had been sent to me that morning, and in consequence of
which I had brought Don Antonio de Castillo with me. They said
the messenger must have misunderstood, as they did not know
that the Queen wished to speak to me. In the meanwhile two of
the Queen's pensioners went running backward and forwards to the
Queen's chamber with messages about it. I set forth the robberies
which Don Antonio's ships now at the Isle of Wight had committed,
and also the ships from Bristol, whither they had taken their prizes,
and as this was greatly to your Majesty's prejudice, I could not
avoid laying the matter before them, and pointing out the effects
which might ensue therefrom. They said they were instructed by
the Queen to give satisfaction to your Majesty's subjects, and asked
me for a written statement of my complaints, which they would
redress. I said that if they were as quick about the remedy as I
would be in sending the statement, the owners of the property
would have no reasons for complaint. I gave them a statement of
the robberies on Spanish subjects for the last two years, amounting
almost to 70,000 ducats, without counting what they have now
brought from Terceira. I expect they will deal with this latter
booty as they have with the rest, as I am told that the pirate
264 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1682. ~~~"
Robert has been instructed to say that he is taking the ships to
France, but he has been secretly directed by Walsingham to take
them to an island where he can sell the property, namely 310 cases
of sugar, for the benefit of Don Antonio, who, with the money, will
again fit out his three ships, which the Queen will not allow to go
to France but wishes to keep here manned by Englishmen, in order
that Don Antonio may be partly dependent upon her.
In order that these prizes may appear to be legal they have
adopted the device which will be seen by the two documents I
enclose which were brought by these pirates. They are issued in
the island of Terceira by virtue of the agreement made by Don
Antonio, with regard to the plunder there. The dates upon these
documents appear to be false, as the ships left on the 10th of
December.
I understand that Don Antonio has again written to AIen90n,
saying that if he can persuade the Queen to help him with some
money and ships, he will give your Majesty so much trouble that
you will be unable to make any resistance in the Netherlands.
These ships which I wrote were fitting out for the Moluccas
expect to leave at the beginning of February with six thousand
pounds worth of cloths and other goods for trade. Although the
merchants are sending their factors, as there are altogether four of
these ships, it may be expected that they will plunder if they see a
chance, — London, 17th January 1582.
17 Jan. 198. Bernardino de Mendoza to the Kino.
Since my last the Queen has withdrawn the three ships which
were to convoy Alen9on, and they are now in port. I also under-
stand that she is in secret treaty with St. Aldegonde, but not very
willingly, for Alengon to go in person to the Netherlands ; judging that
his forces and those of the rebels will be too weak to hold out against
your Majesty's forces for very long, whilst it is not advisable for
her to entrust him with the bulk of the English forces. A great
inconvenience might result to her therefrom, namely, that Alen5on,
finding himself surrounded by insuperable difiiculties might be
led to negotiate an arrangement in all sincerity with your Majesty,
by which he should retire from the war ; whilst the stay of Don
Antonio in France and the suspicion that his, Alengon's, brother and
mother, in order to prevent his overthrow, might declare war upon
you, she fears would lead you to listen to such an arrangement. For
this reason she thinks that it will be better for her, that Orange should
be the sole chief in the war, and have control of the French troops
who are there, in which case the Queen would have a hand in it,
as he would do nothing without her consent. She could thus when
she pleased sell the business to your Majesty, and this is the end of
all the efforts of Leicester and Walsingham, who desire that Orange
should remain all powerful there, as he has promised them that, if
the Queen dies, he will help them by sea with ships and men to
uphold the cause of the earl of Huntingdon, who is their candidate
and a terrible heretic, opposed to the queen of Scotland, whom they
(Joubt not your Majesty and the French will suppoi't in respect of
ELIZABETH. 265
1682.
her religion. In conformity with this, they have heen trying to
persuade the Queen to send aid to the Englishmen in Gueldres, who
are suffering great need, but she has not yet consented to do so.
She has caused her Ministers to declare that Alen9on is under great
obligations to her for having detained him here and prevented him
from going over to the Netherlands, as the Ghent people would
certainly have arrested him as they tried to arrest Orange. They
make this announcement in terms which prove that they do not
wish him to go thither in person.
Orange wrote a letter to Alen^on from Brille, which arrived
last night, saying, in a great many words, that all the princes of
Germany would complain greatly at his not having kept his word
at the terra fixed by the States, and that they would be ruined if
he did not go over at once. For this reason he (Orange) had not
received M. de Biron, whom Alengon had sent to them with letters,
but had rather decided to send persona to him to hear from his
own lips if he was still thinking of them. These persons are now
expected here. I will give your Majesty an account of what I
hear when they arrive. The Queen and her Ministers are in
great fear, as a captain of the English in Ghent has come over to
tell her that people are openly talking there of submitting to your
Majesty. She said to Simier, " Things are going badly in the
Netherlands for Alen9on, and worse still for me."
I am informed from Antwerp that the people of Ghent and
Bruges had written to that town, saying that they would try to
adopt some means of submitting to your Majesty, and suggested
that Antwerp should join with them for that purpose. No answer
was sent to them, but their letter was sent to Orange, who forwarded
it with his to Alen5on.
Hans Schornau has gone to Germany to raise the 1,500 horse,
Alenjon giving him 200 crowns towards his expenses, and a
Commissioner will go in a few days with the bills for the money,
although I am told that he is not very hopeful of getting the
money to enable him to go so soon. — London, l7th January 1582.
17 Jan, 199. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
Letters have been received dated 29th November from the
priest who I wrote had gone to Scotland. He reports that the
personages with whom he was dealing are daily more desirous
that the clergymen they ask for should be sent. I understand
that the priests are detained in France because there are not
enough fitting men of the sort in that country to accompany Father
Persons. None can be sent from here, as so many priests have
been arrested, and unfortunately they have taken the wisest of
them. They have suspended the execution of the ten priests I
mentioned, not out of clemency, but for the purpose of inflicting
greater cruelty upon them by means of the closeness of the dungeons
in which they are kept.
A captain has come from Ireland to report to the Queen that a
soldier of the company of Captain Zouche has killed John of
Desmond hrother of the earl of Deamond, When he was mortally
266
1682.
SPANISH STATE PAPEKS,
■wounded the English asked him if he was sorry for what he had
done against the Queen, whereupon he said with his last words
that his only sorrow was that he had not life granted to him to do
a great deal more against her in defence of the Holy Catholic
religion. His death has caused great rejoicing here, as they
considered him a man of energy who ruled his brother and the
insurgents. The captain is pressing the Queen, on behalf of the
Viceroy, to send money and men to the island, but she has refused
to do so, and says that they must get their resources from Ireland
itself. She was told that as the war had caused great diminution
of the revenues of the country not much could be got from there.
She replied that, much or little, the Viceroy would have to put up
with it. They say that he, the Viceroy, is dreadfully cruel in his
treatment of the Irish, and especially of any that are suspected of
being Catholics. The Queen has summoned the earl of Angus from
the Border, and he is being made much of by Leicester and Hatton. —
London, I7th January 1582.
21 Jan. 200. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
I wrote on the I7th four letters, duplicates leaving the same day.
On the same night the Queen sent to summon Simier to see her at
the usual hour and in the usual gallery of which he has a key.
When he arrived she was walking in the room with Alenjon, and,
amongst other things, she told the latter that she had given orders
to three of her Councillors to confer with me as to the re-establish-
ment of her ancient alliance with your Majesty, and to endeavour
to come to a satisfactory arrangement as to the complaints I had
made on your Majesty's behalf. She said she did not desire that
any prince should have reason to complain of her behaviour.
Alen9on was much disturbed at this, and, on relating the circum-
stances afterwards to Marchaumont, told him that he could not
imagine for what reason the Queen had said it, unless it were to
leave him floundering in the swamp into which she had led him,
which he had no doubt she would do after all. Whilst the Queen
was conversing with him Simier entered by the private stair, and
the moment she saw him she retired, saying that she did not wish
to stand between master and servant. Alen90u asked him whether
his tarrying here was caused by a fear that he would have him
killed when he arrived in France. He replied that, for his part,
this was not the reason, although there was some ground for the
fears that his enemies might attempt it. Alen9on answered
throwing upon him the whole blame of the present hopelessness of
the marriage negotiations, and also of the failure of his attempt
to help in the Netherlands war, which depended entirely on the
marriage. Simier pressed him to specify what act of his had
caused such a result, to which he replied that his discrediting the
earl of Leicaster, the greatest and most powerful friend he had,
had prevented him from influencing the Queen as he desired.
Simier repeated this afterwards to the Queen, and also said that
every one was astounded that she should show so much favour to
Leicester, after he had tried to deceive her, and bad assured Uer thajj
ElilZABETH. 267
1682.
he was not married, although it was publicly known that he was.
She answered that she could hardly find a place in which she could
overthrow him, as he had taken advantage of the authority she
had given him to place kinsmen and friends of his in almost every
port and principal place in the kingdom. This is quite true, and,
she said, that until she had time to get some of these places out
of their hands she could hardly disgrace him.
On the following day the Treasurer said to the Queen that an
arrangement had been made with the French Commissioners to the
effect that, if the marriage took place, Alen9on should be allowed
to have mass said, but now, even without the marriage, there were
three masses being said daily at court, one for Alen9on, another
for the Prince Dauphin, and the third for Marchaumont, and this
was causing great dissatisfaction amongst the people. She pacified
him and told him to have patience, for in a very few days they
would all be across the seas and their masses with them. A
council was called to consider the concessions made by the king
of France, Cecil, Leicester, Hunsdon, Hatton, and Walsingham
were there, but Sussex feigned illness. When the papers had been
considered, the Treasurer told the members that the Queen wished
for their opinion as to the best answer she could give to Alen9on.
He said that they must bear in mind the Queen's own desire, and
the course which the business had taken, the long delay in the
negotiations having been for the purpose of gaining points in
the Queen's favour. These had now all been conceded, and there
was nothing more to be demanded, but that if any Councillor could
devise a way for the Queen to retire from the afiair, without loss
of honour or danger to the security of the country, he would be
glad to hear it. No one was ready with an expedient, and the
Council rose without coming to a decision. The Treasurer's
remarks were evidently for the purpose of dissembling further in
the direction which I described in my former letters, and in order
that Alen9on might hear indirectly of what had been said at the
Council.
The same night when the Queen waa with Alencon she tried to
dissuade hira from the Flemish war, saying that the matter was a
grave and troublesome one for him, besides being dangerous for
two reasons : first, that if the marriage was not effected he would
get no help from his brother, as he might see by his fresh
declaration, whilst his own forces would be insufficient for the
purpose, especially if the aid of the rebel States themselves failed
him. She said they were as tired of Orange as he was of them,
and it was very unlikely, therefore, that they would promote hia
interests, or look to France for their liberty. The second reason
was that, if she were to marry him, her people and Ministers would
not consent to contribute any sum of money to the waging of a
war against so powerful a sovereign as your Majesty, and all this
tended to dispose her to find some peaceful solution of the situation,
rather than to furnish means for carrying on the war. She said
that consideration of these two points would prove to him how
little he had to gain in the enterprise, whether she married him or
268 SPANISH STATE PAPERS,
1582,
not. Alen90n waa excessively perturbed, and replied, amongst
other arguments, that it was more important for her and her
country than for anyone else that your Majesty should be kept
busy. He instantly went and saw Leicester, to whom, doubtless,
he gave an account of what had passed, as he had also been told
that Sussex was advising the Queen to desist from disturbing your
Majesty, and to avoid taking upon herself the heavy responsibility
of contributing to the war.
The result of the conference was that Alengon went the next day
after dinner to see the Queen, and complained bitterly to her of
Sussex, who, he said, had been bought over by your Majesty, not
only to hinder the marriage, but to serve you in all things, even
against the interests of the Queen herself. He said that the King,
his brother, had heard this through his Ambassador in Spain. The
Queen replied, defending Sussex, of whose loyalty and fidelity she
said she had no doubt, especially as he was her kinsman and
councillor. She dismissed Alengon, and at once sent for Sussex, to
whom she repeated what had passed, saying that she would never
again trust such a person as this (Alen9on), as he behaved in this
way to his truest and most intimate friends.
I am assured by my second personage,* who desired greatly to
serve your Majesty, that when Sussex related this, he wept with
rage, swearing to be revenged in every possible way for such
wickedness.
Alenjon yesterday pressed the Queen very urgently for a final reply
to his brother's communication, and after much talk, she replied
to him in the way that I have already reported to your Majesty
was arranged, namely, that unless Calais and Havre de Grace were
surrendered to her and garrisoned by English troops, to be held by
her as a pledge for the King's promise to maintain the war in the
Netherlands, and an offensive alliance against your Majesty and
other princes, she could not consent to the marriage. She said she
could not put up with any less pledge, as princes often, for their
own ends, broke their promises. Alenfon was much dissatisfied
at this, and although he again pressed the Queen upon the matter,
it was at last understood that this was the ultimate resolution and
only reply she could give him, whereupon he left the room much
offended. The Queen instantly ordered the ships which were to
convoy him, to be got ready ; and although there is no certainty of
any resolution of the Queen's, as she changes from one moment to
another, I have thought well to advise this, as there is more
appearance of stability about it than usual.
The coming of the Commissioners who I wrote that Orange was
sending to Alen9on in the name of the. rebels, was a device of
Walsingham's, by means of St. Aldegonde, with the object first of
* In the King's hand : — " I do not know who this is." The person referred to was
apparently Lord Henry Howard ; the principal Spanish spy at Court heing the
Controller, Sir James Crofts. As an example of the extreme care with which Philip H.
read the despatches, it may be mentioned that wherever Simier is mentioned at about
this time— the name heing much distorted — the King in a marginal ?ote asks for
information as to the persoa referred (o,
ELIZABETH. 269
1582.
expediting Alen9on'B departure, and thus pleasing the Queen, and
secondly to give him an opportunity of urging upon her to lend
them some money, seeing that the need he is in is so great. In
view of past events, they are much surprised that she should so
openly and urgently press Alengon to abandon the enterprise. I
can say no more on this point, only that she seems determined to
get him away from here, and to banish every pretext he might
seize upon for staying. If she has any other object in view we
shall see later. — London, 21st January 1582.
24 Jan. 201. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
The Queen's reply to Alenjon had such an effect upon him that
he at once called a secret council of his closest adherents here,
namely, the Prince Dauphin, Marchaumont, Quins^, and others, to
whom he made a great speech, to relate only the heads of which
to your Majesty will necessitate my being somewhat diffuse. He
said that, after the long negotiations and infinite letters and
promises which they knew had been exchanged with regard to
his marriage with the Queen, and the communications which had
passed with his brother, he was at last entirely disillusioned, and
saw that the Queen would not marry him. This was a great blow
to his honour and reputation, about which he must dissemble, until
he was in a position to exact satisfaction, as her help and favour
were necessary, in the meanwhile, to enable him to be revenged on
the first cause of all the trouble, namely, the King, his brother, who,
he said, he bad learnt by reports from other countries than France
and had seen from his own long experience was full of envy and
malice against him, and had always tried to stand in the way of
his advancement and aggrandisement. For this reason, in the fear
that the marriage might enable him (Alengon) to curb his private
and domestic actions, he had sent Simier here, who was a person
high in the Queen's favour, for the purpose of impeding the
marriage, under cover of a desire to gain his favour once more.
He said that a generous spirit could hardly fail to resent this, or
avoid seeking means to revenge himself for such an injury done to
him by a malicious tyrant, and abetted by the terrible disposition
of his mother, the Queen, who had plotted against his prosperity
and against the marriage, in order that she might be able to keep
him in France and make use of him the more to oppress his
brother.
With this end therefore, to solder the breach in his honour, and
bridle his brother the King, there were two roads open to him ;
first to continue the war in Flanders, or again to raise war in
France. The first, he said, could not be done unless this Queen
aided him effectually, whereas she had not only become lukewarm
in the matter but had cooled entirely. He had no doubt that this
process would continue daily, in consequence of the secret com-
munications they were holding witli me, and of the constant
protestations of her ministers that they would not allow Franco
to get possession of the Netherlands, unless the marriage were
to take place. As for any help that his brother might give
21^0 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1582. *
him in the war, that was riot now to be expected, as he was
certain that he would rather diminish his power by hundreds of
pounds than increase it by as many grains. It could not be hoped,
moreover, that the States themselves could contribute much, as they
were already so exhausted.
The other expedient of renewing the intestine war in France,
would be greatly aided by the present dissatisfaction of the
Huguenots, who were only wanting a head to again awaken the
war, which had been allowed to slumber, hot so much for want of
will to continue it as for lack of money. He said that this Queen
would willingly help the matter with the sum she had oflFered to
the Prince of Beam, when he wanted to wage war against the king
oF France ; and he even expected that she would give more, in the
belief that she could thus recompense him somewhat for her refusal
to marry liirii. Leicester had assured him that he will get a good
sum of money as a salve for his reputation, even though he did so
hy making war against his brother.
He said that your Majesty also would be sure to give him some
help, in order to divert him from the Netherlands, and that the
reiters and German cavalry would only be too glad of the opportunity,
as they had not been paid nor the promises made to them fulfilled,
and they would thus have the chance of getting their pay at the
sword's point, This would enable levies of cavalry to be made with
much facility. These aids to be expected outside France were
important whereas, in the country itself, the Queen his mother
would not be sorry to see the enterprise undertaken, as it would
insure that the King would not turn her out of the government, aa
he had done on other occasions, greatly to the loss of her credit and
reputation, she having been at the head of affairs so long. The
towns and Huguenots of France were so dissatisfied at the heavy
taxes, that they would contribute both money and men to the war,
and he would be joined by Catholics and Huguenots alike, who
would come with their lives and persons to fight for freedom from
oppression.
The lords and great personages of France, too, would take his
part, if only to repress the pride of the house of Guise, who were
every daj' getting more haughty and powerful, and ruling all things
in accordance with their own appetite, whilst they were secretly in
league with your Majesty and would, if they were not checked,
cast out of France all the Princes of the blood and become sole
masters of the country. He also assured them that directly there
were signs of war in France he would have surrendered into his
hands, besides the towns he already had, Havre de Grace, Orleans,
Toulouse, and Brouage. Either of these two roads would lead to
a reinstatement of his reputation, but money would be required for
either, although not so large a sum for France as for Flanders,
the rebel States being gnawed to the bone, and the country bare of
provisions sufficient to feed an army, excepting at great cost. In
France, on the contrary, the people were rich, and the countiy fat
enough to maintain an army ; and for this reason it would be best
to abandon all idea of the war in Flanders, re-shuflSe the cards an^
ELIZABETHi
m
1682.
boldly commence a war in France. He concluded finally, by saying
certain exceedingly bad words of his brother, swearing with
terrible oaths, that he would never cease to make war upon him
until he either lost his life, or the kingdom was divided equally
between the two brothers, and the house of Guise totally abolished.
Marchaumont and Quinse approved of the speech and encouraged
him in his enteprise, but the Dauphin said not a word, until Alen9on
begged him to give his opinion. He besought Alen^on not to
command him to do so, but he pressed him again and he thereupon
opposed the resolution. He said that his person, his estate, his
children, and his life, were at Alen9on's disposal, to make war
against any foreign prince, or any French subject, but not against
his brother, who besides being his natural King and liege-lord had
a special claim to his personal fidelity. He doubted not that those
who advised him to so perilous, difficult, dishonourable, and unjust
an enterprise, would run the risk of losing their heads. When
AlenQon heard this, he tried to lead him apart to a window recess,
to prevent him from discouraging the others, but he would not
move from his place, and requested license to return instantly to
France, whereupon Alen9on, with great caresses, begged him not
to go.
As soon as Secretary Pinart learnt what had passed, either from
the prince Dauphin or from the spies he had placed behind the
back door of the room in which the conference took place, he went
to the Queen, and warned her not to allow herself, on any account,
to be persuaded to help to make war in France, in violation of the
treaties that she had with his master. He said that if she did so
his master would unite with all her enemies and ruin her com-
pletely. The Queen replied with a multitude of oaths that such a
thing had never been spoken of to her, and thereupon Pinart sought
to increase her fear by assuring her how ready many Princes would
be to receive the king of France with open arms for the purpose of
making war upon her. He did not relate to her what Alen9on had
said, but went at once to the latter and told him to think deeply
before he risked his life and fortune, without the hope of getting any
profit but a vain and transitory shadow. This greatly discomposed
Alen9on, who assured him that he had not done anything wrong.
Pinart replied that he must not think he was such a fool as not to
know what he and the rest were about, and that he, Alen9on, had
better take care that he did not fall beyond recovery as he certainly
would do, unless he behaved with the firmness and good faith which
was fitting in a Prince like himself. Alen9on was much confused
and upset that his design had reached the ears of Pinart so soon,
and was quite overcome with grief.
The firmness with which Pinart spoke to the Queen in pointing
out to her what the king of France would do had such an efiect
that, hearing that Alen9on was on the river, she at once took barge
and went in search of him. She persuaded him that it would be
best for him to accede to the importunity of the commissioners
sent by the States, and go thither in person ; and when he was
there he could take what course he thought beat, either to stay or
to leave them, she offering hm 30,000f. in cash for the journey
272 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1582. ~
and a regular subsidy for the war, to be paid to the person whom
he might appoint. Alengon accepted the proposal, but with coolness,
and the next day he presented to the Queen the Commissioners
who had come, when it was decided that he should leave to-morrow
for Flushing.
The Queen saw that Aleii9on was still tardy about going to
Flanders, notwithstanding his acceptance of the offer, and she told
the rebel Commissioners not to cease urging him until they got
him out of the country. They may well do it, but he displays no
delight in going. The Queen also sent Sussex to .speak to Alen9on,
and tell him that after he had left here, she would not have any
communication with him, excepting through Simier. He replied,
that until Simier had justified himself before Montpensier he did not
wish to have anything to do with him, and said that Simier could
hardly forget what had passed. The Chamberlain replied that it
could not be believed of such a person as Simier. Alenjon expressed
to him great sorrow at the reply of the Queen about Calais and
Havre de Grace, and also said that his brother was not so anxious
for his advancement as to give up two of his most important
fortresses for his sake. Sussex rejoined that whether the King
would give them or not, nothing less could be demanded for
the Queen's assurance. They took leave of one another without
rancour.
What I have told your Majesty here proves again how much
the Queen is influenced by spirited treatment of her ; since after
she had been so ardently persuading Alen9on not to go to the
Netherlands, the moment Pinart spoke to her firmly she changed
her course, and even offered Alen^on money, which is the hardest
thing in the world for her to do, as all her Ministers confess. The
sum, too, was a large one, and a draft on the Exchequer was
instantly signed. It is quite evident that I was right when I
assured your Majesty that Simier had been sent here with the
connivance of the king of France, and that he has been giving
reports of everything that passed with the Queen.
Knowing the liumour of the Queen and her Ministers as I do,
I fancy that they are all embroiled with one another about the
business of the marriage, and although the day for Alengon's
departure is fixed and everything ready, he will doubtless still
linger here, in the first place because he is so remiss about going
himself, and also because Pinart wishes him to be detained longer,
no doubt in accordance with orders from France.
Diego Botello arrived here on behalf of Don Antonio on the
night of the 21st. He has done nothing yet excepting to see
Leicester, with whom he is early and late. I understand that
his first desire is that the Queen will allow his ships now in the
hands of Englishmen to go to France. — London, 24th January
1582.
24 tfan. 202. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
Since my last advices about Scotland I learn that the duke oi
Lennox, the Lord Chamberlain, and the earl of Arran, Captain of
the Guard, have had words with regard to who should have
ELiZABETH. 2^3
1582.
charge of the King's person, and the place where the guards were
to be posted. The question was submitted to the Council, the
King himself being present, when it was resolved that the Captain
of the Guard was responsible for the placing of sentinels in the
chambers and doorways leading to the King's apartment, whilst
the Lord Chamberlain was to have guards posted at the doors of
the palace, and at such places as he thought fit outside. The
agreement did not prevent the continuance of the ill-feeling
between them, and on the occasion of an entertainment being
given by Lennox to the King, in a house called Dalkeith, which
formerly belonged to Morton, Arran sent to ask which was to
be his chamber, as he was coming to the feast ; to which
Lennox replied that the room for him was not yet built in
the house. He was much offended at this, and, returning to
Edinburgh, said that the duke of Lennox was a Papist, and as
such wanted to seize the King to make him a Papist too. He then
took the field with three hundred horse and eight hundred footmen,
although the King tried to pacify him. When d'Aubigny heard
this he sent heralds to Edinburgh to proclaim that he was no
Papist, but would conform to the religion of the country, and had
no designs against the person of the King, as was alleged by Arran.
The disturbance was thus calmed.
Whilst writing this I hear that Diego Botello is negotiating
with the Grocers of London for the sale to them of three hundred
casks of sugar, which I said had been brought by the pirates
Robert and Bingham from Terceira. I believe this, because the
Councillors are delaying the matter, in order that time may be
given for the merchandise to disappear, although I am pressing
for a reply to my demand that it shall be embargoed. I am
doing everything that is humanly possible, but such is the malice
of these people that I can get no satisfaction. — London, 24th
January 1582.
27 Jan. 203. Beknardino dk Mendoza to the King.
If this Queen's resolutions did not go beyond her Ministers I
might well avoid troubling your Majesty with an account of all
of them, but as they are duly published, and their execution put
in hand, I am obliged to write hourly the changing moods of the
Queen and Alenpon, so that my letters become more like the
pleadiogs in a lawsuit than a diplomatic correspondence.
I understand that on the 24th, the date of my last, Secretary
Pinart had a despatch from his master telling him that, if he
wished well to him and to France, he was to make every effort to
detain Alen9on here. The latter, although he had promised to leave
next day for Zeeland, kept throwing every obstacle in the way of
his departure, added to which he was unwell. It may well be
supposed that, when Pinart saw how efficacious had been his
previous action in frightening the Queen, in view of the letters he
had received, and seeing the ships quite ready to take Alen^ou
over, he again went at once to the Queen, and represented to her
in ft long discourse the risk which would be ruu by her person an4
y 84541- S
274 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1582.
by England in consequence of the change in the position of aflfairs
in Scotland, which was evident to her as to others ; and also by
reason of the alliance which would be made between France and
Spain to exact satisfaction for past events. He dwelt at length
upon these two points, and said that although his master might
not care to purchase his brother's marriage at such a high price
as the surrender of the fortresses she demanded, she must bear in
mind that he might seize the opportunity of joining with Spain,
and thus both crowns might obtain full redress for the injuries
done to them by England. It would, therefore, be much better
for her not to demand, as a pledge for the fulfilment of his
promise, the two towns she mentioned, but that hostages should be
given instead. This had such an effect upon the Queen that she
immediately ordered the sailors in the ships to be dismissed, and
said that it would be better that Alengon should stay until further
orders.
I am assured that the Queen was so alarmed at Pinart's talk that
she did not sleep all night, and constantly woke Lady Stafford, who
sleeps in the same room. Her agitation was so terrible that in
the morning she was in a high fever. Pinart afterwards went to
Hatton, who is the person who is most opposed to the marriage,
to whom he repeated what he had said to the Queen, but he was
obstinate, and would only reply that, besides the evil which might
befall him by the Queen's marriage, it was to be feared that it
might cause a change in what they call their " evangelical " religion,
and be a grave danger to the person of the Queen, by reason of the
multitude of Catholics in England, who would rise when they had
a chief of their own faith. Pinart replied by setting forth the
favours and good works which the Protestants had received from
Alenyon, and said the Catholics never took arms against their
legitimate sovereign, and the two separated very bad friends.
After dinner, whilst she was still in bed, the Queen summoned
Sussex to tell him the trouble in which she was, swearing with
great protestations that she must marry Alengon, forced by the
dangers by which she was surrounded, as stated by Pinart.
Another reason for the marriage, she said, was to have a companion
in the government to enable her to bridle the insolence of her
favourites, which she could not do by any other means. Sussex
besought her, as she had once told him not to speak of the matter
again, to refrain from ordering him to do so now, as he could only
pray her to follow her own inclination, and to govern her subjects
accordingly. The Queen told him to consider Pinart's proposition
to substitute hostages for the two towns as a pledge, as it was most
important for her security, and it was more easy for the king of
France to grant. Sussex replied that he was of opinion that the
demands for the towns should not be waived, with which he left
the Queen in suspense. She ordered the Council to be summoned
to consider it, and Leicester therein opposed the marriage for three
reasons. First, that it would be against God's service, since Alenjon
was of a, different religion to the Queen ; second, that the marriage
V^aa SO unpopular that, if it were eliected, a general timiult mighti
ELIZABETH. 275
1682.
be feared ; and, third, that as Alengon could be put off with money,
there was no urgent reason for the marriage to proceed. Hat ton
was of the same opinion, saying that if he were obliged to give his
reasons for opposing the marriage he should never finish talking.
Sussex held the contrary view, and in answer to Leicester said
that the marriage could not be prejudicial to God's service, since
universal peace would be the result ; whilst the love of her subjects
was such that nothing which the Queen desired could fail to please
them, especially this, which would assure the State, by furnishing
the Queen with such a support as would banish all fear of possible
enemies, and particularly secure her against the power of your
Majesty. This could not be done excepting by the marriage, and
it was not to be believed that a person such as Alen9on could be
put off with money, as he had always declined to treat of anything
else but the marriage. He, Sussex, and Leicester, came to words
about it, and the Treasurer had to separate them, saying that the
business was in the hands of the Queen, and that she had only given
orders for them to consider the question of security to be demanded,
in case she should decide to marry. The Council rose without
settling whether it should be towns or hostages, and they went to
give an account to the Queen, with whom Cecil remained alone,
and it ended in her again ordering the ships to be got ready.
I understand that Pinart has orders to watch the Queen's
behaviour with regard to Alen9on's going to the Netherlands, and
if he sees that she is advising him to go and promises him help, ho
is to declare to her in the presence of Alen9on, at the leave taking,
that his master not only entirely disapproves of the enterprise, but
will instantly issue proclamations declaring rebels all his subjects
who may serve in the war, thus openly showing himself his brother's
enemy in that business. It is unworthy of Alenjon, he says, to set
such an example as to aid the vassals of any sovereign in rebelling
against him if he does not please their humour. If, on the contrary,
the Queen lets AIen9on go his own way, without inciting him,
Pinart is not to make this protest. I see signs of this, besides
hearing of it from a trustworthy person, as Pinart, when he heard
that some of the French gentlemen here were going to the
Netherlands, told them not to be in such a hurry, as they might
regret going thither, and would have to return very quickly, if
they ever wanted to go to France again.
The night before last the Queen told Sussex that, although she
had promised 30,000^. to Alen9on, it was only to facilitate hia
departure, and that she did not mean to give it to him, as it was
more important for her to employ the money in her own affairs
than to spend it in Alen9on's pleasures, for whom she would do
quite enough if she gave him 20,000 ducats for his expenses here.
A Frenchman was sent by Orange to urge Alen9on to expedite his
coming, and at last the Queen arranged with him that he should go
at the end of this month to Flusliing, she giving him 70,000Z.
She ordered two drafts on the Exchequer for 10,000?. and 20,000Z.,
which with the other 30,000?. are now ready, and she has ordered
Leicester and Lord Howard to accompany him, They are haviog
276 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1582.
new liveries made in furious haste, and the ships are beirg rapidly
made ready. The Queen told Alen9on that, if he thought fit to
leave the rebels, he could come back with Leicester in a fortnight.
Leicester managed to get appointed to go with him, in order to
gain credit with the heretics, whom he gives to understand that he
has been the cause of his departure, and he is also moved by his
greed for the presents which he will get from the towns.
Alen9on has told friends of Lis that, although he does not show
any dissatisfaction, if the Queen gives him no further security
than before for the fulfilment of her promise to marry him, he will
let her see before he goes how displeased he is, and in a way for
which she will be sorrj'. Sussex advises him to detain Leicester in
Flanders all the time he is there, and, with this end, not to let him
go ill any ship but the one that conveys him (Alenjon), since
Leicester says that he will embark at Morwich and Alen9on at
Dover, one of the Queen's ships having been sent to Norwich with
this object.
Pinart went last night to take leave of the Queen, on the
ground that his coming only related to the marriage, and as this
negotiation had ceased his mission was at an end. I understand that
she asked him to stay, but he says still that he will leave at once.
What I have here set down is at present to be taken as their
latest resolution, but it is impossible for me to repeat the subterfuges
the Queen adopts to get rid of Alen^on. The coming of Orange's
envoys was all managed by her, and she has had Alen9on and the
French told that I have been with her secretly, discussing alliances
with your Majesty. 1 am, underhand, doing all I can with her, her
ministers and the French, to prevent injury to your Majesty's
interest. — London, 27th January 1582.
27 Jan. 204. Bernardino de Mendoza to the Kino.
In my former letters I explained tlie reasons for the delay in
sending the priests to Scotland, and I am now awaiting the reply
from Dr. Allen and Father Persons as to the best means to be
adopted for expediting their departure, as I have sent a man
specially to them to discuss the subject. It seems as if the delay
were a special providence, in view of the dissensions, which I
mentioned in one of my letters of the 24th, between Lennox and
Arran. In giving them (the priests) the two thousand ducats now
sent by your Majesty, I will be ruled by your Majesty's instruc-
tions, and in accordance with my action when I asked the queen
of Scotland to help in this afiair. The greatest caution, indeed, is
being exercised in the management of it, and the Catholics here
are being constantly encouraged and helped by me as much as
possible. They have been greatly scandalised at the Abbd de V^iy,
who came with Alen9on, having attended one of their Protestant
(services at Westminster, where he took a seat next to the Dean,
whom he afterwards asked what they were singing and reading
from the books. Some of the Frenchmen too have attended the
Queen's chapel, and the heretics have taken advantage of this to
iafluence the principal Cathglics now in prison, to whom th^
ELIZAEETB^, 277
1582.
so-called bishop of Ijondon sent to ask them why they need refuse
to go to church, since those who were admittedly Catholics
attended. By the blessing of God the bad example has not seduced
any one.
The contract to ship timber, which I mentioned as having been
made by two Englishmen who had arrived at Bristol and intended
to ship it from there, was stopped by the earl of Leicester as soon
as he heard of it.* He has the monopoly of the export of timber
from the country, and they meant to pay him a sum of money for
his license, but he chose rather to send the timber on his own
account, and the men, therefore, sent to Holland, where I under-
stand they are trying to get some cargoes, but as my other man is
not here at present I cannot get particulars, excepting that they
had sent one shipload, bound for the port of Santa Cruz, and their
agent has letters from Morocco of 10th December saying that the
ship had arrived at Larache. — London, 27th January 1 582.
28 Jan. 205. Memorandum of Cardinal de Granvelle to the King
B- ^l- on English affairs.
^S;^ [eItract.]
The letters from England are deciphered, and will be enclosed
herewith. Don Bernardino spoke in very good terms about the
arrested ships, for which the bastard Don Antonio had given
patents, and his action cannot fail to have some effect, as the Queen
and her Council are in fear of the merchants, and it is evident that
they are influenced by this. Don Bernardino has done well in
advising the prince of Parma of all of Alen9on's plans for entering
Dunkirk, and in secretly arousing the suspicion of the Antwerp
and Flushing men against Alengon. I do not see what else we can
do here in the matter but await events. The marriage is ending
in smoke, as I have said it would, for a long time past. All these
demonstrations between the Queen and Alengon produce nothing,
if it be true that, whilst the marriage has been broken off, no
alliance has been effected and no money obtained. Without
money he will not be very welcome in the States. Some Catholics
write saying that the Queen has detained Alen9on and his people
on the pretext that she wishes to have Calais restored, and the
money owing to her paid. This does not seem very likely, although
it is the sort of trick which Englishmen often play. They tried
it with the late Emperor and his father, King Philip. But as
Don Bernardino does not mention it, it is probably not true in
this case. The Scotch news is very good, and every effort should
be made to promote the matter, and to encourage the insurgents in
Ireland, who will probably be the more bitter against the English
now that the blood of their kinsmen has been spilt, and they have
arms in their hands and the Queen's castles are short of supplies.
I think it would be well for Briceno,t through intermediaries, to
■&
» The man who appears to have obtained the contract for exporting timber to Barbary
was a certain John Sympcote of London,
j The Abbe Bricepo was Philip's ambassador in Kome at this time.
2?8 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1682.
■wake up hii? Holiness in this matter and in the Scotch affairs, and
try to get him to take them in hand energetically. Cannot your
Majesty do something to help that poor man imprisoned in the
Tower?*— Madrid, 28th January 1582.
28 Jan. 206. The King to Bernaedino de Mendoza.
Pari^^Archives. -^g j^^^g received advices from Dutch sailors arriving here ; and
especially from the captain of a hulk coming from Ramua
(Middleburgh) which arrived at Belem in the middle of January,
that Drake had sailed from England with twelve ships, manned
with soldiers and colonists, and carrying bricks, lime, and other
building materials for forts, bound for the Straits of Magellan.
As we have no report of this from you we cannot believe it, but
the doubt causes anxiety.f If it be true, however, they will meet
there (i.e. in the Straits) some one who will give them a more lively
reception than they expect. Still we hope it is not true. Please
report very carefully all you can learn about armament of ships,
and whether any have left or are expected to leave this spring.^ In
order that you may be the better able to make these inquiries, 1
send you copy of a letter from Cabrera, Judge of the Canaries, to
the President and Judges of the Chamber of Commerce of Seville,
giving an account of the corsairs which were cruising in the
neighoourhood in search of plunder at the end of last summer.
Discover whether these ships were French or English, and report
everything to me with the utmost clearness and detail. This may
appear impossible, but you must learn as much as you can, as it is
most necessary we should know. We hear that Don Antonio has
sent Diego Botello to the Queen. If this be so, we count upon your
discovering his errand. — Lisbon, 28th January 1582.
28 Jan. 207. The King to Bernardino de Mendoza.
Paris Archives, [EXTRACT.]
I was much pleased to learn that the priests who had gone to
Scotland had had an interview with the King, by whom they were
so well received. As the matter is so important in God's service, it
is to be hoped that He will guide it to a good end. I thank you
much for the trouble, diligence, and care you display in the
matter, and I beg you to continue your action with all secrecy, as
hitherto. Believe me, you can do me no greater service than this.
Your understanding with the queen of Scotland will be very
useful, as well as with the other persons you mention, who I am
glad to hear are people of quality.
I grieve to learn of the punishment inflicted on the Cathohcs
by the viceroy of Ireland. Advise what efiect this has had on
the insurgents, whether Desmond is stiU in the field, what has
become of Baltinglass, and whether the death of Dr. Sanders is
confirmed.
» Antonio Fogaza. See Volume II. of the present Calendar, and letters Nos. 182
and 214 of this volume.
t The report of the Dutch captain, saying he had met Drake off the Isle of Wight,
!• enclosed.
ELIZABETH. 279
1582.
The order you obtained for Don Antonio's ships to return to
port was good, and I hope you have obtained the embargo and
deposit of the merchandise from Terceira, in the hands of some
safe person. Advise me when the ships for the Moluccas or any
other ships sail. — Lisbon, 28th January 1.582.
28 Jan. 208. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
As I was sending off the courier with the accompanying letter,
I was informed that the Queen had summoned Pinart, and I
detained the man until I could learn the reason. It appears
that it was to press him to declare the instructions which .she
said she knew he had secretly received from the King to convey
to her.
He replied that it was not his duty to disclose his instructions,
until she had definitely resolved one way or the other about the
marriage. The Queen thereupon besought him most urgently with
many entreaties and endearments, but fruitlessly. She afterwards
asked him to advise Alenjon to desist from the war in the Nether-
lands, which was so dangerous and troublesome for him. Pinart
replied that the favour she had extended to him was the cause of
Alen9on's embarking in the enterprise, and it was, therefore,
her duty to dissuade him therefrom. The Queen denied that
she had ever provoked him to the war, until after Alenjon
had commenced it, and she now considered it advisable that he
should retire from it rather than persevere to his own shame and
dishonour.
After this, a friend of Pinart asked him how he found Alenjon
disposed in the business ; to which he replied that he was very
perplexed and irresolute, as without the aid of England he could
do nothing in the Netherlands, and even if he had such help he
would be obliged in the end to retire.
The Queen told Alengon yesterday that she had ordered Dover
Castle to be made ready, so that she might go there and await his
return from Flanders, which would be at most within twenty
days, when the marriage might take place, as in the meanwhile
he might decide whether it was best to continue the war, or
advise the rebels to make terms with your Majesty, or, on the
other hand, advise them to submit to another sovereign, he,
Alen9on, retiring from the country and leaving them. Although
Alenjon displayed much pleasure at this, and thanked her warmly,
I am told that he at once retired with Marchaumont to his cabinet
and wept bitterly, swearing that he would never rest contented
until he had revenged himself on the Queen, and he saw now that
he should have to change his course with this object, and make
friends with his brother, as he was sure that his mother was more
on his side than ever.
With regard to the money, different opinions are rife, because
although the Queen has promised the 60,000^., some of her
Coupcillors say that she did so subject to their approval, and the
Treasurer asserts that he will never consent to a larger sum
being given to Alepfpn than an equivalent to the expenses of his
280 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1682, ~
visit, and the presents he has given, as to grant him anything
more would neither be reasonable nor wise. He is also opposed
to Alen(;on's departure being delayed, and the resources of the
country diminished, as no successful issue of his efforts can now-
be anticipated. Even if he were to succeed, he, the Treasurer,
thinks that it would be prejudicial to England, as the Queen
could not now trust such a friend, when he was absent, seeing that
she had tried to deceive him when he was present. — London, 28th
January 1582.
2 Feb. 209. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
As I wrote on the 28th, Alen^on was dallying with his departure
as much as he could, but the Queen has adopted every human
artifice to get him gone as speedily as ])ossible to the Netherlands,
judging that there was no other road by which she might so readily
get rid of him, and I am sure that she managed to bribe most of
Alengon's councillors and friends to help her in her object.* They
only look after their own interests, and are willing enough to sell,
not only their master's dignity, but also his personal safety ; and
they therefore asked him, when they saw him so remiss about going
to Flanders, what else he could do in France if he returned thither
but live under the patronage of Valette and M. d'Arques his brother's
mignons. They said, rather than suffer such an indignity as that,
he had better go to Flanders, where he could not fail to be better
off than in France, bad as it might be. These persuasions swayed
him greatly, and counterbalanced Pinart's many arguments against
his placing himself in the hands of rebels and heretics. I am told
that the Queen-mother is greatly indignant that such a slight
should be put upon her son as to hand him over thus defenceless to
the rebels, and the French themselves are denouncing it; Pinart's
words to the Queen on the subject, which I wrote, having troubled
her greatly. She therefore again pressed Alen9on on the occasion
of some fresh communications from the rebels being sent to him,
and he at last left yesterday, accompanied by the Queen, who they
say will go as far as Dover, but I am assured she will stop at
Rochester.
I have not been able to discover yet whether they have given
him the 60,000Z. or a smaller sum, as the earl of Leicester is taking
the money in one of the Queen's ships, and they have not trusted
Alen9on with a single real. The Queen says she will defray the
expenses up to the time of his arrival and during the stay of
Leicester, Howard, and Hunsdon and I am told that 20,000 ducats
have been given to him in bills of exchange for the raising of the
German cavalry, as well as a similar sum for the Swiss. The bills
are so drawn that if the Queen changes her mind she can order
them not to be paid at maturity.
The design of Alen9on is to go to Antwerp, and there, with the
aid the Queen promises him, see what the States can do. In
accordance therewith he will arrange to continue the war, but, as I
* In the King's hand ;— If thejr can be bribed we had better do the same,
ELIZABETH. 281
1682.
have explained, he has nothing to depend upon but the mere word
the Queen has given him, her promises being ah-eady contradicted
by some of her Ministers, who say that, even if she wishes to do
so, she cannot give him money to sustain the war.
Diego Botello has published here that the king of France had
given permission to Don Antonio to raise 6,000 foot and 500 horse
in France, and had granted four ports where the property plundered
under his letters of marque might be openly sold. He has also
authorised him to coin money at Tours. When Walsingham was
told this, he said they were not doing so much as this, but that the
Queen-mother was helping him with a thousand French foot soldiers
paid by herself. — London, 2nd February 1582.
After closing the above, I learnt that Don Antonio was expected
on the 20th ultimo in the house of Colonel )Schomberg, a German
in the service of the king of France, whose marshal he is. The
object is to request him and his friends to make known to the
principal people in Germany the injustice with which your Majesty
was treating him, in the same form as Orange adopted in his
apology.* I am told also that a nephew of the same Colonel has
ofifered to bring four standards of Germans to Don Antonio's service.
— Loadon, 2nd February 1 582.
9 Feb. 210. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
On the 2nd I reported the departure of Alen9on and the Queen
from London. The Commissioners from Flanders went to Alen9on
the same day and made him a very long harangue, couched not only
in disrespectful, but in insolent terms, with regard to expediting
his going to the Netherlands. He repeated their expressions to the
Queen, who immediately sent for them and addressed them thus :
" You ! shoemakers, carpenters, and heretics, how dare you speak
" in such terms to a man of royal blood like the duke of Alen9on ?
" I would have you know that when you approach him or me, you
" are in the presence of the two greatest princes in Christendom."
J She has done nothing but weep in public, and when she heard at
Kochester that the soldiers of your Majesty were hastening to
Antwerp, she begged Alen5on not to go over, until she sent a special
express to learn what the state of affairs was there. He replied
that, in order that he might come back the quicker, he would not
delay his departure, and all the journey was passed in gallantries
like this. She even went so far as to assure Leicester and
Walsingham that she would not live an hour longer, but for the hope
of soon seeing Alen90n again, as she was now determined to marry
him in spite of all opposition. She has given him two months in
which to return, and has made him a present of 25,000?., assuring
him that she would help him as much as possible in the war. She
says that, whoever dares to injure him so much as a finger, she will
try to wound to the heart. She presses him to beg his brother for
help. I have no news of his having embarked, as although on the
t In the King's hand :— " Perhaps it will be advisable for us to take some action in
Geimany. Beqiiiid me,"
282 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1582
Gth the horses were ready at Canterbury to take them to Dover,
whither the Queen said that she would accompany him, the wind
is contrary for the passage.
It is asserted that the journey has cost the Queen the loss of a
diamond cross worth 20,000L in a casket with two fine rings.
Some people bint that this is an artifice of hers, and that she really
has given the gems to Alengon. They are however making such
efforts to discover them, that it would appear otherwise, and a
suspicion exists that they have been pilfered by some of the
principal ladies.
Hatton endeavoured, underhand, that Leicester should remain
here, which was a plan hatched between them. The Queen was
told this, and said that, if she was certain that Leicester had tried
to manage this, she would not keep him as her Councillor or in his
position at Court, as it would amount to a refusal to do a service to
the person whom she loved best in the world. Hatton, thereupon,
went and excused himself, saying that he alone was to blame, and
that he only desired, in her own interests, to avoid the absence, for
ever so short a time, of so good a Minister as Leicester.
As I have often reported, Walsingham has persistently adopted
an infinity of fictions and tricks to persuade the Queen to break
with your Majesty and help the rebels, and one day before Alen9on
left, he took her a letter which he said had been intercepted in
Ireland, and had been sent to the insurgents by one of your
Majesty's officers, telling them to keep in good heart and courage
as, although they could not come to their help yet, they would soon
do so, and make them masters of the island. When she read the
letter she said that it was an invention, whereupon he, Walsingham,
began to make protestation to the contrary, and the Queen then
ordered that the man who had conveyed it from Ireland should be
brought to her. Walsingham instructed a man for the purpose, the
letter being in reality nothing but a forgery of his own, and after
the Queen had spoken to the man, she told Walsingham that, even
if the letter were genuine, your Majesty only said what you might
do, but gave no time when you would do it. Walsingham ♦old her
she must not trust to that, as she would not have time to defend
herself unless she was beforehand in her preparations. Walsing-
ham's animus must have been CAddent to the Queen when he
gave her the book containing Orange's apology, which they have
printed here and now sell openly, although it bears the imprint of
Delft in Holland. She told him that she would never beUeve it, as,
according to that book, your Majesty had no right in tlie Nether-
lands, whereupon Walsingham retorted that he had only argued
that your Majesty was not the legitimate sovereign of the
Netherlands, which of right belonged to the French, but he had not
been believed ; and he did not think, moreover, that a man like
Orange would write lies, as he was only defending the word of God
and was so religious a person. At this, a lady who was present at the
conversation could stand it no longer, and told the Queen that he
(Orange) was not such a saintly man as they made out, as he had
a bastard sou. Walsingham began to swear that he knew nothing
ELIZABETH. 283
1582.
about such a thing, although he, the son, had been here all the time
with St. Aldegonde, and had dined in his house a hundred times.
The Queen has lately been pressing the rebel States to repay her
40,000?. which she has lent them at various times on their bills,
given with the consent of the Councils. They promise that they
will give her in payment a jewel which they have belonging to
your Majesty, and which they kept back from those which were sent
as pledges and are now in the Tower, the name of which jewel is the
" Landsjewel," and which I certainly do not remember, although I
saw all of them many times. They have sent from here two
jewellers to value it and to bring a drawing, so that they may see
whether it is worth the 40,000?.*
The Queen is informed that more than 800 of the Frenchmen
who went to Flanders have died of sickness.
I understand that Pinart whilst on the road to go to France was
as discontented as when he started from here.
Baron Gaspard Schomberg, of whom I wrote on the 25th of
September, again fell ill and has been detained here. His brother-
in-law in France has sent him a courier saying that there is an
opportunity of employment for him in that country, and telling him
to come over at once. He has informed me that he is going, and
has asked for a letter for Juan Bautista de Tassis, to whom he
wishes to give information in your Majesty's interests, whilst he is
in France. I have had familiar converse with him, and find that
he understands artillery thoroughly, and is a great man for instru-
ments. Amongst others, he has shown me the models of some,
which, according to my judgment, will be very useful for your
Majesty's fleets and armies, and I send a description of them
herewith. — London, 9th February 1.582.
9 Feb. 211. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
In another of the four letters I write herewith I send answers
to the various points touched in your Majesty's despatches. I
have stumbled upon a difficulty in my usual policy of alarming the
merchants by suggesting what may happen to them, namely, that
as the Spanish trade, from which they derive such great wealth, is
really necessary for them, they have been obliged to disregard my
warnings and risk continuing it, with the result that, not only
have they found an absence of all signs of j-etaliation, but they
have been greatly reassured, and confess that they have never been
received so well in Spain as during the last eighteen months,
nor have they ever made a greater profit on their freights and
merchandise. This has given rise to an impression, which has been
published with all effrontery, that the suspending of the prohibition
was absolutely needful to us, and their fears have therefore vanished.
If I again tried to alarm them the only result would be to swell
their pride and insolence the more. It has already reached such a
pitch that a ship from St. Sebastian, being driven into Plymouth
by a storm with broken masts, and taking shelter under the two
• In the King's hand;—" I know of no such jewel and do not thinli it cftn exist."
284 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1682. ~
castles belonging to the Queen there, two boatloads of men came
at night, on the pretence of being oflBcers of justice, and boarded
the ship. They would have taken her and her crew away, only
that two of the mariners, who happened to be on shore, came and
told me about the matter. I instantly reported the matter to the
Council, and was told that I should see that they would act
promptlj'. They said that not only were they obliged by the law
of England, but by the law of nations, to order the inhabitants of
Plymouth immediately to recover the ship, and, if not, to pay the
cost of the vessel and cargo. They also sent Beal with a reply
to me respecting the robberies committed by Don Antonio's ships.
They say that, if the owners of the property will come and claim
it by ordinary legal means, justice shall be done. This is a very
unusual course to take in these matters of piracy. Their desire is,
however, that it shall be taken in this case simply for appearance
sake, as they know very well that none of the individual owners
will undertake a lawsuit, which would mean a long lifetime and a
great treasure wasted, with the result that after all they would get
nothing.
At the same time they answered, with regard to the property
which had been captured near Terceira by the pirates Robert and
Bingham, to the effect that, if the owners appeared, either in person
or proxy, they could take proceedings in the matter. In the
meanwhile these people will have time to distribute the property,
whilst they tacitly approve of Don Antonio's letters of marque, on
the pretence that they do not want to be judges with regard to
the war, but at the same time they allow Englishmen to assist
Don Antonio as if the war were a national one. I await the
Queen's return to reply to the Council upon this point, as it is
universally allowed to embargo goods wherever they have been
stolen, whilst the necessary steps are taken by the representative
of the sovereign from whose subjects they have been plundered.
I have communicated with Antonio de Castillo with regard to
the arguments to be used in support of this. Miguel de Moura
has sent to Antonio de Castillo the despatch your Majesty ordered
to be written, saying that the former secretary had erroneously
addressed him as ambassador, in ignorance of the exact position of
your Majesty's affairs here. On my departure from Spain I had
represented to the duke of Alba and Secretary Zayas that it was
undesii-able that I should be styled your Majesty's ambassador for
Portugal, and it was in all respects fitting that, as soon as God
made Castillo your Majesty's subject, he should receive the title
of ambassador, both in recognition of his firmness in maintaining
your Majesty's right, and his efforts in favour of Portuguese affairs
generally. His attitude was gall and wormwood to these people,
and I quite expected some outrage would be offered to him. In
order to avoid this, and the consequent injury to your Majesty's
interests, I no sooner received your Majesty's despatch appointing
him than I informed the Queen and her Ministers thereof. As the
later despatch came through Tassis, the councillors here have
heard from France that Castillo is not your Majesty's ambassador,
ELIZABETH. 285
1582.
and they are clamouring against me for telling them lies, and are
openly arranging with Don Antonio's people to seize Castillo on
the road. The best way to avoid this will be to let the Queen
know that he is your ambassador, and I therefore humbly beg, as
a great and signal favour to me, and in your Majesty's interests,
that he may be addressed as ambassador as he was in the first
letters. My own honour is at stake in the matter, as I do not
want these people to make me out a liar, not having hitherto lost
my credit with them. Diego Botello is here endeavouring to
obtain possession of the property which has come from Terceira,
amongst which are a thousand boxes of sugar. He offers to fit
out ships here with the proceeds, and, although I am throwing all
kinds of obstacles in the way, Walsingham and Leicester foil me at
every turn. Whilst I am writing this I have received news that
the stolen caravel, which had been ordered to leave Bristol, had
arrived at a port near Beaumaris, storm-driven, with her masts
gone, with only twenty Englishmen and the Portuguese. The
Admiral of that part, thinking that she was a derelict, and the
people on board of her were thieves, immediately went to claim
her for the Queen. I have again had the matter mentioned at
second-hand, and have had it shown that it will be for the good
of the Queen that the property should be seized in her name, and
not be allowed to go elsewhere. A commission of the Judge of the
Admiralty has been despatched with this end.
An order sent by this Council for the arrest of Don Antonio's
ships, and the pirates in his pay, duly arrived at Plymouth,
where they arrested the four they found there and two others at
Falmouth. I do not know whether it will be merely make-believe,
as it was before, but I learn that on the 3rd instant they were still
under arrest.
The four ships which I said were being fitted out for the
Moluccas,* are being manned with a large number of all sorts of
artificers, the larger of them especially taking thirty carpenters
and as many bricklayers each, which is an indication of their
intention to colonise. They are now ready, and intend to sail on
the 20th.
News comes from Terceira, up to the 1st instant, that no more
foreign troops had arrived. — London, 9th February 1582.
9 Feb. 212, Bernakdino de Mendoza to the King.
Father William Holt has come from Scotland to confer with me.
He is one of the members of the Company of Jesus who came
some months since by way of Germany. We had quite given him
up for lost, as he was for fifteen days entirely unconscious, but
God granted him health to be employed in so sacred a cause as the
conversion of Scotland. Father Persons, who is the Superior of all
of them in these countries, ordered him to go to Scotland in
* In the King's hand :— " Unless they are for the Straits. He has not mentioned
prako lately."
286 SPANISH S-tATE PAPERS.
1582.
company with the priest* who was sent the first time, and after-
wards returned thither. Holt fell ill on the Border, where the
other left him. He (Holt) went thence to Edinburgh, where he
was received, as the first priest had been, by the principal lords
and Councillors of the King, particularly the duke of Lennox, the
earls of Huntly, Eglinton, Argyll, Caithness, and otiier personages
who are desirous of bringing the country to submit to our Holy
Catholic faith. Father Holt, who is a person of virtuous life, and
as I should judge, a prudent man in mundane affairs, assures me
that these men show many signs of their .sincerity in the matter,
as they unanimously pledge themselves to adopt four means of
attaining the object. First, to endeavour, by the preaching and
admonitions of wise and exemplaiy persons, and by public
disputations with the Protestants, to convert the King, of whom
they have great hopes by reason of his good understanding,
without more obstinacy in religion than is natural in those who
had been bred in error ; the second means is to learn whether the
queen of Scotland will allow them so to manage matters in the
country, that if the King be not converted, he should be forced
to open his eyes and hear the truth, but they will not put their
hands to this without her express order, and always on the under-
standing that what they do should be with proper regard to the
respect and reverence due to the royal dignity ; the third is that,
if the queen of Scotland should consider it necessary to carry the
matter through, by whatever means, since the salvation of the
Prince is involved, in addition to worldly grandeur, they would
transport him out of the kingdom to a place that she might indicate,
in order that he might be converted to the Catholic Church ; the
fourth expedient is that, if the queen of Scotland should be
determined to convert the kingdom, as a last resource they would
depose the King until she arrived, unless he -would consent to he
a Catholic. They sa}' that, if God should not bless either of
these four methods with success, or give them liberty of conscience
in Scotland, they would leave the country with their wives,
families, and kin, who would follow them, abandoning all their
property and possessions. One way to forward these expedients
was to request a foreign sovereign to support them with troops, by
means of which they might, for some time, subject the ministers
and heretics, and provide against any invasion from England in
their support, such as the queen (of England) had constantly
promised them. For this reason it was necessary for the
Catholics to be able to count upon foreign assistance, and they
considered that two thousand soldiers would be sufficient for the
purpose. They feared that his Holiness would not be willing to
turn his eyes towards them, as he was so far off, and was troubled
with affairs in Italy by reason of the Turks ; whilst your Majesty
was so embarrassed with the war in Flanders and other enter-
prises, and Scotland was so poor a country that your Majesty
would hardly care for their friendship. The forces of the king
* Father Creighton,
ELIZABETH. 287
1582.
of France also were too much reduced for him to be able to do
anything, especially against this Queen ; whilst the House of
Guise, although they were under the obligation of helping, were
prevented from doing so by certain reasons which there was no
need to state. They therefore did not intend to appeal to
France, and their last resource was that the queen of Scotland
herself might by her personal intercession prevail upon the
Pope and your Majesty to help them. If they were sure of
getting succour from your Majesty and the Pope, Lord Seton
would go, in the habit of a pilgrim if necessary, for the purpose
of stating more fully their determination to both monarchs,
carrying his son with him to leave as a hostage, and bearing
pledges, signed by the personages above mentioned, that if two
thousand men were sent to Scotland they would undertake to
convert the country to the Catholic faith and to bring it to submit
to the Pope.
Although they wished the two thousand soldiers to be Spaniards,
they saw the inconvenience which might arise from the jealousy
of the French if this were the case, and they thought the best
alternative would be for your Majesty to send Italiacs, under
the name of the Pope, which would give the French no excuse
for interference, at all events until the troops were landed,
if the business was managed with fit secrecy. Tliey could
be sent to Friesland for embarkation, as your Majesty has a
reason for sending troops thither, and they could easily be sent
from there to Eyemouth, which would be the most convenient
port.
After having discussed this with Father Holt they asked
him to return to England and communicate it to the English
personages who he knew were interested, and to endeavour to
find some means of conveying their resolution to the queen of
Scotland, as their channels of communication with her had now
failed them. They wished to hear her opinion, and to receive
orders as to the course she wished adopted, as soon as possible.
He was to try also to have more priests sent from here and from
France, dressed as laymen, to administer the sacraments. On
no account should these men be Scotsmen, but English, as the
Ministers, if they were discovered, would punish Scotsmen by
the Scots law, which they could not do to Englishmen, whom
they could only expel the country with forty days' notice,
besides which matters were not ripe enough for Scotsmen to be
employed. The Englishmen who go there pretend to be exiles,
and as the language is nearly the same they do aim oat as well.
They assure such men that they would be as safe in Scotland
as if they were in Rome, only they must bring money for their
maintenance.
Those who oppose the Catholic religion are the Ministers and
the earl of Arran, who was made use of by d'Aubigny and his
friends in Morton's business, and the King gave him his title for
this. Since then, as he is a terrible heretic, this Queen has
gained him, and for this reason they have tried to get rid of
288 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1582.
him, and had arranged with the King, after Arran's quarrel with
Lennox, to order him to remain in a house twelve miles from the
Court, where they intended to dispatch him as best they might.
In consequence of the statute which was passed in this last
Parliament against the Catholics, they had also agreed with the King
to summon another Parliament on the 12th ultimo, for the purpose
of repealing it, and if possible all other Acts relating to the
same subject, Lennox having, the better to succeed in his object,
artfully begged the King to summon the Parliament to meet at
his house of Dalkeith, where he was sure that Arran would not
dare to come or the Ministers have the courage, in his absence, to
oppose the wishes of the rest. This priest tells me that if the
queen of England had not made such great efforts with the
Ministers and heretics after Morton's death, to prevent any change
whatever in religion, liberty of conscience would undoubtedly have
been obtained. But Arran and the Ministers, incited by the
promises of this Queen, threatened to summon English help, and
resist by force of arms, if it were done, and it was consequently
defen-ed for a better opportunity.
He tells me, also, that he and the companion who went before,
had already begun to reconcile some people to the Roman Church,
and had said mass and preached on Christmas day and Epiphany,
in the house of Lord Seton, in the presence of him and his family
and the carl of Huntly. He is in great hopes that God will bless
the affair with success, as he sees so much earnestness in those who
are promoting it, and he relates that the following is the present
state of the country.
All the country people and inhabitants of the villages are inclined
to the Catholic Church, and against the ministers, especially those
in the North ; the reason being that as the ministers are married,
they spend the ecclesiastical revenues on their children, and give
nothing in charity or for the public benefit. In the towns, the
Catholic are few, and the people mostly heretics, although one of
the old priests assured Father Holt that in Edinburgh, this Christ-
mas, he had administered the Eucharist to more than a himdred
Catholics. He says that there are not more than six of these old
priests in all the country, and they are very old and poor. There
is a great abuse amongst the Catholics, but whether it arises from
the laxity of the priests or the ignorance of the people he does
not know, namely, that whilst they secretly worship as Catholics,
they openly are allowed to attend the preaching of the heretics,
and it is believed that even some of the heads of them do this.
The general desire of Catholic people is that foreign troops should
come to expel the ministers, as they fear that the English would
prevent its being done otherwise. The king of Scotland does not
claim to be the head of the Church, as is done in England by Act
of Parliament, and this will render the conversion the more easy.
The ministers who are learned enough to be able to dispute, are
one Chagren* who was formerly a Franciscian friar, and preacher
„ y)
♦ f rgbaWy Jghn Craig.
EtiliJABEtH.
1582.
to the king, and Siedem* also an apostate from the company of
Jesus. Buchanan, although he still retains the title of principal
tutor to the King, has given way to the vice of drunkenness, and
is intoxicated every day. The rest of them are most idiotic
people.
The priests who are to come from France are told to disembark
at Leith, which is only six miles from a house belonging to Lord
Seton, whither they have first to go to receive their orders how to
proceed. The other priest who remained there, had gone to the
North and elsewhere, with letters from certain gentlemen, in order
to get full information which would be useful to the clergymen who
are to go.
Father Holt tells me that it seems as if a special blessing of God
rested upon the effort, seeing the goodwill with which they are
welcomed everywhere, even by the heretics themselves. Lord
Seton 's wife is a protestant, and yet she cherishes them with the
utmost kindness and charity.
He says that the quai'rel between the duke of Lennox and Arran
was a domestic one, as he (Father Holt) was present at the time, and
the circumstances related to the Queen in the letter from Berwick
did not happen. — London, 9th February 1582.
9 Feb. 213. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
With regard to your Majesty's message to be conveyed to the
queen of Scotland respecting the association of her son in her rights,
I had already answered her in general terms, as I thought the
case demanded, and have now written again for the purpose of
encouraging her the more. I have used great diligence in this
matter, and have taken care to keep her informed of all that I
heard which might interest her. I have done this with so much
caution, that even when her friends here who are in correspondence
with her asked me whether I had any communication with her, I
replied that I have not, as I have no special reason for it, but
naturally feel sorry for her troubles, she being a Queen and a
widow. This course has pleased and obliged her much, as I
gather from a letter she writes to me, of which I send a copy
herewith, t It will be observed that she exhibits not the slightest
suspicion that I am not proceeding with the most perfect straight-
forwardness towards her, as she makes no signs of it with regard
to the intelligence I sent her about my conversation with Cecil, in
order that she might not be startled if she heard the news from
any otlier source. On the contrary, she replies in such a way as to
banish any idea of dis-service towards your Majesty, saying that
she has never dreamt of impeding your Majesty's aggrandisement,
and is sure that my having taken the steps I did with the treasurer
was demanded by the circumstances, in order to coo) this Queen's
intimacy with the French, and it would be forgotten as soon as the
occasion v\ as past. It will thus be seen that I have anticipated
7 8*S4J,
• Probably Patrick Adamson.
I See letter, Queen of Scots to Meudoza, 14th January, page S57,
2&d SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1R82 ~
your Majesty's instructions. When secretary Beal came to bring
me an answer from the Council, he asked me whether I knew of
the association of the queen of Scotland with her son, and what I
thought of it. I replied that, as the Queen was so close with the
French, it appeared to uie that not only might your Majesty feel
suspicion of them in the matter, but also of the Scots and English,
as well as of the queen of Scotland, as they all seemed to be agreed
about it.*
With regard to the association itself, I now hear for certain, as I
wrote to your Majesty months ago, when it was first broached,
that the queen (of Scots) herself had prompted them to ask her to
take the step she did. This is fully confirmed by what she writes
to me ; her aim being, by this means, to pledge her son to attach
more importance to her views, and to think more of her, and, con-
sequently, that her admonitions to him with regard to religion may
have more influence over him than they otherwise would have, and
that when she has con-verted him, and the alliance with your
Majesty has been arranged, there might be an opportunity of
begging your Majesty with greater justice to lend your aid towards
their claim to the English crown.
She also saw that, when those people who surrounded her son
and who were inclined to be Catholics recognised that she had
taken this step for her son's advancement, they would be en-
couraged, now that Morton was out of the way, to help forward
her son's conversion for worldly gain, if for no other reason,
inasmuch as it would also be greatly to their own advaatage,
particularly to that of the duke of Lennox, as he was not a
Scotsman but had been brought up in France, where his wife and
children were devout Catholics, and even though he has joined
with the lieretics in order by dissimulation to strengthen his
position, he will not be blind to the advantage of helping the King
by any means, especially as he will also save his soul thereby. If,
moreover, he be decLued the King's successor in default of issue,
he could not hope to hold the crown of Scotland unless the country
-were Catholic, as the Protestants would certainly invite another
member of the family of their own religion, who would also have
the support of England.
These considerations, and the belief that the conversion of her
son will pledge your Majesty and secure her own release and
happiness, I believe she has set forth in her letter to the persons I
mentioned, who have approved of them and have followed her
counsel in the matter. I have pondered much to discover whether,
after all, there might not be some French aim behind this, but I do
not find any signs of it whatever, because, so far as Scotland itself
is concerned, there is not much to be gained by the French con-
nection, the King having received his crown from the Soots people ;
nor would the French have more influence in the country in
consequence of the association, the queen of Scotland stiU remaining
* Seal's Account of this conversatinp -will be found in Lord Colthorpe'i manvi"
fcripta,
ELIZABETH.
M
1582.
a prisoner as before. On the other hand, if the King becomeis &
CatboUc and the alliance of your Majesty were offered to him,
carrying with it the assurance that he should add the crown of
England and Ireland to his own, by your help, and that of the
Catholics here, he would certainly accept it rather than he would
join with France where the country is divided and the resources
exhausted.
If the king of Scotland be Protestant it is certain that he will
not be able during the life of his mother to claim his right to the
throne of England, as it cannot be imagined for a moment that she
would he weak enough to fall away from the Catholic church, and
she would in such case for her own sake immediately revoke the
association, and resist his claim, with the aid of your Majesty, the
Pope and the English Catholics, and even if the French did not help
her, they certainly would not oppose her under such circumstanceB.
I have given an account to the queen of Scotland of the state of
affairs in that country, similar to that which I send enclosed. I
informed her that the Scots are asking for English priests, and not
Scotsmen, without saying anything in detail of the four expedients
which the Scots lords proposed, only that, if she determines that
her son shall be a Catholic at any cost, they will adopt the course
with regard to it, which she may command ; thus giving her to
understand that they are ready and determined, and that the main
part of the business is in her hands, which is the important point.
I avoid detailing the proposals to transport her son, or depose him,
which might possibly cause her motherly tenderness to shrink from
them. It is not advisable that she should hear particulars, unless
they are to be put into practice. In this and all else, I am using
such artifice in words as I can, in order still to encourage her and
facilitate the object in view.
I have also endeavoured to dispatch William Holt at once on his
return to Scotland, which I considered necessary for the following
reasons. First he was in great fear that in view of the want of
confidence displayed by the Scots as to any help being given to
them in the business, the long delay necessary to communicate with
the Queen and to get a reply from your Majesty and the Pope,
might prejudice the business and cause the Scotch Catholics to lose
heart, whilst the heretics became more inflamed by the negotiations
with England. He became more alarmed at this possibility when
he discovered that he had been sent hither to confer with me, which
he did not know before, and had no idea that I was a mover in the
business. The priest that went back a second time* learnt that the
two English lords who had sent him were prisoners here, and I had
told him that if he found the matters in Scotland promising, and
had to send or bring any account of them hither, he or his com-
panion should come to London to the house of a clergyman, who
would conduct him to the person with whom he had to confer.
When Holt arrived therefore the clergyman brought him instantly
to me.
-w — — — — "^ ■■ — "
292 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1682. ~~
It was also necessary that he should go back at once, in ordel*
that he might be in Scotland to give the necessary informatiun to
the priests who arrived from France, and if he delayed his departure
from here it was possible that he would not be able to get across
tlie border, seeing the daily increasing severity of this Queen's
orders with regard to people passing, for the purpose of stopping
communications between the Catholics here and Scotland, wliich
she suspects but cannot detect, and it would have wasted much time
if lie had had to go by way of France.
I therefore sent him off immediately, with a letter in Latin written
by me, to tell them {i.e. the Scots lords) that I had listened to the
mission they had sent by the bearer and that, if they were resolved
to carry the business through, it was so righteous and just a one,
that I could assure them that your Majesty would not fail to help
and support them to attain their object, as in detail the bearer
would verbally make known to them.
I was moved to write this letter, because your Majesty in various
dispatches has ordered me to encourage these Scots, and confirm
them in their determination to make head against the heretics. I
have hitherto conducted this business by promoting it without
appearing to do so, until I was assured of the feelings of the Scots,
so that, if they were false, no injury might be caused to your
Majesty's interests by their publishing, either here or in France,
that they had your Majesty's support. I have therefore worked
under the cloak of the English Catholics, up to the [^resent point,
when I have been obliged to disclose myself, in order that I might
hear minutely the mission brought by Holt from the Scots, and in-
struct him as to the course he was to pursue. For this purpose, I had
him secretly fot two days in a room in my house, impressing upon
him carefully the mode of procedure he was to adopt towards them.
I warned him that, before he delivered the letter, he was to confer
with Seton, as to whether it would be better for Seton to hand it to
them, or whether Holt himself should give it to the duke of Lennox.
The belter to do this, I left the address blank that it might be
filled in afterwards. I supplied him with money for his voyage,
and for the maintenance of himself and the other priest, of which
he was sorely in netd.
I also advi-sed Dr. Allen to hasten the going of the priests from
France, he having told me that he had now got the fitting men
ready for the purpose, but had no money with which to send them.
I replied that I would, by order of your Majesty, find means to
keep them on the road, putting it in this form in order, as your
Majesty wishes, not to pledge you for the future. Although they
are priests and humble people, and I am sparing in the distribution
of the money, yet they need moi'e than others would, as they have
to buy hnr,s<'s and lay dresses, and particularly those going from
hero to Scotland, who have to travel by indirect roads and i'ngaii;e
guides, as well as to pay liberally on the Border, to ensure their
getting across safely.
As those who, by my intevcpssion, promoted the business are
(low in prison; I am obliged to conduct it myself. 1 find an obatach
ELIZABETH. 293
1582.
to this, which I am trying to overcome, namely, that the Borders
are so closely watched that it will be difficult for me to keep up
commuuications with Scotland. If the letters come in plain
writing some of these folks will certainly take them and the affair
will be discovered, whereas, if they are in cipher, the bearer is in
danger of losing his life for the offence of carrying them. For
that reason I am trying to open a way for my letters to go through
France, as ciphers can be safely sent and received by me in thiit
way.
I hope that God will deign to aid this conversion, the condition
of which I have here set forth. Some of the difficulties have dis-
appeared since I stated them in a letter dated 8th February /79
to Secretary Zayas,* who asked me to give my opinion about it, in
consequence of a proposition that had been made by the bishop
of Glasgow to Juan de Vargas. Although God's grace is the first
foundation upon which must be built the temple for the gaining of
so many souls (notwithstanding the natural inconstancy of the
Scotch nation), and full confidence may therefore be entertained
of success, strenuous human aid may also be counted upon, as the
business is honeyed over with advantage and interest for the
persons who are to carry it out ; and this will encourage them much
to persevere, since hope of worldly goods, however transitory, often
causes men to postpone all other considerations.
The queen of Scotland signifies that, with money and pensions,
the Councillors of her son may be won over, and his conversion
thereb}' secured by preaching, which will be a great thing, as it
will avoid the shedding of blood. This course, although advan-
tageous, yet offers some difficulties, because, as heresy is so deeply
rooted in the country, for our sins it may be feared that it will not
be so quickly converted, but that many heretics will still remain,
who at the first signs will appeal to England, which is so ready to
favour them and can do so by sending an army into the country.
Such an army might be resisted by the Scots for a short time if
they were united, but not for long, as the penury of the country
is great, and the people are not obliged to serve the King at their
own cost for more than a fortnight with their followers and horses,
after which time they return home, and the chiefs are for this
reason obliged to risk all by a hasty battle rather than find them-
selves at last without troops at all. There has, therefore, rarely
been an invasion by one nation of the other without an engage-
ment, and there are no signs of a disposition amongst Catholics
here to rise unless they have foreign aid, nor is it likely that the
Queen and Council would employ, at such a time as the sending of
troops to Scotland, any person they suspect of being a Catholic in
order to avoid any trick being played them.
There are difficulties also as well as advantages in the proposals
offered by the Scots for the coming of foreign troops. They offer
security for their reception, but, as the true Catholic religion is
* See page 647, Vol, 11. of this Calendar.
^^PANISH STATE PAPERS.
2ft4
1582,
10 much decayed in France, it may be feared that, before their
arrival there (in Scotland), the French will hear of it, suspecting
that it is an affair of your Majesty, and may raise obstacles in
various quarters. The advantage to be gained by the landing of
foreign troops is, that the Catholics could with confidence imme-
diately begin to oppress the heretics, whilst this Queen would not
dare to delay entering Scotland when foreign troops were there,
with the support of whom the Scots could encounter her ; and if
she attempted it the whole English north country would be dis-
turbed, the Catholics there being in a majority, and the opportunity
would be taken by the Catholics in other parts of the country also
to rise when they knew that they had on their side the forces of a
more powerful prince than the king of Scotland.
As one of the two courses will have to be takeu, I have thought
well to represent to your Majesty my view of both of them, as I
cannot judge which would be the most fitting; that question
depending upon the position of your Majesty's dominions else-
where, and whether it will be advisable to arouse the jealousy of
any other prince. I humbly beg your Majesty to pardon the
boldness and prolixity of my letters, but, as present events are of
80 much weight and moment, I am emboldened to state fully the
exact positon, sinning rather by lengthy plainness than by brief
obscurity.
Begs for special despatch in answer to the present ; sent in same
way. — London, 9th February 1582.
12 Feb. 214. The King to Bernardino de Mendoza.
K 1*447" 125.'' Having regard to the good report you give of Antonio Fogaza
in your letter of 17th December, I have decided to order you to
help and favour him, and take the necessary steps for having him
set at liberty. It is also my will that, out of the credit for
3,000 crowns recently sent to you, you should give him 1,500 to
pay his debts and his costs incurred in the Tower. You may also,
if necessary, pay the other 400 crowns, which you think will be
the amount of his expenses, or any similar sum, more or less, to
obtain his liberty. When he is free you will take care to guide
him and send him hither, reporting all you do to me. — Lisbon,
12th February 1582.
K. 1447. 126.
12 Feb. 215. The King to Bernardino de Mendoza.
Pari. Archives, -^g i^g^^ f^om one of your letters that the duke of Alenqon
was on the pomt or departure, and as you advised the prmce or
Parma, he intended to go to Dunkirk. This was very wisely done,
and you will continue to report to the I'rince all that is plotted
against those States. At the same time, you will take action
with the Queen and her Councillors to dissuade them from assisting
in such things, using the arguments you think most likely to move
them, in accordance with my intentions which have frequently
been explained to you.
The matter of Don Antonio's ships which were in port aban-
ELIZABETH. 298
1582.
cloned by their crews, appears to have been successfully settled by
you and you must subsequently have used great efforts to get the
Queen to refuse Diego Botello's request on behalf of Don Antonio
since he went thither in the full expectation of receiving great
assistance. To this end, doubtless, he was accompanied by the
former French consul in Lisbon, and the other man you mention.
In these matters of Flanders and Don Antonio it will be advisable
for you, either directly or indirectly, to arouse all possible suspicion
of these new-fangled fi'iendships, and you may also revive the
alarm as to my action, if the Queen offends me further, letting her
know that if she aids either party against me, she may force my
hand. Report fully to me what result is attained. — Lisbon, 12th
February 1582.
19 Feb. 216. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
Since writing my last four letters news has come of Aleufon's
arrival at Flushing. The Queen has said that he is coming back
within six weeks to marry her, in accordance with the conditions
which the king of France has accepted. This she asserts with
great oaths and protestations ; and upon its being repeated to the
earl of Sussex, he said that no matter what she said it was all lies
and nonsense to believe that the Queen would ever marry. She
says that if she had known that the towns were discussing
submission to your Majesty, she would never have let Alen^on go
to Flanders ; but, at the same time, she is using great efforts with
Orange through Leicester and otherwise to get him to detain
Alen9on in the Netherlands. He is now, doubtless, quite un-
deceived about the marriage, as on his leaving here Marchaumont,
by his orders, made inquiries of certain Florentine merchants
about the parts of the eldest daughter of the duke of Florence,
and asked them to obtain a portrait of her to show to Alen^on,
whom he might induce to marry her if the Duke gave her a
dowry of a million and a half. I understand they have sent for
the portrait. Marchaumont remains here to look after his master's
interests.
Leicester has infoimed Orange that the Queen wishes to learn
from the States what money they will find for Alencon to carry
on the war, and also what places shall be given up to the English,
who are to go, for their winter quarters, and also what security
they (the States) will give for their promises. He replies that his
belief is that the States cannot give any real security, as the Ghent
people had written that they were determined to separate from the
other States, and look after their own interests. He has only been
able, by dint of great entreaties, to get them to wait until Alen9on
came, that they might hear from him the means he proposed for
carrying on the war against your Majesty. I hear this from a
certain source in Ghent.
They tell me that Leicester was thinking of sending some of the
gentlemen who went with him to Casimir, and it is thought that
it will end in his coming to see Alencon.
This Queen sent to tell me that as she had aever had any reply
m
1582.
SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
from the prince of Parma about the release of Rogers,* who was
Ktill detnined, she knew not why, she was going to send a man
thither with letters, and asked me to give him a passport, and a
letter to the prince of Parma, from whom I have received nothing
since the 28th August, although I have sent him constant advices,
and even special messengers, who have been sent back to me
without replies. I am therefore quite in the dark about this and
other matters. Before Leicester left the Council met to discuss
the detention of Rogers and the Queen's writing on the subject.
Leicester and Walsingham again voted as before, to the effect that
if the Prince did not at once release him I should he arrested.
Cecil, on the other hand, said that there was a great inequality
between my person and that of Rogers, besides the fact that I was
here as an ordinary ambassador, and must be considered as such,
whereas Rogers was only a servant of the Queen sent with letters.
— London, 19th February 1582.
14 Feb. 217. Memobandum on English affairs from Cabdinal de
..^•**-„ Geanvelle to the King.
Add. MSS. r-n n
28,702. [EXTBACT.]
Don Bernardino gives an account of the close relations which exists
between those two lovers, and also of some points of importance.
He reports the dissension wliich exists amongst the members of the
Council, and the opinion entertained by some, that the Queen
should become reconciled with your Majesty, and restore Drake's
plunder ; but as tliey have settled nothing tangible, there is
nothing upon which we can act or reply, but we might say that,
as it is possible that these negotiations between the French and
English may result rather in dissension than satisfaction, some
good may come of it, especially in view of the fears about
Scotland. All we can do is to stand by and await events, whilst
the ambassador continues the course he has hitherto followed,
of being very confident and paying little attention to their
negotiations ; this lieing tlie method most likely to disconcert
them. At the same time lie must be careful not to shut the door
against them, but if they show signs of approaching him should
receive their advances willingly, and offer his aid towards a
reconciliation, as no harm can be done by it, whilst their plots
against his Majesty may be cooled thereby. He should try to
stir up the hatred of the merchants against the Queen, and the
few Councillors who are interested, by pointing out to them, with
his usual dexterity, and without his being suspected, the injury
which may befall them and all the country for the sake of the
private interests of these men. Praise him for saving that
Englishman, and tell him to try to retain him.f — Madrid, 28th
February 1582.
» See page 628, Vol. II., of this Calendar.
•)■ la an autograph note to this the King writes as follows : — "I think there were
" two, namely, Lord .... (Lord Harrj- Howard) and Francis Arundel. I knew one of
" that name, but do not know whether this is he." I quote this note, one of many similar
remarks on these documents, to show how closely the King followed the details of the
despatches. Befer«nce to the letter dated asth December 1581 page 246 in this Tolome
proTes that Philip's memoTj was correct.
ELIZABETH, 297
1582.
19 Feb. 218. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
On the 9th I wrote four letters in duplicate, and on the 14th
received your Majesty's letters of the 8th of January. In accordance
with your Majesty's desire for information about the ships going to
Moluccas, I beg to report that they are taking victuals for two
years, and their course it is said will be from here to Cape Blanco
where they will water, and thence to the Cape of Good Hope. I
have been unable to obtain further particulars, and although they
are taking artificers, as I said, I do not believe that it is their in-
tention to colonise, but rather to plunder on the Indian passage.
This, indeed, was confessed by a captain of one of the ships, to a
friend of his, saying that the show they were making of another
intention is only as a bait to get commercial men to risk their
money in the adventure. Portuguese who know the voyage to the
East Indies, tell me that if these ships put into the island of
St. Helena they may injure your Majesty's fleets on their way from
the Indies. The Muscovy Company have subscribed ifiOOl. sterling
to the risk of the voyage, the whole adventure being nearly 10,000?.
I have heard that, in Leicester's absence, the treasurer has
received orders to dispatch these four ships, in which he adventures
two hundred pounds, half of which he has already paid. They say
tliey are going to the Moluccas by a certain strait which they are to
discover. They believe that, on this pretext, that they will be able
to anchor, if necessary, in any of your Majesty's ports, and it will be
desirable that your Majesty should order the most rigid vigilance
in examining every ship that comes. The stop which I said had
been placed on Don Antonio's ships in the ports of Plymouth and
Falmouth, was notified to Diego Botello, and on the 9th he left
here to go to the place where the Queen was, and she, through
Walsingham, ordered the embargo to be raised, and that Diego
Botello, should have an authority given to him to compel all the
Englishmen who had agreed to serve Don Antonio and who had
abandoned the ships to return thereto, or be immediately hanged.
Walsingham insisted upon this order being given, as the crews had
fled from the ships and they could not be manned otherwise. I had
notice of this, and took the opportunity of these ships having the
stolen merchandise still on board of them, to ask the members of
the council who remained here to order their arrest, which they
did, and although the commission was given in such terms as only
to comply with my demand in appearance, I sent a man specially
with it, so that, pending the arrival of contrary orders, the sailors
might escape and hide themselves, and the ships therefore might
not be so easily taken to Rochelle, which was the object of Botello,
as Walsingham assures him that the merchandise purchased by
Englishmen there and stolen from your Majesty's subjects may be
brought hither without the owners or any other persons arresting
them or proceeding in any way against them. Diego BoteUo has
fitted out a ship here of 140 tons called the "Julian" to go to
Terceira. She will sail in a week, and takes 80 sakers* of cast
iron, and 40 mignons, as they are called here, which are big
* Sakers were piecee weigluBg 1,400 lbs, and throwing a shot of 5J lbs.
2S8 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1582. '
pieces, four-pouuders, with a hundred balli? for each piece ; two
bronze cannon of 50 cwt.,* and 150 cwt. of powder, with 30 sailors,
A son of Loreston Haines (Anes ?), who is a brother of the man
your Majesty ordered to be arrested in Lisbon, is going in her. I
am told that his father subsequently said here that, because his son
in Lisbon had dispatched some people to seek Don Antonio and
deliver letters, I had no right to have him arrested. All the above
munitions were brought to the Tower by night, they having been
sold to Diego Botello by Walsingham in his own name, as if they
did not belong to the Queen, who certainly does not like giving
things away.
One of the ships taken by Don Antonio's vessels was from
Flushing, and I understand that they have agreed to serve him,
offering to get two other ships from that place also to join. I have
let people there know, and have warned them to stop it, for fear they
.should lose the trade with Spain. I hear from Flushing that
Duarte de Castro, and Francisco Antonio de Souza, had come to see
Alen9on for Don Antonio, to ask him and Orange to give leave for
ships to sail from the ports of Holland and Zeeland to prey upon
your Majesty's subjects, and to sell their booty there. They both
agreed to this, but the Guild of sailors said they would not allow
it. — London, 19th February 1582.
21 Feb. 219. Memorandum on English affairs from Cardinal de
B M. Granvelle to the King.
MSS.^Add. [Extract.]
The English affair is a great point, God grant that it may go
forward and that they may not have deceived the Ambassador. If
the matter should turn out as promised, it will prove the correctness
of what I have so often said, namely, that all these embassies and
messages of friendship would be more likely to result in disagree-
ment than in closer intimacy, as they were undertaken by persons
inexperienced in such affairs. God grant that this may be so. But
if the Queen were to do as she ought, she would arrest Alengon and
hold him for the restoration of Calais, Guines, and Boulogne, making
an agreement with his Majesty. This is what would really be best
for her country, whilst it would extricate us from this turmoil and
so enable us to settle our business well in many respects. — Madrid,
21st February 1582.
24 Feb. 220. Memorandum on English affairs from Cardinal db
B. M. Granvelle to the King.
Mss. Add. [Extract.]
These letters are of later date, and as matters are now changed
there is nothing to say except that what has happened will be a
guide for the future. Ghent and Bruges are probably not so ready
to submit as they tell him. Doubtless it is set afloat to move their
friends from whom they expect help. But still it looks as if God
were finding for us a way to turn all our affairs to advantage if we
seize the opportunity presented to us.
It is of great importance that those who go to Scotland should be
Jesuits and fit men for the negotiation. The loss of John Desmond,
* These v*r« Cannon-Serpentines, fifty-three pgunders,
ELIZABETH. 299
15S2.
the bi'other of the Earl, will be a great one, as he was one of the
most popular and trusted of their leaders. The Ambassador is
doing well in the matter of the restitution of the plunder, although
little may come of it ; but it is fitting that nothing should be left
undone, and that these claims and complaints should be kept alive
in view of future eventualities.
No doubt later despatches ought to have arrived, but the French
are treating the posts as badly as they could if we were at open
war with them. They will continue to act thus so long as they see
it answers their purpose and we are timid. — Madrid, 24th February
1582.
1 March. 221. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
When Alen9on left the Queen told him to write to her from
Flanders addressed to " my wife the Queen of England," which he
has done, but it is all nonsense, and the letters are full of love and
his desolation at being away from her. She makes much of them,
and says openly that she would give a million for her " frog," as
she calls Alen9on, to be swimming in the Thames rather than in
the stagnant waters of the Netherlands.
She continues to say that if the king of France will fulfil his
promises she will marry Alen5on, and, in order to forward matters,
the latter has written to his brother saying that as he formerly
agreed to defray half the expenses of the war if the Queen paid
the other half, the same end might be attained even if the Queen
did not pay her half, since the revenues of Alen9on would provide
for a quarter, and the States another quarter, by which means the
Queen's demands might be met. She is encouraging these proposals,
in order not to let Alen§on slip through her hands.
I am told that the Queen has received intelligence from Cobham
that the king of France is annoyed at the going of his brother to
Antwerp, and says that he will throw every possible obstacle in
the way of war, and in this he his brother's open enemy. Even if
he does not go quite so far as this, he shows no signs of helping
him in any way.
Alen9on wrote to Marchaumont, for the information of his friends,
that he found the rebel States not at all in a fit temper for the
waging of such a war, and although Orange gave him plenty of
fine words his deeds were scanty. He (Alen5on) resents the
refusal to allow his guard to enter Middleburg until after Leicester's
intercession, and also that the Ghent people waited a whole week
before they welcomed him, whilst they conferred secretly amongst
themselves and with Leicester, upon matter of which he was
ignorant. He was at last convinced, moreover, that that he would
always have to be second to Orange.
The earl of Leicester arrived here on the 26th, he having been
summoned in great haste by the Queen, in consequence of the
heavy expenses he and those who accompanied him were incurring.
His one theme is the devotion of the rebel States to the Queen, and
the attachment of the whole people, since they allowed the English
to go over all the forts in Iceland, but would not admit a single
300
1582,
SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
Frenchman. The fortresses would be surrendered to the Queen
whenever she wished to have them.
He says that Orange assured him that the rebels would not
submit to so weak and resourceless a prince as A]en9on unless they
were secured by his union with the Queen. Orange made a long
speech to this effect to the States before they took the oath to
Alen9on, and Leicester has taken care to repeat it all to the Queen
with no end of flattery, telling her that she alone in Europe can
dictate peace and war in all parts. He was only three days with
AIen9on at Antwerp, and left the day after the oath was taken,
at dinner time, fearing that Alen9on might detain him, and that
his enemies here might have time to undermine his favour with
the Queen. Hatton sent a special man post-haste to him, telling
him to return instantly, because the Queen had remarked that
men did no know their great good fortune until they had lost it.
Since his return, he tells his friends that his journey was a pleasant
one and advantageous to the Queen's service, as he left Alen9on in
a place out of which he could not get when he pleased.
Leicester says that they took the oath to Alen9on at Antwerp as
duke of Brabant and Marquis of the Holy Empire, but I can give
no further particulars until I get news from my Antwerp cor-
respondents. Judging, however, from the general discontent in the
States, it is to be believed that it is advantageous for your Majesty
that Alen90n should have gone. A pasquin was put on his door
the night he arrived in Antwerp, saying he had better declare
himself on one side or the other, Calvinist or Catholic, or else
return to France.
The Burgomasters of Brussels protested that the oath should first
be taken there, where also Alen9on ought to reside, as the lords of
Brabant usually lived there.
Simier sends a letter saying that, on his landing, a gentleman
from the King came to thank him warmly for his services here.
The Queen-mother wis'.ied for him to come here as ambassdor, but
the King deferred the appointment as he wished him to be near
him. — London, 1st March 1582.
1 March. 222. Bernaedino de Mendoza to the King.
In consequence of Alengon's stay here the Queen, until a few
days ago, delayed replying to the point brought to her by Beal
from the queen of Scotland. To the first message respecting the
association, she replied that on no account would she consent to the
cjueeu of Scotland sending a person either to Fi-ance or to Scotland
to discuss the matter, which should be left in her (Elizabeth's) hands
to be dealt with when she thought best. To the queen of Scotland's
request that she should be allowed to make a progress to the earl
of Shrewsbury's houses, slie said she could go and welcome, but on
condition that slie did not go from one house to the other by the
high roads and that her route should not be made public, in order
that no people should be allowed to see her. With regard to the
third point, the Queen replied that, in addition to her own coach,
she might have two others made for her ladies-in-waiting, and
SLIZASIBTtt. 301
l58i
might maintain ten horses for them. I am awaiting reply daily
from the queen of Scotland to my letter.
As Walsingham and Leicester have not been able to prevail upon
the Queen to openly deprive the Earl of Shrewsbury of the custody
of the queen of Scotland, they suggested to her that the expense
she was incurring, of 200?. a month, was too heavy, and that 801.
might be deducted therefrom ; the idea being that, as Shrewsbury
was very fond of money, he would give up the charge, and the
Queen might then, without apparent offence to him, dispose of the
Scotch Queen as she thought best. Shrewsbury is annoyed
at the reduction, but has not surrendered the custody, and has
begged leave to come here to justify the expenditure, which request
has been granted. When the Queen read the Earl's reply, she said
to Walsingham " You do nothing but stir up things to gain other
" ends, but it all ends in smoke ; you see now that Shrewsbury will
" not leave the queen of Scotland after all."
In reply to your Majesty's request of 28th January that 1 should
report about Dr. Sanders, they are now certain here that he died
of cold and hardship in Ireland, his body having been found in a
wood with his breviary and his bible under his arm. The insurgents
are as bold as ever, Desmond being in his usual place and Baron
Baltinglass(?) in his former position, the Viceroy being undesirous
of offending them, as he has the Queen's orders to keep things
quiet, if possible. As I have frequently reported, she declines to
make any provision for that island, and is determined that the only
money spent there shall be drawn from the revenues of the country
itself. Since the death of Desmond's brother, a gentleman there,
who is considered by these people to be a man of spirit, lias declared
himself against the Queen and has 600 followers. — London, 1st
March 1582.
1 March. 223. Beknardino de Mendoza to the King.
I saw the Councillors on the 21st respecting the reply given to
me about KnoUys, and the pirates Robert and Bingham, who had
letters of marque from Don Antonio. I used many arguments,
which, according to all human right and reason, are unanswerable,
and said they could not deny me the embargo I demanded on the
property which had been captured from the subjects of your
Majesty, whose minister I was. I was therefore entitled, not only
to demand the custody of it but the possession, under the " J ure
gentium, princeps pater republicEe et interes, &c.," in order to avoid
its falling into the hands of Diego Botello and prevent tlie fitting
out of more ships. I concluded by saying, that even if they were
not convinced by these arguments, and would only acknowledge
the owners of the property or their proxies, they could not refuse
me the dues which were payable to the crown of Portugal on goods
exported from Brazil, and for which, according to the edicts,
security was given at the place of shipment for its payment at
Lisbon. It was therefore a debt already contracted, and as such,
I claimed these dues as your Majesty's minister, all of which
^iemauds tended to one point, upon which I wished for a reply,
^02 SPANISH StATE PAPERS.
1582.
namely, whether they recognised Don Antonio's letters of marque ;
because, if they approved of them, the Queen must not be surprised
if her rebellious subjects were allowed to issue letters of marque in
your Majesty's dominions ; whereas, if they did not approve of them,
they could not on any account deny me what I asked, namely, to
restore the stolen booty to me, and to the owners, particularly as
Don Antonio's business was so utterly ridiculous. The Treasurer
made some reply and wished to discuss the matter, but I convinced
him, and it ended in their declining to say whether the letters of
marque were good or not, and that they would reply only to my
demands and complaints about the robbery. They said that after
the Judge of .the Admiralty had examined the evidence, he would
proceed against all property captured at sea, but not against that
which had been brought from Terceira. I pointed out that these
pirates also took that property on the high seas, and had conveyed
it, with other goods, to Terceira, where, by virtue of Don Antonio's
letters of marque, it had been confiscated, on the ground that it
had not been brought first thither and the dues upon it paid. The
merchandise was therefore delivered to the pirates again for the
payment of their own wages, and to deliver the balance to Don
Antonio. Thus the business rests, the Judge of the Admiralty
telling me that he will proceed as they have said. I am pushing
liim on as much as possible to prevent any of this sugar falling
into Don Antonio's hands. They gave orders formerly at my
instance, for the delivery of the boxes of sugar from the caravel,
wliicli I said had arrived at Holyhead, but now they have counter-
manded them, on the ground that a merchant ship called the
"Mignon," of which I advised the departure on the 13th October
1 580, had been arrested on the coast of Brazil, and until she and the
property of her merchants had been released, all goods coming from
that coast belonging to your Majesty's subjects must be detained
here. This is all a lie, as is proved by a letter brought by the
captain of the caravel and confirmed verbally by him, saying that
this ship " Mignon " had arrived at St. Vincent, and had taken two
hundred boxes of sugar, sailing from there to Todos-los-Santos
where she was found leaking, and was allowed to discharge her
cargo in bond. This was on the 19th September last.
I have replied that as the property mentioned is in bond, I
believed your Majesty would punish the officers of the two ports
for having allowed the ship to enter, against the orders of your
Majesty, in accordance with the prohibition decreed in the time of
King Sebastian, against Englishmen going to that part of the coast,
they being confined to certain specified places. I said that for this
tlie " Mignon " might legally be arrested and confiscated ; and
although the treaty I have mentioned had only been for three
years and expired in December 1579, when Antonio de Castillo
came, " erat pro gentium tacito consensu et in re mfttuo |Comercio,"
nothing having changed on either side. The English, therefore,
had no ground for claiming the restitution of the ship.
They replied that they would send the secretary to me to
discuss the matter, and I am going to reply that if the Council are
ijLIZABETH. 303
1682.
ao unjust as to permit Englishmen here to detain property
in respect of this ship, I have no doubt that your Majesty will at
once order the detention in Portugal, and elsewhere, of all property
belonging to Englishmen, as it is of the greatest importance that
on no account, should the English be allowed to imagine that they
can go on that or any other voyage to the Indies, where prohibitions
exist, excepting at the risk of being sent to the bottom. Otherwise
they would continually fit out ships under the guise of trade,
which would simply be sent to plunder all the property of your
Majesty's subjects they could come across. I tliinlc )t will be
advantageous, if this ship (the " Mignon ") was not captured after the
caravel left, that she should be seized, in order to warn them not to
send any more thither. — 1st March 1582.
1 March. 224. Beenardino de Mendoza to the King.
When I saw the Council, as I relate in another letter herewith,
the Earl of Sussex, after I had done my business, asked me what
news I had of your Majesty's health and when I expected to see
the Queen. I replied that he himself had brought me the Queen's
message that she would inform me when I was to go, and I was
still awaiting the intimation. The next day the Lord Chamberlain
gave me notice that the Queen would receive Antonio de Castillo
and myself on the 24tli, in order that he might take leave.
Although he was not spoken of as an ambassador of your Majesty,
and I was without a reply on the point mentioned in mine of the
9th ultimo, it was well not to refuse the audience offered by the
Queen, particularly as it was very necessary for me to discover as
soon as possible whether her coldness towards me still continued as
at the last audience. I therefore went with him, and the Queen
received us very well when I presented him, telling us both to be
covered as he approached to hand her your Majesty's letter, which
prevented him at the time from putting on his hat. She read the
letter, and calling Castillo aside, said she could not understand some
portion of it, which seemed by its wording to have been written in
England. He will inform your Majesty of the conversation which
followed, the substance of which was to urge him to assure your
Majesty that she had constantly kept her eyes on Portuguese
affairs without allowing herself to be mixed up in them, he being
all the while uncovered, v I have no doubt she thought thus to put
a slight upon him out of revenge for Iiis having told her, i'rom the
first day he set foot in England, that your Majesty's right to the
crown was undoubted, and his having acted in conformity with
this, makes her think that by treating him rudely she was doing a
great favour to Don Antonio and the Queen-mother. At last she
turned to nie, and wanted to call me as a witness to her firmness in
the matter of Portugal, which she proclaimed with as much
confidence as she could have done if it had been true, instead of
proved by many acts and witnesses to be false. I replied that,
304 SPANISH STATE PAPEES.
1582.
whea the king Don Henry died, she had told me that she did not
intend to assist any person who claimed the succession until the
justice of his cause was acknowledged. Although her own will
and intention were thus evident, I said some of her ministers
wished to prove to the world that it was different, as besides the
aid which had been given to Don Antonio here, four fresh ships
were now fitting out to sail for the Moluccas, and another ship
loaded with cannons, powder, and other munitions, ready to go to
Terceira. I said this thus softly to ascertain the temper in which
she was, and she thereupon asked me what I meant, and to tell
her in detail about it. She then sat upon a stool and ordered
another to be brought for me, and I gave her a full account of the
ships for Moluccas, and of the help given to Don Antonio here ; all
of which she listened to with much attention and kindness. When
she replied, however, she suddenly changed her manner and said
hastily and harshly that this was no time to deal with similar
matters or to communicate about them to her ministers. I can
only imagine such an abrupt change as this must have been caused
by some sign made to her by Hatton, who was standing behind me,
because, when I entered the presence chamber, a great friend of his
said to another Englishman that Hatton did not expect Don
Bernardino was coming with the Portuguese Ambassador or he
vvould have prevented it. This was heard by a servant of mine,
who understands the language. The person addressed asked for
what reason he would have prevented it, and was told that Hatton
did not wish me to speak to the Queen. When I entered the
chamber the rest of the councillors all saluted me except Hatton,
who showed in his face that he was annoyed at seeing me. I am
informed that on the day that I saw the Council, after I had left,
Cecil said that I spoke with much modesty and good sense, which
could not be denied, and Hatton was extremely annoyed at it,
saying that I had bribed the Treasurer.
I doubt not but that when Leicester returns to support him he
will cause the Queen not to receive me, this being the aim for
which both of them constantly strive, and they will have their
way at last, unless the negotiations with the French fall through
altogether and the Netherlands become peaceful. Otherwise they
will get me referred to the Council for everything and try to cause
my expulsion from here. I cannot avoid again pressing upon your
Majesty that it will be advisable to send hither some person to
succeed me, with the letters and powers which I described on the
20th October, and of which your Majesty approved ; so that
according to the state of affairs when he arrives, he may use the
documents which may ap[)ear convenient, and we shall thus avoid
our present suspense and also prevent the personal rancour of
Leicester and Hatton (by their turning me out of here) from
forcing your Majesty to break with them at an inconvenient time ;
and you will still be able to communicate affairs with the Queen,
which is of great importance. Until I get a reply to this I will
not ask for audience in order to avoid the slight of a refusal, unless
ELIZABETH. 305
1682.
the Queen summon mo, or some important matter occurs which
should have to be conveyed to her personally. I will otherwise
feign illness rather than communicate such a matter to the Council
first.
It is very important in Drake's affair that the Queen and Council
should see that the matter is not forgotten by your Majesty, and
that you even send a special person about it, because otherwise she
will proceed as she has done before, whilst the booty is being
exhausted. I have had fresh signs that they want to make a
common lawsuit of it, as Walsingham says that the evidence of
the robberies which I had given the Judge of the Admiralty, when
he retjuested me to do so from the Queen, had been sent to Drake
for his reply, wliich should be given to me shortly. This, as I say,
is making an ordinary lawsuit of the matter. The coming of a
special man will also bridle them somewhat in their fitting out of
ships to plunder on the Indian voyage.
God has been pleased so to forward the matter of Scotland as
your Majesty will have seen in my despatches of the 9th ultimo ;
and to this I will only add that the business may be in such a
position that the arrival of a man ostensibly to succeed me may
imperil its success both privately and publicly, by reason of the cor-
respondence with the queen of Scotland and the English and Scotch
Catholics being suspended until they got used to him, especially as
the queen of Scotland has been so frank with me, as I have said ;
and it will be necessary to discover first whether she is willing to
communicate through any other Minister or not, which is a point
upon which some princes are scrupulous and have special par-
tialities, which may greatly influence the success of a negotiation.
My successor should therefore come, not ostensibly as such, but on
a .special mission about Drake's piracies, bringing with him the
other powers suggested, to be used if necessary. This will obviate
the difficulties raised by Leicester and Hatton and the others, as
well as give time to learn the queen of Scotland's wishes, and
make the Scots familiar with him. As your Majesty tells me in
your despatch of the 28th January, that the greatest service
I can do is to forward the coversion of Scotland, I refer to this
anew, foreseeing the danger that may arise. I humbly beg pardon
for my great boldness, and repeat that, if it be profitable that I
should remain here, I will willingly sacrifice myself for a matter so
closely touching the service of God and the increase of His church,
as well as serving your Majesty, since two hundred clergymen are
risking their lives in the same cause in the face of great hardships,
hunger, and need ; which is, of itself, a proof of the mercy which
God shows to those whom he chooses as His instruments. I do not
say this to your Majesty in the belief that I can be of any service
in so grave and arduous a business, as I know, too well, my own
sluggishness and coldness in the service of God, and I am sure that
whoever comes will be better able to serve your Majesty and with
greater dexterity and vigilaace than I can.—London, 1st March
1582.
y 84S41. W
306 SPANIsa STATE PAPEKS.
1582.
1 March. 225. Bebnaedino de Mendoza to the King.
I reply ia another of the four letters sent herewith to the
despatches of your Majesty, dated 28th January, in one of which I
received the second bill for the 3,000 crowns sent to me, and also
the statement of the men on the Dutch hulk, with the letter of the
Licentiate Cabrera.*
I cannot understand how so many ships as he speaks of can have
passed towards the Indies, nor can I believe that any of the seven-
teen great ships in Porto Santo were English, as no large ships or
others victualled for such a voyage left here at the season in
question ; those that have gone out for plunder having been small
and isolated, none of them carrying victuals to arrive beyond Cape
St. Vincent. Even if any of them had taken a prize and had been
nble to proceed, I am sure that it was not an important vessel,
because I have men in all the ports who instantly advise me of
ships that are fitting out. Moreover, the ships which I have
mentioned various times have returned from Teroeira, and Don
Antonio's vessels have never left the coast.
During the four years that I have been here the following are
the expeditions which have been fitted out : first, Frobisher with
eight vessels went to discover a passage to Cathay by the coast of
Labrador ; next, Humphrey Gilbert and Knollys, with eight ships,
sailed on a voyage from which they returned in four months with
prizes taken on the high seas ; and, subsequently, Don Antonio's
ships, and the pirates associated with them, have been dispatched,
but they are all small craft. There is a large ship of 300 odd tons
and three smaller ones ready to go to the Moluccas, carrying over
three hundred men, but they have not yet left port in consequence
of a quarrel about the lieutenant who is to go with Frobisher. The
Muscovy Company wish to force upon him a lieutenant of their own
choosing, but Frobisher refuses to undertake the voyage with that
condition. I am secretly inciting this quarrel, as well as taking
many other steps to delay the voyage, if I cannot stop it altogether
by what I said to the Queen.
From what I had said, confirmed by the news I have from the
coast of Brittany and Normandy, I have no doubt that the ships
which Cabrera mentions are French, but I have not reported
particulars of them, as I thought that Juan Bautista de Tassis
would have much fresher news on the point than Lf
The twelve ships which were reported by the ship arriving at
Belem, to be at the Isle of Wight, were doubtless those of Don
Antonio, and the pirates that had joined them, the movements of
which I have reported weekly to your Majesty. The number of
men in them was exaggerated, as also was the statement that they
were taking bricks and other materials for colonization, in con-
* The Spanish judge at the Canary islands.
I The large ships reported by Cabrera off the Canary isles were no doubt the French
ppvateer tieet under Philip Strozzi, which appeared before St. Michael's on the 15th
July and suffered so terrible a reverse at the hands of the Spanish Admiral, the Marquis
of Santa Qnz,
ELIZABETH.
307
1682.
sequence of Jacob Anes, when he came from Terceira, telling the
Queen that the people of the island wanted nothing but lime to
build forts, and begging her permission to send such material by
the ships. The rumour therefore prevailed that Don Antonio's
ships were loaded in the same way, as Drake was on board of
them. Drake has not yet left England, but not a day passes that
he does not say a thousand shameless things, amongst others that
he will give the Queen 80,000 ducats if she will grant him leave to
arm ships to meet your Majesty's fleets, although, of course, he has
not the slightest idea of doing such a thing. The other night,
whilst supping with the Earl of Sussex, Arundel, and other
gentlemen, he was boasting of what he had done, when Sussex
remarked that it was no great thing for an armed ship to capture
another vessel loaded with money, but with only eight unarmed
men on board of her. Drake replied that he was quite capable of
making war on your Majesty, whereupon Arundel told him that
he wondered how a man like him should have the impudence to
imagine such a thing of the greatest monarch on earth, who was
strong enough to wage war against all the world united. The
above is all I can say about the arming of ships, but when any
fresh effort is made, I will send special reports by courier before
the vessels can leave port.
Diego Botello is here, trying to get hold of the sugar and other
property from Terceira, whilst I am preventing it. I understand
that he is short of money, and that he is unable even to pay insig-
nificant debts which Don Antonio left here owing to workmen.
Although he had obtained an order raising the stop placed upon
Don Antonio's ships, I have taken action about the robberies in
such a way that I have managed to get an order that all the pro-
perty they have stolen shall be discharged fron the ships and
warehoused, and if Botello does not provide fully sufficient security,
it will be difficult for him, excepting at heavy cost, to take the ships
to Rochelle, which is his object.
I am told that Cobham informs the Queen that small hopes are
entertained of Don Antonio's fleet there (i.e., in France) coming to
anything for want of money, and Diego Botello has been able to do
very little here, at all events in the absence of Leicester. — London,
1st March 1582.
3 March^ 226. Memorandum from Cardinal de Granvelle to the Kmo
on English affairs.
[Extract.]
Several long letters have come from Don Bernardino de Mendoza,
speaking in very variable and contradictory terms about AIen9on's
affairs, in consequence of the instability of the French and English.
Alenyon's proposition to the English council appears to be a sort of
declaration of despair of his being able to carry through the
intention of becoming master of the States of Flanders ; whilst
Pinart's sharpness with him soon caused him to slacken in his French
designs. On such a shifty foundation as this, however, no solid
presumptions can be based ; aad the only thing i? to be ready to seize
U 2
B. M.
MSS. Add.
28702.
308 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1582.
the favourable opportunity now afforded in the States, thanks to
the industry and diplomacy of the Prince of Parma, as his Majesty
will see by the French despatches ; and make an extreme effort,
even if secretly, to raise the money necessary to obviate expense
for the future. If we allow this opportunity to slip, as we have
done before, we shall fruitlessly blame ourselves in future, as it is
the only way to speedily expel Orange and reinstate his Majesty in
the possession of his dominions, whilst bridling the English and
French. All these plans of Alen9on will sway to the interests of
one or the other side, according to the amount of assurance and
advantage they may give him in Flushing and Antwerp, whither,
I must confess, I should not care if I were he, to go so poorly
accompanied. As to the Queen's positive promise that she will
mfirry him when he returns to England, I believe it no more than
I ever did ; and we have no intelligence from any quarter either
in France, Germany, the rebel States or even in England, that
preparations are being made for raising troops. I need not say
anything about the Prince of Parma's letters, as the confident hopes
he gave us in his previous letters have been fully dealt with in
anticipation of the present favourable outcome of his negotiations.
The English with every good reason, are laughing at us for not
carrying out the edict,* and may well think that we are prevented
from doing so by the interests of our own subjects, or of the King
himself, or else because we are quite unable to get together the
large number of ships required to carry the merchandise. The
alarm showed by the English at the stoppage of trade proved
clearly how important it is to them, and I once more repeat what I
have so often said, that nothing we could do here would so greatly
disturb the English, or set them against the Queen and Council, as
the stoppage of trade with Spain.f In this nobles and common
people alike are interested, aud as the feelings of many people are
already greatly inflamed against the Queen, on account of religion
and other things, her Council being divided and Ireland still in
revolt, wliilst she is in fear of the king of Scotland, some advantage
would be gained, by God's help, by the seizure of all English ships.
This could be done with safety as we have no ships in England,
whilst many of theirs are here. The arrest might be made with all
politeness, by saying that we take the step to obtain restitution of
Drake's plunder, and other merchandise of which tliey have robbed
us, and of which the ambassador has demanded the restoration with
80 little apparent result, as he will continue to do unless we second
his efforts thus.
The Scotch affair appears to be of the highest importance, and
so far as I can judge, Don Bernardino has hitherto managed it
excellently, with great dexterity and care. He should be thanked
for this and encouraged to continue to act with the same secrecy
and dissimulation as heretofore. If possible, I should like him to
• The prohibition of export from Spain in English bottoms, except under very severe
restrictions,
t In tbe King's hand s— " I fully eg'te with all this, there is great laxity everywhere 1
tewBd me."
ELIZABETH. 309
1582.
discontinue writing letters about it, in case at any time they should
fall into the hands of the queen of England. It is true, as he says,
that his letter is very carefully worded, and is only a credence, but
still I think that there will be no harm in warning him that, if the
letter should come into the queen of England's hands, he is to
firmly maintain that the only object of it was to exhort the king
of Scotland to embrace the Catholic religion, and was inspired solely
by Don Bernardino's zeal and attachment to the faith, and his
desire to save the King's soul.
Don Bernardino is also acting very prudently in preventing any
responsibility from being attached to the queen of Scotland, for the
efforts made to break up the friendship between the English and
French, no notice having been sent to her of Don Bernardino's wise
and timely intervention.
The queen of Scotland's letter in French is of great importance,
and Don Bernardino should be instructed to continue to entertain
her and to justify himself for advocating the sending of Englishmen
and not Scotsmen to attend to the religious matter, by explaining
the very excellent reasons he gives. Money must be provided for
him to sustain this negotiation, for such things are not done empty
handed.
The forces requested by the Scots Catholics are very limited.
They will be satisfied with 2,000 Italians ; and the pretext suggested,
of Friesland is extremely apposite, the voyage li-om there to Scotland
being very short, easy, and safe. Doubtless his Holiness will
willingly contribute to this, a half the expense or more ; the number
of Italians to go to Flanders being increased in proportion. Captain
Mario Corso would be a very fit man to take charge ; he who
volunteered to go with Sicilian and Neapolitan subjects of the King
or Mario Canduino, who is here and speaks English, would do very
well, as he knows the country and coast thoroughly. The affair is so
important, both for the sake of religion and to bridle England, that
no other can equal it, because by keeping the queen of England
busy, we shall be ensured against her helping Alen^on or daring to
obstruct us in any other way.
The long-delayed reply to the queen of Scots should now be sent.
From what I can recollect of the draft reply I indited and sent
thither (i.e. to Badajoz where the King was at the time) without
keeping a copy, I think it might be adapted to the present circum-
stances, since in the Queen's own letter she gives no assurance that
her son is a Catholic, or will become one, as will be necessary if the
marriage* is to be brought about. My diaft reply said that whether
the marriage was effected, on the assurance, of course, that the King
would become a Catholic, or if on the contrary it fell through on
religious grounds, his Majesty still wished to make an alliance with
her and her son and to help them. It also expresses his approval
of the deed of association she had executed with her son, of the
wisdom of her reasons of which he is convinced— and it is now an
accomplished fact. The Queen, in her letter, suggests that it would
* i.e., the projected ii.arria^e of James VI, with the Infanta,
310
1582.
SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
he well to grant pensions to some of the King's principal councillors,
mentioning tlie names of some whom I do not know. Don
Bernardino had better delay this question, until we see how things
may turn out, by saying that he is instructed to inquire into the con-
dition and qualities of these gentlemen, for the purpose of fixing the
sums to be granted, without pledging us further for the present. Still
if they really be the most powerful people in the country his Majesty
would be the more certain if they were in his pay, particularly as,
being needy, a little will content them.
It will be well to bring that Portuguese* away from England
and give him the title if necessary, as it does not matter, and he
received it from the King's predecessor, besides which he has
already been once so addressed. He could then leave without
Don Bernardino being called a liar, as the English are trying to
call him, from no fault of his ownj and it is necessary to keep up
his credit. — Madrid, 3rd March 1582.
6th March. 227. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
On the Ist I wrote five letters in duplicate to your Majesty, and
have learnt that the first despatch was thrown into the sea as the
boat was attacked by pirates. I have triplicated it, and have since
received the despatch of the 8th January with the first bill for the
3,000 crowns.
Leicester says that he left Alen9on like an old hulk run ashore,
high and dry without wind and tide, unable to get off the sand-
bank. He says the oath of allegiance of the rebel States was
nothing but a joke and a hollow mockery. Marchaumont heard of
this, and went to the Queen, complaining of Leicester's words, and
that the rebels should have treated Alen9on in such a way, making
him the laughing slock of everybody. She swore that no such
ceremony had been performed, and that the States would not think
of doing such a thing until they had informed her, but that is all
nonsense.
In consequence of the news she had from Cobham, the Queen
had ordered a despatch to be sent to Alenyon, and she afterwards
summoned the Treasurer. He was ill of fever in London, but she
sent word that he was to come to her in any case. She told him
that as the king of France would not assist his brother, and the
friendship of the latter could not much be depended upon, seeing
his lightness of behaviour, she thought it would be best to make
friends with your Majesty and the House of Burgundy. He replied
that nothing would suit her better, especially if peace could be
brought about in the Netherlands by liberty of conscience being
conceded to the Protestants, for which they had suffered for so
many years. She afterwards spoke to Sussex upon the subject,
• Don Antonio de Castillo, who had been Fortuguese ambassador in England until
the death of King Henry of Portugal, and the accession of Philip to the crown. The
difficulty arose from his having no commission from the new King, and consequently
that bis quality as ambassador had lapsed, unless he was allowed to call himself
ambassador of King Philip, who, of course, had a regular ambassador in England. See
Mendoza to the King, page 284,
ELIZABETH. 311
1582.
who replied that ih wa'3 the best thing for the tranquillity of her
realm, and that she must now choose speedily between two courses,
either to become reconciled to your Majesty or marry Alen9on, as
it would be very dangerous to procrastinate much longer. After
these conversations Stafford, who had translated the letter for
Alenjon from English to French, asked Walsingham when it
would be sent. He replied that it would not go now, as the Queen
had altered her mind, and was inclined to renew the treaties with
your Majesty, whilst procuring the total ruin of those who, incited
by her, had forwarded the war. He said that he hoped the humour
would not last long, as otherwise it would turn out entirely to her
disadvantage, as the Prince of Orange would immediately have all
the fortresses placed in the hands of the French, which would cause
greater harm to England than could be done by all your Majesty's
treasure.
When my second confidant was talking over this with Sussex,
he asked him whether he tliought that the Queen inclined to seek
your Majesty's friendship ; to which Sussex replied that, although
she exhibited many signs of it, he was afraid it was only a trick
to see whether I should rise to it, and to discover the disposition of
her Councillors. Because, he said, although the Treasurer persuaded
her secretly to be friendly with your Majesty, he spoke very coolly
about it in the Council, the result of which would be that the
opposite side, who are now paramount, would have more influence
over the Queen.
Marohaumont has seen the Queen in private audience, solely
for the purpose of begging money for Alengon. She was very
dissatisfied, and referred the answer to some members of the
Council, who have not yet resolved upon it. Cecil, Sussex, the
Admiral, and others, are of opinion that nothing whatever should
be given to him, unless he marry the Queen ; whilst the rest say
that the rebels must be supported. Each one gives his own reasons
privately to the Queen, and, between them, they have made her so
perplexed and ill-tempered that it is noticed by every one, as she
rudely scolds all the ladies aud others in the Chamber. Walsingham,
after this Council, told a friend of his, with great anger, that he
had no idea that tiie Queen had so many Spanish Councillors as
were in Council the day before.
The other day the Queen had a great squabble with Leicester,
whom she told that he had only gone to Flanders for his own
ostentation, and to make light of Alen5on. Besides which, he had
thought fit to be present when the ceremony of investing Alen9on
with the mantle and cap of duke of Brabant had been performed,
whereby it was inferred that the Queen had sent one of her
principal Councillors to assist by his presence at the investiture,
and to violate the peace with your Majesty. She used the most
scandalous words to him, and ended by saying that he was a
traitor, as was all his stock, and that it was a planned thing
between him and Orange, in order that the latter might be able
to continue his tyranny with greater assurance. She then called
Y\\ilsingham a roi-ue for having incited Alen9on to go to the
312 SPANISH STATE PAPERS,
1682.
Netherlands, wherefrom, alio said, he would only reap infamy from
all Christian princes.
She has written a letter to him (Alen9on) with her own liand,
which Sussex told Marchnumont contained, in substance, that he
was not to trust overmuch that Flemish rabble, and not to engage
himself too deeply in the enterprise, unless with full assurance and
due regard for his own position and dignity. She asked him not
to resent her avoidance of a breach with your Majesty, as she was
not only pledged by old friendship to avoid war but it was necessary
also for her own reputation. He must, therefore, not think her in-
considerate if, upon this point, she went beyond the King his
brother ; her sufficient excuse being that this was not a matter which
touched her alone, but concerned the common welfare and quietude
of her realm, and the maintenance of good faith between princes.
She hears from Antwerp that Alengon is thinking of leaving for
France within a fortnight, in order to raise money and men, and
persuade his brother to break with your Majesty. She has there-
fore resolved to send a gentleman to him, but his despatches are
not ready.
I understand that whilst Leicester was in Antwerp, he, Orange,
Lord Hunsdon, and Prince d'Epinoy met in a room alone, and after
they had been conversing for some time they were joined by two
burgesses of Antwerp, and presently by two from Ghent, who had
just arrived, booted and spurred. Each one brought a key, and,
bringing out a casket with four locks, they opened it and exhibited
to Leicester and the others a gold cup set with many precious
stones, and tlie " Landsjewel " which is a carbuncle, and other gems.
Leicester was so much enamoured with it that he asked them why
they had not sent it to London, as if the Queen had seen it she
would have done anything they liked. They tlien closed the
casket and Leicester put his seal upon the lock, a deed then being
drawn up, and signed bj' him, Hunsdon, Orange, and the four
burgesses. I have not been able to learn its value or whether the
casket came hither. They say the jewels came from one of the
abbeys. — London, 6th March 1582.
6 March. 228. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
Since my last, Diego Botello left this place for Plymouth, after
having a conference with Leicester, the orders which I mentioned
having been sent thither, commanding the sailors to return imme-
diately to the ships. Walsingham and Leicester sent also very
strict letters individually to the officers of the ports, urging their
rigid compliance with the orders, and I am told in my last advices
from Plymouth that 200 sailors and others had already returned
to Don Antonio's four vessels. I doubt not that on Botello's
arrival many more will also return, in consequence of the severe
orders he takes with him, if he has any money with which to pay
them. His design is to take the ships to Rochelle, and they are
putting on board of them a part of the artillery which was being
shipped in the vessel for Terceira. This would show that the object
is to fit out an expedition in France, particularly as orders have been
ELIZABETH. 313
1582.
given for the ship that was to go to Terceira, to join the rest of Don
Antonio's ships at Plymouth, for which purpose she has left this
rivei-. Those who have to do with the ships in Plymouth say that
they are going to Bayona, Vigo, or Vianna, where Don Antonio has
some scheme, but I repeat that from the first day I have seen
clearly that all these vessels, and those being fitted in France, are
destined for the coast of Brazil.
A Portuguese who calls himself a " Fidalgo,"* who was in the
ships of Don Antonio, intimated that he wished to see me, and that
an Englishman who was on board the ships has been to Lisbon
with letters from Don Antonio, and lias returned, which, he says,
proves that they are finding money for him there. I have sent and
told him that he can come, and have provided liim with money for
the road ; my object being to see whether I can make any use of
the man, in which case I will give instant advice to your Majesty.
Although I am doing my utmost to hinder the success of Don
Antonio's designs, and to detain his ships, Walsingham and
Leicester counter-check me at every point. They summoned the
Judge of the Admiralty to the Council, and blamed him much for
the injury he was doing in proceeding in the matters of the
robberies committed by Don Antonio's ships, and by those that
came from Terceira. He exculpated himself with ambiguous
expressions, but they again heaped reproaches upon him, and he at
last said that he could not administer justice if, for their own ends,
certain ministers addressed him upon the subject and forbade him
by special orders from doing so. By this he meant Walsingham.
Cecil rose from the table and said that it would be difficult for the
Queen and Council to maintain peace with your Majesty, and for
the Queen to do justice in her country, if the aims and interests
of a particular minister were interposed to prevent it, whereby
everything would be disturbed.
Frobisher is resolved not to go to the Moluccas with the four
ships I mentioned, and the expedition will be commanded by the
man who had been appointed his lieutenant. They are now being
hurried off, and I am told that Frobisher has been in conference
with Leicester, with the object of fitting out four more ships to go
thither under his command.
It has been asserted here that a ship has recently arrived on the
coast which had entered the South Sea with Drake, but there is no
foundation for it, nor are they agreed as to what port she has
arrived at, some saying that she is on the west coast, some on the
north, some in Ireland, and others in the Downs. They have
prohibited anyone from hearing Mass in Antwerp except Alen9on's
household. — London, 6th March 1582.
6 March. 229. Bernakdino de Mendoza to the King.
I send enclosed a copy of the letter the queen of Scotland lias
written to me, in reply to that in which I conveyed to her the
* i.e., a gentleman. The word in its Portuguese form is often used by Spaniards
jocosely and sivtirically.
314 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1682. ~
resolution of the Scotch gentlemen. She requests me to com-
municate it to your Majesty, and for her part she is evidently
doing her best to bring about the conversion of her son and the
country. She points out, with much prudence and good sense, the
undesirability of the Scots gentlemen even giving a sign of their
intentions until everything is settled, and the forces that are to
come to their aid ready for the work, in order that they may be
able rapidly to be brought against those which this Queen may
employ. I have replied as best I can, attributing to her manage-
ment the favourable position in which Scots affairs now are, and
encouraging her, as I always have done, in so holy and Christian
a task, upon which depend all things which tend to her own
happiness. With regard to what she says about ordering the
Scotsmen now in Flanders to retire therefrom, saying that this
will be very advantageous, when opportunity occurs, of paying
them salaries in their own country, and placing them in charge of
some of the castles and strong places, I point- out that there is a
danger in this, that the moment this Queen got the advantage of
us these men would immediately change sides, as they have for
so many years served the rebel States and Orange, and necessarily
must be strongly attached to the cause of heresy wherever they
are, since they have been ready to risk their lives for it. Although
the chiefs may be trustworthy, yet, if the soldiers are faithless,
nothing can prevent them from surrendering fortresses to whom
they like. I have dwelt somewhat strongly upon this point to her,
as it is most necessary that she should not count too much upon
these soldiers for the reasons mentioned, as the Scots are naturally
a faithle.ss people, and it is very desirable for your Majesty's
interests, with a view to French affairs, that the Scots forces should
not be stronger than the foreign soldiers sent thither on your
Majesty's behalf, and that upon these latter she must mainly
depend. This is also necessary in the interests of the safety of
the foreigners themselves, who would otherwise be at the mercy of
the Scots.
I also ask her whether she wishes me to communicate with her
ambassador the bishop of Glasgow if he arrives in Scotland, which
she seem to hint at in her letter, as, in such case, I must arrange
my correspondence with him before he leaves France. I also
represented to her the difficulty which now exists in sending
letters from here to Scotland in consequence of the vigilance
on the borders, which will be certainly increased the moment
her ambassador arrives in Scotland, as this Queen is extremely
auspicious of matters there. She is determined to stop communi-
cations, not only from me, of whom but small suspicion exists, but
from all Catholics here, and letters will therefore have to go by
France, which is a great round. I think I have convinced lier now
that the priests that go should be Englishmen and not Scots.
The Queen says that she should not be doing her duty to your
Majesty unless she pointed out that, in the event of the Scots
having aid at their back and this Queen attempting action against
them, which might cause the English Catholics to rise, it would be
ELIZABETH. 315
1682. ~ ~
necessary to have the latter part of the business arranged for before-
hand, but in such a way that they (the English Catholics) should not
understand \vhat is intended, and should be told nothing until every-
thing was ripe and the matter ready to burst forth, as otherwise the
whole plan might be frustrated. As I have already said, I am obliged
now to manage the entire business, as the rest of the men concerned
are in prison and cannot proceed with it. In general terms they
know that it is going on well, and by this and other means I am
trying to keep the Catholics here in a good humour, preparing all
things for their friendly communication with your Majesty's
minister when the proper time ari-ives.
It is also highly necessary for your Majesty to gain over the
house of Howard, which is the richest in kinsmen and followers in
the north of England, the part of the country most necessary to
ensure. The head of the house is the earl of Arundel, son of the
duke of Norfolk, and he has two brother ; the three being married
to three sisters, daughters of a great gentleman in the north,*
with whom their father linked them long before they were of an
age to marry, in order to secure the devotion of the whole north
country to his house. These three boys are very young still, but
they have an uncle, a person of great valour and spirit, of whom I
wrote to your Majesty on the 25th of December.t He completely
rules his nephews, and constantly keeps before them the need for
resenting the death of their father, and following the party
of the queen of Scots, by whose means alone can they hope for
vengeance. Leicester aud Huntingdon, fearing this, have tried
very hard to separate the uncle and nephews, and have pressed the
Queen with this end, in the belief that, without their uncle, the
lads will not be strong enough to take action when an opportunity
occurs. This gentleman is in close connection with all the Catholic
gentlemen in the kingdom, by whom he is greatly esteemed for
the influence he has through his nephew, as well as for his own
good parts. For this reason I have kept up a close intimacy with
him, but still more in order to obtain from him news of everything
that passes at court. In this way he serA'es your Majesty with
greater intelligence and care than I can well say, his information
being prompt and valuable, not a point ever being missed, as he
writes to me twice every week minute details of all that passes
touching France, Flanders, Scotland, and Don Antonio. He also
lets me know everything that happens inside the palace, which he
is well able to do. I am of opinion that it will be highly desirable
for your Majesty to secure him at once, in order that he may not
be persuaded to take the French side. The way will be for your
Majesty to give him a pension commensurate to his rank, which
should be paid quarterly. Two ends will be gained by this — first,
we shall have won over the important house of Howard, and
secondly, we shall have secured his personal co-operation. This is
so valuable that, if he were a person to whom I could offer money
without your Majesty's orders, I should give him many ducats
* Lord Dftcre, t ^""^ Henry Howard.
316
SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1582.
every year in return for the information with which he furnishes
me, and which I should have to purchase from others for more
than its weight in gold, even if I could get it at all. The greatest
risk we run, in the present state of Scotch affairs, is to have to pay
him the pension at most for two or three years in periodical
payments, and if it be treated as a pension the whole sum will not
be a larger one than we should have to give such a man as this in one
amount if we liad to make him a present, which we shall be obliged
to do in order to prevent the Howards, at any cost, from turning
towards France.
He assures me that, seeing the many enemies he has ia England,
he is greatly desirous of rendering service to your Mnjesty, in order
that, if he is unfortunate enough to be obliged to leave this country
before he sees the queen of Scotland in the position he desires, your
Majesty may receive him, and I have continued to hold out hopes
of this to him. Leicester and Walsingham, finding that they have
been unable, by false accusations, to discredit hira with the Queen
and banish him from Court, have now proposed that he will be a
fitting person to be sent to Germany on the Queen's business, for
the purpose of separating him from his nephews. I therefore
humbly beg your Majesty, if you approve of what I say, to let me
know at once what amount of pension you will grant him, as I
may make this a means of preventing him from going to Germany
or leaving the country. I can assure your Majesty tliat, without
his communications, any Mini.ster of yours here will be kept quite
in the dark, as no one else will be able to do as this man does,
besides which we shall not be sure of holding the Howards, as we
ought to be, in view of Scotch affairs. I sent last night a clergyman
to the duke of Lennox with the queen of Scotland's despatch. —
London, 3rd March 1582.
Pvstscript. — I have had this letter written for three days,
awaiting the passport for the special courier by whom I send it,
as I dare not trast it to any one else. I am writing to Tassis,
begging him to send it on by safe hands from Paris. — London, 6th
March 1582.
6 March. 230. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
After closing the three letters now sent, my first confidant
informs me that he has read with his own eyes the letter to the
Queen from the king of France, telling her that she must not expect
that he will break with your Majesty, or help his brother to make
war in the Netherlands. If she marries his brother, it must be for
the purpose of bringing about a general peace. The courier said
he left Secretary Pinart at Dover, but I do not know how true
this is. The gentleman I mentioned that the Queen was sending
to Alen9on has gone to offer him 15,000^., without the knowledge of
the Treasurer. — London, 6th March 1582.
7 March. 231. The Duke of Lennox to J. B. Tassis.
^"i'.tsss!''*'' 'T^^ ^^^^^"^ °* *^® present is William Creighton, a Jesuit, who
has come hither and told me that he was sent to me by the Pope
ELIZABETH. 31*?
1582.
and the king of Spain. He brought with him a letter of credence
from the Scots ambassador, and subsequently there arrived here
another Jesuit, an Englishman,* with a letter for me from the
Spanish ambassador in London, from which it appears that your
King and the Pope wish to make use of me in the design they have
in hand to restore the Catholic religion and release the queen of
Scotland, according to Creighton's communication to me.
In the belief that this enterprise is undertaken for the advantage
of the queen of Scotland and the King her son, and that the latter
will be confirmed and maintained on his throne by his mother's
consent, I am prepared to employ my life and estate in the cairyiug
out of the same, on condition that I am supplied with all the things
set forth in a statement taken by this bearer.j
In accordance with the reply you may send me I will go at once
to France to carry out the enterprise, as it cannot be done without
my going thither, for the reasons which I have told the bearer.
Please give entire credit to what he says ou my behalf, as if I
personally were there. — Dalkeith, 7th March 1582.
19 March. 232. Bernardino dk Mendoza to the King.
On the 6th I wrote four letters by special courier, and since then
a servant of Pinart arrived with letters from the king of France
and his mother, which gave rise to the rumour that Pinart had
liimself arrived at Dover. I advised the purport of the letters in
my last, and Cobham writes to the Queen saying that the last time
he saw the King he found him extremely vexed and changed in his
tone towards the Queen, of whom he bitterly complained for having,
simply for her own caprice, done her best to degrade the Royal
House of France. He swore that, so far as he was concerned, he
would wash his hands of the folly his brother had committed in
trusting thus a fickle woman, who behaved more in accordance with
the fancies of those who ruled her than with sense and reason, and
he said that, if his brother had taken his advice, he would have
attained much greater prosperity by easier and safer means, instead
of allowing himself to become the plaything of a woman's
inconstancy, which changed like the wind from hour to hour. The
King became so enraged that Cobham, in order to mollify him,
replied that it was not the Queen's fault that the marriage had not
taken place, as she had frankly offered to effect it if he would
relieve her of the cost of the war in Flanders. The King replied
that he was not so foolish as his brother, to allow himself to be
deceived as he had been, and he would advise the Queen to proceed
more straightforwardly with him unless she wanted to repent of
her artfulness. He said the conditions he had granted were fully
sufiicient, and he would not go further in the matter until he had
his brother's reply to guide him in his decision.
He also complained of Sussex, who he said, had caused his brother
* William Holt.
t See letter of ISth May 1582, Tassis to the Kmg of Spain.
318 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1582.
to go over, and had been the first one to incite the Queen to get
out of her promise made when she gave the ring.
The moment she received these letters, before she had time to
summon the Council, she replied to Cobham, telling him to assure
the King of France, that if the conditions proposed were complied
with, there was nothing that she desired more than to marry. She
has also secretly told Sussex to deal with Marchaumont to renew
the contract of marriage with the intervention of the Council. He
said he could hardly do so for two reasons ; first, because she had
on so many occasions displayed her natural repugnance to marriage,
which convinced him that she would never conclude it, and he
thought therefore that it would be better to excuse herself for the
past offences she had committed towards the French, rather than
exasperate them with new ones. The second reason was that,
even if she could bring herself to force her inclination to marriage,
it was not now so advisable as formerly that she should do so ;
because, although Alen9on was a tit prince for her husband, he was
embarked in the Netherlands enterprise, and it would be extremely
dangerous for her to unite with him now, and burden herself with
the maintenance of the war, which would press hardly upon
England, even were it against a less powerful Prince than your
Majesty. He, Sussex, said he should be a bad vassal and servant if
he did not advise her, if she married him, to persuade him to
abandon the war and the style of duke of Brabant. The Queen
nssured him that if Alencon married her, the evils of the
Netherlands war would be avoided, and she would influence him to
retire therefrom. On the same day the Queen went to see Cecil who
was ill of the gout, and addressed him in the same way as she had
Sussex. He replied that matters had now reached a point when all
the scruples which might intervene had been removed. The people
were satistied with Alen9on personally, he having twice run the
risk of coming to see her, and it was therefore desirable that she
should herself decide the question, without further discussion on
the part of the Council, as, after all, she would be sure to alter their
decision, to the great danger of herself and her realm, added to
which it was of the highest importance to bear in mind that
Alencon was now pledged to the Netherlands war, and, to judge
from appearances, his brother was more likely to oppose than assist
him. After this the Queen saw Marchaumont, to whom she swore
that nothing would please her better than to marry, on condition
that her kingdom was not prejudiced. She asked him in such
case to persuade his master to retire from the Netherlands
until she had arranged with his brother to break with your
Majesty. Marchaumont seized the opportunity to propose to go to
Flanders for the purpose, and to take the money she was sending
him. The Queen consented to this, but after discussing it with the
Council, she told him it was better he should not go. He has
therefore been detained, but the 15,O00L in the form of bans brought
by Drake has been secretly brought out of the Tower at night and
sliipped, under the pretence that it only amounted to about six or
seven thousand. The people in general and some of the Councillora
ELIZABETH. 319
1582.
resent the money being given to him. Sussex and Cecil opposed it,
but they will dissemble.
Diego Botello is still in Plymouth, whither a fresh order of the
Council has been sent to him to enable him to take three out of
the four ships of Don Antonio to France, the other vessel, called the
"White Bear " remaining here, this being the largest. The captains
and sailors are to declare the names of those to whom they have
sold the plunder, in order that proceedings may be taken against
them. I have men there pushing the matter on, in order to throw
further obstacles in the way of their leaving, but Leicester and
Walsinghara with their private letters upset all the arrangements
I can make with the Council. I can get no answer from them
about the sugar at Bristol and elsewhere. The ships for the
Moluccas are ready to sail and await another ship from the Thames,
which is to join them. — London, 19th March 1582.
19 March. 233. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
Many councils have been held here lately about Ireland, at one of
which the Queen was present, in the Treasurer's apartment, he being,
as I report elsewhere, ill of the gout. The principal point discussed
was the desolation of the country by the war, to such an extent
that the receivers of taxes report that, in place of the ordinary
reveuue reaching, as it did before the war, some 70,000?., they
cannot count upon gathering more than 10,000i. if the war
continues. Various remedies were proposed but no resolution was
adopted. I understand that the Queen has not altogether in the
island 1,000 soldiers, horse and foot, and that the country is
completely exhausted. They greatly blame the Viceroy, who, they
say, has spent more and gained less than any before, and has quite
alienated the Irish from the Queen. By the persuasion of Leicester
he accused the earl of Ormond of treason on the information of
Captains Malbey, Denny and Maulez (1) ; and as Ormond saw that
the Queen was lending ear to it, he determined to come hither
and give an account of himself by virtue of a privilege granted
him years ago, when he was the Queen's favourite, which allows
him to leave Ireland when he pleases without consulting the
Viceroy. The latest letters, dated 1st instant, report that he was
ready to embark, and that Feagh MacHugh who some months ago
declared himself against the Queen, has laid down his arms.
Leicester and his gang have also been urging the Queen to
behead the earl of Kildare, who is a prisoner in Dublin Castle, on
the ground that he was imprisoned before and nothing was proved
against him, and if he is restored to liberty now, for the second
time, he will certainly seek revenge, greatly to the injury of
England. When the countess of Lincoln, the wife of the Admiral,
heard of this she petitioned the Queen to have her brother's cause
tried, and if he be found guilty of acting against the Queen that
he may be punished, and if otherwise, released. The Queen has
conceded this. This Queen's partizans (in Scotland) have sent a
special envoy to inform her that it would be well for her to press
forward the marriage of the king of Scotland with the daughter
320 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1582.
of the king of Denmark, which had been discussed previously.
When Walsingham took the message to her he urged the matter
warmly, pointing out to her how important it was that the King
should marry a person of their own religion. The Queen asked
him why he was worrying her so about mariying the boy ' before
he was out of the shell,' and said that there would be time
for that afterwards.
There are some great plots being carried on through Leicester
and Walsingham with the earl of Angus, the nephew of Morton,
and other rebels here, with the object of getting possession of the
King. Besides the offers I have already mentioned they inade to
the earl of Arran, they are promising him fresh things every day,
and have sent money to gain over people and make head against
d'Aubign}' ; Arran being the man who now leads the Protestants,
and especially the ministers, who are becoming daily more
suspicious of a change of religion. For this reason it is of great
importance that your Majesty should send me instructions as to
how I am to deal with the Scots, in order that they may not lose
heart, as they are already so distrustful of help being sent them.
I have informed the queen of Scotland of this, and sent her
despatch immediately to d'Aubigny ; so as to animate and comfort
them. I have also written again to the Jesuit Father William
Holt to continue in the same course. The Scottish Jesuit William
Creighton, a prudent and learned man, has also been sent thither
from France, and has been extremely well received. Father
Persons assures me that as soon as he receives the money I have
sent him to Eheinis, another priest will leave for Scotland.
The Scottish ministers inform this Queen that his Holiness and
tlie Christian princes have sent a personage to the king of Scotland
recommending him to request his mother's release. — London,
19th March 1582.
20 March. 234. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
At seven o'clock this evening, whilst I am writing this, there
arrived news here that on Sunday the 18th, the day before yesterday,
between twelve and one in the day, a Biscayan Spaniard, servant
of Gaspar de Aiiastro,* a merchant formerly in Antwerp, shot a
harquebuss at Orange, the ball entering under the ear, and,
according to some statements, coming out in a slanting direction
over the other ear. Alen^on immediately sent a burgomaster of
Antwerp to Flushing, with the news that treason had broken out.
He arrived there at night of the 18th, and at once sent news over
here, arresting all ships excepting the English vessel that brought
the intelligence. The burgomaster said that, although the wound
was not mortal, they were afraid the bullet was poisoned. — London,
20th March 1582.
• Caspar de Anastro, formerly a wealthy merchant, had been ruined by the war, and
appears to have suggested the attempt to the lad Juan de Jauregui as a means partly of
rehabilitating his fortunes by the reward placed upon the head of Orange, and partly
impelled by religious fanaticism. It was generally believed by the Flemish protestanH
at the time that Alenjon was at the bottom of it.
teLlZABETH. 321
1582.
27 March. 235. Secretary Mateo Vasquez to Bernardino de Mendoza.
The King has conferred upon him the commandership of
Penausende in the order of knighthood of Santiago, on his
relinquishing the pension of 500 ducats he receives in Naples. —
Lishon, 27th March 1582.
1 April. 236. Bernardino de Mendoza to the Kino.
With your Majesty's last despatches replied to in the four letters
herewith, I received your Majesty's instructions to endeavour to
procure the release of Fogaza, and to pay, from the proceeds of the
three thousand crowns credit recently sent me, not only the twelve
hundred ducats which he owed here, but if necessary the four
hundred ducats for his maintenance in the Tower. Knowing the
humour of these people I did not lose a moment, after receiving
your Majesty's instructions, in taking action, which I did through
a certain Portuguese doctor here called Hector,* who was attending
Fogaza. He represented to the authorities Fogaza's age and
infirmity, and begged for his release without my appearing in the
matter, because if it had been openly done by me these people would
not have liberated him for a long time. Their insolence, moreover,
is such that they would have thought that they were doing a great
favour in the matter to your Majesty's minister, and would have
looked upon it as a full return for all the injuries they have done
your Majesty. Hector managed it, and obtained an order from the
Queen, by which he undertook, on his own security of 5001., to
send Fogaza to Portugal by the first ship which offered, which I
promised him, in the presence of Antonio de Castillo, should be
done. Fogaza was therefore allowed out of the Tower, and I have
placed him in a lodging, having arranged that his creditors shall
not arrest him. I have not let him know that your Majesty has
ordered me to pay them, because the moment any of them got
wind of this they would all know it, and the suspicion of these
Councillors would increase to such an extent that they would claim
not only the cost of maintenance, which he has not yet paid, but
also that of some other necessary things which were supplied to
him there, and in default they would imprison him again, under
the impression that he was an important personage in your
Majesty's service, as we were paying his debts so suddenly, parti-
cularly as Antonio de Castillo, who wms a minister of your
Majesty, has been here for years unable to pay his own debts,
which has given rise to much talk already. For this reason I have
only told Fogaza that, out of my own small means I shall be glad
to help him to get away to Portugal, where I am sure your Majesty
will favour him, to which end I will give him letters begging, on
my own part, that it shall be done. As soon as I see him on
shipboard I will discharge his debts, for which I am already
responsible.
As Antonio Fogaza has corresponded with the duke of Alba, the
• Or, Hector Nunei.
§4541.
822 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1682. '
Grand Commander, Don John, and Gabriel de Zayas, the favour
your Majesty shows him has been well deserved. The charity is
really a great one, and will still be greater if your Majesty deigns
to grant him some small means by which he may live the few
years left to him ; but I should not be doing my duty towards your
Majesty if I did not say that, after the first year Fogaza was here,
most of his advices were vain and foolish discourse, with but little
foundation, as he had not facilities for hearing anything important.
He is moreover an extremely tiresome person, whom I have merely
endured out of sheer pity, and Dr. Hector himself assures me that
whilst Fogaza was in the Tower, he asked him to go to Don
Antonio, and beg him to send some confidential person to see him
as he had most important intelligence to communicate, whereupon
Hector told him that he would have nothing to do with affairs of
State. A Portuguese also, who goes to Castillo's house and was in
the habit of visiting Fogaza in the Tower, was asked by the former
why he had ceased his visits to the latter, and he answered that he
had done so in order to avoid being requested to go with messages
to Don Antonio. — London, 1st April 1582.
1 April. 237. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
On the 25th ultimo at night a clergyman brought me from
Scotland letters and reply to that which I said I had written to
the duke of Lennox by Father William Holt. The substance of
Lennox's reply is to refer me to the letters which will be written
by Fathers Holt and Creighton, the latter of whom is the Rector of
the Company of Jesus in Lyons, and, as I understand, a very wise
and virtuous person. They write saying that, in consequence of
the great vigilance on the Borders and the many spies which the
Queen had in the Court of Scotland, they dared not trust to letters
or ciphers, or even to verbal messages, except from the Ups of one
of themselves, to inform me of the details of their conferences
with Lennox and the rest of them. They have therefore decided
that Creighton and Holt should themselves go to Rouen in
France, of which they hasten to advise me, so that 1 might go over
and see them ! The good men coolly say this, as if I could do
such a thing without special orders from your Majesty, and as if
my sudden departure from here would not immediately arouse the
suspicions of this Queen and her ministers. They ask me to set
out at once, as they have a ship ready to take them over to
Scotland again as soon as the weather serves, and they say that,
unless I can confer with them personally they considered it difficult
to effect the conversion of the country ; and that it is necessary that
there should be a minister of your Majesty with whom they could
confer in France, they having some objection to the present
minister,* as he has not yet been concerned in the negotiations,
whilst Lennox and the rest are so willing to correspond with me.
They say that Lennox is extremely well disposed towards the
* Jaau Bautista de Tassia.
ELIZABETH. 32
0
1682.
affair, and that, although he was a Frenchman, I had no reason to
be suspicious of him. They had therefore given him a copy of the
key to the cipher in which the Fathers corresponded with me, in
order that he might communicate with me direct. They ask me
to write to the queen of Scotland and advise her, ia my cipher,
to send immediately to her ambassador in France two letters of
credence, one for Alexander Seton to deal with his Holiness as
ambassador, and the other for John Seton to go with a similar
mission to your Majesty, sending them at the same time instruc-
tions as to the heads of the negotiations which they would have to
undertake. They say that, if it be not possible for me to go to
Rouen, I should send them an order for the provision of money
to enable Creighton to go and see your Majesty in Spain.
They ask me, unless there be something of the greatest urgency,
not to send anything over the Scotch border excepting by the
priest they send me, who came in the guise of a toothdrawer,
travelworn, and footsore, as he had come on foot for over three
hundred miles, any other way of travelling making it extremely
difficult for him to pass. He left Edinburgh on the 12th ultimo,
things there being quiet. Arran is now tranquil and at Court,
Lennox and the rest having patched up a friendship with him in
order the better to carry out their objects.
I have been endeavouring to find means of sending the despatch
to tlie queen of Scotland, which is now difiicult by reason of the
guards which this Queen has again placed around her. I repeat
to her what the Fathers told me, and point out the impossibility,
which she must see, of my going to Rouen to confer with them,
and learn what they had arranged. I asked her to inform me if
she wishes for them to communicate with your Majesty's minister
in France, and I do this as the Queen virtually manages all these
matters, and the Scots are unwilling to conduct them otherwise
than by her instructions and directions. I therefore tliink best,
since, by God's grace, I have already contrived to overcome so many
obstacles, not to offend her, nor introduce more pcojjle into the
business than she desires.
I have also written in cipher to Father Persons in Rouen,
telling him to detain there the two priests who have ,f;one thither
from Scotland, and who doubtless will have arrived, until I can
send them the instructions of the Queen, pending which they are
not to do anything, but that they may safely let me know what
they have arranged by a special messenger whom I will send to them
for the purpose. My object is that I may be able to advise your
Majesty of the instructions which are to be taken by the men
going to his Holiness and yourself before they arrived. I have
ordered, however, that if it should be necessary for Creighton to
leave before this reply, money should be given to him for the
voyage. I will instantly report what the queen of Scotland and
they reply, but I have no doubt that the decision of Lennox
and his friends to. send ambassadors to Rome and your Majesty
arises from their having seen my letter, which will have banished
the distrust they entevtaiued of receiviog any help f from the Podq
^24 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1582.
and your Majesty, and that, being now satistied on the point, they
are anxious to lose no time, and not to allow the matter to he
frustrated prematurely by the intrigues of this queen (of England)
in Scotland.
I send enclosed copy of a letter just received from the queen of
Scotland, which displays clearly the straightforwardness with
which she treats me, as she lets me know instantly anything she
hears touching your Majesty's interests, and she is extremely well
informed of everything that passes at this Court. The Queen is
sorry for the reconciliation between D'Aubigny and Arran, and
says that the King made a speech to them before the reconciliation
showing much understanding, and pointing out how injurious it
was in the eyes of foreign princes that dissensions like this should
exist in the country. This was settled by D'Aubigny. — London,
1st April 1582.
1 April. 238. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
I have received your Majesty's instructions of 12th February,
ordering me to report to the prince of Parma the plots which may
be hatched here against the Netherlands. I have done so constantly ;
and have sent couriers to him whenever necessary, but I have had
no reply to any letter of mine since August last, and only a short
notification from the Prince of the surrender of Toumai. With
regard to your Majesty's orders, that I should use every effort to
prevent the Queen and Councillors from assisting the Duke of
Alen^on, I may say that they are so tempestuous with me, that,
although I have used every artifice to get on good terms with some
of them, they all turn their faces from me, and particularly the
Treasurer,* whom I formerly used to see, the rest of them being
openly inimical. Only lately I sought an opportunity of approaching
him again, and sent to say that I had some business which I
wished to discuss with him. He replied that his colleagues looked
upon him as very Spanish in his sympathies, and therefore he
could not venture to see me alone, except by order of the Queen,
and I had better communicate my business through Secretary
Walsingbam in the ordinary course. My hands are thus tied, as I
can only get personal conference by extraordinary means, and their
dislike to me has reached such a point that when I send to
Walsingbam for passports, or about other trifling affairs, they keep
my servant there from morning till night, without even reporting
his presence to Walsingbam, and he can therefore only address him
when he comes out in public. This and the fact that all my
business is looked upon askance at Court has made my first
confidantt so suspicious that he hardly dares to speak, excepting
upon very rare occasions, to the person through whom he was in
tiie habit of communicating with me. If I had not got intimate
with the second personage,{ who is more vigilant than I can well
♦ Lord Burleigh.
+ Sir James Crofts, the Controller of the Household and a membw of the Couocil,
i JjOfd Henry Hoirwd,
ELIZABETH. 325
1682,
express in letting me know all that occurs, I should not he ahle to
learn anything, and I am therefore preserving his friendship and
entertaining him until I receive your Majesty's reply, in order not
to remain entirely in the dark.
Your Majesty will understand by this how the venom of these
people against your Majesty's interests has grown. Within a day
after they learned the news about Orange they arrested two
Spanish merchants who were entering my house, on the charL^e
that they were accomplices in the affair, which they said I had
arranged. One of these men was Pedro de Zubiaur, who in
consequence of the failure of a correspondent of his in Seville, h.ad
left here shortly before and gone to Gravelines. The English
merchants went to the Council and requested a passport enabling
him to come back, in order that they might examine into his
accounts with them. This passport was given in the most ample
form for three months, in the name of the Queen, signed by Cecil
and Walsingham, and was accompanied by two letters from the
same ministers, assuring him that his person should be inviolable.
No fuller assurance could have been given by a Prince, and yet
they broke it, seizing him at one o'clock in the morning with all his
papers ; the fact of the offence (i.e. the attack on Orange) having
been committed since the safe conduct was given being the only
satisfaction they would give him. It is very necessary that such
a scandalous abuse as this should be spoken of to the Queen, but
until I receive your Majesty's instructions I am, so to speak,
holding the wolf by the ears, because if I ask for audience I am
afraid I shall be refused, and yet it will be a great breach in your
Majesty's interests if this matter be not laid before her. This
greatly perplexes me, and I am at a loss to know how to act in the
face of so much malice, since I have full proof that not only do
these people break the divine faith, by persecuting the Catholics aa
they do, and feeding the abominations of the heretics, but they also
violate the laws of man, first by stealing the boy from me, and now
by disregarding their own passport.*
Leicester, whilst supping the other night with his sisters, sisters-
in-law, and many kinsfolk, said openly that I had caused Orange
to be shot, and that the man who shot him had been seen leaving
my house a month ago. He said that, under cloak of reticence I
was weaving the most pernicious plots that ever a minister had
done, and he would therefore endeavour by all means to get the
Queen to expel me. He went so far in the matter that, out of
sheer pity for me, his sister-in-law the countess of Warwick said
that she had always noticed that I had acted with great modesty
whenever she saw me at Court.
I have requested a reply from the Council about the sugar that
came from Terceira to Bristol. They have continued to say every
day that I shall have a reply to-morrow, but yesterday, after a
month's delay, Walsingham sent and asked me to have patience,
• The failure of Zubianr's correBpondent in SeviUe, Pedro Martinez, had caused the
insolvency of Zubiaur in England. Zubiaur -was a prisouL-r for debt for a long penod.
326 SPANISH S TATE PAPERS.
1 582.
as the Council had not met to consider the subject. The whole
object is to procrastinate, so that the merchandise may be
distributed. With regard to Drake's business, the Council has
assured me, that they would reply favourably to the statements I
had sent them with regard to the robberies, Walsingham hunself
saying verbally a month ago, that as soon as the reply was copied
out fairly it should be sent to me, but yesterday he sent me another
message saying that the paper had been lost, and that the Queen
intended to consider the matter herself, and consequently a reply
could not yet be sent to me. I will try to obtain an interview
indirectly for the purpose of speaking to her on the matter.
Diego Botello has left Plymouth with Don Antonio's ships.
Until my man comes back, I do not know whether all have sailed,
as Leicester and Walsingham, after sending the first order,
dispatched another, enabling him to take the " White Bear " as
well. I hear that Botello wrote complaining that he was going
short-handed as the men had deserted. I do not know whether
the ships for the Moluccas, have gone though the weather is
favourable. — London, 1st April 1582.
1 April. 239. BEKNAEDrNO de Mendoza to the King.
I wrote on the 21st reporting that Orange had been shot at
Antwerp on the 18th, and although I sent the despatch post
through Franco, and a duplicate by sea, the ports are so closely
watched that no foreigner, even though he have a passport, is allowed
to leave, and I fear that the news will not reach your Majesty as
quickly as it ought to do. The man who was to go through France
was detained by two officers at Dover who told him that they had
orders not to let any person pass with letters even though he bore
passports. It was therefore necessary for him to give the despatch
to a sailor to take it to Calais, whilst the packet I sent by sea,
although the weather was so fine that it could have reached Lisbon
in six days, was stopped at Plymouth.
It is reported that Alen5on almost entirely lost heart as soon
as he learnt what had happened to Orange, and he is now much
discouraged and discontented to find himself in the power of the
rebels, who blame the French for any disturbance that takes place.
In addition to this, when he asked them for some money to pacify
a riot in one of the towns, they would only give him, after much
importunity and discussion, 6,000 ducats, and Alen9on was obliged
to provide some himself. As soon as the Queen heard the news,
she sent off a gentleman of her chamber, begging Alen9on to leave
the States instantly, but when Walsingham heard her determi-
nation he told her to consider well what she was doing, because if
Alen9on came she would be forced to marry him, or the arms of all
Catholic princes would be against her.
He enforced this with so many arguments that she changed her
mind, and the following day she sent for the French ambassador
and told him that as she was an honourable Princess, she had
determined to marry Alen9on and wished to tell him other things
of great importance for him to convey to bis master. He (the
ELIZABETH. 327
1682.
ambassador) replied that, as she had slighted him in the notorious
way she had by making him so often write things she had no
intention of fulfilling, he begged her not to do so again. She
replied in a way which caused him to write, and he has since said
publicly that, as the Queen wished him to go on deceiving people,
he still had paper and ink for the purpose.
Leicester, Hatton, and Walsingham, I understand, are com-
plaining much of the Queen's proceeding, and amongst them-
selves agree that as they are sure she does not mean to marry,
they are afraid that this fresh demonstration of hers, coming after
the others, will irritate the king of France so much as to alienate
liim altogether. Sussex is always of the same opinion, that if the
friendship of France is not gained by means of the marriage, it
will be better to renew the alliance with your Majesty.
I understand that the Treasurer has been earnestly pressing
upon the Queen lately to adopt measures for the declaration of an
heir to the throne, unless she wishes to ruin the lives and properties
of all her subjects. I am endeavouring to discover what the
proposed measures are.
As the weather did not serve for the conveyance to Flanders of
the 15,000Z., of which I wrote, orders were given for it to be
detained, and for a " writ," as they call it here, to be drawm for the
remittance in the same way as the previous 15,000?. The writ
was drawn hy Leicester, Walsingham, Knollys, and Another
Councillor, but as the ofiicial thought that the sum was a large one,
and the authority insufficient, as the Queen and the Treasure)- had
not signed, he asked the Lord Chancellor about it. The latter
told them that the accounts could not be passed with these five
signatures alone. The despatch was therefore delayed, and I have
not learnt that the Queen and the Treasurer have signed, although
Leicester is urging them to do so.
Alenfon wrote recently to the Queen saying that, in order to
raise sufficient money and men in France to maintain the war,
unless his brother would break with your Majesty, it was necessary
that he (Alen^on) should go in person to France, and he intended
to do so. Marchaumont tells some of his confidants here tbat this
is the excuse he is making for leaving Antwerp. The Queen sent
a gentleman to him approving of his determination, and to visit
Orange, but she writes to the rebels secretly that they are on no
account to let him go, or they will never see him again.
The shooting of Orange has been reported in detail to the Queen
as follows, not difiering greatly from the intelligence which I first
sent to your Majesty. A servant of Gaspar de Aiiastro, a lad of
eighteen years, born at Bilbao, and named Jauregui, son of a sword-
maker of that place, as I am told by a servant of mine, who knows
him, went to see Orange at dinner on Sunday the 18th. When
Orange rose from the table he went and seated himself on a stool
in one of the corners, and then beckoned the lad to him with a
movement of his hand, the lad no doubt having previously desired
to speak to him. When he reached him, he took a pistol from
under his cape, as if it were a roll of paper, and fired it oQ close to
328
1682,
SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
his head. When Orange saw it, he suddenly turned his face awftjr
and the ball entered between the jaw and the right ear a little
beneath the jaw-bone, issuing under the left eye. The lad remained
perfectly calm and Orange fell at once to the ground crying out
" Help " in Flemish. The youth, however, apparently could not
fulfil his intention, as a pistol without a sheath was found in his
pocket, and he seems to have overcharged the pistol he shot which
burst in his hand and blew away his thumb. A bastard son* of
Orange who was in the room at once stabbed him, and then the
rest ran to him and dispatched him in a moment, afterwards
quartering him in the Place, exposing the four quarters on the
gates, and his head on the castle.
When the shooting of Orange was known in Antwerp, the
Flemings believing he was dead raised the cry of " death to the
French," but as soon as Orange recovered his senses he sent word to
the Burgomasters that the duke of Alen9on had come thither at
his request to defend them, and as he was so great a prince and of
the Blood Royal of France, they should duly respect him and
fittingly protect his person. As for him, he said, his day had come,
but they must not think that any suspicion attached to the
French in the matter of the pistol-shot, as he was quite sure that
the matter had been ordered by your Majesty. This pacified the
people, although they all say that if the lad had only waited until
the evening, when there was a great banquet to be given by
Alengon, the latter would have been killed, and every Frenchman
in the place. It is impossible to exaggerate the grief which the
affair causes to the Queen and her ministers. They are so sad and
disheartened that on the day. that the news came it was the same
as if she had lost the crown and they were all ruined.
I have kept back this despatch until I could send positive
information as to the character of the wound. The last news
received by the Queen, dated the 25th, say that before the fifth
day, fever had supervened and the wound was inflamed, the cheek
beneath the eye being swollen in a way which showed that the
injury caused by the ball was greater than had at first been
perceived. They had bled him twice for the fever and inflammation,
and although he was somewhat better on the seventh day, the date
of the advice, he was very weak with the bleeding, and the doctors
did not consider him out of danger, they being unable to say, until
after the eleventh day, whether the bullet had injured an artery in
its passage. A well-known surgeon of Herenthals is attending him.
When the news of his slight improvement came, the Queen
dispatched a gentleman named Gabriel to Orange, who was
instructed to say that she sent him to congratulate him for having
had his life preserved, and hoped that he would shortly recover
perfect health. She assures him that she will never fail to assist
him against his enemies and try to avenge his injury, whilst she
warmly thanked him for his care in enjoining the rebels to be
careful of Alengon's safety and dignity. She also sends to the
* p^aurice of Nassau, according to Strada.
ELIZABETH, 329
1582.
latter, saying that he was not to waver in the war for she would
help him in the way he wished, and certainly would marry him.
As I have said, under cloak of this she advises Orange and the
rebel States to detain him whilst she gives him nothing but words.
Some arrests have been made at Antwerp on suspicion, but
as they write to the Queen such a variety of things about the
confessions of the prisoners, I do not presume to repeat them to your
Majesty.
Letters have arrived from the king of Denmark for the Queen
respecting a certain expedition that the English are making to
Muscovy by the Frozen Sea. He tells her that this voyage must
not be made, as he is determined to prevent it, and will send to the
bottom all ships which may in future try to go thither. No
answer has yet been sent to him. — London, 1st April 1582.
3 April. 240. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
Since writing on the 1st, my man has come from Plymouth, and
tells me that Don Antonio's ships left there on the 18th. There
were two of them and one pirate vessel, of 100, 120, and 140 tons
respectively. They do not carry more than 1 50 persons of all sorts,
a very poor array, and with victuals for not more than a week. The
weather is so bad that I am told they will be driven to the coast of
Ireland before they can make France, and will have to re-victual
there. Leicester's fly-boat which had been with them and the
" White Bear " have remained on the English coast to plunder, and
they tell me that the " White Bear " has already captured a ship.
If Leicester and Walsingham had not made extraordinary efforts
and brought great pressure to bear upon the earl of Bedford, who
is the Governor of the place, and a great Protestant, Botello would
never have got the ships out, but they managed to counter-mine all
my obstacles which, nevertheless, delayed the ships here for months
and have resulted in their sailing in such poor case and short-handed.
I am informed to-day that Botello had returned to court, but
I cannot affirm this, because my man tells me that he saw him go
on board.
The Queen has news from Antwerp of the 27th, saying that
Orange was worse rather than better, as great quantities of blood
had issued through the nostrils, and they would not now let him
see even the colonels of Antwerp, which looked very suspicious. —
London, 3rd April 1582,
4 April. 241. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
Last night I wrote reporting the condition of Orange, and whilst
I am writing this, I learn that on the 1st instant, the fourteenth day
after the attempt, he had lost two pounds of blood from the wound,
and was at the last gasp, the doctors having abandoned hope. The
Queen has been informed that he is dead. I will report instantly,
if it be confirmed, but to judge from the descriptions of the wound,
it may be taken now as certain that he will die, and we may give
infinite thanks to God for having been pleased to visit with such a
punishment so abominable a heietic and rebel— London, 4th April
1582.
330 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1582.
6 and 8 April. 242. The Queen of Scotland to Bernardino de Mendoza.
French. J have received through the old channel your letters of 2nd
ultimo, and from the last address I gave you your other letters of
26th ultimo came to me. J think best to send you a prompt reply,
especially with regard to the overtures made to you from Scotland
for the re-establishment there of the Catholic religion, upon which
the duke of Lennox is now resolved, if I approve of it, as you will
see by his letter of which I send you a copy. Now, to carry this
extremely desirable enterprise to a successful issue, two points only
are needful : first, to learn whether the Pope and my good brother, the
Catholic King, your master, will approve and aid it ; and, secondly,
that in Scotland itself everything should be carefully prepared and
arranged for the successful attainment of the object, in accordance
with the goodwill which exists towards it on the part of so many
great personages and others there. I myself can do much towards
this second point, as soon as I am assured with regard to the first
one, upon which everything must depend. I have therefore most
affectionately to beg you, with all diligence, to convey to his Holiness
and to the King, your master, intelligence of the farourable appear-
ance now presented for the successful establishment of religion in
this island, commencing with Scotland ; and to learn from them
both at what time, and to what extent, in forces and money, they
will be willing to help those who undertake the said enterprise. I
have no wish to rashly and fruitlessly draw them into risk, or to
let them precipitate themselves to their ruin, as I recently wrote to
you. You will observe by the copy of the duke of Lennox's letter
to me, that he is persuaded that the force to be sent will amount to
15,000 men, which is the first I have heard of such a thing. It
will be necessary, in order that they may not deceive themselves,
that he and the others shall be soundly informed, in as much detail
as possible, of the aid and support which his Holiness and my good
brother the King may be pleased to contribute ; but I will never-
theless negotiate, with all circumspection, in order to encourage
and strengthen the party in Scotland, and to have tlie necessary
ports and harbours appointed for the reception of the foreign con-
tingent, as well as the fortresses inland, which will be on their side.
I will give you due advice on these points, as soon as I receive the
reply from his Holiness and the King your master, or will have you
informed by the principal intermediaries in Scotland, so that a
perfect understanding may exist between you and them, as I am
desirous, by all means, that the affair should only be managed by
you. I will at once write to the Archbishop of Glasgow, ray
ambassador in France, that he is not to convey any intelligence to
your colleague in France, but to act in the matter entirely through
you alone. For this reason I send you a cipher key, by means
of which you may in future write to the Archbishop of Glasgow,
and he to you. I am sending him orders to this effect in the
letters I enclose for hira, and which I beg you will be good enough
to forward to him by the first opportunity.
The request sent to you by those Jesuits, that you will go and
Bee them at Rouen, will prove to you how far their experience iji
ELIZABETH. 331
1582.
matters of State is from corresponding with their zeal in religion ;
and it will be necessary, therefore, to keep them well and frequently
instructed, as to how they are to conduct themselves in all that
concerns State affairs, for these good people may blunder seriously
unless they have wise counsel and advice. You may judge of this
by the proposal they make to me to send Lord Seton's two sons
as commissioners, in the form of ambassadors, both of them being
so young and quite inexperienced in matters of such importance
as this. It is quite out of the question that they could be entrusted
with such a negotiation, in which, if they were discovered, my
own life and the whole future of my son would be imperilled.
Besides this, it is my intention that these negotiations shall be
conducted in such a way that it shall never be discovered that
they were undertaken with my authority ; but if it should be
necessary for me to intervene, I have ready very much more fitting
means of doing so than this.
You may tlierefore inform these Jesuits that I will, on no
account, allow that anything concerning this matter shall be done
in my name, or with my authority, unless necessity should
demand it. For this reason I do not approve of sending any-
one on my behalf to negotiate with his Holiness and the
King your master, especially before I am. assured of their
co-operation.
I send you a little packet to forward to the duke of Lennox,
whom I am advising to stay in Scotland, and I disapprove entirely
of his suggestion for raising forces in France, or of his own voyage
thither, which, whilst it wiU necessitate his abandoning my son,
will not be of the slightest advantage to the affairs of Scotland,
because, as he is a subject of the king of France, the latter
may retain him and compel him to declare what he knows.
I thank you for the good information and advice you have given
him in the interests of my son's safety and his own. I am ordering
him to be carefully on his guard, but you will greatly forward
matters if you will kindly send him word, in the name of my good
brother the King, in your next letter, that they are to proceed
promptly in the matter of the association of my son with myself
in the crown of Scotland, about which I have sent to them, as
all future negotiations must be based upon this, telling him, at the
same time, that without such association you see no chance of help
coming from the King your master, who will not listen to any
. treaty with them, except on my account, and that without my
authority the projected enterprise would be simply a rebellion
against my son, whilst you will promise all your good offices to me
in the matter. I will say no more but to pray God to have you in
his safe keeping, and that he may grant just vengeance against the
Prince of Orange and all his fellows, the enemies of religion and
public peace. — 6th April 1582.
Since I wrote the above letter, a despatch from Walsingham and
Beal has arrived here, containing in substance, after some excuse
for the long delay in the sending of their mistress' reply, that she
has given favourable consideration to the remonstrances addressed
332 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1582
to her by Beal, on my behalf, on his return from here. In order to
give me a proof of her goodwill touching my state and treatment
here, she grants me all necessary exercise for the maintenance of
my health, within the park surrounding this house, and outside the
same, so far as may be permitted by the earl of Shrewsbury at
her instructions. Two physicians, as I had requested, will be sent
to assist at the treatment which I have decided to undergo
immediately after Easter. In order that I may be able to arrange
certain matters touching my dowry in France, one of the men of
my Council there is to be allowed access to me, As regards the
journey of my Secretary to Scotland to treat of the overtures
placed before my son and myself, although my Secretary's voyage
would be mainly for the purpose of promoting the proposals made
to me by Beal, with the object of establishing a sound understanding
and friendship between the two countries, which the Queen and
her Council show some desire of bringing about, the Queen intended
to proceed in the matter of the journey with a due regard to her
honour and safety. My son having recently refused entrance into
Scotland to Captain Errington,* whom the Queen had sent to him,
she could not consent to send any other person to him until he had
given her some satisfaction for refusing to receive her envoy, and
Beal has requested me to write to my son advising him to send an
apology. As this was only a matter of ceremony I have made no
difficulty in consenting, and, in order to banish all suspicion, I
have sent them the letter to forward to my son.
On the second point, as to the assurance of the Queen and the
confirmation of the promises and remonstrances which Beal had
addressed to her in my name, either by a writing under my hand
or verbally to the earl of Shrewsbury, as the promises were in
general terms and might be interpreted very broadly, I have thought
best to send them immediately to the said Earl, accompanied by
the various conditions and limitations which I have imposed in
conference with Beal when I made the promises, so that if these
conditions were not complied with by the Queen I should remain
free and absolved from the fulfilment of my promises. In tlie
meanwhile I am not pledged, as I understand was their intention.
This is mainly what has passed in the matter, and as affairs
progress, although I do not intend to make use of ,
as you will judge it is very necessary, and I will not omit to let
you know about it, in order to obtain your good advice and counsel
which I pray you will give me freely. Above all, you will do me
a great favour by having the enclosed little packet sent to the duke
of Lennox with all diligence, so that he and my son may be
acquainted with what they have to do in the matter before my son
receives my open letter sent to him through Walsingham. I shall
be glad if you will send me ample memoranda of all that you think
necessary to be arranged in Scotland, so that my secretary may be
ready. I can assure you of his efficiency and trustworthiness,
* Sir Hicbolas Hairington, who was a diBtinguisbed English officer stationed at
Berwick.
ELIZABETH. 333
1582. ~"
both in religion and my afFairs. The enclosed letter is an addition
to the duke of Lennox's despatch. Pray send to him at once the
part that is for him, as it is so important to me. — 8th April
1582.
Enclosed in the aforegoing letter is the foUoAving headed: —
" Copy of the last letter written to me by the duke of Lennox
" which you sent to me the 7th March 1582."
Madam. Since my last letters a Jesuit named William Creighton
has come to me with letters of credence from your ambassador.
He informs me that the Pope and the Catholic King had decided
to succour you with an army, for the purpose of re-establishing
religion in this island, your deliverance from captivity, and the
preservation of your right to the crown of England. He says that
it has been proposed that I should be the head of the said army.
Since then, I have received a letter from the Spanish ambassador
resident in London to the same effect, through another English
Jesuit. For my own part, Madam, if it be your will that anything
should be done, and that I should undertake it, I will do so, and
am in hopes that, if promises are fulfilled, and the English Catholics
also keep their word, the enterprise may be carried to a successful
issue, and I will deliver you out of your captivity or lose my life
in the attempt. I therefore humbly beg you to inform me of your
wishes on the matter, through the Spanish ambassador in London,
with all speed, and I will follow your instructions if you approve
of the enterprise. As soon as I receive your reply I will go to
France with all diligence for the purpose of raising some French
infantry, and receiving the foreign troops and leading them to
Scotland. I will feign to be going solely on my own private
affairs, for six months, and as for my return, do not be troubled
about that, for I promise you on my life that when I have the
army which is promised tome, of 15,000 men of Scotland
and England I will land. Courage ! then, your Majesty, for you
shall find servitors determined to offer their lives in your cause.
For myself I ask nothing of j'ou, only that if this enterprise be
successful, your son should still be acknowledged as king. It is
unnecessary to communicate to him anytliing about the business
yet or to the lords, until the army be assured and ready, because,
when I arrive with it, I am sure that I shall be joined by two-
thirds of Scotland, seeing the forces that I shall have. They dare
not declare themselves now because they fear to lose their property
if the plan were discovered. This letter is only to learn your wishes
on tlie enterprise and I M'ill do your bidding. — Dalfair reity (sic),
7th March 1582.*
9 April. 243. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
In case your Majesty should not have received my previous
advices about Orange, I may say that on the 1st instant, the
* Both of the above important letters were printed as appendices in Mignet's
" JJistoire de Marie Stuart." They are not contained in Lanancff's cQlIcction.
334 SPANISH STATE PAPEES.
1582.
fourteenth day after the attempt, he was apparently at his last
gasp, but by means of the remedies adopted to staunch the blood,
the last of which was to cauterise the wound with gold, the
bleeding was reduced for a time, and so continued until the morning
of the 7th, when they wrote from Antwerp that during the pre-
ceding night he had lost so much blood as to be almost dead, the
doctors saying that he could' not live beyond dinner time, as he
was pulseless and unconscious. Letters from Flushing written the
same night report that he was dead, and the news is believed here,
as it has been since the fourteenth day, but God was pleased to
delay the end in order to punish him with more terrible sufferings
than they say were ever undergone by man. From the time he was
wounded until the end his pain hourly increased, especially
after the fifth day, when the blood began to flow, and on the
fourteenth day, when the vein again burst ; at which time Alen5on
was with him, as well as his wife, and they were playing with one
of his daughters.
He has enjoined the rebel States to respect Alen90n as a Prince
whom God has sent them to uphold their libeity of conscience.
This message wa.s briefly written by him, as also was his will. I
have thought well to advise your Majesty instantly of the news ;
and will now add that Juan Diaz de Caraballo, a gentleman of
Terceira, has been here to see me. At' first, seduced by the false
news of your Majesty's death, which was sent by the Chamber of
Lisbon, he took the side of Don Antonio, but when he found by
later letters the untruth of it, he served your Majesty with zeal
and loyalty and abandoned the Chamber of Lisbon, which he bad
always advised the Terceira people to regard as their guide. He
says that the Jesuit Fathers of Angra and several other persons
(whose names are given), who left the island in December with
him, will confirm this, they having mainly at his instance left there
on pretence of his going to see Don Antonio. He has now come
hither for the purpose of conversing with me.
He has given to Antonio de Castillo and me an exact account of
affairs in Terceira as they were on the 5th of March when he left,
and I send a full statement enclosed in my packet despatched by
special courier through France. As he appears a sensible man,
well informed about the island, I have decided to dispatch him at
once to your Majesty that you may hear from him verbally, before
the departure of the fleet, a full relation of what has happened,
I am sending him away also to avoid his being shot, as I hear that
Diego Botello, who had returned through bad weather to Plymouth,
had tried to entice him on board the ships and carry him to France,
but he feigned illness and refused to be caught. Botello there-
upon wrote to the agents of Don Antonio to press Leicester and
Walsingham to send him at once to France, as he was one of the
principal persons at Terceira, and was well informed of affairs
there. For these reasons, and because it is necessary for your
Majesty to have information before the fleet leaves, I send him by
Bea without loss of time, accompanied by a servant of mine called
Hans Oberholtzer, who is a good linguist, and a person whose
ELIZABETH. 335
1582.
trustworthiness is beyond doubt. I pray your Majesty to favour
Juan Diaz, who will be very useful in the enterprise (of Terceira),
and to send Hans back to me by land as I need him much, and
would not send him b*t for the importance of the errand. — London,
9th April 1.582.
11 April 244, Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
Since I wrote last there is no fresh news from Antwerp, only
that many letters of the same date from there and Flushing confirm
the death of Orange.
Three days since this Queen sent a gentleman named Norria
to Antwerp with letters for Alen9on, in which she makes him a
thousand promises, which her own Councillors say she has not the
slightest intention of keeping. He has also orders to treat secretly
with Prince d'Epinay, St. Aldegonde, and the rebel States to
prevent Flushing, Middleburg, and the rest of the places in
Zeeland from falling into the hands of the French. I hear that
Marchaumont .said, when he learned what the Queen had written
to Alen9on, that if the latter had believed his brother and Coun-
cillors, and the promises of the christian princes, he would not have
reduced himself to having need of the queen of England.
The French Ambassador has addressed the Queen in the name
of the queen of Scotland, to request permission for her to send a
gentleman to Scotland for the purpose of renouncing in favour
of her son all her rights and claims whatsoever, as she wishes to
divest herself of them entirely, leaving her body alone to suffer her
afliictions and imprisonments, and so by banishing the Queen's
jealou.sy to induce her to treat her with greater gentleness. She
replied that she would not give any such })ermission until the king
of Scotland had given her satisfaction for having refused to grant
a passport to the gentleman* whom she had sent thither when the
Parliament was sitting. Besides this, she did not wish to consent
to a matter which it was so very doubtful would be advantageous
to the mother, for the benefit of the son, whose conduct was so
questionable, and which certainly could bring no profit either
to herself or her kingdom. She did not, moreover, consider it
would tend to its tranquillity for this to be done whilst the king of
Scotland was ruled by the duke of Lennox.
The Queen has granted permission for two English doctors to
visit the queen of Scotland and consult on her maladies.
News conies from L'eland that Desmond and the insurgents had
captured a castle, and massacred therein Captain Fenton and all his
company. This is another blow to the English, and, as there are
now so few soldiers there, they are arranging in the Council here to
send some fresh troops.
The ship which I said had gone to Barbary with timber to build
galleys, bringing back a return cargo of sugar, has been wrecked in
the river Thames at a part where a ship has never been lost before.
It looks like a judgment of God for their sin.
Captain Errington. See Queen Mary's letter of 6th April 1582, page aaii.
336 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1582.
On the 2nd instant one of the priests who were condemned with
Campion was martyred at Chaford (?) in the county of Sussex.(?)
He died with the greatest fortitude, and asked the Judge to exhort
the Queen not to spill innocent blood, which was great sin, It is a
matter of infinite thanks to God to see the large number of conver-
sions which these martyrdoms bring about. The man who guarded
Campion, who was a most terrible Puritan, was won over, and is
now firmly resolved to suffer martyrdom, if necessary, for the Roman
Catholic religion, — London, 11th April 1582.
11 April. 245. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
After closing the accompanying letters, at the hour I am writinc
this — six o'clock on Wednesday evening — news has arrived from
Antwerp dated the 9th. The report is that Orange was still alive,
but the bleeding could only be restrained by pressure upon the
vein, and this the doctors kept up in one hour relays all through
Sunday the 7th. The doctors even express surprise that he should
have survived the day, but say that it is humanly impossible that
he can last much longer. They had treated him as if he were a
dead body, for they had gashed open his right cheek from the
mouth to the cartilage of the jaw, to see whether they could close
the vein with a plaister. The severed vein is one of the four
principal vessels of the throat. It may be looked upon as a
judgment of God that his sufferings are thus prolonged, as they
say again that the pain is terrible. They are convinced here now
that he must die in a few hours, as Alen9on is assured by the
doctors. — London, 11th April 1582.
11 April. 246. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
I wrote on the 9th to your Majesty by Hans Oberholtzer, my
servant whom I sent with Juan Diaz de Caraballo by sea, in order
to avoid the danger of his going by France. I arranged for them
to freight a small boat at Plymouth or Southampton, according to
the weather, Diaz had fled from Terceira, where he was looked
upon with suspicion, as being well affected towards your Majesty;
the keys of the city of Angra having been taken from his custody
and liis murder advocated from the pulpits, on the ground that
he was a Castilian, He had temporised until he could find an
opportunity of leaving the island, in the hope of being able to be
useful to your Majesty prior to the departure of the fleet. He left
in company with Bartholomew Fernandez, a merchant of the island,
and came hither to see me. They arrived on the 6th, and at once
sought an interview with Manuel Martinez Suarez, of St. Michael's,
who has lived here for two years past, and who they knew was
a faithful servant of your Majesty's. This Martinez has never
ceased to write to his friends and kinsmen in the islands, urging
them to submit, and both Antonio de Castillo and I can hear
testimony to the good services and information he has rendered
to us about the islands, all of which will be confirmed to your
Majesty by the bishop of Angra, and the Jesuit Ffithers from there.
feLizAfiEl^it. 33?
.1682.
He at once advised me of the arrival of Diaz and Fernandez, and
I had them brought to Antonio de Castillo's house, which was a
quieter place for me to see them in than my own, and would enable
me to learn more about them from; CaSSfcillo. We have found them
loyal and true subjects, and see that Juan de Diaz Oaraballo is a
man of understanding, whose services and information may be very
important in the matter of Terceira, before the departure of the
fleet, and for that reason I despatched him instantly.
They report that Manuel de Silva arrived on the 24th of
February at Terceira in a French ship, accompanied by not more
than 50 men in all. He took with him six men of the Order of
Christ, amongst Whom was a noseless mulatto, but no soldiers.
He bore ample powers from Don Antonio, both in lay and
ecclesiastical affairs, as no doubt during his stay in England he
(Don Antonio) had caught the trick 6f making himself Pope. They
received him (de Silva) with a canopy and procession, as if he were
a king, in consequence of his claim that he came as the King's
lieutenant. He bore the title of Count de Torres Vedras, and had
a large revenue from Portugal.
Four days after he arrived he beheaded Juan de Betancourt, who
died serenely, as he knew that he was defending the cause of God
and your Majesty, and upholding truth and justice. On the same
day Silva went to the Misericordia, and he was begged to suspend
the execution of Betancourt, but he ran out of the church to avoid
granting it. He was proceeding against other prisoners whose lives
were in danger, although the people were much displeased at
Betancourt's death. Silva had knighted the sailor who took
Stephen Ferreira to France, and many others ; he had indeed been .so
liberal with " habits " of knighthood that he had ordered a whole
piece of red stuff for them, as well as a vast number of certificates
and warrants of nobility, offices, prelacies, abbacies, and the like.
They had decided to send the Jesuit Fathers to the island of Santo
Domingo, and had established a mint with the intention of coining
the silver taken from the churches and from private persons, who
are ordered to carry it thither on pain of death, as he (de Silva) had
not brought a real with him.
The Governor of Terceira was extremely angry at finding himself
deposed by the arrival of de Silva, as also was Captain Jean Carloix
the chief of the Frenchmen there, who on visiting de Silva was only
invited by him to be seated on an ordinary bench.
He gave leave to two merchants to load two cargoes of woad,
but when they had the cagoes on board he seized them both for
Don Antonio. They raised a great outcry at this and took their
wives and children to him to pray for mercy, whereupon Silva made
them give a written undertaking that they would deliver half of
the woad in Antwerp to the factors of Don Antonio. When these
merchants arrived in Plymouth they saw Diego Botello, who had
returned thither by reason of foul weather, and on their complaining
to him of the way in which they had been treated by de Silva,
he made them give bills on themselves and Manuel Enriquez, a*
Portuguese merchant, who he thought had property in Antwerp^
838 SJPANISH STATE PAPEBS.
1582. ~~ ~~~
the bills being payable at sight, for 3,000 ducats. They, being
cooped up in their ships, were obliged to do this, and one of them
had also to undertake to pay the cost of three culverins in Antwerp
to Duarte de Castro (one of Don Antonio's factors tliere).
The merchants came hither and told me what had passed,
whereupon, as the ships were still detained by contrary weather,
I ordered them to be brought up the Thames, in order to prevent
Don Antonio's factors from seizing the woad by virtue of the
documents they had signed, and to prevent the 3,000 ducats falling
into the hands of Don Antonio. At the same time I sent word
secretly to Antwerp, ordering Manuel Enriquez, in your Majesty's
name, not to accept bills coming from Terceira, or to acknowledge
that he had any property in the island.
There has arrived here also Gonzalo Pereira, a native of Fayal
and first cousin of Manuel Pereira, who was a secretary to your
Majesty. He is the richest and most important person in Fayal,
and tells me that he has your Majesty's pardon, allowing him and
six men to remain there. I knew him here two years ago, when
he came to tell me that he would bring the island to submit to your
Majesty, whenever necessary, as he had the sworn support of 60 of
the principal men there, who would sacrifice their lives for him.
He pretended that he was coming to ^'isit Don Antonio on behalf
of the people of the island, for which reason they gave him leave
to come and letters of recommendation. He and the friars,
learning that Botello was in Plymouth, went to France. The coin-
missioQ he brought was to ask Don Antonio for 400 men and
60 pieces of artillery, with which, and the two thousand fighting
men they had in the island^ they said they could hold it against
the world. Gonzalo Pereira came to see me and Antonio de Castillo
after writing a letter to Don Antonio requesting a reply to the
demands from the island, and saying that he was too unwell to
visit him in France. He gave us full information of the state of
things in Fayal, and the neighbouring islands, and although it will
be easy to bring them to submission, yet as I hear that Silva is
sending 400 men to the island and an equal number to the neigh-
bouring islands, it will be necessary for some men in your Majesty's
interests to be there, in order to prevent the spoliation of the place
by these men, and I have therefore, as your Majesty's minister,
given to this Pereira a patent as Captain of the Island, pending
fresh orders from your Majesty, and am sending him off thither. I
doubt not that this step will greatly animate the people to defend
themselves against any force sent from Terceira, and that they
will at once declare themselves on your Majesty's side. I also give
them letters for the Governors of St. Michael and the captains
of the six ships which your Majesty sent thither, asking them
to render the necessary assistance to Fayal. I instruct them, if
they find the Terceira people too strong for them, to surrender
until they have news of your Majesty's fleet, when they are to send
a letter, which I also give them, to the Marquis de Santa Cruz,
submitting to your Majesty. This will be useful, as there is a port
there, and victuals and other things can be Qbtained for the use of
^itiAhEm. S3&
1582.
the fleet, whilst the Terceira people will be depi-ived of their
support. As the people of the island appear to have a great
reverence for the name of Ambassador, I have taken the liberty of
extending the patent to Pereira in my capacity as such, for which
boldness I beg your Majesty's pardon.
I have received advice that in a ship which Botello has dis-
patched from Lyme to Terceira, there has gone a Dominician Friar
who was with Don Antonio in France. His name is Friar Juan
del Espiritu Santo, thirty years of age, a man of good appearance
and fair face, the son of a low official in Lisbon. He takes letters
and decrees of Don Antonio for the islands of St. Michael and
Madeira, in which he promises (and gives cm paper) wealth untold.
This Friar bought a great quantity of poison of an apothecary at
Plymouth, whom he told that he was going to poison the preserves
which they make in the island of Madeira, and particularly those
which are made for your Majesty's guard there. This, and much
worse things may well be believed of this Friar, judging by
accounts given to rae of him by these Terceira people, who say that
he is no Friar at all, and that his behaviour there has been worse
than that of the devil himself.
Antonio de Vega has left here in great need of money to go to
Don Antonio, and Diego Botello was actually in want of food on
board the ships, many of his men having deserted from sheer
famine, the whole of them would have gone if they had not been
strictly guarded. I have no doubt that by this time he has arrived
at Rochelle.
^ Diego Botello earnestly begged Gonzalo de Pereira, as a man of
wealth and credit, to buy here three culverins, for which Don
Antonio would pay him in the island, as this Queen would not
supply them without the money. He said that AleD9on and Orange
would help Don Antonio with twelve Flushing fly-boats, well
armed, as well as thirty hulks, but I cannot find that they are
fitting out any ships in Zeeland or Holland, excepting the thi ee at
Flushing which Francisco Antonio is trying to purchase. Two
ships have left there for Terceira to bring the merchandise which
de Silva has taken from people in the island.
It is proba|ble that the death of Orange will stoj) the fitting out of
such ships, if it has commenced. The principal buainess of Don
Antonio's factors here is to grant letters of marque, but they have
sent from here to Terceira a quantity of a metal similar to tin
for the purpose of coining false money. I send this by special
messenger to Paris in case the weather should prevent the prompt
arrival of the despatches sent by sea. — London, 11th April 1582.
16 April. 247. Beenardino de Mendoza to the King.
Since my last three letters of the 11th, the Queen has news from
Antwerp, saying that they have made an experiment on a man
condemned to death to see whether they could stop the vein which
Orange's wound had severed, but they found they could not do it
by any means, nor prevent the bleeding. They have continued, in
the case of Orange, the treatment I described befojre, namely, that
Y 2
340 SiPANiSH STATiJ PAPEBS.
1582.
of pressing the vein constantly with the finger, relays of persons
being kept in attendance for the purpose. This unheard-of way
retains the blood but his sufferings are dreadful.
The thing is looked upon here as irremediable, and as they hare
no news since the 10th, they believe it is all over, as otherwise they
would get news hourly. — London, 16th April 1582.
20 April. 248. Bernardino de Mendoza to the Kino.
On the 14th Alderman Barnes of London left here for
Southampton, charged with the dispatch of the four ships I have
so often mentioned as going to the Moluccas, which he is to send
off immediately. Although I have given an account of these ships
before, it will be well, as they are ready to leave, that I should now
send a statement in detail about them.
The ship which left the Thames, called the "Edward Buena-
ventura"* is of 300 tons, armed with thirty-six great cast-iron
pieces, and carrying 100 men, the other ship is ol 500 tons and
takes 200 men, being armed with 70 cannon. There is a pinnace
also of 40 tons given by Drake, and which carries 35 men ; in
addition to which there is a small craft of 14 tons. Amongst these
three hundred and odd men there are some gentlemen and excellent
sailors, as the Council gave licenses to press the most suitable men
for the voyage. Some of those who went with Drake accompany
them, whilst six men who go have already been in the Moluccas,
and, having lived for eight years in the Portuguese Indies, are well
acquainted with the coast. The pilot of the principal ship is a
Terneira Portuguese, called Simon Fernandez, a heretic who has
lived here for some years, and is considered one of the best pilots
in the country. 3Tiey take victuals for two years, and the cost of
the expedition will reach 12,000i. in addition to 4,000^. or 5,000i.
worth of merchandise.
Their intention is to sail from here to Cape Blanco in Barbary,
where they will water and then continue their voyage. From what
I have heard lately from persons who have been in communication
with Drake and others, and have seen the secret chart of the voyage,
I infer that their course is to be different from that which they
originally intended, which was to go to the Cape of Good Hope and
thence start for the Moluccas. The intention is now to run down
the coast of Brazil to Port St. Julian and the Straits of Magellan,
which Drake discovered not to be a strait at all, and that the land
which in the maps is carried Tierra del Fuego is not a part of a
continentjt but only very large islands with canals between them.
When Winter, who was one of those who went with Drake, returned
hither, I wrote to your Majesty that he with the other three ships
had entered the Straits, but after he had proceeded eighty leagues
therein, he was separated from the other ships by a storm on the
6th of September, which storm he says was the greatest that ever
• This was afterwards one of the priucijial ships under Howard at the Armada,
t The Spaniards had hitherto believed that the Continent extended indefiaitely to W\
goutb^
ELIZABETH. 841
1S82.
he had experienced. He then steered south with a north-west wind
towards Tierra del Fuego, which is in the Strait itself, and was
seeking a port until the 28th of October, without being able to find
one. At the end of this time, in order to find out where he was, he
took observations and found that he was in the same latitude as the
mouth of the Straits. He therefore concluded that what Magellan
described as straits and the continent were really channels and
islands, all the way from Puerto Grande to Cape Deseado and from
Cape Bonaseiial to that of Maestre, as they are marked on the maps,
since he had run for 54 days without finding a port. Drake who
had a fair wind and fine weather ran back to reconnoitre in the
same direction as that in which he had been driven by the storm
and then sailing north outside the islands which look like a strait,
and entering the South Sea, proceeeded to Panama from whence,
after he had committed the robberies, he sailed to the Moluccas and
returned by the Cape of Good Hope.*
That the straits are really formed by islands is proved by what
happened to Winter, because, after having proceeded for 80 leagues,
the storm carried him back to Port St. Julianf without his again
passing out of the opening by which he had entered, which made
cosmographers here think that Winter had not entered the straits
at all. Although he affirmed that the straits were formed by
islands, he was not believed until Drake himself returned, who has
not explained the secret to any one but some of the councillors and
the chiefs of this expedition who placed before him the danger
which would be run by sending these ships whilst your Majesty
had so large a fleet in the Straits of Magellan. Drake replied,
" So much the better ; as they were thus assured that your Majesty's
" vessels would stay there and keep guard to prevent anyone
" entering the South Sea "; but, after all, they would find them-
selves deceived, as it was not continent but only very large islands,
and there was the open sea beyond Tierra del Fuego. The person
who has given me this statement, although he saw Drake's chart
and has discussed it with him, does not understand navigation and
cosmography sufficiently to tell me exactly the degrees of latitude,
but only asserts the point that the land consists of islands and not
continent. I am obliged to give your Majesty an example in order
to make my meaning more clear, as to what happened in the straits to
Drake and Winter. Suppose Ireland were as near to France as
are the Scilly Isles, and Drake's three ships had left Nantes for the
purpose of entering this Channel, in the belief that the Irish Sea
was a strait, and that the tempest had there overtaken him, Winter
running up St. George's Channel and emerging into the high
seas running round Ireland would return that way to Nantes,
whilst Drake, sailing round Scotland and returning by the
high sea to below Cape Clear, which would be about the same
latitude as the mouth by which he had entered, he would therefore
• The passage is somewhat obscure, but it would appear that after groping through
the Straits, Drake and Winter were caught by a " Norther " and dnTen far south;
Winter driftingr round Cape Horn and Drake remaining on the '"est side of it.
t Port St. Julian was near the Atlantic entrance to the Straits of M»geUan.
342 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1682, ^" ^
prove that it was not a strait but channela between islands as he hacl
reached the same point by way of Hamburg.*
These ships expect to bring back .500 tons of spices, and they
have already calculated the amount which will accrue to each
adventurer. They are so confident about it that they are fitting
out other ships for a similar voyage, and it would therefore be very
desirable that, wherever these ships are encountered, they and every
man on board of them should be sent to the bottom and these
expeditions stopped, as their effrontery has reached such a pitch
that the Councillors even openly say that they will send to these
islands or wherever else they think proper to trade and conquer.
As it seems to me highly important to discover the truth of these
statements which are made by Drake in all confidence, and
believed by the Councillors, I would suggest that your Majesty's
fleet, which was sent to the Straits of Magellan, should be ordered
to thoroughly explore their position. — London, 20th April 1582.
22 April. 249. The Queen of Scotland to Bernardino de Mendoza.
I have received intelligence of the danger in which the
Prince of Orange recently was in consequence of the great loss of
blood from a wound under the eye. I praise God for this, seeing
the advantage which may accrue to His church and to the King
my brother (Philip) who is now its principal protector.
If you think that His Majesty will be willing now to take in
hand the affairs of this island with the aim of establishing the
Catholic religion and frustrating this Queen's designs ^ on the
Netherlands by keeping her busy at home, I am of opinion that
our object would be greatly forwarded by your encouraging the
principal Catholics of this country, so many of whom you know,
although most of them are already well disposed towards me. I
shall always be willing to employ my life and everything I have m
this world in order to push this matter well forward, that is to say,
with such promptitude and care as will produce the desired effect.
The extreme persecution of the Catholics here, I am told, is causing
many of them to think of shaking off the oppression, the only thing
needful being foreign support ; so that if we can once succeed with
Scotland, there is every appearance of our being able to bring about
some great good to this country. I thank you affectionately for the
good advice you have given me about the succession to this Crown,
in which matter, if it be formally taken in hand I will certainly not
fail to take the necessary action publicly, whilst at the same time
endeavouring to direct it through my friends as much as possible.
—Sheffield, 22nd April 1582.
23 April. 250. The King to Bernardino de Mendoza.j
A^chWes "^^^ present letter is especially to reply to yours of 9th February
K. i447"i30. and 6th March about Scotland. I was glad to see the letter the
* The crater's iUnstration ceitainly does not seem to make the matter clearer '° "*'
■who are perfectly acquainted with the exact position of the Straits of Magellan, but
it would probably aid a person who had never seen a map to roughly realise
position. • T • h n
t Another copy of this letter undated and purporting to have been signed at LisDon
instead of St. Ubes is in the Simancas AvcUives amongst th* papers of 1581 (SecreW't*
de Eetado, paclf?t 835),
X!LIZAB£T£(. 843
1582.
queen of Scotland had written to you and also the good reception
which Father William Holt received from the principal councillors
of the King, as well as the negotiations which were being carried
on by her and the Catholics of the country with a view to its
conversion. Before going further I wish signally to thank you
for all your care in a matter which is especially for God's service,
and is consequently looked upon by me with the greatest regard.
Of the four methods proposed by the Catholics for the conversion of
the country, the first, that of preaching is certainly the mildest and
surest, the rest being lisky and needing much consideration. It
might not be so easy for the Catholics to seize the Government
in a way which would allow them to utilise the King. The other
suggestion of deposing him pending the arrival of his mother, unless
he were to become a Catholic, offers great objections, and is also
against their oath. The Queen, moreover, being absent and a
prisoner, great confusion would arise as to the persons to administer
the government. The last plan of deporting him out of the country
to convert him will be almost the same as deposing him, and the
conversion will still be in doubt. Their remark that, if none of these
methods succeed they and their families will abandon their homes
and properties, if carried out will simply make amendment
impossible altogether and must not be thought of, but they must
dissemble and be patient, awaiting the means that God will
provide. You will therefore use every effort to prevent them from
despairing on the one hand, or rashly precipitating matters on the
other to their own damage. Great care and caution must be
exercised and zeal must not outstrip discretion until the affair bo
ripe, and I enjoin you for your part to keep this well in view.
From what the Queen writes to you she appears to be well alive to
all this, as she strives for the conversion by reading and persuasion,
and is also aware that the best time for sending foreign aid would
be after the pacification of Flanders. Although she herself has
sometimes hinted at conveying her son out of Scotland, you may,
in your own name, point out to her the evils of this course and
reply to her on my behalf on all other points. Say that I desire to
see her free, and herself and her son safe, with religion restored all
over the island. She will always find in me the same attachment
and goodwill as hitherto, and I beg she will continue her efforts to
enlighten her son and bring him to the true path. Urge her to strive
to unite the efforts of all those Catholics towards gaining ground
quietly, whilst things are being brought to the point when it will be
possible to aid them with foreign troops, and, in the case she
mentions, of the pacification of Flanders, I will not fail to furnish
such aid, and even before then, if possible. It is most important,
however, that she should advise me through you how her son
receives her counsel and admonition as regards his conversion, upon
whom she can depend in Scotland, whom she distrusts, what
troops there Are, wliat fortified places, what port of debarkation
could be provided for foreign troops, what may be expected from
France ; from England we well know what we may expect. In
short, you may let her know that when I thoroughly understand
the state of affairs, a«d fair and hgnest cooditipus are proposed to
814
1B82,
SPANISH STATE "PAPERS.
we, they will find me most -willing to reciprocate with help and
friendship, and I will use my influence with the Pope to the same end.
I have no doubt that his Holiness would render assistance, at
least in money, if the King were to give hopes of becoming a
Catholic. This is what you will say to the Que^n. As to her
suggestion that some of the principal Scotsmen should be gradually
won over to my side by presents, with a view to the conversion of
the country, it will be well to communicate with her on the subject
and ask her whether it will be best to give them pensions as she
says, or offer them rewards in accordance with the service they may
render. If she thinks it will be better to give them pensions,
(although this course rarely turns out well) you will inform me as
to the persons who should receive them and to what amount.
Whilst this is being discussed and things are being prepared for
a successful result, you will use your best efforts to carry forward
the sending thither of preachers from England and France, with
the same dissimulation as hitherto, and you may aid vrith money
the priests who go on that errand, for which purpose a credit of
2,000 crowns was recently sent you, and more shall be provided as
required. Your communications with the Scottish Catholics had
better be verbal, by means of trustworthy persons, rather than by
letter, the loss or miscarrjang of which might cause suspicion to
the French and others who might undermine the business.
With regard to your departure, as the queen of Scotland thinks
(as I hear through other channels) that it would militate much
against these negotiations, and you yourself will recognise this, I
beg you to reconcile yourself to staying there as long as I may
consider necessary for the object in view, and attend to all my
affairs with your accustomed diligence. In the meanwhile we will
be OQ the look out here for a fitting person to send under the
pretext of demanding especially the restoration of Drake's plunder
as you suggest.
As you consider it necessary to oblige that gentleman* who
influences the house of Howard, please advise fully what should be
given to him and in what form. We will then decide, and in the
meanwhile you will keep him in hand as cleverly as usual. —
St. Ubes, 23rd Aprino82.
25 April. 251. Bernaedino de Mendoza to the Kino.
I reported to your Majesty that Antonio de Castillo had taken
leave of the Queen, and as your Majesty's Treasury officers in
Portugal were so tardy in sending him his wages, as had been
ordered by your Majesty years ago, whereat these people began to
cavil and raise a thousand suspicions, I thought that it was not
decorous in your Majesty's interests, and for many reasons, that he
should stay here any longer ; and I arranged his departure, making
myself responsible for the greater part of his debts, borrowing
money on my own responsibility to pay the most pressing ones and
to provide means for his voyage. He will therefore sail m an
* Lord H«ur7 Egvard.
ELIZABETH. 841$
1582.
English ship with the first fair wind, as I think this the safest way,
I having arranged through third persons for the Queen to give him
a safe conduct to all her allies, ordering the captain in her own
name to take him safely to Portugal, so that if anything untoward
happens to him she will he responsible. Before sending him the
letters and the usual present, to the value of 800 ducats in silver,
Walsingham sent to tell him that he wanted to see him, as
he had a message from the Queen for him. Antonio de Castillo
went to him, with my consent. Walsingham told him that,
although the Queen had resolved not to write to your Majesty
until you gave her some satisfaction about Ireland, she would
nevertheless take this opportunity of doing so. He said that the
fact of the Queen's having sent so many envoys to your Majesty to
propose a renewal of her treaties with you, none of which envoys
your Majesty had received, had caused her to become reconciled
to the French, who had always previously been her enemies.
Although, he said, your Majesty had ambassadors here who did as
they liked in their own houses, her ambassadors were not allowed
the same privileges in Spain, Walsingham has publicly repeated
this, and the Treasurer said the same thing to two Spaniards here,
whilst secretly sounding them as to whether I was authorised to
renew the treaties. He always harps upon the fact that, as I have
liberty for my religion here, the same right should be given to the
Queen's ambassadors.
I can only suspect that they are stirring up this matter for the
purpose of finding an excuse for expelling me, to which end
Leicester, Hatton, and Walsingham are always working, and
pointing out to the Queen that, as your Majesty has an ambassador
here, she ought to have one in Spain on similar conditions. As
the point is so important a one, I humbly beg your Majesty to
instruct me how I am to proceed if they address me on the matter,
and I repeat that, for this and other reasons, it is highly advisable
that a man should be sent hither authorised, if necessary, to replace
me, on the pretext of a special mission, so that if these people force
me to leave, the communications with the queen of Scotland may
not be discontinued.
For the reasons which I laid before them, the Councillors have
desisted from their intention of seizing the property which might
arrive from the coast of Brazil, as a reprisal for the ship which I
mentioned had been detained there. The ship escaped from port
and arrived here on the 22nd, having left sixteen men on shore.
At my request the Council ordered the restitution to the repre-
sentatives of the owners of the sugars from the caravel seized
under Don Antonio's letters of marque, by which means I have
succeeded only in preventing them only from falling into the hands
of Don Antonio, since the owners themselves will reap no advantage,
as the Admiral of that part of the coast demands 1,000/. sterling
besides the costs incurred, which is about the value of the
merchandise, I am also assisting auother Portuguese from whom
Silva took six hundred quintals of woad at Terceira, and for the
ransom of which Botello made him give a bill.
846 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1682
News arrives from Terceira of loth March, that Antonio de
Rivero had delivered letters to Oipriano de Figueredo from Don
Cristobal de Mora, with great promises in your Majesty's name,
which Eivero had sent to Don Antonio, and at the same time had
gone to de Silva and told him that, as a man was coming with
"■ similar papers to St. Michael's, he should be instantly seized and
punished.
They report also that a caravel had arrived from Lisbon, from
which there had landed a native of the island named Gaspar, who
had in the name of your Majesty and the Chamber of Lisbon
represented to Silva and the Governor the punishment that would
befall them if they continued in their contumacy. Ttiey replied
that they acknowledged Don Antonio as their King, and as he had
ordered them to defend themselves, your Majesty need not trouble
yourself to send similar admonitions to them. — London, 25th April
1582.
25 April. 252. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
The Queen has received intelligence, dated the 1 5th, that Orange
is nov^ only seen by the doctors, and although the flow of blood
had been stopped, he was so weak that there were no hopes of his
recovering, and much surprise existed that he had survived so long,
as it was whispered by some of the Councillors that he died on the
10th, although they kept the news secret, in order that the oath
of allegiance to Alen9on might continue to be taken. There are
letters from foreigners in Antwerp of the 15 th confirming it, but
I do not venture to assert its truth until fiesh confirmation
arrives.
Alengon has written to the Queen, saying that when the rebel
States learnt of Orange's peril, they had sent special representatives
to him, with the assurance that, if Orange died, they would
acknowledge him, Alen9on, as their sovereign. This has been
published by Marchaumont, who exhibits letters in Alen9on's own
hand, expressing certainty that he might now possess the States,
especially in view of the fair answer brought by M. de la Nouville
from his brother, who, since he had heard of Orange's dangerous
wound, had less desire to interfere in the business.
Leicester, Hatton, and Walsingham have endeavoured to persuade
the Queen that it is desirable for her to openly take the States
under her protection, as she could then settle with your Majesty on
better terms, whereas if she lets this opportunity pass she can only
look for ruin ; because, if either your Majesty, or Alen9on and the
French, get possession of the country, neither one nor the other
could be trusted. This view thoy have enforced by many argu-
ments, but they have been opposed by Cecil and Sussex when the
matter was discussed in the Council, and the question therefore
remained undecided. When it was referred to the Queen, I
understand that she complained greatly, saying what a miserable
state was hers, since the death of a single person made all her
Councillors tremble and her subjects lose their courage. This was
seized upon as an excuse for her to take up with greater warmth
ELIZABETH. 347
1582.
than ever the talk about the marriage, and she swears and protests
publicly now that she is determined to marry. She asked Sussex
again to write in her name to Alengon, saying that when he had
made peace with your Mpjesty, or otherwise had avoided the
necessity for her to contribute anything to the war in Flanders,
she would immediately marry him, to which she would pledge her
faith as a Queen, and her oath as a Christian. Sussex fefused to
write, and said that he wanted to have no more to do with a thing
that he knew was repugnant to the Queen's nature, and begged her
not to order him to write, but to be content with his having been
the cause of injuring her reputation so many times before, to which
he had been impelled by other.s, who made him their tool, in order
to avoid loss of credit to themselves. The Queen nevertheless
resolved to give the message to Alen9on'8 gentleman Pruneaux,
who was here. She has tried to get Marchaumont also to induce
the king of France to write her a letter, undertaking to break
with your Majesty if she marries his brother, with which she said
she would be satisfied, although if afterwards the king of France
did not think fit to fulfil his promise she would not press him to
do so unless he was quite willing. Alen9on has been urging this
point strongly, but the King has liitherto refused. The Queen is
therefore now jealous of the French, to such an extent that when
Walsingham came to see her on business the other day she said :
" You knave, you ought to have your head off your shoulders, for
" having urged the going of Alenyon to Antwerp, where he is now
" trying to get hold of the seaports ; but they shall see whether I
" will coolly put up with that." Walsingham did not answer a
word to this.
I understand that when Leicester went with Alengon, he asked
Orange why he did not proclaim himself duke of Brabant, instead
of having Alengon recognised as such. Orange replied that it was
from no want of courage, but only because, as the Queen of
England was so alarmed at war with your Majesty, he was obliged
to turn to the French.
On the 15th the Queen sent to Alen9on the 15,000^. wliich had
been brought out of the Tower in ten boxes, each of which took
four men to lift. They were put on board a fly-boat, whic^ took
them to Gravesend, where they shipped on board an English vessel
called the " Giles," which conveyed them to Antwerp.
On the morning of the 22nd the Queen and Council resolved to
confer the Order of the Garter on Alen^on, on St. George's Day,
but at a meeting of the Council the same night they changed their
minds, in order not to have to address- him by more titles than the
dukedoms he had in France, whilst Marchaumont said his master
would not accept the order unless he was acknowledged first as
duke of Brabant, and the proposal was therefore suspended. —
London, 25th April 1582.
26 April, 253. Bernaedino de Mendoza to the King.
The enclosed despatch has been detained until now for a pass-
.port, and in tihe meanwhile letters papie to the Queen froip Antwerp,
348 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1682.
dated on tbe morning of the 16th. They report that the vein in
Orange's head had again broken out, and he had lost twelve ounces
of blood, whereupon the surgeons said that the wound must again
be cut open, which could only be done at great risk, whilst his life
otherwise could not possibly be saved. Another letter dated on
the night of the same day afterwards arrived, saying that he had
since become much worse and was expiring. The Lord Chancellor
says that, judging from what they write he can only escape by a
miracle, whilst Sussex and Lord Montague say that it was of
no use to count upon him any more, as they believe he died
days ago. If such be not the case, it may be looked upon,
as I have said before, as a special judgment of God that he
should suffer these torments as a foretaste of the punishment
which he will have to endure for his abominations. I hear that
the Queen has sent a letter to Alen9on, saying that if he would
return here she would certainly marry him, and that the marriage
should not stand in the way of the continuance of the war, so long
as she and her subjects were not called upon to contribute to it,
whilst she assured him that if the war was continued and the
marriage did not take place, she would be his mortal enemy, and
would spend the last coin in her treasury, and the last man in her
realm, to prevent his getting possession of the States, which would
be so injurious to this country. When she gave Marchaumont an
account of this letter she promised him, on tbe word of a princess,
that she would write to the king of France and his mother about
the marriage, in terms which would not displease them.
She also wrote to Alen9on that she sent him the 15,000i. more
out of regard for him than as a subsidy for the war ; and under
cover of this I hear that she is treating through her confidants
with the rebels, that if by means of this money or a larger sum
they can arrange to deliver to her Flushing, if not all the Isle of
Zeeland, they must make every possible effort to do so. She is
pressing very earnestly about this, as she considers that she will be
able to keep the French in check in this way, and prevent them
from openly taking the Netherlands, whilst she holds in her hands
the key to an arrangement with your Majesty. All her other
actions towards Alenyon are simply stratagems. In conversation
likewise recently with, the French Ambassador, she set forth tlie
many reasons which would force her to marry, whereupon he
replied that, besides the reasons she stated, she had forgotten
one, which was of more importance than any, namely, that it was
said that he (Alen9on) had slept with her. She replied that she
could disregard such a rumour, to which he answered that she
might well do so in her own country, but not elsewhere, where
it had been publicly stated. She was extremely angry, and retorted
that a clear and innocent conscience feared nothing, and that the
letters which Alenjon had written to his brother and his mother
were written before the existence of the rumoiir, which she would
silence by marrying.
I send orders for the despatch of a courier to the prince of
Parma, on the arrival of this packet at Calais, to report about
Elizabeth. 34&
1682.
Flushing, and that Alen9on has written to France.'saying that the
troops and ships which are ready for Don Antonio could be used for
seizing Zeeland, and for assuring the possession of the Netherlands,
since Orange was no longer in the way. — London, 26th April
1582.
26 April. 254. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
I have to-day learnt that the ships which were ready to go to
the Moluccas have sailed, and that Humphrey (3ilbert* is fitting
out three more to go to Florida, and land in the place where
Stukeley went to, and subsequently Jean Ribaut, who was killed
by Pero Melendez. When the Queen was asked to assist this
expedition Gilbert was told in the Council that he was to go, and,
as soon as he had landed and fortified the place the Queen would
send him ten thousand men to conquer it and hold the port.
Frobisher is also pushing forward the fitting out of three more
ships for the Moluccas, affirming that he means to arrive in the
South Sea by the islands that form the Straits of Magellan, before
the ships which have sailed. — London, 26th April 1582.
26 April. 255. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King,
Two days ago I received the reply of the queen of Scotland to
the letter which I had sent her with the despatch I had received
from Scotland from the duke of Lennox, and conveying to her the
information I had received from Fathers Creightoh and Holt, as
I wrote to your Majesty on the 1 st April. I enclose copy of her
letter herewith, and also of that which the duke of Lennox
wrote to lier.f These fully confirm what I have always said,
namely, that she is virtually the mainspring of the war, without
whose opinion and countenance Lennox and the others will do
nothing. I have therefore endeavoured to keep her well disposed,
and, in order to facilitate the business, continue to impress upon
her how ready the Scots and the Catholics here are to undertake
the enterprise. In the meanwhile I have always proceeded with
the plumb-line in my hand, trying to sound the feelings and aims
of the Scots, without going beyond generalities, in order not to
pledge your Alajesty more than necessary, and yet not to lose hold
upon them. I have also instructed the priests who have gone
tliither to act in the same way, only that as Creighton went from
Fiance at the request of the Scots ambassador, and by order of
His Holiness, without seeing me, he has changed my mode of
* Sir Humphrey Gilbert had received letters patent dated 11th Jnne 1578, "To
•' discover remote heathen and barbarous lands not possessed by any Christian prince
" or people, and to hold and enjoy same with all commodities, jurisdictions, and
"royalties, both by sea and land" (Patent Roll, Eliz. 21, printed in Hakluyt). A
full account of the agreements and preparations made by Gilbert, Sir Thomat Gerrard,
Sir George Peckham, and others for the above-mentioned expedition to Florida, will
be found in the recently published Calendar of Colonial State Papers edited by Mr. Noel
Sainsbury.
\ Set Utter of 6th April, page 330.
3S0 SPANISli STATB PAPERS.
1582. ~"
procedure, promising, as will be seen, in the name of the Pope and
your Majesty, to the duke of Lennox 15,000 men for the war in
Scotland. .He has no grounds whatever for this, as is pointed
out clearly by the queen of Scotland, who says that she does
not know the origin of the promise, which I have no doubt
that the good man has made entirely on his own initiative, in
the belief that, as in May last year, when he was in Rome, his
Holiness told him he would assist with the necessary number of
men, he might promise the round number, perhaps under the
impression that the Catholics here will rise and assist the Scots
the moment they know that foreign troops have come to their aid.
It is out of my power to prevent this error and others of a like
sort, which may be committed by the priests who go from France
(where the business however must be managed), unless they are
extremely well instructed. They (the priests), althougli ardently
zealous as regards religion, cannot be trusted with matters of State
unless they are taught word for word what they have to say, and
in order, if possible, to prevent sucii mistakes in future, and avoid
the disappointment of the Scots if the aid promised them be not
sent, I have replied to the queen of Scotland on the point to the
effect that, though I was sure that your Majesty and his Holiness
would assist, even with a much larger force than stated, whenever
it might be necessary for the attainment of so inestimable an
object, yet there were great difficulties, as it would be impossible
to form a fleet, since French affairs were in their present state and
religion in France so unsettled that the moment an expedition was
fitted out the suspicion of the French would be aroused, and they
would be led, in order not to lose entirely both England and
Scotland, immediately to join with this Queen more intimately
than ever, whilst heretics on both sides, and especially Alen9on,
fanned the flames of war between France and Spain. This would
enable the heretics to crush the Catholics here, and, such is their
malice, that they might; turn their weapons against her own person.
For these considerations I said it was best that the aid to be given
to Scotland should not be strong enough to drive the French to
despair of preserving the ancient alliance with Scotland at seeing a
powerful foreign force there. It was also necessary that the force
should not be so weak as to render it impossible for the Scots
Catholics to subdue the heretics, and it is certain that this Queen
would not dare to interfere unless she had the French at her back,
as she is so apprehensive of the English Catholics joining those of
Scotland. When the French see her position they will presumably
stand by and watch events, as they will consider it no disadvantage
to them that their old allies the Scots should become more
powerful, especially in the absence of any of the Queen's forces
which the Scots themselves could not withstand. From these
points, which I summarised to her, I said depended many others,
which she herself would perceive, and I therefore thought it would
be best for her to convey them to the Scots, so that the affair
might be managed in the way best calculated to obtain the end in
ijLIZABETH. 35i
1582.
view with peace and quietness, rather than to inflame fresh wars
between Christian princes. I said that the duke of Lennox should
be instructed not to move from Scotland, as, amongst other reasons,
it is of the highest importaTice in your Majesty's interests that the
troops to be raised should not be, as he says in his letter, collected
by him in France, but should be sent by your Majesty.
With regard to the instructing of the priests, I said I was pleased
that those who had gone from here had proceeded prudently, and
the errors committed by those who went from France were no
fault of mine. I would do my best to confer witli them if it were
possible for me to be in two places. I had written to them" in
Scotland what she replied with regard to the commissions for the
two ambassadors, adding that, if it were not evident that the Pope
and j'^our Majesty were so ardently anxious to help forward the
war in these countries it might be necessary to send special
ambassadors to lay before you the opportunities for doing so ; but
since we are already so well informed upon the subject, and as the
ambassadors to be sent would necessarily have to be persons
devotedly attached to the Catholic religion, well versed in matters
of State, and of high standing in the country, it appeared to me
that their absence from Scotland at this time would do more harm
than their embassies would do good, whereas if they did not
possess the qualities stated, the two Setons, whom I do not know,
being so very young, it would be much better for them to stay at
home in order to avoid attracting attention, and arousing suspicion
by going to foreign Courts.
I also replied to Lennox in general terms, agreeing with the
despatch to the queen of Scotland, it being taken by the same
priest that came hither. For greater security he returned as he
came, on foot disguised as a tooth-drawer, and he took with him
a looking glass which 1 had made for him, inside of which the
letters were concealed, so that unless he himself divulged them no
one could imagine that he had them. I say nothing to Lennox
about the promise made by Creighton, in order that he may
understand that it was made without any foundation, but I
inflame him with the glory and grandeur which he may gain by
the enterpris'j, which I say will be entirely attributed to him, he
being by his person, gifts, and position worthy to lead such a
cause. I write thus as I am told this is in accordance with his
humour. I also touch, but lightly, on the queen of Scotland's
remarks about association with her son, in order, in the first
place, to satisfy her, and, secondly, because I see that the Scots
should proceed under this pretext, which will pledge the Catholics
and adherents of the queen of Scots here unanimously to join in
the claims of mother and son, and will bind them together to
attain the end, leading them, in the interests of their lives,
property, and children, to prefer your Majesty's friendship to that
of France.
I have also written to Dr. Allen and Father Persons in France,
requesting Persons to leave for Scotland immediately, as we had
agreed, with the money which I had sent him for the purpose. 1
352 SPANISH STATE PAfERS.
1582.
say that as Fathers Creighton and Holt had not gone thither,* as
was expected, they had no doubt changed their plan until they
received news of the reply that the queen of Scotland and I sent to
Lennox ; and he, Persons, should therefore tell them that it is not
necessary for them to leave Scotland or to send the ambassadors
they speak of. They should, on the contrary, stay where they are,
and endeavour as gently as possible to convert the kingdom to our
Holy Catholic faith, gaining souls, and giving rae notice of what
the Scots want. I say also that it is not necessary for them to
trouble to take to the road themselves, as their profession is not
that of arranging warlike matters, which must be done by other
ministers, their function being to act as intermediaries, for which
they are better fitted than any others.
I have also written to the bishop of Glasgow, ambassador of the
queen of Scotland, in the cipher which she sent me. I press him
to hasten his departure for Scotland, but say nothing to him about
the promise except speaking of it as a thing without foundation,
to ask him what were Creighton's grounds for making it ; I will
immediately advise your Majesty of the replies I receive, but as I
have not your Majesty's special instructions to proceed in all these
details, I trust them all into the hands of God, and do my best in
the interests of His service, and that of your Majesty. I send this
by special courier to Tassis, and ask him to forward it in the same
way.
This Queen sent four days ago one of the Scotch rebels who
was here with the earl of Angus to the Border, with a quantity of
money, chains, and other jewels, to buy over some of the Scots,
the sole object being to get possession of the king of Scotland and
stir up civil war there.
Lord Harry (Howard) continues to give me information with
great vigilance and care, and keeps me well posted as to what is
going on. This forces nie again to press upon your Majesty the
importance of rewarding him, and at the same time pledging his
house, by favouring him in the way I have already suggested. In
order not on any account to lose him I have prevailed upon
him to refuse the embassy to Germany. — London, 26th April
1582.
4 May 256. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
In my former letters I sent an account of what the Queen had
written to Alen9on, and as he did not reply with the usual promp-
titude she began to conceive some suspicion ; and speaking to the
Earl of Sussex, she remarked that it was very strange that Alen9on
did not reply, and that it would be well to summon the Council
to discuss the matter of the marriage. Sussex said, ia the course of
convei'sation, that Alen^on's marriage with the Queen, now that
he was in Flanders and at wnr, would not produce so much
advantage as the seizure of the States by the French would bring
* That is to lay to France (Rouen) where, however, they had not arrived up to th«
lUh April, M was expected.
ELIZABETH. Wi
1581
?M«*V
injury, Leicester, Walsingham, and their party opposed the Queen's
marriage, setting forth that religion Ijere would immediately be
changed thereby, which they said was clearly proved by the earnest-
ness with which Alen9on was favouring the Catholics in Antwerp,
he having insisted that they should have a public church. They,
the Council, informed the Queea of their discussion, but she gave
them no reply, excepting that it would be well to await Alenjon's
answer. Bacqueville, one of Alen9on's gentlemen, brought the
reply on the 2nd. He writes with his own hand to the Queen,
saying that he had given her no just reason for complaint of his
lukewarmneas about the marriage, as he was more ready and
desirous for it than ever, for the sake of the happiness of both of
them, who loved each other so well, and also for the advantage
which would accrue therefrom to the crowns of France and
England. He says, it is true that he had not mentioned the
matter in his letters for the last two months, as he had quite
despaired of bringing it about, she having said with her own lips
in his presence that it would be easier to move the mountains
than for her, willingly, to make up her mind to marry. Since,
however, she had changed her humour, he would not only speak of
the matter in his letters, but, like a swallow, would pass the sea and
build his nest in this country ; this being his ultimate resolution
which he conveys to her in accordance with her request. He begs
her at once to let him know her mind and wishes upon the subject,
and asks her, with all speed, to fix the day of the wedding so much
desired by him, in order that he may then be with the person whom
he loves more than his own life; and he repeats earnestly and
often his request that the Queen will decide. This is the substance
of the letter, which fills more than a whole sheet of paper ; and
I am told by a person to whom the Queen showed it, that the
expressions are such that it is impossible to believe them to be
insincere. At the end of the letter he thanks her warmly for
the 60,000 ducats which she went liim, which he promises to spend
in her service, although tlie sum is not a very large one for the
needs which are occurring. He ends with an infinity of flatteries
and endearments, saying that hia reputation and his life are in
the Queen's hands.
Since the Queen received the letter she appears more ardent
than ever in her desire for the marriage, and at once quarrelled
with Walsingham, whom she told that he had been the cause of
the coolness between her and Alen9on, and had induced the others
to assert that she did not wish to marry. She then summoned in
great haste the French ambassador and Marchaumont, to whom
she conveyed the intention of Alen^on, and assured them how
sincerely she desired to effect the marriage, in spite of all opposition
on either side of the sea. She again renewed the promise which
she made when she gave the ring, and swore that she had never
wavered in her intention of fulfilling the pledge she had given him
before both French and English witnesses, that she would be the
wife of Alenjon if the King complied with the conditions which
she had requested,
8 '
^54 gPANISa STATE FAt'ERS.
1682.
After this, she began to complaia of Marchaumont, whom she
told that he might almost be looked upon as a venal person to be
bought and sold, as he had never said anything to her excepting
about money since his master left, as if both of tliem thought
nothing of her excepting as an aid to the forwarding of Alen9on's
ambitious schemes, and their only object was to worry an old
woman until they had drained her purse to the last. Marchaumont
excused himself by referring to the needs of his master, wliereupon
the Queen retorted in much harder and more stinging words than
before. She ended by asking the ambassador to write to the King
the following points. First, that Alen9on desired to come over to
be married as soon as he was notified ; secondly, that she, the
Queen, was of the same opinion ; and thirdly, that the final
conclusion of the marriage therefore depended entirely upon the
King, since she, as from the first, again requested that France
should defray half the expenses of the Netherlands war, not
because she wished for a war against your Majesty, nor disunion
amongst Christian princes, but because Alen5on out of a spirit of
adventure, desiring to make war upon your Majesty, she did not
wish for her subjects to have the opportunity of saying that the
long peace had been ended and treasure consumed in a dangerous
war at the expense of this country. She therefore desired that the
King should on no account fail in his promise to defray half of the
expenses of the war before the marriage was effected, in order that
there should be no alarm and suspicion in regard to this point
between the two contracting parties. She said that this was most
important, and the payment of the money by the King before the
marriage would enable her to make certain arrangements with the
rebel States. She did not see any way of carrying through the
marriage if these terms were not acceded to, and she urged the
ambassador most earnestly to assure the King of her desire for the
marriage, and of her straightforward proceeding with regard to it.
The fourth point to be conveyed to the King was a request that he
should send a person of quality here with sufficient powers for the
purpose, and she would then summon Alen^on, and marry him,
without making any fresh alterations in the conditions, or raising
any further delay.
The ambassador replied that he was afraid to convey this to the
King, on her verbal assurance alone, as she had deceived him
before, and his master had rebuked him for allowing himself to
believe her so easily, The Queen replied, that these were not
words alone but oaths, which she took solemnly as a Queen and
Christian, calling God to witness them, and to punish her if she
failed in the promises which she now made in the presence of the
ambassador and Marchaumont. She aLso told the ambassador to
warn the King that if he failed to comply with so just a demand
as this she would think that all the negotiations that had passed
on his side, had been mere artifice, without any intention of fulfiUing
the promises made, and, as soon as she saw this, she would be his
mortal enemy to the death, and to his brother as well. She then
repeated that she would not leave a penny of English money, ox
ELIZABETH. 365
1682.
the life of an Englishman UD,?penfc, in preventing the French from
gaining a footing in the Netherlands unless the marriage took
place, as it would be a perpetual peril to herself and her country.
She told the ambassador to recollect that she would have powerful
and resolute friends, even though the king of France were to
abandon her, " and the king of Spain," she said, " is striving
" by all imaginable means to gain my friendship, giving me his
" faithful word and pledge that he will help me against all
" Christian princes if I will consent to renew the old alliance with
" the House of Burgundy, and leave my new friendship witli the
" French." She therefore told him to advise his King that he had
better not delay the conclusion of the treaties and marria;^'e for
more than three months, or they may find her more fit to marry
the earth than his brother. After that period she said that any
delay raised by the king of France will be looked upon by her as a
definite negative, and she will at once come to terms wibh your
Majesty, and refuse to allow herself to be deceived any longer by
mere pastime and empty words.
The French ambassador wrote to the King as desired, but has
kept the letters back until those from Alen5on come, so that they
may all arrive together. I understand that the ambassador is
writing a great discourse of his own, pressing upon the King the
need for great caution in the reply sent, because, if the Queen really
is offended, she will join with your Majesty, to the great injury
of France and Alen^on, and again enter into the usual under-
standings with the Huguenots. This is the present state of affairs,
and I will duly advise the purport of the answer taken by
Bacqueville,* who also came to ask for more money. All these
professions of a desire on the Queen's part to effect the
marriage are, like the former ones, merely meant to lead Alen9on
astray with lies about your Majesty seeking her, whilst she gets
hold of Zeeland, by which slie might make terms either with him or
your Majesty. — London, 4th May 1582.
4 May. 257. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
Since my Inst, with which I enclosed a letter from the queen of
Scotland I received two more letters from her, which I enclose, and
the instructions she gives me in one of them translated into Spanish,
which will prove that I was not mistaken in the advices I gave
j-our Majesty with regard to the action which was going to be
taken by that captain.t I reply that, as this Queen and her
Ministers are on somewhat bad terms with me, it will be necessary
for me to await an opportunity of ascertaining what she wishes to
know from some of these councillors. At the same time I press
her to maintain the duke of Lennox and the rest of them in their
good disposition, and tell her that I am expecting hourly a reply
* The Queen's answer will be found printed in extenso, dated 4th May 1582, In the
Hatfield Papers, Part 2, Hist. MSS. Com.
t t.e. Erringtoc, who had been sent by Eliaabeth as an euToy to Scotland, but
bad net been allowed to enter the country.
z 2
^0^ SPANISH StATE tAPBRS.
1682.
from your Majesty on the points she mentions. She has also sent
me letters for the duke of Lennox and the ambassador (archbishop
of) Glasgow asking me to forward them with all speed.
I have received news to-day from the Border of the arrival
there of the priest I sent on the 19th with the despatch. They
advise me that printed papers are in circulation in Scotland to the
following eflfect : — " I, the Catholic Church, command and admonish
" you, all bishops, abbots, ministers, and guardians of the churches
" to restore the property you have so unjustly usurped for many
" years, because, if you do not do so, you shall be cast out from
" the kingdom on the day of St. John, with all your households,
" goods, children, and strumpets. God save James VI., King of
" Scotland." I have not been able to discover yet whether this
is a stratagem of these people fearing the conversion of Scotland,
and wishing to prevent it by arousing the indignation of the
Protestants against the Catholics by this admonition, or whether
it is a Catholic affair to embitter the feelings of the people against
the ministers and ecclesiatics, whom they hate already for their
impuie lives, so much so that the king of Scotland himself says
that the word they preach is good, but the lives they live are
very bad.
These folks have been unable, notwithstanding all their bribes
and promises, to prevail upon the earl of Arran to break with
Lennox, and they have, therefore, takea to inciting the ministers,
who are now preaching with greater fervour than ever against
Lennox, who they say is enjoying the revenues of the bishopric of
Glasgow, whilst the titular bishop receives only a very small
salary.
I also understand that the King says that the ministers are
depriving him of the ecclesiastical jurisdiction, whilst they assert,
both in and out of the pulpits, that the laymen are consuming their
property.
An ambassador from Denmark has arrived here., and had audience
with the Queen on the 6th. 1 believe that he comes upon the
same business as the other envoy who came recently and has now
left, namely, the navigation which the English are attempting to
Muscovy. This matter is of much importance even to your
Majesty, in consequence of the negotiations which these folks are
carrying on with regard to it with the Turk. I am getting
information about it, which I will send to your Majesty.
1 also understand that this man will discuss the marriage of
the king of Scotland with a daughter of the king of Denmark,
which project, as I have already reported, is being warmly pressed
upon the Queen by her ministers, and particularly by Leicester,
Walsingham, and the rest of their faction. — London, 4ith May
1582.
4 May. 258. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
In some of my former letters I advised your Majesty of the
arrival here of the ship from the coast of Brazil, leaving there
seventeen men. I am informed by the Englishmen themselves that
BLtZlBETH. 867
1582.
this was not caused by an attempt to capture their ship, which
would have been extremely easy if those on shore had wanted to
do so, since all the artillery and men had to be put on shore whilst
the ship was careeiied and repaired. But the Governor had given
them licenses to trade on payment of the dues, which was also
confirmed by the Bishop. By virtue of this the merchandise was
placed in the stores, and the supercargoes for the merchants here
who were in charge were so favourably impressed with the country
that they resolved, four or five of them, to appropriate some of the
merchandise and settle there. Another of them was converted to
the Catholic faith by the preaching of the friars there, and as he
regularly attended the ceremonies of the church his companions
began to mock him, which came to the knowledge of the Bishop and
the Inquisitors.
At this time the men on board the ship, seeing that the other
factors were keeping the merchandise, sent a boat on shore with
ten men to warn them to come back to the ship. The Inquisitors
arrested these men in order to examine them, which, coming to
the knowledge of the rest of the crew on board, they in return
captured two Portuguese sailors who were there in a caravel from
Lisbon, and then weighed anchor. The cannons on shore were
immediately fired at them, and some of the balls hit the ship. Tiie
vessel in question arrived here after a voyage of two months and
a half. I understand that the Council has inquired into the case,
and that many merchants had gone to them to say that they too
desired to send ships on a similar voyage to trade on the coast of
Brazil. This would be greatly to your Majesty's prejudice, and
should be prevented by issuing orders to the Governors on the
coast, in the case of foreign ships arriving, not only that they
should be prevented from trading, but that they should be sent to
the bottom without fail, with every man on board, As I have
on many occasions written, directly these people are treated in any
other way it will be impossible to prevent them sailing thither, or
to check their activity, excepting by keeping fleets everywhere at
great cost.
The ships which I wrote had sailed for the Moluccas* have
returned to the north-west coast of England, by stress of contrary
wind. Captain Fenton has landed from them in consequence of a
sealed order of the Queen and Council appointing the Captain
having been sent in the ships, which order was not to be opened
until the expedition was on the high seas. When it was opened it
was found to appoint as Commander of the expedition. Winter,
who was the man that went with Drake and brought his ship back
from the mouth of the Straits. For this reason Fenton refused to
proceed on the voyage. Humphrey Gilbert is continuing the fitting
of the ships I mentioned ; and Frobisher is ready to sail with two
ships, which he says will arrive there (at the Moluccas) before the
others.— London, 4th May 1582.
* The galleon " Ughtrecl " of 40O tons, and the ship " EdwMd Bonaventure " of
250 toai.
358 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1582.
4 May. 259. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
On the 25tli and 26th ultimo 1 sent five letters by special
courier to Paris, giving information with regard to the state of
Orange. Although a gentleman from Alen^on since affirms that
he is convalescent, Sussex continues to be incredulous, and says
that it is only a French trick to conceal the truth, with the aim
described in my previous letters. A Bolognese merchant, who
left Antwerp on the 18th, and who had been there since the day
that Orange was wounded, and is an honest man, says that he
will bet two hundred crowns to one hundred that he was dead,
and he assures me that he saw evident indications of it, especially
that when the vein burst forth and so much blood was lost, not
only was every physician and surgeon in Antwerp consulted, but
every man or woman who chose to come and professed to have
a remedy for stopping the bleeding, was allowed to make the
experiment. They sent horsemen galloping about the streets, who,
to save time, took up behind them the people who professed to
have a remedy, and carried them off to the patient immediately.
Althougli no means was successful, they published next day that
the man was well, whilst they had, night and day, to compress
the vein by pressure with a finger. They then dismissed all
medical men, excepting Alen90n's physician, and would allow
no one to see Orange but certain private persons. The heretics
who maintain that though you may pray for the living you may
not pray for the dead, ceased to offer prayers for him from that
day, which caused the suspicion to deepen. This merchant
relates many circumstances which I do not repeat, but which
all confirm the supposition, as do letters from Spaniards in
Antwerp.
Notwithstanding this, and that the Queen has had no letters
from Orange since he was wounded, they assert that Alen9on
writes that he is convalescent, although not out of danger, which
physicians here find it difficult to believe, as it is more than forty
d.ays since he was wounded. I cannot say for certain what the
facts are, but can only repeat what they say here. The wife of
Orange was dangerously ill, which the heretics publish with great
clamour. — London, 4th May 1582.
6 May. 230. The King to Beknardino de Mendoza.
^stlur'^ni'. ^^^y ^^^y thanks for your full and frequent advices. Please
' continue them, and also your efforts in favour of the individuals
who have been plundered, and in obstructing Diego Botello about
the ships.
As a long letter was recently written to you respecting Scotland,
answering your various questions relating thereto, there is now
nothing further to say, except to thank you and approve heartily
of the course you are following of keeping in hand the Queen and
Catholics of that country. I was glad to see the copy of the
letter written to you by the duke of Lennox, and I am anxious to
receive a report of the message sent to you by the fathers in
ELIZABETH. 359
1682.
Rouen by the confidant you intended to send to them. As you
say, they showed their simplicity in asking you to leave England
to see them ; but you managed the matter excellently, as you do
all things. If the ambassadors or persons you mention are to be
sent hither and to Rome, you will inform me beforehand of their
instructions. It would also be well if you had some prudent,
quiet, person at Rouen ; or could send such a one thither, to go
carefully into this matter of Scotland with the priests, so that
the correspondence with you might be carried on better than at
present.
I hope your next letters, or others from those parts, will tell me
how the matter of Orange ended. With regard to Alenijon, if it be
true as you are told, that the Queen is opposing the delivery to
him of certain fortresses in Holland and Zealand, it would appear
probable that she may lend ear to what is written to you in
another letter, and understand that the course suggested will be
the best for her. This view, however, is contradicted by the queen
of Scotland's letter to you of the 2nd of March, saying that
the Queen (of England) is likely to help and support Alen9on
in Flanders. Act for the best and report.— Almerin, 6th May
1582.
6 May. 261. The KiNG to Bernardino de Mendoza.
k"u47". 135*' From many quarters we have confirmation of your news that
Orange is dying, and he doubtless is now dead. In any case the
position that Alen9on is taking up in the country is intolerable,
and the Queen cannot be so blind as not to see how injurious it
is for her and her country for the French to gain a footing in any
part of the Netherlands. I enjoin you, therefore, to request
audience and deliver the new letter of credence now enclosed,
trying to convince her of the danger that may result to her from
such neighbours. Say that, however much they may temporise
with her now, as soon as they get their way she may know what
she has to expect from them, as their one object is to usurp all
they can without any consideration of right or reason. Open her
eyes to what her position will be if she is surrounded on all sides
by Frenchmen, or if she allow their force to grow to an extent
which may threaten herself. Let her not think that she protects
herself by aiding them with money and otherwise, for people whose
habit it is play such tricks are not likely to be bound by any
considerations of gratitude.*
In addition to the unmerited offence she will commit against me
if she helps Alen9on in Flanders, the French will only be too
* In the King's hand :— "It is possible that if this is expressed on my behalf it
" may do more harm than good, and you (i.e. Idiaquez) may therefore wnte to
" Don Bernardino, saying that if he he of that opinion he is not to act as if in my
" name, but to speak as for himself, intimating, however, at the same time, that he
" knows I think in the same way. I believe this will be the better course, but
"leave it to Don Bernardino to act as he thinks best." A letter from Idiaquez to
Mendoza was therefore written in that S3use, 7th May 1582, (Pans ArchiTes,
li. U47 . 137.)
860
1682,
SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
pleased to drain her substance, so that when she is exhausted and
bereft of money they may be able to treat her country as they
treat others. Beg her to consider this whilst it is yet time, and
avoid the danger. If it be an injury to me that the French should
nest in the Netherlands, it is none the less an injury to her also,
and it will be unwise for her to reject this advice of mine because she
thinks it may be inspired by considerations of my own interests ;
and to turn against good and old friends for the sake of embracing
the natural and ancient enemies of her coimtry, in the belief that
they will change their nature.
You will argue in this way, touching the various points as you
see may be advisable. As you know their temper so well I leave
to your discretion the details of your proceeding, so long as you
bear in mind that the object is to open the Queen's eyes to the evil
of having the French for neighbours, and making her suspicious of
them. Report what you do. I recollect that on various occasions
the Queen has suggested that she might be instrumental in effecting
a general pacification in my Netherlands, and although it is easy
to imagine what sort of a peace would be made by her means, I
shall be glad to hear from you what is meant by it, and with what
object or result she might intervene in the matter.* — Almerin, 6th
May 1582.
15 May. 262. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
On the 4th I wrote four letters, and now send copy of an auto-
graph letter written by Don Antonio to Diego Botello, and another
from Francisco Antonio de Souza, which have fallen into my hands.
I keep the originals for several reasons, and particularly to be able
to show this Queen, when opportunity offers, what she gains by
favouring rebels, and how they thank her for it, by what Francisco
de Souza says about her in his letter. I have no doubt that this
will goad her into terrible resentment against Don Antonio. I
also enclose letters from Manuel Silva and others, contained in
the same packet, which together may prove to your Majesty the
correctness of the advices I have sent. I hear from the Isle of
Wight that one of the three ships which Don Antonio is sending
from England to Rochelle had arrived there, the Englishmen on
board of her having deserted in consequence of famine, and they
thought that the same thing would happen to the other two ships.
A man from Rochelle tells me that when he left on the 1st
they were fitting out there eight or ten ships for Don Antonio,
but there was neither money nor men, and at the rate they
were going they could not have them ready for a long while.
Gonzalo Pereira, whom as I wrote to your Majesty I was sending
to Fayal, writes from the Isle of Wight that the servant he sent to
Don Antonio had returned with a letter telling him on no account
to fail to go and see him. The servant tells him that he heard
in Don Antonio's house, from men who are in his confidence, that
* The above letter is accompanied by a fresh letter of credence in Lfttiu addreised to
to ijueen of England in fayour of Men<|o2o.
ELIZABETH. 36l
1582.
the design of the fleet he is collecting in France is to defend
Terceira and land on some of the islands if possible, and otherwise
to go and attack the fleets from the Indies. If none of these
things succeed, they are to land all the Frenchmen that go
in the expedition in Florida where Jean Ribaut landed.*
News comes from Terceira of the 19th March saying that Captain
Carloix had gone to Manuel de Silva to ask him to pay the soldiers,
to which he had replied that he must have patience ; whereupon
Carloix retorted that if he did not give him the money immediately
he would pay himself. He then ordered the drums to be beaten,
and said that he would sack the country, and it was thought that
this would cause a contest between the people and the soldiery.
The Captain of the Englishmen writes begging his friends here to
send him ships for them to return in if they do not wish them all
to die there.
This Queen has not yet received replies from France nor from
Alen9on to the messages she sent, and she has acquainted Marchau-
mont and BacquevlUe with her grave suspicions that the King of
France should raise so many fleets at Brouage and others parts
of the coast without the object being evident, since they were not
needed for any purpose in his own country. She also complains
of the intimacy with which the duke of Guise was treating the
king of Scotland, to whom he had sent six well-trained horses.
These, and other things, made her distrustful, considering the
devotion which the duke of Guise had always shown to your
Majesty's interests, and the close communication which had been
kept up between you and his house. She said that it might be
easily concluded, that if the king of France was favourable to her,
and wished for her union with his brother, he would not thus favour
her mortal enemy, to which she added some very foul words applied
to Guise. The suspicions which Cobham continues to write to her
confirm the statement that the King is receiving Juan Bautista de
Tassis more graciously than ever. Marchaumont and Bacqueville
satisfied her, saying that it was not for them to answer for the
actions of the King, but only for those of their master ; but it
could not be believed that the duke of Guise had so ill a will
towards her as she said. She had received news from Berwick with
great haste that the wife of the duke of Lennox had arrived in
Scotland. I do not affirm this, as they do not always write the
truth from those parts.
There are no fresh letters from Antwerp, but letters from Flushing
of the 9th report that the wife of Orange was dead ; whilst he was
convalescent, and without even a patch upon the wound, although
it is not asserted that any one had seen him but his own family.
I cannot therefore solve the mystery.
The Danish ambassador still tarries here, and the Queen is sending
as ambassador to Denmark a son of the duchess of Suffolk by her
second husband.t He has been ordered to be ready to go in a,
• See Volume I. of this Calendar,
t Fraucia Bertie.
362 SPANISH STATE PAPEBS.
1582.
fortnight, and some people think that the design may be to send
him to Terceira, whilst they detain the Danish ambassador here
for some time. The latter reports that the duke of Saxony has
had a book written, in which the writings of Luther are so corrected
as almost to form a new doctrine, and he has had it confirmed by
the signatures of 4,000 different people. He sent a copy of the
book hy an envoy to the king of Denmark, to ask him to append
his signature. The ambassador presented it and the King asked
him to stay to dinner and he would see afterwards what he thought
of the religion of his brother the Duke in order that he might tell
him. After dinner he took the book and threw it into the fire
and said that that was the way to treat it, as he was a good
protestant and did not want any fresh opinions. — London, 15th May
1582.
15 May. 263. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
In conformity with what your Majesty has ordered me with
regard to Scotland, I wrote to the Queen, who, by letters of which
I forwarded copies, had informed me that she was anxiously
awaiting your Majesty's reply. I have represented to her the
objections to either the duke of Lennox or any of his adherents
leaving the country. As regards my communicating with the
Scotch Catholics in writing, I may say that I have only done so
with Lennox, since my first letter to him, when the queen of
Scotland asks me to write to him, and sends letters for me to
forward to him. Even in such case the letters are in cipher and
unsigned, so that even if they be lost I can safely declare that they
are not mine. As your Majesty will have seen, the Queen of
Scotland asks me to write to him and to her ambassador, her
desire being that communications should be held in this way, and
if she saw a disinclination on my part, it might arouse her suspicion
of me, and there is no way of preventing the French from getting
a knowledge of the affair if she thinks fit to tell them. I only
express in my letters your Majesty's desire for the conversion of
Scotland, and do not dwell upon any other point, and although
under cover of this I do all I can to conduct the business as your
Majesty desires, I am aware that it is not in my power to avoid
the thousand difliculties which occur. From the first I have
foreseen and represented these to your Majesty, as it was necessary
to set the web here and weave the warp in France, whilst, to satisfy
the queen of Scotland, your Majesty's minister there is not to
intervene.
The priests, who must act in unison with the others in France,
are conducting matters differently from what the queen of Scotland
and I desire. In addition to the absurd promise given by Father
Creighton to the duke of Lennox, they have again changed the
order that I had given for them to remain in Scotland, and that
Father Persons should go thither to strive by preaching and reading
to convert the King ; and Fathers Creighton and Holt arrived in
France on the 14.th ultimo. They detained Persons, who was on
the road, and after having c>:/mmunicated their missioQ to th«
ELIZABETH. 363
1582,
bishop of Glasgow, the queen of Scotland's ambassador, they had an
interview with the duke of Guise. At this interview there were also
present tiie said ambassador, Creighton, Father Robert, Dr. Allen,
and Persons. Creighton made a statement as to the condition of
Scotland, and said how ready the people were for conversion. He
then proceeded to say that the duke of Lennox was resolved to
convert the people and the King himself, if your Majesty and the
Pope would aid him with 8,000 foreign troops paid for six or eight
months, and sufficient arms of all sorts to supply as many more
Scotsmen. With this force, after the conversion which would
immediately follow the landing, the King would march upon
England, where they, would be joined by the English Catholics,
and would release his mother, reducing England to submission to
the Apostolic See. He begged that this force might be sent in the
month of September, or October at latest, as otherwise he was
resolved to leave Scotland, taking the King and the Catholics with
him. This determination was taken on conscientious grounds, and
because of the intrigues which the queen of England was carrying
on in Scotland, and which he (Lennox) would be unable to
counteract if the aid did not arrive at the period stated.
The duke of Guise approved of his resolve, and pledged himself
to aid the enterprise, not only by his counsel, but with his means,
and, if necessary, his person and his life. This was on condition
that the coming of foreign troops to Scotland should not be known
in France, as in such case he was sure it would be hindered. This
was confirmed by the queen of Scotland's ambassador, and Guise
urged that, in order to leport this to your Majesty and his Holiness,
Father Robert Persons should carry letters from Lennox to your
Majesty, whilst Creighton took similar ones to the Pope, both of
them taking also letters and instructions from Guise. He offered
immediately the foreign troops landed in Scotland, to bring over 4,000
to the county of Sussex to divert the heretics ; and urged that, in the
meanwhile, your Majesty and the Pope should order the provision of
10,000 crowns to fortify the castle of Dumbarion and Edinburgh, and
strengthen the King's guard. This is reported to me by Dr. Allen and
the rest of them, who ask me to convey it to your Majesty imme-
diately, and to send a letter, so that Persons may start at once and be
duly recognized on his arrival. I send him the letter and another for
the minister at Rome, and in view of your Majesty's last instructions
I think necessary to send this by special courier, in order that your
Majesty and the Pope may take steps to prevent the Scotch business
from being precipitated and the conversion of the countries thus
rendered impossible. I therefore send these five letters by special
to Tassis, with a request that he will forward them in the same way.
I humbly thank your Majesty for deigning to say that it is to
your interest that I should stay here, and although there is nothing
but my salvation which I desire so much as to leave England, I
will postpone everything for your Majesty's service if affairs look
as if they may be settled in reasonable time ; but if they are long
deferred I must represent to your Majesty that my sight is getting
80 bad that if I have to stay in this damp climate for long I shall
S64
1582.
SPANISH STATE PAPERS,
lose it altogether. I understand that Persons is to be accompanied
by William Tresham, who left this country under suspicion of being
a Catholic. He is the person through whom I have from the first
been in communication on these matters with his brother Lord
Thomas Tresham, and for this reason he is well deserving of some
favour from your Majesty. Lord Harry continues to serve with
his usual care and intelligence. I understand that we cannot give
him less than 1,000 or 1,200 crowns a year, which will only last
for two or three years ; whereas if your Majesty makes him a
present, you could not gi\'e him less than thi'ee times that sum.
If he gets the 1,200 crowns in two half-yearly payments from me,
it will have double the effect in encouraging him, and will pledge
his house ; and if he slackens or things change, the payments can
be stopped. I am entertaining him, and have persuaded him to
refuse to go on a mission abroad. — London, 15th May 1582.
16 May, 264. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
The behaviour of these folks is so strange and fickle that,
although I try to keep pace with them, it is impossible for me to
do so without stumbling over a multitude of difficulties. Since I
informed your Majestj' of the message which the Queen sent by
Walsingham to Antonio de Castillo when he was leaving I have
received your Majesty's letter, in which you deign to say that I
should serve you by remaining here ; and as it does not appear to
be consonant with your Majesty's dignity that I should do so
without having access to the Queen when circumstances may
render it necessary, Walsingham having told me months ago that
the Queen would examine the documents which I had given her
about Drake's robbery, and would give me a reply, I wrote a letter
to the earl of Sussex, saying what Walsingham had promised, and
I wished that the matter should be mentioned to the Queen, in
order that I might know when she intended to give me the answer,
for your Majesty's information. I thought that this was the best
means of opening the door for them to give me an audience,
without directly asking for it. Sussex sent to say that he had
mentioned my letter to the Queen, and, as the business had been
previously discussed with Walsingham, she would send her answer
by him. The answer was that she had sent a message to your
Majesty by Antonio de Castillo, and until she had a written
explanation from your Majesty about Ireland, she did not intend
to decide the matter about the restitution of Drake's booty, and
would not consider the business before she had a reply to the
message she sent by Castillo. She did not, moreover, understand
your Majesty's maintaining a minister here, if she had not a
minister in Spain in the enjoyment of similar privileges. These
are all the niachination.s of the men I have mentioned, in order to
drive me to demand an audience point blank, the dangers of which
are evident, because if I press them very closely it may place
your Majesty under an obligation to resent their action, which I
understand arises mainly from the personal hatred against me
entertained by some of these ministers, As I have alreadj' written
ELIZABETH. 36^
1582.
I can devise no better means to solve the diiRculty than for your
Majesty to hasten the coming of the man who, under the pretext
of a mission about the restitution of Drake's plunder, may be
prepared to replace me ; whilst in the meanwhile I reply to the
Queen that, as I had been promised an answer upoa the subject, I
cannot avoid surprise, and some personal mortification, that she
should simply refer me to what she expected would be written by
Antonio de Castillo, who she knows is now merely a private person,
and, being in Portugal, can hardly conduct affairs here. This
message I will convey verbally, and will also write it to the earl
of Sussex, taking the opportunity afforded by the news I recently
received from Iran, that eight or ten English pirate ships had
sacked and burnt a place called Boro in Galicia, but I will ignore
the Queen's message by Walsingham about retaining a minister
here. I wrote to Sussex, saying that I had received special
despatches from your Majesty reporting this raid, and as it was
my fate to complain constantly to the Queen, whenever I had the
honour of seeing her, I should be glad to know whether she would
listen to my present grievances, or whether she preferred that I
should communicate them to the Council. I say this, in order that
I might appear to be the person who avoided an interview, which
I think is the best course if she will not see me, whilst it is a gentle
method of getting an audience, without risk, if she desires it. I
will report the result, and I doubt not that, if Flemish affairs are
going ill for her, she will give me audience, whilst, if the contrary
be the case, she will refer me to the Council.
This is their invariable course, and when they are absolutely
obliged to seek your Majesty we shall see that they will be earnest
enough, but until then all is falsehood and artifice, in order to sell
themselves at a higher price. With the same end they are sending
men over secretly to Flanders more actively than ever and are
increasingly intimate with Alenjon and the French, with whom
they are temporising, whilst they are seeking opportunities for
getting possession of Zeeland. — London, 1.5th May l.')82.
15 May. 265. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
In former letters I reported about the mission of an ambassador
here from Denmark. In order now to give your Majesty full
information upon the subject, it will be necessary to dwell some-
what at length upon the matter and begin at the beginning. In
order to avoid paying to the king of Denmark the dues collected
by him on goods to or from Muscovy, the English attempted to
navigate to the east by the Frozen Sea to St. Nicholas, and
succeeded in the year 1550 ; since when they have continued to
carry their goods from there by the river Dwina to Coulobrod, and
from there sending them by the River Octrung, where they are
shipped to Suctrabam (?), and brought thence to the river Volga in
six days by men on horse back. They are then shipped on the
Volga and carried down to the Caspian Sea.
In order to conduct this navigation more easily and keep up
the current of trade, they have built four cuatom-housea in th^
366 SiPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1582.
four places above mentioned for the storage and forwarding of
merchandise, and to make themselves masters of the trade they
have attempted to build a house on an island called Kola, where
merchandise brought by all other foreigners was to be registered.
By this means they thought to dispossess the king of Denmark of
the island, and with this object they won over the merchants of the
family of Buican, who are the richest in Muscovy, and by whose
favour they obtained from the Muscovite permission to build on the
island. They had commenced to do so, when the king of Denmark
heard of it and sent two very large ships and three galleys to prevent
it, and to cast out the English from the island. At the same time
the former ambassador was sent hither from Denmark, bringing
an intimation, as did the present one, that if the English were
willing to pay him the same dues as were paid by all other nations,
on passing through the Sound, he would allow them to trade with
Muscovy without offering any impediment, which arrangements he
hoped the Queen would settle with her subjects without it being
necessary for him to use force, and defend his rights and revenues
by arms.
The English also settled through the Muscovite with the Tartars
on the banks of the Volga to allow the free passage of their
merchandise down the river to the Caspian Sea ; whilst the Persian,
building large ships in Astrachan, should give them leave to trade
and distribute their merchandise, through Media and Persia, in
exchange for goods which reach the Persians by the rivers that run
from the East Indies to the Caspian Sea. This privilege was
granted to the English by the Persian.
Two years ago they opened up the trade, which they still
continue, to the Levant, which is extremely profitable to them, as
they take great quantities of tin and lead thither, which the Turk
buys of them almost for Its weight in gold, the tin being vitally
necessary for the casting of guns and the lead for purposes of
war. It is of double importance to the Turk now, in consequence of
the excommunication pronounced " ipse facto " by the Pope upon
any person who provides or sells to infidels such materials as these.
As the merchandise had to be sent from these parts, the dues were
very heavy when the voyage was made in the ordinary way by the
Straits of Gibi-altar and the light of Messina ; not only had the
merchants to pay toll in many places, but their trade could only be
carried on by consent of your Majesty, as the possession of Portugal
made it easy for you to stop at any time the passage by the
pillars of Hercules. In order to carry on the trade with more safety
iind speed than by coasting the territories of your Majesty, his
Holiness, and other Christian Princes, they with the aid of the
king of France and this Queen requested permission of the Turk
to go from Azov by the Don and Port Euxine and sell their goods
freely in Constantinople, the design being to bring the goods
from Media and Persia by the Caspian Sea and the river Volga to
the river Don, the distance between the two rivers at one point not
being more than a German league. A house was to be built in the
place where the distance across was shortest to transport the goods
ELIZABETH. 367
1582.
overland to the Don, and a depot was thus to be formed to con-
centrate the trade of the two rivers Volga and Don, and to serve
as a point of distribution for goods brought from England, for
Constantinople and the whole of the Levant, without their having
to pass, as at present, by Italy. They also calculated that by this
trade with Media and Persia they might monopolise the drug and
spice trades, which goods could be sent from here to all the northern
countries, where they are mostly consumed.
The Turk saw through their plan and understood how profitable
he might make it for himself if he could manage to bring the
spices and Indian trade by this road to Constantinople, thus
reviving the commerce of the place to the grandeur it attained
before the Portuguese discovered the Indies. He also saw that he
would be obliging this Queen .ind the king of France by granting
the permission requested, and thus weakening the forces of your
Majesty, by diverting the English trade from Italy, as the English
had pointed out to him. He therefore gave privileges to them, as
I wrote some time ago, allowing them to have a house in Constan-
tinople and trade freely there. He was artful enough, however, not
to send them any answer to their request about the Don and
Astrachan, whilst he made himself master of the Caspian and
continued his conquest of Media. I understand from Cristobal de
Salazar in Venice and from others that the Turk has been victorious,
and I learn from France that he was about to build a number of
ships and galleys to take possession of Astrachan, in the belief
that when this is done, he may adopt the English method and bring
trade down the Volga, cutting a canal from the Don by which he
may utilise the water of the Volga, as the former river in certain
seasons has but little water for navigation.
This action of the English with regard to trade in those parts
has opened the eyes of the Turk to the advantages of it, and this
has not stopped at words, as for years past the trade has been active.
Only last October an expedition with a return cargo of goods came
from Persia after two years absence, during which two-thirds of
their return merchandise had been stolen by Tartars, whilst trade
with Media and Persia had been Ijjid in consequence of the war,
and the Turks had stolen some of the goods they took from here ;
and yet, notwithstanding all this, the adventurers received back all
their capital and six per cent, profit.
I was already interested in this business, but I have been able
to completely master it mainly by the help of Gaspar Schomberg,
the German Baron of whom I wrote, who, when he was ready to
leave, fell ill and was unable to start. This has enabled me to
communicate more intimately with him than before. As he is well
acquainted with the northern countries, having been thither, he is
friendly with the merchants who trade there, and has been able at
my request to discover the plan in which he was aided by his
knowledge of cosmography and the geography of those and other
provinces. He has even drawn with his own hands the map I send
to your Majesty enclosed, made on white satin, by which the position
36S SPANISH StATE l:*At>EttS.
1582.
of the provinces and rivers may he the better understood, as it is
much more correct than ordinary maps.
Although always giving him to understand that the trade with
the East Indies would be impossible, even if the road to Persia
were open, in consequence of your Majesty's fleets in those seas
being strong enough to beat both the Turk and the Persian united,
I have asked him what he considers would be the best means of
preventing it if it were attempted. He was of opinion, seeing the
way in whicli the English had already traded in Persia, that if the
Turk could establish his naval supremacy in the Caspian, he would
undoubtedly be able to divert the spice trade of India into his
hands, through Constantinople, and as this is of such vital import-
ance to your Majesty, he (Schomberg) thought it was necessary to
keep the matter a close secret, and not allow it to be mentioned to
the Venetians, the Emperor, the German Princes, the French, or
English. When therefore the question of hindering the trade is
considered, it should be done under some pretext through the king
of Denmark, to prevent the decline of his own revenues, and that he
should be prompted to refuse to allow the English either to build on
the isle of Kola or to continue their navigation from St. Nicholas
through the Frozen Sea.
The other step to be taken would be to influence the Tartars on
the banks of the Volga to prevent the navigation of the river
either by the Turks or the English. These Tartars, although they
are attached to the Muscovite, are oppressed and miserable people,
and will serve any chief for a year for a single crown. They
might be reached through the king of Poland, who is so good a
Catholic, and might be informed, in the name of your Majesty and
the Pope, how prejudicial the trade would be to Christianity; or
otherwise might be inflamed against the Turk. He could persuade
the Tartars to leave the Muscovite, and prevent foreigners from
navigating their river, and Schomberg thinks that, if the king of
Poland were to undertake the negotiations, he would succeed. He,
Schomberg, is a very good a Catholic himself, desiring the exalta-
tion of our holy faith (although all his kin are protestants), and
repeats to me, aa such, urgently, that the matter must be treated
with the utmost secrecy and not mentioned to any other Prince. I
raised many difficulties to his suggestions, and especially pointed
out that the Turk would find many obstacles in his way ; although
I hear from Englishmen who have made the voyage to Persia,
that once the Turk becomes master of Astrachan and the Caspian
Sea, there will be little to stop him. From what I see of his (Schom-
berg's) zeal for the Holy Catholic religion, and his devotion to your
Majesty, I consider that he would be a titting minister to serve your
Majesty in these matters, as he has great experience of the northern
provinces and tongues, as well as being pledged to the interests of
your Majesty; he is moreover, a man of wealth, of great spirit, and
a good soldier, and understands perfectly the management of
artillery. The piece which I wrote to your Majesty he had invented,
is certainly more ingenious than I had originally understood before
ELIZABETH. 369
1682.
I saw the model. It is mounted flat on a board, and when it recoils
it does not kick backwards, but in a circular direction, and only
sufficient to bring uppermost the touch hole of the next barrel
of the seven after the one which has been discharged. In this way
' the whole seven barrels can be discharged with great rapidity,
without the necessity for aiming each separate one, after tbe first
barrel has been pointed. These pieces will be of great service to
your Majesty's fleet as they will not need to be mounted on wheels,
like ordinary pieces, but on the flat, and by this means the space
occupied by the ordinary carriages will be saved, and more room
given for men and stores. Another advantage is that, whilst the
ordinary wheeled carriages when the ship rolls, often run to leeward,
and capsize the ship, this cannot happen with the new pieces. He
(Schomberg) is so ingenious, that on my telling him when he was
confined by his illness for so long that I had seen a wooden gun,
he employed himself in making a wooden cannon of the calibre of
eight pounds, which a man can easily carry, and which may be
discharged forty times in a day. It is so constructed, that it may
not only be used for a short time, but will last for years ; and such
pieces as these would be most useful for service in Earbary and
the Indies, as they can be constructed with the greatest ease, and
for every purpose but battery may be made useful, whilst in a battle
or a skirmish they will produce as much effect as any other guns.
They may be made of much larger calibre if necessary than his
specimen.
He has also shown me a model he has made of a breastwork of
wood, 30 feet high and the same size square, which can be carried
by two four-horse waggons, and can be erected by two men in two
hours, they the while being under cover and unassailable either
by harquebussiers or musketeers. After the breastwork is erected
there is room to mount thereon two culverins, tbe erection being
strong enough for them to be effectively employed. I can quite
believe this seeing the strength of the model, which is made of
small and thin timbers, and I doubt not after discussing with
him, that these breastworks will be very valuable, as they are
inexpensive and may be used by anyone who has seen theiu once.
As the king of Poland knew this Baron, and understood his
acquirements before anyone else, he recently summoned him by
means of the palatine Lasqui, for the purpose of consulting him
respecting artillery and fortifications, intimating that if he would
enter his service he should be honourably treated. He tells me
that he will leave for home in two days, and thence will go to
Poland to see what the King wants. I have told him to take the
opportunity of sounding the King as to his disposition towards
your Majesty's interests, which he promises to do. On taking
leave of me he said that, as he iinew the King's humour, he Would
incite him to war with the Turk the moment your Majesty's truce
with the latter expires, and he asked me to point out to your
Majesty the facihties that exist for pressing him in those parts if
your Majesty and the Pope desire to do so. He considers that this
S?0 s^Ai^lSH sTAtE Papers.
1582. ~
will agree with the king of Poland's humour, as he is fond of war,
and wishes to hiave a name behind him, he having no children. I
have told Schomberg what your Majesty orders me in your despatch
of 23rd ultimo, and he highly esteems your Majesty's having borne
him in mind. He will not fail to see Don Guillen de San Oleniente,*
on his passage through Germany, and will send constant advices to
me, so that if your Majesty should be pleased to make use of him
in any way I may be in touch with him.
The king of Denmark has received no reply to his mission,
which has been referred for discussion and report to the
merchants who are engaged in the trade. — London, 15th May
1582.
IS May. 266. Juan Bautista de Tassis to the Kino.
""^K 1559^'''' '^^'0 or three days ago two Jesuit fathers came to see me, one an
Englishman and the otiier a Scot.t The latter told me that, more
than a year since, he was at Rome to attend a meeting or chapter
of his order, and by command of his general, gave to His Holiness
an account of the state of affairs in Scotland,' and the good hopes
that existed of success attending the attempts to restore the
Catholic faith un the country if the task were undertaken in
earnest. His Holiness liked his discourse so much that he sent him
liither and gave instructions to the Nuncio, and to the Scots
ambassador liere, to consider what steps could be taken in the
matter, evincing a desire to aid it effectually if there seemed to be
an appearance of hopefulness. The Nuncio and the ambassador
decided to send him to Scotland to inform M. D'Aubigny, duke of
Lennox, a Frenchman and a kinsman of that King, of the Pope's
favourable disposition, as he (Lennox) had the principal influence
over the King and exercised great authority in the country, and
was known to be a Catholic. They therefore expected to find him
very willing to assist, and the Jesuit was instructed to encourage
and exhort him to this end, bearing a letter of credence to
D'Aubigny from the ambassador, founded on the Pope's instructions.
He (the Jesuit) had gone thither and with great difficulty (seeing
the susj)icion in which the godly live there) had seen D'Aubigny
once, after secret communications had passed between them by
letter. The interview took place in a castle belonging to D'Aubigny,
whither he had gone on the pretext of other business, and another
Jesuit, an Englishman and companion of the man who came to me,
was present. This Englishman appeared to arrive at the same
time with a similar mission on behalf of the English OathoHcs and
carried a letter of credence from Don Bernardino de Mendoza for
D'Aubigny. After hearing what both of them had to say D'Aubigny
decided to give the support desired by His Holiness and your
Majesty to the project, if he were furnished with the things set
» The Spanish ambassador at the court of the Emperor,
t i.e. Fathers Holt and Creighton.
ELlZABEtH. 371
1682.
forth in a statement which he handed to them. He gave me thia
statement to read and delivered to me a letter from D'Aubigny,
copy of which I enclose.*
The demands contained in the statement are substantially tha
20,000 men shall be placed in Scotland during the coming autumn,
their wages paid for 18 months, composed of Spaniards, Italians,
Germans, and Swiss, a certain number of footmen, and a large
quantity of war material and artillery. He asks also for some
money to raise native troops if necessary, and 20,000 crowns to be
provided immediately here, for which he will have a similar
amount paid to him in Scotland to enable him to begin the
fortification of certain places, which in any case will be necessary.
He indicates the ports where the troops may disembark and
demands that hi$ King should have supreme command of the
army, and in his absence that he (D'Aubigny) should have sole
control over the troops of all nationalities. If the attempt fails
and he should lose his estate in consequence, he demands that His
Holiness and your Majesty shall give him property of equal value
in some secure place, and he lays it down as a condition that the
object in view should be declared to be the restoration of the
Catholic religion and the liberation of the queen of Scotland. He
is confident that his King will assist the enterprise and proposes to
come hither to make preparations for it as soon as His Holiness
and your Majesty decide upon it.
This, unless I err, is a summary of the statement or memo-
randum ; and when I said to the Scotch Jesuit that the demands
were high, he said that when he himself made the same remark to
D'Aubigny the latter replied tliat, although he asked for so much,
he left that point and the whole question to the discretion of
the Duke (of Guise) here, whose relative he also is,| and who
doubtless will have been concerned in the business from the
beginning.
I asked the Jesuit what was the state of things in Scotland
when he left with regard to religion. He replied that publicly
it was bad, as the ministers {i.e. clergymen) dominated as nmch
as ever, but that secretly many persons of influence wished to bring
about this change, and would join D'Aubigny when he declared
himself. The Prince, still quite a lad, was under the influence of
heretic ministers, and continued in their religion, but hopes were
entertained that if this enterprise succeeded he would very soon be
converted to the good path.
He said that the young King was in constant danger to his life
by reason of the plots which were being carried on against him by
the queen of England, and it therefore behoved us the more to
seize this opportunity, because if the queen of England was before-
* See letter I'l'oiii Leumix to Tiissis, 7tli March 1,582, page 316.
t The Kiog has written in the margin against this, " I do not \yell understand this."
D'Aubigny's relationship with the Guises was only an indirect one, through his first
cousia Darnley's marriage with Mary Stuart. James the Sixth's kinship with the
duke of Guise and D'Aubigny was in the same degree, iJi«me)y, that of first cousin
ouce removed.
A A 2
J372 SPANISH STAt£ PAtfiRS.
1582.
hand with ua and had her way, the whole affair would be ruined
and could never be restored.
When the Scotch father had S9.id all he wished to say, the
Englishman commenced, assuring me that the English Catholics
were extremely anxious for this design to be curried out, and that
arms should be taken i^p in Scotland for the restoration of the
Catholic faith and the release of the queen of Scotland, because if
the business were seriously undertaken and success rendered
probable, they would do the same and join the army when neces-
sary. They had great facilities for doing this, as the whole of the
country adjacent to the Scotch Border was full of Catholics ; and
the territories of the earl of Westmoreland, whom your Majesty
maintains in Flanders, are in the neighbourhood, as well as a great
bishopric,* to whicli they wish Hiis Holiness to appoint some person
of spirit who will be able to raise the people. They think also of
summoning the earl of Westmoreland for the execution of the
business. He • assured me that England was incredibly full of
Catholics, and I asked him what assurance they cotild give me for
all this, and whether any persons of position had met and mutually
pledged themselves in writing, as is usual ; to which he replied
that they knew all he told me through the confessions and spiritual
confidences of so many people, and that matters were so far
advanced that no doubt whatever need exist, as it was quite
certain that things in England were very propitious for such a
movement to be attempted.
He said they had communicated with regard to this project
lately in secret with the duke of Guise, the Scots ambassador here,
and with Dr. Allen, who is an English ecclesiastic of great esteem,
director of the English seminary at Rheims, and doubtless has had
the matter in his hands from the beginning. It was evident to me,
from his words, that they had remarked on the large demands
made by D'Aubigny, which dtraands they thought could not be
complied with, and they considered 8,000 men would be ample, if
money were provided for the raising of what other troops might be
required in the country itself at the time of the execution of the
project. They thought that the majority of these 8,000 men should
tie Spaniards or Italians. I asked him whether it was intended to
admit the Christian King into the enterprise. He said not by any
means, as they thought that the business would be ruined by
the humours current here, which would be more likelj^ to resent
th;in aid such a project, and it is certain that the queen of England
would immediately be informed of it from here. I could see also
that the jealousy tlie business might arouse in this King (of France)
had been pointed out to them, and this is a sign that it is being
considered in all its aspects.
He told me at last that the Duke, the ambassador, and Allen,
were to meet again in a few day.^ to decide definitely about the
business, and that afterwards the Scotch father would imme-
diatiely start for Rome, and he (the Englishman) for Madridt in
• Durham, to which See it was proposed to raise Dr. Allen.
t fersons went to Madrid, not Uolt hs is here suggested.
ELIZABETH. 373
1582,
r f
order to give a full account to His Holiness* and your Majesty,
respectively.
Before these fathers caffle to see me the matter had been
mentioned to me by the Scots ambassador, and since the interview
he has again spoken to me about it. I see clearly that they have
gone very deepl}' into the matter amongst themselves, because he
told me that the duke of Guise, being of opinion that on no
account should D'Aubigny come hither, as he said he intended to
do, they had already advised him not to stir. He (Guise) was
determined to take part pei-sonally in tlie enterprise, and throw
himself into England in the part opposite the Normandy coast,
where the number of Catholics is large, at the same time as the
movement was made in Scotland, so that by this means the whole
country would be thrown into confusion. He tliought he could
easily do this as he has a port of his own in Normandy, where he
can prepare the expedition secretly. He (the Englisli Jesuit) told
me also that the Duke took some eiceptiont to the employment of
Spanish troops, as he feared that if he had anything to do with an
enterprise in which they took part, it would be looked upon as a
confirmation of the idea that already exists that he is completely
Spanish. I expect the two fathers will depart for Rome and Spain
respectively next week, as the Duke is expected here on his return
from Fontainbleau to-rhorrow or the day after.
I have thought advisable neither to divert nor encourage them
in any of these projects, as I am not sure whether I should be
doing right, but as the design is so Catholic a one, I listened to
them sympathetically, and expressed a wish as a Christian that all
might succeed as they designed.
The English father who is going to your Majesty will be
accompanied by a countryman of his, who came to this country
perhaps a month since.* He lias been all the while with Allen at
Kheims. Don Bernardino wrote to me very emphatically about
him, asking me to caress and make much of him, as he was a
person of very high position, which I have done. He is doubtless
a member of the pafty, as he is going on the same business. —
Paris, 18th May 1582.
20 May. 267. The King to Bernardino de Mendoza.
K."i44r.''uo.' Yours of 16th, 2.Hh, nnd 26th April received and noted.
Nothing could be better than your letters to the queen of Scotland
and the duke of Lennox, and the instructions yoU give to the
priests who go thither. It is all enrtirely in accordance with my
wishes, and you ha,ve anticipated the orders you will since have
received in urging them to win souls by conviction, and so
strengthen the Catholic party when the due time arrives rather
than precipitate the business from lack of patience. You will
continue in the good course you have commenced.
With regard to your inquiry as to what you can reply if the
queen of England jlnd her ministers should go so far as to prohibit
' you f^om exercising the Catholic religion in your own house, and
* WiUiam Tresbam see page 364.
374
1582.
SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
thus force you out of the country, which you believe was the sole
object of what Walsiugham said to Antonio de Castillo when the
latter took leave, about the liberty in religion allowed to you
whilst the Queen's ambassadors were not allowed the same
privileges here, you may in such case tell them, as they have been
told before, that my ministers in her Court have never changed,
and never will change, the religion professed by their fathers, and
have always been received by kings of England hitherto. As,
therefore, no innovation has been made on their part, they claim
to stay on the same footing in religious matters as before, a footing
confirmed by long prescription and never called into question.
Her ministers, on the other hand, have changed their faith, and
want to exercise their new one in my Court, where, thank God, no
alteration has ever been made, nor will I consent to any being
made in all my dominions. They want me, therefore, to change
the established order of receiving her ambassadors at my Court,
and to introduce fresh and objectionable innovations. This should
prove to them that they cannot detract from or alter the ancient
religious freedom allowed you in exercising our holy (Roman)
Catholic faith, nor can any such bad example be permitted here,
as the introduction of the novelties of their sects. With these and
similar arguments you will endeavour to keep matters on their
present footing.
As your absence at present might injure Scottish matters, which
you are managing so well, your departure now must not be thought
of on any account, as you yourself admit. But we are looking
out for a fit person to send on Drake's business, who after you
have well posted him may be appointed to succeed you. From
your letters to which we are now replying, it is easy to see that
the Queen is getting jealous of Alen9on and of the French gaining
a footing in the Netherlands, and the step you were recently ordered
to take in this respect may have found her well disposed. It will
be advisable in every way to increase these suspicions, and open
their eyes to the danger that threatens them (the English) from
this quarter, and the advisability of their avoiding it. As the
ministers thought that, after the proposed taking of Flushing, the
Queen would be in a position to come to terms with me, it would
be well for you to discover whether it is possible for the Queen
herself to intervene for the purpose of reconciling me with my
rebels, seeing the danger that threatens her from the vicinity of
the French, owing to their natural enmity and the tricks she has
played upon Alen5on, which, if the marriage fall through, they will
naturally wish to avenge. If they succeed in this it cannot be
doubted that he (Alen9on) will seize both her realm and her
person. All these are great and imminent dangers, such as are not
to be feared from me, even though the trouble in my Netherlands
be settled. It is true we have no reason to trust or to expect
much from such an intermediary, and she is much more likely to
continue her former arts for the purpose of incensing my subjects
against me, yet as the rebels themselves may see they are going to
become the prey of the French, they and the English may choose
the lesser of two evils, so in any case it will be well to sound thi?
ELIZABETH. 375
1582.
ford. You will do so with all your usual delicacy and dexterity ;
and as one of the most powerful levers may be to give a sum of
money to some of the Councillors and Ministers, a customary thinir
in that country, you may open the way by promising presents to
such as you think fit if they will arrange for the Queen to intervene
and aid iu the settlement of a fair peace with my rebel States. I
give you authority to promise and divide amongst them in exchange
for this 40,000 crowns, and will have the amount supplied to you
in the form you desire, so that it may be distributed by you if the
affair is successfully arranged. If, for the attainment of tlie
object, it is advisable to give a hint to the Queen on my behalf,
you may do so in virtue of the new credence sent you recently,
although it would be much better tliat the business should be
broached by one of the Ministers to be gained, and that they
should urge her to it as for her own interest. You will manage it
v/ith your usual dexterity, and I refer it entirely to your discretion,
Avhicli I am sure will not fail to be exercised for the best, according
to the circumstances of the moment. Report fully to me. You
have been requested to advise what had better be done for Lord
Harry (Howard), but if it be necessary to pledge him at once before
replies can be received, you may pay him the sum you think advisable
out of the money now sent you.* — Lisbon, 20tli May 1582.
21 May. 268. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
On the 15th I wrote to your Majesty by special courier, but as
his passport was only signed by a Councillor they thought it was
forged and stopped him at Dover, taking his packets away from
him to send hither. The moment I heard of it I sent to Secretary
Walsingham, and my messenger arrived at the same time as the
mail with my letters, which were immediately handed intact to my
servant. 1 am sure they have not been tampered with, as I have
examined them with the utmost minuteness. Seeing the multitude
of Englishmen who are daily passing over to Flanders, and the
impudence with which expeditions are being fitted out here for
the Moluccas and Florida, I sent to ask for audience, in accordance
with what I wrote to your Majesty. As the earl of Sussex, who
is the person who has charge of these matters, was not at court.
Secretary Walsingham opened the letter, and said that he would
speak to the Queen about it. My servant returned the next day,
and was told that the Queen was going hunting for two days, and
on her return, on the 19th, she would give me audience without
fail, and that it would be much better that I should speak to the
Queen rather than to the Council, because after the Councillors
had listened to me they would still have to come to her as she was
the mistress. I have since come to the conclusion, from what has
happened, that this decision to give me audience was settled in
the Council. In the afternoon of the 18th a rumour became
current here that I had asked for audience and that the Queen had
* A credit for 3,000 croiins aceoinpanies this letter.
376
1682,
SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
refused to give it to me ; and on the morning of the next day when
a man, who sometimes comes to my liouse, went to see Walsingham
on private business of his own, the Secretary came out of his
room, and in the courtyard of the palace cried out loudly that he
was going to send a message to mc by one of his own servants,
but since this man was there he might take the message, which in
short was that I must put up with it, as the Queen could not give
me an audience, for the sake of her own honour, until your Majesty
had given her some satisfaction about Ireland, as I was your
Majesty's minister, but as for the rest she must thank Don
Bernardino for the very good offices I had constantly exercised.
When I saw not only the rudeness of the terms of the message,
but of the mode of its delivery, coming after the report of the
previous day, I thought I would give them an opportunity for
softening it by sending the same messenger back again to say that
such important results might arise from the message that I could
hardly believe it was intended unless I saw it in writing. The
reply was that he (Walsingham) would not have ventured to send
it to me excepting by orders of the Queen. I at once informed
the Treasurer of the reply, saying that, as a war might well be the
result, I had resolved to write to the Queen upon the point. He
replied to my servant in the following words : " Gela est une bien
" laide repojise. I cannot believe that Walsingham can have given
" such a reply, but that the messenger must have made a mistake,
" because when I left the Queen's Court she had decided to give
" audience to the ambassador, and he will do well to write to the
" Queen on the subject, and you may tell him so from me." In
accordance with this, and in order that the matter might not be
passed over, or their rudeness proceed to greater lengths, I wrote
to the Queen a letter, of which I enclose a copy, which was
delivered by my Secretary, who after he had been delayed for
some time by Sussex was taken to the Queen for the purpose.
Before she read it she said that she would be pleased to receive me
as a private gentkman, and she would be sorry that I should
imagine she bore any ill-will towards me, but she could not listen
to me as a minister of your Majesty's until you had given her satis-
faction on matters which had been mentioned, and respecting which
she had sent a message by Antonio de Castillo. Thereupon
she read the letter, and when she came to the part about the
harquebussiers she became uneasy, and said God forbid that she
should ever break with your Majesty, to whom she bore nothing
but goodwill. She dwelt at length upon this, and said that she
hoped, therefore, that I should not leave here, and I might commu-
nicate my business with her in writing until she received from your
Majesty the ^satisfaction slie desired.
I have seized this pretext of her having sent a message by
Antonio de Castillo for avoiding to demand my passport and
leaving here, pending the receipt of your Majesty's instructions.
I am quite at a loss to devise any means by which I can agree
with these people, as they are not only changeable but perfectly
scandalous in their mode of proceeding, and no artifice of mine will
ELIZABETH. 377
1682.
enable me to temporise with them. I therefore humbly beg your
Majesty to send me orders as to what I am to do. I do not
consider it decorous in your Majesty's interests to make any fresh
approaches in view of this new reply, which is the same as was
given to me two years and a half ago. She continues to claim
satisfaction from your Majesty about Ireland, in the face of the
message I gave her from your Majesty on the subject, and of the
multitude of offences she has committed against you, and yet on
my asking for audience to complain of the raids of the English in
Galicia, she thinks she has given full satisfaction if Walsingham
sends a paper saying that they were the work of Frenchmen and
not of Englishmen. I understand that Leicester and Walsingham
have prevailed upon the Queen to alter her mind and to refuse me
audience.
There are letters here from Antwerp of the 13th, but no
mention is made of Orange's having been seen, although they say
that he was alive. His wife was buried. I can assure your
Majesty that neither the Queen nor her ministers have received
any letter from Orange for the last five weeks, and many people
still continue to assert that he is dead. I send these letters by
special courier to Dover, to be taken by my man who is there, to
Paris, from whence I have begged Tassis to send them in the same
way. — London, 21st May 1582.
22 May. 269. Bernardino dk Mendoza to the King.
I hear from Antwerp of the arrival there of a sloop from
Madeira bringing in her a certain Manuel Serradas one of the
Governors of the island. He reports that Friar Juan del Espiritu
Santo was a prisoner, he being the man I advised had gone with
letters from Don Antonio. This Manuel Serradas went to lodge
with Francisco Antonio, who is Don Antonio's factor, saying that
he was going thence to France. One of my men there writes to
say that he believes he comes on no good errand, but in the
interests of Don Antonio, seeing his intimacy with Francisco
Antonio de Souza. — London, 22nd May 1682.
29 May. 270. J. B. Tassis to the King.
about Scotland, I hope it will have passed safely, and I am not
sending a duplicate in order not to run any risk a second time with
so important a communication. The following has happened since
that letter was written. Hercules (i.e. the duke of Guise) has
arrived and conferred at length with the priests, after which they
Bummoned me at night to the (Scots) ambassador's house. Hercules
informed me of his great desire to personally participate in so
important au affair, with the sole object I have mentioned, and the
plan of execution was subsequently discussed. His opinion was
that His Holiness should have the enterprise carried out entirely
in bis name and should (innouiice th&t the destination of the
expedition was to be Barbary. On this pretext 6,000 Italians and
378 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1582. ""
4,000 Germans could be raised, and when they were embarked the
expedition should sail through the Straits (of Gibraltar) and
proceed on its voyage, without touching at any port in your
Majesty's dominions or bearing any indication that you were
concerned in it, your Majesty's share being limited to secretly
aiding His Holiness with money. The object of this is to avoid
the jealousy which the sending of Spaniards would cause here, or
the fitting out of the expedition in your Majesty's dominions and
ostensibly under your guidance. The priests subsequently informed
me that the principal reason why he (Guise) advocated this course
was the oath he took when he received the order of the Holy
Ghost, not to employ himself in favour of any foreign prince
without the consent of his sovereign, and he thinks that if he
engaged in this enterprise with forces belonging to your Majesty he
might be breaking this oath. The priests, however, say that they
have satisfied him upon the point, and have shown him tliat he
may do so with a perfectly clear conscience, so that he is now
resolved to take part in the aflfair in whatever form His Holiness
and your Majesty may consider advisable.
Hercules for his own part proposes the adoption of the plan he
detailed on a former occasion, on one condition however, namely,
that there are no armed ships ready to oppose his passage, as his
own vessels will simply be light craft suddenly taken on the coast,
and unable to compete with ships of the fleet, if any such should
oppose him. Some plan to obviate this difiiculty will consequently
have to be found when the time arrives. He also says that if the
duke of Anjou marries the English-woman he cannot take part in
the expedition, but I expect they themselves will save him any
trouble on that score.
As I have remarked, he shows a gi-eat wish to employ himself in
the matter, and I fancy that it will flatter him exceedingly if he is
praised for so saintly an intention, and told how pleased your
Majesty is thereat, particularly if perfect confidence is shown at
any number of Frenchmen going, so long as ht personally is
amongst them. This should be expressed in such words as may be
considered fitting to impress upon him your Majesty's trust and
goodwill towards him. Even if the particular project in hand he
not effected, this step cannot fail to be advantageous, as it will still
keep him the more devoted to our interests.
The priests have left, the Scotsman for Rome four or five days
ago, and the Englishman for Spain yesterday. The latter is so
ardent and confident in favour of the proposal so far as regards
England, that encouragement must be given to a mnn so full of
divine zeal for the restoration of religion, and of our own in
Flanders. God in his mercy guide it all and inspire your Majesty
in what may be for his service. Amen.
They (the priests) are moderate in their demands, and are not
in favour of Hercules' plan to effect everything by the hands of
His Holiness alone, n^hich they do not think feasible. They say
it will be advisable that his name alone should be publicly employed,
but that he should provide the money and the enterprise be
ELIZABETH. 379
1682.
secretly managed by your Majesty. They think that, under the
present circumstances, all the men .-ind ships necessary might
be collected in Portugal, without arousing suspicion, and the
navigation could be conveniently undertaken from there. They
represent also the advaiitage of another course no less feasible,
namely, that the ships that might be needed could be obtained in
Biich places as Lubeck, Bremen, Hamburg, Denmark, Sweden, and
even Dantzic, where very good vessels are to be found and equipped
easily. The ships could be sought in various places, with as much
secrecy as possible, and given a rendezvous within a given time in
the river Ems ; and although the counts of Embden are usually
neutral perhaps a little negotiation might induce them to admit the
vessels into that port, and even allow some of them to be equipped
there. As regards the troops, the Germans might be obtained as
near the neighbourhood as possible, and 4,000 Italians or even double
that number might be raised and sent thither to be embarked in due
time. As there is so much occasion for war in Flanders, both by
land and sea, it is certain that all preparations that might be made
would be attributed to the state of things there, however great
they might be. The fleet might probably be despatched from
there without its object being perceived, besides which the
navigation would be short and easy. — Paris, 29th Maj' 1582.
11 June. 271. The King to J. B. Tassis.
^"k ^447*^*'' '^^^ *'*^o Jesuit fathers who spoke to you about the Scotch affair
must have been full of zeal, but the carrying of the matter so far
as they did, and the communication of it to so many persons may
militate greatly against keeping it secret. In order that the affair
may be kept as quiet as possible, if the priest who was to come
hither has not started yet it will be well to detain him. You can
tell him as if on your own account, that to prevent the project
being known it will be better that no action should be tiiken until
you get a reply from me. You may reply to the duke of Lennox
to the same effect, dealing with the matter in a way that will not
lead them to think we are throwing difficulties in the way for the
purpose of refusing the aid they request, but only in order that it
may be managed on such solid foundations as to ensure its success,
for which we should all strive, as it is so greatly in the interest of
God and the public welfare. — Lisbon, 11th June 1582.
29 June. 272. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
I wrote on the 19th by special courier, and I have since heard
that this Queen is warmly promoting, with the consent of the
French, a marriage between Alenjon and the daughter of the king
of Sweden. Her age is 14 years, she is good looking, of dark
complexion, and has been brought up a Catholic. Alenjon asks
for no other dowry but that the Princess should be sent to the
Netherlands at their cost, and that any money which would have
been given to her should be employed in gaining over German
princes to liis side, whilst Denmark and Muscovy should be on the
380 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1582,
look out in order that he may be supported by a fleet in Holland
and Fiiesland, if your Majesty should attempt to conquer those
provinces by sea. I understand that the Queen is negotiating this
business with the utmost secrecy, as she wishes to have it well
advanced before Alenpon sends ambassadors. In order to facilitate
matters, they are both offering to help the king of Sweden in his
election as king of Poland, the present King having no hope of
succession ; and Alen9on promises, by means of his mother, to win
over the Palatines of Poland, with whom the king of Scotland is in
alliance. The plan is to make a new treaty between the kings of
Sweden, Poland, and Denmark, which this Queen and Alen9on
undertake to bring about. On this foundation, the principal aim
of which is to maintain Alen^on in the Netherlands, they build
great hopes, and the Queen thinks also that by this marriage she
will have as firm a hold over Alengon as if she herself married him.
It is true that there are many difliculties in the way of reconciling and
uniting these three monarchs, but Alen^on will be a good match for
the king of Sweden's daughter, and doubtless Alen^on will not
refuse, so that both this and its eflTeet on the affairs of the Nether-
lands will necessarily produce evil results to your Majesty's interests.
To obviate and retard the matter as much as possible, having no
other means and delay being prejudicial, I have been obliged to
make use of Baron Gaspar Schomberg. He is now in France, but
I have written to him about it, telling him to represent that,
although it may appear at first sight advantageous for Alen9on to
marry the king of Sweden's dau^ter, yet when the affair is con-
sidered, it will be seen to be fruitful of great danger for the kingdom
of Poland, and that the close friendship between the two crowns
(i.e. France and Poland) would thereby necessarily become relaxed.
I remind him of points we have discussed together, and say that,
as he was going to Poland, it would be well for him at once to
influence the Palatine Lasqui and other of his friends to obstruct
the project, pending his arrival there, when he could tell them
verbally how unstable a foundation were this Queen and Alen9on
upon which to rear a permanent edifice.
By Schombecg's sincerity and straightforwardness with me, and
his devotion to your Majesty, I am convinced that he will do his best,
and will give your Majesty time if you consider desirable to take
other steps. As, however, no suspicion can exist with regard to
Schomberg's faithfulness, and his first steps may be efficacious, I have
given him a cipher to correspond with me, if your Majesty should
think fit to emj)loy him, either in the matter of the trade with
the Northern countries or this affair of Sweden. — London, 29th June
1.582.
29 June. 273. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
In addition to the letter written by Alen9on to the Queen asking
for money, mentioned in my former letters, he has agiiin written to
the same effect, and as he sees that his efforts are fruitless, he is
complaining of Marohaumont who, he says, does not know how to
negotiate; and as sooa as he has relieved Oudenarde he will come
iiLizABExa. 381
1582.
over himself to settle his affairs and arrange the regular subsidy
that this Queen is to give him. He says the Queen is not to be
told of this, as he wishes it to be kept secret, and to take the
opportunity MMiich she has offered him by writing to say that she
wished to see him and inviting him to return. The Queen has not
decided anything of importance with regard to him, but is awaiting
the result of the second embassy she is sending back to Alenfon by
Believre. Englishmen are daily slipping over to Flanders, and are
being lodged at St. Bernard near Antwerp, awaiting arms and money.
Those who were brought from Friesland for the relief of Oudenarde
would go no further when they were landed opposite Flushing
until they were paid what was owing to them. The reason why
Alencjon arrested the Chevalier Breton was becau.se he had advised
the Baton Viteaux, an enemy of Fervaques, that the latter was
going to raise troops in France, and be could revenge himself by
killing him on the road. Alen»;on wrote about it to his brother,
complaining bitterly and asking that the Baron should be taken and
punished. I understand that the king of France let the Baron know,
and he thereupon took measures to prevent any trick being played
upon hiin by Alengon.
Some of the ministers in Scotland have been preaching against
d'Aubigny, and the King being offended thereat twenty of them
lied to Berwick, the Queen being informed of this by the man who
I said had arrived secretly at Leicester's house. She feared that it
might be some stratagem and ordered that they should be taken to
the neighbouring villages inland. I am told also that they are
discussing a marriage between the king of Scotland and the sister
of the prince of Beam,* which was being negotiated by de la Roche,
who is a creature of the duke of Guise, and this makes it the more
suspicious.
News comes from Ireland that 600 Irishmen, who were in the
Queen's pay, have been dismissed by the Viceroy without pnyment
of the wages owing to them. They have therefore goue over to
the Catholic insurgents, and have sent a defiance to the Viceroy.
A:t the instance of Leicester fresh charges have been brought
against the earl of Kildare. His business has therefore been again
under discussion, and it is believed that his imprisonment will be
prolonged more than was expected.
News comes that the ships of the king of Denmark had sunk
the English ship " Mignon " on her way to Muscovy. The Queen
instantly ordered the arming of two fresh ships to accompany those
that were going to Muscovy. These are the ships that I wrote were
going to plunder on their way to the Indies, the captain of them
being a son (?) of Walsingham,
• Casteltinu de la Mailvissiefc, the French ambassador, writing to his King on the
S.^th ifune, mentions this project of marrying Jame.s VI. to Catharine de Bourbon, and
that Lord Willoughby D'Eresby eon of the duchess of Suffolk is being sent to Henry of
Navarre by the Qneen. Castelnau says that the intention is simply to " amuse " the
king of Navarre on the point, as the Queen dreads nothing so much as that the prince of
Scotland should be married into any family which might afford him aid as he is full of
ambition.
28,702.
382^ SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1682.
The eldest son of the earl of Hertford, who is one of the
pretenders to the crown, has made a love match with a lady of
much lower quality than himself.* He escaped for the purpose
. from a castle where his father was keeping him to divert him from
his courtship, and was hidden for ten or twelve days, during which
period there was a great outcry that he had fled the kingdom.
The Queen has ordered him, and the gentleman in whose house he
wae married, to be arrested. — London, 29th June 1582.
4 July. 274. Memorandum from Cardinal de Granvelle to the King
„J^*l- on English Affairs.
MSS.Add. [eIteact.]
The letters from Don Bernardino are many and important, but
there is nothing to write about them except that what he says
concerning the queen of England's aims is very likely to be true.
He says her only object is to enjoy her crown quietly during her life,
immersed in lier pleasures, quite oblivious of what may happen
after her time. This causes her to adopt her policy of embarrassing
His Majesty with her lies, whilst she feeds and countenances the
rebellion bj favouring Alen90n, but she is only helping him half-
heartedly, as she does not wish to add to the power of the French,
which she knows well might be troublesome to her in her own
lifetime.
The most important point is the queen of Scotland's letter to Don
Bernardino, dwelling at length and with much good sense on the
enterprise. She must have some very intelligent person near her
who writes her letters, and it is impossible to lay down with greater
clearness the lines upon which the affair should be conducted, the
support that will be necessary, and the kind of forces required.
The great fear is that, as the business has passed through so
many hands, it may get wind before it can be carried out, which
would cause the utter ruin of the Scots and English Catholics
without any hope of resuscitation.
The forces requested of his Majesty are moderate, and Germans
could easily be supplied, but I should prefer their being Italians as
I have said before. The reason she gives for desiring Germans
is that they adapt themselves better than Spaniards to Scotsmen,
and that their way of life is more similar, but Germans will not all
be so fit for the task, and there might be an arrangement to send
half of one nation and half of another, say 2,000 of each. Four
thousand men are more than they ask for, hut not sufficient to
frighten them, and it is quite possible that they ask for no more
in order that the foreigners may not get the upper hand. This is
not what his Majesty wants, nor do I approve of it, but that
we should loyally help the king of Scotland and his mother to
maintain their rights, and, by promoting armed disturbance, keep
the queen of England and the French busy at small cost to
ourselves in comparison with what she would have to spend, and
so enable us to settle our own affairs better. If it had no other
♦ Lord Beauchamp had married Miss Honora Rogers. The gentleman in question
appears to have beeu Jlr. Thonuis Howard, See Cal. Dom. '^t .Tuly 1582
fiLiZAfiETH, 383
1582.
result than this it should suffice, but very much more so when we
consider that it may also lead to the re-establishment of the
Catholic religion in those parts. It is evident that, when we
strike there, the Irish Catholics will pluck up courage and go
forward against the queen of England, and it is very advantageous
that the matter should be taken in hand by the duke of Guise, as
it will ensure us from French obstruction. Since we cannot hope
to bold the island for ourselves, M. de Guise will not try to hand
it over to the king of France, to the detriment of his near kins-
woman the queen of Scotland. As the king (of Spain) has for so
many years favoured the queen of Scotland, it is only reasonable
to suppose that she and her son will not quickly forget the help
he gave her in the days of her adversity, and this will at all
events prevent them from being entirely against us, even if they
be not wholly with us. If things turn out well with them,
then we maj' look for readiness on their part to renew the old
alliances of Spain and the Netherlands respectively with England.
The pensions recommended by the queen of Scotland to be given
might be so granted, on condition that they do not exceed the
sum of 12,000 ducats a year, which I think would be money well
spent. They should be given on the condition mentioned by the
Queen, namely, that they may be taken away from those who fall
off in their efforts to serve us. This sum will make a great stir in
Scotland, as, although supplies are plentiful, money is scarce. The
Germans and Italians might be sent, as Don Bernardino says, in
the month of October, when a part of the army is dismissed,
so that both from Flanders and from Spain they might easily be
sent at that time. We shall have to learn the disposition of his
Holines^i, and to what extent he will help — his aid, if possible,
being in money. Considering how important the matter is, and
how nearly it concerns the Pope, I do not think it is too much to
expect him to give 100,000 ducats to make up the sum the queen
of Scotland requests. This will have a great effect, but I would
not say anything to him yet about the plans respecting England,
so as not to come down upon him too heavily at once, as we may
hope that, as soon as Scotland is in arms, and the Queen can guide
it in her way, as she says, England of its own accord may rise to
shake off the tyranny that oppresses it. By this means we may
obtain the greater part of the advantage we desire without further
cost to his Majesty, whilst the queen of England, in order to
extricate herself from her difficulties, may be glad to come to
terms with his Majesty, in the first place, to be allowed to enjoy
her throne for the rest of her life; and, secondly, to permit
liberty of worship to the English Catholics, or at least to lighten the
yoke that weighs so heavily upon them at the hands of the ministers.
I have spoken with Engleiield and find that Persons has fully
Gomraunicated to him the whole of his errand, as also had the
queen of Scotland, from whom a letter came for him to-day, which
will be delivered at once. It is double as heavy a packet as the
previous ones. He, Englefield, says that Persons' companion, who
came with hxm on his journey, knows nothing whatever about the
^84 SPANlStt STATE PAtEttS.
1682. """""" ~~
business, and he is very sorry it is paising through so many hands,
fearing, as we do, that its discovery would mean the slaughter of
the Catholics that remain. He says they are very numerous and
of great influence, as well as a large number of the people being
Catholics, but as they have no public offices, no strong places, and
no arms, they dare not show head as they would do if they saw
the queen of England hard pressed and some favourable turn of
events in Scotland. It is very desirable that Hix Holiness should
be urged to say what his wishes are and what he will give. This
will probably be learnt from the Jesuit (1) * who is to solicit his
aid, and it is better that the pressure should come from that
quarter than from us, in order that His Holiness may not try to
saddle us with the whole affair, which he might do if the pressure
came from us. It is better that he should appeal to us for
'* help.
Englefield also sajj^s that he is very distrustful of the bishop of
Glasgow, the ambassador of the queen of Scotland in France, with
whom he was formerly friendly. He sees now, however, that his
only aim is to retain his position in France at the cost of the
Queen, without taking any care of her business. Englefield has
therefore ceased to correspond with him, and he would be sorry
that he (the Bishop) should be made privy to this business,
which he thinks he would immediately divulge to the French.
Either the business should not be undertaken at all, or it should
be carried through energetically, and all preparations and precautions
adopted for the enterprise to be executed at the stated time, in
which case God may help us for our good intention, and enable a
part of our fleet now leaving Portugal to be available for this
enterprise. — Madrid, 4th July 1582.
11 July. 275. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
As I wrote some time ago, Humphrey Gilbert was fitting out
ships to gain a footing in Florida, and in order to make this not
only prejudicial to your Majesty's interests, but injurious to the
Catholics here, whilst benefiting the heretics, Walsingham indirectly
approached two Catholic gentlemen, whose estate had been ruined,
and intimated to them that, if they would help Humphrey Gilbert
in the voyage their lives and liberties might be saved, and the
Queen, in consideration of the service, might be asked to allow
them to settle there (Florida) in the enjoyment of freedom of
conscience and of their property in England, for which purpose
they might avail themselves of the intercession of Philip Sidney.
As they were desirous of living as Catholics, without endangering
their lives, they thought the proposal was a good one, and they
gave an account of it to other Catholics, who also approved of it,
and offered to aid the enterprise with money. Petitions were
presented to the Queen upon the subject, and she has granted them
a patent under the Great Seal of England to colonize Florida on
the banks of the river Norunibeage where they are to be allowed to
^father William Creighton is probably referred to, but the word is indistinct.
ELIZABETH. 386
1582.
live as their conscience dictates, and to enjoy such revenues as they
may possess in England. This privilege is not confined to those
who leave here for the purpose of colonization, but is extended to
all Englishmen away from England, even to those who may have
been declared rebels, and whom the Queen now restores to her
grace and favour, embracing them once more as loyal subjects.*
The only object of this is to weaken and destroy them by any
means, since they have now discovered that persecution, imprison-
ment, and the shedding of martyrs' blood only increase the
number of Catholics ; and if the proposed measure be adopted the
seminaries abroad cannot be maintained, nor would it be possible
for the priests who come hither to continue their propaganda, if
there were no persons here to shelter and support them. By this
means what little sound blood be left in this diseased body would
be drained. I gave notice to the Catholics, through the priests
who go amongst them, what was the real object of the Queen and
Council in extending this favour to them, and also that the country
in question belonged to your Majesty and was defended by
fortresses, so that directly they lauded they would he slaughtered
as Jean Ribaut was.f In addition to this, I say, that their
consciences will be touched, as they will be acting against the
interests of His Holiness, who should be informed of the matter
through Dr. Allen, so that they, the Catholics, might learn whether
they could properly undertake the voyage.
This action of mine has caused some of thein to withdraw
whilst others, out of indifference, persist in their intention, be-
lieving that it is not really against your Majesty, because in the
map the country is called " New France," which, they say, proves
that it was discovered by Frenchmen, and that since Cortes fitted
out ships on the coast to go and conquer countries for the Catholic
church, tliey could do the same. I have also written about it to
the Abbot Briceiio in Rome, as well as to Dr. Allen, pointing out
how important it is that they should make every efibrt to prevent
the enterprise in the interest of the conversion of England.
An alderman of London, and one Winter, are fitting out in this
river two ships, one of 240 tons and the other small, to go on a
plundering expedition to the coast of Brazil, whither they are to
carry some merchandise. The company of merchants trading with
Spain went to tell the Council that, besides the ships that had gone
to the Moluccas, these two vessels were being armed, and that they,
the merchants, could not continue safely to carry on their business
if this was to be allowed. They were told that these ships were
going with merchandise to Brazil, where they might freely trade.
The merchants also took to the Council a copy of the proclamation,
which had been posted by Don Antonio in Antwerp, saying that
ships could not go to Portugal without taking passports from his
factors, and paying so much for dues, otherwise the ship^ and
* Tlie whole of the documents relating to this project will be fcnad; printed in full in
the Addenda of the Calendar or State Tapers, Colouial, 1574-»\6,7)u,
t Sfe Vol. 1. of the protient Calendar,
386 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1582. '
cargoes would be seised as derelict. They asked the Council
wliether they might safely send their ships without paying these
dues, and they were told that letters should be given to them for
Don Antonio, telling him to order that no English ships should be
molested at sea by him. They were told to send a vessel with this
dispatch to Rochelle. They replied that they did not believe that
Don Antonio was there, but with the fleet, whereupon the Council
retorted that there would be no difiiculty in finding him, and
perhaps he might shortly be here. I have heard this also from other
sources, and that a man from Don Antonio has recently arrived
here, under the pretext of asking the Queen for ships, but really to
say that he was coming here secretly. I hear from a man who was
at Rochelle twelve days ago, that Don Antonio had there 40
tolerable ships, not very well found, amongst which there were a
few large ones and fifteen or twenty small, with four or five
thousand men, short of money and other things.
The largest ship which Don Antonio took from here had been
burnt, witlL 32 tons of powder, in which the fire first occurred. It
appears that a Portuguese boy thought to frighten some soldiers,
who were fetching some powder, by igniting a little, but the whole
exploded and 150 Englishmen and Portuguese in the ship were
drowned. It is reported from Antwerp that some Spanish
merchants there have begun to pay the dues imposed by Don
Antonio.
A gentleman from Alenjon has arrived here.* I have not learnt
his errand, but in view of the surrender of Oudenarde, on Thursday
the 5th, at four in the afternoon, it may be suspected that he is here
to ask for money, because they write from Antwerp that Count
Mansfeldt, who had raised 1,500 horse, and was at Gambrai, was
pressing for payment of their wages. The Queen is much grieved
that Alenfon was unable to relieve Oudenarde, and has not yet
consented to send him anything. Her councillors continue to tell
lier that, until she learns the disposition of his brother the King,
it will be best for her to hold her hand and send him no money.
Baron Caspar Schomberg writes me from Paris that as soon aa
he arrived there he leamt of the negotiations being promoted by
this Queen to marry the daughter of the king of Sweden to Alen^on,
witli which he intended to acquaint the Palatine Lasqui and other
friends in Poland by a special messenger, as it was a matter of the
highest importance to that country. As at the time he wrote this
he had not received my letters, I doubt nbt that when he gets
tliem lie will proceed in the matter even more vigorously than
before.
Two days since there arrived here from MUscovy two merchant
ships, which had been despatched before the eleven armed ships.
'J'liey come back flying from pursuit with all their outward cargo
on board, as when they were anchored at Baraphus (Hammerfest ?),
their factora in Muscovy sent them word not to proceed any
• The letter be brought, dated 8th July, is printed in the Bstfield Papers, Part 2.
ELIZABETti. 387
1682.
further, but return to England at once, as the king of Denmark
was sending thither eleven ships and three armed galleys, and had
also four ships of 500 tons at St. Nicholas River. On receipt of
this advice the English ships discovered the eleven ships and three
galleya, which they say have eight bronze pieces on each side, and
which began to chg,se them. The English cut their cables and fled
without being .able even to weigh their anchors. They fear that
the eleven ehiiw they have sent will he lost if they enter the river
of St. Nicholas, or encounter the Danish fleet. — London, 11th July
1682.
26 July. 276. Bernardino de Mendoza to the Kino.
As the ministerjs in S^qtl^nd continue, as I have written, to
speak disrespectfully of Ijhe duke of Lennox, the King has ordered
the principal* of them ^9 preach no more, and has silenced the
others by ordering th^m not to meption in their sermons the duke
of Lennox or any other gre^t personage. A number of ministers,
accompanied by a crowd oi p^fiple, having come to address the
King, he ordered them, on pain qf death, to leave Edinburgh within
an hour, and also indicated by name seventy rich and well-known
people who were also to lefiye the town, and not to approach
within ten miles of the Court. On the 7th of June the duke of
Lennox, in the name of the Kijig, ordered a gentleman called
Lindsayt not to appear fit Court, and said that he and his
accomplices would very shortly be recompensed as they deserved
for the plots they were carrying on. The queen of England thus
finding that her action through the ministers had not succeeded in
discrediting Lennox with the King and the people, has now adopted
another method. This is to get him excommunicated, which means
that, if a member is cast out from their di«|.bolical congregation,
he is incapacitated from occupyipg any public post. To facilitate
this they have .'5ei7.ed the opportunity of excommunicating the man
whom Lennox had chosen for bishop of Glasgow,^ saying that their
religion does not allow a man to call himBelf a bishop, this being,
they say, pure papistry, and that the bishops should only be called
superintendents, in accordance with the creed of Geneva. The
Queen is also plotting with the earl of Angus, to whom she has
granted a pension of 4,000 crowns a year, to exercise his influence
* John Dury, ntiniater at Edinburgh, for an ac(;ouDt of whose inhibition and
expnlaion see Robertson, and Calderwood's " Assemblies." Two extremely interesting
letters .ftom Castelnau to the king of FraHce, dated respectively 6th ani 26th July,
giveJEull particulars . uf Scotch affairs frpm the French point of view. The King is
urged to prevent the expulsion or assassination of Lennox by means of the queen of
Kngland'i intrigues, or the prince of Scotland will fall entirely into the power of
Kliznbeth.
t Probably David Lin(l8ay, afterwards bishop of Hpbr.
j This was Robert Montgomery, minister of blirling, " a man vain, fickle, and
presumptuou.s," who had made what Spotswood calU a vile b;irg;iin with Lennox to
accept the archbishopric of Glasgow on the death of archbishop l)o>d, the revenues of
the See to be made over to Lennox. For particulars of the proceedings against him
and his excommunication by the General Assembly cnnsuttDr. McCrie's life of Andrt-w
itelvUleK
B B %
388 SPANISH STATE PAPEKS.
1582.
with his friends for the dismissal from the Qovemment and
expulsion of Lennox from the kingdom, as soon as he is excom-
municated, if they cannot succeed in killing him. Angus assures
her that he will do it, but only on one condition, namely, that she
will pledge herself under the Great Seal of England to give 4,000
crowns to all the earls who take up arms, and 2,000 each to the
barons. This she has granted verbally, but has not yet sealed
anything, and Angus is therefore making great efiForts to induce
his friends to rise against Lennox, plain evidence of this being
seen in Scotland, as I am advised by one of the priests who was
there and has gone to Rouen, in order to forward my letters from
there and send hither those he receives, as they cannot now pass
by the border. Father William Holt has returned from France,
and is now alone in Scotland. He writes me a letter, dated the
12th, containing the above news, and the duke of Lennox also
writes to me in reply to my two letters to him. I have answered,
encouraging him in his good purpose, and greatly approving of his
determination to remain there, whilst I give him hopes that things
may very shortly be arranged as he desires. I ask the queen of
Scotland again to press him on the point {i.e. to stay in Scotland).
I also send her Lennox's letter and inform her of this Queen's
intention, that she may report it to Scotland. I am informed that
the proceedings of these people (the English) have made the
ministers and heretics in Scotland so bitter and insolent that it is
to be feared that tliey may take up arms and carry into effect one
of their many plans, such as that of murdering Seton and Lennox.
For this reason he (Lennox) never leaves his room excepting he be
surrounded by friends, so tLat if any shot is fired at him it will
wound somebody else first. William Holt is therefore afraid that
if Lennox be obliged to delay an open declaration of his policy,
both of them will be forced to leave Scotland, taking with them
the person of the King, from which I dissuade them.
The Queen of Scotland has written tirmly to this Queen, and
repeated verbally through the French ambassador that if she will
not at once give her permission to send a person to conclude the
association of her son with her in her rights, she will consider that
she has received her answer, and will arrange for the duke of Guiae
to do it. The Queen was displeased at this, and replied only
through Walsiiigham to the ambassador, to the effect that she will
not decide one way or the other. The king of Scotland haa written
a letter in his own hand to his mother,* which came into the
liauds of this Queen, as it was a reply to one that his mother had
sent him at the instance of the Queen, expressing surprise that he
bad refused to receive her ambassador. He excuses himself in
very good terms by explaining about the Parliament, showing
himself a very obedient son, and it has all the more piqued this
Queen to see the accord that exists between the two.
* A copy of this iuteresting letter, dated Stirling, 10th June, was sent by CMtelnaU
to the Kiug of France, and is printed (from the D'Esneval Archives) by M. Cheruel
in bis " Marie Stuart et Catharine de Medici."
ELIZABETH. 389
1682.
Whilst writing this, I learn that they have given the earl of
Angus 5,0001. in cash to carry out their Scotch plans. — London,
26th July 1582.
25 July. 277. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
I wrote on the 11th that Alen5on had sent a gentleman to ask
the Queen for money. He again presses the request by letter,
saying that he is in such extremities that if she does not give him
some money he should be obliged to abandon the war and leave
the States, and pending the receipt of her reply he intended to
leave Antwerp. Leicester, Hatton, and Walsingham fearing, in
view of these letters, that Alen5on might run hither from Flushing,
and drive them into a comer by his presence as he did before,
pressed the Queen to send him 30,000?. 20,000i. were at once
furnished, and the rest has been ordered to be got ready. Cecil,
however, was opposed to this, and, after he had discussed the
matter with the Queen, she ordered the 20,000i. to be kept back.
I understand that the Treasurer said that she should consider very
deeply before allowing herself to be deprived of the money she
had, since she had in her Treasury, or as they call it here " the
Chequer," not more than 80,000i. At the end of September a
half of the Parliamentary grant would be received amounting to
70,000?., and in addition to this the 400,000L in gold, which she
knew of, was deposited under three keys, of which she had one,
whilst he, Cecil, and Sir Walter Mildmay held the others. Cecil
told her that in his opinion the money in the Chequer and the
subsidy should be converted into bullion and ingots of gold and
silver, which would prevent them from spending it, and would
produce a profit when it was needful to coin it. Notwithstanding
this the others are worrying her to send the 30,000?., and the Queen
is still undecided.
The king of France had hitherto delayed sending a reply to the
clauses proposed on behalf of the Queen for the marriage, but he
has now agreed to concede everything that the Queen requests
as soon as she decides to marry. This, after so much delay, has
caused her some suspicion. She consequently verbally told the
French ambassador that, although the King was willing to agree
to defray the cost of the war if she married, the business was so
weighty that she wished the King to bind himself in writing with
his own hand, that this crown should not be called upon to
contribute to any expenditure, overt or covert, which might be
incurred either in the Netherlands or elsewhere in case of a rupture
with your Majesty, as she wished to be perfectly clear upon this
point to enable her the better finally to resolve. This shows that
it is nothing but make-believe.
My second correspondent reports that the ambassador Cobham
has written to the Queen saying that no minister ever set foot in
England who had done greater harm than I, or who gave more
P)inute information of matters here to your Majesty and tho Pope
390
1682,
SPANISH STATE PAPERS,
He says that the reason why the king of France agreed to so
extraordinary a conditio^ as to pledge hifltself to break with your
Majesty, whilst relieving her of all expfense fcftKsed thereby, was in
consequence of the arrival secretly of a Nuncio from the Pope to
press him to agre« with your Majesty and the rest of the Catholic
princes, as this was the only means by which he might tranquillise
his kingdom and punish the Huguenots and heretics, whilst pre-
venting his brother from helping the Netherlands rebels. To this
the king of France had replied that, if it were possible for hia
brother to retire with honour, and he was assured that he would
not be moved by the Huguenots to stir up civil war in France and
assume almost royal power, to the great danger of his (the King's)
Crown and the interests of the true religion, he would do all that
might tend to the aggrandisement of the Catholic Church and the
maintenance of the princes who belonged to it, and, at the same time,
would seek means to bring his brother to it, although he was sure that
force would be of no use for the pui^pose. For this reason, he said,
he had granted everything that the Queen had requested, in order
that his brother's eyes might be opened, and he might understand
plainly that she was the person who avoided the marriage. This
is confirmed by a letter which Alen^on writes to Sussex in the
same tone as before, lamenting the irresolution and tardiness of
his brother, who, he says, is jealous of his greatness. He is full
of complaints in this letter, particularly of the Queen, who, lie says,
is the origin and deviser of his rilin. He concludes by saying
that, if he decides to alter his course and restore the injury which
was befalling him by reason of the vain hopes of the marriage,
the Queen would have no reason to complain of anyone but
herself, as she had abandoned him so shamefully without con-
sidering the guerdon which the risks and dangers he had personally
nm deserved at her hands. This is in a letter of two sheets of
paper, speaking very plainly, and saying that he is in such a
position now that, if the Queen do not resolve in his favour, he
will have to do so himself by embracing some of the offers made
to him.
I understand that, when the Queen heard this letter read, she
tried to make a show of tenderness, although she is as far from
the idea of marriage as ever, whereas it would apipear that Alenjon,
although he knows that the Queen is trying to marry him to the
daughter of the king of Sweden, is not entirely undeceived even
yet about his matriage with the Queen. In consequence of the
Queen and some of her Councillors having represented to him how
very greatly the match, and he personally would profit, if he
would consent to restore Simier to favour and send him hither,
Alen^bn lias written t6 Simier saying that if he will come to him
he will embrace him and rest(5i*e hiin to his former position.
SiMiier hhfe written to the Queen and Sussex, asking them to
advise him as to whether he should accept the proposal, which
they have advised him to do. I doubt not that this negotiation
ivill have been aided by the king of France, who, as I wrote
ELIZABETH. 391
1582.
long ago, had wou over Simier,* and had covertly sent him hither
at the time that Alen9on was here. It caimot fail to be advan-
tageou3 for the king of France, ia any case, to have him hero for
the purpose of his sending news of what is going on so long as hia
brother is dealing with the Queen.
The prince of Beam has written to Alen9on saying that tho
duke of Savoy t continues to besiege Geneva, in defence of which
he says that 30,000 Huguenots would take up arms, and he asks
him to inform the king of France of this. They have held a grofit
Council here on the matter, the Queen being present, when tho
Treasurer said that the plan was a piece of Spanish sagacity,
because the fact of the Duke's pressing Geneva would oblige the
Huguenots of France to take arms, and this would bridle the ]<ing
of France, and prevent him, however much he might wish, from
breaking with your Majesty in the Netherlands, or assisting his
brother effectively, whilst hip own house was in flames.
Custodio Leiton has arrived here with letters'from Don Antonio
to the same effect as before, begging for money, men, and ships, and
representing the advantages which will accrue to this Queen if she
will help him as he requests. She has replied as on former occasion.s,
and Custodio Leiton says he will go to Antwerp, and from there
proceed on a mission to the king of Denpiark from Don Antonio.
A ship has arrived here from Terceira, wliich left there on the
15th ultimo. They confirm that Landereau had returned to
Terceira much disorganised, and with the loss of some ships. The
people of the island are on bad terms with the foreign soldiers.
I have continued, pending your Idajesty's reply, to entertain my
second confidantj with hopes and fair words. The Queen has again
pressed him tp nyike ready to go to <>he German Diet, and it has
been necessary for me to pledge him, as your Majesty commands'
me to do in case of need. I have therefore given him 500 crowns,
promising him a pension of 1,000 crowns a year, and have induced
him in this way to continue in your Majesty's service, and not to
go to the Diet. If your Majesty sjiould have no minister here you
will be free to discontinue the payment without the loss of any
great sum. He has esteemed the favour very highly, and assures
me that, not only he himself, but alj his house, hope in God to be
able to render service to your Majesty. His parts and behaviour
are such, that I doubt not gre^t results will be attained by his co-
operation. My first confidant§ has bieen almost dumb with me for
some months past, and has told me nothing of importance, in
consequence of Leicester's jiaving ^e,t the Queen against him, and
he therefore avoids business.
* Castelnau writes to the king of France the day after the date of this letter, eajing
that, as the King had ordered him to entertain Sitaier in his house, he expected to bo
reimbursed the expense he was incurring. He complains that Simier and Alen9on's
men'in London have cost him 25,000 crowus, and ho has not been able to get a penny
of the lAoiey "he has lent them. His means, he says, are now exhausted.
t Charles Emmanuel I., son of th? 'famous Emmimuel Philibert.
j Lord Hsnry Howard.
S Sir James Crofts,
392
1582.
SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
The ships which I mentioned in my former letters that the
Catholics were fitting out here, have now been reduced to two ;
which will be taken by Humphrey Gilbert for the purpose of
leconnoitring the best place to land next year. These two vessels
are already in Southampton water, and are only waiting a fair
wind to sail— London, 25th July 1582.
29 July. 278. The Queen of Scotland to Beenaedino de Mendoza.
On tlie 12th instant I received your letters of 26th ultimo and
1st instant with those from my ambassador in France and Englefield.
I have also received the replies to my letters sent by you to
Scotland on the 19th April, for which I thank you warmly. You
will oblige me by keeping open the means of communication with
Scotland which you have established, because although as you have
pointed out it is dangerous to employ it too frequently owing to
the sort of people who have to be employed, it will be necessary
to use it sometimes, when those whom I employ there may have
been despatched and need may occur for writing. Whilst em-
ploying your own persons you may also make use of mine, as we
can hardly have too many means of communication now that the
irons are becoming hot and the blows stronger. I do not know
how to express my thanks to you for all your good offices and
affection towards me and my affairs, especially for the promotion of
the enterprise. To the Catholic King and all other Christian
princes, if necessary, I will always acknowledge thnt the principal
merit and praise in these negotiations belong to you, as you have
been hitherto the principal promoter of them. I must beg you freely
to continue the good work you have commenced, without taking
any notice of what took place recently in France, of which I can
assure you I had no knowledge whatever until I received my
ambassador's letters with your last packet, and less still of any
details of the negotiations of Creighton and Persons, the first
advice I received being from you after their return from France.
I can assure you that the taking of Juan Bautista de Tassis into
council was not done at my instance. I gave no instructions to
my ambassador to do this ; but I understand that my cousin M. de
Guise having determined to accept the control of the enterprise (as
he assures me himself), and being in doubt about writing to the
Catliolic King respecting it, thought better to make the offer
verbally through Tassis, there being no other person there whom
he could address. By the enclosed letter to my ambassador, which
I pray you to forward, I order him to proceed no further with
Tassis, as that which had already been done was not in accordance
with my wishes. As regards my cousin, M. de Guise, he remained
but ill pleased with his first conference with him (Tassis), and I do
not believe that he will address himself to him again, unless he he
obliged to do so, as Tassis plainly said that he was opposed to the
Catholic King's trusting so many of his forces to the command of
a foreigner, notwithstanding that it was pointed out to him that
the colonels of the army could be appointed by (the Spaniards)
and my cousin thought that his objection was a slight upon him,
ELIZABETH. 393
1582,
There are, as you have pointed out, many inconveniences in
carrying out this enterprise from France, and I wish it to be
conducted entirely by you, sure as I am of your faith and prudence,
which have caused me to go so far in the matter with you, and
my confidence has been justified by the successful way in which
you have conducted it so far.
I must therefore beg you earnestly to continue, so that you may
secure for yourself the honour of God and man, if the enterprise be
successfully carried through as you give me hopes that it will be.
The principal thing is the prolongation of your stay in England,
but if that be impossible, then in France. The duke of Lennox
has promised me to remain in Scotland until the decision of the
Catholic King is known. If the decision be contrary to your
recommendations he (Lennox) has resolved to withdraw to France,
as he says he cannot remain in Scotland with safety. If matters
are long drawn out it will be necessary to encourage and entertain
him, as you think fit, always with the best hopes you can give him,
and also with the money and pensions, about which I have written.
You may judge from the recent change, which was so simply brought
about in Scotland, how advantageous it would be for a good army to
have arrived at a propitious time like this, everything being so well
prepared. My son even might be persuaded to welcome it, now that
he has discovered the wickedness of those blackguards of ministers,
and has no desire to be drawn into trouble by them, both on
account of our own subjects and matters here (i.e. in England).
I send you enclosed copy of the letter he recently wrote to me
and to the queen of England on the point about which I sent to him
at Easter last, respecting my intention of sending someone to visit
him. God keep him in his good intention and dutifulness towards
me, although I hear that some of these councillors are sore
displeased thereat, and when they heard of it, tried to persuade
their mistress that my son had only written her the letter as a sort
of compliment and in terms of the greatest coldness. In view of
the hopes I entertain of our enterprise I have resolved not to enter
into any sort of agreement with this Queen, and I have taken the
opportunity afforded to me by the long delays and postponements
they have raised to my projected mission, to avoid doing so. I
will not on any account pledge myself to her on the conditions she
demands of me in this place, in order to hold myself free to provide
for my son as events may require, without being bound by any
promises or obligations towards her,
I have fully considered your statement of the great tasks your
master already has on hand, in addition to the new trouble these
people are hatching for him so industriously with the king of
Navarre ; but I am of opinion that our enterprise will be instru-
mental in frustrating a good part of these plans, or at least those of
them that originate with people here, as indeed tbey nearly all do.
So that, when I bear in mind the old age of His Holiness, who may
be succeeded by another Pope of quite different views ; the age of
my good brother your King, whose aflPairs will never be in better
condition than during his lifetime ; my own continual indispositiop
^94 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1582. ~
and the prospect of leaving behind me a son infected with heresy ;
the lack of men in Scotland if the duke of Lennox abandons the
Government; the possibility of the duke of Guise changing his
mind ; and the constant attempts made to weaken the Catholic party
here, as has been done in Scotland, so that as time passes they may
be less and less able to rise ; I am extremely afraid that if we let
this opportunity pj|ss of re-establishing religion in the island, in
the face of all the above-mentioned circum?ita,ncea, we cannot hope
to recover such a diance. The king of France being so great a
lover of repose, and his brother in close intelligence with the
heretics, are also points in our favour which we should lose if the
crown should fall to the king of Navarre, which, however, God
forbid ! I therefore beg you more earnestly than ever not to leave
hold of the good work, but to promote the execution of it with all
possible diligence. In the meanwhile, in order to have things
here ip good train, I beg that the King (of Spain) my good brother
will promptly provide for the payment of the sum of 15,000 or
20,000 crowns tq provision the strong places in Scqtland in case of
need, apd also th^t he will make presents to the Scots gentlemen, so
that they may be kept faithful to him and to me. I shall anxiously
await his reply on all these points, and I beg you in the mean-
while to speak plainly with me, so that I may know how I am to
proceed before I go any fiirther. — 29th July 1582.
8 Aug. 279. Ber^iabdxno de Mendoz^. to the King.
In addition to the reply, which I advised on the 25th ultimo,
the Queen had given to the French ambassador respecting the
concessions which had been made by the King, she said, calling him
back for the purpose, that as the King's concessions were only in
the form of vague words, she wished, as she said before, that he
should send by a person of quality a document to the effect,
signed and sealed with his own pame, in order that her Ministers
might consider it. She was not satisfied that the king of France
should undertake only to defend her against all princes who might
assail her dominions in consequence of the marriage, as that would
seem to infer that he was not obliged to defend her if war were
made against her on any other grounds, and she wished him again
to pledge himself, by solemn oath, to uphold her against all her
assailajits whatsoever, and on these conditions she protested that
she would marry Alen9on. She has not yet sent any money to the
latter, although he i$ constantly pressing her to do so, and the
Ministers are doing the same, in consequence of the capture of
Lierre.* Unless she succours Alengon and the rebels, such things
as this will befall them daily.
I am told ,that the Queen said very secretly in her chamber that
the king of Scotland had made protestations before the Ministers
of his country, .that he did not wish to change the religion in which
he had been brought up, and would never become a Catholic. He
* The town was betrayed by /Colonel Semple on the Snd August. See letter from
Herll to Burleigh, 8rd August, Hatfield Papers, ^^t II., Hi»t. >I$S. ^qm,
ELIZABETH. 395
1582.
said that the duke of Lennox only desired to maintain the rank
which he, the King, had conferred upon him, as his nearest
kinsman, and that, although the demands made upon him by the
Protestants appeared to him at first hard to endure, he (Lennox) was
now not displeased with their proceedings, and conformed to the
laws as established. " Although both of them," she said (the King
and Lennox), " have protested this, I know well that a Scotsman has
" secretly confessed that the king of Spain and the Pope have
" intelligence in Scotland, and that the queen of Scotland has
" written to the Pope, asking him not to be angry at the dissembling
" of her son and the duke of Lennox, as that was the course which
" was most likely to attain the end aimed at. But notwithstanding
" this, I shall oppose much more cunningly than they think the
" carrying out of their designs." She is now planning this through
the earl of Angus.
The Queen lent 3,000Z. sterling to Don Antonio when he was
here, and I understand that she now peremptorily demands payment
of the sum, taking possession of the diamond, which was pledged
here for a sum of 5,000Z. lent by merchants, who offer to relinquish
their claim to the Queen, if she will lend them without interest
30,000?. for six years, out of the bars brought by Drake, which
they will return in five yearly payments of 6,000?. each. So far as
I can learn, this talk of the loan is a mere fiction, and is a cloak
under which the Queen may keep the diamond for the 8,000?., on
the ground that the merchants advanced the 5,000?. by her express
order, without which they would not have done so. This plan was
invented by Cecil in order to prevent Don Antonio from getting
his diamond back again.
The ships w'hich I advised they were fitting out for Brazil are
now being got ready with furious liaste, the Company of Merchants
trading with Muscovy assisting with 3,000?. They are saying that
it will be a very profitable voyage for them to go to the Moluccas
instead of to Brazil. It will be greatly to your Majesty's advantage
if you order every foreign ship whitih approaches the coast to be
sent to the bottom. A ship has arrived in this country which had
sailed for Muscovy. They report that the ships which the king of
Denmark had armed in the bay of St. Nicholas have taken five
Hollanders that went to trade in ttiat port, and for that reason
this ship has returned. The merchants here fear that if the eleven
ships they sent do not run this risk they will have to return without
cargo this year. I understand also that the maritime towns,
Dantzic, Hamburg, and the rest, are helping Denmark in this, as
they formerly possessed the Muscovy trade, and others had to go
to their towns for the merchandise. — London, 8th August 1582.
14 Aug. 280. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
With regard to your Majesty's orders that I should proceed with
the queen of Scotland and the duke of Lennox, in conformity with
the instructions sent by your Majesty to Juan Bautista de Tassis,
of^wbich a copy is sent to me, I have done so ; as the queen of
Scotland remarks, in one of the two letters of hers, which I now
enclose with those written by her son, I liave encouraged them to
396 SPANTSH STATl'] PAPERS.
1582.
continue their action by holding out hopes of succour, whilst at the
same time, pointing out that affairs in France and England at
present keep your Majesty occupied. I followed this course in
a way which should lead them to infer that, when the present
circumstances changed, your Majesty would certainly help them,
and I thus encouraged her (Mary) to continue in her indignation
against the English and also made her shy of the French. As Tassis
proceeded in a different way at first with Hercules,* I see that he
has enlightened them (the French) somewhat.
Although it is quite plain that she (the queen of Scots) has done
her best to prevail upon Lennox to remain in Scotland, her efforts
are no longer of any avail against the intrigues of this Queen, and
the great sum of money which she is spending ; endeavouring by
every means to have d'Aubigny killed and obtain possession of the
King's person and the Government. Lennox is being informed of
this on all hands, and that rewards are offered here to anyone who
will bewitch, poison, or kill him, or cast him out of the kingdom, so
that he bas good reason to fear every dagger in Scotland, pai-ticularly
as people there are not only accustomed, for slight causes, to shed
the blood of private persons, but do not hesitate to kill their kings.
It is therefore natural that he should desire to extricate himself
from such obvious danger, which is made more terrible by his fear
at feeling himself in constant struggle and daily in the presence of
death. His position, indeed, is so wretched, that it is reducing him
to a deplorable condition, as I am informed from other sources,
besides the Queen's letters. How anxious she is to keep him there,
and how well disposed she is, will be seen by her words when she
says that if it be necessary for the succour to be delayed the " fact
must be hidden from him " and I must write and entertain him,
as, indeed, I have done.
As I wrote to your Majesty from the first, the Queen desired iier
son to be converted by preaching, but she is now convinced that
this method cannot be employed, since Lennox is the only man who
could introduce those who could act in the business, and he does
not wish to lose his place and position, much less his life. As he
has now had to admit that he was a Catholic, and has no support
or assurance against any attempt that may be made against him by
the queen of England, through the Protestants, he would much
rather leave the country taking the King with him, than be where
he is ; or in any case save his own life by getting away. In this
he would be helped by the English, who would find a silver-bridge
for him, and would endeavour to obtain for him the enjoyment in
France of what the King has granted him in Scotland, so long as he
will leave the Government to them and allow the King to remain a
heretic. I understand that, in view of this, the Queen (of Scotland)
persists in her idea of the provision of money for the fortresses and
pensions, which, she considers, are the only means by which Lennox
can be kept in the country ; the fortification of the places for the pur-
pose of assuring him against any sudden tumult, or invasion from
England, in which case he would have a refuge, whither he might
* Tbia wM the cipher oame giren by Taois to the Duke of Guise,
ELIZABETH. 397
1582
carry the King and await succour ; and the pensions, in order to
afford a pledge that your Majesty is in earnest in aiding them, and
to encourage them to continue in their demands. It will he difficult
otherwise to persuade him and the rest to continue to endure their
pressing danger in opposition to this Queen, so near and powerful,
who is scattering money broad-cast, in order to ruin and undo him,
and restore matters to the same condition in which they were in
the time of Morton.
The earl of Angus reports from the Border that he believed he
had secured to his side twelve personages, amongst whom would be
the earl of Mar iind Lord Huntly. They took him on his way to
the Border very close to the place where the queen of Scotland is
for the purpose of alarming her. She is doing her best to make
sure of Arran, who is the person that this Queen and her Ministers
thouglit most of. Both in this, and in all things, I can assure
your Majesty that the poor lady (the queen of Scots) is leaving no
stone unturned to secure the conversion of her son.
I am writing to Count de Olivares,* to point out to His Holiness
that he ought to find money for the fortification of the places,
as it is most important that Lennox and his friends should not
be abandoned,
My sight is very bad, but I will willingly employ what is left of
it, and my life, in serving your Majesty, since you deign to command
me to stay in this place ; my only regret being that besides being
blind, 1 shall not be of so much use to your Majesty as another
would be, since my ill-luck will have it that these people continue
as uncontrollable as ever.t They are sending a greater number of
Englishmen to Flanders again, and the Queen openly gives pass-
ports to the captains. On the night of the 1 2th she sent to Alen^on
four boat-loads of broad-angela, 20,000i., which money was taken in
a ship, on board of which there went the four best captains, and
the four best pilots, in England, They are helping forward more
furiously than over the arming of ships for Brazil and the Moluccas,
whilst tiiey cry out at the top of their voices that they are free to
undertake such expeditions ; besides this they ;\re aiding the
enterprise of Navarie which the queen (of Scotland) mentions in
her letter. — London, 14th August 1582.
27 Aug. 281. The King to Bernardino de Mendoza.
k'h47"^6T" Clives an account of the victory of the Marquis of Santa Cruz at
St, Michaels,|
Be very careful to note the effect of this, both public and private,
in England, and discover, so far as you can, all plans and intentions
• The Spanish Ambassador in Rome.
t A few days before this was written Mendoza had been pelted and hooted m
fenchiirch Street by a group of boys who were playing at soldiers. His carnage was
obliged to take refuge in Lime Street, where the Lord Mayor, Sit James Harvey, dwelt,
and^his assailants then fled. Dr. Hector Nuiez to Burleigh, 9th August, Hatfield
papers, part 2, Hist. MSS. Com. . . ■ , .
1 This tv;is the complete route of the French Naval Expedition under Strozzl in aid
of Don Antonio. It was fought of the 24th July, and both Strozzi and Count Vimioso
•Ken slain,
398 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1582.
arising from it, and the negotiations that exist between the French
and the Queen. If she or her Ministers say anything to you about
St. Michaels, you will know how to justify me and answer them
fittingly, pointing out how dearly those who ofTend me so unjustly
have to pay for their presumption, and how God punishes them.
All this and such other means as you possess must be directed to
preventing the Queen from allying herself to the French against me.
You will use to this end either hope or fear, as you find most
advisable. Even though it do not entirely divert her, you must
manage to scent out all their plots and advise me in good time to
provide against them. I sincerely commit all this to your care and
diligence. Report frequently and fully. — Lisbon, 27th August
1582.
30 Aug. 282. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
The prince of Parma informs me in a letter dated 18th July that
he had taken into his pay feur hundred Englishmen who had gone
over from the rebel army, in order to reduce the strength of the
enemy and to increase the diffidence which now exists between them
and the French.* I write to the Prince, saying that the question of
engaging Englishmen who desert from the enemy is one for grave
consideration, inasmuch as it partly concedes a point whicb the
Queen has tried to establish since the beginning of the war, namely,
that she may claim to be neutral, on the ground that the alliances
between her and the house of Burgundy are virtually with the
towns and States government, and not with the person of the Prince,
although the contrary is quite clear from the tenour of the treaties.
As I wrote at the time, when I first came hither, I had long disputes
about this, and when M. de la Motte at Gravelines declared for
your Majesty, and found it necessary to engage EngUshmen, the
Councillors here pointed out to me that his action proved that the
people of this country might assist either side indifferently. I must
now admit that the engagement of the Englishmen by the Prince
puts them in the right. In the case of M. de la Motte I replied
that the acts of a captain and private individual could not bind his
sovereign. As this argument will not now serve, I have thought
l)est to state the matter here, and to beg your Majesty to instruct
me how I am to reply to the Queen and her Ministers if they
mention it to me. Whilst advising the prince of Parma about it,
I also mention that, of all the Englishmen that flock over to the
rebels, not one is a Catholic, and that their leaders are terrible
heretics dependent mostly upon Leicester and Walsingham. They
cannot, therefore, be trusted as soldiers, or regarded otherwise than
as spies in the cainp, who, like Leicester and Walsingham themselves,
will do nothing but weave treason to the cause of God and your
• The Prince of Panfla wrote to the Kiug (Strada) that he had accepted the offer of
service of these four hundred EDgUshmen to use them a» " decoy hirds to call the othsrs,
aud so to weaken the enemy and perhaps arrange for the betrayal of some place
ffarrisoned by English or Scotch troops. In this he was not deoeiyed, a« It led to the
shiiiiioful treachery by which Colouel Seinple betrayed the towu of Lierre into the hands
ni the rriiitc,
ELIZABETH. 399
1582.
Majesty. As, moreover, they are not veterans but inexperienced
recruits, and bring nothing but their own persons to the service,
there is no suffieient counterbalaficing advantage in engaging them.
If tliey are made much of and are punctually paid, as such people do
not deserve to be, the soldiers of other nationalities will be offended ;
whereas in the contrary case, the Englishmen will be sure to
mutiny, even if they be not prompted to do so from here. This
will be a bad example for the rest, and as the Prince of Parma has
now, with the Italian reinforcements, a multitude of soldiers and is
short of money, the withdrawal of the English from the rebel side
cannot be productive of so much good, as harm, as the bad blood
tlie Prince drains froni the rebels to weaken them will be infused
into his own body and cause corruption therein. The people here
will promptly send orders for all the Englishmen who flock over to
the rebels, at once to join your Majestj-'s forces. By this means
they will purge their own country, which they say they want to
do, whilst the Englishmen in the Netherlands will greatly increase
in number, as the States alone could not afford to pay the quantity
that will now go.
There is nothing fresh about French affairs, except that
Marchaumont and Bacqueville have pressed the Queen to give
them permission to go and join their master. She refuses to do so,
and asks them what the world would say if they went away. All
the Councillors have recently been absent from Court, and as soon
as coniirmation was received here from France of the defeat of Don
Antonio's fleet by <that of your Majesty, the Queen called them
together and ordered two gentlemen to be arrested, because they
said that Don Antonio's fleet had been destroyed and the Pretender
killed, the charge against them being that they were spreading
seditious news. They say that Terceira cannot even now be taken
and that the rebel States are arming eighteen ships for Don Antonio
to join those which I said the German colonel was fitting out at
Embden, although lie is very sluggish about it.
A proclamation published by the king of Scotland has reached
here, and I send a copy of it to your Majesty. As his mother
remarks, it is a certain proof that preaching will be of no avail to
convert the King, but that he and the country must be dealt with
by main force. It also shows how closely driven must Lennox be,
since merely to maintain himself there he has to consent publicly
to give such concessions as these.
1 have received letters from Father William Holt in Scotland,
who tells me that Lennox .... • .,* and also that John Seaton,
son of Lord Seaton, had procured a passport from this Queen
enabling him to go to Spain ; and from what I hear, it is to be
feared that these Ministers may turn him inside out on his way
through, and that Lord Seaton may quarrel with Lennox, in con-
sequence of his hatred for Arran, which may be the cause why he
is sending his sou to Spain, in the belief that the best way to crush
Arran will be to hasten the enterprise.
♦ In the King's hand : " He doc« not fluish what he saj-s ahniu Lenuox."
4iOO SPANISb STATE PAPERS.
I
1582.
The priest who went to Rouen from Scotland wrote to me on the
9th saying that he had letters from the duke of Lennox dated the
4th expressing great surprise that no information had reached him
about the envoys who had gone to your Majesty and to Rome. He
says he is much pressed by the action of the Protestants, taken at
the prompting of the queen of England. — Loudon, 30th August 1582.
1 Sept. 283. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
Yesterday morning the Queen received news from Berwick, that
on the 22nd one of the plots she had been weaving with the earl
of Angus had succeeded. It appears that six of the principal earls
with whom he had arranged invited the King to a hunting party
in a certain place, with the intention of capturing him, the duke of
Lennox, and the earl of Arran. D'Aubigny, however, was warned
in time,* and fled with six horses towards Lisleburg (i.e. Edinburgh),
where the townspeople refused to receive him. He thereupon wrote
to the constable of the castle who admitted him, and he was then
surrounded by his opponents, aided by the townspeople, who are
his enemies. The King is a prisoner, as well as the earl of Arran,
whose brother was killed. They told him (the King) at ooce that
he deserved all that happened to him, for allowing himself to be
ruled by an excommunicated person like Lennox.
This Queen, her Ministers, and all the Court, are overjoyed
at the news, and the Queen says openly that the "mechant" duke
of Lennox will now be treated as he deserves, and will be properly
condemned to lose his head by the laws of Scotland, as she is
assured that he cannot escape from the castle.
In addition to the pensions, presents; and favours given to the
earl of Angus, he was further inflamed in the project by these
people with the promise that when D'Aubigny was expelled or
killed he, Angus, should be the governor, as his uncle Morton was.
As the person who arranged with Angus was the earl of
lluntiugdon, who claims to be the heir to this crown after the
queen of Scotland, it may be feared that they will kill or poison
the King. They are indeed already muttering this, and that his
mother should be put out of the way at the same time, whereby
Leicester and his party of heretics think they can assure the claim
of Huntingdon, who is as great a heretic as any of them. I send
this by special courier to Tassis begging him to forward it in the
same way. — London, 1st September 1582.
5 Sept. 284. Juan Bautista de Tassis to the King.
^^ K ^56o"^^'' News arrived here yesterday from the French ambassador in
England that the men the Queen (of England) has in her favour in
Scotland have seized the opportunity of the King's having gone on
* sir James Melvil (Memoirs) gives an account of his -Waniing of I/cnuox, who was
tlien at Dalkeith, and of his pusillanimous tardiness in dealing with the cfisia. Melvil
was apprised of the plot in Edinburgh ten days before its execution, and rode to
Dalkeith without a moment's delay, but Lennox couteated himself with sending the
news to Arr.iii, and himself retired lo Dumbarton, until the King had been captured and
j^iniu ci'uehod, when action was Useless.
telilZABETH. 401
1582.
a hunting expedition, 24 leagues from Lisleburg, to capture him on
his way hoaie, and carry him to a castle* near, the leader of the
enterj)riae being the earl of Argyll. Lennox was at a house of his
near Lisleburg, and as soon as he heard what had happened he
endeavoured to collect his friends to remedy the matter, but as
many of them failed to appear he resolved to throw himself into
the castle of Lisleburg, which is very strong, where he still is.
No intelligence of this has yet come direct from Scotland hither,
and the Scots' ambassador here is much grieved at the news,
although he is unable to form a judgment upon the matter, and is
still in hope that the only object may have been the expulsion of
Lennox. He thinks, certainly, however, that the whole affair has
been contrived by the English -woman, who has been plotting it for
some time past without regard to expense.
The duke of Guise will also have been sorry for it, as the King
is his relative. As fof Hercules (i.e. the duke of Guise) he is
certainly distressed and eager to undertake the enterprise. He
is also not without apprehension that this event may cause your
Majesty to change your benevolent attitude towards it, and urges
rather that this news increases the need for aid, and that the good
resolutions should be persevered in, at least, until we learn the real
state of things there. I can see that Hercules is extremely desirous
of employing himself in this business, and I am of opinion that he
will feel greatly flattered if good-will is shown to aid it as
effectually as the case will allow. — i?arig, 5th September 1582.
24 Sept. 285. The King to Juaw Bautista de Tassis.
^^"k "1447"^^^' Having heard from Don Bernardino de Mendoza that the Queen of
England was raising a great persecution against the duke of Lennox
by means of the earl of Angus, whom she supplies with money for
the purpose, and considering the injury which may be caused to
Scotch affairs if the Duke loses heart and leaves the country, and
that it is the duty of all of us who desire the welfare and sub-
mission of Scotland to encourage the Duke, I had ordered a credit
for 10,000 crowns to be sent to you, to be forwarded to him with
an exhortation to stand firmly in his position until God enabled
effectual help to be afforded. Now, however, that I learn by your
letter of the 5th of the unfortunate imprisonment of the King, the
extremity in which Lennox was, and the distress of Hercules, I
have decided not to alter my resolution, and I send you the
enclosed despatch as intended, instructing you to condole in my
name with Hercules in this trouble, and to inform him of my
determination to send this small present aid to Lennox. If he
thinks it will be opportune ask him to forward it, and tell him
that you have my orders to pay it to the person he may appoint. _
In the principal business of the submission of Scotland, you will
tell him that I would gladly have helped, and still would do so,
whenever I saw, on the one hand, really good grounds for
anticipating a successful issue, and on the other, willingness on the
} 84541.
* Ruthven, in the county of Forfar. This took place on SSud August.
C Q
4<02 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1582.
part of His Holiness to contribute such money as the case demands
(and as he has on various occasions promised me*). You will not
fail to hint dexterously at the coolness existing in that quarter, so
that he may see that the affair is not falling through by any fault
of mine, and that I am still as willing as ever. As, however, the
prime consideration of the probable good or bad result of the
enterprise will naturally be much influenced by these fresh events in
Scotland, and the imprisonment of the King, you will ask Hercules
what he thinks upon both points, and what he considers the best
course to pursue, telling him how highly I shall prize his opinion, and
assuring him of the goodwill I bear towards him. Assure him also
that he may count upon my protection whenever he may require
it. Try to draw the discourse to his own affairs, and take the
opportunity of pointing out to him that as the king (of France) is
ill, and has no children, he (Guise) will incur great danger when
the realm falls into the hands of his enemies, which Alen5on and
Beam are. Tell him that, so far as regards Alen90n, he need seek
no clearer proof of enmity than the Salcedo invention, and the
false evidence they raised against him (Guise) for the purpose of
causing a breach between him and the King. From this point you
may lead up to the treatment he (Guise) may fear if the person
who thus calumniates him once gets power in his hands.
With regard to Bearn, you may say that, in addition to his
(Guise's) own danger, the destruction of the whole realm and the
public infamy of the most Christian crown is to be feared if it
should fail into the hands of a man who is not a Catholic. Besides
the danger of this, it will be a standing disgrace to those who are
true Catholics like himself. You will then assure him of my affection
for him, because he is a Catholic and well disposed towards my
interests ; and in case he desires to ensure himself against the
consequences of the King's death, or the attacks of his enemies, he
may count upon all the aid necessary from me for his security and
welfare. Having this in view, he may henceforward make his
calculations more confidently, both in regard to France and
England. It will be well that he should consider especiaUy what
ho can do in the latter country to favour the cause of his relatives,
the king and queen of Scotland, and to pay the queen of England
in the coin she deserves for her action against both mother and
son. Tell him I shall be glad to learn all that occurs, particularly
in this matter, and will help him opportunely and effectively ; but
you will take great care to banish from his mind all suspicion that
I can have any personal object in Scotch or English affairs, other
than a desire to serve the cause of our Lord, and the conversion of
those nations, which could then come to their rightful owners.
This is no less so in the affairs of France, where I only desire, m
case the King should die, that my enemies may not he able to play
me any tricks ; and for this reason I advise him (Guise) to guard
against and beware of his own enemies, which, indeed, are common
to UB both. You will carry out all this very precisely and
Thtf words in brackets are added to the draft in the King's hand.
ELIZABETH. 403
1682.
dexterously, letting me know what passes and your opinion of it.
If you learn that Lennox is in a position which renders it
unadvisable or useless to send him the 10,000 crowns, you will
keep the money in your possession, telling Hercules however of the
willingness with which I sent the money and the destined object.
You will keep it in such case until you get orders from me, —
Lisbon, 24th September 1.582.
Postscript in the King's hand : — " In addition to the aforegoing,
" you may also tell Hercules to bear in mind that, so far as religion
" is concerned, there will be as little security with the first person
" mentioned " (i.e. Alen9on) " aa with the second " (Beam).
24 Sept. 286. The Kino to Bernardino de Mendoza.
^"i'm^^'m.' Yo"'" 'etters of 25th July, 1st, 8th, and 30th August, and Isfc
September are to baud. Thanks for full advices contained, and for
your havmg sent to the prince of Parma news of the plots and
plans against Flanders. Continue to do so and to sow distrust in
the breasts of those people against the French, whilst not allowing
them (the English) to despair of gaining my friendship if they act
properly.
The ships being fitted out for Brazil and the Moluccas may
perhaps meet with their desert, and also those for Florida. You
will report all you can discover about them, paying particular
attention to this matter of aimauients, as I am told that the
Queen-mother (of France) persists in her hopes of some Dutch
hulks, and the ships she expects from the queen (of England) to
enable her to tit out another fleet and try her fortune again.* It
will not be so easy to do as it is to arrange on paper. As no one
can discover so well as you if any ships are being prepared in
Holland for Don Antonio at the instance of the Queeu-mOther, you
will keep me continually informed on the point, and also as to
what is being done in England. Iiet me know whether anyone
has arrived there from Don .A.ntonio since the defeat, and, if so,
what reception he got.
It is very needful for you to keep your correspondents well in
hand as they are apparently so useful to you, and it was therefore
well to pledge the second confidant with the 500 crowns and
promise him a pension of 1,000, which it is understood will only be
paid him whilst he gives satisfaction and not otherwise. He will
thus be careful to please. It was well to report to the prince of
Parma the evil that may be done by the English in his pay, but he
is so careful and vigilant that he will take care they do not deceive
him. The whole result of the Scotch affairs, of which we had
much to say to you in answer to your letters on the subject, seems
to have been the unfortunate imprisonment of the King and the
extremity of Lennox. On account of religion and of the Kinj;'a
trouble I am grieved at this ; and still more so on account of the
distress of his mother, with whom you will condole sincerely on
♦ That is to »By againBt Philip's aesumptiQn of the crown of Porliigal.
u c SI
404 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1582.
my behalf. Assure her how interested I was in this business, and
that at all times she will find me ready to help her interests with
such instruments as the case may demand. At prfesent, until we
know how the first confusion and the persecution of Lennox has
ended, no trustworthy judgment can be formed, and I will suspend
all comments upon the matter until then. I may say, however,
that the person who came hither is on the J)oint of leaving.—
Lisbon, 24th September 1582.
1 2 Oct. 287. The Queen of Scotland to Bernardino de Mendoza.
ifrcnch. j y^g^y^ recently been visited here by M. de Fontenay, the
brother of my French secretary, and as I had freely every
opportunity of instructing him fully of my intentions in all things
concerning my state here, and that of my poor child, I have
decided to send him to the Catholic King your master in order
that he may give him an account of certain matters which would
be too long to write, but which are necessary for the forwarding
and conclusion of my latest overtures, respecting which I am most
anxious to have a decision one way or the other. If they are not
to be successful I have decided to seek, by any means and under
iiny condition, permission to retire to some place of repose, where I
may pass the rest of my days with greater freedom of conscience,
instead of still wasting myself fruitlessly here. I pray therefore
that you will aid the said Fontenay with letters of recommendation,
both to my good brother the Catholic King, and to Cardinal de
Granvelle, Seilor Idiaquez, and others ; which letters please send to
M. Englefield direct, for him to deliver to Fontenay when he
arrives. I should have wished him to have been able on his way
through London to confer with you on the whole matter, but
these times are full of distrust in consequent of the recent
occurrences in Scotland, and I dare not address him to you, in
order to avoid trouble to either of you. You may, on my
autliority, pledge yourself for his entire fidelity, to whomever
you may introduce him. No matter what be the nature of the
task confided to him, he will do it faithfully in the interest of
religion in general.
I hope as soon as you may receive news from Spain you will let
me know. Do not trouble youself about that Archibald Douglas
who was recently arrested by Walsingham. He has been a
great mischief-maker in times past, and this will divert him from
all secret understandings and agreements with Walsingham.* —
12th October 1582.
♦ Castelcau, writing to Henry III., 17th January XRSa (Harl. 1582, fol. 324), siys
Douglas has asked him to lend him 1,000 crowns, " as do several others here whom I
" have diverted from the Spanish party .... lie is a man of quality and great
" scrvici;, who has refused a pension of 2,000 crowns from the queen of England, and
" is so competent that I can refuse him nothing in my power." The subsequent
hcliaviour of Douglas, who was one of Darnley's murderers, proved that the Queen's
distrust of him was well-founded. See his correspondence in the Hatfield State Papers
•Hist. liSS. Com. Part III.),
ELIZABETH. 405
1682.
1 Nov. 288. The Kino to Bernardino de Mendoza.
Paris Archives. ^ y^^y^ j^g^ j^^^gj. ^f g^j^ September brought a full account of the
imprisonment of the king of Scotland, and a letter from his mother
to you, aa well as the instructions taken by Lord Gary* and the
triumph and pride of the queen of England at the affair. It is a
great pity the business has had such a downfall, just as it seemed
going 80 prosperously, but not much decidedly can be said about it
until we see how it all ends, and I leave for another letter the
detailed answer on this and other subjects. This letter is mainly
to assure you of my regret that your indisposition has gone so far
and that you are suffering so much from your eyes. I will therefore
very shortly send you the permissipn you seek to take your leave.
In the meanwhile, however, even if I did not enjoin you to do so,
as I do, I am sure you will exercise your usual diligence in all that
concerns my service, and keep me well informed of all that passes
there. As it is very important that I should know about the ships
being fitted out in Holland and Zeeland for Don Antonio, you will
have very minute inquiries made on the point, both as to the
burden of the ships, their character, their ordnance, their stores
and victuals ; and also what troops are to be shipped, who is
paying for them, and all other particulars you can learn, for my
information. — Lisbon, 1st November 1582.
1 Nov. 289. Bernardino de Menqoza to the King.
After I had written the enclosed two letters, news has arrived
from Scotland confirming what Foster, the Warden of the Border,
wrote to the Queen, saying that sixteen of the principal Lords and
Barons had met and demanded to know whether the King was
a prisoner or not. When this came to the knowledge of the
conspirators who were detaining him, they sent persons to confer
with them and with the duke of Lennox. The latter has sent to
request this Queen to grant him a passport for himself and
eight horsemen to pass through England to France , which I am
told she would be very glad to grant if she were sure he would
use it.
I can only imagine that he is requesting it in order to keep her
in hand, because, although the Queen has ordered one of her armed
ships to go from Ireland towards the castle of Dumbarton, to
capture him if he goes by sea, there is no reason for him to be
alarmed if he is decided to go to France. So far as can be judged
the position of affairs in Scotland will not force him to go, since
so many lords are demanding that the King should be set at liberty.
This Queen is informed that the king of France has sent a
gentleman to the king of Scotland, with orders to address him as
King. I am hourly expecting letters from Dr. Allen and the priest
who went from Scotland, who will doubtless inform me the reason of
this gentleman's going, which your Majesty will already have learnt
from Juan Bautista de Tassis. A man whom I sent to Zeeland
^ Sir George Gary, son of Bli*9l).etb'? cousin, Lord Hupsdon.
406
1682.
SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
has at this moment returned. He tella me that the eailors are
already being dismissed from the ships, which were being armed
tliere, and only one vessel will sail, of 150 tons, under the Pied-
montese Captain Lucchese, a great pirate and heretic, who serves
Orange. He says he is going to seize some booty to reimburse
him for the cost of fitting out the ships. Three of these vessels
were at Ramequin and the others in the port of Flushing, without
spars or sails. — London, 1st November 1582.
] Nov. 290. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
M. de Fontenay, the Grand Chancellor of the queen of Scotland,
is leaving for the purpose of giving your Majesty a verbal account
of certain matters with which I have acquainted him. The
queen of England gave him permission to see his mistress,
and I humbly beg your Majesty to receive him and give him
credence, as his mistress informs me that he is a person in whom
the fullest confidence may be placed.* — London, 1st November
1582.
1 Nov. 291. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
I have received your Majesty's orders to communicate to the
prince of Parma the plots that are being hatched here against the
Netherlands. I continue to do so with all possible minuteness, but
I am unable to maintain these people in the humour your Majesty
desires, as they are obdurate in their determination that I shall not
have audience of the Queen; and I cannot request an audience
after having received the reply which I conveyed to your Majesty
on the ] 5th and 2l8t May, to the effect that until you had given
her satisfaction about Ireland she could not receive me, out of
consideration for her own lionour, since I was your Maje-.ty's
Minister. I iiave tried every possible means, overt and covert, to
get into relations with the Queen's Ministers, but they fly from me
as if I were a rebel subject of hers, and things have reached such a
point now that no one will speak to me or even to my servants, as
Don Juan de Idiaquez will have informed your Majesty. The only
way, therefore, in which I can serve your Majesty here is to
communicate the information I receive from my second confidant,!
as I have not heard a word from the firstf for the last eight
months. I should have lost the second if I had not cast myself
at his feet and begged him not to leave Court, and gave him
500 crowns, with a promise of 1,000 crowns a year pension, which
he accepted, although he said that when I went away he could not
well correspond with any one else, and must relinquish the pension
when he could do nothing for it. I can assure your Majesty
that he is extremely zealous and gives me twice a week the most
confidential and minute account of all that happens. He may
therefore be dealt with in the manner I recommended, and your
* See letter from queen Mary to Mendoza, 12th October, page 404.
t Lord Henry Howard.
X Sir Jamei Crofts.
ELIZABETH. 4,07
1582.
jesty commanded, and I have intimated the same to him, but I
gather that he accepted the offer chiefly in order that your Majesty
should bear him in mind in view of what may occur in England
rather than for immediate personal gain. The firat confidant must
again make himself useful for some years before your Majesty can
be expected to make him another grant, since he is so very silent
now. I understand that his reticence is caused by Leicester, who
has quite terrified him.
I have written what your Majesty orders to the queen of
Scotland, and have received from her the letter I enclose.* I write
to her to say that I am sending to Madrid the letters she requests.
The priest who went from Scotland to Finance is now in Paris. He
is a prudent and sensible man, and sends to say that Herculesf and
the queen of Scotland's ambassador blame Lennox for being so
unprepared after the constant warnings they had given him of the
need for vigilance.
The duke of Lennox embarked for France by order of the King,
but, whether in consequence of bad weather or by his own wish,
he returned to Dumbarton, where he was joined by the principal
people of the country. When the conspirators learnt this they
again compelled the King to order him to leave the country. The
King did so, but as he wrote in the letter that he still looked upon
him as his good friend, the conspirators themselves and Robert
Bowes the ambassador tell this Queen that they are not by any
means sure whether he, Lennox, will go, and if she wishes the
King still to be retained she must send money to pay 100 horse
and 300 foot. She also hears from them that Lennox is bringing
pressure to bear upon his friends in France, but that nothing will
be decided there until she makes up her mind about her marriage.
Robert (Bowes) tells her that the conspirators would not agree to
the King's going to England, nor to what she requested about his
person, which is thouglit to mean poisoning him.
The conspirators had arrested George Douglas, who contrived the
escape of the Queen from prison,J and at the request of this Queen
they had tortured him, to extract from him the mission upon which
he had been sent by the King to the king of France and the duke
of Guise, and the answer he brought back. Robert (Bowes) was
also pressing for the prosecution and beheading of the earl of
Arran, but it was uncertain whether it would be done. They also
report that on the 13th the King wished to ride into the country,
and asked them to let him mount one of the horses which had
been sent to him by the duke of Guise. They refused him,
whereupon he flew into a great rage, and said he would issue a
proclamation saying that they were keeping him prisoner, and
would call his people to release him. When Lord Ruthven heard
this he had a pony brought for him, and the King said he would
reward him for it some day. I understand that when Walsingham
* See letter of 12th October, page 404.
t The duke of Guise.
J From LocWeyin, 2nd May 1568.
4.08
1582,
SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
delated this to another Councillor, he said that matters there would
soon come to an issue, either the conspirators would poison the
King or he would escape and they would lose their heads.
Since the arrival of this intelligence the Queen has received
advice from Foster,* one of the Wardens of the Border, sajring
that the conspirators would have come to terms with D'Aubigny,
but for the ministers who had prevented it, The French
ambassador has received through; France a letter from the king of
Scotland for bis mother, thanking her for the act of association,
which he accepts, and looks upon himself as her lieutenant, bound
to use his new powers the better to be able to release her, which he
says he will attempt even .at the risk of his own life. He says he
will give her no account of his present position in order to save
her pain. It would seero from this and the ambassador's words
that the king of France either has addressed or will address him as
King.
It appears that the conspirators, in Scotland are largely out-
numbered by their opponents, and people who are best able to
judge of the matter say that the reason no demonstration is made
is to avoid giving this Queen an excuse for interfering by force in
favour of the conspirators, which would turn the scale and make
the conspirators the stronger party. They are also afraid of
driving the conspirators to desperation, which might force them to
kill the King and upset everything. Parliament there had been
prorogued until the 1st January, as the conspirators had refused to
summon it. Catholics here tell me that although they are assured
by your Majesty's gracious message through me that your Majesty
favoured their desire for an English Cardinal to be appointed,
the Scotch revolution was bringing home to them strongly the
inconvenience of, there being no leader or head for them to look to
here, and they therefore wished again to approach your Majesty
through me, to beg that you would not lose sight of their petition,
but would forward the selection of some such person as they
desire, as it would be a great alleviation to the persecution with
which they are afflicted. I see that not they alone, but even the
Protestant adherents of the queen of Scotland are much, confused,
as they cannot correspond with her, and her son is a prisoner.
They are badly in want of a head to whom they could look, and
with whom they might take counsel as to the best menna of saving
the life of the mother and son. They also beg me most earnestly
to convey the same to the Pope, I have written to Count de
Olivares about it. — London, 1st November 1582.
1 Nov. 292. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
I wrote on the I7th ultinio the reply that this Queen had given to
the French ambassador. Since then nothing fresh in the matter has
happened, except that when Hatton asked her how she meant to get
out of it, if the king of France sent the signed document she requested,
she answered that she would do so with words, which were the best
* Sir Johu Foater, warden of the Marches.
ELIZABETH. 409
1582.
current coin amongst Frenclimen, and that when a campaign was
long and hotly contested, the soldiers coi^d always find some means
of_ slipping away. When Hatton related this to a friend of his, he
said that he had never had any feai^ pf the marriage but once, when
the Queen had given Alen5on the ring ; but even then, after he had
spoken to the Queen, he said, he was reassured. Cobham in his
last letters assures her that the kin^ of France was resolved to help
bis brother energetically to maintain himself in the Netherlands.
He had sent two wagon-loads of monkey to Cambrai for the purpose.
The Guises were much dissatisfied by, the Queen-mother's negotia-
tions with Aleii9on, although she pretended to wish to conciliate
them. But notwithstanding this, she said that she would never
trust them nor cease to strive to avenge herself upon your Majesty,
for which reason she was urging the King hotly to break with your
Majesty altogether.
Lord Willoughby* who went to Denmaj^k says that one of the
points of his instructions was to ask the king of Denmark on no
account to ally himself with yqur Majesty, or do anything which
might bring about the retirenie^t of Alen9on froijQ the Netherlands.
He was also to be urged not to allow any ships or artillery to be
brought out through the Sound for your Majesty's service. He has
agreed to their requests, and enga,ges to take the part of this Queen
against all the princes in the world.
Don Antonio has beeii aided in the way I described in my last.
When Leicester and Walsingham again pres^sed the Queen, on belialf
of Don Antonio's factor and the man from Terceira, to help him
with money, she replied that when the forces »which were to go to
his aid had been got together, she would assist by giving him money
and ships.
I understand that the ships that are to go to Terceira with men
and stores have not yet saikd, and in consequence of the last
news received, Leicester is having some wheat shipped in theni. I
learn that four other ships are leaving Havre de Grace and Honfleur
with stores and provisions for Terceira.
The fleet being fitted out in Flushing and the Sluys is being
paid for by the rebel States, which have bought some of the ships
of the owners on the pretence that the cost is being defrayed out
of the dues imposed by Don Antonio. I understand that the
affair is proceeding very slowly lately, and there was a lack of
sailors. Pedro de Oro, who was the Consul of the French at
Lisbon, had returned to Antwerp, where he was ill. He said
that when these ships left they would go to France to embark
infantry.
* This was the famous Peregrine Bertie Lord Willoughby D'Erssby, sou of the duchess
of Suffolk, widow of Charles Brandon duke of Suffolk, and BaroneBS Willoughby
D'Eresby in her own right, by her second husband Francis Bertie. The mother of the
Duchess had been Dofia Maria Sarmiento de Salinas, the favourite lady of Katharine of
Aragon. In a letter from Castelnau to Henry III., dated 25th June 1582, he mentions
that Lord Willoughby was to start in the follow;ing week on an embassy to Henry of
Navarre, His visit to Denmark, whence he was to go in Maj', must have been short, or
Cssteloau must have been mistaken.
4)10 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1682.
An English gentleman* who owned the largest of the ships that
went to the Moluccas has fitted out another, which he has despatched
to Newfoundland, where it has committed the damage which is set
forth in the enclosed paper in Portuguese, f I heard of it through
the arrival of another ship of his here, and addressed the Council
on the subject. Walsingham replied that the gentleman in question
had suflPered some injury in Spain, ho that no surprise need be felt
that he should seek satisfaction and revenge. His grievance was,
that the large ship that has now gone to the Moluccas was at Cadiz
two years ago and did not wish to enter the port. The mayor of
the town gave orders that she should either enter port or go away,
as she had more the appearance of a pirate than of a merchant
vessel. The captain refused and the galleys were informed of it,
whereupon he set sail and returned to England, and one of his
men who was on shore at the time was therefore detained in Spain.
He has in revenge captured the property set forth in the document
enclosed, and the English affirm that in addition to this he had
captured the fish from eighteen other vessels belonging to your
Majesty's subjects engaged in the fisheries, which he himself does
not deny. He claims to have licenses from the duke of Alen9on, the
prince of Orange, and Don Antonio, and signifies also that he has
authority from some of the members of the Council. I am trying to
elucidate this, but it is quite hopeless to expect the restitution of the
property they have brought hither, seeing the answer given by
Walsingham on behalf of the Council, although I have advised the
consuls of the Portuguese in Antwerp to send powers and claim
the goods. — London, 1st November 1582.
10 Nov. 293. Bkrnardino de Mendoza to the King.
The French ambassador has received a reply from his master to
the communication sent by the Queen. He writes that her fresh
demand was quite diff'erent from the arrangement made with the
commissioners. She then only required that she and her country
should be relieved of the cost of the war in the Netherlnnds ;
whereas she now demanded not this alone, but that the king of
France should take it entirely on his own shoulders, which made it
not one demand but two. He said he could not on any account
• This was Heury Ughtred, owner of the galleon " Ughtred " of 400 tons burden (sub-
sequently christened the " Leicester "), which sailed as flag ship under Captain Edward
Fenton to the South Seas, accompanied by the ship " Edward Bonavenlure." The principal
adventurers in the voyage wi're Leicester for 2,200/., Ughtred for 800i , and Drake for
663/. 13s. id. Both of the above vessels were subsequently engaged against the
Armada. As will be seen in the letter of 4th May in this Calendar, Fenton seems to
have surrendered the command of the South Sea expedition to Winter, but I can find
no confinuatiou of this ; the " Bonaventurc " was commanded by Luke Ward.
t This document, in which Francisco Hernandez of Viana petitions the Council for
restitution of the plunder captured by Ughtred's ship, will be found in the Domestic
State Papers at the Record Office, Vol. CIXV. It is accompanied by Ughtred's
answer, detailing the treatment to which his ship had been subjected at Cadiz. Ughtred
bad complained to the Council in May 1582 of the losses he had suffered at the
hands of the Spaniuds in Spain and the Indies. See Calendar of State Papers,
Domestic, of tbe date.
ELIZABETH. 411
1682.
accede to it, as he would have in such case to openly avow himself,
and help his brother in the Netherlands undisguisedly ; instead of,
as now, doing so with all possible artifice. She wanted him to
break with your Majesty before the marriage took place, and before
the perpetual alliance which was to be made between France and
England was signed. The King, moreover, wished that the aid
he was to give to his brother in the Netherlands should be purely
voluntary on his part, and not to be imposed upon him as a matter
of obligation, which it would be if he agreed to relieve the Queen
of all responsibility and took the war on his own shoulders. For
these reasons the King could not agree to the Queen's new demands,
although, in accordance with what had formerly been settled, to
the effect that she should be relieved of the cost of the war when
she maiTied Alen(;on, he sent her signed and sealed the document as
formerly requested by her. It came in the form of a parchment,
countersigned by Pinart, and with the great seal of France appended.
I have this from a person who has read it and also the letter sent by
the King to the ambassador, at the end of which were words to the
effect that if the Queen was not satisfied with this she must be
temporised with for the present. The rest was in cipher which my
informant could not understand.
I can only imagine that when they say " temjiorise for the present "
they must mean until they can get some money from her, unless
the king of France means to propose some terms for an agreement
with your Majesty, as was done before. My reasons for this belief
are that, at a meeting held recently thi'ee leagues from the Court,
between the French ambassador, Marchaumont, and Baequeville,
they unanimously agreed that it was absolutely necessary, in order
to obtain some money from the Queen, that they should blame
her very strongly for the discredit she was bringing upon Alen^on by
not marrying him in the face of this new document. Marchaumont
told one of the Ministers, directly he arrived, that Alen9on had
collected 25,000 men in the Netherlands, and they must now consider
how they were to be paid and the war carried on.
The French ambassador went to the Court with his despatch on
the 4th in the afternoon, and immediately he arrived he and
Marchaumont gave notice to the earl of Leicester, saying they
wished to see him. He replied that he would come and visit them
at once in Marchaumont's apartments. The three of them Avere
together there for an hour and a half, and the Frenchmen told
Leicester that the object of the despatch was to get the Queen to
resolve promptly, as was fitting, either to marry or to conclude an
offensive and defensive alliance with France against your Majesty.
Leicester agreed with this, and advised them to press the Queen
warmly upon it. He promised also to speak to her the next day,
but he failed to do so, and went 30 miles away from the Court,
to the annoyance of the ambassadors, who say that the Queen's
move is to get them to break with your Majesty, whilst she remains
neutral, instead of declaring war jointly with the French.
The ambassador is still at Court, and as soon as he returns, and
I learn the reply be brings, I will report to your Majesty. I
4.12
1682.
SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
understand that the ambassador wrote to the King, saying that
it was of the greatest importance that no person should be sent to
Scotland excepting through this country, as otherwise it would
make the Queen very jealous. This has caused them to detain the
man who was going,* and was already on the road, and they have
instructed M. de la Mothe F&^lon, who was formerly ambassador
here and in Scotland, to make ready for the journey through
England as soon as he recovers from a fever from which he is
suffering.
Cobham writes that immediately after the king of France
returned to Paris he had Salcedo again examined in his presence.!
He retracted the deposition he had made at Bruges ; but in letters
since received Cobham says that he had subsequently been
informed on good authority that this news had been concocted by
the King in order to pacify the Guises, who he fears might make a
demonstration, as they have in the neighbourhood of Paris 2,000
horsemen attached to them. He had therefore taken the afore-
mentioned step, and had recalled Marshal de Birpn from the frontier
in order to have an experienced soldier at his side if the Guises
should raise a disturbance. A member of the King's Council writes
to the French ambassador saying, that if he dared to trust the
messenger he would write him a terrible account of the treasons
hatched in Spain and confessed by Salcedo. The Lord Chamberlain
Sussex is consumptive, and cannot attend to business, and I hear
that the Treasurer told the Queen she must choose two more
councillors in his place, but they must belong to his party, because
now that Sussex is away it is impossible to oppose Leicester and his
gang. — London, 10th November 1582.
10 Nov. 294. Bbbnardinq de Mendoza to the King.
In one of my former letters I related that the Scots lords had
met and demanded to know whether the King was a prisoner or
not. They came to the Court and convened a meeting of nobles, as
they call it, those who are in favour of the duke (of Lennox)
proposing that the King should be set free. The heads of the
conspirators. Lords Ruthven and Mar, replied that the King w.ts,
• Francois de Koncherolles, sieur de Maineville, who was subsequently associated
with La Mothe Fenelon in his embassy, but went direct to Scotland by sea whilit
La Mothe passed through England. Maineville was an aident follower of the Guises,
whilst La Mothe, like Castelnau, was a man of moderate views, wlio subsequently
followed Henry of Navarre.
t Captain Salcedo, a Spaniard, had distiuguished himself at the relief of Cambrai,
and thus obtained access to the persons of Orange and Alenf on. A plot was diicovered
for the assassination of both princes, in which Salcedo, Baza, and the count of
Egmont, were concerned. Salcedo, under torture at Bruges, had confessed that the
murder had been instigated by the prince of Parma, the Guises, and the Pope
(Gregory XIU.). Henry IIL, tearing that these confessions might force him tobrealt
with Spain, sent Belli^vre to Flanders to interrogate Salcedo and bring him to France.
Henry was persuaded to listen behind a screen to the avowals that the rack might
wring from Salcedo. The tortured wretch repeated his Bruges confessions, and the
King was so horrified that he said that he would rather have lost a part of his kingdom
than have heard what he did. The confession was ordered to bedestroyed, and Salcedo
was quartered in the Place de la Grdre in the presence of Henry, who sent the head tq
bis brother in A9twerp.r-(See " Cimber sn4 Danjqu's Arohivei Carieiises.")
fiLlZABETH. 4(18
1582.
as he always had been, at liberty. Lord Hemes thereupon said
that, if such were the case, it would be advisable that they should
leave the Chamber and the King be allowed to say what he liked.
They (the cohspirators) thisn made a movement as if to leave the
chamber, but the King called them back and smilingly said :
" There is no need for you to depart, whilst I admit that all you
" have done has been with my great goodwill and for my honour
" and security, and therefore," he continued, still laughing, " these
" lords may approve of it as well done." After this the King
proposed that they should all consider the question of his marriage.
The matter, however, was not discussed, but referred with other
affairs to the Parliament.
The duke of Lennox has gone from the castle of Dumbarton to
the neighbouring castle of Rothsay on the west coast of Scotland,
of which the governor is a member of the house of Stuart, who ia
making much of Lennox and the earls of Huntly and Argyll, who
are with him, together with other lords and gentlemen. It may
be gathered from this that he has taken refuge there by the King's
desire, as indeed the conspirators themselves affirm. This Queen
has sent to the latter to tell them to retain the King as they have
done hitherto, and in reply to their request for help to increase
the King's guard, she asks them to consider whether it will be
better to keep the former guard, whom she would pay, or for her
to send cavalry and infantry from Berwick. She leaves the
decision to them, and has sent orders to Berwick for the troops
to go if they request them. She has also granted a passport to the
duke of Lennox, and promises him good treatment on his journey
through. They have beeii lately discussing here the affairs of
Ireland, and, in view of the evil methods adopted by Lord Grey
and his officers to punish the past disorders, and for the purpose of
mollifying the Irish, who are much offended at the multitude of
abuses which have taken place, the Queen has appointed four
Commissioners to inquire into the matter, and in the meanwhile to
administer tlie government of the island.* Those who are to go
from here are James Crofts, Controller of the Household, and the
earl of Ormond, who have to choose the other two from the
Irishmen who are there. These Commissioners are instructed
to use every effort to bring Desmond to submission, and iu order
that it may not appear that they are moved by fear to approach
him with terms of settlement, the Queen has ordered 3,000 fresh
soldiers to be sent over. It is understood that when the work of
the commission is ended James Crofts will remain as Viceroy.
Two ships which I mentioned as being fitted out to go to the
* Lnrd Grey had been recalled in the previous August in consequence of the constant
ri'ljrcsentatious made to the Queen by his enemies of his severity. Cox (Ireland)
siiys, "This good deputy, by contrivance of the rebels, was represented at the Court of
" England as a bloody man that regarded not the lives of the subjects any more than
" the lives of dogs, but had tyrannised with that barbarity that there was little left for
" the Queen to reign over but carcasses and ashes." Edmund Spencer, who was liord
Grey's secretary during his Viceroyalty, ably defends his master in his " View of the
State of Ireland," but Grey remained in disgrace with the Queen for some time after his
return.
ili SiPANlSH STATE PAPERS.
1582. ~ ~~~~
coast of Brazil with merchandise have now been joined by others,
and they were all ready to sail some time ago in Plymouth. They
are the " Primrose " of London, 300 tons, the " Mignon " of 180,
the barque " Hastings " of 100, a flyboat of 1 60, two vessels
belonging to Francis Drake of 100 tons each, a pinnace of 80, and
two little long boats of 12 oars a side, which are takon to pieces and
stowed on board the ships. The intention is to plunder what they
can get, and, if possible, to touch at the same island of San Tliome,
sailing thence to the Moluccas. The commander of the expedition
is William Hawkins, brother of John Hawkins the former pirate.
There is another ship in the river ready to sail, called the
" Susannah," of London, master John Pearie, which is going to
Constantinople. The Queen is sending a grand present of
cochineal* and other things to the Turk with letters, the purport
of which I have been unable to learn, except that it is prejudicial
to your Majesty's interests. If, therefore, the ship should touch in
any of your Majesty's ports, it would be well to seize her papers
and prevent her from making the voyage.
From Terceira there has arrived here a ship belonging to
one Chester.t which had been fitted out under letters of marque
from Don Antonio by the merchants trading with Spain. They
say here that her booty is valuable, but they have not yet decided
to land it as they think of taking it to Flushing. The ships
which were being fitted out in the latter place, the crews of which
had iefc them, will not sail till the spring. They have much
stores and munitions on board and four or five sailors to guard
them. — London, 10th November 1582.
ir, Nov. 295. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
I received news to-day of the arrival on the 11th at South-
ampton, in an English ship which left Terceira with Don Antonio,
of the persons whose names are set forth in the enclosed
memorandum. The rector of the Company of Jesus sent me
advice of their arrival by Francisco de Henao, who reports that, as
soon as the English ship-master found himself separated from
Don Antonio's lleet, he forced all the Portuguese who were on
board to sign an undertaking to pay him 13,000 ducats within so
many days after their arrival in England, and in case of non-
fultilment of the same, to pay 8,000 ducats additional. When the
rector and the other Jesuits arrived at Southampton, they were
examined by the officers of justice. I have sent a report of their
arrival to the Council, and asked for permission for them to come
hither, and that passports may be given to them enabling them
to go to Portugal, whither I will try to have them sent
immediately.
This Francisco de Henao is a man of medium stature, dark, with
a sparse black beard. He tells me that he has been thrice to
Terceira with letters from your Majesty, and that the marquis of
Santa Cruz had recently left him at St. Michael's with instructions
• " Grana," which may refer to the dye itself, or to cloth dyed red with it.
t I'robably Captiiiu Richard Chester, of the " Prudence " of Leijjb.
ELIZABETH. 416
]682. """
to proceed to Terceira to take certain action ; and he had accordingly
brought over to your Majesty's interests the constable ol the castle
of St. Sebastian, whose name is something Fraile, and who has
charge of the whole of the artillery. He had many secret meetings
with him at Santa Catalina, and had given him 156 cruzados, in
return for which he had pledged himself in writing not to load his
cannon with ball on the approach of your Majesty's fleet. Henao
says that he had to throw this paper and many others into the aea,
in order to avoid their being discovered by the Englisli. He also
arranged with the constable that when your Majesty's fleet
approached he would have ready 20 quintals of biscuit, and as
much powder and other munitions as possible, to enable the
fortress to hold out, and would mask the gate of the fortress with
an earthwork. He also undertook in the event of the captain of
the castle removing him, or insisting upon seeing whether the
cannons were charged with ball or not, that he would take care that
the pieces were not aimed at the fleet but over it. Henao had also
won over the constable of the artillery in the fort of San Antonio,
who is a shoemaker. He gave a written undertaking, signed by
another man for him, as he could not write, not on any pretext to
fire a cannon loaded with ball. He promised on the arrival of the
fleet to try to kill the captain of the fort if opportunity offered.
Henao says he gave this shoemaker seven moyos* of wheat. He
also gained to your Majesty's service a former Franciscan friar
called Friar Melchor, who now dresses as a layman, and has charge
of a rampart over the creek, where many troops may be landed, as
it is in some places 11 fathoms deep, and is 5 fathoms deep close to
the fort. This Friar Melchor gave him a document binding
himself to surrender the rampart to any boat belonging to your
Majesty that might arrive. He has there 13 cast-iron pieces, and
his condition for the surrender is, that Henao should bring him a
written pardon from your Majesty for his past offences, by the 1st
April next, with knighthoods for the two artillerymen. Henao
says tliat he went from St. Michael's to Santa Maria, where he
knew there were some boats in the service of Don Antonio, with
the intention of going over to Terceira in one of them. They were
arrested by a large ship, and he and another Portuguese were
taken before Don Antonio, who made minute inquiries of him
respecting the state of affairs at St. Michael's, and the number of
men remaining there. As they were more numerous than he had
expected, he ordered that Henao and his companion should not be
allowed to communicate with anyone that night; but should be
canfined in a room in his own house to prevent the intelligence
getting wind. As the room was near that of Don Antonio, Henao
Jieard him tell Diego Botello at night, that he could not return to
England \\ ithout taking with him money to pay his debts there,
and there was not much safety for him in France. He said,
therefore, that as soon as he arrived in France he must inform the
Queen-mother of his need for money, sending her the pearls he
* An ancient Castiliat) measure eriiial to the almud.
4i6
1682.
SPANISH STATE PAPEBS.
had to smooth the way ; but if they (the French) received him coldly
he would, as a last resource, go to Cape de Gue (?) and try to get help
there offering to the qUeen of England the island of Terceira in
payment. The next morning Don Antonio released the men, but
ordered: them, on pain of death, not to tell their news to anyone.
Henao begs me to send him to Lisbon to give an account of
these things to your MajfeBty, as it is desirable that he should
return to Terceira at the time agreed upon. Pending the
opportunity of finding a boat to take him, I have thought well to
give an account of what he tells me, and am sending this letter to
overtake in the port the couHer I despatched yesterday, who will
be delayed by the weather. I have no further knowledge or
assurance about this Henao than he himself gives me, and I do not
give any further account of affairs in Terceira from his relation, as
six Jesuit fathers who left Terceira in another English ship were
. put ashore at St. Ubes, and will have given your Majesty a trust-
worthy statement. — London, 15th November 1582.
J 5 Nov. 296. Bkrnabdino de Mendoza to the King.
As I was about to hand the accompanying letter to the courier
I learnt that the French ambassador had arrived from Court, and I
have therefore delayed the despatch until I could learn what
answer the Queen had given him. The ambassador made her a
very long speech, and showed her the sealed document by which
his master conceded the Queen's demands. She read it two or
three times, and then began to express extreme astonishment that
the King should refuse to take upon himself the whole cost of the
war, as it was natural that he should desire the aggrandisement of
his brother, although it would appear that he did not do so,
considering the answer he had given her. The ambassador replied
that, if the marriage did not take place, the King, his master,
would be blamed by all the world for going even as far as he bad
done, and would be called an ambitious prince, but they would
blame him much more if he gave way any further, and conceded her
demands for the sole purpose of gaining for his brother a crown,
which in a short time he would be obliged to relinquish.
The Queen again promised that, if the King would grant her
conditions, she would immediately marry ; and asked the ambas-
sador to expedite the matter with his master, and to write to
Alen9on to the same effect. When the ambassador pressed her to
speak frankly, and give her final decision, in order that a firm and
binding treaty might be concluded between the two crowns, against
your Majesty, she became very angry, and said that if the marriage
did not take place she was not so silly as ever to trust Frenchmen
again, protesting with terrible oaths, and curses on herself if she
did not marry directly the King accorded what she requested. She
called the Treasurer, who was present, to witness her resolve, and
the promise she made, and used such dreadful oaths that the
ambassador says he shuddered to hear them. When Cecil was
leaving the room he said to Lady Stafford, the mistress of the
lobes, that if the king of Fnnce agreed to the demands and tne
IStlZABETfl. 4l7
1582.
Queen then refvised the marriage, God would punish her by sending
her to hell for the oaths she had taken.
As regards the treaty, the ambassador replied by referring to
what Leicester had said on the point ; whereupon the Queen said
that, as the Earl did not wish for the marriage, he brought up the
other question, which, however, could not be settled without the
marriage. I understand that the ambassador says that this
reply will entirely open the eyes of the King and his brother.
Marchaumont says he will leave shortly. The Treasurer went the
the other day, on the Queen's behalf, to request the ambassador to
press his master for a prompt reply, and told him that he (Cecil)
had advised the Queen not to marry, except on the condition
named, in order to avoid a repetition to her of what happened to
her sister when she married your Majesty ; on which occasion the
commissioners promised Parliament that England should be
relieved of the cost of the war then being waged by the Emperor
and your Majesty against the French, but the undertaking had
not been fulfilled, owing to its not having been made in writing.
I send herewith a letter I have received from the queen of
Scotland. I understand that by orders or prompting of this Queen
(Elizabeth), the king of Scotland is to have a Council of 32 persons,
eight peers, eight lairds, eight gentlemen, and eight ministers. , The
object of this is to give the conspirators the preponderance, as
Lennox has on his side the greater part of the nobles.
I hear that the ships that were going to Terceira have returned
to this coast through contrary wind, and that Don Antonio has
sent to ask for two Englishmen here who are great adepts at coining
false money, so that they may go and make some at Terceira. The
Queen has again replied to his agent here who presses her for aid
to the island, that as soon as she learns what the French are going
to contribute she will consider what forces she may send. — Iiondon,
16th November 1582.
18 Nov. 297. Bernardino dk Mendoza to the King.
The Queen has given an order for the Portuguese who arrived
from Terceira at Southampton to be allowed to come freely to
London.* Some of them have arrived here, and tell me there are
nearly a hundred of them, many being the principal people of the
place, whom Don Antonio forced to embark and accompany him
on his Madeira enterprise. The English ship in which they were,
deserted him and came to this country, and I understand that, in
addition to the sufferings they have undergone, they are in great
want, as Don Antonio would not allow them to take anything with
them but food, of which the Englishmen immediately despoiled
them, as well as of their personal belongings, and treated them
very badly. In your Majesty's interests, I am helping them as
best I can, alleviating their hunger and nakedness, and furnishing
» In the King's hand : " I do not know whether the Jesuits are amongst them. Don
" Cristobal (de Mora) told me some time ago that they had come hither, but I have
" heard no more about it, and do not know whether it is true." It will be seen by the
previous letter that some of the Jesuit priests had landed at St. tJbes in Portugal, and
some had come in the other ship to Southampton.
^1^ SiPANtSH StAfB PAPEltS.
1582.
medical aid to those who are sick. I will provide them with a
safe sliip and victuals for their voyage as soon as possible. The
moment Walsingham heard of their arrival he sent secretly some
of the Portuguese adherents of Don Antonio here to tliem to sound
them.— London, 18th November 1682.
18 Nov. 298. Extract of a Letter from the Queen of Scotland to
Paris Archives, ^er AMBASSADOR, dated 18th November 1582.
A. 1560. '
The duke of Lennox has written assuring me that, notwith-
standing hi,"? detention, my son perseveres with the greatest
constancy in his duty towards me. He favours as usual, but
secretly, Lennox and all those who are on the right side, whilst'
he hates extremely Ruthven and the others who detain him. He
is determined to escape from them by any possible means, as he
had already attempted and was still planning to do. The duke of
Lennox confirms what I had heard from various quarters, namely,
that the conspirators were few in number and of much inferior
strength to our side ; so that, but for the fear he had hitherto
entertained of imperilling the life of my son, he would already
have collected an army and have frustrated the designs of the con-
spirators by force of arms. He was, however, dissembling, in order
to give time for my son to escape to some place of safety ; and
with the object of throwing the others off their guard he was
pretending to wish to retire to France. He is at present in the
castle of Dumbarton or its neighbourhood, awaiting imtil he gets
possession of my son or foreign troops arrive. A convention has
lieen lield at Lisleburg, in which the miserable traitors have
made my son approve of their enterprise as having been undertaken
for the security of his person and the welfare of the realm. Not
content with this even, there having been very few nobles present
at the convention, they have decided to summon Parliament by
the end of next month, in order to get their treason latified with
greater solemnity. This is a plan of this Queen (Elizabeth), as I
see liy lier own letters to my son, which she has not been ashamed
to have shown to me. The further the conspirators go ihe weaker
they become, as they can make no way with my son, and although
he de.xterously agrees with them, he does so only with the
determination of escaping from their hands. In fear of this
happening they have obtained from this Queen a guard of 200
English harquebussiers, who, they say, are already waiting at
Berwick to cross the border as soon as they can persuade my son
to accept them, which he has hitherto declined to do. He is
consequently striving by every means to inform the Spanish
ambassador resident there (in Paris), so that he may convey the
above intelligence to the Catliolic King, his master, and implore
him in my name for his aid and favour, and for prompt support to
tlie enterprise now in hand.
29 Nov. 299. Bernardino d^ Mendoza to the King.
On the 18th I gave an account of the arrival here of some of
the Portuguese who had corao to Southampton, whom I had helped
in a way to show them that, not only did your Majesty's power
ELIZABETH. 4,19
1582.
reach the four quarters of the earth, but that your grandeur and
liberality to an even greater extent pervaded every corner of it.
I have thus sheltered them from the wrongs and injustice which
were attempted against them in England, by reason of the ship-
master having forced them, after they had been four days at
sea, to ransom the 100 Portuguese on board for 1 4,000 crowns,
under a regular deed of sale signed by all of them. I have
maintained them and provided passage and victuals for the voyage
on board of two Venetian vessels, but I have not spent more than
was necessary to cover the nakedness of some of them and prevent
them from dying of cold and hunger, or be driven to the other
side by the need of begging of Englishmen from door to door.
They arrived here without a real, as Don Antonio forbade them
to take with them any money or valuables, under pain of death.
The cost of this has been 120 crowns, without paying the expenses of
the sick in Southampton, who are obliged to remain here, amongst
whom is one Jesuit father, four having died. I told them, as they
were all in the same case, I would give them a general letter for
your Majesty, with a memorandum attached stating the particulars
of each one. They were mostly not contented with this, but
asked me for individual letters, which I have given to some of
them. Those who are deserving of favour, by their merits and
services, will already be known by the reports of your Majesty's
officers and the statement of the Rector of the Jesuits, whilst
proofs will exist of any judicial action or confiscations from which
they may have suffered. ■ In the case of Jorge Cabral, who was
condemned for life to the galleys for the service he rendered your
Majesty, in liberating the 22 Spaniards to go to St. Michael's to
notify the departure of Don Antonio and his Beet from Terceira, he
merits some signal favour. It is also most important that the
people of the island should know of it, in order to encourage them
to be faithful, and in consideration of his having risked l)is life.
I did my best to detain the two Venetian ships, which were ready
to sail, as they were well armed and large, and fit for the carriage
of these people, and I avoided the objection to sending them by an
English ship, which might have given them up to Don Antonio
again, these Englishmen being very ill-disposed in the matter.
This is proved by the fact that the moment it was known that
these Portuguese were appealing to me, the enclosed document was
fixed on the pillars of the Eoyal Exchange here, so that if I had
not acted as I did, not only would they have been endangered,
but the world would have judged that your Majesty's repre-
sentative here was unable to send such people in safety to your
dominions.
Amongst these Portuguese goes Cristobal Lemos de Faria, who
was Captain of the fortress of St. Sebastian. He tells me that lio
had alie?dy sent Martin Yanez, a Biscayner, to tell your Majesty
that the moment he was assured of the arrival of your Majesty's
fleet, he would surrender tlie fortress, and he recently sent the
same message to the Marquis of Santa Cruz by Colonel Hector.
As he received notice that Don Antonio intended to withdraw him
from the fortress at the request of Manuel de Silva, he saw that he
DD 3
<120 gpANlsa sTA*fi PaPM^.
1582.
would be unable to surrender it, and therefore decided to leave the
island, in order to arrange for its capture, which he says he can do
with 20 soldiers, — London, 29th November 1582.
13 Dec. 300. Beenardino de Mendoza to the King.
When the conspirators (in Scotland) heard from the Queen to the
eflFect which I wrote to your Majesty on the 10th ultimo, respecting
the custody of the person of the King, they told the latter that it
was necessary for him to be guarded by a force of horse and foot
against his many enemie.s. He replied that he was much surprised
to hear this, as a few months before he did not know he had an
enemy in the country. They said his enemies were those who
flattered him, under the pretext of urging him to govern abso-
lutely, whilst they were really his mortal foes. He asked them to
point out who they were, so that the law might punish them, and
said, if they did not do so, they would be failing in their duty as
loyal subjects, and hiding the treason of the others. Lord Ruthven
replied that their plots were not yet fully brought to light, but
would shortly be so ; he must, however, have a guard both for
the safety of bis own person, and for that of his Council, as
otherwise they could hardly restrain the seditious spirits of certain
persons, who, for ends of their own, would not endure so just and
beneficial a government as the present. The King said that if he
decided to follow this advice it would displease his subjects, as it
would indicate distrust of them, in addition to which the revenues
of Scotland would not support a half of the guard they mentioned.
They then told him that the queen of England, who was so close a
friend and kinswoman, would help him with a loan, whereupon he
asked why he should burden his crown with debt in time of peace
for the support of armed forces, without which his ancestors, and
oven he himself, had managed to live so long in quietude and repose.
They concluded by pressing him to sign a certain order for this
puard, but he stoutly refused to do so ; protesting before them all
that he would never accept a guard from the queen of England, in
order that the world might not think that he was a prisoner. Last
advices report that the earls of Giencairn and Mar were ill-friends,
and it was feared that an outbreak would result, because, although
the King had reconciled them, they still remained snarling. The
conspirators had sent Lord Boyd to the duke of Lennox with an
order for him to embark and leave the country instantly. He
replied he would not do so until he learnt the reason for his
expulsion, and had purged himself of the charges brought against
him. At the same time he received a secret letter from the King,
saying that if he loved him he was to prove it by not leaving
Scotland.
The gentleman who, I wrote, had arrived in France from Scotland,
travelled there in company with the man who had taken over the
horses which the duke of Guise had presented to the King. The
latter writes in his own hand to Guise, thanking him for the present
and saying he doubted not that he would learn the state in which he
was, and for the rest, he referred him to the bearer, who would make
known his feelings and intentions, He (the messenger) says there H
ELIZABETH. 421
1582.
no doubt that, if the King be succoured he will recall Lennox to
hia former position and punish the conspirators, but if this cannot
be done soon, it would not be bad for Lennox to leave the country,
confiding the custody of Dumbarton Castle to one of his own kin.
The King might then summon parliament, and by the aid of his
i)eople escape from the hands of the conspirators. This Queen
earns from the governors of Ireland that the Catholic insurgents
had been reinforced, and had now a select force of infantry and 300
horse, the best ever seen in the island, who had roughly treated
the conspirators in a garrison and had declared that aid from his
Holiness would shortly arrive. This news has caused the Queen to
push forward the levy of the 3,000 infantry I mentioned, and she
has also ordered the earl of Ormond to start for Ireland at once.
Lord Grey has been relieved of the government, and the Treasurer
told him, in the Queen's presence, that in the time of Henry VIII,
he would have paid with bis head for what he had done, for, not
only had be squandered the Queen's treasure, but had destroyed the
soldiery and entirely alienated the Irish from England. — London,
13tb December 1682.
13 Dec. 301. Bernardino de Mendoza to the Kino.
By the Portuguese from Terceira, most of whom had embarked,
I wrote to your Majesty on the 29th ultimo. With regard to your
Majesty's orders of 1st November that I should report respecting the
arming of ships in Holland and Zeeland, I have already written
that the affair has ended in smoke. I have recently heard that the
stores and victuals have now been taken out of the ships, and that
two of the latter at Texel, after they were discharged, had gone with
the other sloops to Spain for salt, there being no rumour of an
armed fieet. I have a special man both in Zeeland and at the Sluys
to keep me well posted on the points of which your Majesty desires
to be informed.
The Queen has written to her ambassador Cobham, instructing
him to make himself acquainted with the disposition of the king
of France with regard to the second condition she had proposed for
the marriage, and also what security she was to have for the money
she had advanced to Alenjon. The King replied to the first point,
that the Queen was only seeking pretexts to avoid the marriage,
and he could go no further in the matter, or the world would laugh
at him and his brother. As to the second question, he said that, as
Alen^on had embarked in the Netherlands enterprise entirely on her
account and at her instance, and had spent therein ten times as
much money as she had given him, she had no reason to expect any
further security for the money than his brother's sincerity and
goodwill, of which he had so often given proofs.
M. de la Mothe F^ndlon arrived here on the 29th ultimo, and the
moment Walsingham heard of it in one of his own houses, he
started for the Court in a great fright. The earl of Ormond was
with the Treasurer when the latter received the letter announcing
the anival, and Ormond says he was much upset at the news.
When Onnond remarked that La Mothe's journey to Scotland could
bode no good for the Queen, Cecil replied that when new friends
m
1582,
SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
failed they must embrace the old ones again, and the dance would
end without fear of itrife. I understand t!iat M. de la Mothe's
mission consists mainly of two points, which have been conveyed
to me by a confidant of bis. First, to conclude, one way or the
other, the long-drawn-out marriage negotiation by telling the
Queen clearly that the king of France will pledge himself no
further than he has already done in the document he sent. If the
Queen is not satisfied with this she may seek a husband where she
will, and will perhaps repent of it yet; but if notwithstanding
this she chooses to efliect the marriage with his brother, he will
conclude an offensive and defensive alliance with her against any
prince. The responsibility for breaking off the marriage must rest
upon her, and, if it do not take place, he and his brother will be
free to choose their own course. The second point refers to
Scotland, and is in the same spirit. He is to tell the Queen that, if
she do not cease to foster trouble and dissension in Scotland,
holding the King prisoner in the hands of his own subjects, who
had already taken the crown from his mother for their own ends
alone, he, the king of France, as an old ally and kinsman of the
crown of Scotland, would endeavour to prevent the success of her
designs for the sake of his own reputation and that of all Christian
princes, who were deeply interested in stopping so dangerous and
evil a thing as the imprisonment of a king by his vassals. He is
to assure her that if she persists in so unjust a course as this, he
will aid the king of Scotland with all his might to punish his
subjects ; and he marvels much what can be her object in thus
trying to ruin a king, and her own kinsman, who has never done
her any harm. He advises her also not to furnish an occasion for
the world to believe that all the evils that have befallen liis mother
have arisen and been guided by rancour and malice. If the Queen
says that she has acted for the good of the Scottish King, La Mothe
is to reply that an act whereby a friend is placed in peril of his
life, liberty, and crown cannot be looked upon as a proof of
affectionate solicitude for his welfare. If she refuses to give him
])erinission to proceed on his embassy to Scotland, he will try other
means elsewhere to get there, and would prevent the continuance
of the sedition whicli is causing the ruin of the King and country. '
He would clear up the aims of the conspirators, who under the
shadow of this Queen were bent upon destroying both mother and
son, with the object of afterwards elevating a sovereign of their
own making,*
• It ii asaerted by Daplessis-Mornaj (Memoires) that De Maineville, who was La
Mothe's aasociate in the embaBsy, took geparate instruetions from the Guises to prepare
for a Spanish descent upon Scotland. De Maineville's public iustructionB, which are
preserved in the archives of the D'Esnoval family, do not differ materially from those
of La Mothe, published as an appendix to liobertson'a "History of Scotland";
and Henry III. specially instructed Castelnau to inform Eliiabeth " que c'eat une
" chose da tout contraire a la verity de dire que le sieur de MeynevUle eust une leconde
" et particulifere secrette instruction" (BibliothSque Nationale, Bethune, No. 8811).
The papers in the present Calendar, however, seem to favour the idea that MaiaeviUe
may have been sent by the Guises for the purpose of forwarding the plans of the
Spanish party in Scotland, which we now know were in progtesB unknown to the king
t)f FriVDOc,
ELIZABETH. 428
1582.
He is also to ask permission to visit the queen of Scotland on
his way, but he is not to press this point very warmly, in
consequence of the letters the queen of Scotland has written to
the king of France through her ambassador. When ho arrives in
Scotland he is to endeavour to elucidate past events, and thereafter
take the most desirable course in view of the same, bearing in mind
that, if any fault is attributable to the King, it should be laid to
his tender age, and if his subjects should have offended, he is to
intercede for them. Finally, he is to use every effort to get the
King restored to full liberty, without which the king of France
will make no conditions whatever.
If any of the Scotch lords urge that Lennox should leave the
country. La Mothe is to inquire into the reasons for this, and if he
finds him blameless, he is to try for him to remain, if not as a
Scot, then as a Frenchman and his subject and ambassador. He (La
Mothe) is on no account to leave Scotland until the King (of Scots)
is in a position to choose any adviser he may wish. If, as may be
suspected, the conspirators, at the instance of this Queen, refuse La
Mothe a safe-conduct to enter the country, and persist in this course,
he is to warn them against what they are doing, as the king of
France will not allow them to oppress their King, but will punish
such disrespect more promptly than they expect. The confidant
asked La Mothe how the King intended to do this, and he said
he would immediately send the duke of Guise or Mayenne to
Scotland with 5,000 foot soldiers ; the duke of Lorraine having
offered, if necessary, to conduct the expedition in person, in order
that people may not think that the failure to undertake so
necessary a task arose from any want of valour. I am given to
understand from other sources as well that the above is the exact
mission confided to De la Mothe ; but although he may be instructed
to use such words, I see no manifest signs that the French will
back them up with deeds, but that the real object is to comply in
appearance with the Pope and the queen of Scotland in face of the
world, whilst under cover of this they frighten this Queen into
giving money to Alen5on to maintain himself in the Netherlands.
I am led to this opinion by the fact that the king of France shortly
before had instructed his ambassador here to speak to the Queen
about Scotch affairs to the same effect as La Mothe is instructed
to do, but the ambassador begged to be allowed to defer it until a
better opportunity, in order that the Queen might not be angry
with him, and therefore fail to send to Alen9on the rest of the
money she had promised. The ambassador was under the
impression, when he wrote this, that the King would agree, and
would delay La Mothe's departure, but the latter had already
left. The queen of Scotland heard of it, and wrote to the
ambassador, complaining that solely in Alencon's interest he
should obstruct a step so advantageous to the crown of France.
The Queen and her Ministers show no present indications oE a
desire to seek your Majesty, all their talk in that direction hitherto
being only for the purpose of influencing the French, but they
would certainly do go earnestly if their friends in France saw any
*24 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
Ifi82. ^ _ '
intention on the part of the King to open his arms to Scotch affairs.
I thought, on the occasion of La Mothe's arrival, to draw them
out somewhat, and make them seek me, in the fear that I might
withdraw from the country; and the moment I received your
Majesty's despatch I published that, in consequence of my indis-
position, your Majesty had promised to give me leave. But they
did not move a hair, and from this and the action of the French
ambassador, I can only conclude that the French are merely
using tlie Scotch business as a lever to compel the Queen to help
Alen9on, and the Queen-mother's tricks, whilst this Queen is
holding off as long as possible, so as to keep her money, and at
the same time to settle affairs in Scotland to her own liking. She
will then be able to continue to disturb your Majesty by helping
the rebels, upon which course she bases her own tranquillity. I
understand that M. de la Mothe brings four blank grants of
pensions from the king of France, two of 2,000 crowns, one of
1,000, and one of 500. With the two largest they will tempt
Lord Hunsdon and James Crofts the controller, who are needy
persons, and the 1,000 crowns pension they have offered to my
second confidant,* who has refused it, saying that there is no need
for resorting to such means to pledge him to French interests. He
says this, in order not to break off his communications with the
French, which enable him to give me minute accounts of everything
they do, without anyone dreaming of such a thing, as he never
asks for any information from me, except after your Majesty's
health.
As soon as La Mothe arrived the Queen sent to ask him to
come to Court, saying that he must stay a v;eek with her, this
being another trick to give her time in Scotland, whither she
instantly sent a courier.
Marchaumont presses the Queen warmly to allow him to leave.
He is offended with his master for not paying him his expenses
here, or sending money for his maintenance. I am told that he is
in closer correspondence with the King than with Alen^on, and that
quite recently Montpensier, tiie Prince Dauphin, who is now duke
of Montmorenci, complained that at a banquet here Alen^on had
said that the king of France was siding with the house of Guise
against the princes of France. The King told him to be careful in
future what he said, and not stir up evil humours. Servants of the
dube of Medina Sidonia in San Lucar and Cadiz wrote hither a
month ago that the Duke had had 10,000 men ready to go over by
your Majesty's orders to take possession of Larache.f The Queen
hearing of this sent Jan SympcoteJ a week ago with letters to the
Sheriff to prevent it, offering him such aid and munitions as he
may require. This Sympcote is a merchant, a man of 55, of
good constitution, and wears a grey beard. He takes in the ship a
• Lord Henry Howard.
t In the King's hand : Let Zayai send a copy of this to the Duke. If it be tioe let
him tell his people not to write. See if this man can be caught.
X Jan Sympcote was an important Barbary metchant in Loudon, of whom frequent
mention is found in the Englisb State Fapen.
ELIZABETH. 425
1582.
quantity of powder and some arms. The man who I said had
gone to Constantinople is, I am told, to reside there, and the Queen
gave him a service of silver plate for use and l.OOOi. a year. He
shipped his servants and household as if they were passengers, and
left alone himself afterwards as a merchant's servant, — London,
13th December 1582,
16 Dec. 302. Bernabdino de Mendoza to the Eixo.
I hear that La Mothe F^nelon has had an audience of the Queen.
In addition to the two points upon which he was instructed to
address her (which I described in my last) he asked the Queen to
fulfil her promise, and state the number of ships and men with
which she would assist the Queen-mother in the fleet she intended
to raise. He also raised the point of the depredations of English
pirates on Frenchmen. The Queen burst out, saying th.at under
his professions of fi-iendship the king of France was the greatest
enemy she had, which was evident, as the Prince Dauphin and
Marshal de Biron had been so long on the frontier, but had not
entered Flanders ; besides which she knew very well the negotia-
tions that were going on between the king of France, your Majesty,
and the Pope, about Scotch affairs, although she gave him (La
Mothe) no particulars. The next day her Council met, and
remained in conference from morning till night, deciding that La
Mothe should be kept here on the excuse of discussing the marriage
affair. On the 14th, accordingly, Walsingham went to tell La
Mothe (who was with the ordinary ambassador) that the Queen
desired nothing so much as to marry, and he might remain here
until the matter was concluded. Both ambassadors replied that
the negotiations must be carried on by the Queen and Alenjon only,
and that La Mothe had nothing whatever to do with them, as his
mission was to go to Scotland. They had much pro and con on
this, and the result of it has been that La Mothe has delayed his
departure, and has not again pressed for leave to go.
When the Queen entered her privy chamber after La Mothe had
gone, she said he used to be a lamb, but had now come back
converted into a fox, though he might find he could not do his
errand so easily as he thought.
I am informed that, as soon as the Queen learnt that the king of
France intended to send her the document for which she had asked,
she wrote him a letter in her own hand, saying that if he, the king
of France, would declare war against your Majesty, and assist his
brother in the Netherlands, she would declare Alengon heir to the
crown of England, by virtue of the authority given to her by
Parliament (which is true) to adopt as her successor any person
she might choose. The French have jumped at the idea, and La
Mothe has instructions to discuss this point, and the assistance to
be rendered by the Queen to the Queen-mother in the raising of a
fleet, with greater warmth than Scotch affairs. I have sent word
of this to the queen of Scotland and her ambassador in France, as
it is of the most vital importance to her, the Parliament being
unftble to prejudice her rights as legitimate heire@a^ and I am
426 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1682. ~
desirous also of letting her see how little she can trust the
French.
I understand that Leicester is on the look out to marry Lis son
to a grand-daughter of the countess of Shrewsbury, who is in (he
same house as the queen of Scots with her grandmother. The
most learned lawyers consider that, failing the queen of Scots and
her son, this young lady is the nearest heir to the throne.*
Leicester is trying to arrange this, with the idea that the
conspirators will put the king of Scotland out of the way, and the
Queen, his mother, will afterwards be disposed of here. In
accord with this, when Leicester arrived at Court on the coming
of La Mothe, Lord Hunsdon told him that, however much the
Papists and Frenchmen might say that the king of Scotland
would alarm this Queen, and try to intimidate her about him, he
would soon he deprived of the power of doing her harm. The
Queen has received letters from the Scots conspirators, saying that
they had intercepted certain despatches coming from France to the
King and the duke of Lennox, to the effect that, not only would
the king of France, moved by pity for his state, send him assistance
in men by the duke of Guise and his brother, but the Pope and
your Majesty also would do so. Cobham writes that there are
many signs that the house of Guise were preparing for some
enterprise, although the exact nature of it was not known The
man sent by this Queen to Scotland was a private person who had
instructions to communicate verbally with Lord Ruthven, who is
her greatest confidant and a terrible atheist. It is clear that,
until the Queen gets a reply. La Mothe will come to no decision. —
London, 16th December 1582.
29 Dec. 303. Juan Bautista de Tassis to the King.
"k. 1560?*°' '^^^ Scots' ambassador has given me the two memoranda enclosedf
of the latest news from Scotland. As he has received nothing from
the duke of Lennox, and the news is so scanty, we are still in
ignorance of the desires and capabilities of the prince and Lennox ;
and the ambassador confesses that neither he nor Hercules knows
what had better be done. This is quite true, because until we
know the actual facts of the case we can only proceed blindfold.
This must also be the case with the queen (of Scotland) herself in
what she now writes, because she can get no more enlightenment
where she is than we can here. It would be a bad business if the
project of giving the Prince an English guard were effected, as it
would make his chance of escape much more difficult, and the
ambassador thinks would increase the risk of his being carried off
to England in the event of the duke of Lennox taking forcible
measures to liberate him.
• Lady Arabella Stuart, daughter of Darnley's brother, Charles Stuart, by a daughter
of the Countess of Shrewsbury (Bess of Hardwick).
t One of these is the letter of ISfh December from the queen of Seets, aud the
other a report from the governor of Nantes to the duke of Guise, containing news of np
importfv&ce- as regards English affairs. -
ELIZABETH. 427
1582.
The ambassador also tells me that there is a man here from the
queen of Scotland in whom she trusts, although he is a Frenchman.
Being informed of what is going on, he has her orders to proceed
to Spain to solicit your Majesty's aid, and is directed to Englefield.
He (the ambassador), reverting to what I have said on former
occasions, as to the risk incurred in this business by reason of its
being communicated to so many people, and bearing in mind that
the Jesuit had been sent thither and was expected back, is of
opinion that this man should not proceed on his journey ; and asked
me what I thought about it. I replied, that if the man was going
for the purpose of asking your Majesty to take the matter up, there
was no need for him to take the trouble, as he (the ambassador) had
heard from me that your Majesty was not lacking in goodwill or
desire to help the queen of Scots, and the restoration of religion in
those parts. If, on the other hand, the man was being sent to treat
of the manner in which the affair was to be effected, he (the
ambassador) had confessed to me that matters were so doubtful that
those who were particularly concerned were unable to arrive at any
decision on that point, and he might therefore judge how useless
and inopportune the going of the man would be with that object.
I said your Majesty was not a monarch to decide such a question
on mere smoke, and the resolution would depend only upon the
reports which emanated from Hercules.* It therefore behoved them
to obtain very full information of the state of affairs, and when they
had done so, and had made up their minds as to what course it
would be best to adopt, it would be sufficient to advise your Majesty
thereof by letter, and not to risk sending a special man without any
necessity, and thus incurring the danger of discovery. I therefore
gave it as my decided opinion that this man should on no account
be allowed to proceed, as I thought it was very bad that this
business should pass through so many hands, and discovery could
hardly be avoided under such circumstances. The ambassador
agreed with me in this. He also told me that a Florentine, whose
name he could not discover, or where he wrote from, had written to
the Queen-mother, saying that two Jesuitsf had gone, one to Spain
and the other to Italy, to endeavour to alienate Scotland from its
alliance with the house of France,
I can clearly discern that, notwithstanding the uncertainty in
which the ambassador is with regard to events in Scotland, tliey
(i.e., Beaton and Guise) are on the alert, so that directly they hear
anything definite they may send what may be necessary to help
Lennox. They are depending for this upon the 10,000 crowns,
which they are confident I shall hand to them at any time they
may ask for them. The ambassador has let me know plainly that
Hercules is counting upon this with certainty, and I have not
cared to indicate anything to the contrary ; in the first place,
because they may ask for the money for a purpose in conformity
* In the King's hand : This was very good. The man's coming would be very
inopportune now.
f Solt an4 Creighton,
428 SPANISH STATE PAPEES.
i582.
with that for which your Majesty sent it, in which case I cannot
refuse it ; and, in the second place, because if I were to raise
diflSoulties about it already they would at once suspect that your
Majesty had changed your good intention, and we should run the
risk of cooling Hercules' friendship, which, from your Majesty's
last letters, I understand you not only desire to retain but to cul-
tivate further. Quite apart from the public matter, I am certainly
of opinion that, on the ground of the question of bis fnendship, it
will be well to fulfil what was promised when he desires it, and
even to give him more (money) if he asks for it. As I am very
anxious to know what decision is arrived at in this matter, I must
earnestly beg your Majesty to send me orders, not forgetting that I
was instructed to give 2,000 of this 10,000 crowns to the Seminary
at Rheims. This 2,000 crowns has not been paid yet, because the"
priest has not arrived, and the matter may be kept pending until
your Majesty's reply comes. I have taken care to impress on the
(Scots) ambassador that the views which most influence your
Majesty in Scotch affairs are those which emanate from Hercules,
in order that, when the latter hears of this, he may think more of
your Majesty's friendship, and increasingly depend upon it. I will
persevere in this course, as I think it is the one most likely to
secure his goodwill, and I should be glad of the opportunity of
seeing him sometimes in order to gradually fashion the iron into
the form we desire, but as he is very careful to avoid me, I am
obliged to content myself with signifying your Majesty's goodwill
towards him through intermediaries, and to assure him thus of the
royal support he may count upon from you. In order to ingratiate
myself with him the more, I continue to hint that I avoid meeting
him personally for the reason above stated. I will repeat this now
on the occasion of the receipt of your Majesty's last letter, which
has arrived very opportunely, as I hear that the Queen-mother is
anything but amiable with him and his people, and is even desirous
that they should retire to their seats, as she understands it is they
who are inciting the King not to face a rupture (i.e., with Spain).—
Paris, 29th December (new style) 1582.*
30 Dec. 904. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
On the 16th I wrote what had passed between the Queen and
La Mothe, and the steps the Council had taken to detain him here.
In consequence of a despatch he had from France he saw the
Queen on the 21st, and told her that if she did not instantly give
him a safe-conduct to Scotland he would return to France tiie
next day, and the King would send another personage to Scotland,
if, indeed, he had not done so already. The Queen was much
disturbed at his firmness, and in the course of many rejoinders,
said that he was acting in obedience to the intrigues of certain of
* The Gregorian calendar bad been adopted in October of tbis year. The letters
from England, of course, continued to be dated according to the old style, 10 days
earlier. Tbis must be taken into account in calculating the dates of letters in tbe
present Calendar,
^Lli^ABETlt. 42d
1582.
her subjects, whose activity she would soon stop, as she would that
of the queen of Scotland, who was the channel through whom these
humours were stirred. She said she marvelled much that the king
of France should prefer the Scotch connection to the security of
the queen of England, the destined wife of the heir to the crown of
France. M. de la Mothe pointed out to her that the alliance with
Scotland had existed for centuries, and that it was most undesirable
that the world should see so bad an example as subjects arresting
the person of their sovereign. Some conversation passed on this
point, and the end of it was that the Queen gave him the passport
to go to Scotland, on condition that La Mothe should be accom-
panied by Davison, who was formerly her agent in the Netherlands
with the rebels.* She begged him also most earnestly to manage
affairs in the same spirit as animated her in all she did, whereby
the king of France would benefit, and she would always be his
good friend.
She gave him also a document for the king of France, relating to the
marriage negotiatiofts, saying that when he granted hier conditions
and enabled her to satisfy her subjects, she would give Alen^on
such an answer as should not displease him. The substance of her
demand is, that she shall be relieved of the cost of the war in
Flanders, and that the King shall definitely set apart a certain
monthly sum to enable AIen9on to carry it on. La Mothe replied
that she had proceeded in this affair and in the matter of Flanders
in a way which proved that her only desire was to procrastinate.
This was of no importance to the king of France, unless, under
cover of it, she settled things in her ow^n way in Scotland, which
the King would prevent with all his forces. The Scots, he assured
her, were men like the English, and for every soldier she sent
thither he (the king of France) would send four, and all other
assistance in a like proportion. The Queen replied that she did
not wish for a war with France on any account, and requested
La Mothe to continue his former good offices to maintain friendship
between the two crowns. La Mothe assured her that even if the
King refused to openly break with your Majesty, the Queen-mother
would resolutely make war upon you. But notwithstanding this,
the Queen would not declare herself as to the number of ships
and men she would contribute to the fleet which is being raised in
France.
On the day before La Mothe saw the Queen she learnt what his
errand was to be, and she ordered the Council to consider whether
it would be well to give him a passport or not. Although the rest
were all in favour of not letting him pass, Leicester voted to the
contrary. This was done purposely, in order that it might reach
the ears of the French, and that they might, out of gratitude to him,
again have recourse to him in their affairs, they having abandoned
him since the marriage was promoted through Sussex. The latter
is consumptive and not expected to live, so that he has ceased to
* Davison's letters whilst on this important embassy to Scotland -will be found in Cotton,
Caligula, cvii. and c-iii., and Harl. 291.
4i30 SPANISH STATE PAtEftS.
1682.
act. The fact that the Queen has given a passport to M. de la
Mothe, after she had from the first declared she would not do
so, appears to have been caused by a letter written to her by
Oobham, saying that the King had sent another man by sea* and
it was therefore of little moment whether she detained La Mothe or
not. Her partizans in Scotland also told her that it would be as
well to let him pass, as, if he did not agree to what tliey wanted,
they would take up aims, which would give Iier an opportunity of
coming to their aid, and she could settle matters to her liking
before a single man could come from France, Notwithstanding all
tliis, experienced men assert that the Queen will still find some
pretext for stopping La Mothe on the road. He came to London
on the 23rd with his passport, saying that he would start after the
holidays. The reason he had not done so, I am informed, is that he
is awaiting a reply from the queen of Scotland, to whom he and
the ambassador secretly wrote as soon as he got the passport.
From the fickleness with which these people (the French) are
proceeding, it is difficult to believe that they will do anything until
they see it effected by someone else, and no doubt the Queen will
still try to entertain La Mothe until she gets a reply to the courier
she sent to Scotland as soon as La Mothe came. I'be instructions
taken by the courier were that the King, and an Earl whose name
I am unable to discover, were to be poisoned. This confirms what
I wrote to your Majesty had been said by Lord Hunsdor.
On the occasion of M. de la Mothe's coming hither I know from
a trustworthy source that the Council was in secret conference for
a long while, debating whether it would be more advantageous for
them to continue their friendship with the French, or again .seek
that of your Majesty. Walsinghani argued strongly that they
could never trust you, but notiwithstanding this they unanimously
agreed that it was needful for them to approach your AJajesty. Such
is their falseness, however, that I am not without fear that even this
may be an artifice, adopted, like Leicester's move was, in order that it
might reach my ears. I see no signs in them of a sincere desire to carry
out the policy suggested, and within three days they decided that, in
view of Orange's letter, it was necessary that she should send Alen90n
some money. The Queen agreed to send him 20,000i., although the
orders for the payment have not yet been signed. The letter from
Orange I refer to was written to Walsingham, lamenting bitterly that
he and Leicester, in order to upset the Queen's marriage, had thrown
such a heavy and profitless burden upon him (Orange) as the duke
of AIen9on. He said he was at a loss to know how he could keep
him there, out of consideration for the welfare of the country, or
expel him out of consideration for his dignity and safety ; and lie
begged Walsingham, therefore, very earnestly, to press the Queen
to send him some money, as otherwise the States would be ruined
and seized by their enemies, owing to their own poverty and
Alen9on's weakness. Li a subsequent letter he asks him to beg the
Queen to invite Alenjon to England to pass the Christmas holidays
♦ Xhis was De Mainwille. See note, page 422,
feiilZABETfl. 43i
1582.
v/itb her. I hear that, when Walsingham spoke of the matter to
his frieud?, he said that he did not care to undertake the commission,
.ind he had no wish to lift the burden from Orange's shoulders
to put it upon those of himself and his friends, by bringing Alenjon
here. Orange had been suffering from a high fever and was out of
health.
I am informed also that Orange and the lebel States have again
been pressing the king of France to help them in the war, and to
declare himself openly against your Majesty. He replied that,
hitherto they had only given themselves up to his brother, whereby
no advantage could accrue to the crown of France ; but if they
came and delivered themselves freely into his hands, he might with
better reason, and to the satisfaction of his country, come to their
aid. I at once gave notice of this to the prince of Parma.
The Turk has written a letter to the Queen, full of endearments,
in consequence, as he says, of his being told that she was so strong
an enemy of your Majesty, as he also was. She answers him in
the same spirit, and refers him to her ambassador.
They write to her from Ireland, begging her to hasten the sending
of the troops, as letters from Desmond have been intercepted saying
that assistance from his Holiness would arrive next summer. —
London, 30th December 1582.
31 Dec. 305. Beunardino de Mendoza to the Kino.
The answer to the despatch sent by the Queen to the conspirators
in Scotland on the arrival of M. de la Mothe was to the effect
that they had caused the King to write to the duke of Lennox,
ordering him under pain of high treason to leave the country with
the passport his aunt, the queen of England, had sent him. The
Duke, on receiving the order, at once set out, and after having
travelled 20 miles towards the English frontier he had halted, with
what motive was not known. The conspirators had therefore
collected a force, and were going towards the Duke to dislodge l)im.
The conspirators also assure the Queen that M. de la Mothe shall
not speak to the King except in their presence, and they give her to
understand that no design or plot he may attempt to their prejudice
or hers will succeed, as they had taken all necessary measures.
Although the King publicly approved of their proceedings, they
perceived in him much falsity and cunning, which caused them to be
vigilant.
Kuthven wrote to the Queen in his own hand, but I am
unable to learn what he says, except that it is about poisoning the
King utid the other Ear), because, directly the Queen received the
letter, she asked what was the reason for La Mothe's long delay in
starting, since he had received his passport. I am told that his
reason is to await a reply from France to the letter he sent at first,
saying that he had been refused a passport ; but I am of opinion
that lie has been expecting the queen of Scotland's letter, telling
him how he is to proceed, which letter I know he received yester-
day. The Queen has again summoned the Council to discuss the
432 Si»ANISH STJATE PA^BR^.
1582. "~
removal of the queen of Scotland from the earl of Shrewsbury's
house. The Treasurer was greatly opposed to her being removed
from where she had remained for 15 years, especially ns Shrewsbury
had not failed to carry out any point of his instructions. He
said her removal would scandalise the country. — London, 31st
December 1582.
1583.
6 Jan. 306. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
As I foresaw, M. de la Mothe left here the day after he received
the letter from the queen of Scotland, and 1 hear of nothing fresh
from there.
I understand that they are sending from here, for the Queen-
mother's fleet in France, some iron artillery and other arms, 400
corselets having been brought out of the Tower, with pikes,
harquebusses, and 40 large cast-iron pieces ; all of which are shipped
and awaiting the wind. Marchaumont said to Leicester that it
would be a great favour to his master if some ships were armed
here under his license to capture the two Venetian ships that
were taking the Portuguese, as well aa another that arrived sub-
sequently, all of which are now in the port of Margate awaiting a
fair wind to sail, they being large well-armed ships which would be
very useful for the Queen-mother's fleet, and money might be made
of the tin with which they are loaded. Leicester instantly sent
Ughtred, who I said had been plundering in Newfoundland, to
Southampton and the Isle of Wight to fit out ships for the purpose.
I have informed the Venetians of this to put them on their guard,
and told them to sail in company.
Marchaumont also heard that some ships here were loading salt
for St. Omer, where it was wanted, and suggested to Leicester that
they should be captured on their voyage. He ordered it to be done,
and sent to take them only two miles below Gravesend, with
orders that they were thence to be taken over to Flushing. I have
warned the masters, and told them not to sail unless they are sure
of their weather.
As the ships bound for the Levant are still awaiting a fair wind,
the Queen sent a man four days ago overland to Constantinople.
He is to go first to France and communicate his despatches, con-
tinuing his journey from there. She writes privately to the Turk,
telling him that efforts should be made to prevent Larache from
falling into your Majesty's hands, for many reasons, which she sets
forth, saying that she had sent similar messages to Malouc and
the king of Algeria, but has thought fit also to advise the Turk.
The best way, she says, to prevent these things will be to send
fleets against your Majesty this summer, and she and her brother,
the king of France, will endeavour to stand between him and the
Persian, in order that he (the Turk) may be free to do this.
They are trying here to raise a large capital to sustain this
Levant negotiation, and not only have the richest merchants and
Companies contributed largely, but the Councillors and the Queen
herself. 80,000L has aliready been got together, and it will be
ELIZABETH. 4Sd
1683.
seen at once how prejudicial this will he to the navigation and
trade of the Venetians, who will thus find their drug and spice
business taken out of their hands by the English, as ships are being
sent especially to Alexandria, Tripoli, and Constantinople, loaded
with tin, lead, and kerseys, which they can sell much more cheaply
than the Venetians, and easily bring back return cargoes of goods,
by virtue of the ample safe conduct granted to them by the Turk.
Even though they may lose on the trade at first, the capital behind
them is so large that they can aflTord to continue it. Although
it is so injurious to your Majesty that the English should have
so large a trade in the Levant, I have not ventured to write to
Cristobal de Salazar* telling him to warn the Venetians, until I
have your Majesty's instructions.
There recently arrived at Southampton two ships, which they
say left Terceira in company with Don Antonio. From one of them
there landed eight or ten Portuguese, who claimed to be captains,
but who were so poor that they could not pay for their food for the
two days they stayed in a hostelry there. They have now come
hither, and amongst them is a Franciscan friar dressed as a layman,
and a page of Don Antonio, both of whom went in Don Antonio's
own vessel when he sailed from Terceira for Madeira. They say that
Don Antonio had gone in another ship to France, and they profess
to have received letters announcing his arrival there ; the rumour is
current here that he is in this country, and has seen Diego Botello
at Court. I am trying to discover the truth of it. Some say he is
at Southampton, some at Dover ready to go to Flanders, and some
that he is hidden in one of Leicester's houses, which seems likely.
A month ago there took refuge in Plymouth from a storm a French
ship, bringing with it a Spanish vessel which it had captured off
Cape ^lanco loaded with fish, and of which they kept the Spanish
crew prisoners and unable to speak to anyone. I addressed the
Council on the matter, requesting them to order the men to be set
at liberty, and their property restored to them. The Judge of the
Admiralty here was ordered to have justice done in the case, and
this was immediately followed by another order that nothing was
to be done, and that no proceedings were to be taken against the
French. I have returned to the matter, but they will not hear me,
nor do justice to your Majesty's subjects; the whole of the
Ministers favouring those who ruin and despoil them. They only
gave me a passport for the Portuguese, with an evil mind, because
they thought to get them gone quickly»and prevent them from
spreading the news of Don Antonio's behaviour at Terceira, which
would have set the people against helping him. — London, 6th January
1583.
14 Jan. 307. Bernardino de Mendoza to the KiNa
I advised Don Juan de Idiaquez, in a postscript to my letter to
your Majesty of 6th instant, that the duke of Lermox had arrived
at Berwick, and he is expected to-night at Battle Bridge, two miles
♦ Tllc Spanish AmbtBBador in Venice.
434 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1683.
from London. He is accompanied by two Scots gentlemen and
S'lne captains from Berwick, who do not allow either him or his
companions to speak to anyone. He was brought by a different
Toad to that taken by La Mothe F^n^on. I understand, that in
order to facilitate his departure from Scotland, the conspirators
sent him 3,000 crowns as a present from the King, with a promise
that he would send him 2,000 more as soon as he entered England.
This was in answer to his message that he had not the means to
travel overland in accordance with the Queen's passport. The
French ambassador instantly left here for the Court on the news of
d'Aubigny's arrival. I am told that he will ask for permission to
see him. In order not to arouse suspicion, as he is surrounded by
so many watchful eyes, I consider it best that I should make no
attempt to communicate with him whilst he is here, unless he
provides some very trustworthy means for me to do so, because, as
soon as he arrives in France, I shall learn from the priests there
what his intentions are, and the state in which he has left atfairs
in Scotland. The queen of Scotland will be much grieved at his
leavinj,', unless he has done so by arrangement with the King and
his friends, in order to reassure the conspirators and enable the
King to summon Parliament, which they have strenuously opposed.
D'Aubigny's friends might then rescue the King from the hands of
the coDspirators and set him at liberty. It may be supposed that
Lennox had not enough force behind him to remain in the country
himselK. I will send your Majesty instant advice of his movements
here.
I have been informed that the Queen has sent orders to Captain
Hawkins, who is the Quartermaster-General of her fleet, to report
sectetly to her what will be necessary for the purpose of arming
four of her own ships and six merchantmen to go and assist the
fleet being raised by the Queen-mother in favour of Don Antonio.
The going of the latter to Flanders is confirmed. — London,
14th January 1583.
20 Jan. 308. Bernabdino de Mendoza to the King.
At daybreak to-day there arrived news here of a great disturbance
that had taken place between the French and the townspeople of
Antwerp respecting the attempts of the former to take possession
of the land, and as I am writing this at midday, the letter I enclose
in Flemish has been delivered to me from Flushing confirming the
news.
I learn fi'Dm other advices that Orange had sent to Antwerp one
of his guard warning the magistrates to keep a good watch on iiU
the towns, and the guards were accordingly doubled immediately}
the French ships there being arrested, and their crews being cast
into prison with much violence and ill-treatment. The whole of
their papers were seized, and amongst them were found certam
despatches which Alengon was sending hither to Marchaumont and
Bacqueville. These were opened aixd read, and then, still unclosed,
sent under cover to a French merchant here for delivery to Mar-
(}liftumont and Bac(jueville, who had already takes l^ave 9t w«
£L12abI!TH. 436
1683.
Queen, and were booted and spurred for their journey to go on
board a ship which the Queen had ordered to convey them to
Antwerp.
The sailors on board the ship which brought the news say that
on their voyage they spoke to another vessel from the Sluys, near
Bruges, and were informed that the burgesses of that town had
turned out the French garrison. I have no further confirmation or
certainty of this than their word, but I am instantly sending men
thither, and am causing letters to be written from here stirring up
the burgesses in view of these events.
I will at once send a special courier by sea with this news to
your Majesty, as I am sure the prince of Parma will not get the
intelligence so quickly or surely as we do here owing to the weather.
I am taking the opportunity afforded by the going of a private
person post to Rouen to send this despatch also to Juan Bautista
(de Tassis) begging him to forward it.
The Duke of Lennox has gone to the Court, and he has advised
me by a secret channel that he will send to me his secretary, who
is a very trustworthy person, and give an account of the state in
which he left affairs in Scotland, as he cannot possibly come and
see me himself.
As I was closing this letter I was informed that the Queen has
sent orders to Captain William Russell, who commands the ship
which was ready to carry Marchaumont and Bacqueville across,
that he is to sail instantly and bring Alen9on to England. My
informant saw the Queen's letter handed to him, and was present
when he read the orders. — London, 20th January 1583.
23 Jan. 309. Bernardino de Mindoza to the King.
Since mine of the 20th reporting what had happened at Antwerp,
several confirmations have been received, each one further magni-
fying the event. They assert that the number of Frenchmen killed
by the burgesses exceeds 2,000, as after they were driven from the
ground, they were hunted into the houses where they were lodged
and made to jump out of the windows. What has become of the
duke of Alen9on is not known, but they say that most of the nobility
were killed. The Queen has sent the eldest son of the earl of
Bedford to visit Alen5on, and to beg him in any case to come over
in the ship she has sent for the purpose.
A special courier has come Irom Burges with a confirmation of
the news that the French garrison had been expelled that town, as
also from Nieuport and Ostend, and, it was said, from Brussels.
From what can be learnt, the design of the duke of Alen9on was
to get possession of the country, disarming the burgesses and
making them pay his army, whether they liked it or not, to save
themselves and their towns from sack such as had been committed
in Dunkirk. A week before, at a banquet which he gave to the
colonels, captains, -and officers, Alen^on had promised them that
they should be paid within eight days.
He had caused 800 or 1,000 Frenchmen quietlj^ to slip into
Antwerp, in addition to hia ordinary guard, these men being lodge<i
^-Se StAtllSH STAtE PAtBftS,
1683. ~
ill various places. This coming to tlie ears of the colonels of Antwerp,
tliey ordered on the night of the 16th that all the burgesses should
hang out lanterns at the doors of their houses, on pain of death for
neglect tliereof. The order was so rigorously enforced that some
of the townspeople were scandalised, and asked what was the
meaning of such an innovation. They were told there were 800
more Frenchmen in tlie town than usual, and that it behoved them
to be on the watch. When Alengon left the town to hold a review,
he left all his guard at the gate called Burgerhout, with many more
Frenchmen stationed on the bridge over the moat. They would
have obtained possession of the country if the burgesses had not
captured two pieces of artillery near, by means of which they drove
from the gate those who were holding it, and then, closing the
caat'e, the whole populace charged upon those who remained inside
the town and slaughtered them.* I will keep your Majesty
constantly informed, — London, 23rd January 1583.
24 Jan. 310. The King to Juan Bautista de Tassis.
"k. 1561.'^*'' With regard to Scotland, I am glad to see by your letter and the
copies that came with it, that all hope is not abandoned that the
duke of Lennox may still be able to remain in the country and
rescue the King fiom his imprisoument. You acted very wisely in
your dealings with the ambassador on this matter, and in detaining
the man who was coming hither from the queen of Scotland. It is
quite true that in a business so thoroughly discussed and understood
as this is, the coining of special envoys can have no other effect
than to cause publicity, which is no small inconvenience. It will
therefore be best, that anything they wish to communicate to me
should come through you, and if affairs should assume such a
position as to cause Hercules to ask for the 10,000 crowns, you may
at once pay him the sum entire, and the 2,000 crowns which I had
destined for the seminary at Rheims will be provided out of other
funds. You did well not to cast any doubt upon this point, and to
express so much regard for Hercules' views. I am so anxious for
the succ£ ss of this business that I have ordered another 10,000
crowns to be sent to you in a letter herewith, and you may pay
the alms to the seminary out of this sum, and reserve the rest to
aid the matter in hand, in accordance with instructions which will
be sent dependent upon your news. As the Pope signiBes that he
is providing money for the same purpose to the Nuncio there, you
had better lind out how much he is sending, and the instructions
which accompany it. Report to me. — Lisbon, 24th January 1683.
26 Jan. 311. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
On the 14th I reported the arrival of the duke of Lennox. He
and his people were closely guarded, as I said, until he saw the
Queen, which he did four days after his arrival. She received him
• This is a very imperfect and one-sided account of what happened on the eventful
JiSth January IJgS, Set Sttada's spirirqd description in De Bfllo BelgicOj IJlJJtt «<
ELIZABETH. 437
158».
well, and ordered him to be covered, as he was the first duke (of
Scotland) but he refused. She complained greatly of him in many
respectsy and I set forth here the principal accusations and his
replies thereto: — 1st. That he had gone to Scotland at the order of
the duke of Guise. 2nd. That he had requested an ambassador she
had sent to Scotland to show him his instructions before he would
allow him to enter the country. 3rd. That he had issued a pro-
clamation in Scotland ordering that no person should trade with
England. 4th. That he had refused access to the king of Scotland
to Captain Errington* whom she had sent from Berwick. 5th.
That he had conferred with four Jesuits who had been sent by his
Holiness to that country. 6th. That he had always been an enemy
to the Ministers. 7th. That he had generally endeavoured to weaken
the new alliance between England and Scotland, and to renew the
old relations with France. Lennox replied to the points as follows : —
He had, he said, been summoned to Scotland by his cousin the
King, with the permission of the king of France. The duke of
Guise was present when the order was given to him, and he (Lennox)
had told him that he was going to embark at Havre de Grnce,
although he had already decided to go by Dieppe. It happened
that the duke of Guise went to the latter town shortly afterwards,
and found him there, whereupon he conceived the suspicion that he
had purposely misstated his place of embarkation. To the second
point, he said, as she well knew that those who went from England
always gave notice of their coming on their arrival at Berwick, as
the envoy she mentioned had done, he, Lennox, had then sent to
ask him whether he came as an ambassador or as a messenger with
letters, which question the officer had refused to answer. He had
thereupon been asked to show his instructions, not for the purpose
of learning their contents, but only in order that, if he were an
ambassador, he should be received with due honour ; of which she
had no reason to complain. To the third complaint, he said he knew
of no such proclamation having been issued. To the fourth point
he replied that Captain Errington had not been allowed access to
the country in consequence of the parliament being in session. He
denied ever having conferred with the Jesuits ; and, on the sixth
point, he replied that he had failed in no particular whilst he was
in Scotland to fulfil his religious duty, nor had he borne any hatred
against the Ministers, although he had opposed their attempt to
abolish the bishoprics and turn their revenues to secular uses, as he
thought it might give rise to disturbance in the country. He had,
moreover, never tried to break the alliance with England, but had
invariably represented to the King the deep obligation he was
under to the Queen, and how important it was to maintam his
friendship with her, but not in a way which would interrupt the
connection which for so many centuries had advantageously existed
with France. He again assured her that he would use all his
influence with his master, the king of Scotland, to maintam the
alliance with England. The Queen thanked him, and assured him
* Sir Nicholas Harrington.
438 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1683.
that she would be guided by his conduct in France as whether she
would favour his return to Scotland or not.
The next day Lennox returned to London, coming to lodge near
the house of the French ambassador with Lord (?) Gary, whom the
Queen has ordered to accompany him. As he was treated with
less suspicion than before, being banquetted by the French
ambassador, and his people free to go about as they liked,
I thought best not to refrain from sending a message of greeting,
and thus to open the door for him if he desired to communicate
anything to me, there being no risk in such a step. I therefore
sent him a welcome by an English Catholic gentleman, an intimate
friend of mine, who could speak to him without the slightest
suspicion. He appeared to be greatly pleased, and sent word that
his secretary should come and speak with me, as he personally could
not do so, much as he should like to give me a full account of
affairs in Scotland. The secretary brought me a letter of credence
in his master's own handwriting, with two lines of the cipher we
had used, as a countersign, refemng me to the bearer, He told
me that Lennox had been obliged to leave Scotland, in the first
place to comply with the promise which had been given by the
King to this Queen, at the instance of the conspirators, to the
effect that the Duke should leave the country. In the second
place, he did so for the King's safety, in consequence of the failure
of a certain plot which he, Lennox, had arranged to rescue the
King from the hands of the conspirators, on his coming to the castle
of Blackness. This had been divulged by the King's hoimdsman
a day before it was to be executed, and, although the number of the
duke of Lennox's party was superior, it was unadvisable to take
the King by force of arms, as the conspirators had the strength of
the queen of England behind them.* It had therefore been
unanimously agreed by his partizans that the duke of Lennox should
leave the country ; by which means the King would comply with
his promise to this Queen, and the following method would then be
adopted, by means of which the king of Scotland might be set at
liberty without disturbance. It was arranged by Master Jolin
Graham.t who was the channel of communication between the
King and Lennox, that, as soon as the King heard that the Duke
was in France, he should sign a proclamation calling upon those
whose names were mentioned in it, to come and set him at liberty
by whatever means, and, if no other course was available, they
were ordered to take up arms for the purpose. It was also to
command Lennox to return and occupy his former position near
the King's person. Lennox had left this document signed by
himself and many others ; and the King, at the time agreed upon,
would issue it, and would afterwards order Lord Erskine, the con-
stable of the castle oi Edinburgh, in whose fidelity he had entire
• Robertson »nd other Seojttiih biatoriang say tbat the reason for Lennox's apparently
purposeless stay in the neighbourhood of_ Edinburgh is unknown. The present letter
explains it.
f John Grtihame, laird of Hallyards,
ELIZA.BE!TH. 430
1583.
confideoce, to invite them (i.e., the Ruthven party) to dinner in the
castle. After dinner the King would retire to a private chamber,
and desire Erskine to guard his person, the troops in the castle
being all devoted to the constable. The rest of them would then
leave the castle, and the King would send an order to the towns-
people of Edinburgh that no gentleman should be allowed to reside
there without his express permission. The conspirators would
therefore be obliged to leave the town, and the King would
summon those who have signed the document, by which means ha
would be safe.
Master John Qraham, when he was arranging this with the King,
urged him very strongly to sign the proclamation before Lennox
left Scotland, but he refused to do so, saying that he did not wish
this to be made a pretext for him (Lennox) and the others to
appeal to arms, and cause him (the King) to break his word to the
queen of England to send Lennox to France. He said that he had
not promised that he should stay for ever away from Scotland, and
he assured him that he should be brought back within six months
at latest, and that he would sign the proclamation at the time
agreed upon.
I asked the Duke's secretary whether his master would profess
Protestantism in France, and he answered that he had been
specially instructed to tell me that he would, in order that I might
signify the same to his Holiness, your Majesty, and the queen of
Scotland ; assuring them that he acted thus in dissimulation, in order
to be able to return to Scotland, as otherwise the King would not
recall him, and the queen of England would prevent his return, by
means of the Ministers, on the ground that he was a Catholic, as
in his heart he was. He said that he would make this known also
to the king of France. He assured me that the only way by which
the King could be brought to submit to the Catholic religion,
would be by force of arms and foreign troops, drawing him on to
this with the bait of their aid being necessary for him to succeed to
the throne of England, to his own aggrandisement. He would
have to be told that this would only be possible if he allowed the
foreign troops the free exercise of their religion, and this would
lead to the English Catholics (in Scotland) enjoying the same
privilege; the Scots Catholics gradually joining with them, and
the matter thus progressing by degrees. He assured me of the
affection the King had for Lennox, which I have also heard from
other quarters, and is confirmed by two letters which the King
wrote to him in hia own hand before he left. Lennox was
unwilling to go until he had been judged and absolved by
parliament from all charges brought against him, religious and
others, but as the conspirators were anKious to get him gone, they
requested the King to give him a certificate of his loyalty under
his band and the Great Seal, of which certificate and two letters
I send copies. The secretary gave me a lettei: from. Lfionox to the
queen of Scotland, asking me to forward it^ giving hejr an account
of everjrthing, as th^ fettgr simply referred her to me for in-
formation. I replied in general terms, and said that, from what
440 SPANISH STATE PAPEBS.
1583.
had happened, the Duke could well perceive, that the conversion of
the country (in addition to the saving of so many souls, which
was the motive of your Majesty and his Holiness) would be of the
greatest advantage to himself and his house, which, indeed could
only be benefited by these means. I did not enter into particulars,
because I was not acquainted with the negotiations that may be
going on between Juan Bautista de Tassis and Hercules (i.e., the
duke of Guise), but in order to avoid making him at all suspicious
of me, under the impression that I was treating him drily, I said
that of the steps I had taken both towards your Majesty and the
Pope, at the request of the queen of Scotland, and of the present
state of the negotiations for aiding the enterprise, I would say
nothing now, but would refer him to Hercules, who would give
him full information when he arrived in France. I thus avoided
saying anything which Hercules might not wish him to know or
tell the king of France,
The secretary returned a second time to thank me, in the name
of Lennox, for the goodwill with which I had aided the affair, of
which he had been assured also by letters from Hercules, to whom
he was glad to be referred, as nothing could be done without him,
and whose orders, he, Lennox, would scrupulously follow, giving
me immediate information of his interviews with him and the king
of France. He sailed on the 24tb, the Queen having ordered for
him a ship with 50 harquebussiers.
The conspirators told the king of Scotland, as soon as the duke
of Lennox entered England, that he had better send a gentleman to
the Queen to ask her to receive him well, and said that a certain
Combie* would be a fit man for the mission, he being a close
confidant of them all, and able to make some verbal communications
from them to the Queen. The King sent him, and on his way he
met La Mothe, whom he told that there was no need for the king of
France to make such a display of sending to visit his master, as
the country had never been more contented and quiet than it was.
If, he said, he was going simply to give his master the title of King,
he could assure him he had been a king for years past, as much as
the king of France himself was in his own country, whereas, if his
errand was to make a fresh alliance, or renew the former ones, the
King would conclude no such arrangements without the consent of
the queen of England. He assured him, moreover, that he would
only obtain audience of the King in public, and he would not stay
in Scotland two days, so it would be much better for him to return
to France. La Mothe replied that he was not going to abandon
his master's mission on his opinion. When he. La Mothe, arrived at
Berwick, he met another messenger from the king of Scotland, who
begged him not to take the trouble to go any further, as bo far as
the King's person was concerned, there was no need for anything
of the kind, the country being content and pacific, which he,
• Frbbably Mr. John CoWill, frho was subsequently (1589) a SeottUb ambassador in
England, and who is mentioned by Sir James Melvil as haTin^ been st^t tg {logland
en a mission ^t about the time this letter ^as 'vrritten.
ELIZABETH. 441
1683,
La Mothe, might tell the king of France on his return. La Mothe,
answered that he would not neglect to fulfil the instructions which
had been given to him by his master, and asked them to inform
hira definitely in writing whether it was the King's will that he
should enter his realm or not, in order that he, La Mothe, might be
relieved of responsibility. No news of the answer has yet reached
here, — London, 26th January 1583.
26 Jan. 312. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King,
Since mine of 23rd the Queen has received letters from Orange
and the town of Bruges, the purport of which is to magnify-
greatly the plot which Alenjon had intended to carry out, which
they say has been brought upon them in consequence of the Queen's
wish to get out of the marriage, and divert the French tempest on
to the Netherlands. They say that Alen9on had not paid to the
soldiers the sum of money she had sent him from France, and this
had given rise to great disorders, with the sole design of finding a
pretext for seizing Antwei-p, which he would certainly have effected
if Orange had not foreseen his plan. When he expressed to
Alen9on the distrust of the States at seeing so many troops being
brought in, without his being able to pay those who were already
there, he replied that, so long as he was a representative of the
queen of England, and her lieutenant in that enterprise, he should
never lack money, particularly as his brother the king of France
also would help him to pay all those soldiers, who, moreover, did not
come without the King's special license and countenance. He assured
him that the Queen was his wife in the eyes of God and the world,
and could not abandon him in the war without bringing greater
danger upon herself and her realm. He tlioughb the reason for
bringing so many troops to the States was, that your Majesty's
forces could not otherwise be dealt with.
He (Orange) also says that Alengon has been making use of the
Queen's name to get money from people who are attached to her
interests, but he (Orange) in his various conversations with Alengon
had always observed that he expressed extreme rancour against
, her, and a desire to avenge himself for the slight she had put upon
him by refusing to accept him as her husband. It was believed,
he says, that Alen^on's action in attempting to obtain possession of
the towns must have been prompted by your Majesty, and this
idea was aided by a letter which had been intercepted from the
court of the prince of Parma ;* besides which. Marshal Biron had
always refused to serve Alen9on until this enterprise. It is true,
he says, that they have not reached the root of it yet, but he
(Orange) cannot help thinking that the plan was aimed directly at
injuring the Queen, and as her affectionate servant he advised her
of it, begging her humbly not to abandon them whilst they were
in so troublous a condition, but to favour them, in case the king of
France, in the interests of his brother, should attempt an invasion
of their States.
* It it true that actire negotiations were being canied on between the prince gf
Fanua mi Alen9on for the smrender of the tcvrns to the Spaniarda,
442 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1683. "
The Bruges people explain to the Qqeen their expulsion of the
French by saying that, as they heard on the ICth what they intended
to do the next day in all the towns, they were obliged to turn them
out of their territory without bloodshed, and they begged her not
to blame them for this, or to withliold her help to them against
your Majesty.
The only decision arrived at here, as I have said, is for the
Queen to send the son of the earl of Bedford. I understand she is
perfectly furious with the news, and says dreadful tilings about
Alengon and everyone who persuaded her to the marriage, as she
says he is a faithless tyrant like his mother, for they neither keep
faith with God or man. But, notwithstanding all this, I see no
signs of any desire to seek your Majesty, either on the part of the
Queen or her Ministers. It is evident that, in order not to lose
the Queeu, Orange wishes to make her believe that Alen9on was in
communication with your Majesty and the prince of Parma, but,
as I hear that most of the heretic Flemings here say it is a plan
hatched between Orange and Alen90n, for the latter to seize some
towns in Brabant and Flanders, in order that the former may be
the more secure in Holland and Zeeland, I have taken care to set
fire to the train underhand, and am having this view published
here, and written from Antwerp.
Marchaumont is here (and Bacqueville as well), although the
Queen has taken leave of him and given him his present (a casket
of 200 crowns), and he dares neither see her again nor set out on
his journey. The people speak ill of Alengon with great freedom,
although it is threatened that the Queen will issue an order
forbidding it — London, 26th January 1583.
29 Jan. 313. Bernardino de Mendoza to the Kino.
The last letters from Antwerp report that Alen$on bad formed
the plan of going from Duffel to Terremonde, and sent to have
boats engaged above St. Bernard near to Willebroeck, but the States
hearing of it gave orders for armed vessels to go and prevent his
passage, and withdraw all the other boats. W^en Alengon i eceived
intelligence of this he travelled towards Vi^orde, where he duly
arrived, the English, Scots, and Reiters in the rebel service, who
accompanied him and were present at the review,* having deserted
him. He therefore only had with him the Swiss and French,
who, as they write from Antweip, were so pressed with hunger
that they had actually begun to slaughter horses for food, and he
was being followed up ay your Majesty's soldiers. Orange has
again sent three Commissioners to him. Dr. Longorius being
one of them. I hear that this Queen has sent word to the
son of the earl of Bedford that, if Alengon do not voluntarily offer
to come over, he is not to press him to do so. She is very desirous
for this earl's son to come back, in order to know how Orange
and Alengon are proceeding, and the position of affairs there.
Marchaumont has written to her from London, saying that pure
* The pretended review of the French foroei in the neighbourhood of Antwerp on
(be 1 6th January, when the dttempt wae made to eeiie the town,
EtiZABETH. 443
158S.
necessity had forced Alen9on to take the step he did, and begging
her not to condemn him until she received letters from him.—
London, 29th January 1683.
29 Jan. 314. Bernardino de Mendoza to Don Juan de Idiaquez.
I forgot to say that the Colonel in His Holiness' service, who was
a prisoner in Ireland, was being so badly treated in gaol that I, out
of compassion as well as for other considerations, helped him under-
hand to escape.* This was some time ago, and lie has arrived
safely to join the prince of Parma with another Italian. By help
that I have secretly supplied, all the prisoners are now gone except
one captain named Alexandro.t — London, 29th January 1583.
13 Feb. 315. Bernardino de Mendoza to Don Juan de Idiaquez.
Many thanks for first and second bills of exchange for 2,000
crowns and 1,200 crowns. I am very anxious for them to arrive
before the end of this month, which is the term fixed by the
drawers for their acceptance. The Portuguese were favoured with
a fair wind, but unfortunately three of them who had gone for a
walk on shore were left behind, and were arrested and taken to
Dover. I have sent thither an order from the Council to liberate
them, but I do not know whether it will have arrived in time for
them to catch another Levant ship which sailed after their vessel.
I cannot close the account until I have some trace of them.
The weakness you said the duke of Alba was sufiering from,
considering his age, had made me apprehensive, but nevertheless
the news you send, now that God has been pleased to take him to
himself, has caused me great grief, as you may suppose. His
Majesty has lost a great Minister, and the public loss overshadows
the private sorrow of those who, like myself, owed so much to him.
From the tenour of his life I can well imagine that his end was
euviable.J— London, 13th February 1583.
Precis of letter accompanying the above. — That news had
arrived there (ie., London) that the inquisition in Milan had
arrested on his way from Venice Edward Unton,§ a man of 6,000
crowns income, a kinsman of the Queen ; and Leicester and Hatton
at once spread the announcement that if he were not released he (i.e.,
Don Bernardino de Mendoza) would be arrested. They asked him
(Mendoza) for a passport for a person they were sending to Milan to
request Unton's release, which passport he had given for six months.
* Colonel Sebastiano di San Giuseppe, who had commanded the papal troopi at the
fort of Ore, Smeiwick.
t Captain Alessandro Bertoni, an Italian, who was the " camp master " or Lieutenant-
Colonel, and second in command at Smeiwick. It was be who first came out to parley
with Lord Grey.
t The duke of Alba had died at Thomar, in Portugal, at the end of December 1S82,
at the age of 74 years.
§ Sir Edward Union had married the widow of John Dudley, earl of Warwick,
Leicester's eldest brother. She was a daughter of the Protector Somerset, and conae-
. quently Sir Edward Unton was cousin by marriage of Edward VI., and thus indirectly
connected with tb9 Que«u,
44i4 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
]68S.
14 Feb, 3ie, Juan Bautista de Tassis to the King.
K. 1561. ' The malady of the duke of Lennox is increasing to such an
extent than the physicians now fear for his life.* For this reason,
the Scots ambassador tells me that lie has only been able to com-
municate with him very briefly, and has given me this statement
of affairs.t In accordance with this, any fresh attempt is post-
poned for the present, and, in my poor judgment, the affair may
now be looked upon as ended, for apparently this isolated prince
{i.e., James VI.) will gradually bend to the inevitable, and even, if
need bo, forget Lennox in his absence. — Paris, 14th February 1583.
Without 317. Document headed " Scotch Affairs."
date. After those of the faction that captured the King had carried him
^"k ^Itx"^*' to tlie capital town of Edinburgh, they threatened that if the duke
of Lennox raised forces to rescue the King from their hands, and
if he did not at once retire to France, they were resolved to caiTy
through what they had commenced, as it was too late now to
repent, and they would adopt the most open road ; by which they
meant that they intended to send the King to England, or put him
out of the way by some other method. This was the reason of
Lennox's coming hither, as he saw that the King was so strictly
guarded by those of the faction that all chance of his (Lennox)
doing anything advantageous was frustrated, and the person of his
Majesty exposed to evident danger. He therefore embarked at
Dumbarton, after having put his affairs in order as best he could,
and left the fortress well provisioned in the hands of one of his
most faithful adherents. After he had set sail with the intention
of landing in Britanny, he was driven back twice or three times by
storms, This gave him the opportunity of making an attempt,
whilst he was thought to be awaiting a favourable wind to sail,
and the enterprise for the King's release undertaken by him and
other lords was not discovered until six hours before it was to be
executed. He was obliged, therefore, in order to disguise the matter,
to say that, aa the wind was still contrary, he had approached to
where the King was for the purpose of obtaining a passport to go
by way of England. He was constrained to depart on this pretext,
as the King had given his promise to the English ambassador, before
Lennox first embarked, that he should be sent away, this having
been much pressed upon him by the faction, whose greatest wish
was to see Lennox gone. He left, however, in the good graces
of the King, who sent a man secretly to him on the day of his
departure to say that he hoped soon to get rid of these people who
were detaining him against his will, and with this object he had
determined to summon all his nobles for the end of January, so
that, by their assistance, he could the more easilj' withdraw himself.
His Majesty also had given to Lennox a certificate, sealed with the
Great Seal, testifying to his good conduct and faithful service during
the time he had been in Scotland, and also some very affectionate
* Lennox died on the 26th May 1583,
t See thv foUoirin^ documeAt,
^LiikB^m. 446
1683.
letters in his favour to the Christian King and the queen of England.
He assured him that, by God's help, he would soon have him back,
and would never change in his kind feelings towards him, nor rest
until he had been avenged on the traitors.
21 Feb. 318. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
It was recently stated here that the rebel States had become
reconciled with Alenijon, and Walsingham spread the news diligently,
as did the other councillors. It was, however, groundless, as will
be .seen by the reports I send herewith from Antwerp and all the
rebel towns. The intelligence from all quarters. Catholics and Pro-
testants alike, is to the effect that they only want peace. I take
every possible means of letting them know that their best way to
get it is to submit to your Majesty.
The Queen continues to approve of Alen9on's actions, and although,
as I said, Orange wrote assuring her that Alen9on had always
displayed an inward desire to revenge himself upon her for the
marriage slight, he, Orange, has now changed his tone and informs
her that, after examining the French prisoners and Alen9on'3
papers, he can find no evidence that the latter was acting in
collusion with your Majesty or the prince of Paima. His only
desire in saying this is to pledge the Queen more deeply to aid
Alen9on, and reconcile the latter with the heretics, as he sees how
bitterly the Netherlanders hate the French, and that it will be
difficult for him to carry on liis detestable rebellion unless he can
reconcile them. In this he is helped by Walsingham, who told the
Queen it would be advisable to send a special envoy to Antwerp
for the purpose of examining Alen9on's papers. The Queen and
and Council approved of this, and entrusted the business to Walsing-
ham, who sent a servant of his own. When he returned, he
reported in accordance with the wishes of Orange and Walsingham.
The French Huguenots who are at Antwerp, and Orange also write
to the Queen, saying that, whether Alen90n is reconciled or not, it
will be impossible for the French to maintain themselves unless
a sum of money be sent speedily, and that, if she did not want to
see the States again fall into your Majesty's hands, it behoved her
to lose no time in sending the 20,000i. she had promised months
ago, as otherwise it would undoubtedly lead to the commencement
of a war in her own dominions. They are awaiting the return of
Darcy whom the Queen had sent to Alen9on.
A week since the Treasurer sent, by his secretory, a document to
the Lord Chancellor* to be sealed with the Great Seal, as it had to
be sent to France immediately. The Lord Chancellor read. the
paper, and told the secretary who had brought it to tell his master
that he (the Lord Chancellor) did not consider that it was a desirable
course to take. When the officer who has char^^e of the seal was
ordered to seal the document, he began to read it, when the Lord
Treasurer' ssecretary snatched it from him so that he might not learn
* Sir Thomas Bromley.
4.46 SPANiSti STAtE PAPERS.
1683.
the contents. The officer therefore refused to seal it, and they both
went before the Lord Chancellor again, -who relieved the officer of
all responsibility for sealing the document without reading it, which
he then did. I am told this by a person who was present but was
unable to discover the purport of the document ; whether it was an
undertaking from the Queen to the king of France to find money
for the Flemish war, if Alen^on would remain there, or pardon to
some of her subjects whom she had declared to be rebels, I do not
know. I report to Juan Bautista de Tassis the sending of the
document so tliat he may be on the alert to discover the contents,
if possible.
M. de Meneville, who I reported had been sent from France to
Scotland, has arrived there, with the determination of residing
there as ordinary' ambassador. For this reason, he took a priest
with him, greatly to the surprise of the conspirators, and the King
asked him why he had brought him? He replied, that the
ambassadors who resided at the court of the queen of England had
mass celebrated in their houses, although the Queen was of a
diffeient religion, and that ambassadors were free. He therefore
asked to be allowed to exercise his religion in Scotland. The King
replied that he was not obeyed in his country as the queen of
England was in hers, nnd he therefore could not allow him the
liberty he requested. They write also that, although M. de la
Mothe had proposed the renewal of the alliance and friendship with
Fi-ance, they had again replied that the King greatly valued the old
and advantageous relations between the countries, but it was not
considered desirable formally to renew them until the King was older.
It is expected he (M. de la Mothe) will shortly leave the country.
Postscript. — Whilst closing this, I hear from Scotland that Lord
Herriea, a great adherent and servitor of the queen of Scotland,
and a person of prudence and influence in her interests, had been
found dead in his house at daybreak, some say stabbed, but the
manner of his death is not certain.
I have also just learnt that Cobham has written to the Queen
that the king of France and his mother had sent a sum of money
to Alen9on, telling him to use every effiDrt to stand fast in the
States, and try to reconcile himself with the rebels on any terms
If Juan Bautista de Tassis do not send this news to your Majesty,
it may be concluded that the King and Queen-mother will have
told it to Cobham in order to draw this Queen more towards
Alen9on again. — London, 21st February 1583.
28 Feb. 819. The Queen of Scotland to Bernabdino de Mendoza.
I have received your three last letters of 20th, 27th, and 29th
January, and it was a great consolation to me to learn, by the
report of your conference with the duke of Lennox, the condition
in which he had left Scotch affairs, and how he had proceeded with
the queen of England. In his letters you have forwarded to me,
he could only give me a very brief account of this himself, but he
assures me in general terms of my son's entire obedience and duty
fiLlZAB£TH. iil
1583.
towards me, and of the fidelity to our cause of most of the
gentlemen of the country. He presses me, more strongly than
ever, to the execution of our enterprise, and is convinced that, with
the least foreign support, he v?ill be able to crush the entire
opposing faction in a fortnight. He says it could not stand at all
but for the help of the queen of England ; and our party would
already have attacked them, as we are the stronger, but for the fear
that they would endanger the life of my son or cause him to be carried
out of the country. It is my intention to use every effort to get him
out of their hands, in which case I pray you will represent to His
Holiness and the King that war cannot fail to break out in the
country, and that the aid requested, or a part of it pending the
arrival of the rest, should be in readiness. As my son cannot be
consulted beforehand, the duke of Lennox will not fail to return to
Scotland with the foreign forces, which he assures me will be safely
received at Dumbarton, according to the arrangement he has made
with the captain there.
I have received no advices for the last five months from my
ambassador* about the negotiations in France, Rome, and Spain,
respecting the enterprise, and I am quite ignorant of the present
condition thereof, although I l)ave written firmly several times, and
also have told him to keep up correspondence with you. I am
much displeased at this, but in order to banish any suspicion you
might he led to entertain in other quarters, I am obliged to
tell you plainly that the whole fault proceeds from the ambition
and bias of my said ambassador ; and unfortunately it is not in my
power to make him agree with anything unless he has the entire
direction and control of it. In order to be able to jireserve this
liberty of acting according to his own fancy, he wonkl prefer that I
myself should refrain from mixing in the business, although, up to
the present, I fail to see any advancement of the negotiations which
he has undertaken, as he will not allow any other person to
intervene. Even in Spain I have been quite unable to get iiim to
enter into communication with Sir Francis Englefield, who is a
gentleman of great experience in English affairs, and has had the
direction of them hitherto. He will not endure the bishop of Ross
either, who has done me very great service, or any other of my
special agents, I pray you, then, lay upon him the blame of my
not being obeyed in my orders that he was to keep in touch with
you with regard to what happened in France concerning me. In
order to forward my affairs I have had communication with my
cousin, M. de Guise, by an English gentleman named Morgan, and
although my ambassador has done all he could to obstruct him, I
have determined in future to communicate with my cousin only
through this Morjran, who has served me long and faithfully there
(in France). He enjoys an excellent reputation with my
principal friends, and I should be glad if you can communicate
with my cousin Guise through him, and so from time to time get
fresh intelligence of what is going on there. I have therefore
lieaton, archbishop of Glaigowl
ii^ SPANlSli STATE PAPERS.
1683.
given Morgan orders to try to open up a correspondence with yoU,
nnd I assure you he may contidently be trusted with the most
important matters touching my interest.
With regard to your leaving for Spain, since things have reached
a position when it is necessary that they should be managed from
France, I have begged the king (of Spain), through Englefield, to
appoint you to that country, and I pray you will second this
request in the interests of the business, because not only have you
a full knowledge of my intentions, and of the state of affairs here,
which makes j'ou more capable than anyone else to deal with
these people, as will be necessary, but I will not, for my part,
commit any of my affairs here to Senor de Tassis, as I have no
confidence in or knowledge of him. I hope that the Catholic King
will grant this just petition, and I pray you if only until you receive
the reply, to defer your departure from here. I should he sorry
that your health should suffer by a long stay, but I have
great hopes of a prompt execution of our enterprise, to which
your presence is so very necessary. I am quite of your opinion
that, if the enterprise is carried though swiftly and promptly, no
plans should be undertaken in England for fear of premature
discovery, but if the Catholic King and His Holiness resolve to
delay the matter, I do not think it would be unwise to approach
the principal gentlemen here, with the object of gaining them over
.•ind getting them to make preparations themselves, without
communicating the affair to others. I already have had some of
them sounded, but until they know the foreign ti'oops are embarked
and on their way, there is no possibility of getting them to pledge
themselves. They sny that in the last northern insurrection tbe
fine promises given to them and unfulfilled were the cause of their
destruction, and of the cruel persecution they had to undergo.
They consequently will make no engagement until they are quite
assured of the intention of His Holiness, and the king (of Spain),
your master, towards whom, at this time, I presume Fontenay will
be travelling, after being so long delayed in Paris by my ambassador.
You will favour me by recommending Fontenay and helping him
with your influence at the Spanish Court, as I intend to make him
my representative there.
Your testimony to Morgan is very agreeable to me, and I can
assure you I am more deeply indebted to him than I can say, for
without any obligation from him towards me, I have found him so
zealous and affectionate for the restoration of my State and
prosperity, and I pray you to trust him in all he may tell you as if
it were myself. I will write you a word by Lord Harry,* to
assure you that you may safely send by him any letters to
me you may think proper, but do not trust him with anything of
importance.
I cannot omit to congratulate you upon the recent accident m
thfi Netherlands,-!" and hope that it will facilitate greatly the
* Lord Henry Howard, Mendoza's " second confidant."
t 'J'ii6 contention Ijetween the Flemings and Alen9on's French forceSi
ELIZABETH.
44d
1683.
28 Feb.
2 March.
submission of the country to the Catholic King, and peradventure
bring the duke of Alen9on to seek his friendship.
The following letter is enclosed in the aforegoing : —
M. I'Ambassadeur. — At the urgent request of Lord Harry I
write you a word by him, and say that it will be advantageous if
you will show him the deciphering of this in order that°he may
see that I have fulfilled his desire. You told him that some time
ago I bad sent you this cipher key, without anything else, but we
have not written in this cipher hitherto.
320. Bernardino de Mendoza to Juan de Idiaquez.
I must confess that I am awaiting His Majesty's letters with
more anxiety than I can say, as I am overburdened with maladies,
and I cannot manage to throw off the effects of my late catarrh^
from which I am obliged to convalesce as if it had been a great
illness. The Queen cannot get on without marriage negotiations,
and she is carrying them on now with the king of Scotland, in
order to secure herself in the quarter she fears most.
The picture they sent from Flanders represents a cow, signifying
the States, with his Majesty mounted thereon and spurring it till
the blood flows. Orange is depicted milking the animal, whilst a
lady, to represent the queen of England, is giving it a little hay
with one hand, and holding out a porringer to Orange with the
other, and Alencon is holding on by the tail. — London, 2nd March
1583.
17 March. 321. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
On the 6th, as arranged, the Queen gave audience to M. de la
Mothe F^n^lon, receiving him alone in the privy chamber, the only
persons in the room being the two ambassadors (i.e. La Mothe and
Castelnau) and a few Councillors, When La Mothe approached
to kiss her hand she showed great coldness, but ordering the
ambassador to be covered at once, had a seat brought for her.
She then addressed La Mothe very harshly and stiffly, and said that
she was astonished that a man of his age with his white beard
should have proceeded in Scotland differently from what he had
promised her.* He had offered to the king of Scotland the forces
of his master and every assistance, and had discussed the business
of the association between the mother and son, which she (Elizabeth)
would never allow. He replied with great submission that, wlien
she received further information besides that contained in the letters
that had been sent to her, she would see that he had not failed in
anything he had promised, and had done nothing derogatory to hia
grey hairs or his master's instructions. He would presume to
remind her that he had told her that his mission was to settle things
• See tl)e Queen's letter to Bowes and Davison in Scotland, dated Both January,
instructing them to complain to the king of Scotland of La Mothe's proceedings, and to
represent to him that, " finding La Mothe to be entered into so strange a course there,
" contrary to his solemn promise made on going thither, he -vrould do well to despatclj
" him thence bo soon as he may."— Hatfield Papera, Hist, MSS. Com., Part 3,
4i60 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1583. ~
in Scotland in quiet and concord, and if this were not feasible,
then to offer his master's forces, which he had done. At the same
time he had pointed out how beneficial it was to the King of Scotland
to retain, not only the friendship of France, but also that of the
queen of England, to whom he personally owed so much, and he
could call Davison to witness whether he told the truth or not.
With this the Queen told him to be covered and instantly tamed
her anger, which was only make-believe. She then said she was
glad for him to undeceive her as to the information she had
received, to which she had not given entire credit, as she knew his
disposition ; and then went on to converse with him about Flanders,
saying nothing but ill of your Majesty, of the prince of Parma, of
me, and of Spaniards in general. La Mothe, subsequently relating
this, said that, if the Queen had a tenth part as much courage as
she had malice, something good would still be done against Spain.
When she dwelt upon her affection for the king of Scotland, and
her desire that there should be perfect concord and friendship
between the two kingdoms. La Mothe replied that the best way to
effect it would be to liberate the mother. The Queen at once began
to abuse the queen of Scotland and the *' association," which, she
said, was only for the purpose of upsetting everything that had
been done in Scotland. I gave your Majesty an account of the
answer La Mothe had received in Scotland, and since then I have
learnt from a trustworthy source the exact proposals made by the
King and his Council and his replies, of which I send a statement
to your Majesty. It will be seen that his action was all toned
down to suit this Queen, and, as I wrote on the 13th December, his
embassy has been from the first only for the sake of appearances,
and to force the Queen, out of fear, to second the French designs.
As will be seen, also, nothing really was done in either of the points
touched, as the alliances were not renewed and no settlement of
the " association " of the queen of Scots and her son was arrived
at, as the conspirators wish it to take the form of a simple
renunciation.
During the verbal communications La Mothe had with the King
he suggested one of two marriages to him on behaK of the Queen-
mother ; first with the princess of Lorraine, which the King stopped
immediately, by saying that he was not in a position to discuss it
without the intervention of his Council and the consent of his
people, whereupon La Mothe opened out no further on the point.
La Mothe asked whether he would be glad for the king of France
to send forces to his aid, whereupon he said, Yes, if it could be done
without endangering his life, but he saw the conspirators Iiad him
fast. La Mothe avers that he treats the conspirators with far more
dissimulation and artifice than could be expected from his years, as
no one would guess but that they were the persons he loved most,
instead of his hating them as he does. The earl of Huntly told
him (La Mothe) that the best way would be to act in France without
saying anything about it to the Kang.
I hear that La Mothe has written to the queen of Scotland about
jiier ambassador, but the letter is really filled with praises of hej;
ELIZABETH. 4i51
1683.
son, and saying how many adherents she had. He says that they
had made themselves known to him, asking him to beg of her to
order their pensions to be paid, which it was thought better sliould
come from her, in order to pledge them the more to her. He says,
moreover, that he gave some more pensions there from his King,
which, if it be the case, can only be on paper, for La Mothe himself
is so short of money that when he returned hither he was obliged
to ask an English gentleman to lend him 300 crowns, payable in
three months, on his return to France. La Mothe and the French
ambassador also spoke to my second confidant, whom they told
they had received fresh orders from the king of France to offer him
a pension of 2,000 crowns a year, on one of the blank grants which
La Mothe brought, it having been a mistake on their part, they said,
to offer him 1,000 before. They earnestly begged him to accept
the pension, but he refused in the same way as he previously had
done, whereupon they prayed him to indicate some person upon
whom it could be conferred through his intervention, but this he
also refused. I have confirmation of this, besides what he tells me,
as La Mothe related it to the gentleman from whom he borrowed
the 300 crowns, who is a friend of mine and one of the channels
through which I communicate with the queen of Scotland. He is
a good Catholic, and informs me of all he learns from the French,
with whom he is in constant communication.
Since the arrival of La Mothe, letters have been received from
Scotland, reporting that a general meeting of the nobles has been
held, whereat the earls of Mar and Argyll are much displeased, and
complain of the earl of Gowrie, who is one of the principals of the
conspirators, for not having informed them when he proposed it to
the King and persuaded him, as some of them affirm that he did.
The King, at the instance of the conspirators, is sending hither, on
an embassy, Colonel Stuart, who formerly served the rebels in
Flanders, and it was also said that, although the King would not
give formal permission to Meneville to have mass celebrated in his
house, he had told him that he would make no inquiries as to
whether he had it or not, and with this Meneville was allowed to
do as he pleased.
Robert Bowes, this Queen's ambassador, and Davison have
informed the King, on behalf of Leicester and Walsingham, that
if he will marry Dorothy,* daughter of the earl of Essex (who,
they say, was poisoned by order of Leicester so that the latter
might marry his wife, the present countess of Leicester), and will
assure them that he will not change religion, on his being acknow-
ledged by the English Catholics, they, Leicester and Walsingham,
will have him declared by the judges to be the heir to the crown
of England. Notwithstanding this offer, Leicester still perseveres
in the marriage I mentioned, of his son with the grand-daughter of
the countess of Shrewsbury, who, after the queen of England, they
* Lady Dorothy Devereux;,--who subsequently married Lord Eich. A curious
commnnicatio5T?5lHlieF aniTher brother tl'.e earl of Essex to James VI, in 1589 wil^
b« found iu the Hatfield I'apers, Part HI., Hist. MSS. Com. i\,. ^i,, .
F f i
462 Spanish stAtE papers.
1583. ~~"
say, is the nearest heiress. With Walsingham's aid he is thus
trying to get his son* made King in right of his wife. His
relatives and friends have possession of the ports of entrance of the
country, the only thing wanting, as yet, being the control of the
sea forces, which the Queen has promised, after the death of the
earl of Lincoln, who is more than 70 years of age, to Lord Howard
with whom Leicester has made an arrangement beforehand, to
exchange the office of Admiral for that of Master of the Horse,
which Leicester holds. The queen of Scotland has earnestly
pressed the French ambassador, by some means, to let the Queen
know of this design of Leicester's in connection with the marriage
of lus son, as she is certain that it would arouse her womanly
jealously, and make her very indignant. The ambassador, however,
has refused. — London, I7th March 1583.
17 March. 322. Bernardino de Mendoza to the Kma.
In addition to the discourse which I described to your Majesty,
between the Queen and M. de la Mothe, at his leave taking, he
asked her, on behalf of the Queen-mother, to indicate the number
of ships she would contribute to the fleet which she (the Queen-
mother) was raising in favour of Don Antonio. She said that,
when Don Antonio was in a position to raise a fleet, she would
give four great ships of her own, and eight merchantmen. They
have also said the same to Don Antonio's agent. M. de la Mothe
afiirmed here that the Queen-m other was only waiting for.Alenjon's
aflairs to be settled, and he had no doubt that, until that was done,
Don Antonio's business would slumber.
They report from Flushing that two armed ships had gone to
Dieppe to carry Don Antonio to Antwerp, but I have no confir-
mation of it.
The ships I have mentioned, that Humphrey Gilbert was fitting
out with the design of taking Catholics to the coast of Florida,
are now getting ready to sail, as the two ships they sent last
summer to explore seem a long while gone. — London, 17th March
1583.
17 March. 323. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
Darcy, who I said had been sent to the duke of Alenjon, returned
hither on the 12th, and instantly sent to tell Walsingham that he
was in London with the French ambassador. He said, not only had
Alenijon failed to come to terms with the rebels, but there was
not the slightest hope of his doing so. Darcy told Alengon how
sorry this Queen was, and pointed out the trouble that might
result, to which the Duke replied that the States had given him
good cause for doing much more than he had done, and that the
• Fontenay, writing to thequeen of Scots, 15th August 1584 (Hatfield Papers, Part 3),
BpeakB of Leicester's desire to seek the friendship of her and her son James VI.,
" especially since the death of the son whom he had promised to the countess ot
" Shrewsbury for ' la petite Arbclle.'" In the same letter Fontenay assures the C^nccn
\\iii ber sua " will uet luiibfi' inlviiuix- bis coutiu H-hellc."
ELIZABETH. 463
1683.
only evil was that he had not succeeded, and consequently there
was no more to be said about it. Darcy also represented to him
how grieved his mistress was that Norris and the Englishmen were
80 much opposed to him, and said that he had instructions to tell
them so, in a way which Alenjon would understand if he sent
someone with him to hear what he said. Alen9on accordingly
sent with him six gentlemen of his chamber, and in their presence
Darcy told Norris in the name of the Queen, his Sovereign lady,
that she ordered him and the rest of the Englishmen to leave there
instantly, this being preceded by a great preamble. Norris had
already been made acquainted with the Queen's message, and
answered that he was a second son,* and had not an inch of
ground in England ; that he was in the service of the States, to
whom he and his men had sworn allegiance, and that until he had
fulfilled that oath he would not be justified either in honour or
duty in abandoning them. For the satisfaction of his honour he
begged Darcy again to lay the matter before the Queen, and pray
her to send a written general order that he was to leave the service
of the States. In accordance with this, Alenjon desired Darcy to
beg the Queen, since she so greatly desired his welfare, and held to
his side against all the world, that she would at once order all the
Englishmen to leave the States, as he would be able to agree
perfectly well with the rebels if he were alone with his Frenchmen.
Darcy also brings with him from Alen9on various conditions for
the Queen to consider and influence the rebels to accept, and press
those which may be most convenient. The last conditions proposed
to him by the rebels were, that he should restore the foitresses of
Terremonde, Villevorde, and Geestemunde, and that he should go
to Brussels, not only with the Switzers who had been previously
specified as his guard, but with such escort as he might choose ;
and when this was done, a settlement might be discussed. Alen9on
tore up these conditions in a furious rage, saying that he was duke
of Brabant and Gueldres and count of Flanders, and as such their
Sovereign, who could dictate terms to them instead of their doing
so to him. He refused to give them any answer in writing, and
pleaded illness, which caused Orange and the Antwerp people to
think that he was gaining time, either to go to France or to await
the succour which was said to be coming from there. They had
therefore withheld the victuals, which had previously been sent to
him by land and water from the rebel towns.
Darcy says that, whilst he was at Terremonde a gentleman came
• Sir John Norris was the seventh son of the first Lord Norris, but several of hii
brothers were dead at the date of this letter. It is curious that his father (then Sir
Henry Norrii) in February 1589 pledged certain lands to the Queen as security for a
loan to Sir John. His mother writes to Sir Kobert Cecil, September 1593, begging
that her son may be granted the permission he craves to go to the liow Countries,
apparently to enable him to pay off the debt, " for surely it is no small grief to my
" Lord and myself that our lands should be engaged in the Queen's hands, as that
" whatever it shall please God to do with us, we cannot dispose of them, and we are
" both old, as you know. And these parcels of land were reserved to be bestowed
" on our younger sons when my Lord and myself did bind our land to our eldest son,"
— Hatfield Papers, Part 4,- Hist, MSS, Com,
454
1583,
SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
from the prince of Parma * to whom Alen5on at once gave audience,
and was with him for over four hours, which greatly offended
St. Aldegonde and the other rebels there, as he did not give
audience to them.
They report from Antwerp that, as Orange saw that the pro-
vince of Flaners and the people of Antwerp had made up their
minds on no account to come to an arrangement with Alen9on,
he had told them that if they submitted to your Majesty they
would all be burned, hanged, or martyred, and it was, therefore,
desirable that they should seek some good leader to govern and
advise them ; the object of it being that they should choose him
(Orange) as duke of Brabant, which was being warmly advocated
by his faction. He had prevented the populace from listening to
the letters sent by some of the personages about the prince of
Parma, by saying that no arrangement was ever made between two
enemies directly, but that if some German or other neutral person
were to intervene he might be listened to. This was coupled with
his usual artifice, of spreading fictions amongst the people, and
raising ill-feeling against the reconciled provinces. By order of the
Council, the so-called bishops here, the ministers, and companies of
merchants, have been asked to grant money for the relief of Geneva,
and although the demand is ostensibly for voluntary gifts, they
really are almost obligatory. Two aldermen and two other persons,
who were deputed to manage it, summoned the persons separately,
and made them a long harangue ; after which, if the sum given was
small, they frightened the givers by saying that the Queen and
Council would be very angry at their conduct in refusing to help
generously so charitable a work. They keep secret the amount
they have collected, and although some people really think it is for
Geneva, others believe, with better reason, that it is to send to the
apostate bishop of Cologne, whom they had promised to assist.
The Queen has sent a gentleman to Sweden, it is believed on the
affairs of Muscovy. She wishes to be arbitratress of a peace there, —
London, I7th March 1583.
17 March. 324. Bernardino de Mendoza to Juan de Idiaquez.
I cannot help expressing to you my daily increasing sorrow at
receiving no despatch from his Majesty withdrawing me from here,
and as my own letters are at present so long, with their many
enclosures, I will not tire you with much here.
From the proposals about Scotland and La Mothe's bold action,
you will judge whether I was right in my forecast of his mission
and aims. The moment I heard fi'om my friend that La Mothe was
asking for money, I had his secretary approached and sounded as
to whether, in return for a present, he would be willing to show
his master's instructions, because I concluded that if the master
was in want, the servant would not be too well off. He agreed to
the proposal, in return for a present of a hackney, the cost of which
• This was an officer named Hernando Acosta, who first approached Alen^on through
Mario Birague, Colonel of one of tbe French regiments.
ELIZABETH. 456
1683.
I paid. He delivered the instructions signed by the king of France
himself, which I have had in my own hands, as well as his other
papers, which I have had copied ; although I could not get a copy
made of the instructions, for fear La Mothe should miss them, but
they are to the same effect as the proposals, and leave La Mothe
to use his discretion, according as he may find affairs here and in
Scotland* I am delighted to have taken this step, because, not
only has it enabled me to be sure about Scotch matters, but it
has fully proved the trustworthiness and honesty of my second
confidant, who had minutely informed me, verbally, of La Mothe's
designs, the information being exactly confirmed by the papers
which I have seen, — London, ifth March 1583.
20 March. 325. Bernardino dk Mendoza to the King.
I enclose a letter from the queen of Scotland, which was the
one I thought was missing.t The long delay in its delivery was
owing to the gentleman who brought it having been in hiding, as an
attempt was made to arrest him as a Catholic one night in the house
of a friend with whom he was lodging.
The constable of Dumbarton Castle replied to the demand made
of bim by the conspirators (which I mentioned in my former
letters) that he held the castle for the King on behalf of the
duke of Lennox, to whom he was pledged by oath. He could
not, therefore, surrender his charge except into the hands from which
he had received it. The Queen's ambassadors and the conspirators
have informed her of this, and say that, as all their efforts to obtain
possession of the castles of Dumbarton and Blackness have failed,
it was advisable that she should get possession of them by any
means. A great council thereupon was held here, where it was
decided to raise troops in the county of Leicester (?) and its neigh-
bourhood to send to Carlisle, one of the principal keys to the
Border. I do not know whether the intention is to enter
Scotland, or only, by arousing the fear of it, to help the con-
spirators to obtain the two fortresses by means of money and
promises.
The Queen's two ambassadors there say that the king of
Scotland's demeanour towards the conspirators is pure artifice,
■ and that he speaks much more spiritedly since the departure of
M. de la Mothe than before. M^neville was secretly approaching
the Scots, and was daily getting more friendly with them.
Walsingham, speaking of this with a friend, said that the Scots were
not much to be trusted now, for they always remained French in
their sympathies, and were more than ever so at present. Leicester
recently sent a son of the countess of Shrewsbury to prompt his
mother to sound the queen of Scots as to her feeling with
regard to the marriage of her son in England. I have informed
her of it.
*La Mothe Fenelou's instructions are printed in an appendix to Robertson's "Historj
of Scotland," from Calderwood's MS. , _, ^^^
f SeeJetter queen of Scotland to Mendoza, 28th February, page 446.
4i56 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1683. ~
Several ships have come from Antwerp, reporting that the people
there are not reconciled with Alengon, and that Orange was pressing
the rebel States urgently to send money to the men at Alost who have
mutinied, although this was only a pretext for giving it to Alen5on.
They report the marriage of Orange with a daughter of Admiral
Coligny who was executed (justiciado) in Paris. Her age is 30,
Two ships were being fitted out in Flushing to bring her from France.
The Council here have been meeting daily to discuss the papers
brought by Darcy, but have not yet arrived at a decision. This
Queen's physician. Dr. Lopez, has gone to Dieppe with letters from
the Queen to Don Antonio.
The English ship I mentioned, which was going to Tripoli
in Syria, was detained in an English port by contrary winds.
I managed to ship on board of her an English gentleman
named Giles Porter, who is married in Seville and is a good
Catholic and faithful adherent of your Majesty. He had made
a vow to go to Jerusalem, and I have instructed him to learn the
negotiations the English are carrying on, and report them on his
return to any place where there may be a minister of your Majesty.
The collection of money I spoke of, as being made from the Bishops,
Ministers, and Merchant Companies, is being continued all over the
country. — London, 20th March 1583.
28 March, 326. BERNARDmo de Mendoza to the Kinq.
Since my letter of 20th instant the Queen has received letters
from Alen9on, which caused the Council to delay a decision on the
documents brought by Darcy. Alenjon writes that he is at a loss
to imagine on what grounds of conscience, reason, love, or
gratitude she could leave him in his present state of misery and
extremity, considering that he had embarked in the war solely
on her account and to prove his desire to serve her. If, he says,
she loves him as well as she has so often professed, she will again
send to N orris decided orders. This she has done, telling him that
he is to oppose the duke of Alengon in nothing, and that if he
finds he cannot consistently act thus he had better resign. She
has used some very ill words of Norris, both publicly and privately.
The Councillors have been much surprised that she should take
such a course as this, even if it only be for appearance sake, and
say that she might well have avoided it, because Norris' oath to
serve the States relieved him of the obligation of obeying her in
matters appertaining to their service. They have decided that the
communications on the matter with Norris and the rebels shall he
carried on by private persons, and they will not again send a
formal representative. The man they have sent for the purpose is
also to suggest to Orange that, even if they (the States) _ make
friends with Alenfon again they should on no account give him the
title of duke of Brabant. If he (Alen9on) proposes to return to
France on their giving him a sum of money, leaving the French
troops under Huguenot chiefs, the Queen says she will help them
with part of the amount required, as it appears impossible now for
him to fraternise with the Flemings, in view of past events. This
ELIZABETR 467
1583.
they tliink would be the best way, rather than to keep the fire
smouldering, and would relieve the Queen of the risk of Alei]9on's
finding himself utterly abandoned, oppressed, and powerless, and
making terms with your Majesty. The course they suggest would
also avoid the sending of a large French force to the Netherlands
by the King, which tiiey suspect might bring war to their own
doors, whilst if Alen9on returns to France they will be more secure
on Scotch affairs, as the Huguenots wiU divert lam (the King of
France) from any enterprises of the sort, and he will be in greater
need than ever of the friendship of the Queen, in order to keep
his brother in awe of him. This will enable them to continue, as
heretofore, to foment the war and draw matters out, unless your
Majesty be driven to make peace, conceding liberty of conscience,
which is one of the aims they have in view.
The Lord Chancellor said at the last council that it was
more advantageous for the English that your Majesty should
occupy the Netherlands than that the French should do so, which
view was opposed by Leicester and Walsingham. The Treasurer
silenced them by saying that there was no need to discuss the
question, since the war was going forward, which was very
advantageous to them.
Two nights recently three very shabbily dressed Frenchmen
have been in the secret gallery with the Queen, on the first
occasion only Lady Stafford and another being present, and on the
second Frances Howard, a lady, and Mr. Sennet (?) of the Chamber.
I have not been able to discover who these people are, but I hear
that after the Queen had seen them, she asked the French
ambassador to tell her truly whether any Frenchmen had come
hither secretly, whereupon he replied in great surprise that he had
not heard of any such. It may therefore be concluded that they
come from the French Huguenots and the Queen asked the question
she did in order to find out whether it was a ruse.
Cobham writes to the Queen that, as soon as the king of France
learnt of the return of M. de la Mothe from Scotland, he said that
as affairs there were in such a state as to be irremediable, this
Queen would work her will and he would profit by it, and that
the Pope was pressing him warmly for France to accept the
Council of Trent.
On the arrival of letters from Antwerp, dated 2l8t, the Queen
sent word to the French ambassador that Alengon had come to an
agreement, but letters to the chief heretics here deny this.
Orange and the rebel States, it is true, had agreed upon terms
with him, but the people would not accept them.
I enclose copy of letter from the queen of Scotland. I am
replying to her, as regards the (English) Catholics, that on no
account should any declaration be made to them, and they should
not even be sounded, as they are quite paralysed with fear, and no
good end would be gained by doing so. When the business has to
be carried into effect they will be obliged to embrace it, whereas if
they heard of it now, the secret would not be kept. — London, 28th
March 1583,
4"58 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1683.
4 April. 327. Behnardino de Mendoza to the King.
As I said on the 28th ultimo, the Queen has again sent Somera
to the Netherlands (he is the man who was with Alengon at the
relief of Cambrai) with the object of his treating secretly both
with him and the rebels, without either party knowing that he is
dealing with the other, to persuade each of them, if they wish to
settle the matter on favourable terms, to send envoys here to beg
the Queen's intercession, and place the decision in her hands. The
Councillors think that this will be the best way to consolidate her
position in the affair and to pledge .Alen9on not to make terms
with your Majesty. It will also give them time to learn from the
king of France how far, and to what extent, in men and money, he
intends to help his brother in the war, and the Queen has sent
instructions to Cobham in furious haste to learn clearly the King's
intentions on this point. No reply has been received from Somers,
and, as the weather is contrary, he probably has not gone across yet.
I enclose copy of the terms negotiated between the States and
Alengon, which have been printed at Ghent, but as will be seen by
the enclosed letters from Antwerp, nothing has yet been concluded.
The meeting of nobles in Scotland decided that they should all
endeavour to live together in peace and quietness. The Queen is
informed that Father William Holt of the Company of Jesus, who
was there, has been arrested by means of Colonel Stuart, and
Alexander Seton, brother of Lord Seton had also been taken.
Two cipher letters were found on Holt, written by the duke
of Lennox, one to the Earl of Eglinton (?) and the other to
the said Alexander Seton, by which it appeared that he was
in communication with the Pope. The moment the Queen
learnt of this she sent courier after courier, entreating the con-
spirators to sent Holt hither, and they write that the French
ambassador Meneville was pressing the King to surrender the
priest to him, as he was an Englishman, in order to send him to
France. I have given notice to the queen of Scotland's ambassador
through Juan Bautista de Tassis, so that he may press the King
earnestly to write to the king of Scotland and Meneville about it.
I have also changed the cipher I had with Dr. Allen and the priest
who went from Scotland,* which was the same cipher as Holt had,
to avoid danger in case he (Holt) had not burnt his copy. If God
should decree that he be brought hither, it may be concluded from
his good life that he will meet death as firmly as the others have
done, and gain the crown of martyrdom without confessing anything
to the prejudice of others.
I am informed that His Holiness is being much urged from
France to appoint the bishop of Glasgow a Cardinal.
Some of the Councillors here have affirmed that the Queen has
intelligence of M6neville's having ratified the treaties between
France and Scotland, the king of Scots having accepted a regular
pension. I cannot confirm this, my communications with Scotland
being stopped by Holt's arrest. — London, 4th April 1583.
t Mendoza's agent there. See pages 369, 388, ete,
ELIZABETH. 489
1583.
15 April. 328. Beenahdino de Mendoza to the King.
Inmylastlgavean accountof the state of the negotiations between
Alen90n and the rebels. He has now come to terms with them, and
the articles which I now enclose were published in Antwerp with
great ceremony, by which a new arrangement was inaugurated.
The Queen has made every eflfort to direct the aiFair into the channel
which suited her best, whilst keeping Alen(;on always dependent
upon her and inflaming the war in the Netherlands. She has
rejoiced exceedingly that Alengon has accepted the conditions and
gone to Dunkirk, and she sent word to the French ambassador the
moment she heard the news. She is anxiously awaiting the return
of the private agents she sent over, and particularly Somers, so
that by the light of his information she may know how best to
proceed. Her ambassador Cobham writes that the health of the
king of France is very doubtful, as his strength continues to
diminish, and his mother will therefore do her best to please
Alen9on in all things. She will shortly leave for Calais, in order
to close more strictly still the passage of victuals to the Nether-
lands, and to be able to confer with Alen9on with greater ease.
Appearances still favour the undertaking of some enterprise by the
house of Guise.
Cobham also writes that Simier had seen the king of France,
and had been so well received that there was no doubt that he
would be sent hither as ambassador to replace the present man.
Marchaumont writes from Dunkirk that his master's affairs were
proceeding very well, and that the Councillors of this Queen would
soon repent of having slighted him. Leicester and Walsingham
have suggested to the Queen that she should ask the rebels to pay
her interest on the money she has lent them. She has refused to
do so on her own account, but has authorised them to arrange
with ,the rebels to pay 8 per cent, per annum, and if they can
obtain it they, Leicester and Walsingham, are to enjoy the revenue.
They are sending a Lucchese heretic, an exchange-broker of
Antwerp, to negotiate it.
The Portuguese, Dr. Lopez,* who I said had gone to Dieppe, has
returned hither bringing news of the misery in which Don Antonio
is. I understand that Diego Botello embarked there two days
since for Flanders, and that five ships are being armed at Havre de
Grace to take troops to Terceira ; the principal provisions they
carry being wine and cider, as there is a great lack of drink in the
island. Men who were on board these ships a week ago assure me
that, although they profess to be ready, even if the troops were on
board, they could not sail until the end of this month. Don
Antonio declared that he expected seven hulks which were to come
for him from Denmark and Holland. I have no news from Zeeland
of any ships being fitted out for him, the only rumour being that
• Thia was Dr. Bodrigo Lopez, the Queen's physician, a Portuguese Jew professing
Christianity. He was house physician at St. Bartholomew's Hospital, and was hanged
Hi Tyburn early in 1594 for attempting to poison the Queen,
*6<> SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1683.
certain pirates are asking him for letters of marque. — London,
15th April 1583.
15 April. 329. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
Since writing the enclosed letter I hear from Scotland that two
gentlemen had formed the plan of releasing the King from the
hands of the conspirators, and, in order that he might not be
exposed to any danger by being ignorant of the intention, they
informed him thereof by means of one of his favourites, who was
in the secret. When the King heard of it he feared that it might
cause increased personal risk to himself, and told Colonel Stuart,
the captain of his guard, to increase the strength of the guard in
the place where the attempt was to be made, but without divulging
who were the persons involved. The conspirators were more
annoyed than pleased at this, in the belief that the King's action is
all artifice, and with a different aim to that which suits them.
The meeting of nobles bad been prorogued, after many com-
plaints had been made of the proceedings of the new government.
These complaints had been listened to by the King, who had
proceeded impartially between the two parties. The French
ambassador had again urged the renewal of the treaties between
France and Scotland by common accord, and also that the King
should be set at liberty and allowed to govern in liis own way. As
regards the first point, the King replied for tbe third time as
before ; and they write that, on the second point, although most of
the nobles wished the King to be set at liberty, they did not dare
to declare themselves openly, out of fear of the guards and armed
men, at the disposal of the conspirators. When the ambassador
saw this, he replied that the men-at-arms and new guards sur-
rounding the King should be dismissed, whereupon the conspirators
said that they were necessary for the King's safety in the altered
and disturbed state of the times. In order to prevent the
ambassador from following the matter up, the conspirators imme-
diately afterwards incited the populace to assault his house and kill
his priest, on the ground that mass was said there. The ambassador
then went and complained to the King, who promised that the
disorder should be put down ; but he di.ssembled, and nothing was
done.
The earl of Gowrie, finding himself the object of much intrigue
in consequence of his having appointed himself treasurer, offered
his resignation of the ofBce to the King, in the expectation that
the King would confirm him in the post and that he would thus be
free from attack. The King, however, accepted his resignation and
kept the office in his own hands.
I hear, also, that this Queen's ambassadors (in Scotland) write
that Father Holt had been tortured, but that he had not confessed
anything prejudicial to others.
Fernihurst, a confidant of the duke of Lennox, had been arrested,
and Colonel Stuart was shortly coming hither with an embassy
from the King. The amhassfidors say that his principal mission ^^
iltilZABSlTH. 461
1683.
to thank this Queen for her maternal care for the King's safety
and the quietude of the realm, and to say that the King and his
subjects desired to conclude a binding accord and friendship with
her, and would willingly accept the conditions which she considered
would be most conducive to a lasting harmony.
He is to represent that the whole country is urging the King to
marry, and in this, as in all things, he desires to have the advantage
of her opinion, begging her to intimate where she thinks he should
look, in order that he may not forfeit her friendship, which he
hopes to enjoy for ever. He also asks her to surrender to him the
person of his vassal, Archibald Douglas, whom she is detaining,
and to restore to him (the King) the lands possessed in England by
his late father. This point has been discussed for years past, the
sum claimed being l,200i. a year charged on lands belonging to his
father, which the king of Scotland demands in accordance with
English law. The Queen replies to this that, when it is established
that she is his guardian (a law of Parliament making her guardian
of all minors in her realm), she will deliver the property to him.
The earl of Ormond has written telling the Queen that he has
arrived in his territory in Ireland, and had taken away from the
earl of Desmond 300 men who were his (Ormond's) vassals, and a
great quantity of cattle. Desmond in view of these losses had
been forced to ask for terms, and the news was at once made the
most of here. The very reverse is the truth, however, because
although some of Ormond's vassals who had followed Desmond in
their lord's absence, have now left him, Desmond has done more
harm to the English than they to him, he having slaughtered a
whole company of them, only twenty men of which were saved.
The Queen has secretly sent a servant of James Crofts', the
controller, to sound Desmond, as if of his own accord, as to
whether he is willing to submit. Two martyrs have recently
suffered death here, with invincible constancy, and I send enclosed
a statement of the event. The lists of Catholics imprisoned in the
country which have been furnished to the Queen compute the
numbers to be nearly 11,000, two-thirds of whom are women.
Many converts are gained daily to the Roman church, and priests
assure me that this is evidently the result of this shedding of
martyr's blood, together with the good example and virtuous life
of the priests who go about the work, who, although they are
young men, are granted special grace by God for their task. May
He be praised for all things. — London, 15th April 1583,
19 April. 330. Juan Bautista de Tassis to the Kino.
^'k "tse^"**' '^^^^^ or four days since Hercules sent to tell me that he had
communicated with the duke of Lennox, who had informed him
that he had left the castle of Dumbarton, which, they say, is a very
important one, held in his interest, but on condition that within
three months the captain of it should be furnished with certain
supplies he required, without which he might be obliged to go over
to the other side, which would be a great drawback to the projects
they have in hand. He (Guise) therefore considered it necessary
4i62 StANlSH StATE PAPEttS.
1583. ~
that the castle should be supplied with all speed, and asked me to
give him 5,000 crowns for the purpose. I made no difficulty about
this, but instantly promised to provide the amount, in the first
place because I thought it really important to maintain the footing
at Dumbarton, and secondly in order to prove to him, in effect, that
the whole affair is left to him, and so to bind him the more. Last
night, accordingly, I handed to one of Lennox's men, who had been
indicated by Hercules, 5,000 sun-crowns. He is going to ask the
nuncio for a similar amount, but has not done so yet, as the nuncio
has been ill in bed. I went and saw him before I paid the money,
in order to show that I did not wish to take any steps without his
knowledge. He (the nuncio) told me that he intended to follow
the same course, and provide *he sum they requested, with the same
alacrity as I had shown. I beg your Majesty do not forget the
horses for Hercules. I have promised him they sliall be sent, and
he is expecting them anxiously. — Paris, 19th April 1583.
22 April. 331. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
Since I wrote on the 15th a gentleman named Bex has arrived
from Dunkirk with letters from the duke of Alenjon to the Queen,
the purport of which is to ask her for the 25,000?., balance of the
sum she promised. He also complains of Colonel Norris, who, not
contented with the injury he had already done him, had now
refused to obey the States and surrender the territory he held in
the Vast country, unless he were paid 200,000 ducats. He will not
on any account serve Alen^on and would rather go to Cologne. The
Queen has replied to Alen9on's first request by saying that her own
need will not allow of her giving him any money ; and, with
regard to the second, she promises to write ordering Norris to
prefer the service of the duke of Alen§on to any other. No doubt,
however, secretly they will send him orders, as they so often have
done before, as to how he is to reply, and that the talk about going
to Cologne really came from the Queen.
Alen9on also writes that he may assure her that the troops being
raised by Casimir, ostensibly to aid the apostate bishop of Cologne,
are really for the purpose of going to Friesland, and, on the pretext
of recovering the money owing to him by the States, seizing the
province and selling it to your Majesty. During the audience with
Alen9on's gentleman, Bex, the Queen complained of certain words
used by the Queen-mother, not only injurious to her (Elizabeth),
but also to Alen9on, who ought to resent them. Speaking of the
Antwerp affair the Queen-mother had said that neither she nor her
son, the King, understood anything about the matter, as Alenyon
had embarked io it, compelled by the queen of England, who had
sent him to the Netherlands for her own pleasure. The Queen
exerted all her blandishments on Alen9on's gentleman to discover
whether his master was carrying on any negotiations with the
prince of Parma, but the man swore emphatically that such a .
thing had never entered his head. Bex assures intimate friends of f
his that if the Queen-mother had pressed Alen9on very earnestly to
continue the war, he would not have been reconciled (with th^
ELIZABETH. 468
1683.
States). When the Commissioners from the rebels had arrived at
Dunkirk he would have complained of the way in which he had
been treated, and have demanded the payment of the money
already disbursed, with a clear assurance for the payment of future
amounts, as well as the possession of places from whence the war
could be carried on. He says that, to judge from the behaviour of
the rebels and Alengon's resentment against them, he thought it
would be difficult for both parties to come to a stable settlement.
For the last two days the rumour is current here that the
Holland and Zeeland people have given to Orange the title of
Count of those two provinces, and lord of Utrecht.
The queen of Scotland has written to this Queen, complaining
of the way in which she is treated. She says she is no longer a
prisoner only, but a slave, and requests permission to send her
secretary to the Queen, with proposals for an agreement which will
be safe, honourable, and salutary for her realm and for both
Queens. This Queen has replied in general terms, to the effect that
she is very sorry for her troubles, and, with the object of alleviating
them, she was sending Beal to see her, to whom she might give an
account of tlie other matters she spoke of. On his return the
Queen would consider the question of her release.
The king of Denmark has sent a gentleman hither, to signify to
the merchants belonging to the Muscovy Company that, if they
intend to continue their trade, they must pay him his dues as
formerly, or he will compel them to do so. The Council has
discussed the matter, and has recommended the merchants to send
a person to Denmark to offer the King the payment of a part of
the dues, if they are allowed to continue the trade, and no doubt
the Dane will accept the offer. This Queen has sent to Cologne, to
stir up affairs there, one Herll, a great spy, who was formerly in
Antwerp. I have advised the prince of Parma. They say here he
is going to Mayence.
The Palatine Lasqui, of Poland, is expected here, but the reason
of his coming is not known,* — London, 22nd April 1583.
4 May. 332. Juan Bautista de Tassis to the King.
K. i,'56i. ' It appears to me that Hercules, seeing matters in- Scotland
altered, and with but small probability of promptly assuming a
* " E Polonia Russise Ticina hac scstate venit in Angliam, ut Eeginam inviseret,
" Albertus Alasco, Palatinus Siradiensis, vir eruditus, corporis lineamentis, barba
" promisissima, vestiui decoro et pervenusto, qui benigne ab ipsa, nobilibusque magno
" honore et lautitiis, ab Academia Oxoniensis eruditis oblectationibus atque variis
" spectaoulis exceptus, post quatuor menses sere alieno oppressus clam recessit." —
Camden, £liz. He arrived in England early in May, and the Frencli ambassador
writes that the English were very suspicious of him and could not understand what was
the purpose of his visit, as he appeared to be a devout Catholic and heard mass. The
Queen, however, was making much of him and had given him a good lodging. Alasco
claimed to be of English blood and allied to the earl.s of Lincoln, of which house, it was
said, a cadet had married in Poland, and whose arms he bore. A seventeenth century
Polish historian says that the family descended from an English baron, constable of
Chester, who fled to Poland in the time of King Johu, but there is no confirmation of
this. The family arms were an ancient ship bearing a tower. The Palatine was
presumably the nephew of the famous reformer John A'Lasco, who lived in England
for a time.
^64 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1688.
position favourable for the plans that had been formed, has now
turned his eyes towards the English Catliolics, to see whether the
affair might not be commenced there. He has already carried the
matter so far that he expects to have it put into execution very
shortly, and intends to be present in person. As he is entering into
the business with the assurance of the support of His Holiness and
your Majesty, and in any case it is necessary, if the matter is to be
attempted, that it should proceed on solid bases, and with a
probability of success, he requests that His Holiness and your
Majesty should provide 100,000 crowns, to be available here
instantly when it may be required, as when the hour arrives it
will be too late to obtain it, and the whole design will risk failure,
and especially because he, however good an opportunity might
present itself, would not undertake to effect anything without
being certain of the wherewithal to make a commencement. He has
told the nuncio this, and sent the same message to me by the Scots'
ambassador, with a request that I will convey it to your Majesty,
and humbly beg for your support. I understand that he has the
matter in such train as may ensure his success, and in such case it
would be very necessary that he should have at hand the funds for
immediate wants, and particularly for one object which I dare not
venture to mention here, but which if it be effected will make a
noise in the world,* and if not, may be safely mentioned another
time. I beg your Majesty to instruct me on the point, as Hercules
is very confident that your Majesty will not fail him, and this
doubtless is the principal reason which impels him to take the
matter up. The nuncio is writing to the same effect to His
Holiness. Your Majesty should bear in mind that you will have to
provide the greater part of the amount requested, as I am not
sanguine that any large sum can be got from Rome, having just
learnt that His Holiness has only sent 4,000 crowns, whereas your
Majesty has supplied 20,000. I have still in hand a matter of
11,000 crowns, but apart from this, I have not a real for extra-
ordinary expenses, and I have been obliged to trench somewhat
upon this money for them. — Paris, 4th May 1583,
5 May. 333. The Kino to Bernardino de Mendoza,
^kI'imt^ss'!' Your letters of 17th and 28th March and 4th April bring U8
copies of the proposals made by M. de F^n^lon in Scotland and the
result of his embassy, and it was very desirable to send us this in
such full detail. I thank you much for your reports and the
sagacious way in which you are dealing with such fickle people as
those. I thank you also for the consolation and communications
you sent to the queen of Scotland, encouraging her to promote the
plans she has in view, although the departure of the duke of
Lennox and the imprisonment of the King will make success
difiScult and doubtful. God grant some means by which the King
may be released, and that those who are in connection with
* This was Guise's plan to murder Elizabeth. See letter, 24th June. TiWsis to tU«
King, page 479.
fiLIiSABETfl. 46S
1683.
Lennox may take up a better position, otherwise there will be
trouble.
With regard to Flemish affairs which are being so artfully
supported by the Queen, who keeps both the rebels and Alen9on in
hand, there is nothing to say except to beg you to report to the
prince of Parma all you think necessary, so that he may be the
better able to act effectively.
I can well believe the evil oflSces the Queen is exercising with
the Turk to prevent the Sheriff from delivering Larache, and to
induce him to send a fleet into these waters ; but that other plan
you mention, of establishing a trade between England and the
Levant, and carrying lead and tin to Alexandria and Tripoli in
exchange for drugs and spices, is a threatening danger to everyone,
and particularly to the Venetians. 1 am so friendly with the
Republic that you may write to Cristobal Salazar all that is
necessary upon the subject, ao that he may inform the Governors.
Send also full particulars to me in order that I may adopt measures
to obviate the evil.
I grieve for the imprisonment of William Holt. The man who
came hither will shortly be with you.* One day soon I will give
audience to the queen of Scotland's secretary,! and will have you
informed of what passes. — Aranjuez, 5th May 1583.
6 May. 334. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
I wrote on the 22nd that the Queen was sending Secretary Beal
to the queen of Scotland respecting the message sent by the latter
through the French ambassador. It is clear to me, from what the
Queen (of Scotland ?) says, that the affair is a feint on the part of
the ambassador. I am confirmed in this belief, as I know that he
addressed the Queen (of England ?) on the subject, and used the
exact words I wrote to your Majesty, as I learnt from a confidant
of his to whom he repeated them, with the Queen's reply to the
queen of Scotland. The latter wrote me hurriedly in English what
had passed between her and Beal, further particulars of which
would be given to me by the gentleman who brought her letter. J
She asks me to give her my opinion on two points with all possible
speed, this being the principal object of her sending. She said she
would on no account treat with Beal until she had my reply. I
enclose ad verhum copy of the English letter and my reply thereto.
It appears to me that nothing can be more injurious to your
Majesty's interests, and to the hopes of converting this Island, than
that the French should get their fingers into the matter through
the queen of Scotland, and turn it to their own ends. The most
certain method of keeping the conversion well alive is for the
queen of Scotland to remain in the country, as her firm support is
upon the English Catholic party, who in their turn are upheld
• Father Creighton, who had been sent to Rome and Madrid.
J Full particulars of Seal's interviews with the queen of Sootlawd will be found in his
papers now in the possession of Lord t.allhorpt.*,
J 84541. ^ ^
4d6 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1583.
by the arm of your Majesty, so that, being mutually inter-
dependent, they cannot afford to lose the shelter of your Majesty.
I have used all possible artifice in letting the Queen (of Scotland)
know that the best course she can adopt, in every respect, is to
decline to absent herself from the country and abandon the cause.
I mention the various places where she might find herself at
liberty, and point out the inconvenience of each of them in order
that she may consider the arguments, and convince herself that
my opinion is founded on reason rather than with an eye solely to
your Majesty's interests. There is no desire that she should live
for ever in prison, but it would be a pity to risk, by leaving it,
the consummation for which I am so earnestly striving with great
hope of success. I enclose to your Majesty her letter of 9th April,
and will add here, on my own account, how unadvisable it will be
for your Majesty and the Pope to appoint Lennox to command the
troops, in defect of the duke of Guise, as be is so ostentatiously
Protestant in appearance. The priest from Scotland, in letters
dated Rouen, 25th April, advises me that there is little hope that
Lennox will recover his health.
Davison has returned from Scotland, and assures this Queen that
affairs there were going on excellently. She continues to beguile
the King with the hope of his being appointed her successor, and he
■writes to her privately letters full of endearments. I hear that a
letter of this sort arrived the other day ; and, in order to keep him
in suspense, and to avoid his beiug offended at the non-fulfilment
of the pioinises she has made to him before the end of this session
of Parliament, she has suddenly dissolved Parliament, and the
King's hopes must now staud over until the next House meets.
Every means is adopted to avoid a final decision, and as soon as
Parliament met the Treasurer spread the rumour abroad that this
throne would now be consolidated, as the Queen intended to marry
the king of Scotland and appoint him her successor, which news
was believed by those who failed to penetrate the real reason for
publishing it. Orders have been sent to all gentlemen who are
bound to serve on the Border to make ready with their horses, and
await further instructions.
The French ambassador has written to Alengon, assuring him,
in the names of the majority of these Councillors, that when he
chooses to make an attempt on Graveliues they will help him
with munitions and victuals. I have rej)orted this to the prince
of Parma and M. de la Motte.* Somers has returned from
Dunkirk with letters from Alen9on, written in his own hand, for
the Queen, who replies in the same way. He still continues to
entreat her for money. The Queen told Alen5on's gentleman,
Bex, after he took leave of her not to speak with Leicester and
Walsingham, which makes them suspect that she may have sent
asking him to come back. She has appointed a gentleman named
Arber (Arthur Sendye?) to go to Denmark with the offer I
mentioned.
jj* " ' ' ~
♦ ha, Motte was the CommalnJcr of Graveliues for the king of Spain.
lEt,IZABETa. 467
1583.
Diego Botello arrived at Antwerp and the people wanted to kill
him, on the ground that he had come on French plots. 1 have not
heard that he negotiated anything.
I enclose letters from Manuel de Silva in Terceira to Don
Antonio and others. They were in the ship which was lost near
the Sluys, and were bought of a sailor by one of my men who was
in those parts. — London, 6th May 1583.
(6 ?) May. 335. Bernardino de Mendoza to the Qdeen of Scotland.
has given me an account of what your Majesty ordered
him, respecting Beal's mission, and the reply thereto, which was
worthy of your Majesty. I am greatly favoured by your Majesty's
commands that I should give you my opinion on the two points,
and if my understanding and penetration could be made to equal
my goodwill and desire to serve your Majesty, I am sure I should
not err in my judgment ; but as unfortunately my dullness is only
too undoubted, I state my opinion, more out of obedience to your
Majesty than because I think it will be of any service. With
regard to the first point, of your Majesty's release, this may take
one of two forms, either complete freedom to go whithersoever you
choose, or the obligation to remain in tiie country, as was the case
with Queen Mary in the time of King Edward. Release under any
other conditions, and, without free access being allowed to your
Majesty, would only be another sort of imprisonment.
The second consideration, as to the conditions of release which
it would be wise for you to accept, in your own interests and those
of the Prince, depends entirely upon the first. In order to judge
as to which form of release would be best to choose, it will be
necessary to know how some of these Councillors are disposed
towards you, who they are, and which of the principal Catholics
are devoted to you, upon what ports and forces they -jan depend,
and what following they are counting upon. These points can
hardly be elucidated, except by your Majesty yourself, and the
same may be said as to similar information with regard to
Scotland, which is as important in this respect as England. I can
therefore only speak so far as my own knowledge of these points
will permit me, without going into details. I know that there are
many Catholic gentlemen devoted to you, as are all the schismatics
and some Protestants, but only to the extent of being sure
unanimously to acclaim your Majesty in the case of the death of the
Queen, which the Catholics would do if they saw a strong fleet
with foreign troops arrive on the coast, able to undertake the
conquest of the country unaided. I have been diligent in sounding
their intentions, and I must confess that I find no particularly
strong spirit or effort to forward the matter themselves, nor do I
perceive any close association or league amongst them, each acting
and thinking separately, doubtless in corusequeuce of the close
watch kept upon them by the Councillors having completely
cowed them, so that they not only distrust one another but avoid
expressing their opinionB.
In accordance with the information given to me by the priests
468 SPANISH STAtE PAPEJIS.
1583.
■who have been in Scotland, I am forced to a Bimilar conclusion
with regard to that country, and I gather, also, from the duke of
Lennox's communications that he is not so ardent, as in the
interests of your Majesty's release he ought to be, in concluding the
association of your Majesty with your son, and in forwarding
energetically the conversion of that country and this.
If your Majesty be allowed to leave the country you might live
either in Spain or France, but there are inconveniences in your
staying in them or other neutral country, as none are adjacent to
England ; and your Majesty would thus be abandoning the business
altogether, and putting it out of your power to render so inestimable
a service to God as the conversion of these islands to the holy
Catholic Church, and the securing of them to it for the future by
means of your line. Even apart from your natural maternal love,
whicli would urge you to this task, your Majesty desires the
consummation of it so earnestly. There remains, therefore, the
choice of remaining at liberty in this country or in Scotland, and
the conclusion and confirmation of the association by the Prince
and nobles would be of the highest importance in connection with
this, if the Queen (of England) will allow it ; because as your
Majesty, of course, must be permitted the exercise of the Catholic
religion, others would naturally exercise it as well in Scotland, and,
by this means, through your Majesty's influence, ground could
continue to be gained by the preaching of learned and saintly men
to the Piiuce, who miglit thus be won by the easiest way, and one
fully consistent with your Majesty's honour and dignity. At the
same time, your Majesty would establish law and order in the
country, now so unhinged, and would prevent the heretics and
badly intentioned people from holding the person of the Prince in
durance, and the ministers from misleading him spiritually with
their diabolical fictions. With your Majesty in Scotland, and the
person of the Prince safe, very many good results will follow, as
will be evident to anyone, and much more so to your Majesty. If
this Queen agrees to such an arrangement, equivalent conditions
to those proposed by Beal may be oflTered for her security and the
quietude of England ; not forgetting, however, the important point
of the repeal by the English Parliament of the statute passed some
years ago, authorising the Queen to appoint her own successor,
adding also such conditions as your Majesty may consider desirable
for the purpose of pledging, as far as possible, the nobles of England
in union with those of Scotland. If the Queen will not agree to
the association, which for many reasons may be feared, particularly
as she has protested against it, and thfe conspirators are aware
that it will be to their detriment, their hold upon the government
depending on the pretext that your Majesty has abdicated, and the
King been accepted by Parliament, the stay of your Majesty
in Scotland, without the conclusion of the association, would be
useless. The Prince, in such case, would still be in the hands of
the conspirators, and the only result would be that you would be
very unhappy, and unable to attain any of the objects above
Jiaentioned, In defect, there'bre, of the first means, auothuj;
ELIZABETH. 469
1583.
course might be adopted, after your Majesty had, by the aid of thia
Queen, liberated the Prince from the hands of the conspirators,
which is for your Majesty to reside in some convenient
place in England with complete liberty, on the pretext that if
the Prince do not approve of the association you can hardly get
him to renounce during this Queen's lifetime the claim he may
have to the English throne, although your Majesty may do so, as
you only desire to enjoy in peace what you now possess. Your
stay in this country would thus amount almost to a tacit admission
of your claim to the succession. If the Queen refuse this arrange-
ment, which is also not improbable, considering her behaviour in
keeping up the marriage fiction, approaching one prince after the
other, as the interests of her own quietude demand, without
allowing a successor to be appointed, which she has often told me
herself she would take care she did not permit, as men were
naturally more inclined to worship the rising than the setting sun,
another course is open to ua. It is true this would involve your
Majesty's remaining under guard, but without the strictness
hitherto used, or the prohibition of the recreations and pleasures
necessary to make life enjoyable, whilst you would be allowed free
access to despatches and letters from all quarters. Your Majesty
would be assured of the person in charge of the guard, in case of
disturbance here, not undertaking anything in your Majesty's
interests, and the Prince would be out of the hands of the con-
spirators. This, of course, would mean your continued imprison-
ment, and as such, irksome ; but it would have the result of
ensuring and confirming the adhesion of the Catholics here, as
well as of other people who, in case of your absence, would
doubtless fall away and follow the greater crowd, whilst you
would be able to live in a place from whence you might guide the
Prince in the government, and keep up the spirits of your friends in
Scotland.
I have thus laid before your Majesty the courses open to you,
upon all of which much may be said, but notwithstanding thia, I
should be thoughtless indeed if I did not urge you, with all my heart,
to get your liberty at any cost, liberty being the thing most to be
prized in the world after life itself, for those who are deprived of it
are said to suffer civil death. If you were free and in good health,
there ia no doubt that, in time, all the evil could be remedied ; and
I therefore say that the conditions of your release need not be too
closely looked at, if the Queen seems inclined to grant it. This, how-
ever, is very diflScult to believe, seeing how things are going in France,
as the Queen fears that the moment your Majesty is free you would
unsettle her. It may safely be predicted that, unless circumstances
lead her subjects to compel her to appoint your Majesty as her
successor, some prompted by their desire that right should be done,
and some by the conviction that, little as they may love you, they
are most likely to enjoy peace and quietness under you, the Queen
will never willingly agree to it, nor release your Majesty. The
sending of Beal to you at this time was certainly only with the
object of sounding you, in the fear that, with the Prince at his
4i70 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1583.
present age, it ia impossible for Scotch affairs to continue in then?
actual state, but that these must sooner or later break out, to their
(the English) detriment, as England would catch the flame at once,
seeing the multitude of Catholics daily being discovered, to their
great dismay. This makes them fear an outbreak in Scotland;
and in order to see how the land lay, they seized months ago the
letters sent by your Majesty ; and the French ambassador, I have
reason to believe, has been stirring in the matter, and talking for the
purpose of giving him an excuse for staying here, now that the
Alenjon match has failed them. I am led to this belief by the fact
that your Majesty says nothing about having instructed him to take
any steps which could result in Beal being sent,* but yet the
ambassador told two gentlemen, as soon as Beal left, that your
Majesty had complained through him of your treatment, and had
proposed to send your secretary hither, with some safe offers to the
Queen, which should be also honourable to her country. He said
that if the Queen would agree to your suggestions, he doubted not
that as soon as Beal arrived your Majesty would renounce all claims
you might have to the crown of England during the life of this
Queen, which will enable you to judge whether I am right in my
suspicion. As the aim of this Queen and her Councillors is simply
to entertain you with words whilst she gains time to work her will
in Scotch affairs, your Majesty should use great circumspection and
consideration in agreeing with them, and pay them back in their
own coin, whilst at the same time taking care so to arrange matters
as to be able to embrace the opportunities that God may send for
the conversion of the island, which, as it will tend so greatly to His
service, it may be hoped He will soon dispose by His divine action,
whilst all human efforts are being made towards the same end by
the negotiation of his Holiness and the King, my master. — London,
May 1683.
6 May. 336. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
At the killing of the two martyrs I mentioned, in the county of
York lately, I am informed by trustworthy persons that an occurrence
happened for which we should be thankful to God. After one
of the martyrs had been sacrificed, one of the three thieves who
were brought with them for execution cried out, on seeing him die,
that he would die in the same faith as that martyr, which he pro-
tested was the true one (although the man had previously been a
heretic) and that in which alone could men hope for salvation. He
said that the law had killed an innocent man, and would soon be
called to account, and then, with an appearance of great horror and
fervent belief, he gave up his life willingly.
* By Castelnau's letter to the king of France on this subject, dated 16th May (Ch^ruel,
Marie Stuart), and also by the queen of Scotland's letter to Castelnau from Sheffield,
dated 12th July (Labanoff). it will be seen that the approaches made by the French
ambassador for Mary's release had been made with her fuU consent. It will be observed by
the present letter that the Spanish ambassador was opposed to Mary's release by arrange-
ment with the queen of England, above all under French auspices, and was directing all
his efforts towards the Spanish and Papal invasion npder th? noininal leadership ot
Quise,
ELIZABETH. 471
1583.
The Queen maintains such a multitude of spies in France to dog
the footsteps of the English Catholics there, that it is not possible
for their friends to send them a penny without her hearing of it.
They therefore constantly have recourse to me, and I send the
money as if it were my own. I have now 10,000 crowns which
they have asked me to send to Rouen and Paris.
The Council liave suggested to the Catholics to contribute a sum
of money to carry on the enterprise in Florida, upon which
Humphrey Gilbert has sailed with the ships I described to your
Majesty, in which case they promise to release the prisoners and
will allow them to live without persecution. As they have been
warned that the expedition is an illicit one, and fear that the offer
is only a trap to discover them, they are keeping in the back-
ground, although some few Catholics, out of indifference and
penury, have gone with Gilbert, selling what little property was
left to them for the purpose. — London, 6th May 1583.
20 May. 337. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
Since I wrote on the 6th, Beal has returned hither from the
queen of Scotland, and has given an account of his errand to the
Queen, who says, with regard to the queen of Scotland's request
that she shall be released, that although it may be so unsafe and
perilous a business for her, yet as soon as the matter of the
association with her son has been finally concluded by the Scots
nobles, she (Elizabeth) will be happy to discuss the question of
her liberation. The truth is that she herself would stand in the
way of the " association " if the Scots wanted it, and what she says
is simply compliment and empty words to waste time and entertain
the French. With this end Walsingham sent Beal himself to the
French ambassador, to say that in his opinion and that of other
councillors nothing would be more conducive to the welfare of this
country and Scotland than the " association " between the mother
and son, and he therefore begged him to discuss the matter with
the Queen, who, he would find, was now well disposed towards it.
In consequence of the countess of Shrewsbury having quarrelled
with her husband and accused him of giving the queen of Scotland
more liberty than was 6tting, the Councillors were trying to get
her (the Queen) out of his custody. He (the Earl) thereupon
wrote to this Queen, saying that he had kept his prisoner for more
than 14 years, and through the time of the rising in the north in
her favour, and he could not help feeling grieved that he should
be relieved of the charge when he had done nothmg to forfeit
confidence in him. The Queen, therefore, made no change.
On the 14th there arrived here an embassy from bcotiand
Colonel Stuart, John Cockburn, of the King's chamber, David
Lindsay a minister, George (Buchanan ?), and a second secretary.
The two first mentioned came as ambassadors, and the rest as
councillors, without whose consent they cannot act. All of them are
terrible heretics and accomplices in the conspiracy. In addition to
the points of Stuart's instructions which I detailed in ray letter ot
I5th ultimo, he is to request this Queen to give a firm assignment
472 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1688, ' '
for 12,000^, to pay the pensions and the guard that holda the
King, and to lend him a sum of money to repair the fortresses,
some of which are in ruins. It is even said that he will ask for
60,000?. for this purpose, but I am not sure that he will request so
much as that. He is to say that if she will not agree to it they
will be obliged to renew the alliance with France, and accept the
subsidy and pensions from that country, which are again being
offered by the French. The King and they also wish to ask her
what method she intends to adopt to preserve her religion in this
country in case of her death, this being a feeler to see whether she
will announce her intention of appointing the king of Scotland as
her heir. The Queen received them on the 16th, but nothmg
passed but ceremonies of welcome. I will report what I can learn
of their proceedings, which I am watching with the utmost
vigilance, especially with regard to the queen of Scotland, whose
life is of such vital importance for the conversion of this island and
the service of God and your Majesty here.
The only news from Alenjon is that he is continuing in his
former position, and was daily expecting the arrival of the rebel
Commissioners. Cobham writes to the Queen that his most trust-
worthy informants there (in France) affirm that Alen9on would
certainly make terms with your Majesty.
Sends particulars of Don Antonio's armaments at Havre de
Grace and elsewhere. — London, 20th May 1583.
4 June. 338. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King,
I wrote on the 20th ultimo that the Scots' ambassadors bad seen
the Queen, and since then she has given them a second audience, in
which they again submitted to her the principal points of their
mission, namely, the importance of an offensive and defensive
alliance being concluded between the two countries, in order that
their position might be consolidated and their religion more firmly
established, and the granting of a loan to the King. They said if
these points were not accepted 'they would be obliged to seek
alliance with other princes, which, up to the present, they had
avoided on this Queen's account. They concluded by handing her
a statement of the pensions granted by the king of France in
Scotland, and also of those Which M. de la Mothe had offered in
his name if the alliance with France were brought about. The
Queen replied that, with regard to the alliance, she thought it
could not be made binding without the consent of the queen of
Scotland, and she consequently would send persons to her for the
purpose of discussing the matter. She had expected to be able to
preserve her friendship with the King, by reason of the good and
honourable ofBces she had effected during his childhood, and their
relationship and identity of religion, but now she saw that it was
to be a question of money with him, which was the lowest form of
pledge. She dwelt on this point, and Stuart replied that friendship
was proved by the readiness with which help was given in times
of need. After this the Queen coiattplained to the Treasurer and
Walsingham of the importunity of the coQspiratdts, who were
ELIZABETH. 473
1683.
always asking for money, and using their religion as a pretext for
despoiling her, which she said she would never allow, and the
Treasurer approved of her determination.
The next day Stuart brought great pressure upon Walsingham to
submit to the Queen the reasons which existed for her to help the
king of Scotland, and the same night he, Walsingham, did so very
warmly, whereupon the Queen replied that her own servants and
favourites professed to love her for her good parts, Alen^on for
her person, and the Scots for her crown, three entirely different
reasons, but they all ended in the same thing, namely, asking her for
money. The one object was to drain her treasury, but she would
take care to defend it, as money was the principal sinew and force
of princes. Walsingham repeated this to Stuart, who was very
indignant, protesting that the Queen would repent of it, when
perhaps it would be too late for her to remedy the evil that would
befall her. Walsingham therefore offered to reiterate his arguments
to the Queen, and, although Stuart displayed much dissatisfaction
at the small hopes of getting any money, it may be suspected that
they will give him something, and that all this ceremony is only
to reduce the amount, it being the Queen's aim to keep Scotch
affairs in suspense, without coming to close quarters with them,
and allowing them to press her to declare the King as her heir.
This was the reason why she referred the question of the alliance
to the queen of Scotland, who will certainly not agree to it, as its
object is the preservation of their abominable religion. I will
report further developments ; this being the present position.
They (the Scots' ambassadors) have been relegated to the earls
of Leicester and Bedford, the Treasurer, and Walsingham to discuss
their business. The French ambassador has written to his King
that the alliance between Scotland and England had been concluded,
he having been so informed, in ambiguous terms, by one of the
Ministers, but I am fully assured that this is not yet the case.
The countess of Shrewsbury has again complained, through a son
of hers, of her husband, in the matter of the queen of Scots, and
the Queen, after hearing him, referred him to the Council. He
replied that as the matter was one between husband and wife, he
did not think this course would not be agreeable to his mother,
and the Queen then told him to give her a written statement of
the allegations, which she promised should be seen by nobody.
The substance of the complaint is that, so long as the queen of
Scots was in the hands of the earl of Shrewsbury, she would ne's-er
be secure, as he was in love with her, and this the Countess sets
forth with a thousand absurdities and impertinences, which the
Treasurer and Walsingham have repeated, the Queen having shown
them the statement,*
She has written'to Cobham, telling him to intimate to the King of
France — not as coming from her, but from one of her Councillors —
that she intends to send Lord Hunsdon, Sir Walter Mildmay, and
• The particulars of the disputes between the earl and countess of Shrewsbury, as
set forth in their correspondence, will be found in Fart III. of the Hatfield Papers, Hist,
MSS. Com.
474 SPANISH STATE PAPEBS.
1683. ~~~~ ~
Beal, to confer with the queen of Scots respecting her release.
This is only for the purpose of beguiling the latter, whilst she
(Elizabeth) is dealing with Scotch affairs in her own way. She
(the queen of Scotland) is perfectly aware of this, as your Majesty
will see by the enclosed copy of a letter I received from her two
days ago.
I understand that the French ambassador has written privately
to Stuart, saying that he cannot avoid feeling some surprise that,
he being the ambassador of a King with whom France has been
so friendly, they should not have met. I do not know whether
Stuart has replied yet.
Mdneville has returned from Scotland to France, as your Majesty
will have heard from Tassis.
Alen(;on has sent hither a secretary of his, who arrived ten days
since, to inform the Queen that the rebels were again approaching
him with terms of settlement through Marshal Biron. He says
he advises her thereof in order to have her opinion as to the
conditions he ought to grant. Alen9on says he is now convalescent.
A Venetian gentleman of the house of Cornari, who has been in
France for some months past with the ambassador of the seigniory
there, has come hither on the pretext of seeing the Queen. I
understand his object is to endeavour to arrange with her for a
Venetian ambassador to reside here, in which case he will be the
man. The Queen will be very glad of it, as she tried to arrange it
some years ago, in order that she might have an excuse for sending
an ambassador thither, who might inform her on Italian affairs, but
the Venetians would not then allow it, in the fear that his Holiness
would not consent to the English ambassador exercising his religion
there, even in his own house. They therefore expect to have a
minister here, whilst the Queen sends none to Venice. I am
informed that this Venetian says that if your Majesty proceeds in
this way, they can do the same. — London, 4th June 1583.
4 June. 339. Bernardino dk Mendoza to Juan de Idiaquez.
My isolation grows daily more irksome, as I receive no despatches
either from His Majesty or yourself, which I desire to do for a
thousand reasons, apart from my maladies. I sent you a clear
letter (i.e. not in cipher) by "William Bodenham,* a person of trust
and usefulness here, and I must repeat that his loss will be much
felt if he be not sent back, in case of His Majesty's deciding to send
a minister hither.
The Queen continues to make much of the Palatine Lasqui, and
a few days ago she had a joust got up expressly for his gratification.
He saw it from a window with the Queen and the French am-
bassador. The personages who were with the duke of Alenjon at
Dunkirk, I understand have returned to France, Fervacques alone
remaining with him. Biron is in the field, but in very bad case.
You will see by my letters to the King tlie talk there is aixiut an
arrangement.
♦ The Bod«nhapi8 ^ere an English Catholic family of merchants long settled in SeTille,
ELIZABETH. 475
1583.
I cannot help mentioning a very strange thing that has happened
in this country, as I am assured by very trustworthy persons. In
a place called Beaumaris, in the province of Chester, there is a
hermaphrodite, who has hitherto chosen to dress as a man, and, as
such, was married and had children. A few months ago, however,
he changed his functions and is now pregnant. It seems contrary
to nature that he should both conceive and engender as well. — •
London, 4-th June 1583.
-5 June. 340. The Queen of Scotland to Bernardino de Mendoza.
As I do not wish to proceed ceremoniously with you, I must ask
you to excuse me for not writing a long letter now, as I am so
busy with the commissioners who arrived here on Saturday. I will
only say how pleased I am to hear of your convalescence, and
thank you affectionately for your good advice touching the
negotiations for my liberation, in which I recognise your great
prudence, especially in the reasons you set forth for my stay in
this country, which course I think will be most advantageous for
me, in view of the state of affairs here.
The Queen has written me a very honest and gracious letter, and
up to the present, the commissioners have exhibited every appearance
of goodwill towards me. God grant that all may tend to His glory
rather than to my own contentment.
By the last packets I have received from France, my cousin M. de
Guise writes me that he still persisted in his first determination
to land personally in England, and that as soon as things were
ready he would not fail to set out. He was nevertheless hurrying
as much as possible the return of the duke of Lennox to Scotland,
although I am greatly afraid that they will not let him pass.
Whatever happens, I shall be equally thankful to the Catholic King,
your master, for his acceptance of my offers and his demonstration
of goodwill as if success had attended our efforts. Certainly
nothing shall be wanting on this side. — 5th June 1583.
6 June 341. The King to JuAK Bautista de Tassis.
^"2^447™"' You were informed lately that a reply should be written soon
to the message sent to you by Hercules through the Scots'
ambassador ; and you may now tell him that I am glad to hear
that he has brought the important matter he mentions to the point
he has, and I shall rejoice to see it well finished by his hand. In
order not to fail in so good a work, I have written to his Holiness
begging him to respond promptly with money, and I offer to con-
tribute my fair part to the extent of my power. I am, however,
short of money and obliged to provide for very many exigencies,
so that, as the case demands it, and the Pope is better off than I, it
is only just that he should supply a liberal proportion of the 100,000
crowns, and it will be well that he should be written to from Paris
to that effect, and assured that he (Guise ?) will not fail in his
good intent. It is true that, as the affair is such a great one, and
it is so important that it should not fail if once it is undertaken,
I shall be glad to have further particulars of the forces and
476 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1583.
combinationa, and the way in which it is proposed to execute li ;
because, although I do not doubt his prudence and experience, and
am convinced that the matter is well planned, I should never-
theless be pleased to learn the details, which he (Guise) can send
through you. He may rest assured, as I have said before, of my
attachment to his interests and particularly in this matter.
When I get a reply from Rome, I will advise you of it and
provide my part, but, as you remark, even there (in Paris) the
supplies from Rome are very scanty, and you had better point
out to Hercules that he must insist very strongly upon the money
being provided by the Pope, and must press the nuncio upon the
matter. The obligation is one which rests especially upon his
Holiness, and he is free from the many calls which burden me.
This is all I have to say upon the matter at present. You will do
your best to encourage him (Guise) in it by assuring him of my
warm approval of the enterprise, and report to me the method by
which he intends to effect it, the pretext he will adopt, what is his
principal motive, and all else you can learn. Impress secrecy upon
those who are concerned, as so much depends upon no mistake
being made. — San Lorenzo, 6th June 1583.
6 June. 342. The King to Bernardino de Mendoza.
^K"r447?m.' I ^°^^ ^y y°^^" ^^"^''^ °^ *^*^ '^^^ 22nd April and 6th May the
plans that were being hatched between the Queen and the duke of
Alen9on about Flanders, and the various artifices she adopts to
keep the king of Scotland oppressed and captive, whilst she feeds
him with hopes and deceives him. The best way to open the king
of Scotland's eyes will be for his mother to write to him, telling
him what he had better do under the circumstances.
I see also what the queen of Scotland, tired of her long im-
prisonment, wrote to you, and your reply persuading her not to make
any change in her residence to France, even if she were able to do
80. I approve of this, and you will continue the same course,
because it might happen that her presence near at hand might, at
a given moment, be of the greatest importance for the Catholics,
whilst her absence might be correspondingly prejudicial. The
secretary she sent to me will shortly be despatched, and you will
be advised as to the reply you are to give to the mission he brought
to you.
In your last letter, you say it will be highly detrimental for the
island and its conversion, as well as for my interests, if the French
are allowed to get a footing there on the pretext of Scotch aflfairs,
whilst, on the other hand, I hear that Lennox entirely depends
upon Guise, who, as the kinsman of the Queen also, will naturally
possess her confidence, as I understand he also does that of the
Scottish Catholics and of the Pope's ministers. I shall be glad if
you will let me know what is your opinion of Guise, and if you
think that anything attempted through him would possess the
objections you mention as attaching generally to the interference of
Frenchmen in the island, and also whether he would be able to
conduct a successful enterprise with a money aid only, and, if not,
ELIZABETH. 477
1683.
what else he would require. Let me know your opinion on all
points, as you are on the spot and so well versed in the matter. —
San Lorenzo, 6th June 1583.
11 June. 343. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
On the 4th, I reported the reply that the Queen had giren to
the Scots ambassadors. She despatched them, after all, in the way
I suspected, having granted pensions of 3,000?. to the conspirators,
although some people say they accepted them for the King as they
had promised. She also lends 6,0O0J. in the form of bills of
exchange from merchants here, payable in Scotland. The Scots
were informed that these concessions were granted solely at the
instance of the earls of Leicester and Bedford, and Walsingham ; as
the Queen had made up her mind to give them nothing. It is
thought this will make them prize it the more.
With respect to the King's marriage, she said she thanked
them much for placing into her hands a matter of such great
importance, especially as she was informed by her ambassador that
your Majesty and the king of France were making many marriage
proposals to him. As for herself, she had decided to decline, as she
thought she was better without a husband ; but she would give
him her opinion on the matter. At present, she would say no
more but that there was no person in England with the necessary
qualifications for the purpose. After this, the Queen earnestly
begged Stuart to tell her whether it was true that Leicester had
negotiated through Davison for the marriage of the king of
Scotland with the daughter* of his wife. Although Stuart denied
this, the Queen became so excited about it as to say that she would
rather allow the King to take her crown away than see him married
to the daughter of such a she- wolf, and, if she could find no
other way to repress her ambition and that of the traitor Leicester,
she would proclaim her all over Christendom for the bad woman
she was, and prove that her husband was a cuckold. She said
much more to the same effect ; and, in order to mollify her,
Leicester is now making great efforts to marry the girl to a private
gentleman.
The Queen gave Stuart a chain worth 60?., and corresponding
presents to the rest. They left here in company with Walter
Mildmay, who, as I said, is going to the queen of Scotland, which
gives rise to the idea that Stuart may be allowed also to go and
kiss her hand.
Cobham writes to the Queen that Alen§on wishes his mother to
go to Dunkirk to confer with him, whilst she wishes him to go to
Calais. Alen9on continues to assure this Queen that he will not
agree to any fresh settlement with the States, except on the
conditions that she desires ; and says that, if she thinks it will be
better for him not to negotiate, he will not do so. The Queen is
so puffed up with this that she neglects no opportunity of trying to
force me to take offence. There recently arrived in this country a
* Lady Dorothy Doverenx.
4i7B StANISk STATE PAPERS.
1683.
Genoese gentleman married in the Netherlands, named Bartolom^
Salvariccia, a subject of your Majesty, who came to give me an
iiccount of certain matters in France; he being a person who
regularly corresponds with me, and sends important information of
that (the French) Court. His object on this occasion, also, was to
open up a correspondence between me and a man whom he has
bought over near .the person of Don Antonio, which man being a
Frenchman, objects to treat with .[nan Bautista de Tassis. As he
admitted that the only reason for his coming hither was to see me,
Walsingham one morning sent five men to the house to arrest him and
seize all liis documents, which were carried to the court and examined,
after which they told him that he had better leave the country
instantly, as the Queen had information from an Italian that he had
come hither for the purpose of arranging with me to poison Orange,
^ which statement had been made by that heretic Horatio PaUavicini*
who lives here. Salvariccia replied that he did not interfere in
such matters, nor did he think the Queen had any right to inquire
into them, as Orange was a rebel against your Majesty, and he,
Salvariccia, had only come here to see me. As for leaving the
country, he said, so far as he was concerned, he would go at once,
but the Queen would see how I would take it. When Walsingham
heard this he said he would communicate with tlie Queen, which
was only to gain time whilst they saw whether there was anything
in his papers. They found there was nothing, and consequently
they sent me word that, notwithstanding the information the Queen
had received against Salvariccia, she could not bslieve that he came
for the purpose of seeing me on an evil errand, and therefore she
surrendered him to me as my prisoner. In consequence of his
having communicated with me. Orange, as soon as I arrived here, had
confiscated the property which Salvariccia's wife owned in Holland,
and exiled her from the Netherlands. On this account and as he
has sent me much valuable information, especially about Don
Antonio, he deserves favour at your Majesty's hands.
Colonel Stuart replied to the French ambassador's letter in the
terms your Majesty will see by the enclosed copy. The ship I spoke
of as going to Terceira with munitions has returned bringing a little
woad. They say there were 1,200 soldiers in the island and great
scarcity of everything. English ships arriving from Andalucia
report having met ofi" Cape Finisterre the ships belonging to Don
Antonio which sailed from Havre de Grace, with a fresh east wind
that would soon carry them into Terceira. — London, 11th June
1583.
20 June. 344. Bernardino de Mendoza to Juan de Idiaquez.
Many thanks for your kindly speaking to the King about my
recall. Doiia Ana (de Mendoza, his sister), writes telling me of
your kind efforts in my favour, and that your advice is that I
should be patient and cheerful.
Dona Ana also says that you had remarked that you thought
Sir Hor»tio Pallaviifiui was ^n eminent Genoese banker long lesideut in Londofti
ELIZABETH. 479
1683.
when my knighthood was granted my company was taken away,
which agrees with what Secretary Mateo Vasquez wrote to me,* as
you will see by the copy I enclose. Mj' ill-luck thus turns to my
disadvantage what to others would be a boon, as you are aware
that I i'arm out my knight-commandership for 1,300 ducats, and I
am now deprived of 500 ducats (pension) and 960 ducats (that is
80 crowns a month for my company), so that I lose money by it, as
well as having the best part of the first two years' revenue swallowed
up in costs ; but if his Majesty should even take away the knight-
commandership as well, his will be done. The loss will not be so
great to me as the day upon which I lost the sight of my eye. —
London, 20th June 1583.
24 June. 345. Juan Bautista de Tassis to the King.
"k. 1561?*'' '^^'' P'^'^ which Hercules had in hand, as I reported to your
Majesty on the 4th May, was an act of violence^ against that lady,
which someone, probably from interested motives, was to have
performed ; but I see that the whole thing is now at an end and
nothing more is being said about it, and the funds referred to will
therefore no longer be necessary. M. de Meyneville, who is the
second ambassador whom the Christian King sent some months back
to Scotland at the request of the duke of Guise, and from whom
Hercules expected to receive a full account of affairs in that country,
has recently returned hither.
His intelligence is to the effect that Scotland is not at present
in a fit state for our forces to go thither and begin the enterprise
in accordance with the plan proposed last year by the duke of
Lennox, as the King is the same as before with regard to religion ;
and being in the hands of the English faction, and so flattered and
deceived with promises by them, believes himself to be at liberty,
and that he will be able by negotiation to secure the release of his
mother and his own succession to the English throne. Besides
this, there is no port for us except Dumbarton, the captain of
which will never give it up to anyone else but the duke of Lennox
himself, who has recently died here, and he (the captain) is influenced
to this end by the 5,000 crowns I gave him for the support of the
place. In short, it is clear from Meyneville's account that, neither
on the side of the King, by private combinations or the possession
of fortresses and ports, is ;there at present any good grounds in
Scotland for undertaking the enterprise.
Meyneville gilds his account with the grand hopes he gives that
the King may be won over, as may many of his subjects. His
idea is that the King may best be gained by the sending thither
by the Christian King, under some pretext, of an experienced
ambassador, who might gradually lead him to the desired point.
Meyneville asserts that he is a prince of very good understanding,
* See letter No. 235. . ,. ,
t These words have been underlined by the King, who hae added, " I thiuk we
■' understood that here. It would not have been bad if it had been done by them,
" although certain things had to be provided against." This referred to the proposed
taurdiT cf the Quocli by Guise.
480 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1688. "
and, although he will not at present allow any suggestion of a
change of religion, he abhors the proceedings of the ministers of his
sect. As regards the subjects, Meyneville recommends that some
private person should be sent with money to comply with arrange-
ments by which he (Meyneville) has already gained over certain
men, and to continue to tjuy others, as they are all very venal and
may be gained easily with money.
This advice has entirely fallen in with the views of Hercules
and his associates, and he has therefore chosen for the second
mission a nephew of the Scots ambassador resident here, a very
honourable gentleman and a zealous Catholic, who promises that
he will do all lie can in favour of the cause. I have handed to
him, at the request of Hercules, (3,000 sun-crowns, besides which
I believe that the nuncio has given him the 4,000 crowns he had,
and he will start on his mission immediately.
Hercules has also undertaken to induce the Christian King to
send Meyneville back to Scotland at once. He is a very clever
man, in whom Hercules lias entire confidence. I do not know,
however, whether this part of the plan will be carried through, as
it depends entirely on the King's will, and Hercules and his party
have not much influence with him at present, so perhaps he will
not consent so easily as they expect. If it be done, it is, of course,
possible that the result anticipated by Meyneville may be attained,
but I cannot say that I am very confident about it, because, as the
king of Scotland is still quite unenlightened with regard to the
Catholic religion, and contented to be in the hands of the English
faction, in the hope that he may obtain from the queen of England
by peaceful means all he desires, a bait the Queen will dangle
before him to any extent, it does not seem very probable that
Meyneville, even if he go, will be able very easily to overcome all
the difficulties. Besides this, the only way of winning over the
people is by interest, in which there is no certaintj', as there seems
very little zeal or religion there, and this is what displeases me
most. My own feeling in the matter is one of fear that, whatever
we may do, Scotland shows but little indications of tending to the
way desired, but I have nevertheless shown no disapproval of the
decision arrived at, and, on the contrary, have praised it. My
reason for this has been, in the first place, because I thought it
worth the risk of 6,000 crowns, even if the money turn out to be
wasted, to convince Hercules of our desire to please him in all
things. The only thing that rather goes against the grain with
me is that all these atteuipts to buy people over are made by, and
in the name of. Frenchmen, and it seems as if we were gaining
friends for them with our money. Nevertheless, I shall look upon
it as well spent if they will serve our ends.
With regard to the enterprise itself, Hercules has come to the
resolution set forth in the enclosed document.* As there are
certain things in it which seem contradictory with what has
The document is lost, but its contents arc indicated in this lutter.
ELIZABETH. 481
1683.
already been said, I must relate, as briefly as possible, the events
which have occurred, even at the risk of seeming prolix.
After Hercules had heard Meyneville's report about Scotland and
had reflected for some days, he wished me to meet him at the
Nuncio's house, where in his presence Meyneville repealed what he
had to say. The discourse then turned to the prinpipal matter, and
Hercules suggested that it would be better to effect the enterprise
by way of England, on the same footing and conditions as were
verbally submitted to your Majesty by Richard Melino, which had
been reduced to writing and were read to us, the time fixed for the
expedition being next September. As the matter was so grave a
one it did not seem fitting that I should reply hastily, and the
meeting broke up after some general conversation. It was at this
point that Hercules asked me about Rome, and I replied as detailed
in my other letter. I afterwards reflected that Lennox's plan being
now at an end, and that the natural jealousy of this crown (of
France) at any enterprise of your Majesty's might be aroused if all the
troops for the undertaking came from Spain, whereas if Italians
and Germans were employed the affair could not be carried through
at the time stated, and the same objection existed to sending much
of the material from Spain, I determined to communicate to
Hercules my ideas on the matter. I was also led to this by the
consideration that, as a beginning had to be made in England, it
behoved us to be sure that the party there was strong enough to
make it worth while, and whether, above all, we could count upon
a good port there ; besides several other points contained in the
proposal, which I thought worth consideration. If nothing else
came of it, I thought that it would enable us to get more at the
root of the business. As the duke of Bavaria will have to be
mentioned in my remarks on Hercules' final proposal, I may say
that the reason he was introduced was that I was told that the
duke had sent offering his aid to Hercules, the business having bpen
communicated to him by the queen of Scots.* The offers of the Duke,
moreover, are considered of some importance here. In view of
Meyneville's anticipations as to the conversion of Scotland, I did
not care to flatly oppose it, but I began by pointing out the danger
of national jealousy being aroused if this affair was undertaken
solely by your Majesty's fleet, and said that even the king of
Scotland himself, on whose behalf it was sent, might come t,o hate
the expedition on this account, and hinder rather than help it.
This, I said, must be considered deeply, seeing how uncertain it
was that the array would be able to take possession of the whole
country as soon as it entered, the said country being held by a
woman who would not run the risk of a battle in the open, but
would direct her efforts to holding the ports through which succour
might reach her. As the whole of the men for the expedition
would have to come from Spain, even though they were Germans or
7 84541
* The duke of Bavaria had been gained to the cause of the queeu of Scotland m
1678 by the bishop oi Ross. See iuteicepted letters from the bishop on the subject la
MSS. Cotton Caligula CV.
4.82 SPANISH STATE PAPEJIS.
1583.
Italians, I said it, would not be possible for the affair to be effected
in September, and the same argument applied to the arms they
required, which would have to be sent from Milan. I asked him
(Guise) therefore to consider whether it would not be better to
defer it until next yeaj, and in the meanwhile the king of Scots
might be converted and prepared to take the matter into his own
hands, as was originally intended. If the king of Scotland himself
took the lead there could be no jealousy on the part of France,
where it was most to be feared, and if the queen of England had
no support on the side of France she must certainly fall. If, on
the other hand, the temper of the English Catholics would not
suffer this delay, I said, let Hercules or his brother take the lead
with 4,000 men, rather in the form of a succour than as a Spanish
national expedition ; and let the affair be done in his name and not
in the name of Spain, as he was a relative of the queen of Scots
and bound to seek her release. If he took a good force of
Frenchmen, the Christian King would not hinder him. This course
would obviate the difficulty about the number of men he requested,
as, if he found 4,000 men, your Majesty might probably be able to
provide the rest without having to send far aHeld for them. As
regards the arms also, they might be obtained here, where there is
an abundance of them, and the diversion on the Irish coast might
be left to your Majesty, that on the Sussex coast to the brother*
(i.e. of Guise) who remained here, whilst as for Norfolk, I said,
since the duke of Bavaria was so determined to take part, let him
secretly equip some ships on the coast of Holland, with the pretext
of the war in Flanders, and embark four or five thousand Germans
on them, and run them over to Norfolk. I also touched on the
other points of his first proposal, such as sending the exiles over to
England at once, &c., but as they are not important I will not detail
them. Hercules thereupon made his final proposal, in which he
insists that we must make the commencement, and he undertakes
to banish the jealousy {i.e. of France) by the diversion that he will
make on the coast of Sussex and the efforts he will exert, and will
cause his Holiness to exert, in the same direction. This is a great
point, because if we can take the matter in hand without exciting
the opposition of Fiance, we shall carry it through easily. He
would nob enter further into the question of the time for the
attempt, but left it to his Holiness and your Majesty, although he
really tacitly consents to its postponement, because, in addition to
the number of men I said it would be difficult to raise in the time,
he asks for many more, and indicates such distant nationalities that
it would take all the time from now until September merely to
engage them. I suppose this to mean that he sees the necessity for
deferring the expedition, but will not admit it in so many words.
His demands are high, but I am not surprised at this, as it is always
easy to spend other people's money, and it is usual to ask for more
than is wanted, so as to obtain enough. I have no doubt he will
endeavour to comply with his own promises, and I try to persuade
* The duke of Mayenne.
EUZABETH. 483
1^83.
myself that he will be able to do so. I wish they would not
communicate all the particulars to the duke of Bavaria, but contiuue
with him in generalities, as secrecy is so important; but I do
not think Hercules liked the idea of refraining from telling him
everything, although I do not know what good it can do.
The Englishmen who have the matter in hand, I mean Dr. Allen
and those who went to Spain, are rather disconsolate at this decision,
as they think all this talk and intricacy are mere buckler-play, and
that we shall be a long time coming to deeds at this rate. I am
not sure, moreover, that the English and Scots are- quite at one
with regard to the prime object of the enterprise, for the following
reasons. The former are more anxious that the Catholic religion
should be restored, whilst the latter think first of the release of the
queen of Scots, and the succession to the English crown, although
of course each of these aims is desired by all of them. The English,
too, may suspect a tendency on the part of the Scots to look for a
controlling influence in the new empire, and as they (the Scots) are
naturally inclined to the French, perhaps they would rather see the
affair carried through with but few Spaniards ; whilst English hate
this idea, as their country is the principal, and they claim that it
shall not lose its predominance when Scotland is admitted into the
empire. The English are more attached to the house of Burgundy
than to France, and have received so much favour from _your
Majesty that they would rather have help from Spaniards than
others. I see signs that the aims are not quite identical, and notice
that the English are less active than the Scots in discussing and
forwarding this project, although Dr. Allen and his people have been
the men who from the first have been preparing matters in England,
and upon whom the party there principally depends. They are,
however, very prudent, and do nothing to oppose the plan ; but
seeing Lennox's scheme entirely at an end, and convinced that they
must look for a remedy only to the feeling in their own country,
they have made up their minds that they are simply wasting time
in depending upon what is arranged here (in France), and will lay
before your Majesty a clear statement of the present tendency in
England, and beg you to extend your royal pity to the poor afliicted
oppressed Catholics there. They will, whilst not asking your
Majesty to lose sight of the proposals now made, point out to you
the present favourable condition of England, which will make the
task there comparatively easy. Allen has impressed this upon me
very forcibly, and although I know that exiles are apt to be sanguine, I
cannot help believing what he says, and I trust God will reward their
zeal by delivering them from their bondage. Tliey say that, even if
Scotland were in a fit state for the attempt to be commenced there, it
would not be advisable to do so, and the party in England are of the
same opinion. At all events, I can see no indication that ieehn^j
in Scotland is likely to be favourable for some time, and although
this gentleman is going thither with the money, and Meyueville may
follow liim, I fear much that they will be too late to turn the King,
a mere boy who has hithei-to been a heretic, and is flattaod In the
English faction. Everything, moreover, which delays the matter
JIH 2
^*^i SPANISH STATE PAl^EftS.
1683. ~ '
causes the risk of unfavourable changes in the interim, and how-
ever little may be looked for from the king of Scots, if he saw the
enterprised once undertaken in England, and understood that what
was being done was in favour of himself and his mother, he would
agree to it.
They (the English) are assured of an excellent port, and talk
much of the many Catholics and friends they have in the north,
and other parts of the country. Hibemia (York ?) and Norfolk will
be raised'by the people of the districts themselves, and also Wales,
which they consider very important and secure. They would be
content, as your Majesty will see, with very few troops, so strong is
their confidence in the people of the country, but they consider that
it will be highly necessary for arms to be supplied to equip the
'country people. They also request that the fleet should bring money
lo pay the men for the first few months, so that they may live in
orderly fashion, and they ask for some surplus money to enable them
to raise some men of the country to serve with the army in the
form of militia. They are so confident of success, with the
blessing of God, in whose service the attempt will be made, that it
is impossible for anyone hearing them to help being convinced.
Not much importance need be attributed to the fact that this
plan is somewhat divergent from that of Hercules, as the latter,
the Scots ambassador, and a French Jesuit father, a confidant of
Hercules, who have drawn up his plan, are well aware of it, and
liave asked for much more than they will be content to accept from
your Majesty. If just a few Germans and Italians were sent, so
that it would appear they were not all Spaniards, that would satisfy
them. I believe, indeed, that Hercules will not stand out on the
point at all, if he be flattered as hitherto with the notion that he is
to be the guide and director of it all, that everything will be in his
hand^ and that tiie expedition will go whither he may choose. If
he is made to tliink that we shall do nothing without him, and the
necessary provision is made for him here, I have no doubt that he
will agree to wliatever your Majesty may order. In the interest
of the business itself, moreover, and to prevent jealousy here, it is
necessary that he should take charge. These Englishmen desire,
in any case, that the attempt should be made at tlie beginning of
next winter — September or October — as they fear delay. They
think your Majesty's fleet will have returned early enough for
preparations to be made, and as they hope to God it may return
victorious and entire, there being now no enemies at sea, they think
the necessary preparations might be made beforehand, and every-
thing be ready when the fleet arrived. Even if a few more troops
had to be put on board, they could soon be raised, the principal
thing being the fleet itself.
They are anxious to be informed of yuur Majesty's decision, so
that they may forewarn their friends, both in the part of the
country whither the fleet is to go, aud that where the diversion is
to be made, so that everything shall be ready and they may, if
there he time, send the ship tliey mention to Spain with expert
and faithful pilots to guide the fleet to England. Father' Robert
ELIZABETH. 486
1588.
(Persons) signified to me to-day that they would make a start as
soon as they got even a conditional promise that the enterprise
would be undertaken if your Majesty's fleet returns in time, in
which case they will at once begin their preparation. I am not
quite sure whether this is advisable, and whether it will not risk
the discovery of the project. Your Majesty may therefore decide
rather to give an answer definitely, yes or no, to them, or if this
be impossible and the matter has to be deferred, to advise tliem
exactly when it is intended to effect it, so that they may make
their preparations in due time. They should be comforted and
encouraged in the meanwhile to keep their party together. They
also desire prompt advice, so that they may find means to join the
fleet of the exiles in Flanders, under the earl of Westmoreland and
Baron Dacre, who are the most influential men in the part of the
country whither they intend to go, and they wish to arrange for
Allen to go thither, as he comes from those parts and will be near
the bishopric of Durham which he is to have. There will be some
difficulty in his going, as he is older and more feeble than the rest,
and will need more comfort on the voyage. They must make the
best arrangements they can. Your Majesty will see that they
offer to defray the expenses, and enter into a perpetual alliance.
I need not enlarge on the quality of this business, as no one knows
better than your Majesty how greatly it will redound to the
service of God, the advantage of Christianity, and the honour of a
Catholic King. It may also benefit affairs in Flanders although it
ill befits me to intrude my views on so exalted a matter. I will
confine myself to recommending warmly to your Majesty these
English Catholics, whose whole hope is founded upon you ; and I
supplicate your Majesty, for the love of God, to help them as much
as possible. I will only add that, if the enterprise is to be under-
taken, it appears to me that the true road to success is by England
rather than by Scotland.
Another point which partly bears upon it must not be forgotten.
The Guises are lately so out of favour and neglected that I under-
stand the flood has nearly reached its full and threatens to burst
the dam. They are aff'ronted with the present form of govern-
ment and the growth of the power of the favourites, and are
convinced that as the latter increases the public disorder will also
increase, whilst they (the Guises) will decline. They probably fear
also that if they continue to put up v/ith it they may lose their
influence with the nobles and the people ; and perhaps even the
Huguenots will fall upon them, particularly if Beam should rise
in the scale in consequence of the illness of Anjou. I have an
inkling that to save themselves from entire submersion, and secure
the respect they consider to be their due, they are again tending
to a bold course, and may very shortly appeal to arms. This is a
delicate matter, and I do not presume to attirm anything for certain,
but I hear a secret whisper that they are raising 6,000 foot soldiers.
Their first pretext will be against the Huguenots, and they will
afterwards demand a reform of the government to compel the King
to follow in the footsteps of his predecessors, whilst hia vassals
SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
486
1583.
love and obey him as they should. None of them (the Guises) are
at present with the King, both brothers being at Eu, which is an
estate in Normandy belonging to the elder. If the affair comes
about, the great object will be against the heretics, and it may be
expected that it is to this end that they desire to prove your
Majesty's friendship, although they have not hitherto given me the
slightest hint in the matter. The only word I have heard was from
the Nuncio, who asked me the other day whether, in case anyone
opposed the Huguenots here, your Majesty would help him. He
said he did not know whether his Holiness would help or not,
unless the King (of France) himself took the matter in hand. I
saw by this that he (the Nuncio) had scented something, or else that
he knew more than he said, although when I pressed him he
stopped short as if he did not know particulars.
When Hercules was discussing the Scotch matter I noticed some
inclination in him to defer it until next year, on account of this
other matter, as he may have thought he could hardly undertake
both things at the same time. But he must afterwards have
convinced himself that his resources were sufficient to do so, and
that the business here might even help him in the other matter,
as it would direct attention away from it. He is right in this, and
it would do no harm in Flemish affairs. I have got some enlighten-
ment from Melino, who is very grateful for the favours he received
in Spain. — Paris, 24th June 1583.
5 July. 346. Bebnardino de Mendoza to the King.
The rumour has been current here that the king of Scotland was
free, some movement having taken place during his progress in the
north. The truth is, however, that he is in the territory owned
by the earls of Argyll and Huntly, enjoying greater liberty than
before, because, although the earls of Gowrie, Mar, and Angus are
at Court they are not so entirely in possession of the King's
person as previously. This news has greatly disturbed the Queen,
as the affair happened before the arrival there of the ambassadors
witli their despatch, they having left here anything but satisfied.
I enclose copy of a letter to me from the queen of Scotland.
Mildmay and Beal have returned, but the former has stayed at a
house oi' his on the road, so that the result of their visit is not yet
known, although Beal says that, when they spoke of the charge
brought by this Queen ngainst the queen of Scotland, that she had
planned to marry the duke of Norfolk without her consent, the
queen of Scotland had replied that she would never have entered
into the negotiation but for an autograph letter she had received
from the earl of Leicester assuring her that this Queen would be
pleased with it, and she was ready to exhibit the letter as often
as might be desired. This had made the Queen very indignant
with Leicester.
I understand that the king of France has written to his ambas-
sador here, saying that he has received a secret letter in cipher
from the king of Scotland excusing himself for having sent the
embassy to this Queen and for his cool reception of MenevillCj
ELIZABETH. 487
1 583.
which, he says, was rather the result of the influence of the
conspirators than of his own feelings.
Alen^on has left Dunkirk for France, as he was afraid of being
beleaguered. He did not advise this Queen of his intention,
greatly to her surprise and that of her Councillors, when she learnt
from Dover the news that he was already in France. Last night
news came that the prince of Parma was battering Dunkirk on
three sides, »nd the Treasurer, in conversation about it, said that it
could not hold out long, as there were not 400 Frenchmen in the
place.
The French ambassador had audience of the Queen yesterday on
his having received letters from France, and, from certain words
that he has let fall, it is suspected that he might ask the Queen to
help in the relief of Dunkirk. She, however, is very shy about it,
as Cobham lately advised her that the Huguenots were suspicious
that Alenjon would come back to France and help his brother to
make war upon them.
Diego Botello is now in Antwerp, having returned from
Holland, where he had been trying to arrange for them to help
Don Antonio with ships, but the towns only laughed at him. The
magistrates of Holland and Zeeland have granted the title of Count
to Orange, but they have not dared yet to call the guilds together
to confirm it.
This Queen has sent a pensioner of hers named Bowes to
Muscovy with the envoy who has gone in the merchantmen
which usually leave at this season. They were not quite free from
apprehension as to the king of Denmark, as they do not know
whether the arrangement with him about their trade is concluded,
although, as I reported, the Queen has sent a gentleman to negotiate
with him.
Some merchants have come hither from an English port called
Lavair (Havant ?) to complain that Manuel de Silva had captured
from them at Terceira three ships with merchandise, saying tha
Don Antonio would pay for them next year. As they do not
• lament much over their loss, it is probably an artifice of Walsing-
ham's to make people think the Queen is not helping Don Antonio.
No doubt the ships are those that went with munitions. — London,
5th July 1583.
, 9 July. 347. Juan Bautista de Tassis to the King.
^'"k.'i562"'''' Either Meyneville must have returned very ill informed of
Scotch affairs or they must have changed considerably since he left
there, as Mr. Seton, a gentleman of the mouth to your Majesty,
arrived here lately, and has positively assured me of the following
facts.
He is on hi.s way to your Majesty's Court, ostensibly to reside
and fulfil his functions there for some time, but the true secret of
his voyage is that he has been sent by divers Scots gentlemen
who have banded together resolved to take up arms and liberate
the King, if they can obtain from your Majesty a promise that
they shall be supported against the English forces if it should
become necessary.
488
1583,
SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
Not only do these gentlemen comprise all the CatholicB, but also
many heretics, who wish to see the King out of the hands of the
English faction, this being the object of the bond. It is even
asserted that the earl of Gowrie, one of the chiefs of the faction, is
secretly a member of the party, and that the King himself knows
something about it,
In addition, however, to this common object, the Catholics have
an ulterior secret aim, which is, as soon as they have liberated the
King, to ask him for freedom of religion, so that Catholicism may
again be admitted to the realm.
• Although the Scots have always had recourse in their needs to
the Crown of France, by reason of their ancient alliance with this
country, they are not inclined on this occasion to trust the French,
but to address themselves to your Majesty in the assurance that,
when once your Majesty promises them anything, they may depend
absolutely upon it.
When I asked him (Seton) whether their designs extended
beyond Scotland, and whether they intended to make any attempt
against England, he replied that they did not at present, but, when
their project had succeeded, they could then discuss the other
question as they had good connections in England.
He has avoided mentioning this mission of his even to Hercules,
whom he might have seen at Kouen, or to this (Scots) ambassador,
whom he has met several times. He says he will leave here without
fail on the 11th instant, and for greater security intends to go by
way of Nantes.
He says he is only going to ask your Majesty for sufficient aid
to enable them to put the design into execution. He asserts that on
his departure the King still remained in the power of the English
faction ; although, greatly against their will and in spite of the
strenuous efforts of the English ambassador, he had left Lisleburg
(Edinburgh)* for another part of the country. He (the King) is
now aware of the artifice of England, and disillusioned of the idea
of obtaining his wishes from the Queen by friendly action.
This falls in verj' satisfactorily with what is already proposed in
the matter, and if it could be managed that the affair in Scotland
and that in England should be eflfiected at the same time, thus
preventing the English Queen from attacking Scotland, she would
be easily crushed and finished.
Our friends in England might then, with even greater confidence,
look for a prompt and complete success. God guide it as may be
best for His service. — Paris, 9th July 1583.
13 July. 348. Letter from a Scots Gentleman to M. de Meyneyiue.
^'k1562''*'' Being at this Court of St. Andrews during the first ten days of
French ^^^^ month, M. de Douy t and Sir Kobert Melvil urged me to write
to you separate letters in their respective names, but, in order to
avoid writing so many long letters which would only, weary you, and
• James went from Falkland to St, Anarews, where he waa liberated on the aTlh
June.
t I agree with M, Teulet, who thinks tUt Jameu g«i»geour, 9k1 «£ D«B«e, w (&«»(.
ELIZABETH. 489
1683.
knowing that you are aware, from your observation, that I am in
their confidence, I am bold enough to condense their messages, and
send you a summary of what they desired me to convey to you ;
whilst at the same time thus assuring you, on my own account,
that your friends have not forgotten their promise to keep you
well informed of events here, and to do all they can in favour of
our King and the maintenance of the old friendship with France.
First you must know that my master the King has kept his
promise to you, for about the 28th June last (old style_) His Majesty
retired to St. Andrews and lodged in the castle. He so far
regained his liberty that he sent away some of the lords who
accompanied him previously, namely, the earl of Angus, the master
of Glamys, and others of their adherents, who were ordered to
return home until the King might summon them, thus allowing
others who wished to have access to him to approach him without
the fear of quarrels in his presence. His Majesty immediately had
a moderate Council chosen to remain with him, namely, the earls
of Argyll, Montrose, Rothes, March, great-uncle of his Majesty,
Mareschal, and Gowrie, in whom His Majesty reposes most confi-
dence, and by whose advice he is influenced. Colonel Stuart has
returned from England, where matters went so badly with him
that the best thing he could do was to join the side of the King
and entirely abandon the other faction, as he has done.* The King
himself is therefore much more tranquil. With regard to the
English bribery, the money is no longer sent to pay the guards,
and the latter are being disbanded, a small number of them only
remaining with the King, who will pay them from his own revenues
for the present.
The English ambassador is strongly pressing to be allowed to
leave, and I expect he will obtain permission shortly without
difficulty. There is therefore nothing more to be done now (if the
Christian King desires to send aid to my master) than for you to
return hither, as you said, without any armed force, but with
plenty of cash to reward those who are most likely to be useful in
the maintenance of the alliance, and perchance to succour his
Majesty with a certain amount if he need it. As the King has
now fallen into the hands of those who are favourable to you, and
is now at liberty to undertake sundry good projects, and especially
to think of his marriage, it is highly necessary that you should lay
before the King your Master and his Council the present condition
of this country. If any one comes hither it should be you, as his
Majesty greatly desires it, he having found you very ready to be
guided by his opinion when you were here, and you having given
so good a report of him when you returned to France. I know
that he has conceived a strong affection for you, and he expressly
ordered M. de Dony to inform you how he (the King) had kept his
promise, and was ready to be guided in future by the advice of his
best friends, begging at the same time that you, and no one else,
He w»t, in fact, the priucipal inetruntnt of the King's libeifttion,
490 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1583.
should be sent back hither from the Christian King. As, therefore,
all is going well here, and His Majesty cannot decide anything
important for his own advantage and the close union of the two
realms without your presence, the two gentlemen Dony and Melvil
praj' you to hasten hither. Tliey on their part have more than
fulfilled their promise, and have taken great pains to manage and
persuade the King in many ways to favour the lords, and their
eflorts have resulted in the late changes. You must especially state
that Melvil has done so much that (putting aside the King's
natural good inclination) the affair would not have been effected so
successfully or so quickly without him. God grant, therefore, that
the Christian King and our King's friends in France may not let
matters drag, and thus put His Majesty in peril of person and
estate for want of prompt succour, such as the Christian King and
his (the king of Scotland's) kinsmen may consider expedient. If
this good opportunity is allowed to slip it will never occur again.
You know how subject this country is to change, and will recall
the remark I have often made to you of the tardiness with which
succour is sent from France.
You and others «iay ask why the King and his good Council do
not send to the Christian King and state their position, and request
the support they require. I myself put the same question, and w^
told that it Was in the highest degree necessary that the Christian
King should send hither at this juncture, because our affairs and the
members of our Council are regarded with such suspicion by the
English that if our King were to send thus suddenly an embassy to
France, perhaps all the good designs might be finistrated, to the
great detriment of himself and of the other person that you know
of,* as well as of many others. A good listener needs not many
words. We are people of the best intentions, but cannot do as we
would wish for lack of means. This is the truth of all that has
happened, and the communication these gentlemen wished me to
make to you, so that if you hear events related in any other fashion
you' may be re-assured by our statement. If it were not that the
King keeps me near him to write secretly to France when necessary,
I expect I should have been sent to you. M. de Dony also tells
me that he thinks you will already be on the road hither, and I
should be very vexed to miss you. M. de Gowrie has frequently
spoken to me of the good report he is told you have given of him.
He hears this from several persons who have come from France,
and even from Harry Maxwell, and he therefore considers himself
more secure of your kind friendship tha,n anyone near the King, or
even io the country. He also is bearing well in mind all that
passed between you before you left. I am sure you will regard
this ktter with as much consideration as if either of these persons
had written it with his own hand, and especially as it is sent
partly by His Majesty's express command. Pray excuse my
ignorance and bad ciphering, although the gentleman who carries
the letter is very trustwortliy and takes with him other important
* Poubtleis the qveen of Spots,
ELIZABETH. 491
1583.
documents to France. You will give me credit, I know,' for good
intentions, and a hearty desire to serve and please you all my life.
The King returned yesterday from St. Andrews to Falkland. It
is rumoured that the Master of Livingstone and Hylsilz* will be
sent to bring the son of the late duke of Lennox to this country.
The King is going to St. John's town (i.e. Perth), and will show
his trust and friendship in Gowrie by staying at his houses and
even at Ruthven. You must know also that the earls of Huntly
and Crawford have accompanied the King since he was liberated,
although at first they were ordered to retire from court for a short
time, so that the earls of Angus and Mar might the more easily and
smoothly be induced to go. Three or four days afterwards Huntly
and Crawford returned to court, where they still remain, and it is
possible that the King may go north to Aberdeen. It will be
advisable if you please to confer with M. de Glasgow, and convey
to him so much of this intelligence as you think fit. The King
is beginning to like and hold a very good opinion of him.f —
St. Andrews, 13th July 1583.
ly. 349, The Queen of Scotland to Bernardino de Mendoza.
If I were not sure that you will already have received news that
God had been pleased to deliver my son out of the hands of the
traitors who held him, I would convey to you the details I have
received of the affair. I will, however, only beg you to com-
municate the news, by the first opportunity, to my good brother
the Catholic King, in order that he may be good enough to forward
the execution of our enterprise, at least to the extent of succouring
my son in case he should be assailed by this Queen in the interests
of the traitors, which I fear above all things. If she do not actively
intervene, I have no doubt that the good party will easily overcome
the others.
I have no reply yet from the Queen respecting what passed
between her commissioners and me about the negotiations for my
release, and consequently everything remains in suspense.
I thank you for the advices contained in your two last letters of
12th and 22nd ultimo, and judge your proceedings towards
Mauvissifere to be as well founded as his own designs are
questionable. He wrote to me before about the reconciliation
of the duke of Alen^on with the Catholic King, but as I did
not think there was anything in it, I did not inform you
thereof.J
I have advice from Spain that the Catholic King considers your
" Probably Sir James Melvil of Halhill, the author of the memoirs, or John Grahame
of Halyards.
■f This letter is signed in cipher ; but by a reference in another paper in this Calendar
we learn that it was written by the nephew of the Scots ambassador in Paris
(Archbishop Beaton of Glasgow), who had been sent by Guise to Scotland to bribe the
nobles.
t This letter should be read side by side with another written about the same day
from Mary to Castelnau in Harl. 1582, fol. 306, and printed in Labanoff. The copy was
evidently supplied to Walsingham, probably by Castelnau'p Secretary, Cherelles, who
was in the pay of the English,
4»92 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1583.
stay here more necessary than in France, in consequence of the
experience you possess of the affairs of this country, his intention
being to employ you in the arrangements here for the execution of
the enterprise as soon as it be determined upon. When your
indisposition was advanced as an objection to this he said the short
distance between London and Paris would make no difference, and
he learnt that you were already better.
I am sorry that my wishes for you have not been more successful,
because I have no doubt that your presence in France would
have greatly advanced matters, which is extremely necessary there.
The decision is to be sent by the end of this month at latest, and in
view of its tenour you can decide for yourself about your retirement
from here. Nevertheless M. I'ambassadeur I can assure you that
wherever you may be, you will have in me a friendly princess
always desirous of repaying her obligations towards you. — 13th July
1583".
16 July. 350. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
Referring to your Majesty's despatch dated on the 6th ultimo,
received here on the 8th instant, I have always kept the queen of
Scotland informed of events here, and it was well that her son
should be made to understand how desirable it was that he should
persuade his mother not to leave this country. Your Majesty
will have seen by her letters that she has taken it in good
part.
In reply to your Majesty's orders that I should give my opinion
about the duke of Guise, and whether the affairs conducted through
him offer the same objections as I pointed out, generally attach
to the intervention of the French in this island, and in answer
also to your Majesty's question as to the strength of the duke of
Guise being sufficient to succeed in an enterprise, if he were aided
with money only, and if not, what more would be necessary, I
may repeat that if the French undertake on their own sole account
the invasion of Scotland or England, in tlie absence from the
country of the queen of Scotland, and under cover of her claims,
it is easy to see the infinite number of insuperable obstacles which
will present themselves to the submission of the country, considering
that they are unable at present to establish the Catholic religion
in their own realm. Besides this, the French put the question of
religion into a second place, as a mere accessory after politics, and
in this even they are not steadfast, but are swayed by their
appetite and interest for overbearing and insolent domination.
Of this many past and present instances are seen in the Netherlands ;
and the evil to your Majesty's interests which would arise in this
case may be judged thereby. England would at once be in a
ferment of confusion, by reason of the natural enmity towards
France, and your Majesty would be unable to oppose them, their
ostensible cause being so just a one as the conversion of the
country to the faith and the establishment of the queen of Scotland's
rights.
In order to avoid this and banish the jealously which may exist
tltlZABEM. 49d
1683.
between Spain and France if each nation for itself yearns for the
conquest of England, God has brought things into such a position
as to enable the queen of Scotland to reconcile this suspicion. I
have frequently pointed out to your Majesty the many advantages
promised to your interests by the elevation of the queen of Scots to
the throne after England has been converted, and for many reasons
France will equally benefit. Both parties are therefore constrained
by powerful and immediate reasons to prevent the forces of
England from being used, as they have been during this Queen's
reign, to the injury either of Flanders or France. This must be done
by deposing her (Elizabeth), or rendering her impotent to injure or
offend, and in my judgment it can best be effected whilst the queen of
Scotland is in this country. I have pressed this point upon her,
dealing with her in a way which will force her to cling to your
Majesty's side, and her adherents, Catholic and Protestant alike, to
join you also, as the person to come in her defence of whom they
may be certain that his sole aim is to set her at liberty and
establish the true faith.
I have no knowledge of any principal Catholics here being in
treaty with Guise, in which matter as he is French, they might be
shy of me, or that he is regarded otherwise than as being generally
favourable, he and his house being strong Catholics who have
often offered to risk everything in defence of the cause. Catholics
here acknowledge that any good that may reach them through
France will he solely owing to your Majesty's favour, as they know
that if the Guises be the medium, your Majesty has been their
mainstay and protection against the French heretics. I am
therefore of opinion that, very far from its being against your
Majesty's interests and the conversion of the country, that the
duke of Guise should personally attempt any enterprise in England
or Scotland, it will be of the greatest advantage, and the intention
should be forwarded in every possible way, as there is no other
personage in France who possesses the same qualifications. The
objections pointed out will thus be obviated, because, as he is so
close a kinsman of the queen of Scots, and has charge of her
private fortune, he will, both for her sake and his own, and for the
sake of his party in France, take care that the French do not go
further than may be agreeable to the queen of Scots, and thus the
interests of God and your Majesty here will be safeguarded.
Guise also will have to look to your Majesty, who provides the
expedition, and will take care that the son does not deprive his
mother of this crown as he has that of Scotland, because until the
king of Scots is converted to the Holy Catholic Church no more
can be expected of him than of any heretic Scot. The Catholics
here, moreover, will not accept him as King until he be converted,
and will only feel themselves safe under your Majesty's protection,
and whilst the queen of Scotland leans upon your Majesty's arm as
her main support. This she will undoubtedly do, as you will have
rescued lier from her miserable state, and because of the Queeu-
mother's anger against her and the hatred of the Bourbons and the
Montmorenci's towards her kinsmen the Guises.
4i94 SPANISk STATE PAPERS.
1583,
With regard to the second point, as to whether only money, or
what else, should be given to Guise, I can give no opinion unless I
know whether the enterprise is to be openly countenanced by the
king of France, or whether it is to figure only under the name of
the Pope or Guise, which would enable your Majesty if necessary
to step in if the French go faster than desirable. I cannot say in
what other way it would be well to assist, as the former plan was
to enter by Scotland, and I sent the duke of Lennox a statement
of the number of men which would be required. Since then I am
ignorant of the steps that have been taken by Juan Bautista de
Tassis and the Nuncio with the parties interested. Now that
Lennox has died, therefore, it will be necessary to hear what
Guise's adherents in Scotland require, and as it is now settled that
the invasion is to be made in England it is not possible to say
what help should be given till we learn what Guise is expecting
from Catholics here, and who they are, what troops and followers
they promise for the landing, and where they think the debarcation
should take place. All these points must be decided in turn, and
upon them will depend whether Guise comes, as he says, with
3,000 or 4,000 Catholic troops upon whom he can depend, or with
a much larger force, almost a regular army.
In case the former course is adopted, it will be highly desirable
that your Majesty should send with him some trustworthy and
experienced officers, who could take command if necessary. They
might pretend to be dissatisfied with the prince of Parma or some
other of your Majesty's commanders, and might join the force as if
they had been dismissed. In the event of a large force being sent,
as soldiers of various nations will then necessarily be included
(unless your Majesty is willing so far to disclose yourself as to send
Spaniards), they should be Italians and German Catholics, receiving
their commissions entirely from your Majesty, which Guise cannot
help agreeing to when he decides to leave France, because, by this
means, he will ensure your Majesty's always favouring him if he
behave ja'operly, and that you will help him to return home safely
and prevent his rivals from injuring him in his absence.
This country is quite in the humour to accept any sort of
corruption arising from divergence of sects, or even sedition, as
will be seen by the accompanying letter. The people especially
are most contemptuous of the proceedings of the councillors and
ministers, as they call ecclesiastics here. This may be expected to
produce good results. The French ambassador continues to tell
the Catholics that if they will help Alenpon he will be glad to
come to their aid on behalf of the queen of Scots, and my zeal for
the service of God and your Majesty will not allow me to refrain
from saying, in view of the faithless behaviour and insatiable
ambition of the man (Alen9on), liow important it is if anything is
to be attempted here or in Scotland that it should be done as
speedily as possible, and that Guise should be the sole instrument,
without allowing Alen9on time to take it into his head to try to
get the lead. If he were thwarted in this he is quite capable of
upsetting the whole plan, and even of informing the Queen of it.
ELIZABETH. 496
1583.
If Guise be not the chief, I consider that any other French
commander than he should be accompanied by as many Spaniards
as French Catholics. The zeal of the latter will not be greater
than that of your Majesty's soldiers in the matter of religion,
whilst if they (the French) have any other aim, it will be just as
well to have men on your Majesty's side here whilst the cape is
being cut up. Pray pardon my boldness, only my zeal impels me
to say this. — London, 16th July 1583.
16 July. 351. Bernaedino de Mendoza to the King.
In my last I reported the return of Walter Mildraay from the
queen of Scotland. Although I have no letters from her, I hear
that no alteration has been made, except that the earl of Shrews-
bury has been induced to take back his wife who had left him.
The Queen (of Scots) complained to Walter Mildmay of the
implacable vengeance with which this Queen was treating her by
depriving her of her liberty, and Mildmay made her the following
proposition, by virtue of a fresh commission and a letter from the
Queen which he produced. First, that the captain of her guard
should be appointed by this Queen to accompany her everywhere
with 30 archers ; secondly, that she should carry on no commu-
nication either in England or elsewhei-e without this Queen's
consent and intervention ; thirdly, that she herself should bear all
the expenses ; fourthly, that tlie king of France and other Princes
should make themselves responsible for her good behaviour, and
that she should undertake not to leave the country v/ithout the
permission of this Queen ; and, finally, that she should make a
voluntary renunciation of any claim she might have to the English
crown during the life of the Queen, the renunciation to be
acquiesced in by her friends and relatives. It may be believed
that she will not agree to this point ; and Leicester and the rest of
them mean to make this the pretext for taking her out of the
hands of the earl of Shrewsburj'.
News comes from Scotland that the King refused to hear Stuart
except in the presence of the Council, and would not accept tlie
money the Queen sent him, in bills of exchange on merchants
(which means of sending it had been purposely adopted here in
order to pledge him more securely to the speedy repayment of the
loan). The King complained of this, and said that he would
accept the money from the Queen, but not by the hands of
merchants. He was also aggrieved at the continued imprisonment
of his mother, and was much affected at the death of Lennox.
Cobham writes again, saying that if Lennox had lived he would
certainly have entered Scotland with troops in August. Parliament
was summoned in Scotland for the 1st July, and the Queen
suspected that if the King demanded then Lis entire liberty they
would grant it, as the earl of Angus writes saying that he (the
King) is getting every day more obstinate with the conspirators,
so that they can hardly hope to withstand him, except by open
rebellion. The people, too, are murmuring that it is not well for
the world to say that they are holding their King in subjection,
4i96 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1683. ~~ "
Wheu Walsingham had left the Queen after giving her this news,
she said to Lady Stafford that she could never be secure whilst
that boy lived.
The sect of Puritans is greatly increasing here, and many of the
principal people belong to it. Six gentlemen of the county of
Suffolk, seeing that the Queen will not reform (as they call it)
religion here by killing all the Catholics, have written to members
of their sect in France, whom they call " bretheren," asking their
opinion as to whether they were justified in taking up arms against
the Queen and deposing her, placing some other in her place, or
killing her, in order that their religion might be settled. The
letters were intercepted at the ports before leaving the country,
and were sent to the Council. They sent for the writers, and
interrogated them as to who were the " bretheren " to whom they
wrote thus. The answer was that they were people of the same
opinions as themselves. But, after all, they did not even reprehend
them, or give them a bad word, but simply sent them away, which
is very different from the severity with which they treat the
Catholics. Since then a book has been published with the impress
of Middleburg, in Zealand, on behalf of the Puritans. It is .
dreadfully seditious, and full of a multitude of abominable
propositions, such as that kings are no kings or magistrates, except
in so far as they conform with their gospel, as they call it, but if
they fail to do so, it justifies their being deposed and killed. Some
of the members of the Council were in favour of punishing these
men, but as Leicester, Walsingham, and Bedford are touched with
the same opinions, and are friendly with the leaders, they prevented
it.— London, 16th July 1583.
16 July. 352, Bernaedino de Mendoza to the King.
In the ship which I said had arrived here, after fighting with
your Majesty's vessels on the coast of Bt-azil and at Port St. Vincent,
there arrived a Portuguese named Juan Pinto, who says he is
married at Eio de la Plata. They captured him in a boat with
the friars and brought him to London, where the Councillors secretly
examined him and begged him to remain in this country and go
with English ships to the Rio de la Plata. He slipped through
their bands and came instantly to inform me. I at once shipped
him in a vessel bound for Lisbon, and gave him letters for the
Cardinal Infante,* in order that he might give a verbal account of
what happened in the combat with the ships as an eye-witness,
and thence, if necessary, be sent on to give an account to your
Majesty. He positively asserts that the English sent to the bottom
the flagship of your Majesty's fleet. The Queen has ordered the
arrest of the captain of the ship, and of the galleon which
accompanied her, not to punish them for having attacked your
Majesty's ships in your own ports, but for not having contmued
* The Cardinal Archdttke Albert of Austria, Philip's Viceroy in Portugal, aud
suheequently the husband of his favourite daughter, the Infanta Isabel, Sofereign ol
the Netherlands.
ELIZABETH. 497
1583.
the voyage. These ships have not plundered, and Drake's going to
Plymouth was for the purpose, seeing whether they could be sent
to serve Don Antonio. All the money spent on this expedition
has been lost, and the merchants say that the English cannot m9,ke
the voyage in ships of less than 1,000 tons burden, as they have
to sail loaded with victuals, considering the way Englishmen eat,
and they can only bring half a cargo home for the same reason.
Even a cargo of spices will not pay under these circumstances, the
Yoyage being so long. — London, 16th July 1583,
16 July. 353. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
I wrote on the 5th of the Queen's dismay at Alen9on's new step
in France.* Her suspicions still continue, aa he sent her nothing
from Calais, where he remained some days, and in conversation
with Hatton on the matter she said with many endearments how
much she was indebted to him, as, had it not been for his great
faith and prudence she would have found herself yoked to so evil a
beast as Alengon, who now only thought of his diabolical plans of
vengeance upon her, after she had rescued him from the hands
of his enemies, lent him money and justified his actions before
the world. She said she would be her own enemy if she did not,
before the year was out, reward Hatton as he deserved, for so great
a service.
She afterwards sent for the French ambassador, to whom she
complained bitterly of the sudden devotion of the king of France,
which, she said, could bode no good to her and her realm. What
was the reason, she asked, for the rapid sending of the duke of
Joyeuse to Rome without any evident reason ? Then she passed
on to the ingratitude and disloyalty of his brother (Alen9on), who
had intended to commit another massacre at Antwerp, and to
expose Englishmen's throats to the enemy's steel, whilst he was
carrying on negotiations with the prince of Parma, actions, she
said, upon which God had stamped the fate of Alenjon, never to
prevail over his enemies or be faithful to his friends. The
ambassador tried to satisfy her with arguments, but she was so
inflamed with rage that she would listen to nothing, and ended by
saying that she could not avoid the gravest suspicion of the
meeting between Alen9on and his mother.
Alen90n has sent one of his secretarial officers with letters full
of apology for not having informed her of his visit to France, and
of entreaties that she will send him the rest of the money she
promised him. She replied that she was only sorry that she had
given him what she had with so little profit or return.
A man has come also from Casimir offering to inflame matters
t 846il,
* Alencon had returned to France in disgust, leaving Marshal dc Biron in command
of the French troops in Flanders. The Prince had entirely fallen under the influence
of his mother again, and remained so for the rest of his Ufe, hence Ehzabetli'e anger.
Proposals of marriage for him with a daughter of the duke of Lorraine were aUeadj-
being discussed.
4i98 SPANISH STATE PAfEttS.
1583. ~~~
at Cologne in such a way as will make it difficult to allay them, if
the Queen will at once help him with 20,000?. in cash. This she
has also refused, and tells both parties she is short of money.
The Queen is informed that the king of France and his mother
are growing more and more suspicious of the house of Guise,
because not the Huguenots alone, ' hut even the Catholics, were
ill at ease about the King's manner of life and continued indis-
position, as well as tlie evil inclinations and excesses of his
brother, and in various parts of France pasquins had been
distributed treating of the matter, and the people were thus being
drawn towards the house of Guise, which they called the protector
of the crown. It was feared that disturbance would result, and it
was asserted that the dukes of Guise and Lorraine were in secret
negotiation with your Majesty, of which the Queen is advised to be
very suspicious. Walsingham, in conversation with a friend about
this, said that the king of France had deserved no good offices from
the Queen, but, on her own account, it behoved her to try rather
to strengthen than weaken the house of Valois, in order to prevent
her greatest enemy from getting possession of France, meaning
your Majesty. The Queen had therefore ordered her officers and
friends in France to stir up as much as possible the indignation
and suspicion of the king of France against the Guises. I have
reported this to Tassis, in order that if he thinks advisable in
your Majesty's interest, he should warn the duke of Guise. The
Queen learns that the people of Antwerp are very much dissatisfied
with Orange, and it was consequently feared that they might
submit to your Majesty. The earl of Bedford* was speaking of
this in the Council, and urged that it was of great importance that
the Queen should send envoys to Antwerp to treat with the people
there about the safety of the person of Orange, and to request
that he should be allowed to go to Holland. The other Councillors
opposed it, as they thought it unadvisable for the Queen to declare
herself so openly. Orange has sent a private envoy to her offering
her again the possession of the States, if she will undertake the
war and their protection, and promises to place in her hands
certain towns, with a revenue of 300,000 crowns a year. Leicester
and Walsingham and their gang tried to persuade her to accept
the offer, which, however, she refused on the advice of the
Treasurer, who told her that she had not sufficient strength to
struggle with your Majesty, particularly with so small a contri-
bution as that ort'erod by the States. Leicester and the rest of
them are trymg to induce her to send five or six thousand men
thither.
Well-informed persons in Holland write to me that the definite
granting of the title of Count to Orange is being delayed because
the Gueldres people intimate that they will elect a Duke of their
province if the Hollanders elect a Count, and thus weaken and
divide the provinces. — London, 16th July 1583.
♦ In the King's hand : " He is a great heretic."
ELIZABETH. 499
1683.
1 Aug. 354. The King to Bernardino de Mendoza.
K> 1447. 201.' Geronimo de Sousa, who has been serving Don Antonio in
England and France, has gone to Juan Bautista de Tassis begging
him to obtain my pardon, as he had determined to submit to me
and serve me in Flanders or here. He has in the meanwhile gone
to England, as he says for the sake of safety, he being known to
you. If he or others like him should go to you, my desire is not
to shut the door against them, but to give them hopes of pardon
and get them to give the fullest possible account of all Don
Antonio's plans and secrets, and his understandings in all parts.
Although Sousa may be told that I will pardon him, it must be
with this condition. — Madrid, lat August 1583.
19 Aug. 355. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
I last wrote on the 4th,* As soon as the Queen heard of the
orders given by the king of Scotland that the conspirators should
retire to their houses and stay there until his further commands,
not approaching the Court with more than 12 horsemen, and also
that the people at lar^e were overjoyed at seeing their King free,
she resolved to send Walsingham to confer with the King. He
strenuously refused to go, and went so far as to throw himself at
the Queen's feet and pronounce the following terrible blasphemy.
He swore by the soul, body, and blood of God that he would not
go to Scotland even if she ordered him to be hanged for it, as lie
would rather be hanged in England than elsewhere. The Queen
therefore considered the sending of Lord Hunsdon, but decided to
wait until letters from Scotland were received. I understand that
in answer to his friends, who blame him for refusing the mission,
Walsingham says that he saw that no good could come of it, and
that the Queen would lay upon his shoulders the whole of the
responsibility for the evils which would occur. He said she was
very stingy already, and the Scots more greedy than ever, quite
disillusioned now with regard to the promises made to them ; so
that it was out of the question that anything good could be done.
Since then I have other advices from Scotland, saying that the
meeting of nobles had been fixed, and that it was certain that in it
they would put the King into the possession of his government, as
he has now entered his eighteenth year. He was proceeding with
much greater spirit against the lords of the English faction. This
news has caused the Queen to re-adopt her first resolution to send
Walsingham, and he is now making ready for the journey. His
commission is entirely verbal, and he is instructed to take the
steps he may consider most advisable, in accordance with his
knowledge of the Queen's wishes. He is to promise the King, in
her name, that if he will not marry out of the island, and will bind
himself to England, she will declare him her heir, and great hopes
are to be held out to him also of the release of his mother. 1 have
* This letter is missing from the Siuiaucus Archives, as also is neaily all of Mendoza' s,
correspondence for the months of September, October, and November 1588.
600 SPANISH STAT£ PAPERS.
1683. ~
advised the latter of this, and send herewith copy of a letter of
hers to me.
I have seen a priest whom Hercules (Guise) had sent to the
queen (of Scots), on the opportunity of the going of two Scots
ladies from France to serve her, he having been to her before on a
similar pretext. His errand was to give her an account of the
resolution that Heij-cules hiad adopted, and the arrangements that
had better be made with her Catholic adherents here for the
successful carrying out of the enterprise. 1 understand this priest
was with the queen (of Scots) last year, and on his return to France
Hercules sent him to his Holiness, and from Rome he went to
Bavaria to pee the Duke on the matter of the enterprise. He gave
me a full account from Hercules of the decision arrived at, and told
me that, seeing the way in which the king of France was treating
them, he and his brother would be obliged to take up arms, either
in France or England ; for which reason Hercules desired that it
should be in so godly a cause as the welfare of Christianity and the
liberation of a captive Queen. He begged me earnestly to send
him a cipher, which would enable him to correspond with me, and
also prayed me to give him precise information, as a soldier, as to
what could be expected from the Catholics and friends of the
queen of Scotland here, which itiformation he said he would depend
upon, and upon no other. He was driven, he said, to ask. this
service of me, as he could not see Juan Bautista de Tassis to obtain
my opinion through him ; and the nature of the business itself was
such as to make it necessary that there should be as few inter-
mediaries as possible. I sent him the cipher, as I thought it could
do no harm and might do good in your Majesty's interest, and I
shall not give him any information that he might not otherwise
receive from the queen of Scotland, whilst my being in com-
munication with him will enable me to keep well posted as to his
designs and the people who are in his confidence here ; and at the
same time it will bind the queen of Scots more closely to us when
she sees your Majesty's Ministers in intimate and cordial relations
with Hercules. The liberation of the king of Scots has caused this
Queen to judge that her interests will best be served by stirring
up war in France, which would necessarily keep the Guises busy,
and consequently secure the queen of Scots. She therefore
immediately ordered Cobham secretly to send his secretary to the
duke of Alen9on, to say how sorry she was, out of her own affection
for him, that his brother should have treated him so coolly in the
matter of the Netherlands war, which had compelled him to retire
shamefully from the country. When he wished to resent this
behaviour, she said, as she was assured that he would, she offered
to him the support of all she had for the purpose. Alen9on replied
to the secretary that he was going to see his brother, and if he
found him as backward as he previously was in helping him in his
claims, he would at once send a rej)ort to the Queen ; and he gladly
accepted in anticipation the promise then conveyed to him. In
order to lose no time in inflaming him to a quarrel with his brother,
tbe Queen has appointed Stafford as her ordinary ambassador iu
ELIZABETH. 501
1683.
France. He is not considered a man of any understanding, but
the Queen has the idea that no one is so well acquainted as he with
Alen(;oti's humour.*
With regard to the debts owing by the rebels, upon which I
wrote to your Majesty that I liad made a representation to the
Council, Walsingham replied that it was a matter of justice and
they could not interfere or prevent its being done. This involves
the recognition of the Netherlands rebels not being in rebellion,
, since they allow your Majesty's subjects to be prosecuted for their
debts. This they are glad to do, as it will enable the States to
raise money more easily to maintain the war.
The ships I have mentioned as intended for the Moluccas are
now being fitted out with furious ha^te.
One of the Hamiltons, the eldei: brother, who lived in Francef
with a pension from the King, was told by the Queen that, if he
would come to England, he should be enabled to return to Scotland
with the Scotch King's pardon. As soon as Cobham gave him the
message, Hamilton secretly posted off with a single servant, without
saying a word to anyone in France. I understand he is now here
in disguise, and not very well pleased, as the Queen has not received
him so warmly as he expected; nor will she now help him to
return to Scotland, which she previously desired, because he was
an opponent of the duke of Lennox, whose son she hears the king
of Scotland has summoned from France. — London, 19th August
1683.
19 Aug.; 356. Bernardino de Mendoza to Juan de Idiaquez.
These people are as venomous as ever against His Majesty's
interests, and it is impossilble to imagine how far their insolence
and wickedness will go, seeing their reply which I relate in the
letter to His Majesty.
The Queen has gone from Greenwich to Oatlands, where they
say she will stay all this month hunting, instead of continuing her
pi-ogress further. She continues to make much of the new favourite
very openly. He is contributing a good share to the Moluccas
venture.J
An English ship belonging to Lyme has arrived here. She was
at the island of St. Michael's as a spy, under pretence of being a
meirchant ship, until the safe arrival there of the fleet. She reports
that she and another ship in her company sailed together for
Terceira as soon as the fleet bound for Terceira appeared at
St. Michael's. Their object was to give timely advice to those at
the former island and allow the French ships and others there to
get away, so that if the marquis (of Santa Cruz) do not find them
• Sir Edward Stafford had from the first been one of the principal intermediarieg iu
the private negotiations with Alen^on, and had for some time resided with the Prince as
agent for the Queen.
,t John Hamilton, Lord Abroath.
t In the King's hand : — " I do not know who this is. If he has written els<wli«ra
let me know." Probably the new favourite was Raleigh, who was one of the adventtirers
of the enterprise in question.
502
1583.
SPANISH STATE PAPEES.
there on his arrival it will not be surprising. By this you will
see how industrious they are in doing harm everywhere.
Holograph enclosure on a separate sheet : —
The person I mentioned in my former letters has, in consequence
of an accidental circumstance, been ordered not to go where the
other person is, and he consequently has returned what had been
given to him, saying that he does not wish to deceive any one,
as the opportunity had not served. This is a sign that he was
proceeding straightforwardly, but that God wills that the business
shall not be done in this way.* — London, 19th August 1583.
19 Aug. 357. James VI. to the Duke of Guise.
^"'k'^[562'^'" I cannot express the pleasure I experienced at receiving your letter
French." SO full of friendship and kindness. Young Frenti who brought it
told me fully of the great care you show in the preservation of our
person and estate, which I also experience daily from the divine
goodness of God towards me. Most especially do I thank Him
for preserving you in the midst of so many dangers in the service
of the King, my uncle, in order that you may at last succour the
Queen, my mother, and myself in our greatest need.
The offers you make me are so agreeable to me that I am very
happy, and desirous of accepting them when the state of my
affairs will allow me to do so. I esteem it the greatest treasure I
have on earth to find so near a relative, who is universally
acknowledged to be the first captain of our time, both for valour
and prudence, ready to take my jiart if need should arise. What
M. de Meyneville has spoken so much about, tny virtues and rare
qualities, which you write that God has been pleased to grant me,t
greatly encourages me to imitate the virtues of our ancestors of the
house of Lorraine, who have so borne themselves that their name
will be honoured to all eternity. If there is in me anything which,
by God's grace, may be considered worth}' of praise, it must be
attributed in part to your house of Lorraine from which I descend
through my mother.
I am quite sure that M. de Meyneville in his discretion and
courtesy will have very honourably represented me, and much
better than I gave occasion for, the events at the time of his
coming having been, as everyone knows, so very untoward. He
will also have assured you that I have arrived to a certain extent at
the maturity and perfection which I hope in time to attain with
your aid and council, and that of my other friends.
If, when I received your letter, I had been in the same state as
when M. de Meyneville left me, the arguments you employ would
have impelled me to seek to increase my fame by trying to gain my
liberty, but thank God, the plan which I had to commence and
* In the King's hand : — " I do not understand what circumstance thii can be, if the
matter had been well arranged." Probably this refers to Throgmorton's plot to kill the
Queen.
•f These words have been underlined by Philip II. ^bo writes in the margin ; " H« if
quite ready to confess them himself,"
ELIZABETH. 503
1583.
carry through myself has succeeded so well, by the aid of, a little
patience and prudence with which God has endowed me, that I
have extricated myself from the difficulties which surrounded mo
by my own contrivance and the aid of a few faithful servants and
subjects chosen by me for the purpofse. I thus placed myself at
liberty without trouble, and almost unexpectedly, and am ready to
avenge myself as opportunity may present itself. I have learnt by
your letters of the great affection and friendship you constantly
show to ray mother and myself, and, by her letters of 13th
August, of the complete confidence she has in you, and her wish
that I should follow your guidance above that of any other of our
relatives.
From the words used by Frenti in your name, I also see that
you greatly desire my mother's release, and that success should
attend our claims. I rejoice at all this, and consider the means
proposed to be very apposite, supposing that affairs be dexterously
conducted, whereat I am extremel}- pleased, as I will convey to
you in a few days by means of Frenti, who will take my private
opinion on the whole matter. It is an affair of so much importance
that it is worthy of being managed with secrecy and prudence, By
my special orders, Frenti has only spoken of it to two of my Council,
namely, the earl of Morton and Lord Ruthven, of whose fidelity
and secrecy I have experience in many affairs of importance. I am
anxious that no one else should hear of it in Scotland until I give
you fresh notice. In the meanwhile, let me know by this same
channel what is the state of things with you. Try all you can to
send M. de Meyneville back hither, but, if you cannot do this
without suspicion, let M. d'Andrages come, on the pretext of
conducting his sister and nephews if you think well of this. I
will be guided entirely by you, my cousin, to decide what is best.
I do not think you will accuse me of having broken the promise I
gave you through M. de Meyneville respecting William Holt, whom
1 set at liberty for your sake to the great annoyance of the
English ambassador and many others. I will write to you in my
own hand by another channel, but things of consequence must not
be risked except in cipher, seeing the danger that exists. For all
else I refer you to my mother's ambassador in France, who is well
informed of what happens here. — Falkland, 19th August 1583.
Jaques, R.
22 Aug. 358. Insteuctions given to Richaed Melino, the Envoy sent
Paris Archives, bv the Duke of Guise to Rome.
His Holiness is to be informed in full detail of all the preparations
and arrangements now made in England and Scotland for the success
of this enterprise.
After full consideration, the queen of Scotland and the
nobles of the country having written to say that affairs are
extremely well disposed, particularly towards the Scottish border,
whither the Spanish forces are to be directed, arrangements have
been concluded by which the Catholic King shall send 4,000 good
soldiers if he cannot send a larger force. It is, however, necessary
504
1583.
SPANISH STATE PAPERS,
that the expedition should take with it funds to pay 10,000 soldiers
of the country for some months, as well as corselets, pikes, and
harquebusses to arm 5,000 men of the country. The preparations
and the disposition of the country are subject to many changes,
and there is danger of discovery if the affair is allowed to drag, as
it has passed through so many hands ; and the king of Scotland
has lately written, in accordance with his promise to M. de
Meyneville, to say that, unless he is helped, he cannot maintain
himself in the liberty which he almost miraculously gained, the
queen of England being busy promoting her faction in Scotland.
His Holiness must, therei'ore, be begged, in the name of Hercules
and all the Catholics of that country (Scotland), to deign to stretch
a point and provide a sum of money at once proportionate to the
magnitude of the enterprise, things being now in such a condition
that money alone is needful. His Holiness is also begged to leave
the whole management of the business to the Catholic King and
Hercules, so that it may be carried through as soon as possible —
perhaps this year. His Holiness must be informed that we are
certain of obtaining seaports in England to enable us to land in all
security,* and the affair will be greatly aided by the ports which
the Catholic King has recently recovered in Flanders, from whence
troops may be sent to join Hercules, and support be furnished if
needed. The port where the Spanish forces will land is called
in English " the Pileos Foudre,"\ which is quite safe and ample,
where we are certain the force will be welcomed gladly by the
Catholics, who are exceedingly numerous. They will be able to
raise in a veiy short time at least 20,000 horsemen to join the said
force, as follows, namely, from the Scottish border, 3,000 fi-om the
earl of Morton, 3,000 from Baron Femihurst, 4,000 from Lord
Dacre, 3,000 from the earl of Northumberland, 1,000 from the earl
of Westmoreland, 1,000 from the earl of Cumberland, 2,000 from
Lord Norton (?), and from the new bishop of Durham ....
These are all in the neighbourhood of the Scottish border and the
port of debaication for the Spanish force, but, in the interior of
the country, there are many gentlemen who are favourable to the
enterprise, such as the earl of Rutland, Shrewsbury, Worcester,
Arundel, Viscount Montague, and others.
Some good ships and seamen will go from the port of Fouldrey
to meet the expedition and conduct it to England. Orders have
already been given for them to hold themselves in readiness.
It will be necessary for the Catholic King to retain Don
Bernardino de Mendoza in England until everything is ready, and
a few days before the carrying out of the enterprise he will retire
to Dunkirk to join Hercules' forces, which he will accompany to
England. His Catholic Majesty will also write to the prince of
Parma telling him to give passage to the troops who will go to
Dunkirk, and other places in Flanders, to join Hercules. He will
also give leave to all the English Catholics now with his army in
• In the King's hand : " This is very appo$ite for those who go by Flanders."
f The Pile of Foaldiev, a rocky island near Palton-in-f oiness, Lancuhire,
ELIZABETH. 608
1583.
Flanders, or otherwise in his service, to join the forces of Hercules,
and finally he will give all possible help to the latter both as to
victuals and men. His Holiness must also be begged, in the name
of Hercules, to condescend to issue a bull declaring that the
expedition is being undertaken by him (his Holiness), and
explaining the reasons which move him. He will declare that he
has entrusted the execution of the affair to the Catholic King and
Hercules, and will give indulgences to all those who engage in so
holy a work. He will also renew the bull of Pius "V. against the
queen of England, and all those who help or support her, as well as
those who in any way oppose this saintly enterprise.
His Holiness will be pleased to appoint Dr. Allen to the
bishopric of Durham, and either make him, or some other person
with the Spanish force, his nuncio in England to publish the
aforementioned bulls. He will also send another nuncio in the
force that is to go from France, and it appears that a fit person
for this post will be M. de Savona, rector of the county of
Avignon.
His Holiness must also be informed that M. de Aromini, his
nuncio in France, is dead.* He has done much good here,
exhibiting great virtue, prudence, devotion, and edification, and
greatly favouring this enterprise. His Holiness is requested to be
pleased to send another representative as soon as possible, who
should resemble his predecessor and not be attached to either side,
but dependent entirely upon the Pope, and should be able to resist
influence of every sort.
His Holiness will please pardon us if we speak very boldly on this
matter, as we are only moved by zeal of the honour of our Lord,
his Holiness, and the welfare of Christianity.
28 Aug. 359. Instructions given by the Dtjke of Guise to Charles
^*k1562^*'' Paget, his secret envoy to England.!
Mopo {i.e., Paget) will go to England at once to take thither the
decision we have adopted, which is that, having been assured of
the ports where the Spanish forces are to be welcomed, we only
now desire to know which place they think most appropriate for
the reception of the expedition led by Hercules. Who are those
(in England) who will join Hercules' forces ? What strength have
they ? The English will also be informed of the forces which
Hercules will take with him. We may say that these will amount
to 4,000 or 6,000 men, if necessary, and we request the opinion of
the English on this point. We have already assured them that we
are firmly resolved to stand by them, and never to abandon them
until they are in the employment of complete quiet and security,
or we jointly sacrifice our lives honourably in the attempt.
Let them consider what ports and harbours tbey can count upon.
The most convenient situation would be within 60 leagues above
* This was the bishop of Rimini, Giovanni Baptista Castelli.
t In the King's hand : " To judge from these instiuctions things do not seem to b9
Tery ready yet."
506
1583
SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
or below Dover for the landing of our men. It would be desirable,
if possible, that the place selected should have a fort or walled
stronghold.
Who are the persons who will have to seize this place when
news comes of our embarkation, and who will be there to receive
us ? What forces will they have ? What store of victuals,
munitions, ordnance, powder, &c. ? We desire to know this in
order that we make due provision if they are lacking in anything
there. They should let us know also what number of pikes,
corselets, harquebusses, &c., they will need to arm the people of the
country.
It is very necessary that early consideration should be given as
to where they will obtain a supply of victuals, and the houses and
waggons to carry the stores, arms, and other munitions, and also
as to the number of troops that will need to be paid in England, in
order that we may know the amount of money we shall have to
bring with us, so that the people of the country shall not be
troubled but helped, and be made to understand that this is not
a war against the country, but for its consolation and repose.
They will give us their opinion with regard to the safety we
may look for on our passage across, what number of boats the
Queen can bring against us, and what means can be adopted to
impede them, or whether we shall have to be strong enough to
successfully resist them.
Assure them, on the faith and honour of Hercules, that the
enterprise is being undertaken with no other object or intention
than to re-establish the Catholic religion in England, aTid to place
the queen of Scotland peacefully on the throne of England* which
rightly belongs to lier. When this is eflfected the foreigners will
immediately retire from the country, and if anyone attempts to
frustrate this intention Hercules promises that he and his forces
will join the people of the country* to compel the foreigners to
withdraw.
12 Sept. 360. The King to Bernardino de Mendoza.
^"lui'^m' ^ "°''® ^^^ proposals for an agreement suggested by the queen of
England to her of Scotland, and the brave way in which the latter
bore herself and kept free from the snares which underlay the bait.
Your counsel and encouragement are so good that they canoot fail
to aid her greatly in the successful conduct of her affairs. I thank
you warmly for them, and enjoin you to keep up your corre-
spondence with her (the queen of Scots), and at the same time to
continue to animate the English Catholics, urging them to unity
and firmness in their good intentions, but to act very secretly, as
their success or destruction all depends upon that.
I hope the news of the king of Scotland's liberation may prove
true, and that his mother may be able to influence him sufficiently
to bring him to the Catliolic faith, and place near him men capable
* The King has underlined these words, and has called attention to them in his usual
Oianner by uvitinfi- .igainst thorn the word " djo,"
ELIZABETH. 607
1683,
of guiding him aright. Otherwise his liberation will not be a
matter for much rejoicing. It would indeed be a pity tbat the son
of such a mother should be lost, of which they say there is great
danger, and that he will not depart from his errors unless he depart
from the realm. On the other hand, that would expose him to the
danger of being lost to us and falling under the sway of others,
and the course can hardly be advised. Rather must we pray God
to guide him aright, and with His almighty hand lead him to a
goal so de.'sirable for His service.
Advise me of your opinion on these conflicting points and what
may be looked for in either case.
The sorrow felt by those in England at my success is quite in
their usual spirit, and also is it that they should try to obstruct me
by helping my rebels, but the Queen's new demand that certain
places (in the Netherlands) should be surrendered to her, as a
pledge for money owing to her, is a greater indication than ever of
their intentions. It will be well to discover how they {i.e., the
States) have received the suggestion, and whether it was made
with the connivance of Alenjon.
Thank you for sending advices about the ships for the Moluccas
and the trade with Brazil. If you can learn anything further
about Diego Flores de Valdes' flagship let me know, as we have
heard nothing here of her having been sunk, although we knew
she had fought. Let me know if any other ships are fitted out
there for their corsair voyages, and whether the Terceira affair has
cooled their ardour.
You may promise my pardon to Geronimo de Sousa, and send
him hither by the first good opportunity, as he can be of the greatest
service here in divulging the names of those who come and go
between Don Antonio and Portugal. In order that they may not
siispect him he should come secretly to Cristobal de Mora, from
whom he will receive instructions. You may give him money for
clothes, or what else you consider necessary. — Madrid, 12th
September 1583.
15 Nov. 361. Juan Bautista de Tassis to the Kino.
^"11.^562'^*'' I ^0*'^ y^^^ Majesty's instructions about England and Scotland.
It is quite true that Melino was in a hurry to obtain in Rome
concessions which might well have been postponed, but as he was
there he doubtless thought well to utilise the opportunity. He was
probably also moved by his desire to see the consummation of an
event he has so much at heart, and as often happens to people who
are anxious and in trouble, he persuaded himself that the business
was as feasible as he hoped.
Perhaps also his Holiness gave him those papers with the intention
of castingthe blame for the delayupon our shoulders ; but even if this
were so, they have not gained much by their move, as the opinion
here is that the proposal made to your Majesty with regard to the
money to defray the cost of the enterprise is very inadequate
considering the circumstances. This opinion, which was expressed
here directly the proposal was known, I wiii take care to propagate
508 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1683.
in order that the.y may understand that the blame for the delay
must be laid upon Rome, rather than upon us. With regard to the
affair not having even yet been taken in hand, I am satisfied
that Hercules in his own mind is perfectly aware that such things
cannot be undertaken hastily, but must be well considered and
arranged, in order to ensure success. The people concerned,
however, as is usual with those who are in affliction, are yearning
for a remedy to their ills, and are very anxious and impatient, as
I have told them more than once, and have assured them that the
enterprise shall be undertaken shortly.
I will continue in this course, urging them to await patiently
the appointed time, and especially to keep the afiair secret, as upon
that really the whole success of it depends. I will not go beyond
this, as I consider it very necessary that they should not learn of
your Majesty's intention to attempt the affair from Flanders, until
it has progressed too far to be longer concealed. Even then they
must be told in such terms as may not make them suspect an
intention of excluding the people here from the enterprise, which,
indeed, would be very unadvisable. We should rather prompt
Hercules to persevere in a project which he has so much at heart,
and let him share the glory to which he aspires in order to prevent
any obstacle being thrown in our way. With regard to other
pretensions which I see mentioned in the summary sent to me, it
appears to me that they should not be divulged even at the time
of the undertaking. If they have to be entrusted to anybody to
promote them at that period, in nay poor opinion, it should be
either to Allen or Melino, whom I find very much attached to
our side, and who will gladly forward anything your Majesty may
desire.
Hercules sent recently to ask me to beg your Majesty to adopt a
prompt and favourable decision in the business. I expect the
reason is that the queen of Scotland is hammering away at him
about it. The Scots ambassador has also been to see me since, to
give me an account of a letter Hercules had received from the king
of Scotland, a copy of which he gave me to send to your Majesty.*
Their object in doing this is that your Majesty may see how
entirely at liberty the King is, and how desirous he is to aid in his
mother's release.
The person who sends the enclosed letter from Scotland is the
Scots ambassador's nephew, who, as I advised at the time, was
sent to Scotland some months ago. He has succeeded at length in
finding an opportunity of letting the King know the principal
object with which he was sent, namely, to offer him in the name of
Hercules any help which might be necessary for the purpose above
mentioned. He found him well disposed, but I am not sure
whether it was quite wise to go so far with him in the matter,
because the King cannot be of much use in the execution, and all
that is required of him is to look favourably upon the undertaking
when the time for it comes. It would perhaps have been better
* See letter, Ja^es YI. to the duke of Guiee 19th ^gii|St, page 502.
ELIZABETH. 60&
1583.
not to go beyond this with liim, or to give him an opportunity of
speaking about it to any of hie councillors, as there is always risk
of discovery when a thing passes through many hands. It is true
that the only communication to the King was made on behalf of
Hercules, who, aa a relative, may well make offers to him without
much suspicion ; but still it will be better for it not to go any
further, and I will tell them to write to the nephew (i.e., of Arch-
bishop Beaton) to point this out to him. The nephew writes to his
uncle (the Scots ambassador) giving him an account of affairs, and
expressing his apprehension at the great confidence which the King
exhibits, going hunting usually so poorly attended that it would
not be surprising if it were to end in their trying to play him some
trick. The ambassador assures me that this arises from the want
of means to support a regular guard, and he again begged me from
Hercules to ask your Majesty once more to help him with the
12,000 crowns to raise and pay a guard, so as to avoid that danger.
This they look upon as most necessary; and my own opinion is
that, as we have the King now so well disposed, and it is vital that
he should be so for the success of the object in view, the money
would be very well laid out. I do not know whether they asked
the nuncio before he died to provide any part of this money, nor
can I learn of any further funds being sent from Rome, beyond
the 4,000 crowns which were given to the man who went to
Scotland, and the 4,000 crowns obtained by Melino when he was at
Rome, on the pretext that this sum was due as his Holiness'
proportion of the money your Majesty had ordered to be provided
during recent months for Allen and Melino, to defray their
travelling and other expenses in the matter. It would therefore
appear that this grant {i.e., for the guard) must be made by your
Majesty, if at all. I beg your Majesty to consider it, and I will
keep the question pending with Hercules as best I can.
This willingness of the king of Scotland may possibly look like
a bait to revive the idea of commencing the enterprise in Scotland,
and I have discussed the point with Melino, who persists that on
no account should this be done. He is strongly of opinion that
the design upon England should be persevered in, and tims the heart
struck at first, and he says that Allen is told this by persons on
the frontier itself, who prove it by arguments so cogent as to
admit of no discussion. These are, first, that if the army to restore
the Catholic religion first lands in Scotland, they will find more
difficulty in carrying out this object even than in England.
Secondly, that whatever may be the nationality of the soldiers sent
thither (i.e., to Scotland), they will certainly be regarded as French,
and consequently unwelcome to English jieople, owing to the enmity
existing between the latter and the Scots. It may be feared,
therefore, that this would cause many to refrain from joining.
Thirdly, that the voyage to Scotland is farther, and consequently
more uncertain ; and after the force had arrived it would have to
traverse a part of England so sterile and difficult that much
suffering and delay would have to be boine before it could set foot
in the enemy's country. This would give them time to put thejr
510
1683.
SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
frontiers in a position of defence, whilst they molested the
correspondents (in England) upon whose aid success depends.
Everyone would thus be terror-stricken and afraid to move.
Opportunity would also be given for help to be sent from here by
the Huguenots, or even by the king (of France) himself, seeing
how ready they (the French) are to impede anything we attempt.
This last argument is so convincing that it really seems best that
the attack should be directed against the source of the evil at
once, rather than we should face unnece.ssary evils by beginning
elsewhere.
I have thought well to set this down for your Majesty's
consideration in due time ; although in the account given of his
voyage by the man they sent to England, he says that a certain
Paget asserted that the gentleman with whom he communicated
was of opinion that a commencement should be made in Scotland,
as I advised at the time. Melino tells me that the question,
however, was afterwards referred to those here, and it was decided
that it would be best to begin in England, and Hercules is of
the same opinion. With regard to Hercules I may say that he is
strongly in our favour, and is worthy of your Majesty's esteem and
countenance, when opportunity may offer. I am sure he would be
very grateful for the horses and mares, respecting which I wrote
some time ago, and I again pray your Majesty will satisfy his
whim, as I held out hopes to him that they would be sent. — Paris,
15th November 1583.
26 Nov. 362. Bernaedino de Mendoza to the King.
I wrote on the 18th, reporting the arrests that had been
effected here. Fresh gentlemen are being seized every day and
the Catholics are quite cowed. One paper only was found on
Throgmorton, containing a list of the principal ports in England
and particulars with regard to them and the chief gentlemen and
Catholics dwelling therein. For this they at once carried him to
the Tower, and it is to be feared that his life is in danger, although
he informed me by means of a cipher note, written on a playing-
card and thrown out of the window, that he denies that the document
is in liis handwriting, the caligraphy being disguised. He told them
that some person had thrown it into his house for the purpose
of injuring him ; and assures me that he will endure a thousand
deaths rather than accuse anyone, which message he begs me to
convey to his Catholic friends with whom I was in communication.*"
I have written to the lady in prison, encouraging her and begging
her not to grieve over the matter to the detriment of her health,
but the business, it may be feared, may imperil her life if the
negotiations in France are entirely discovered. Hercules has been
duly warned in France. The Councillors here say that the affair
* Unfortunately, the letters from Mendoza, written duriug the autumn of 1583, are
missing, and his exact action in regard to Francis Throgmorton's plot to kill the
Queen is, therefore, not fully explained in the correepondenc*. The present letter,
however, and some others in the Calendar, prove conclusively his complicity and also
that of the queen of Scots.
ELIZABETH. 611
1583. '
was managed by the French ambassador at the request of the duke
of Guise.*
As I wrote in my last, Hawkins and his seamen had arrived in
Plymouth but would not leave their ships until they had a general
pardon signed with the Queen's own hand, which is a sufficient
proof that they have done something wrong and captured a great
booty, especially as a quantity of pearls and money has already
been brought from the ships to the house of Hawkins' brother in
London. They say they have brought in another ship, with
Portuguese and Spaniards on board, but I cannot confirm this, as
the man I sent has not returned from Plymouth ; although it ia
most likely true, as news comes from the Seville merchants and
from France that the flagship of the Santo Domingo squadron was
missing, which probably would contain pearls, money, hides, and
sugar, such as they say Hawkins brings. The Queen sent Wilkes,
Secretary of the Council, to Plj'-mouth directly she heard of
Hawkins' arrival. As the arrests were made at the same time, I
do not know whether Wilkes went to arrest some personage of
importance or to examine Hawkins' plunder, which is probable.
As soon as I can find out what has been stolen 1 will lay the
matter before the Council, which I can do without speaking to the
Queen about it, although I am certain that both she and the Council
will act as they have always done. — London, 26th November 1583.
22 Dec. 363. Juan Bautista dk Tassis to the King.
^'"^v ^*fii'^*^' Although I am sure Don Bernardino de Mendoza will give an
account and explanation of the fresh persecution of Catholics in
England, 1 think well also to send your Majesty a short relation
which was given to me by one of our English friends, and to
inform your Maje.sty what they think of it.
They are sure that nothing of this is caused by any real sus-
picion on the part of the Queen of the plan they have in hand,
and God grant that they may be right. In conversation with one
of them about it, I urged them by every possible means to have any
suspicion on her part lulled, so that she may sleep soundly. They
tell me that they have taken steps with this object, but not so
ostentatiously as to attract attention, which I hope to God is true.
The lady is so suspicious, that there was always danger in the
matter being in so many hands. The point in the statement
which alarms me most is that they have found two papers in
Throgmorton's liouse, and the idea of what they may wring out
of him about them by torture, although tliey tell me he is so
faithful a gentleman that they have no fear of them getting
anything incriminatory. With regard to the rest, it would seem
there is little to fear. Lord Paget and Charles Arundel have
taken refuge here, on accoimt of this affair, they being Catliolics
and fearing arrest. Paget is the son of the Paget whom your
Majesty wTll probablv recollect. They have both secretly inti-
* An important letter from Castelnau to Henry III., dated 1 9th December, dealing
with this matter will be found in Harl. MSS. 1582.
612
1583.
SJPAKiSH STATE PAI*BRS.
mated their arrival to me, and aak me to convey their humble duty
to your Majesty.— Paris, 22nd December 1583.
Dec. 364. Account of Events in England.
K. 1562. ' -^ gentleman named Somerville,* being out of his mind, said
in the presence of many others that it was necessary the queen of
England should be killed, as she was the bane of the Catholic
Church. The other gentlemen paid no attention to what he said,
as they saw he was not in his right senses, but he continued ia
the same way of thinking and went towards London, saying
openly that he was going thither to kill the Queen. He was
arrested on the road by a judge, who sent him a prisoner to
London. In the prison there he accused several persons, and
amongst others his father-in-lawt and a priest, his confessor.t
Some of these persons are already in prison, and they are seeking
the others on the charge of high treason for not having revealed
to the Council the words of the madman. Four out of these
persons are heretics, although adherents of the queen of Scotland.
Lord Howard§ is also a prisoner, accused of having spoken
somewhat freely in favour of the queen of Scotland, and he is
suspected of having some communication with her. Francis
Throgmorton and a son of his named George|| are also in the
Tower of London, the former under suspicion of communicating
with the queen of Scotland. Tliey have found a box of his con-
taining two papers, in one of which were enumerated all the ports
on the English coast where a landing could be effected, and the
other bearing the names of many principal English Catholics.
They have put him to the torture dreadfully.
1684..
18 Jan. 365. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
On the 7th I reported the arrival here of the man who came
from Alenjon with letters for the Queen. He has now gone with
the replies, and answers have also been sent to Orange and the
rebels, but I am unable to learn their purport, or anything that is
not publicly talked about at the street corners, as all my channels
of information have been stopped through these arrests. Not only
do people avoid converse with me, but persons of all conditions
dare not even look at my servants, and the councillors are publicly
using expressions from which it may be inferred that the Queen
♦ John Somerville, of Elitow, Warwickshire. He was condemned to death for
treason, and on the 19th December was brought from the Tower to Newgate, in order
to be near Smithfield where he was to be executed on the following day. He strangled
himself, however, two hours after his arrival in the prison.
f Edward Ardeu, of Park Hall, Warwickshire. Both he and his wife were put on
their trial, and the man was executed in Smithfield as a traitor on the 20th December.
His head, with that of Somerville, was placed on London Bridge, and his four quarters
exposed on the City gates. Somerville's body was buried as a felo-de-se in Moorfields.
% Hugh Hall. His life was saved by his disclosures.
§ Lord William Howard.
II George Throgmorton was the younger brother of Francis. Both were eons of
Sir John Throgmorton, Chief Justice of Chester, who had been dismissed by Leicester's
influence, and nephews of the famous Sir Nicholas Throgmorton, whom Leicester it
suspected of having poisoned.
SiilZABETli. bl3
1684.
will order me to leave the country, as I advised your Majesty in
my last. I am confirmed in ihis belief by their having arrested an
English gentleman who was deep iu the confidence of the queen of
Scotland, and through whom she used to send some of her secret
despatches to me. They say he has declared the names of the
persons who communicated with her.* — London. 18th January
1584. '
26 Jan. 366. Bernardino de Mendoza to the Kino.
On the 18th I reported what these councillors were saying, and
on the following day the Queen sent word to me by Beal, one of
her secretaries, that she had ordered some of the councillord to
convey an important communication to me, and they would
therefore expect me »t three o'clock at the house of the Lord
Chancellor. I replied th»t, if they wished to see me in tlieir
capacity of individual ministers they might come to my house to
seek me, as I went to theirs when I wished to see them ; but if
they were in Council I would, as was my duty, wait upon them and
hear what they had to say, but if I opened my ears I should not
close my mouth, but would give such answer as the nature of the
case and the service of my master demanded. I gave this reply as
I foresaw that their intention was to tell me to leave the country,
and I wished to do so in a way compatible with your Majesty's
dignity. They answered that they wished to see me as a Council,
and not as individuals, and I consequently went to the Lord
Chancellor's house at the hour assigned. I found there, besides
the Lord Chancellor, the earl of Leicester, Lord Howard, whom
they have now made Lord Chamberlain, Lord Hunsdon, and
Secretary Walsingham. They came with many bows to meet me
at the first chamber, and after we had entered a small room,
Secretary Walsingham said that, as he spoke Italian more readily
than the others, he would be interpreter of what they had to tell
me in the Queen's name. This was that Her Majesty was much
displeased with me on account of the efforts I had made to disturb
her country, and my holding communication with the queen of
Scotland, as had been confessed by a certain More, who was now a
prisoner, and who declared that he had delivered letters to me
from her. He also alleged that I was trying to get her out of the
country, in connivance with the duke of Guise, and was in com-
munication with the French, with Throgmorton and his brother,
and with the earl of Northumberland. For these reasons it was
the Queen's will that I should leave the country, without fail, in
fifteen days. I replied that I was surprised that the Queen had
summoned them and me for so small a matter as this. I said that
what they had told me were simply dreams, and although their
allegations were hardly worthy of an answer, I would tell them
that I was not so foolish, if I had had communication with the
queen of Scotland (which untrue statement they had squeezed out
^ UU\,
This letter appears to be incomplete.
514.
1584.
SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
of More on the rack) as to deprive her of her rights to the throne
of England, and of her 50,000 crowns dowry from France, whilst
saddling your Majest}"- with an expenditure of 100,000 crowns a year
for her maintenance. As for Throgmorton, I said, he was very young,
and certainly not a man whose position and gifts, were such as to lead
any sane man to think that I would discuss a matter of any impor-
tance with him. He occasionally came to see me for the purpose of
asking me for letters of favour for a brother of his in the Netherlands
whom I did not know (which is true). But I had never even spoken
to the earl of Northumberland. I have been always most cautious in
affairs of this sort, and have been careful to discuss particulars with
no one but the queen of Scotland, unless she instructed confidants of
her own to communicate things to me. I said I was much surprised
that they should seek to fix these charges upon me supported only
by a general statement without detailed information. If I wished
to get the queen of Scotland away, let them tell me how I meant to
do it, from what port she was to go, with what ships and men,
how many times I had sjioken to More about it, and where : all of
' which points must be considered before they gave credit to their
imaginings. I pointed out how far diiferent even were the things
with which tliey charged me, from the acts of the Queen and her
Ministers to your Majesty's prejudice, dwelling fully upon this
point as I went to the interview forearmed.
With regard to my leaving the country, I said that I was not
fond of staying in another person's house as an unwelcome guest,
in any case, aud they know how earnestly I desired to leave
England. I would therefore comply with the Queen's desire the
moment she sent a despatch to that effect to your Majesty. I said
this to discover whether what they said was mere brag or not.
They rose from their chairs and said that this would not be done,
I must leave at once, and they explained their past acts with
impertinences that I dare not repeat to your Majesty. The least
of them was that I ought to be very thankful that the Queen had
not ordered me to be punished for what I had done, and that I
had injured your Majesty. I lost my temper at this, and told
tliem that the Queen had nothing to do with that, nor had anyone
in tlie world but your Majesty, to whom alone I was responsible,
and they bad better say no more upon that subject unless theywere
prepared to fight. I said I laughed at the idea of the Queen
punishing me, and should be overjoyed to go away the moment she
sent me a passport. I said that, as she was a lady there was
nothing strange at her being the least thankful to those who
desired to serve her, as I had done, but as I had apparently failed
to please her as a minister of peace she would in future force me
to try to satisfy her in war.
These words of mine have been since ruminated over a good deal
here, and they have been christened " harsh " and " hasty," but they
say that I boldly declared that I answered on my own account
personally, without appearing to pledge your Majesty. I was
forced into speaking as I did and taking my departure at once by
the bebaviour of these people, and 1 must now get away from here
i
ELIZABETH. 616
1684.
with all my servants, and even the people outside who have helped
me, as I cannot leave them on the horn3 of the bull, and I send my
servant Hans Oberholtzer to give an account to your Majesty, and
to say that I am leaving this country in three days as safely as I
can, having sent to ask the Queen for a ship to convey me to
Calais, unless the eight Flushing ships now in the Straits of Dover
impede me. Otherwise T shall go to Rouen and there await the
return of Hans (Oberholtzer) with your Majesty's instructions.
As every course before me is a dangerous one, I have determined
not to adopt any without your Majesty's orders, leaving here as
your Minister, and not trusting myself into English hands to carry
me straight to Spain, as public indignation is very great against
me. This feeling is increased by the statement they have set
afloat, to the effect that I am being expelled for having plotted to
kill the Queen, which was asserted by one of their ministers
preaching in the Court itself before all the councillors. This will
show how, with these fibs and fictions, they lead the people astray.
The same night that I saw the Council they quietly took the earl of
Northumberland to the Tower. The councillors told me that the
Queen would write to your Majesty respecting her action, and
complaining greatly of me, and they are already bellowing about
sending on this errand Wotton, who went on an embassy to
Portugal in the time of the late king Henry (of Portugal) and had
an interview with your Majesty at the Escorial on his way back.*
Two Huguenot gentlemen have come from Alengon with letters for
the Queen, asking for money, which put her very much out of
temper. She said that now, less than ever, could she give them
money or forces, as she was in so much fear of your Majesty. The
king of France, seeing the jealousy which my frequent intercourse
with the French ambassador aroused in the Queen, whereby she
was led to countenance less warmly the claims of Alen9on, has
written to his ambassador, ordering him not only to maintain his
friendship with me, but to feast and entertain me constantly, in a way
that the Queen shall hear of it. This he has done with great care,
and exhibits sorrow at my going. — London, 26th January 15.54.
Postscript to Don Juan de Idiaquez, the King's secretary.
Secretary Walsingham has replied to me in the Queen's name
that, in view of my proceedings here, she could not give me a ship.
I can see they are going to try and play me some trick. I cannot
blame myself for this, except for having come to England at sill.
You may assure his Majesty that I will do all that is humanly
possible to get away safely.
30 Jan. 367. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
After the accompanying letter was written, the people here
kept my servant waiting six days for a passport, on the pretext
that, in accordance with the fresh orders, it had to be signed by
three councillors. He got a passport so signed, but was detained at
* Sit Edward Wotton, s«« Vol. 2 of this Calendar.
1684.
Sl^ANISH STATE tA^ERS.
Dover for three days longer and was told that fresh orders had
arrived that no one was to pass without a permit signed by six
councillors. He was then obliged to come back and give me an
account of what had happened, of which I sent a statement to the
Council. They assure me that, with the new passport they now
give him, he will be allowed to go, but I feel no confidence in it
until I know he has crossed the sea ; nor can I say anything
decided about these people's behaviour, as they change from one
moment to another, but I suspect that this detention of my servant,
whilst they allowed another who was with him to go over to
M. de la Motte to ask him to arm a ship to escort me across, was
caused by their desire that he should not arrive at your Majesty's
court so soon as a man they are sending thither, a, different person
from the man they first mentioned for the errand, as he is a person
of low rank who acts as secretary to Walsingham, and is called
Wade.*
As I signified to Don Juan de Idiaquez for your Majesty's
information, they recently refused to give me a ship, as they said,
in consequence of my proceedings here in trying to disturb the
country, and that the Queen, consequently, could not treat me as a
friend. I replied that, since she had not learned to know me in all
this time, I could not avoid telling her that Don Bernardino de
Mendoza was not born to disturb countries but to conquer them.
On the following day they asserted that it would be well to detain
me here until a reply was received from Spain, and now they are
again saying they will give me. a passport. I am pressing for it,
but the changes are so constant that nothing can be depended upon
until it is actually done.
They have arrested an English cook who has been in my service
for the last six years, and after having examined him as to the people
who came to my house, and many other things, they let him go,
saying that they did not know whether he was my servant or not. All
their behaviour is on a par with this, and if God had not made your
Majesty so clement and God-fearing a prince, no vassal of yours,
surely, would undertake to serve you in England, seeing the way
in which the English treat us, for so poweiful an empire as that
which God has granted to your Majesty cannot meekly endure
such ill-treatment as this for any earthly reward. — London,
30th January 1584.
30 Jan. 368. Bernardino de Mendoza to Juan de Idiaquez.
My despatches, and the bearer verbally, will inform you that I
am on the way. Whichever road across I may take, I shall direct
my steps to Eouen, which I judge to be the best port and least
costly, whence I may decide to go to Spain either overland or by
sea. I pray you not to allow this servant of mine to be delayed,
but send him oH' at once with directions as to what I am to do, or
I shall sink under it altogether, my departure having been so
sudden, and it having been necessary not only to bring away my
* Sir Williaia Wade ot Wa»d, Clerk of the Council,
ELIZABETH. 817
1684.
own household, but all the outside people who helped me in any
way, rather than leave them on the horns of the bull, which would
be moat inhuman. The hostelries in France too make you pay,
particularly anyone accompanied by such a swarm of people as I
have with me. The prince of Parma has not paid me, and if a
Flemish merchant and loyal subject of His Majesty, who is with
me, had not assisted me, I could hardly have got away so quickly
as was desirable in the King's interests. The insolence of these
people has brought me to a state in which ray only desire to live is
for the purpose of revenging myself upon them, and I pray that
God mny let it be soon, and will give me grace to be His instrument
of vengeance, even though I have to walk barefooted to the other
side of the world to beg for it. I am sure His Majesty will give
such an answer as their insolence merits to the man whom they
are sending. To justify themselves Walsingham is saying that the
Queen has secret news that His Majesty was ill-pleased with my
services in England.— London, 30th January 1584-.
10 Feb. 369. The King to Coitnt de Olivares.*
It was well for you to tell his Holiness what was written, to
you from here about English affairs. Since then you will have
heard of the troubles and persecution of the Catholics, and the
danger that exists of the negotiations being discovered as they
are passing through so many bands, and so much publicity is being
given to them. This has always been my fear, and has led me to
enjoin secrecy many times, and to urge that no show should be
made until the blow could be dealt. I am very sorry for their
sufferings, but can only hope for God's sake that the principal
thing may not be discovered. You will be on the look out in case
(as it is usual to try to throw blame on others) the Pope and his
ministers wish to say that the evil has happened in consequence
of my not having done as I was urged to do. You will reply, and
prove to demonstration, that as matters were no further advanced
in England than they were, if I had moved, as they wished me to
do last year, with the object of attempting the main business, the
Catholics there would not be suffering only imprisonment and
affliction, but would all have been murdered. You will thus, in the
best way you can, prevent us from being blamed for what was not
our 'fault, but rather the result of the carelessness of the parties
themselves, and perhaps of some of his Holiness' officers, who have
dealt too openly with the business. You will not advance this
last point unless they oblige you to tell them the truth in this
respect also.— Madrid, 10th°February 1584.
19 Feb. 370. The King of Scotland to the Duke of Guise.
My cousin. I doubt not that our cousin and ambassadort to our
good brother the Christian King will have informed you of our
great esteem for your advice and counsel in all our affairs. He
* Spaniih ambaiiador in Borne.
t Lord Seton, who bad unved in Ftrance 8«Ten weeks previoui to the dftte of (hu
letter.
818
168*.
SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
■will also have told you of the trouble which has occurred amongst
our subjects in consequence of my having, in accordance with my
duty and your advice, undertaken the defence of the cause and
honour of my much revered and dear mother, and abandoned the
English faction. I now perceive that the strength of my enemies
■ and rebels is growing daily, with so many means and aims of
the queen of England for the subversion of my State, and the
deprivation of my own life, or at least my honour and liberty,
which I prize more than my life, and that it will be impossible for
me to resist for long without the aid of God and my good friends
and allies. I therefore beg you, my dear cousin, to use all your
influence with the princes who are your friends, and even with our
holy father, to whom I am writing, with the object of obtaining
prompt and speedy help, otherwise I fear I shall soon be forced
either to be ruined or to throw myself into their arms and accede
to all their unhappy designs and appetites. If by your means I
can obtain some succour I hope, God helping, that, with the support
of a good number of adherents that I have, both in Scotland and
in England, I shall soon be out of these difficulties, and I shall be
more free to follow your advice in all things, both in religion and
State affairs, as I wish to do in all things reasonahle.
From our palace of Holyrood, 19th February 1584.
Your affectionate cousin, JAQUES R.
19 Feb. 371. The King of Scotland to the Pope.
The aflfection and goodwill which I understand your Holiness and
your predecessors have shown to my crown, and especially to my
ancestors, and the personal care that your Holiness has shown for the
Queen, our dear mother, have moved me to address you respectfully,
first to thank your Holiness for all your efforts in favour of the said
Queen, our dear mother, and then to lay before you the difficulties
in which I find myself, in consequence of my having acted as my
duty towards her demanded. In this I have followed the sacred
and natural law, and the advice of those whom I esteem as nearest
and most faithful to me, particularly the house of Guise, who are, I
understand, strongly devoted to your Holiness ; rather than my
teaching, or ambition, or the wishes of those who have unduly
rendered themselves stronger than myself unaided. It has come to
pass, that those who have banished my mother, in order to take
advantage of my youth, as a cloak and buckler to all their appetites
and tyrannies over the country, seeing that I was beginning to open
my eyes and recognise their evil behaviour towards their true and
natural rulers, have banded themselves against me with the aid and
countenance of my neighbour the queen of England, who has always
held out her hand to all their bad enterprises undertaken with the
object of utterly ruining me. Under such a blow as this I can
only look for aid and succour to the prudence and the affection you
bear towards our very dear mother, although I myself have hitherto
Reserved nothing at your hands, but I have always been told
by those who have advised me to the present course, that I might
better hope for aid and succour from your Holiness thaa from any
. -- other prince, The extreme need iti which I now am, is such that,
ELIZABETH. 51§
1684.
unless I have some help from abroad, I shall find myself m danger
of being forced to second the designs of mj' greatest enemies and
yours, because in my childhood the traitors abused my youth and
authority and took possession of my domains and treasure, of the
principal strongholds of the coiintry,'and of everything else which
might strengthen themselves, whilst I was thus deprived of the
power of defending myself, of delivering my mother, and of asserting
her and my right to the throne of England, With regard to the
means by which all this may be remedied, I have had recourse to
my dear cousin the duke of Guise, to whom I have written, and by
whose advice I have adopted this means of defending and protecting
the cause of my dear and honoured mother. I hope to be able to
satisfy your Holiness on all other points, especially if I am aided in
my great need by your Holiness. I pray your Holiness will please
to keep very secret the communication I thus open with you, and
let no one know that I have written this, as my interests would
otherwise be retarded, and perhaps my state utterly ruined, seeing
the weakness of my resources and the small means I have here at
present to defend myself, if I were assailed by my rebels and the
queen of England.
From our palace of Holyrood, 19th February 1584.
(Signed) Jaques R.
372. The Kino to Bernardino de Mendoza.
Paris AreWves ^^om your letters up to the 18th January, I learn of the new
K. 1448. 4. ' persecution of the Catholics in England, and the danger that
existed that they would wring by torture out of the prisoners to
their own prejudice, and that of others, confessions of things that
never happened. By your letters of 26th and 30th January, brought
by your servant, I am informed of the decision adopted by the
Queen with regard to your departure, and the manner in which it
was conveyed to you, together with your reply, which was a fitting
one. I approve of it, and see that you have acted with the same
good sense and courage in the manner of your departure as in all
else that has happened during your stay in the country. I am
entirely satisfied with you, and with your good services, and will
take care that they are duly remembered. Anxiety has been felt
lately in consequence of our not having any certain news of your
arrival in France, and although two English ships which have
arrived in Spanish ports now bring information that you passed
over without misfortune, we are hoping for a direct confirmation of
the intelligence. In the belief that it is true, I now inform you
that, from whatever place in which your servant who takes this may
find you, you may start for this place at once, and will be welcome.
Funds are sent to you herewith for the purpose, in a credit for
4,000 crowns, and if passports from the Christian King, or escorts
be needful for your safety in certain places, Juan Bautista dc Tassia
will take steps to obtain them. I shall be glad to receive an account,
which doubtless you will already have written to me, of all you did,
and all that happened up to the time you left, and anything that
occurs to you in English affairs, as y7e are now dependent upon
620
1684.
SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
correspondents in France with regard thereto. Yon need only deal
with matters that you think we ought to know before you can
arrive. All else may wait until you come.
William Waad has arrived, and will get fitting treatment and
reply, as you will learn in good time, — Madrid, 12th March 1584.*
20 March. 378. Document sent to the King by Juan Bautista de Tassis,
^K^ii^B"'"!*'' *^® ambassador in France, headed "Intelligence brought
• ^' " by John Utiton (Whittington ?) who left London 20th
" March 1584."
That three ships of 400, 300, and 200 tons were being fitted out
on the Queen's account in London, the statement being that they
were destined for Magellan and would be commanded by Francis
Drake. They are to be very well supplied with soldiers, munitions,
and warlike stores^ but carry no merchandise. They are to sail at
the beginning of May.f
1 April. 374. The Kino to Bernardino de Mbndoza.
Pari* ArchiTM, [EXTRACT.]
K. 1448. ■■ ^
The heirs of Antonio de Guaras, who has died, have made a
claim for money expended by him when he was in England. The
Aceountant-General has demanded vouchers for the expenditure, but
they aver that they have none, as Guaras burnt all his papers in
England by orders of Don Juan. The King desires to have
Mendoza's opinion on the matter before deciding whether the money
shall be paid to the claimants or not.^ — Madrid, 1st April 1584.
1 2 Apri}. 375. Document headed " Information sent from England by the
^^"ises^sT"* correspondent left there by Don Bernardino de Mendoza."
The ships that were being equipped for the Indies were stopped
for want of money, and only Raleigh and Walsinghain'.s son are
going, with four small, but well fitted 'ships, the largest being of
280 tons burden. Hawkins' brother is also very secretly preparing
to leave shortly.
Scotland is in revolt, and unless the}' obtain aid from the French
it will go badly with them, as the rebels are the stronger party and
they will certainly not lack help.
The queen (of England) has asked the lady friend of the
correspondent about Don Bernardino, and had complained bitterly
of him, as she said he had given great help to her rebellious subjects.
But, she said, be had better recollect that monarchs had long
arms.
' In a letter of the same date to Juan Bautista de Tassis, his Ambassador in France,
the King instructs him to take all necessary steps for Don Bernardino's safety and
comfort, as he highly approves of his (Mendoza's) services. Tassis is instructed to keep
the King informed on English affairs in the absence of an ambassador in England.
f A note on the back of this document, in the handwriting of Secretary Antonio
•Perez, says that Tassis is to send news of what he has heard about this matter through
his other channels of information.
X The correspondence of GuarHi and an account of his proceedings whilst in Englan(^
-rriU be found in the second volume of this Caleodar,
ELIZABETH. 621
1584. ~~
William Waad had arrived there, much gratified at the kindness
shown to hira in Spain.
18 April. 376. Juan Bautista de Tassis to the King.
Paris Archiyes, fExTRACT.!
K. 1563 . XO. ■• -■
The correspondent left in England by Don Bernardino reports
that the ships for the Indies are being fitted out with all haste. I
have heard nothing of the sort, except that some private persons
are fitting out ships for Newfoundland, and perhaps he (the
correspondent) does not like to say this. Don Bernardino will be
able to judge best what to think of it.* He also reports that the
Queen is making ready some ships for fear that the French may
send help to Scotland. At least that is what I gather from hia
words which are so badly expressed as to be almost unintelligible.
18 April. 377. Juan Bautista de Tassis to the King.
K. 1563. n.^ ^ havQ handed over to Don Bernardino de Mendoza the whole
matter of the English design, and would not think of again
referring to it, but occasion has offered for me to speak to people
here on the matter, and I find very good reasons expressed for
making a beginning in England itself, if possible, rather than in
Scotland. Some mention has already been made of these reasons,
but I cannot refrain from dwelling further upon them here.
There is no doubt that it would be of the greatest commodity and
security for the debarcation and formation of the troops, to have a
port in Scotland where the landing might be effected without
trouble, and amongst friends, and the force marched tranquilly
towards the enemies' country. If this course could be adopted,
there is no doubt it would be the best, but considering that the
object in view is to subdue England, and liberate the queen of
Scotland, both on her own account and that she may be an instru-
ment for the permanent submission of England, the following points
must be borne in mind. Towards the first object, our principal
help must come from a Catholic rising in our favour, of which the
English who have the arrangement of the matter are very sanguine,
and even believe that whole counties and towns will declare for us.
This will run the risk of failing if the army do not immediately
join them, and the earl of Westmoreland and others be not able to
return to their territories and raise their partizans to revolt. If
the queen of England is given time, she may take such precautions
as may prevent anyone from stirring. The second object will be
frustrated by the long distance to be traversed from the port of
debarcation in Scotland, and the place where the queen of Scots
is confined, so that people could not at once go and release her, as
the queen of England would have plenty of time to put her into a
place of security. The time, moreover, which would be occupied
* In the King's hand : " Ton had better pbtain information about this from Don
^eraardino and send due advi«e Trhither desirable/'
522 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1684. "
in going from the landing-place in Scotland to England, may
perhaps be longer than we imagine, seeing the many things needed
for the march of an army, things which probably may not be so
easily obtainable in Scotland as we think. This may enable the
queen of England to send to the frontier a force to resist us,
especially now that she is on her guard and making ready. She
would even, in such case, have time to summon foreigners to her
aid, which might result in a long civil war, bringing in its train
many difficulties. The beat way to end the affair promptly is to
suddenly set her (the Queen's) house aflame, both with a foreign
force and a rising of her own subjects, and to put the whole country
at once in a blaze and turmoil. If things are done in this way, it
is not unreasonable to believe that, even if the difficulty and risk
be somewhat greater, it would be much better to land in England
itself, rather than elsewhere, especially if the landing be effected
at one of the two places near Scotland already mentioned, either on
the east or the west side, where the army could obtain the same
advantages from Scotland as if it had marched through the country,
and any Scotsmen who pleased might easily join it. In addition to
the above reasons, any army which might approach England from
Scotland might be generally misunderstood amongst English people
to be a Scots army, and as there exists a natural hatred between the
two nations, this might cause, even amongst our friends, a certain
coldness, and lead the Catholics themselves to defend their country,
under the impression that the Scots with foreign aid were coming
to conquer it. This moreover would be a great instrument in the
hands of the queen of England to encourage all her people to resist,
even if she did so at the expense of allowing to the Catholics
liberty for the exercise of their religion as a reward, and this point
is of considerable importance. I have talked on this matter with
some of those who have it in hand, who depend entirely upon
Muzio (i.e. the duke of Guise), and have asked them to consider it
thoroughly, with the object of being able to advocate the most
desii'able course. Both they and their master, however, seem so
little enamoured of the idea, that they attribute it to English
intrigue, resulting from their dread of the Scots. I quite believe
that the English would not lik« being dominated by Scotsmen, and
that if the crown of Scotland is to be joined to their empire, they,
the English, want still to be cocks of the walk, as their kingdom is
the larger and more important one. On the other hand, the Scots
may be unduly inflated with the opposite idea, so that imperfections
may exist on both sides, but still, after all, it should not prevent
them from listening to different opinions and adopting the most
desirable. They persist, however, in the idea that the best course
will be to enter by Scotland, which I do not contradict, but only
place the above arguments before them for their consideration. The
landing in Scotland offers one great advantage, namely, that we
shall be in a perfectly safe country as if it were our own, in which,
without running any more risk than we think fit, we can commence
operations, whilst if it be God's will that the affair should be
prolonged, aid can be sent to us as may be required, ajnd if it be a,
ELIZABETH. 623
1584.
question of our retreat, which God forbid ! we have a safe port of
withdrawal there, which is no small matter.
If we go to Scotland, at least order should be given at once for
the earl of Westmoreland, Dacre, and others who are to raise their
partizans, to enter their territories with all speed, in order that
that aid may not fail us, as it is so important. If they could take
with them some separate force, preferably cavalry, to enable them
to hold their own, until they were joined by the army, the landing
of our troops in England would be less necessary. If it were possible
for them (i.e. Westmoreland, Dacre, etc.) with a body of men to land
at some English port .simultaneously with the arrival of our army
in Scotland, it would be better still for them, and would facilitate
the raising of their friends, and their standing firm until the army
reached them. This seems the surest way of avoiding the danger
of delay, although as nothing certain can be calculated upon in sea
voyages, this course, even, is not without risk, because if the army
were to be much retarded in its landing in Scotland, these few men
could hardly sustain themselves against the fury which, of course,
would immediately be let loose upon them. It would seem how-
ever, even in this case, that they might take refuge over the Scotch
border, which will be so near them.
A body of cavalry might also make an attempt at a dash from
Scotland to where the Queen (of Scots) is, and release her and
carry her off. It is true the distance is a long one, but by God's
help the plan might succeed. This point, however, is a very
anxious one, because, granted that we landed in England, it could
not be done with such speed and secrecy as to prevent its being
known before we set foot on shore, and could have men ready for
the rush to the queen of Scots ; so that even by these means her
release will not be more easily effected than from Scotland. It
does not seem very feasible by any means, and perhaps the only
real way for her to help herself and get free is the method she has
mentioned several times, which she had arranged, and for some
time past has been asking for 12,000 crowns to pay for. The day
before yesterday her ambassador begged me again very enrnestly
to ask for this sum to be provided at once, and as he urges it so
strongly as he does, it may be concluded that the plan is now
settled in a way that enables the Queen to be sure of success,
unless they take her away from her present abode and place her in
the hands of another custodian nearer London, in which case she
would of course be lost, which would be a great misfortune, as she
is the true instrument to smooth matters there easily and
permanently. Besides this, she is a woman of such good sense
that she will not fail to show proper gratitude to your Majesty by
aiding in the settlement of affairs in Flanders, and in ordering all
other things to your Majesty's pleasure.
If the attempts be made from Scotland it will be necessary for
the army to be a powerful one, having regard to the doubts already
expressed as to the Catholic risings in England if delay occurred
in the arrival of the army there, and the probability of the Queen's
being armed and on the defensive by th§ time we arrive, It ii?
*24 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1584.
well to be prepared for this, and we should have a force strong
enough to succeed in any case.
With regard to raising forces in Scotland, which certainly will
have to be done, there appears to be no great objection to it if it
be undertaken with moderation, and if a sufficient number remain
to be raised in England, so as to obviate the distmst and suspicion
between the countries, and banish the fear of the English that the
object is to conquer their country in favour of the Scots. Besides
this it is desirable that the English contingent should be the
superior and stronger one, so that if the enterprise succeed, as God
grant that it may, the English may settle the Government in their
own way, they being the first and most important party. This
would not only be just, but would be the most advantageous
for us,
I suspect that their intention is for the king of Scots to lead the
army in person, and enter England with it, and for this reason I
wish he had declared himself a Catholic. I have no doubt that
Muzio will do all he can in this respect, and to judge by the signs
given by the lad's letters, putting aside the probable worldly
advantage to him, great hopes may be entertained that he may
come round to the Catholic religion. But even when this ia done,
and he being a declared Catholic is allowed to lead the army, it
will be well to keep all eyes fixed on the mother, in order that she
may be souglit out and made mistress of the empire which is to be
won, and not allow any other idea to be countenanced whilst she is
alive.
The king of Scotland undoubtedly shows a good tendency to
return to the righteous road, and as he has certainly been led thus
far to oppose the English faction strenuously, in consequence of the
exhortations addressed to him from here on behalf of Muzio, and
of the assurances of aid given to him, to which Muzio has verbally
pledged himself to the utmost extent that he has been able, it is no
wonder that- his. Guises, going thither (to Scotland) should be urged,
the more particularly after the message sent to him last summer by
Northumberland from England, saying that he could not go thither,
and that it was necessary to enter from Scotland. Constant
reports are arriving also of the growth of the English faction and
the fears that he (the king of Scots) may be captured and held by
them again, seeing the unceasing efibrts being made to that end by
the queen of England, who has even sent the Hamiltons (people of
the highest influence) to tlie border with money and musters of
men to give countenance to the English faction and their objects.
I am also informed that jealousy and discontent exist amongst those
who follow (the King's) party on private grounds, and because
some have received more than others, this passion of greed being
the dangerous one of the race. It will become all the more
dangerous now, for it may be certainly assumed that the queen of
of England has been sleepless and ceaseless in her efforts to work
upon it. Since Don Bernardino left I have had shown to me
letters from Scotland which clearly prove this to be the case, and
9.mongst them one from that Jesuit Holt, who is there, and who
ELIZABETH. ^26
1684.
presses most earnestly that the King should promptly be supplied
with what was promised to him, in order that he might not relapse,
which he was otherwise in danger of doing. This being .so, it is no
wonder that Muzio so urgently advises it, and there is no good
reason why it should not be done. It would be very appropriate
if the 12,000 crowns could be here promptly for remittance at
once, and the King's guard be put into a desirable condition, and
some sort of security obtained for the King's person, pending the
sending of the rest of the money. They tell me that, failing this
money, they (i.e., the Scots) are going about here trying to raise
funds for the purpose, and it was thought that the Nuncio would
give 3,000 crowns. It appear.s, however, that he has recently been
instructed not to dispose of the money until further orders, and he
refuses the aid now until his fresh instructions come. When the
Scots' ambassador told me the day before yesterday the news I
have set down he said that the Queen his mistress expressly
ordered him to pray me to urge speed upon your Majesty in the
public business and that it might be carried out without consideration
for her own safety, as she looked upoa her life as well spent if
success were attained.
I think Seton's son will not be sent to Borne, as they find they
can do as well by writing. — Paris, 18th April 1584.
1 May. 378. Tlie King to Juan Bautista de Tassis.
Paris Archives, fEXTRACT.!
K 1448 .8. ■- -■
The letter you sent me from the king of Scotland was received,
and with regard to the request he makes to me ab()Ut Colonel
Stuart, I have ordered my nephew the prince of Parma to be written
to, and asked what is the present state of the affair. When I have
his reply, I will send it to you in order that you may forward it
to, the King through his ambassador, to whom you may convey
what I now say, and assure him of my great pleasure at reading
the other points in the King's letter, and of my willingness to oblige
the King in all things. You will impress strongly upon Hercules
how much I depend upon him in these matters, as in others,
banishing his suspicions which you mention and which have
doubtless been aroused by others. You did well to keep your eye
on the little expedition (in England). Keep me informed about
it — Aranjuez, 1st May 1584.
15 May. 379. Count de Olivares to the King.
His Holiness ordered to be given to me Dr. Allen's discourse, and
the original letters from the king of Scotland and the duke of
Guise, the translations of which I send enclosed. I would send
your Majesty the originals but for the danger, as they have to pass
through France.* His Holiness orders me to write to your Majesty
recommending this cause to you, leaving all details of the same
to your Majesty's decision, as you will understand them better than
See letters of 19th February, page 517-18.
626 SPANISH STATE PAPEttS.
1684. ' ■
Le. He, for his part, promises to help to the extent mentioned in
the statement of 16th August last. I have pointed out to him the
difficulty that arises from the difference of opinion amongst them,
as to whether the attempt shall be made on one side or the other,
the larger force they request now than they did last year, and con-
sequently the increased cost of the enterprise. I have also revived
the former difficulties, touching as lightly as possible on points of
detail, by promising to give a full account of everything to your
Majesty, whilst I will try to be ready to take the course your
Majesty may command. The Pope is now entertaining the hope
that the departure of Don Bernardino from England, and your
Majesty's refusal to receive the Queen's ambassador, may indicate a
tendency in your Majesty's mind to make a demonstration against
her.— Rome, 15th May 1584.
27 May. 380. Juan Bautista de Tassis to the King.
^i^aM^lTs'' "^^^ ^^° Scots ambassadors have just sent me word that they
have news through England that the Scots rebels had occupied
Stirling, but had been afterwards forced to retire therefrom and
take refuge across the border at Berwick.* The ambassadors are
very anxious to have this news confirmed from Scotland direct, as, if
true, it wiU be a most advantageous thing, and at least will extricate
the country from the pressing and immediate danger that has
recently threatened it. Richard Melinof has returned from Flanders,
and he and his companion Allen are still of opinion that the enter-
prise should be directed against England itself, and on no account
should be effected elsewhere. He tells me in confidence that the
Scotsmen here, impatient at the delay, are discussing the possibility
of managing the business through other hands than those of your
Majesty, and although he and the other man {i.e. Allen) are trying
to keep in with them as much as possible, they (Melino and Allen)
assert that the English want no other patron than your Majesty,
and they not only look to you for a remedy, but that even if you
make the queen of Scotland their sovereign you will not leave
them haatily, or until everything is permanently settled on a stable
basis. They even say that they would be glad for your Majesty to
have some of the ports in your hands, the better to assure
matters. No notice need be taken of the discussion of the others, as
they are doubtless nothing but chimeras, and although the talk of
these men may have for its object only to flatter us, yet it is
certain that the English really desire no other patron than your
Majesty, and under cover of this we may well believe all the rest.
Since I wrote the above, another man has been to tell me that the
news from Scotland is true and that the King had arrested some of
the rebels.— Paris, 27th May 1584.
• This refers to the unsuccessful rising of the protestant earls of Angus, Mar, and
Gowrie, the last of whom was subsequently beheaded for his share in it.
f Father Richard Melino was an agent of the duke of Guise, who in the previous
autumn had been sent to give an account of the proposed invasion of Scotland to th«
Pope and to beg bis assistance. See his instructions page 503.
ELIZABETH. 527
1584.
29 May. 381. The Kino to Juan Baxttista de Tassis.
Paris Archives, rEXTEACT.l
K. 1448-9. '• -■
You have done well to inform me so fully about England and
Scotland. My desire in this matter still continues the same. We
shall see how it is seconded by help from Rome, and other circum-
stances, by which my goodwill must be compassed. You will, in
the meanwhile, assure the intermediaries of this, and try to keep
them in hand, preventing them from being either rash or
despairing and getting them to build on a sound foundation.
I am sorry that the king of Scotland has been in danger of again
falling into the hands of the adherents of the queen of England.
Cause Hercules to warn him to be very vigilant. The money for
the guard shall be sent shortly.— San Lorenzo (Escurial), 29th May
1584.
Note. — In another draft letter of the same date, from the same
to the same, the following passage occurs : "J. have greatly
" rejoiced at the good fortune of the king of Scotland, and will try
" to send the money for his guard by the express messenger above-
" mentioned. You acted very well with his ambassador Seton, and
" if he gives you the paper with the undertaking to abandon the
" French alliance and enter into a treaty with me, you will send it
" to me, but do not ask for it ; let him introduce the subject and
" confine yourself to repeating what he says." To this draft the
King has added a marginal note, asking what " good fortune " to
the king of Scotland is referred to. It was, of cqurse, the collapse
of the Gowrie conspiracy.
1 June. 382. The King to the Count de Olivares.
The same suggestion about the Duke of Guise's going to Scotland
that his Holiness conveyed to you was also communicated to me by
the Nuncio here, but it is not so easy a task to settle that country
and free the king of Scotland ; and the passage of the Duke
thither with so small a force and without money could hardly
result in success, but more likely in the loss of a person who can
always be of such great service to the Cathohc cause in France.
Besides which, as you will since have heard from Juan Bautista de
Tassis, the duke of Guise should never stir out of his house, unless
well supplied with forces ; and the affair will soon be more remote
than ever, in consequence of the discussion in which t' ey must all
be immersed about the duke of Alen9on. I am certa. ly anxious
about this business, because it is so greatly in God's service that it
behoves us all to aid it ; and I understand that this help should not
be confined to good wishes alone, but if anything is to be done it
should be on solid foundation with foresight and caution, because,
failing this, and if the secret leaks out, the Catholics there will be
put to the sword, as they have been before ; above all if, with but
small support, we lead them to make a move themselves, which
would complete their ruin, and would deprive us of their help
when it really might be of advantage, if they were preserved.
J have on other occasions offered my forces to his HolinesB, and I
^28 SPANISH STATE PAPEltS.
loSl ""
do the same now, although the many demands I have upon me for
mone)', on account of matters as godly and necessary as this, make
me poor. I am not asking that his Holiness should do impossibilities,
but if anything is to be effected he must contribute very largely,
and must find ways and means through his holy zeal to do much
more than anyone has yet imagined. It appears to me that the
first thing to be kept in view is to aid the principal enterprise
promptly and substantially, and if time should fail for this, or other
obstacles should make it impossible, the king of Scotland must be
helped with some money — for I am not losing sight of him — and
the English Catholics advised to be patient and steadfast, in the
certain hope that aid will be forthcoming in due time. In the
meanwhile, things could be prepared. Let his Holiness consider
what had better be done in view of this reply to his communication.
Report to me what he answers. — San Lorenzo, 1st June 1584.
4 June. 383. Count de Olivabes to the Kins,
[Extract.]
His Holiness told me in the course of conversation that he hoped
the queen of England would do something good. I pressed him
with leading questions to discover whether he had any negotiations
or understandings with her. He told me that he had not, but she
was so much afraid of the Catholics and distrusted the heretics so
greatly that he was inspired with this hope. I afterwards learnt
from Cardinal Como* that the Nuncio in France had written saying
that jie had heard from a person whom the English Ambassador
had told, that whenever any tumult took place, his mistress had
a remedy ready at hand which was simply to hear a mass. I see
some indications that the inquisition is carrying on some sort of
negotiations with her, and, on my making a remark to one of the
members to the eSect that it was very desirable that your Majesty
should know what was being done in tliis matter, he replied that
when there was anything tangible he would not fail to inform your
Majesty.f — Rome, 4th June.
8 Oct. 384. The King to Juan Bautista de Tassis.
Pari* Archive!, [EXTRACT.!
V \aaq on
The person who suggests to you that the English ambassador
there (in France) may be bought with money, would have to be
very trustworthy indeed for us to believe him. Even if the go-
between is to be trusted, the ambassador may be of such sort as to
cheat both sides, selling you false news for your money, and
boasting in England of his having done so, which would be worse
than the loss of the money. No fixed pension can therefore be
* Tolomeo Gallio, Cardinal of Como, was a Lombard subject of Philip, a member of
the Spanish party in the Sacred college, and Secretary of State.
t This letter begins with a reference to the desire entertained by the Pope " that
some famous enterprise might distinguish his pontificate." To which Philip II. adds
a remark that " they apparently do not consider the affair of Flanders famous. They
" do not seem to think what that costs. There is not much foundation for the English
" aSair."
fiLtZAfeETH. 629
1584.
granted to him, but you may first ask him to fyrnish information,
and promise that it shall be well rewarded if it proves valuable.
This really would be advantageous and the intelligence could be
well paid for according to its value.* — The Pardo, 8th October
1584.
9 Nov. 385. Unsigned contemporary copy of Letter of Advices to the
, , ^- ^- King respecting English affairs.
Add. 28,702. or & &
The queen of Scotland, foreseeing from the change of her guard
and place of residence that she would probably not continue much
longer to enjoy liberty to write and receive letters, wrote as followB
on the 9th November 1584.
I am expecting no good result from the treaty between the
queen of England and myself relative to my liberation ; but let the
end be what it may, whatever becomes of me, and no matter what
change may be made in my condition, you will not fail to use all
diligence in forwarding the execution of the great enterprise,
without consideration for any personal danger I may incur. I
shall look upon my life as well spent, if by its sacrifice I can help
and relieve the multitude of oppressed children of the Holy Catholic
Church. I say this now, as my final resolution, in doubt as to
whether in future I sliall have an opportunity of writing it, in
order that you may convey it when and to whom you may think
desirable. I also beg j'ou will pray his Holiness and the King
with much urgency to press forward the execution of the first
design, in order that the results may be seen during next summer,
which is the longest time we can wait. Failing this, we shall be
unable to amend or redress matters, and shall find the Catholic
cause and our own utterly ruined, without hope of its being
resuscitated again, at least in our times. I have not received a
groat of the 12,000 ducats promised to myself, and my son has
only had 6,000 of the 10,000 promised to him, wherefore he is
much grieved and annoyed. He is, however, not less well inclined
to our enterprise than before, or less willing to be guided by me in
all his affairs. He is about to dispatch a gentleman of his named
Gray to the Court of England, the principal object, however, being
that he should visit me for the purpose, conferring with me verbally
on the decision relative to our business. This gentleman is a
Catholic, and I hope to God they will allow him to speak with me.
But pray urge the sending of the 12,000 ducats for me to London
as soon as possible.
In addition to the above, written by the queen of Scotland
herself, your Jdajesty must bear in mind that the queen of England
and her Council, having first published in printed pamphlets that
the queen of Scotland had intrigued with Don Bernardino de
Mendoza and Francis Throgmortou against the queen of England
• This appears to refer to Cliarl«s Arundel's first suggestion that Sir Edward Stafford,
the English ambassador, might be bribed to betray his trust ia favour of Spain. It will
be seen in the course of the correspondence that M«ndoza, after his arriral in Fraoce,
successfully concluded th« bargain,
6dO SPANISH STATE PAPEilS.
1684. ~~
and her country, subsequently bound themselves together by oath
to prosecute any person who may claim a right to succeed to the
crown of England. They have finally removed the queen of
Scotland from the place where she was living, and from the custody
of the earl of Shrewsbury, entrusting her to the keeping of two
other heretics of obscure and low descent, who are strong adherents
to the queen of Scotland's rivals.* For these reasons, as I say, it
is extremely probable, and indeed evident to those who are
experienced in English governmental methods, that the Queen (of
England) and her Council have resolved secretly, not only to
disinherit and deprive the queen of Scotland of her rights, but also
to ruin her personally and take her life if his Holiness and your
Majesty, within a very limited time, do not find some means of
saving her, or, at least, of troubling and occupying the queen of
England in such a way as to make her understand (as until a few
months ago she had always thought) that the life and safety
of the queen of Scotland involve her own quietude and well-
being.
From the aforegoing it will be seen how vain and weak were
the arguments which were urged last summer, to the effect that
the succour which was expected by the queen of Scotland and the
English Catholics might be deferred without prejudice until
Flanders should be recovered, the queen of England should die,
or some other great change take place in the countiy.
But admitting even that tlie queen of Scotland were to escape
and save herself from her impending ruin, she would have to be
dependent in doing so upon the favour of the heretical authorities
that guard her, and it would not be either consonant with prudence
or good policy, but in direct prejudice to the Catholic cause, that
she should be driven to acknowledge that she owed her life and
estate to heretics. If, on the contrary, she perish, as is to be
feared, it cannot fail to bring some scandal and reproach upon
your Majesty, because, as your Majesty, alter her, is the nearest
Catholic heir of the blood royal of England, some false suspicion
might naturally be aroused at your having abandoned the good
Queen to be ruined by her heretic rivals, in order to open the door
to your Majesty's own advantage.
Note. — The aforegoing is probably the deciphering of an inter-
cepted letter.
1585.
7 Feb. 386. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
^ic'i563.''32!'' '^^^ ®*^^ 0* Derby, as I wrote to your Majesty, is coming to
bring the garter to this King. He has disembarked at Boulogne
with a great following of English nobles, and is to be lodged, and
apparently splendidly entertained, by the King. It is already
asserted that Joyeuse will go back to England with them to thank
the Queen for the garter and confirm the treaties, if any really
* The Queen had been transferred on the 25th August from the keeping of the Earl
9f Shrewsbury at Sheffield to that of Sir Ralph Sadler and Somers at Wingfield,
EtilZABETH. 6§1
1585.
be made, and he has begun to make preparations for the
journey.
I am informed by letters of 23rd ultimo from England that the
earl of Clinton (Lincoln), the lord Admiral, is dead, and that the
•arl of Leicester was trying very hard to get the office. The
Parliament there had ended, and the Queen had ordered therein
that 30 or 40 priests wlio were imprisoned in the gaols and the
Tower of London should be banished, under sentence of being
immediately hanged without further formalities if they ever return
to the country again.
Mr. Grey,* the king of Scotland's ambassador, had returned to
Scotland, his proceedings having given but little satisfaction to
the English Catholics and the adherents of the queen of Scotland
there. The Queen's secretary t also had returned to his mistress,
I am informed that he had no understanding with Mr. Grey.
Letters from Scotland, dated 6th ultimo, bring news that all was
quiet there, although Lord Seton had been harshly received by the
King publicly, in consequence of his having openly professed
Catholicism here, whilst in private he (the King) hftd approved
of his conduct, and had shortly afterwards gone to his house to
visit him as he was ill of dropiSy, his death even having been
announced here, but the King's visit had confirmed his hopes of
recovery.
Aseanio CifariniJ has written to me from Dover, saying that he
had come thither from London, having taken his departure without
having spoken to the Queen. He had taken ship for Dunkirk, but
the vessels from Flushing had chased him, and he had to return
to Dover, whither I hear he went across to Boulogne with a
servant of M. de la Mauvissiere. — Paris, 7th February 1585.
Feb. 22, 387, Bernardino dk Mendoza to the King.
^k"i563!''39!'' Notwithstanding wliat I wrote about the English Parliament
having been dissolved and the members sent home, I have letters
from there dated 8th instant, saying that it had only been prorogued
as it had not yet voted the subsidy, although at the opening of
Parliament it had been proposed to vote 150,000 (pounds ?).
The departure of the Scots ambassador had given rise to th«
rumour that the king of Scotland was coming to York, and that
the Queen would go thither to meet him, but the thing does no!
seem likely.
The Catholic priests had embarked on the river Thames before
the Tower, and although they were treated as traitors, the Queen
• The Master of Gray.
t Nau.
J This man had been sent by the duke of Psfma to the Queen. Stafford writing to
Walsingham, 8th December 1584 (Hatfield MSS., Hist MSS. Com., Part 3, page 75),
calls him " a very bad man," and advises that he should be captured on his way acrosi
and taken to France. He accuses him of being the instrument for corrupting
iSt. Soulene and persuading him to abstain from fighting during Strozzi's naval aetioa
against the Spaniards at St. Michael's in favour of Don Antonio, and thus causing the
overthrow of Strozzi and the French force, Farma'i ioetructioQa to Ci^^riai will be fouol
in the B.M, Add MSS. 28,1738.
^32
1585.
SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
gave them a vessel and food for the voyage, and license for each
one to take away with him ] 6 crowns for his expenses. There is
already news that they have arrived in France, but, according to
the list sent, Father Creighton does not seem to be amongst tnem.
They doubtless want to retain him on the ground that he was sent
to Scotland on State affairs.* They tell me that Walsingham had
an English Catholic from Rome in his house as secretary. I suspect
that it is a certain Solomon Ender (?) who is considered by many
Catholic countrymen of his own to be a double spy, by reason of
the facility with which he goes to England, although he is favoured
by Cardinal Sabelot and enjoys a pension from his Holiness. I
have sent a report of this to Rome and have mentioned it to the
Nuncio here.
The Queen has knighted Raleigh her favourite, and has given
him a ship of her own, of 180 tons burden with five pieces of
artillery on each side, and two half-culverins in the bows. Raleigh
had also bought two Dutch fly-boats of 120 tons to carry stores,
and two other boats of 40 tons ; in addition to which he was having
built four pinnaces of 20 to 30 tons, so that, altogether, Raleigh
would fit out no fewer than 16 vessels, in which he intended to
carry 400 men. The Queen has assured him that if he do not sail
himself she will defray all the costs of the preparations,! and she
has given the same assurance to Drake, and had granted a patent
for the voyage, the conditions being that she was to find 20,000i.
for the fitting out of the ships, 24 large vessels and 20 pinnaces,
which were being made ready in London and the west-country
and elsewhere, but more slowly than Raleigh's fleet, which will be
ready to sail at the beginning of next month for Norembega ; and
Drake would ship 2,000 men with the intention of encountering
your Majesty's fleets before they could meet at Havana. If he do
not succeed in this he will land at Nombre de Dios, and is confident
of making the voyage from England in 40 days. If the king of
France takes the Flemish rebels under his protection it is also
thought tbat some of the English merchant ships now being fitted
out for Newfoundland might be taken directly to meet your
Majesty's fleets, wherever they might find them.§ The Queen had
likewise ordered her ships which were without masts to be made
ready.
* Cieigbton had been captured at sea on his way to Scotland in the previous
September, shortly after Throgmortou's execution. He had made some very com-
promising admissions on the rack and was kept a State prisoner in the Tower for long
afterwards.
t Cardinal Giaoome SavcUo was a prelate of Koman birth who had been proposed
for the papacy when Sixtua V. was elected. He was chief inquisitor at Rome and his
terrible severity and haughtiness had caused him to be greatly feared and disliked, and
Cardinal Montalto (Felice Peretti) was therefore preferred to him.
t Balph Lane, one of the Queen's equerries who was employed in Ireland, was given
leave to undertake the voyage for Raleigh. See Colonial Calendar, Addenda, 1574—
1674.
§ Hakluyt writes to Walsingham from Paris, 7th April :— " The rumour of Sir Walter
" Kawley'g fleet, and especially the preparation of Sir Francis Drake, doth so much vex
" the Spaniard and his factors, as nothing can be more, and therefore he could wish
" ttat although Sir Francis Drake's journey be stayed, yet the rumour of his setting
V (orth might be continued "—Colonial Calendar.
UnZABETfi. 833
1685,
The English ambassador in Constantinople reports that the Turk
was sending an embassy to the Queen. The Queen had sent a
great spy called Herll to Embden, to discover what negotiations
were being carried on by one of the Counts with your Majesty.
The earl of Derby is coming from the queen of England to bring
the garter to this King. He has arrived at St. Denis, where he
has been ordered to stay, the duke of Montpensier being sent to
meet him with a great train of all the gentlemen of the Court. Ha
is to be entertained with balls and banquets, and there is much talk
here of the festivities that are to be held in his honour.* — Paris,
22nd February 1585.
4 March. 388. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
^^'it^tisH' Since I wrote last I have heard from England that Nau had left
the queen of Scotland after having been only a few days with her.
He has gone to Scotland with a passport from the queen of England,
and is accompanied by Waad who was sent by the queen of
Spain when I left England. It is understood that they are going
to discuss with the king of Scotland the release of the Queen, his
mother, if they can come to terms on the matter. To this end they
say the king of Scotland will go to England ; and rumour still runs
that the earls of Bedford, Arundel, and Oxford, will be sent to
Scotland as hostages for his safety. The priests whom the queen
of England had liberated have arrived here, and I have regaled
them in my house. There are not more than 20 of them and one
layman, besides four more who had joined their company. I have
tried to discover from all of them, and particularly from Father
Jasper Howard, the Jesuit, whom I know well, what reasons had
moved the Queen to release them, whilst still keeping in prison the
other priests who were with them. They say the only reason they
can imagine for it is that the Queen may have been told that if she
did so she would not be accused of punishing Catholics for their
religion ; and that the seven who were confined in the Tower may
have been liberated to save the Queen the cost of keeping them,
whilst the rest of them might have had some influence with the
councillors.
Raleigh's preparations were being conducted with less energy,-
Paris, 4th March 1585.
15 March, 389. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
Paris Archiref, FEXTRACT.!
The earl of Derby has left, having been feasted in an extra-
ordinary way by the King, who gave him a buffet of plate worth
4,000 crowns. I cannot hear of anything having been effected in
the matter of treaties, only that tlie discussion is still afoot.
I have reports from England that they have arrested William
• Thomas Morgan writes from Paris to the queen of Sects, 10th February, that
Derby was bringing a train of 250 followers, and that the king of Prance was to give
him 2,000 ft?w)s a day towards bis expense!, — Hatfield Papen, Part 3,
884 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1585. — — —
Parry,* a man attached to the earl of Leicester and Walsinghaifl,
who had been been in Italy on their behalf. He is suspected of a
design to kill the Queen and has confessed as much. They have
also arrested here, at the request of the English ambassador, one
Morgan, who managed the affairs of the queen of Scotland, and
have seized his papers, I do not learn whether they will
surrender him to the English, although great efforts are being
made by the ambassadors to that end, in virtue of the second
article of the treaty of alliance between England and France.f I
am informed by letters of the 26th ultimo from London that
Raleigh's ships were going down the river to join those from the
west country, but that Drake was proceeding very leisurely with
his preparations. — Paris, 15th March 1585.
15 March. 390. SiK Francis Walsingham to Bernabdino de Mendoza.
Cotton ^ ^^^^ ^®®" informed by the bearer that you desire the liberation
Galba, c. vni. of Pedro de Zubiar.| I have used great efforts to that end with the
object of pleasing you, as 1 desire. He would accordingly have
been released, but that the earl of Leicester has written saying that
he was to be detained for some time longer on account of some
person of quality who doubtless asked that this should be done.
I will nevertheless continue to do my best in the matter, although
Zubiar himself does not deserve anything at my hands, as he has
been very ungrateful to me for all the kindness and courtesy I
have shown liim. My wish, however, is to serve and please your
Lordship, and thus repay you in part for all the kindness I am told
you show to my countrj'men. The things you require from here
will be supplied to you by the bearer, who has taken great pains
about them. I also desire to say that none of the Spaniards who
were captured in the prizes now remain under arrest, so far as I
know, but if any should still be in prison, I will do my best to
have them set free at once. There are only some Portuguese, who
absolutely refuse to go, unless they are sent straight home to their
own country, and will not accept a passage to the States. —
Greenwich, 15th March 1585.
5 Apiil. 391. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
K?'i56" 53."' ^ understand that the proposed going of Nau, the queen of Scot-
land's secretary, with Waad to Scotland, was for the purpose of
ascertuining whether the King would consent in the association of
himself with his mother, which the latter had signed, and to
• William Parry, D.C.L., M.P. A full aecouDt of his trial and eTfecution is given in
Knight's " Criminal trials." The real reason for his prosecution is still a mystery, but
it is by many persons attributed to his action in parliament in favour of the Catholics.
f It will be seen that Morgan was not released from the Bastile where he was
confined until some years had passed. His letter to the queen of Soots announcing his
arrest will be found in the Hatfield papers, part 3, page 96.
X He had been a merchant in Seville, and had been sent by the company of merchants
there to negotiate, if possible, a private arrangement for the return of a part of Drake s
plunder. Whilst in England he became a bankrupt and fled, but returned on assurance
of safety, and was subsequently arrested on a political charge. There; is probably an
error in the djite of the abpve letter, which appears to belong to the following year,
ULtZABETS. S3K
1589.
discover what liis pretensions were. This step was adopted in
consequence of Nau having asserted to the queen of England, in
the presence of Grey, the king of Scotland's ambassador, that the
King had given his consent to the association, which Grey denied.
The queen of England therefore decided to investigate the matter
thoroughly, and consequently sent Nau in the company of Waad
to Scotland. When they were ready to leave she stopped them, in
consequence of the discovery of a certain treasonable plot of the
Scots rebels, who had taken refuge in England with this Queen's
consent, and had entered into a conspiracy with some of the Scots
barons. Of the latter, two hare been beheaded,* one of whom was
formerly the constable of Dumbarton castle, but who had been
deprived of his post in consequence of his communication with the
queen of England, and the castle had been handed over to the late
duke of Lennox.
The Queen has now sent Waad with autograph letters from
herself to the king of France and his mother, begging them to
surrender to her the Scotsman (1) Morgan, who, I wrote to your
Majesty, had been arrested here, and who is now in the Bastille. I
do not learn whether the King will give him up, but as the
examination of Morgan's papers showed that he was in communi-
cation about the affairs of the Catholics and the queen of Scotland
with a gentleman named Courcelles, belonging to the French
embassy in England, the Queen at once sent to the French
ambassador demanding that Courcelles should be sent away from
England, which was done.f
They have beheaded Dr. Parry, and when he was condemned a
forged letter from Cardinal Como was produced, telling him to
persevere in his good intention, and his Holiness would give him
plenary absolution. Parry was asked whether he had received this
letter, and on his admitting that he had, the judge condemned him
to death, saying that there was no need for further confession.
Parry thereupon replied that as he could now speak, he would say
that this was not in accordance with the promise given to him,
with which the Queen would be acquainted. This causes the
belief, even amongst Englishmen, that Parry was unjustly con-
demned, and that the letter was fictitious.
Raleigh's ships, as I wrote, had gone down the river to join the
others at Plymouth, and Pedro de Zubiaur, whom I caused to be
detained in England in order that he might send me news, writes
that he had sent a person to Plymouth to report the quality of
the ships, men, and stores.
Drake is slackening greatly in his prepai-ations, and it is
rumoured that he will not now go with the Queen's commission,
but with that of Don Antonio.
* Cunningliame laird of Drumwhasel and Douglas of Mains were beheaded on
entirely insufficient evidence, at the instigation of James Stuart of Ochiltree, earl of
Arran, James' restored favourite. Two border gentlemen, David Hume of Argaty, and
big brother Patrick, were also executed about this time for having received a letter from
one of the Scottish exile lords in England.
t See Morgan's letters to the ^ueen of Scots, Hatfield papers, part 3.
536 SPANISH STIA-TE PAPERS.
1585, "" ■
Parliament was being continued until the 14th, in order to giv6
time to see how the negotiations between the rebels and the king of
France would turn out.
The companies of mercliants had met in their halls, and had
represented to their presidents the necessity under which Antwerp
was suffering, and that if succour were not speedily sent they were
sure that your Majesty would dominate the Netherlands, and
would then fall upon them. They had agreed, at the persuasion of
the ministers from the pulpits, that each burgess .should give a
shilling, which is equal to two reals, besides one each they gave
before. — Paris, 5th April 1585.
Postscript. — By letter from London, dated 28th March, I am
informed that the Queen was sending troops to Ireland, and also
that she was ordering the English troops coming from Flanders to
be sent to Ireland.
18 April. 392. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
K.'ises! 57^'' With respect to England, I have to report that I hear by letters
dated 28th ultimo, that the Queen, upon hearing from her
ambassador here of the levies of troops being made by the duke
of Guise, had decided to send a gentleman to offer this King troops,
money, and help, against the Guises. This had been conveyed to
the French ambassador, and Cecil had afterwards told the Queen
that she was not to think that the King would take up arms
against the Guises in consequence of these offers ; since he could not
do so, unaided, with safety to himself, and it would be better for
her not to waste that which she might need, but to stand on the
watch, and that when things were at their worst, she could
tranquillise her country by hearing mass. An ambassador had
come from the king of Scotland to give an account to this Queen of
the treason that had been discovered, and the punishment he had
inflicted. He complained also that the plot had been hatched by
his rebellious subjects whom she was sheltering. The King (of
Scotland ?) resolutely replies that he will not be mixed up in any
plan for helping the Flemish rebels, upon which point great pressure
had been brought to bear upon him by this Que'eti, who made him
many offers of assistance to that end.
Of Raleigh's flotilla, 5 ships of 150 tons, and 8 frigates of about
25 tons, had collected at Plymouth and were getting ready to sail.
Waad who I wrote came hither to ask for the surrender of the
Englishman (Morgan) who attended to the queen of Scotland's
affairs here has left, the King having answered that if he finds him
guilty he will punish him here. — Paris, 18th April i585.
Postscript. — 1 have just received letters froiki England, dated 6th,
but as they are not yet deciphered, I cannot send an account of
their contents to-day.
4 May. 393. Bernardino de Mendoza to the Kino.
'^'mal'ez**' ^° ^^^ ^®*'*®^ °^ which duplicate is enclosed, I reported to your
Majesty the departure of Raleigh's ships for Norembega which ha^s
been confirmed by my confidant,
ELIZABETH. 537
1585.
The delegates from the Netherlands went over to England, and
' were immediately dispatched after an interview with the earl of
Leicester, who told them when they had made their speech to him,
that they must not take it amiss if he did not enter so warmly into
their aifair as formerly, as it was a matter for much consideration.
Parliament had closed after having voted supplies estimated at
150,000?. sterling. Amongst other things they declared it high
treason to acknowledge the queen of Scotland as heiress to the
English Crown ; and subjected to the penalty of confiscation of
goods those who harboured seminary priests for a first offence, and
to that of high treason for a second.
The Queen had ordered the fitting out of one of her ships called
the " Red Lion" of 800 tons, the earl of Leicester's galleon, another
called the " Primrose," and two other vessels, the statement being
that Drake was going to take them out to meet your Majesty's
Indian flotilla. Rumours were also current that the Queen had
ordered the raising of some infantry, but it was not known whether
the intention was to send them to Holland or to help the Prince of
Beam. A servant of Don Antonio had arrived in England to inform
the Queen that his master would be glad to come to England on
account of the disturbances here.
Sampson is in great need in consequence of the imprisonment that
has befallen him, and I cannot therefore refrain from again writing
to beg humbly that your Majesty will be pleased to send him
something as a subsidy towards his expenditure. His zeal and
intelligence in your Majesty's service well deserve it.
Lord Harry (Howard), who was Lord Chamberlain of England,
has been made Lord Admiral, his former office having been conferred
by the Queen upon Lord Derby. — Paris, 4th May 1585.
Postscript. — Since closing this letter I have heard that the
English Ambassador here has advices reporting that the earl of
.Arundel had taken ship to leave the country, but the wind being
contrary, he had to put back, when he was captured and taken
before the Queen.
Note. — The above is accompanied by a letter from Don Ber-
nardino to Juan de Idiaquez, the King's secretary, pressing very
urgently that something should be done for Sampson, and asking
whether he may burn the papers of a former Spanish Ambassador
in Paris, Juan de Vargas, "as 1 can hardly keep my own papers,
much less those of other people." Sampson, whose real name was
Antonio de Escobar, was a Portuguese spy living in Paris, ostensibly
favourable to Don Antonio, but really in the pay of Mendoza. He
received constant news from the Portuguese attached to Don
Antonio in England.
12 May. 394. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
Paris Arcbivec, [ EXTRACT. 1
I hear from England by letter dated the 1st instant, that the
Queen, learning that the earl of Leicester would not 'Surrender his
office of Master of the Horse on receiving that of Lord 'Steward, had
suspended the appointments previously announced of lord Howard
538 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1585.
and lord Derby. General musters had been held all over the
country, and the Queen had sent orders to the counties of Middlesex,
Kent, Sussex, and Surrey, to hold themselves in readiness with
arms and horses to muster at an hour's notice, under pain of death.
—Paris, 12th May 1585.
1 June. 395. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
K. 1563 72.°' ^ have received confirmation of the news from England I sent
in my last, to the effect that they had captured, whilst he was
attempting to escape from the country, the earl of Arundel, who is
a brother (son ?) of the duke of Norfolk whom the Queen beheaded.
As soon as the Earl reached London he was lodged in the Tower,
and at the same time the earl of Northumberland was kept closer
in the same fortress. The Queen also ordered the immediate
arrest of my lord (William), the brother of the earl of Arundel,
and that of Lord Harry his uncle, who are consigned to the care of
Lord North, a great heretic, and it is said they are to be cast into the
Tower. At the same time they took prisoner Harchilo (Harpafield ?),
a Catholic and a very great physician, who had been put to the
torture on suspicion of carrying on communications with Catholics,
and the partizans of the queen of Scots, under cover of his
profession. They have also hanged a man before the queen of
Scotland's window for having in his possession secret letters written
by her. Paulet has now the care of her, his illness having for some
time delayed his taking over the charge.
An Act was pa.ssed in Parliament ordering all priests to leave the
country within 40 days, both those who are imprisoned and others,
for whom passage will be found for any port they may choose,
upon their presenting themselves during the period named. After
that time is expired any justice may hang them without further
formality or trial. Although some of them have taken advantage
of this concession, yet, God be thanked ! He has infused so much
fervour in many of the seminarists that they go over daily to
England with glad hearts and wonderful firmness to win the crown
of martyrdom. Of the 10,000 men the Queen had ordered to be
raised there had been mustered in London 2,000 pikemen, 1,600
harquebussiers, and 400 halberdiers ; and a number of Englishmen
had shipped over clandestinely to reinforce the fleet in Zeeland,
which was about to attempt the blockade of Antwerp. With this
object foreigners had been paid four or five pounds sterhng each.
Although it was said that the levy had been made by the Queen
in consequence of a promise to the king of France that she would
fulfil her treaty obligations to help him with 10,000 men against
the forces of Cardinal Bourbon and the Guises, she has really
secretly sent officers to Rochelle and to the prince of Beam, oflfering
help and succour.
The eail of Leicester was on very bad terms with Master
Raleigh, the Queen's new favourite. The ambassador here, Stafford,
has, by the Queen's orders, been bringing great pressure to bear
upon the King to prohibit the sale of certain books which have
been translated into French about the lives of the Queen and the
ELIZABETH. 639
1585. ~~ ^^ "
' " earl of Leicester,* and to order the arrest of the translator, who is
an Englishman.
A letter dated 9tli instant confirms the return of Ealeigh's ships
in bad case. — Paris, 1st June 1585.
7 June. 396. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
Paris Archives, fEXTBACT.I
K. 1,563 .75. ■• ^
I have news from England dated the 14th ultimo, that they had
arrested Pedro de Zubiaur, by order of the Queen, and had confined
him in the house of an alderman of liOndon, after which he was
taken to the Tower. The reason for this was that some letters for
the prince of Parma were seized from a courier, who confessed that
he had received them from Pedro de Zubiaur. His imprisonment
will be to the detriment of your Majesty's service, as he was
certainly very careful and intelligent, and sent hither all necessary
information as to events in England. These numerous arrests
recently will make it very difficult for me to establish fresh means
of communication, but I am trying to do so by every possible
way. — Paris, 7th June ISS.*!.
Note, — In a note to Juan de Idiaquez accompanying the above,
the following passage occurs, relating to the proposed invasion of
England : " The prince of Parma's requests to the King for Spanish
" troops is a good excuse for raising a fleet in Spain for the purpose
" I have mentioned. His Holiness will be obliged to grant His
" Majesty some help in the execution of it, as it is so proper a
" thing, and Pope Gregory had consented to do so. I just mention
" this by the way."
9 July. 397. The King to Bernardino de Mendoza.
l"^448. 22*'' With regard to the proposals made to you about England by
Geronimo de Gondi, and subsequently by Secretary Villeroy,
contained in your letter to me of 7th ultimo, I may say that
although their observations with regard to England do not lack
plausibility, there is much artifice behind them all. They would
like by this means to free themselves from the pressure in which
they are, and embark us upon a business which they who suggest
it would afterwards prevent, unless we took very good care to hold
pledges in our hands of greater value than their fair words. It
would not have been bad, when they proposed it, and asked you
what money and forces I intended to employ in the enterprise, if
you had sounded their intentions a little deeper, by asking them a
similar question, and had tried to get at what they were willing to
contribute. You might have said that you could hardly ask me
the question without giving me that information. In the present
state of the business, however, it will be best for you to tell them
that my answer was to greatly praise the King's zeal in desiring
to bring England to submit to God's law, and I am no less
wishful of a thing so signally in the interests of our Lord, which I
* Doubtless " Leicester's Commonwealth," by Father Persons the Jesuit.
840 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1685. '
have never neglected. As, however, I am informed he has not yet
consulted the Queen-mother upon the subject, and I have so high
an opinion of her wisdom and advice if she agreed with the King,
and I know the difficulties the matter would encounter if she
disagreed with him, I think that it will be advisable for the King
to consult his mother first. If she approves of it, they who before
they proposed such a thing will naturally have considered it well
in aU its bearings, will be able to lay before you in detail their
plans for the enterprise, the number of troops and ships, and the
proportion of money and forces they propose to furnish, the
commander who should be entrusted with the enterprise, the ports
of rendezvous for the fleet, and if the latter should make a com-
bined or divided attack, because in so serious a matter the fullest
detail must be provided. "When I know what they propose and
what they expect me to do, I can reply to them better and more
fully than I can now that my knowledge is limited to their good
wishes, in which as you know I entirely concur. You will say so
much, and pledge yourself to no more, and will try to get at their
real feelings. If they seem straightforward enough for me to
trust to their words, and afterwards to their help in carrying the
matter through jointly, you well know how earnestly I desire the
conversion of England. But I am forced by experience to expect
from them quite a contrary course, and it is necessary that we
should proceed with great care and circumspection with them.
It was well to inform Muzio of all they said, and you will tell
him that, if they try to draw him into this proposal, and perhaps
suggest that he may lead it, he had better consider the matter
deeply, for it will never be safe for him to leave France until he
has first dispersed his rivals and broken the Huguenots. In any
other case, as soon as his back is turned, the King and they (i.e.
the Huguenots) will seize all he now possesses, and he, who knows
so well the humours of his countrymen, will be the best judge as
to whether the men who make this proposal are moved solely by
Christian fervour or by more interested motives of their own profit
and Muzio's prejudice, which is evidently the case. Report to me
how they both take it. — Monzon, 9th July 1585.
11 July. 398. The King to Bernardino de Mendoza.
^K^t/s.'ls!'' ^'"' *^ margin: "For Lord Paget and his brother Charles
"150 crowns ; idem for Charles Arundel 80 crowns, Thomas
" Throgmorton 40 crowns."
You are already aware that, having regard to the rank and parts
of Lord Paget and his brother Charles, and considering that they
are fugitives from their home and country for the sake of religion,
I ordered Juan Bautista de Tassis in September last, 1584, to
continue to pay these allowances, namely, to Lord Paget 100 crowns
a month, and 50 to his brother Charles. I undeMtand that this
has not been done, and they petition me to have the allowances
duly paid. I have granted this, and now ordter you to have them
paid from the day the grant was made, and that in future the same
allowances are to be paid regularly until contrary orders come from
ELIZABETH. 541
158^
me, and the sums should be included in your account of extraordinary
expenditure, which with their receipts shall be a good discharge
for you. I have given strict orders to this effect, and no difficulty
shall be raised about crediting you with the amounts.
15 July. 399. Count de Olivaees to the King.
As I had been informed that Cardinal d'Este*had caused the Pope to
be told that it would be advisable for him to endeavour to have these
forces in France united, for the purpose of undertaking the enterprise
of England and placing the crown on the head of the king of Scotland,
and as the Pope had subsequently conferred on the subject with
Cardinal Sanzio and Baudemont, I thought necessary to go and
speak to his Holiness about it, and point out to him how untimely
t^iis discussion was, whilst the heretics were still unexpelled from
France. I said that the only aim of the proposal was to divert
matters from France, and that Cardinal d'Este had no other object
than to cool his goodwill towards helping these princes (the
Guises ?), who could only accede to this wish of his Holiness by
turning their backs for ever on the task of expelling the heretics
from France, and, indeed, by themselves becoming exiles, as in
their absence the heretics, with the help of the king of France,
would seize the government and afterwards support the queen of
England. I also told him that when affairs in France and Flanders
were settled it would be time enough to think about England,
and that, in any case, Cardinal d'Este was a bad intermediary in
the matter, as also was the king of France, who is now in favour of
the queen of England, but that the duke of Guise, being the first
cousin of the queen of Scotland, would be the fitting person.
I also pointed out to him the small assurance that exists about
the king of Scotland's religion, and how much safer it would be
to place his mother the Queen in possession of the Crown, and I said
that the more earnestness hie Holiness showed in favouring and
aiding the Catholic Princes of France, the more speedily would
matters in that country be settled, and the sooner could the English
affair be undertaken.
He recognised the soundness of all these arguments, and I thought
he seemed ashamed that it had come to my knowledge that he had
moved so unreflectingly in the matter, so I did not dwell upon it. —
Rome, loth July 1585.
16 July. 400. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
^Ki 563*^92 !' ^i^°® ^y 1^^* advices of 30th ultimo, I hear that the queen of
Scotland has had assigned to her the houses of Borton and Beau-
desert in the county of York, which were formerly the property of
Lord Paget, and all the furniture in them has been given to her.
Paulet declined to accept the oath binding himself to the custody
of the Queen, unless all the gentlemen suspected of Catholicism were
expelled the county. This was done, and I enclose herewith
* Cardinal d'Este was a member of the ducal house of I'eirara and the leader of th«
ppponentB of the Spanish party in the Vatican.
642 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1585.
the articles adopted in parliament relative to the Queen of
Scotland.
The delegates from the Dutch rebels were already on the way
back with their answer, which was to the effect that the Queen
would help them with 10,000 men and would send Lord Grey as
Governor. She told them that, even if France would not aid them,
she would do so, and in such a way as would prevent your
Majesty from ever subduing them, and that henceforward she would
do so undisguisedly. Four thousand of these men were nearly ready
to leave under Colonel Norris, and would go across at the same
time as the delegates. It was said in London that the reason for
sending them so hastily, was in oi'der that they should arrive in
time to succour Antwerp, and although the rumour is current here
that they have arrived at Bergen-op-Zoom, I do not credit it. I
also hear that Drake has sailed from the we.st country with some
ships of the fleet to meet the Indian flotillas belonging to your
Majesty. All advices concur in the fact of his sailing, but they
differ in the number of his ships — some say 30, whilst the smallest
number mentioned is 12 — two of which belong to the Queen.
The latter account is the most probable, but I cannot obtain
positive information in consequence of the loss of Pedro de
Zubiaur. The Queen, not satisfied with arresting the principal
Catholics, has disarmed the whole of them throughout the country,
and no one now dares to write, so that until this fury passes
away I have to do my best to discover what the French
ambassador writes hither, in order to send information to your
Ma,jesty.
The earl of Northumberland, who was a prisoner in the Tower,
has killed himself, according to the account written by Secretary
Walsingham, who says that he asked his guard for a pistol loaded
with three bullets. This is very hard to believe, for those who
know how strictly prisoners are kept there, and that the guards
are not allowed even to give them their food without the interven-
tion of the constable, especially in the case of so important a person
as the Earl, to whom they certainly would not have dared to give
armis. It is therefore concluded, from the fact that lie was found
with three bullet wounds, that the thing has been managed by the
councillors, and it is to be feared that they may do the same thing
to the earl of Arundel and other Catholic prisoners, who are now
very numerous, having regard to their discovery six months ago
that poison had been given to the earl of Shrewsbury, and, as I am
told, to this earl of Northumberland as well. The poison, however,
was so slow in its action that the Catholic physician Harchilo
(Harpsfield), who is now in prison, was able to cure them and told
them both that their malady was poison. The earl of Northumber-
land had three sons here being brought up in a christian way.
They report from Scotland that the King was expecting an
ambassador from the king of Denmark, who was coming to discuss
an alliance with the queen of England and other protestant
sovereigns, and under this pretext bring about a marriage between
the daughter of the king of Denmark and the king of Scotland,
ELIZABETH. sis
1585.
Edward Wotton the English ambassador in Scotland was still
there, and was said to be endeavouring to get the King openly to
take the rebels of Holland and Zeeland under his protection, the
queen of England offering him great assistance if he will consent to
this.— Paris, 16th July 1585.
23 July. 401. The King to Bernardino de Mendoza.
Pfiris .ArcliiVGS -•-
K. 1448 . 25. ' III one of your letters of 21st ultimo, I note the intelligence from
England, and beg you to continue to send news on every occasion,
as nothing comes from there now except through you. Keport
especially whether Drake's or any other fleet has sailed, and, if so,
with what number of ships and men, since Raleigh's return to
France. You will inform me, if you can ascertain it, whether the
lieutenant-governor of Biscay, whom the ship " Primrose " carried
off from the bar of Portugalete, arrived in England alive, and what
effect was produced on the Queen, her Council and the rest of them,
by the seizure of English ships and property in Biscay and Guipuzcoa,
until we see what amends they make for so grave an offence. —
Monzon, 23rd July 1585.
Aug.? 402. Unsigned advices from England.
^k"i564'''iT' Letters from England dated I7th report that on the 13th Colonel
Norris was at Gravesend making ready the ships that were to
carry over his 4,000 men to Zeeland ; whilst Drake was lying at
anchor off the Isle of Wight with 24 well armed ships, although
his intentions were unknown. Some people were saying that he
was awaiting advices from the French huguenots and others, who
had told the Queen that a fleet was being fitted out in Spain ;
whereupon Her Majesty had ordered Drake not to sail until further
instructions, so that her coast might not be bereft of ships. The earl
of Arundel was said to be mad in consequence of poison having been
administered to him which, instead of killing him as was intended,
had the effect of sending him out of his mind. His wife had died
in child-birth in consequence of the distress it had caused her. She
was a truly righteous christian and a woman of great wortli. The
Spaniards who had been brought from Bilbao were lodged in pairs
in the houses of Englishmen. One of them had been sent to Bilboa
by way of Rye and Nantes.
Aug. ? 403. Document headed " News from England."
Paris Archives, -pjjg Queen is daily despatching troops to Holland taken from the
K. 1564 . 18. ^^^^^ ^j. ^j^g people. In the city of London 4,000 men were collected
in a day and a night, all of whom were forcibly shipped for Holland
without any of the things necessary for war.*
The councillors have proposed a plan for the condemnation of
all the priests that may be captured, so that they may employ
* The treaty with the States had been signed on the 10th August and Sir John
Norris was immediately afterwards sent with the stipulated auxiliary force of 4,000
(uen to the Ketberlands,
^^ SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1585.
them in the galleys. This decision is very like the tyranny of
the Turk.
The clearness of grain is very great all over the country, and as
a consequence of this, a ship which was lying in the Severn loaded
with grain for Holland was hacked to pipces by 500 men, who had
risen with that object. If it had not been for the recent arrival
of six ships from Denmark with cargoes of grain there would have
been a famine in the land.
The clergy of England had taken upon themselves the burden
and cost of 2,000 horsemen ready for service in the Netherlands. It
is said that during to last few weeks five million head of cattle had
died of the plague in England.
17 Aug. 404. The King to Bernardino de Mendoza.
Paris Archiyes, FEXTRACT.!
K. 1448 . 29, L 'J
Warn the duke of Guise against making any agreement with
his enemies, and open his eyes with regard to the English enter-
prise. Point out to him the danger he runs if he allows himself to
be cajoled into leaving his home and country before he has humbled
his rivals, and converted or expelled the heretics, and how deceived
he might find liimself when he wished to return. I have little to add
to the contents of iny despatch of the 9th instant, telling you what
you were to say to the King about England. Doubtless we shall soon
have a letter from you giving us an account of your efforts to get
the King to open out about the proposed enterprise, and his ideas
for carrying it into effect.
Note. — In the margin of the di'aft of the above letter the King
has written : — " With regard to England they fthe French) may be
" told first to put an end to the heretics in their own country, and
" afterwards we can look after them elsewhere. I suspect the
" proposal comes from the Queen-mother, in order to relax towards
" the heretics (in France), but it is more important to us to
" finish first the heretics who are near us, than those afar off,
" although I quite believe that they are not able to finish them in
" France."
6 Sept. 405. The King to Bernardino de Mendoza.
^K"°i^8°*"jr' ^^^ ^i^l "''^^ every effort to obtain constant and trustworthy
information from England, with regard to naval armaments, and
send it to me punctually, because when we are not sure of our
information we hear only confused reports which cause anxiety.
If, however, on the 16th August Drake was still at Plymouth, as
you report, perhaps he will not do so much harm this year as he
threatened. — Monzon, 6th September 1585.
Note. — In another letter of the same date from the King to
Mendoza the following passage occurs : — The number of ships that
have left England seems very large, and you will in future try to
have people in the English ports who, from their own observation,
will be able to report to you what armaments are being prepared,
in time for the information to arrive here soon enough for the
ELIZABETH. 645
1686.
necessary precautions to be taken. I send you 8,000 crowns, out
of which you will at once pay 2,000 to the seminary at Rheims.
11 Sept. 406. Bkrnardino de Mendoza to the King,
^isest'lre!' ^. '?^^^ ^° ^^^^^ °^^s f'^om England than those of 21st ultimoi
advising me that some of the men of Drake's fleet were in London
at that date, who said that he was at Plymouth with all his ships,
and could not sail in less than a fortnight at the earliest.
M. de Chateauneuf, the French ambassador, who had gone
thither to reside,* had audience of the Queen on tlie 18th, and
had been received with great warmth, she having sent a ship to
Calais to bring him over.
About 2,000 Englishmen had gone to Zeeland under Colonel Norris,
and 4,000 more were to follow. The latter force was being raised
and it was said that the leader of it would be the earl of Oxford.
Horatio Pallavicini, a heretic Genoese merchant resident in
England, came from the Queen to negotiate with this King for the
payment to her of 300,000 crowns she had lent to the duke of
Anjou,t he, the King, iDcing his heir. I understand he replied
that he would endeavour to provide for the payment of the
amount, but under this pretext the real object of Pallavicini's
coming was to represent to the King the evils which might
result from a war upon the prince of Bearn and the Huguenots,
the sole cause of such a war being the house of Guise. She
said that as the other side were of her religion, she must tell
the King plainly at once that she could not refrain from helping
them, and other princes would do the same, particularly the king
of Denmark. The king of France replied in general terms, and
Pallavicini took his departure. Lord Russell, the eldest son of the
earl of Bedford, who was married to a daughter of Lord Forster,}
one of the constables of the Scotch Border, was recently in the
house of his father-in-law, where the people of the marches
periodically meet before the governors of the provinces, and
mutually arrange the robberies that have been committed on both
sides during the previous tliree months, Tliey always go armed to
these meetings, and a number of pedlars attend with their wares.
An English gentleman had bought a pair of spurs from a Scotch
pedlar for which he refused to pay, and upon a remark in
condemnation of this from a Scotch gentleman, the Englishman
gave the latter a blow. The whole fair was set in a tumult, and
each nation took sides. During the fight Lord Russell came out,
attracted by the noise, and was killed, as well as many other
Englishmen. The matter at last got so serious that both Forster
and the Scotch governor,§ who was in his house, thought it moat
prudent to stay indoors. The English ambassador, Wotton, hearing
• G. de I'Aabeapine, Seigneur de Chateauneuf, had just succeeded Michel Castelnau,
Seigneur de la Mauvissiere, as French ambassador ill Knglaiid. , . ,. ,
t The duke of Anjou, or as he was still usually called, Alen90D, had died on ths
11th June of the previous year. '
J Sir John Forster, Warden of the Middle Marches.
§ Ker of Fernihurst, '
y8454J. ** M
54i6 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1585.
of this, and the damage that had been suffered by Englishmen,
complained bitterly to the king of Scotland about it, and cast the
blame of the disorder upon the earl of Arran, who was concerned
in it, and wa« a declared enemy of the English. The King ordered
the earl of Arran- to remain in a castle until he justified himself,
and he was there for three days. The reason why Wotlon told
the King that Arran was the declared enemy of the English was
that he, Arran, was the first person who had openly opposed the
league that Wotton was trying to negotiate between the king of
Scotland and the queen of England for mutual offence and defence,
although the earl of Huntly and other nobles were also against it.
Notwithstanding this, letters of l7th ultimo from Scotland report
that the King liad concluded a defensive league with England,
with the intention of preserving his religion, and with a special
clause saying that the terms of the treaty were in no respect to
contravene his old alliances with the crown of France, as the whole
country wag unanimous in condemning an English treaty, unless on
this understanding.
The Danish ambassadors had arrived, but the King had deferred
receiving them, as the rumour was current that their mission was
to ask for the cession of the Orkney isles and Shetlands, which
long ago belonged to the crown of Denmark and had been pledged
to Scotland, and if the embassy met with a good reception from
the King they were empowered to treat of his marriage with the
daugliter of their master. I have received a letter from England,
dated 30th ultimo, whilst writing this, but it gives no fresh
news, except that the earl of Oxford had left on the previous
night for Zeeland by the Queen's orders. — Paris, 11th September
1585,
] 1 Sept, 407. Bernaedino de Mendoza to he Kino.
^K^IhGS^'uf.' ^ understand that Don Antonio did not embark on a French ship,
but went with four English ships which had brought over an
embassy from the queen of England to the prince of Beam, and
on their return they carried Don Antonio back with them.
It is reported that there has been a disturbance^ in Drake's fleet,
and that Drake had killed one of the captains. I have been unable
to discover more particulars.
1 0 Sept. 408. Document headed " Advices from England, 1 9th September
Palis Archives, 1585."
The earl of Shrewsbury had left to go to Derbyshire, he being
Lord-Lieutenant of the two counties of Derbyshire and Stafford.
When he took leave of the queen of England he kissed her hand
for having, as he said, freed him from two devils, namely, the queen
of Scotland and his wife.* He urged the Queen not to trust to
* The custody of the queen of Scots had been transferred to Sir Amyas Paulet, but
Shrewsbury was not rid of his wife. In the following year an agreement for partial
separation was agreed upon, paiticulatB of which will be found in the Hatfield papers,
cait 3. Hist, MSb. Commission,
ELIZABETH. 647
1685.
foreign friendship, and to take Holland and Zealand under her
protection, offering, if she wished it, to go in person thither and to
maintain 2,000 men at his own expense.
The queen of Scotland is well in health and is guarded very
strictly by Sir Amyas Paulefc, who has placed 40 of his own men as
her guard and watchers, and constant reports are made of what the
Queen and her servants do and say. There is great disagreement
between the earl of Leicester and the Lord Treasurer, Cecil per-
suading the Queen not to break with the house of Burgundy, whilst
Leicester uses all his great influence with the Queen to bring her
to an opposite course, and to weaken the party of the Lord
Treasurer.
Five or six thousand English soldiers have arrived in Flanders
with the earl of Oxford and Colonel Norris, and it is said that
Philip Sidney will follow them shortly to take possession of Flushing,
whilst other gentlemen will go to assure the governships of other
towns, and the earl of Leicester will then follow as chief of the
expedition.
At the beginning of this month Baron Willoughby left for
Germany for the purpose of raising forces for the king of Navarre.
The persecution and terror in Ei)gland are so great, that the
majority of the Catholics are endeavouring to get exiled to
Germany, and they offer full security that they will not enter into
any plots against the Queen, or give her any reason for complaint.
The principal people who are making this request are Master
Thomas Tresham, Master William Catesby, and Mnster Tichborne.
The king of Scotland seems very dependent upon the queen of
England, and to follow her humour entirely. Towards the end of
September, the earl of Huntingdon and Baron Ewer for the queen
of England, and Baron Sinclair and the earl of Northesk for the
king of Scotland, will meet for the purpose of agreeing upon an
offensive and defensive league.
Lord Paget, Charles Paget, his brother, Thomas Throgmorton,
Thomas Morgan and Francis Arundel had been declared guilty of
high treason.
It is reported from Scotland that Baron Fernihurst is still held
prisoner in England on account of the death of the son of the earl
of Bedford. Father Edmund the Scotch Jesuit who was in Scotland
with another companion, claims to have reconciled to the Catholic
church over 10,000 souls in six months.
1 Oct. 409. Bernardino de Mendoza to the Kino.
Paris Archivei, fEXTRACT.l
K. 1563. 125. , ■■ , , ,111 > 1 ^
I have only time to say now that yestelMay letters avnVed from
the French ambassador in England, reporting tliat on the 18th
ultimo Don Antonio embarked with Drake at. Plymouth, and set
sail with 35 good ships and 7,000 or 8,000 men with the object of
effecting a landing in Portugal. Immediately after this news
arrived here, it was sent to the Queen-mother; the King having
gone to the Bois de Vincennes, and she summoned Marshal de Biron
at once, with the Abbe Guadagni in order to discuss the matter
MM I
54i8 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1585. ~
with them. She ordered Guadagni to speak to Custodio Leiton,
who represents Don Antonio here, and ask him what news he had
from his master, to see whether he knew anything ahout it, and if
he did not, Guadagni was instructed to tell him. Guadagui found
that Leiton was ignorant of the event, and told him, recommending
him at the same time to go and see the Queen-mother. He did so
and she complained greatly to him of Don Antonio's having
concealed this voyage from her, which, she said, was a poor return
for the favours she had extended to him. Leiton excused him hy
saying that it had heen suddenly decided upon, whereupon she said
that, on the contrary, she considered it had been settled long ago,
when she call to mind the message that Don Antonio had sent her
from the castle of Lusignan, warning the King and her not to be
surprised if he sought help elsewhere since he could not get the help
he expected from them. She therefore concluded that this plan
was arranged some time since, and then went on at great length
complaining that Don Antonio had kept them in the dark about it,
ending by saying that, since the thing was done, she hoped God
would prosper it, and that it would have all the good fortune in
Portugal that she desired. If such were the case, she could assure
him that the King, her son, would make such a demonstration in his
favour that Don Antonio would recognise the goodwill the Ejng
had ever borne him. She sent Leiton to speak with the English
ambassador, to discover whether he had any news of the expedition,
but he found he knew nothing of the matter, whereupon he told
him what the Queen-(mother) had heard from her ambassador,
and he seemed much pleased at it. He signified, however, that of
the number of ships and men, which, it was said, Drake and Don
Antonio had, the Queen could not have provided more than seven
or eight ships, as the rest of her vessels could not be spared away
from the English coast, and the number of men also appeared to
him to be very large. He asked Leiton whether the navigation of
the Straits of Magellan was very long and diflScult, but as Leiton
did not know much about it, he gave the best answer he could. He
then wished to know whether Don Antonio would be well received
if he landed in India, and whether he would be welcomed in
Portugal. Leiton was anxious to be free from all this questioning,
and told him, at last, that he knew nothing about these points, but
if the news was true he would very shortly have advices. I have
not heard of his receiving any yet, and the Italian Cosme Rogier,
(Ruggiero ?) who was sent by the French King to England with
despatches for Don Antonio, has not yet returned, although he wrote
from London on the 18th ultimo, saying he was leaving soon. This
seems to cast some doubt upon the truth of the news.
I have received letters from London, dated 19th, saying that
Drake was proceeding with the fitting out of the number of ships I
previously mentioned, and that probably 3,000 or 4,000 men would
go in them, soldiers and sailors together, although it was not con-
sidered probable that they would be ready to leave before the end
of the month. Philip Sidney had been sent by the Queen to receive
pgQ Antonio, and Somerset House was being put in readiness for
ELIZABETH. B49
1585,
his residence. Although tho letters from the French ambassador
are of later date (21st ultimo), I have thought well to send the
news to your Majesty at once, and the moment confirmation reaches
me I will send a special courier, The Queen-mother has made the
intelligence public, and whilst she was at dinner asked a heretic
what he thought of it, to which he replied that the queen of
England was determined to lose like a man, and not Uke a woman. — •
Paris, 1st October 1585.
8 Oct. 410. Bernardino de Mendoza to the Kino.
Raises'! m!' Since they arrested Pedro de Zubiaur in England I have
endeavoured by every possible means to open up a correspondence
which would enable me to give prompt information of events there,
but they so constantly open letters in the ports that no foreigner
will dare to undertake the task of writing, whilst the Englishmen
of my acquaintance to whose reports credit could be given are for
the most part in prison. I tried to send a Frenchman in the
character of a member of the household of the ambassador from
this King to the queen of England, but I could not manage it, as
Secretary Villeroy insisted upon constituting the embassy entirely
himself. I am still persevering in the same direction, however,
because although it is easy enough to introduce men into the
country, and for them to inquire into and inspect any warlike
preparations that may be made, there is no assured way of
conveying the intelligence either verbally or by letter. Letters
from the ports to London can only be sent with great risk, and the
person who makes the inquiries could not bring the information
himself in time to be useful, as the ports are all so strictly closed.
Some person must therefore be fixed in London who is able to
receive news from the ports, and has means of sending the
intelligence he obtains in the French ambassador's packets, which
are the only ones allowed to pass intact. I shall manage it in
time, but in the meanwhile have to depend upon what I can glean
from the news sent by the French ambassador to the King and
that current in the house of the English ambassador here. — Paris,
8th October 158.5.
8 Oct. 411. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
K^ises i3*o' Gives an account of the great discomposure of the Queen-
mother at the news of Don Antonio's departure with Drake's fleet
for Portugal, and cites several instances of the sudden change of
tone towards Don Antonio's representative on the part of the
courtiers, in anticipation of the probable success of the expedition.
Hopes are now held. out that active help will be given by the
Queen-mother to Don Antonio I am informed that
letters have been seen in the possession of the English ambassador
here, dated 13th October, N.S, (although they were headed
according to the old style, 23rd ultimo), which came by special
post sent to him by a son of the Lord Treasurer, who writes saying
that as his father is in great travail of mind and body in con-
sequence of his wife being in a dying state, and he himself suffering
550 SPANISH STATE PAPEBS.
1585, — — — —
badly with the gout, he has ordered him to write in his stead.
The only news he sent was that Don Antonio was in the county of
Devonshire (which adjoins Cornwall) in a house belonging to
Drake, with Phihp Sidney. The latter had not, as was reported,
been sent by the Queen from Court to receive Don Antonio, but
had left in despair to embark on Drake's fleet in consequence of
the Queen's having refused him the governorship of Flushing, for
which he had asked, if the States would agree to it and she took
them under her protection. He said Drake had about 80 ships
and 4,000 men, soldiers and sailors together, and that Don Antonio
had written to the Queen, saying that, in order to bear company
with Philip Sidney he wished to embark on the fleet, whereat she
scofied greatly, as did also her ambassador in conversation with a
friend of his who told me of it. From this it may be concluded
that the going of Don Antonio in the fleet was not with the
Queen's connivance. This view is also confirmed by the interview
which Custodio Leiton had with the English ambassador here,
when he went to ask him whether he bad news of the going of
Don Antonio. The ambassador replied that he had no letters,
which was intended to keep people here in the mistaken belief that
Don Antonio had sailed, as there could be no question of trying to
conceal the matter in order to prevent your Majesty from making
due preparations, the news having been already made public,
besides which Drake cannot even yet be ready to sail Sampson
is of opinion that if Don Antonio goes with him Drake will most
likely go to the coast of Brazil, and, as the season is already late to
encounter your Majesty's fleets, it is more possible that they will
endeavour to plunder some place and sack as much as they can,
rather than try to establish themselves firmly ashore, the English
people being unable to sufier hardships except at sea. — Paris, 8th
October 1585.
9 Oct. 412. Bernardino de Mendoza to the Kino.
Paris Archives, fEXTRACT.!
K. 1563. ISO. ^ , , .... 11-
Begs for more money on account of need for obtaining intelligence
from all parts of France, tiie country being so disturbed ; and now
that Don Antonio is in England news from there is worth more
than its weight in gold.
Lord Paget, his brother Charles, Arundel, and Thomas Throg-
morton constantly beg me to pay them the pensions that your
Majesty granted them, it being now nearly a year since Tassis
conveyed your Majesty's message to them, and the amount due
now reaches 3,240 crowns. I understand that Lord Paget, being
dissatisfied with my reply, and with the hopes I hold out to him
that your Majesty's grant will be duly fulfilled, has decided to go
from Eome, where he has passed this summer, to salute your
Majesty personally. — Paris, 9th October 1585.
Note. — A letter from Don Bernardino to Idiaquez accompanies
the above request for the remittance of money, saying that if he
draws money front merchants the exchange CQsts bim 3 per cent..
ELIZABETH. 551
1685.
•whereas if he receives cash from Spain he makes a profit of 8 per
cent, "as they do." He therefore begs permission to import from
Spain 3,000 crowns, to be spent in the King's service.
17 Oct. 413. Beenabdino de Mendoza to the King.
K. 1563. 138.' ^^^^ merchant's post is going at such an undue hour that I have
only time to say that Don Antonio was 'still in England, imd was
going to London, although Cosmd Rogier who took despatches from
the King and Queen of France to him has not yet returned. The
French ambassador wrote on the 4th, excusing himself for sending
on the 23rd the false news (of Don Antonio's departure with
Drake's fleet from England).
Drake weighed anchor in Plymouth at nightfall on the 27th
September, and all the next day and at dawn the day after was
stilj in sight from the land, becalmed. The day following he
arrived at Falmouth in Cornwall, and tip to the end of the month
he had fine weather, but with many calms. Since then there have
been furious westerly gales blowing, which will certainly have
driven him back to the English coast, unless he made for Ireland,
which is the most likely, as very many of the sailors and others
who were with him had been pressed on board, and if he put into
an English port they would desert. It was asserted here as a
positive fact that he had returned, and I have delayed sending a
report to your Majesty until I could ascertain the truth. Up to
the present, however, there is no certain news, except that there
has been a strong gale blowing dead against his course, and this
has also prevented letters coming from England.
I send your Majesty herewith an exact account of the ships
Drake has, and the stores, munitions, and men on board of them,
which report was furnished to me by a trustworthy Frenchman
who had ocular evidence of the facts he relates, I sent him to
England for this purpose months ago, and he made friends with
Drake himself, and arranged to go in the fleet. He gave him the
slip, but could not come hither (all the ports being rigidly closed)
until M. de la Mauvissifere crossed over on his return from his
embassy in England. I feared the man was dead or a prisoner,
and I consequently did not venture to tell your Majesty I had sent
him. The reports from England received by this King (of France)
are similar in effect to that which I send, but not so full in detail.
—Paris, 17th October 1585.
16 Nov. 414. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
K^'/sfs^'iss!' JDon Antonio had travelled towards London, as I wrote to your
Majesty (lodging in the houses of various gentlemen who enter-
tained him on the way), but I have not heard whether he had
arrived. Walsingham has written hither, saying that the Queen
had ordered two houses to be made ready for his reception, of
which he could hardly support the cost unless his pension from
France were continued. I am told by Sampson that, when he
applied for the 500 crowns this month, the cashier of Don Antonio's
agent told Jiim tha,t he h?id orders not to pay him any more a^
652
1585.
SPANISH STATE PAPEBS.
the King had revoked the pension. The ships fitted out by
Ealeigh have brought into Plymouth some vessels belonging to
subjects of your Majesty, loaded with sugar and other drugs, and,
as Ealeigh himself had gone down to the port, it was said that they
had brought some silver or gold.
The earl of Angus, with the rest of the Scots rebels who were
on the English Border, had entered Scotland with their armed
followers, but without any Englishmen, although the earls of
Pembroke and Cumberland, with Lord Grey and a body of men,
were ready to support them in case of need. When the king of
Scotland heard of this he sent for the English ambassador, Edward
Wotton, and asked him whether this was the sort of friendship
promised to him by the queen of England, whom, he said, he would
pay some day for it, and with this he ordered him to begone to
England. The King himself went to Dumbarton, This news comes
from the French ambassador in England, — Paris, 16th November
1685.
29 Nov. 415. Behnardino de Mendoza to the Kmo.
K. 1563^! m' News has been received here that Don Antonio had arrived at
one of the houses which the Queen had had prepared for him, nine
miles from London. He was visited there by the French ambas-
sador before he had seen the Queen, and Cosme Rogier, who has
returned, says that the Queen resented this. She had seen Don
Antonio four times, for which purpose he had come to London and
stayed in the house of a Portuguese Jew physician named Lopez,
where the Queen visited him ; and Rogier aays that she gave him
some money, but he does not know what amount, only that all his
people had been dressed in London cloth, and were fed on beef
and beer without any other entertainment. He was sending hither
for the necessary paraphernalia for saying mass, and Diego Botello
has written letters full of hopes that they will soon go to
Portugal, signifying that they are negotiating for the means for
doing so. Custodio Leiton has gone to England to see Don Antonio,
desperately in need of money as his pension had been stopped.
The Queen-mother urged him to return shortly, and to persuade
Don Antonio to do the same.
Sampson has asked me to ask your Majesty to give him leave.
I have told him I would, but that it was important that he should
stay until we see whether Don Antonio will remain in England or
return hither, because if Sampson goes it will be very diflicult to fiad
another man to report so carefully and promptly all Don Antonio's
movements. For this reason I have provided him with means to
stay here for the present in your Majesty's interests. — Paris,
29th November 1685.
29 Nov. 416. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
K^i'sM^.^iel!' Since my last news has come from Scotland in letters dated
London, 14th instant, saying that the earls of Angus, Mar, and
Morton the younger, with 3,000 Scotch horse, had entered Scotland,
leaving on the frontier at their backs in support a large body of
ELIZABETH. 553
1685.
the Queen's troops, their avowed object being to overthrow the
government of the earl of Arran, whose great enemy, the earl of
Maxwell, has also raised a force and waa on his way to join the rebels.
The King (of Scotland) had consequently decided to retire to the
earl of Huntly's house, but, on hearing that the latter earl and some
Catholic Scotch priests had persuaded Maxwell, who professes to
be a Catholic, how bad it was for him to rise with rebels against
the King solely on account of his enmity to the earl of Arran, the
King returned to Stirling, and Maxwell had joined Huntly. The
King had sent what forces he could raise to strengthen the two
earls, who were between the castle of Stirling and the abbey of
Abroath, where the rebels were lying, the intention of the King
being to engage them ag his forces were the stronger, — Paris,
29th November 1585.
29 Dec. 417. The Kmo to BEBNABDmo de Mexdoza,
Paris Archives, rEXTKACT.l
K. U48 .36. ■■ ■'
The news you sent about Drake's fleet agreed with the number
of ships he took to Galicia, where the daring of his attempt was
greater than the damage he was able to eflect. We have no
certain information about him since he left the Galician coast, and
it will be well for you to report to me what you can learn of his
subsequent movements. You will use the utmost diligence in
obtaining very frequent and very trustworthy news from England,
which you will transmit to me continually. In the absence of any
better way, the course you have adopted of learning what the
French ambassador writes is a good one, although if you can send
a confidential persoii to the English ports, who may ascertain
about the armaments and other things, you must do so. The
danger of sending such reports in writing may be got over by
couching all information in mercantile language, which may be used
as a cipher to signify anything agreed upon. — Tortosa, 29th December
1585.
Dec. 418. Documents headed " Those who are going for the Earl of
Paris Archives, LEICESTER."*
Sir William Stanley, knt., will have a regiment of 1,500 men.
Sir Henry Harrington, knt., will have a regiment of 1,500 men.
These two go from Ireland with their companies.
Sir Robert Germain knt., will have a regiment of 1,300 men.
Sir Thomas Shirley, knt., will have a regiment of 1,300 men.
Two other persons of quality will have regiments amounting to
3,000 men. There will be 30 captains, with about 100 men in
each company. They have been ordered to [make ready with all
speed to join the Earl.
The master of Grey will also go from Scotland with 600 men.
• On ' his expedition to the Netherlands. _ Th» list is given in extenso on the next
page, as I have b«en unpble; to find a copy in the Leiceiter papers or elsewhere.
554
SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1585.
The earl of Leicester has sent to the Turk at Constantinople to
come to an understanding with him.
Dec. 419. List of gentlemen forming the train of the Earl of Leicester
^"'lff=''i»«8' on his expedition to the Netherlands.
JiV. 1564. 19, '^
Horses.
Servants.
Ships.
Tonnage.
Knights : —
Tons.
Sir William Buasel
7
12
Thom of Linne
80
Sir Robert Gennain
25
47
Floure of Comfort
100
Sir Arthur Basset
7
10
» »
Sir Thomas Shirley
16
30
Sea-rider of Ampsteede -
60
Sir Henry Barkeley
8
10
Fortune of Amsterdam -
60
Sir John (?) Harrington
4
4
II i>
Sir Robert Stspleton -
2
7
» I.
Esquires : —
Hurleston, Treasurer -
0
0
William KnoUys -
10
22
Antony Jone of Ipswich
100
William Basset -
7
8
George Digby
11
17
Golden Rose.
Richard Ward
8
18
Antony Jone of Ipswich
100
John Picton
7
11
Comfort of Linne -
70
John Wattes
8
10
George Farmer
19
19
Michael Hircourt
11
11
Fortune of Tergoure
52
Thomas Arundel -
6
6
Thomas of Linne -
80
Buttler ...
8
10
Robert Sidney
6
10
Swan of Berel
36
Captain Selby
2
2
Flying Hart of Linne
60
Thomas Parker -
3
3
Nicholas Dormer -
10
8
Edward Jobson -
3
3
Hugh Barrington -
3
8
— Umpton
8
10
The Earl's gentlemea : —
Attye, Secretary -
4
7
Hugh Chomley
6
7
Bould Martha!
5
3
Walter Lewson
9
11
George Feam
2
2
Matbew of Linne
60
Thomas Staferton -
3
3
Walter Persons -
3
2
William Clarke -
3
3
Thomas Catesby -
6
6
William Noeles -
8
3
Golden Sampson -
60
Thomas Chalenor
2
2
Golden Swan ...
60
Francis Bromley -
3
4
Daniel of London
60
Thomas Leyton -
2
6
The Davy -
60
Francis Clarke -
6
6
Mathew of Linne ■
60
William Heme -
3
3
John Solwood
3
4
William Persons -
2
2
Roger Bruerton -
3
3
Edward Bourser -
1
1
Ralph Hubberts -
7
10
Golden Hagge
50
Clement Fisher -
3
7
Golden Crowne
60
Thomas Dennis -
6
S
Crab-joint ...
60
Henry Jones
7
9
Daniel of London
Ambrose Butler -
2
2
Weston
3
4
George Turbervil
4
6
Skipwith ...
4
2
Walter ToQke
I
2
ELIZABETH.
555
1585.
Horses.
Servants.
Ships.
Tonnage.
Earl's gentlemen — cont.
Tom.
Eichard Acton
3
3
Charles Acton
.1
1
Davy Holland
1
1
Edward Deluin -
2
4
John Glacier
1
2
Edward Borrows -
3
6
John Britton
i
8
Flying Hart of Hull
60
William Greene -
2
2
» »
George Boothe
3
8
Edward Stafford -
4
3
William Gorge
6
6
Bichard Broume -
3
2
John Wake
2
3
Edward Watson -
4
S
John Wotton
2
3
Golden Crowne.
George Brooke -
5
4
Double Spread Eagle
62
John Hinde
4
3
Walter Helmes -
3
3
Dimmock
2
2
Edward Cave
2
2
Christopher Goldiugham
2
2
Erancii Fortescue
3
2
Humphrey Stafford
1
1
Thomas Price
2
2
George Tyrell
6
7
Sebastian Osburtun
2
2
Thomas Cothington
1
2
Zouche ...
1
2
Saint Prince
1
2
Ashhye ...
1
1
Robert Hill
2
3
Edward Yorke -
6
9
Thornax ...
4
4
George Bingham -
1
1
Nicholas Pointz -
6
6
WiUiam Waigthes
1
1
John Lewes
1
1
Walter Goodier -
5
3
Babbington ...
2
2
WiUiam Heydon -
3
2
Whetstone ...
3
3
George Noel
4
3
Christopher Wright
4
3
George Keuet
3
2
William Snede
2
2
Threntham -
2
2
Rowland Selby -
1
1
SkiUe ....
1
1
Arthur Note
2
2
Antonio Flowerdew
2
2
John More ...
2
2
Cumpton ...
3
3
Eichard Floyd
1
1
Thomas Chatterton
2
1
Hampden Faulet .
4
3
Knight ...
1
1
Edward Gray
1
1
Hobson ...
2
1
Henry Barker
1
2
Edward Sumner -
3
4
Buckle
2
2
Lewkn^r Miles .
1
I
556
SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1686.
Horses.
Servants.
Ships.
Tonnage.
Earl's gentlemen— fionf.
Thomas Smith
William Higat
John Carrel - - -
Allen Morgan
Eiohard Honey
William Gostlet ■
John Lee . . -
8
S
2
3
1
8
8
6
3
2
2
1
2
3
Tons.
Bernardino de Mendoza to tho King.
[Extract.]
1586.
8 Jan. 420.
Paris Archives,
K. 1564. 31.
On the 29th ultimo, I wrote to your Majesty by a Frenchman
confirming my previous advices of the representations made by the
English ambassador to this King (of France), as to the danger
which might result from continuing this war,* having regard to the
house of Guise, of which it behoved him to be as suspicious as she
(Queen Elizabeth) was, as they were his greatest enemies, and were
upheld by him who was the enemy both of God and of England. She
undertook that the prince of Beam would accept reasonableconditions,
and would obey him (the king of France) as a good brother and loyal
subject should. But if the contrary happened, she could hardly avoid
helping the Huguenots, and checking the aggrandisement of the
Guises. The ambassador dealt at length on this, and the King
replied that he would discuss the matter with his mother, and
would then give an answer through Secretary Pinart. During the
next three days the ambassador talked on the matter with Secretary
Villeroy, and subsequently Secretary Pinart went to him with the
King's answer. This was to the efiect that he, the King, was as much
master of his realm as the Queen was mistress of hers, and that her
intervention between him and his vassals was uncalled for. He was
quite strong enough, moreover, to prevent the exercise of any other
religion than the Catholic in his country. These replies are given
by common agreement, for the purpose of throwing dust into the
eyes of the Nuncio and other ministers here ; and the truth is that,
as the English ambassador here says, the French ambassador in
England actually requested the Queen, in the name of his master, to
take the step she did ; which he (the English ambassador ?) told
the Huguenots he was sorry to do, as Beam was informed that
it would not be beneficial to them for the Queen of England to oflTer
» In the previous year Henry III. had heen coerced by the Guises and the princes of
the League, to sign the infamous treaty of Nemours, depriving the Huguenots of all
religious toleration. This was followed by the fulmination of the papal bull against
Henry of Navarre, the young prince of Conde, and all " this bastard and detestable race
of Bourbon." They and their heirs were to ho deprived of all their principalities for
ever, and any persons who recognised them were to be excommnnicated. Henry of
Navarre at once replied to this by a proclamation as haughty, if not as violent, as the
bull. The man who calls himself Pope Sixtus, he said, is himielf a liar and a heretic.
Henry and bis cousin Conde then.took the field with the Stuguenots, and at this juncture
the present letter was written.
ELIZABETH. o5l
1686.
her mediation in this fashion. The news is confirmed by her having
sent the son of a bishop to Germany, to cause the retention of the
money destined for the levies, in the confidence that peace would be
concluded without need for them. The negotiations still continue,
and most of the ministers represent them as being unavoidable,
whilst the King and his mother assure the Nuncio that they will
not consent to peace, except on the condition that no other religion
but the Catholic shall be exercised in any part of the realm. — Paris,
8th January 1586.
8 Jan. 421. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
k!'i567. 32*^' Since my last reports with regard to England, letters ' dated
25th December have been received, advising the going of the earl
of Leicester in great haste to Holland, in consequence of the news
reaching him that the Spaniards are bogged near Bois-le-Duc. I
send herewith a list of the people who went over with him. Both
from England and Zealand the news is confirmed of a great mortality
amongst the English. They write from London that the Queen has
issued a proclamation, ordering all Spaniards resident in the country
to leave it within a given time, both men and women, and that her
subjects are to have no communication with those of your Majesty
for eight months, under heavy penalties. I have no confirmation of
this, and consequently am not certain about it, except that
previously a large number of ships had been sent out by Englishmen
in the names of Frenchmen and Scotsmen. I have made fuller
inquiries about the 500 Spaniards, who I wrote to your Majesty
were prisoners in England. The smallest number of them are in
London, as they are mostly scattered about the various ports on the
coast, where their ships have been brought in after being plundered.
A parliament had been held in Ireland, and orders had been given
by the Queen for the principal Catholics there to be arrested. The
earl of Ormond writes from London that he is going back to
Ireland much discontented, in consequence of his having been eight
months there without the Queen's having granted him any favour
or recompense for his services.
News from Scotland report that the King was in the hands of the
rebels, who had entered over the English border, and things were
again in their former position. Claude Hamilton who is here and
about to leave for Scotland had been restored in honours and
estates. — Paris, 8th January 1586.
1 Feb. 422. Bernardino de Mendoza to the Kino.
^K^it^t^r' With regard to English affairs, I can only say that the Queen
continues to urge this king (of France) to break with your Majesty.
I am informed by letters from there of the 14th ultimo that on the
4th of that month the Queen, having received news that your
Majesty was arming, ordered the Lord Admiral to put all her ships
in readiness, saying that not only should your Majesty find her
fully prepared, but she would even send out to meet your fleet.
She proposes to the Catholics to relieve them from the fine of 201.
a month for not attending church, on condition that they provide
658 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1686.
a certain sum every year for the support of the war in Holland
and Zeeland. She has brought 700 of her foot soldiers from
Ireland, and 300 horse to send to the war. No one is to refuse to
obey orders in Holland under pain of death, whilst those who
return from there without leave are to be hanged, and this will be
carried out rigorously.
They had just martyred a priest in London, whom they had
arrested whilst he was saying mass, and at York they had martyred
another for having helped to leave the country a gentleman who
had received him in his house, eight other persons having been
executed for complicity in the same case.
Pinart's young son-in-law,* who I wrote to your Majesty was to
go as ambassador to Scotland, has gone thither, and Claude Hamilton
has also left.
The fathers of the Company of Jesus who are in Scotland by
orders of his Holiness, and are eflfecting much good work, are
greatly pressed owing to the poverty of the country, and have
not the wherewithal to obtain the proper church ornaments and
chalices for the celebration of mass, and the other things they
require for divine service. They are also unable to buy the
" Christian Doctrine " and other religious books, and they beg me
to supplicate your Majesty to be pleased to grant them some alms
for these purposes, and aid them in their holy work, as they
recognize that your Majesty has been the chosen instrument by
whose hands it is to be consummated. I am making every possible
effort to find a person who will send me reports from England as
your Majesty wishes, but I have hitherto been unsuccessful in
getting a fit and trustworthy man for the duty. — Paris, 1st February
1586.
Postscript. — After closing this letter I have heard by letters from
England, dated 20th ultimo, that the Queen's ships were being
fitted out with all speed. Their number is only 22 or 25, most of
the others being old and useless. They also advise that an account
has been taken of all the merchant ships and vessels belonging to
private persons in the country, and the result is to show that the
Queen will be able to collect on the 1st March 200 armed ships,
including her own 25. There was no other news.
1 Feb. 423. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
^K 'ise^'^iT'' Referring to what I said in ray last, to the efiect that the
King had ordered Don Antonio to be paid ] ,000 crowns for two
months of his pension, they have only been able to get 100 crowns
of it, as the collector said he could not pay them any more by
reason of poverty. I understand that some of the friars who
follow Don Antonio are going to take the money to him in
England. He is said to be living near London, and has sent
• Charles de Prunele, baron d'Esneval and vidame of Normandy. His very interesting
correspondence whilst on his embassy is still preserved in the archives of his family at
their chateau of Pavilly (Seine-Inferieure), and much of it was published in 1858 at
Hppendices to M. Cheruel's " Marie Stuart et Catharine de Medici,"
ELIZAtiETH. 559
1686.
Custodio Leiton hither. The people who are with Don Antonio
are writing hither, saying that they (the English?) are not so
wealthy as was thought here.
This King and his mother are proceeding with Don Antonio in
their usual way, as I have previously described. They «eom not to
wish to lose him, but still there are no signs of their undertaking
anything serious in his favour. — Paris, 1st February 1586.
Note. — A letter of the same date from Mendoza to Idiaquez, the
King's secretary, mentions the departure for England of Captain
Duarte Pacheco, who had not been able to speak to the writer
1 lately. During the previous months many mysterious references
had been made in the correspondence, principally .to Idiaquez, to
this person, who had offered to perform some great sei^vice in
England or elsewhere, presumably the murder of Don Antonio.
17 Feb. 424. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
Paris Archives, [EXTRACT.]
The English ambassador has had audience of the King, and
urged upon him on no account to allow any grain to be exported
from here to the (Spanish) Netherlands, where people, he said, were
dying of famine, and his mistress would thus soon be able to end
the war there. I am told that the King replied that he had not
given permission for grain to be sent, which is quite true, although,
at the request of prince of Parma, I had asked him to do so, but
he decidedly refused me the passport. — Paris, 17th February
1586.
17 Feb. 425. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
''K'lserl'rr' Since I wrote last about England, the Queen-mother has received
news from there that the Queen had been for four hours speechless,
and as if dead, in a swoon, this being an indisposition to which she
is occasionally liable. The fitting out of the Queen's ships there is
being pushed forward, and she has been informed that I, with the
connivance of the Christian King, have three ships ready on the
French coast to bring the king of Scotland away from his couatry.
This has caused her to order some of her armed ships to go to
the ports on the Scotch coast. These letters from England are
dated the 29th ultimo, and they also rela.te that news had been
received there that, after the arrival of the French ambassador in
Scotland, four nobles of the country had risen in arms and were
demanding that the cslebration of the mass should be allowed, but
little credit is given to this assertion here, although it comes from
the house of the French ambassador in London. They also report
that troops were being raised in Scotland to go over to Holland and
Zeeland, which would seem incompatible with the other news, but
there is no certainty about it.
Don Antonio was still near London, and Custodio Leiton is
expected here hourly.— Paris, l7th February 1586.
Note. — Letters from Mendoza of 28th February mention that an
Italian had arrived in Paris to negotiate, bearing letters from the
560 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1686. "
Queen of England, he having had private conference with Secretary
Pinart. It was said he had been sent to murder the duke of
Guise.
The English ambassador was highly offended because, at an
interview with the King, Mendoza was summoned first to the
royal presence. " When I passed through the room where he was,"
says Mendoza, " he turned his back upon me, looking daggers."
24 Feb, 426. Count de Olivabes to the King,
I have received your Majesty's letter of 2nd January, and as
Luis Donara is still in Florence, and I do not know when he will
return, I have been obliged to adopt the third alternative of the
three your Majesty lays down, Doctor Allen having used his efforts
with the Pope, and his Holiness being so full of the English affair,
as your Majesty will have seen in my previous letters.
Bearing in mind the evil result to so great a business that any
mistake might produce, I thought necessary in my last audience to
give to the Pope a summary of the representations I had made to
him on your Majesty's behalf, accompanied with a note to each
clause setting forth the ultimate decision arrived at. The summary
was all in Spanish, which the Pope understands well, and was
given in order that he might read it over and confirm it. As
regards the money, I did not think well to go any further than to
promise that I would convey to your Majesty what he said, I took
him the summary in blank, and have it now in my possession, with
his remarks in the handwriting of Cardinal Carrafa thereon, so that
it will serve as a memorandum of the whole affair.
With respect to the question of the commander, I thought best
not to raise any doubt, as the expedition will be controlled by your
Majesty, who could naturally appoint whom you pleased ; and the
Pope is very well disposed towards the prince of Parma, whom he
praises highly for refusing the submission of the islands on the
terms I mentioned to your Majesty.
The last time I saw the Pope he said the Guises had sent word
to him that there were rumours there (i.e., in France) about this
league for the English enterprise, and begged him not to have
anything to do with an enterprise unless they were included.
His Holiness says that he replied to the effect that there was
nothing going on in the matter, but when there were he would let
them know. He promises, however, not to do so until your
Majesty thinks it may be done without inconvenience. Cardinal
Sanzio is trying to persuade the Pope on behalf of these gentlemen
(the Guises) that the present is an inopportune time for the English
enterprise, but that the matter of Geneva should be taken in hand,
as that would benefit their affairs in France.
I begged him very urgently that the matter might be kept
secret, and he pledged himself so emphatically to do so, that I am
not without hope that he may fulfil his promise. He said he
would not mention it to any man alive, and begged me not to speak
of it to any of his ministers, until a necessity for it arose. He then
decided to take Cardinal Catrafa into the secret, and handed to
ELIZABETS. 661
1586.
him the book and correspondence of Allen,* who so far as I can
judge, has acted very well in the busineas.
Notwithstanding all my efforts, I have so far failed to convince
the Pope that your Majesty's principal motives in taking up this
affair are not those of revenge for personal injuries, or the state of
affairs in Holland, and the need for ensuring the navigation to the
Indies. I have plied him with every argument and apprehension, as
set forth in the statement enclosed, but in addition to his natural
tenacity and his buckler of precedents, I have been much
hampered by the news that pour in from all sides of the pre-
parations being made by your Majesty for the expedition. The
more we hear of this the harder it will be to deal with his Holiness,
as the ardour he showed in the business and the desire to do some
great thing have already cooled with the money malady. He
recently sent me a letter which they write to him from Portugal,
saying that amongst other prizes the corsair Drake had captured a
very important vessel from the Indies ; the reason for showing it to
me being to prove how needful it was for your Majesty to remedy
this state of things. In the event of this negotiation being carried
forward, I beg your Majesty to send me very precise instructions
on all points related thereto, and to tell me the convenient season
when each point should be broached, because if the enterprise is to
be undertaken early, there is no time to spare in setting about the
deprivation of the king of Scotland and the investiture of the
person who is to succeed him. The objection to doing this at once
is, that it would make the affiair public and would thus damage the
reputation of the enterprise ; but to defer it would be endanger
the result of the affair altogether. There will be difficulties, too,
in getting the Pope to do it secretly, and in keeping him firm
afterwards. The course your Majesty may choose shall be
forwarded with every possible care and zeal.
I did not touch on the matter of the cardinalate for Allen, as
your Majesty's remark that it should be proceeded with at the
Kaiiie pace as the enterprise is a very wise one. The priest says
that it would be of the greatest influence in supporting the spirits
of the Catholics, and I have given him a very loving message in
your Majesty's name, without saying a word that may lead him to
hope for the early execution of the enterprise. I have also given
strong encouragement to the Jesuitf (who is the man moving in
the matter of the cardinalate), to believe that your Majesty will do
what is necessary for the fulfilment of his wishes, but I give him
no pledge. As this poor man (Allen) is in want, I think it would
not be bad if your Majesty gave hiiu some help, say 1,000 crowns,
until he is made Cardinal, or even 500. I say this because I
consider it very important to oblige this man, as he must be the
one to lead the dance, and will have great influence with the Popo
in settling the que.stion of the succession, as your Majesty desires.
• Probably Allen's book " De Poi-secutione Anglicana," which was written for the
purpose of inflaming the minds of Catholics against the Queen. Dr. Parry confessed that
t he perusal of thisbook had inspired him with the idea of the crime for which he euffere^t
I father Persona.
J 84S41. ^ ^
662
SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1586.
Allen has written a book afi;ainst the queen of England, of which
I send your Majesty a summary enclosed. I do not send the book
itself as he has only one copy. He talks about printing it, and it
is considered that it will be well to publish it some months before
the enterprise, as they think it will stir up people in England. If
your Majesty sees any objection to the publication and will instruct
me, I will try to stop it.
Allen and this Robert (Persons) are inclined to produce a
pamphlet in reply to the manifesto of the queen of England
against your Majesty. I will keep the matter pending until I have
your Majesty's instructions, and when the pamphlet is written I
I will send a copy, and your Majesty may decide in whose name
it should be pubHshed. — Rome, 24th February 1586.
427. Enclosure with the aforegoing Letter.
Document headed : " Reply of His Majesty to the exhortations
" which have on several occasions been addressed to me,
" on behalf of his Holiness, urging him to undertake the
" submission of England to the Holy See, and his Holiness'
" answers thereto."
His Holiness gives
infinite thanks to God
for making him the
instrument for thus
moving His Majesty,
to whom he gives
many blessings for
the zeal with which
he is disposed to
aid an enterprise so
worthy of a Catholic
King.
His Holiness fully
approves of his Ma-
jesty's proposals in
this respect.
His Holiness highly
approves of this, and
considers it very de-
sirable that the reli-
gion of the country
should not be en-
trusted to the king
of Scotland, for the
yeasons given by His
First point. — Although His Majesty has
been approached on this matter several
times by his Holiness' predecessors, he has
been unable to persuade himself as to the
earnestness with which they would support
him in it, as his Holiness emphatically
promises to do. The favour his Holiness
shows him and the desire of his Holiness
to give him every satisfaction move him now
to undertake the matter, notwithstanding
the great importance of finishing previously
the affair of Holland and Zeeland, and the
other difficulties which present themselves
to the enterprise at present.
Second point. — The object and pretext
of the enterprise must be to reduce the
country to obedience to the Roman church,
and place the queen of Scotland in posses-
sion of the crown, which she well deserves
for having remained firm in the faith
through so many calamities.
Third point. — His Majesty says that the
matter would become more difficult if
undertaken after the death of the Que en
(of Scots), if she were to be succeeded by the
king of Scotland her son, who is a con-
firmed heretic, and any arrangement ho
might make consequently would be doubt-
ful and liable to recision. Besides which
he has sucked this poison, and is necessariljT
fiLiZABETH. 563
1686.
Majesty. With re- surrounded by suspicious people like those
gard to a successor to who have reared him ; whereas to consoli-
the Queen, his Holi- date the Catholic religion there, it is
nesa will agree to necessary to have a very steadfast person
whatever His Majesty in the faith, and His Majesty therefore
thinks best in the considers necessary that a proper person
matter, and will do should be chosen at once, in order that the
what may be neces- maternal love of the queen of Scotland may
sary. not mislead her into thinking that ahe may
fittingly introduce her son into the succes-
sion, and put him into possession of the
realm.
On this point his Holiness at first was in favour of converting
the king of Scotland, but in the course of the conference the many
difficulties in the way were pointed out to him, and he then inclined
to look out for some Catholic who would make a fit husband for
the Queen, and who might be appointed prince, so that if the
Queen should die without children the case would be provided for.
This was answered by pointing out to him the risk that would be
run to the Queen's life, bj' reason of the desire of her husband to
have issue by her, and the difficulty iu finding an English Catholic
fit for the position. If even one such could be found he might
have many relatives who were not well affected, and against whom
he would not dare to act. In addition to this, there are in that
country, as elsewhere, passions and factions, apart from religion, and
those of a different party to the new King, and even his own friends,
would be very impatient at seeing an equal step over their heads.
For this reason they, and even his own kinsmen, would pay him but
little respect, and so private resentment prejudicial to religion might
arise, which could not be repressed and punished as it deserved.
The Pope tried so far as he could to minimise these difficulties, and
press the advantage of a native prince, and I could get no further
with, him on the point than to leave him still unconvinced. He ended
by saying that there would be time to think over this, but your
Majesty will see that I tied him down in the reply to agree to
your Majesty's wishes on the point. He read the reply over,
and had it in his own possession, but said nothing against this.
I did not venture to enter into further particulars, in fulfilment
of your Majesty's orders to get the question of the contributions
settled first. When I have to press him about it, I think of making
use of Alien.
His Holiness is quite convinced that your Majesty is not thinking
of the succession of the crown of England for yourself, and told
Cardinal d'Este so, as I relate further on ; I did not say anything to
tlie contrary.
He is very far from thinking that your Majesty lias any views for
yourself, and when the matter is broached to him he will be much
surprised. However deeply he is pledged to abide by your
Majesty's opinion, I quite expect he will raise some difficulty,
and I send some remarks on this point enclosed in my own hand.
The question dealt with below aa to the re-imbursement to th§
B64 S]?ANiSH STATE PAPERS.
1586.
Pope of the aid he may furnish, may probably provide a bridge to
get over this difficulty. We can say that, as a return for your
Majesty's contribution, the succession to the English Crown shall be
considered as a dowry for the Infanta Doiia Isabel ;* and even if we
promise only to hold it until your Majesty should be paid in full,
principal and interest, for all the expenses incurred by you in the
enterprise, or in respect thereof, it would come to the same thing ;
because in a few years the amount would grow to such an extent
that it would be impossible for them to get enough money together
to pay it.
Your Majesty will consider the question. I will not move without
your Majesty's instructions, although I look upon it as an important
point, and of no very great difficulty, as the burden of the amount to
be returned to the Pope will have to be spread over some years, and
the greater part of it would naturally belong to the queen of
Scotland.
I have not opened out more clearly about the deprivation of the
king of Scotland, in order that the Pope might not talk about it,
which I think might he inconvenient, as publicity is not desirable,
and the terms of the proposal and reply include the point of
deprivation and all others.
I thought well to add to what I said to the Pope on the question
the words I have underlinedf, in addition to what your Majesty
wrote, as I thought necessary to mask that postern.
His Holiness, al- Fourth point. — Your Majesty, as a result
though he looks upon of the long wars in Flanders, is so exhausted
any aid given to such and your subjects so hardly pressed, that,
an enterprise as being although you would willingly imdertake
well employed, ia the whole enterprise without asking his
sorry to say that he Holiness for anything, the affair is so
cannot comply with extensive and the necessary preparations
the demand of his for encountering the resistance so great,
Majesty, inasmuch as that his Holiness will have to help to the
he found the Papal extent of 2,000,000 in gold ; the cause
treasury much ex- being so good a one, the money will be well
hausted, and the spent, and will be of great service to the
revenues to a great Apostolic See, and to Christendom at large.
extent anticipated ; so Your Majesty will also not begrudge the
that he is unable to large sum you will have to spend, seeing
burden his means the satisfaction you will feel at being the
with a sum greater instrument, once more, of bringing that
than has ever been country into obedience to the Holy See.
contributed by any of
his predecessors to any enterprise in the interests of the Catholic
religion. He offers, however, to contribute 200,000 crowns, as
soon as the fleet for the English enterprise shall have sailed, and
another 100,000 immediately after the troops shall have landed
in the island. At the end of six months he will give another
♦ The Infanta Isabel Clara Eugenia, Philip's daughter by his third wife, Elizabeth of
Valois. She was afterwards sovereign of Flanders and wife of the Archduke Albert,
t See italics on preceding page,
ELIZABETH. 665
1(86.
100,000, and if the war lasts more than a year, his Holiness will
contribute 200,000 crowns for each year. The war shall be
considered to last until the person who is to have the kingdom is
placed into possession of the same, and the contributions shall be
paid, eitlier in the form of cash, or partly in the form of cash and
partly in a corresponding number of paid Italian troops ; which
troops bis Holiness will pay, as is customary in all important
enterprises, but he will also not fail to incite and encourage all
Italian princes to aid in so glorious and holy an expedition, and, if
it succeed, as it is hoped, by God's help it will, his Holiness intends
to restore the twenty jurisdictions which existed in the country
before the apoatacy of Henry VIII.
I did not enter into discussion as to the proportions, to avoid
difficulties of accounts, and also aa it is inexcusable that the matter
should be mixed up with Flanders. Although in the demand the total
expenses of the enterprise were estimated at 4,000,000 and I asked
for 2,000,000, and in my written communication stood out for that
sum, I said verbally that my last instructions from your Majesty
allowed me to bate the demand to 1 ,500,000.
His Holiness said not a word about the Grand Duke's entering
into the enterprise at present, although he expects great help from
him and the Venetians, as soon as the affair is published. He fears
that to communicate the matter to him, at the present stage, would
bring about the same difficulties as before ; but with the frustration
of the Grand Duke's aim of getting command of the expedition, I
expect but little from his liberality or from that of the Venetians.
In order, therefore, to get his Holiness to open his purse wider, I
suggested that what they gave might be applied to lighten his con-
tribution. He did not make much of this, and I think he was right,
because even if he gets anything out of them, he will have to buy
it for more than it is worth.
I have not availed myself of the offer made several time on behalf
of the English Catholics, that they would pay the cost of the
enterprise ; as it may be of effect with the Pope, at the last moment,
to turn the scale ; and I have likewise kept Allen in reserve with a
similar object; so that after I have used all my own resources,
these two levers may probably move his Holiness a step
onward.
What I think would greatly influence him would be to persuade
him, or tell him, on your Majesty's behalf, that if he do not help
to such an extent your Majesty will abandon the enterprise and
throw the blame upon him all over the world. Allen could then be
set on to him. It is true I have already hinted as much to him,
but it will be a very different thing if he be told so decidedly in
your Majesty's name. However tenacious he maybe in the matter
of money, this could not fail to frighten him ; but I only suggest
this course if a larger immediate sum is to be got from him, because
if he is given time to pay, I have no doubt at all that he would
find at least a million, as he thinks he is quite fulfilling his part if
he gives much more than any of his predecessors have ever done on
similar occasioQS,
566
1686,
SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
With regard to burdening the Spanish churches, I have aaid
nothing, and only lightly referred to it in relation to the demand of
the Grand Duke for Algeria, when I, wishing to undo the Pope's
offer, said that your Majesty had not taken any notice of the
800,000 and 500,000 of subsidies and other things — avoiding special
mention of the Toledo revenues, in order to give him nothing to
take hold of. Carrafa told me in great confidence, that speaking
about the first payments being made at once, the Pope had raised
the question of security for your Majesty's not abandoning the
enterprise and keeping the money. He says he gave a fitting reply.
Although, at first, I suggested that a large proportion should be paid
at once, to defray the cost of beginning the preparations, still in
order that I might not appear to be accepting in principle an
offer so much lower than your Majesty's demand (even though it is
the largest sum ever given by his Holiness) I have not cared to
dispute about these instalments.
It occurs to me that a good way to assure his Holiness, whilst
not showing the object, or our knowledge of his doubt, would be
to represent to him that, in order to hide the purpose for which the
money was wanted, a feigned purchase should be made in Naples
with a secret deed setting forth the real purpose, and the transaction
should be nullified by the execution of the enterprise. I have no
doubt that by these means he could be persuaded to anticipate
the payment of 300,000 at least, and perhaps even 500,000 or more,
if he were paid interest for it, or part of it, until the instalments
were due ; as these 500,000, although the war may not last long
enough for the whole sum to be payable, will in any case become
your Majesty's property.
In order to secure us, in case of the Pope's death, considering his
age, the College of Cardinals might be asked to liind themselves,
when the time arrives for making the matter public, and the
(church) collections in Spain and Naples might be pledged, as well
as the 200,000 of the crusade tithe.
In order not to trouble your Majesty by repeating all the
colloquies which passed between the Pope and myself about the
money (which was the point upon which most of the time was
spent) I will only state here the principal arguments used on both
sides, so that your Majesty may consider what others could be
used to influence his Holiness. The Pope's contention was, that it
was necessary for your Majesty to exact satisfaction from this
woman, which would also settle the Holland and Zeeland business
at the same time, and ensure you for the future against so bad a
neighbour. He urged that the enterprise would be infinitely easier
than that of Holland and Zeeland, whilst the coasts of Spain and
the Indies would thus be saved from the depredations of the
corsairs. He calculates the expenses at a very low figure, and says
that in Pius V.'s time this enterprise was estimated to cost only
400,000 crowns, and cites as an example that Pius V. only spent
200,000 crowns during two years of the league, whilst the various
aids he (Sixtus V.) had sent to the king of France in money and
paid troops did not cost above 260,000 crowns. He adduces
several other examples, and produces aocouDt> to prove his
ELIZABETH. B67
1586.
assertions. He points out also the extreme need of the Apostolic
See, nearly all the revenues of which are sold ; and alleges the
great scandal that would be caused by his raising money in similar
ways to those adopted by other Popes, which, he says, please God,
he will avoid.* He says that the sum now in the Treasury must
be held by any Pope in case of sudden emergency to the Holy See.
The Grand Duke, he says, only estimated the necessary cost of the
Algiers enterprise at 400,000 crowns, and even this amount was to
be raised in subsidies spread over two years. This has done no
good, nor have the reports current from all quarters that your
Majesty was making great preparations for this enterprise.
My arguments to meet the above and encourage the Pope to
help us effectually, were to the effect that if he really wishes to aid
the enterprise it could be carried out speedily ; without pledging
myself as to time. It was not, I said, at all inexcusable, as he
thought, on your Majesty's part, that whilst the Holland and
Zeeland affair was still unsettled you should not consider yourself
bound to bring England to submission, seeing that the Queen had
not committed any unpardonable offence against you. I have
hinted to him that the Queen is not very far from submitting even
now, and that her policy is solely to ensure your Majesty's letting
her alone, and I pointed out that if this opportunity is once
allowed to pass, and your Majesty comes to an agreement with the
Queen, English affairs will be eternally excluded, and must never
be thought of any more, whilst the door will be shut on German
matters, and France settled. I said that what had moved your
Majesty mainly had been his Holiness' own persuasions ; but that
seeing now that he had cooled towards an enterprise which he had
formerly so strongly championed, your Majesty was sure that the
same thing would happen in any other affair he took up. Your
own revenues were fully employed, and there would be other
members of the league from whom his Holiness could obtain some
assistance. The great cost of the enterprise would, I said, be
caused by the need for your Majesty to have a great force to hold
your own in Flanders, to carry on the Holland business, to guard
against any attempt against you on the part of the French and
German heretics, who will certainly be on the alert ; and above all
to provide the forces necessary for the enterprise itself with safety,
and a great fleet strong enough to resist those of England, Flanders,
and France. I told him that so great would be the service to God,
and so great the honour he would gain in the world, that if he
lived for 20 years and never did anything else he would leave a
great memory behind him. I ended by asking him whether he
thought it worse to give an account to God and man for having
spent a little too much on such an enterprise, or to let it fall
through altogether for want of liberality, which would be a sorrow
• His predecessor, Gregory XIII., had entirely emptied the papal treasury, and had
sold nearly every office in his gift for years to come. For an account of the wise
financial measures adopted by Sixtus, by which, Iwilhout oppressing his subjects, he
speedily restored his treasury, see Dumesnil's " Histoire de Sixte Quint " and " Storia
delta vita e geste di Sisto quinto," by Father Tempesti,
568
1686.
SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
to him for ever, and would cause him a loss of prestige which he
would hardly recover. I told him he would look upon his million
in the castle* as dust and ashes if he missed this opportunity, and
that the offer he made would seem very small to your Majesty,
which I thought would have the effect of cooling you in the
business. I said that when his Holiness learnt from the Grand.
Duke himself what your Majesty asks for the Algiers business, he
would see how different it was from what the Grand Duke had
given him to understand.
After I had left the Pope, he added that remark about giving
part of the subsidy in money and part in men, which I am sure
will not do, seeing the difficulty and publicity to which it will give
rise.
He also said to me verbally, the last time I saw him, what I
have mentioned about the jurisdiction of the Apostolic See in
England, so that the queen of Scotland and the person who was to
succeed her might be made sure of before they were put into
possession of the realm. After I had received the paper I spoke to
Carrafa, and said that I understood your Majesty would not allow
the queen of Scotland to fail in doing what was done (in England)
in your Majesty's time, and that with respect to the remark about
King Henry there might be some questions difficult of solution as
to his position before he was schismatic, but I would report the
whole matter to your Majesty.
Although his Holi- Fifth point. — The quarter from which the
ness has always been principal obstacles may be expected being
careful to take this France, especially if the King makes
course, he will do so peace with the heretics, as he is anxious to
more strongly in do, it will be necessary for his Holiness to
future, as this new stand firm by the allied princes, encourag-
important reason is ing and animating them to refuse to allow
now added. If the peace to be made on any terms, however
Christian King should much the King may try to persuade them
try to throw any im- to it by feigning advantageous conditions,
pediment in the way as he will do in order to free himself from
of the enterprise, his embarrassment and be able to obstruct
Holiness will make the English enterprise, in which case it
the necessary demon- will be necessary for his Holiness, both with
stration. his authority and his spiritual weapons,
to take measures to remedy the evil.
I thought best to insert this last clause, so as to afford me an
opportunity for future action in favour of the allied French princes,
when need for it may arise, and also in order to have the point set
forth in writing as I had verbally agreed with the Pope about it.
In the last audience I had (which was to-day) he told me that
Cardinal d'Este had spoken to him yesterday on behalf of the king
of France, and the latter promised to carry on the war against the
heretics, and to force the execution of the edicts, but was desirous of
* The castle of Sant'Angelo, wbeie the Pope's bollion wm kept.
ELIZABETH. 569
1686.
making known to his Holiness that on all aides your Majesty was
making great preparations. Although it was reported that the object
of them was to undertake the enterprise against the islands, it was,
he said, evident that they were really directed against England, and
he begged his Holiness, on no account in the world to consent to such
a thing, as France could positively not tolerate the Spaniards setting
foot in England. His Holiness says that he assured the Cardinal
that he had no alliance with your Majesty in thi^ business, and re-
proached the King for considering the vicinity of an heretical Queen
a lesser evil than the vicinity of your Majesty ; when, moreover,
he said the question of the enterprise came to be discussed (which
was far from being the case now), the object of your Majesty would
certainly not be to stay there. He said the only thing he regretted
was that he was not able to move your Majesty to the enterprise ; he
wished to God he could, for in such case he woald not be drawn from
it by anything he (the king of France) might say. The king of
France, he had no doubt, would be one of the first persons to rejoice,
seeing the advantage it would give him in the reduction of the
heretics, and avoiding the necessity for him (the Pope) to make the
demonstration he should be obliged to do if he (the king of France)
proceeded in a different way, and so on with many other reproofs
addressed to the King and the Cardinal himself.
The duke of Guise, through Cardinal Sanzio,* has assured his
Holiness that, even though the King might wish to make peace
with the heretics, they will not agree to it. The thing most to be
feared is that the King, being so very desirous of peace and to
prevent the English enterprise, may give his word to the heretics
not to take any action against them, and so induce them to
submit to a peace which might be acceptable to the Catholics and
the Pope.
6 March. 428. Bebnabdino dk Mendoza to the Kino.
b"i564! se!'' ^^ answer to the king of France's message by Captain Pardin to
Don Ant6nio, the latter has sent Custodio Leiton with letters for
the King and his mother begging them to pardon him for dis-
obeying their wishes as to his coming hither, as he considered
things in this country were hardly settled enough to afford him
due security. His intention was, however, always to depend upon
France. He, Leiton, has also approached the Queen-mother to
know what help Don Antonio may expect from here, as the queen
of England is very much inclined to help him with resources and
ships, and he was anxious to know what he might look for from
France. The Queen-mother replied that, as regards his coming at
present, he did well to defer it, as they were on the eve of a general
peace, and if this were effected she could assure him that her son
and herself would aid him in a way that would prove that he had
not depended upon them in vain. She dwelt at great length upon
this point, as did also the King and Joyeuse.
* Cardinal San^p was the principal representati've of the League in tlie Sacred
College.
S70 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1686,
Don Antonio's eldest son has gone to Flanders with six men,
under the pretext of having fled from his father, to go to the earl
of Leicester. The truth is that his father ordered him to go, and
the queen of England joined in the order. Leiton says the Queen
is not spending a groat at sea, but keeps on the alert to see whether
your Majesty arms. She has an arrangement with the king of
Denmark to aid her if your Majesty threatens her.
Leicester has ordered that no men in Holland and Zeeland are to
take the field, but are to remain on the defensive and hold their
own. Leiton reports that Don Antonio and his people have been
very comfortable hitherto, as the Queen caresses and makes much of
him, giving him 1,000 or 2,000 crowns at a time. At Christmas-tide
she presented his sons with a great quantity of silk and cloth of
gold.— Paris, 6th March 1586.
6 March. 429. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
k"i564! 51?' -A-ntony Pointz, an English Catholic gentleman, and the brother
of a very wealthy Catholic who recently died, was constantly in
communication with me when I was in England, as was his brother,
although less so than Antony, as the latter had been a soldier under
Colonel Julian Romero in Flanders. The earl of Leicester carried
him to Holland with him to serve in the war, and whilst he was
there the queen of England ordered him to return to England, as
she desired to send him hither (to France) under the pretence of
his being a religious refugee ; in order that he should ask; me for
letters of favour for your Majesty and request some assignment
from Flanders, which would enable him to go to your Majesty's
court and discover about the fleet which your Majesty was pre-
paring, and whether it was coming to invade Ireland, Scotland, or
England this year. He was to gain all the information he could
on this and other points, and was promised that if he were dexterous
in the business, and succeeded in deceiving me, he should not only
have a company of 300 men of those who are to be in Flushing,
which had already been given to him, but further extraordinary
favour should be shown him. He undertook the commission,
and the Queen gave him warrants for 300 crowns for the cost of
the journey, 100 in England and 200 payable in Lyons, which he
has shown me. He informed me of all that had passed, and said
his only wish was to serve God and your Majesty, and, as he had
been known to me for so long, he begged me to write to your
Majesty his intention and he would go to Spain. In order that
I might be doubly assured, he said we might send someone with
him from the frontier to the Court, where he might be given such
information as your Majesty desired to have sent to England. By
this means, and with a false letter which your Majesty could give
him to the prince of Parma, he might appear to carry out the
queen of England's orders, and after a short stay in Flanders could
go over to England, where he would give such information as your
Majesty wished. He would then return to Zeeland, the prince of
Parma having communicated with him as to the service he might
render there. He has frankly placed all this before me ; he is a
ELIZABETH. 571
1686,
Catholic, like his brother, as I was assured by a Jesuit whom he
harboured for six months in his house, and who administered the
sacraments to them whilst I was in England. He has on other
occasions proved himself to be a man of spirit and resolution, and I
doubt not, if he return to Zeeland, he will perform some signal
service to God and your Majesty, because he points out to me
very sensibly that until the Queen and the English grow sick of
the war, and a larger number of (English) Catholics shall have
gone over to Holland in the hope that there they may enjoy
freedom of conscience, and so serve your Majesty there as to lead
you to bring their own country to the Catholic religion, nothing
serious can be attempted. I will give him a letter for your
Majesty, as not only do I see no objection to this, as he is desirous
of being accompanied through Spain, but that it will be a great
service to send him and let him carry out his plan. It is very
beneficial for your Majesty to have such men in Holland, and they
should not only be welcomed but sought. He tells me he does not
desire anything until his service is rendered, and is quite sure your
Majesty will not let him starve. It will be well for your Majesty
to order a grant to be given to encourage him in his desires. He
is a man of 34 or 36 years of age, of good disposition, lean, and
well built, with a fair beard, and he has between his eyebrows a
slight scar at the root of the nose. The little finger of his left hand
is contracted.*
Postscript. — As Pointz has to go to Lyons to receive the 200
crowns, I have thought best not to give him the letter to your
Majesty, but rather a passport and an order, so that on his arrival
in Biscay he may present himself to Garcia de Arce, or, if he goes
to Barcelona, to the Viceroy. — Paris, 6th March 1586.
6 March. 430. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
K. 1564,58. ' '^^^ °^^y 116WS from England is that the fitting out of ships is
still going forward, and that Englishmen continue to flock over to
Zeeland, where, they say, great quantites of them were dying of a
flux of blood. The earl of Leicester had assumed the superintendence
of the clergy there, and had made himself head of the Church, as
the Queen did in England. The Queen is said to be annoyed at his
going so far as this, seeing that heretics generally will be displeased
at it.
• In a letter from Leicester to WaUingham, 17th March (Leycester Correspondenoe),
he thus complains that Pointz should have been sent to Spain : — " Touching Pointes
" of whome you wryte I am sory he is sent any other waye. I delivered him an
" hundred poundes and he promised me to have gone into the enemyes campe. . . .
" Perhaps you will not very plainly understand whome I meane ; hit ys Anto. Poyntz
" whome I sent over to gyve you knoledge how I had imployed him to the enemyes.
" camp, a matter of most nede for me and I marvelled that I hard (heard) not from
" him within these iiij days. My nephew Phillip told me he received a letter from
" him that you had sent him into Spayn, whereof I am hartyly sorry, having greatly
" disapoyntd me, having not one to suply that place nowe and a great tyme lost also,
" that you dyd not at first gyve me knoledge of yt." To this Walsingham replied
on the Ist April : — "Touching the party that is gon to Spayne whome your lordship
" wyshed rather to have ben imployed amongst the maloontentes, yt grewe of himselfe
" uppon a conceypt that being recommended by the kyng of Spayn unto the prince o^
»' Parma he shall be better able fo serve your lordship'i torne,"
B72 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1686.
I understand that the earl of Leicester is suspicious of
St. Aldegonde and other Ministers who have been with the rebels
from the first, and it is even asserted here that he has imprisoned
them, but of this I am not sure.
The Queen had made three new members of the Council of State
(Privy Council), namely, Cobham, warden of the Cinque Ports,
Lord Buckhurst, and the archbishop of Canterbury. The king of
France has news that the queen of England will not allow the
ambassador sent by him to Scotland (to communicate) with the
French ambassador in England.* When Pinart read the despatch
to him, the former said that this was not the way to preserve peace
with France.f Some people think that these words were serious,
but they were not, as Pinart is more devoted to the queen of
England than any other Minister in France.
They have martyred in England two priests who had been exiled
and had returned to labour in that vineyard. They suffered with
holy firmness. God be praised for thus giving them strength and
spirit to return, for there are more priests in England now than
ever there were. — Paris, 6th March 1586.
30 March. 431. Bhbnardino de Mendoza to the King.
kI^'ioG^. ^5.'' Letters from England dated 12th, advise that the Queen had
sent Master Heneage of her chamber, to Holland to see the earl of
Leicester. Some people thought the object was to ireprehend him
for certain things, others that it was to inform him that Lord Grey
was going over with troops, and to arrange for Leicester's return.J
Four of the Queen's ships fully armed were at the mouth of the
Thames. The others were said to be still in course of preparation,
but it is asserted that only four of them were seaworthy, all the
rest being old and rotten. Some new vessels were therefore being
built with all speed at a port at the mouth of the Thames in Kent,
at Plymouth, and other places. The Queen has also some armed
merchant ships, but with no intention at present of undertaking any
particular voyage, they being simply ready awaiting the Queen's
orders. Nine thousand mariners also had been notified all over the
country to hold themselves in readiness in case of need. Some of
the ships are constantly sallying under letters of marque to
plunder, as the Queen is quite ready to grant such letters against
your Majesty's subjects.
♦ As an instance of the care with which Philip read the despatches, the decipherer
had omitted the above words in brackets, and the King has put a marginal note pointing
out the omission.
i The king of France, writing to his ambassador in Scotland, Baron d'Esneval,
9th March, instructs him to address the Queen's ambassador (Randolph) when he
should arrive in Scotland, — " Comme de vous mesmes, vous plaindre a luy du pen de
" moyen que vous avez de m'cscripre par la voye d'Angleterre, et A moQ ambassadeur
" y r^sidant, combien que la royne d'Angleterre I'ait tousjours eu et I'ait encores en
" mon royaume. Ce que j'ay faiot dire en semblable a son ambassadeur residant ici
" et escript au sieur de Chateauneuf en fairc instance envers la royne d'Angleterre et
" ses ministres principaux."— Lettres d'Esneval in Cheruel's " Marie Stuart et Catharine
de Medici."
I A copy of Sir Thomas Heneage's instructions and the correspondence relative to
hie mission wU be found in tbe "Leycestei Cotreapondence " (Camd«u Society).
iJLIZABETH, 573
1586.
She was sending Master Randolph, her master of the posts, on a
mission to Scotland to press the King to allow the 5,000 men to go
to Holland, whose going over to aid the States has been under
discussion for some time past, It may be supposed that the French
ambassador there {i.e. Scotland) will not help forward this design as
he began to oppose the raising of these men as soon as he arrived
there.
A Scotch ship whilst passing Greenwich fired a salute, and the
Queen happened to ask where. she had come from. She was told that
the vessel had just arrived from Spain, whereupon she ordered the
master to be summoned and asked him from what port he had
sailed, and what news he brought. He said he had come from
Lisbon, and that your Majesty was preparing a great naval force.
He had seen especially 27 galleons in Lisbon, which were not ships
but floating fortresses. The Queen enquired what was the reported
pui-pose of this armament, and he replied that some people said it
was for Eochelle, others for Flanders, and others for England.
When the Queen heard this she turned to Secretary Walsingham,
who was present, and said a few words to him which the ship-
master did not understand ; after which she threw a slipper at
Walsingham and hit him in the face, which is not a very extra-
ordinary thing for her to do, as she is constantly behaving in such a
rude manner as this. — Paris, 30th March 1586.
28 April. 432. The King to Bernardino de Mendoza.
Paris Archives, [EXTRACT.]
K. 1564. 73. (^Acknowledges letters of 17th and 28th February, 6th and 30th
March, and 1st April.)
I can well believe the diflSculty you will find in obtaining
trustworthy reports from England, and that you will have used
every effort in this respect as you say ; but it is a matter of such
great importance at present that reports should be obtained, that
I must again enjoin you expressly not to be satisfied with the news
you may be able to glean from the French Embassy in England
(although that is a good way too), but by every other channel to
seek information, sending men specially by the intervention of
Muzio (i.e. the duke of Guise) and through the Scots ambassador, if
you are intimate with him, as I think you are. They will be sure
to have men whom they can trust, and some pretext for sending
them, without even the men who go knowing that they are being
sent at your instance. The most important thing of all is, that you
should ascertain and report about naval armaments, in what ports,
and to what extent, preparations are being made ; if at the expense
of the Queen, or on account of the merchants or Companies ; the
length of time for which victuals are provided ; what men are being
shipped on board, these being concrete points from which we can
deduce the inteations they have in view. Be also very particular in
reporting whether any of Drake's ships have arrived in England
with intelligence of what had taken place at Santo Domingo ; and.
whether they were sending him aid, as I am informed from Lisbon
(^copy of which report I now enclose). You will pay great attention
574 SPANISH STATE PAPJERS.
1586.
to this point, as you will see its importance ; and I shall also be glad
to hear what effect is produced there by the sailing of the fleet,
which you will have heard is to be taken out by the marquis of
Santa Cruz. You will make every effort to discover whether the
offers made by the Queen-mother to Don Antonio, in case a general
peace is concluded, are merely compliments, or with a desire to wean
him away from England back to France again, or whether there is
anything serious behind it. Try to find out also whether the
Queen-mother and the queen of England might not come to some
understanding on this point, in the afore-mentioned case of a peace
being made.
If Antony Pointz comes hither he shall be received in accordance
with your advice, although it is quite possible that he may have
used all these subterfuges in order to ^have a better pretext for
coming, and learning what is going on here. We shall write to the
prince of Parma ; but it will be well for you also to advise him, so
that he may be on the watch and see Pointz's hand. — The Pardo,
28th April 1586.
Note. — In compliance with constantly repeated requests for money
from Eendoza, a credit was sent with the above letter for 12,000
crowns, accompanied by a note in Idiaquez's hand, telling him to
send 4,000 crowns of this amount to the queen of Scotland, " on
" .account of the 12,000 granted her years ago, which in future shall
" be paid to her, as has been promised to Englefield who has pressed
" the matter for her. He says you may safely send the money by
" the man who collects her revenue in France."
11 May. 433. Bernakdino de Mendoza to the King.
Paris Archives, [EXTRACT.]
Biron has assured some of his friends that the King is hatching
a. secret plot which no one has been able to fathom, although, he
says, it must come out within the next six months, as things
cannot last as they are, with the putting of an army on a war
footing after treating for peace. When his (the King's) mother
pressed him the other day about the marriage of the princess of
Lorraine, he told her not to trouble herself fiirther in the matter,
as he had obtained what he wanted, and would now very shortly
be able to overthrow some of his enemies and avenge himself upon
others.* There is indeed no person of judgment who doubts that
the King is plotting something with Secretary Villeroy, and that
Belifevre is in league with them. The Grand Chancellor and other
Ministers complain also that for the last two months the King will
not listen to business of any sort, and although he sits up nearly
• This doubtless refers to the intrigues now known to have been in progress at the
time between Henry III. and the king of Navarre, who was at the head of a Huxoenot
lumy against the League and the Guises. It was proposed that Navarre should openly
profess himself a Catholic ; and the expressions employed in the present letter would
soem to point to an intention on the part of Henry III. even thus early to avenge
himself personally upon the duke of Guise as soon as he should have strengthened his
position by gaining over the Huguenots. The whole intrigue fell through later in the
J ear, when at an interview between the Queen-mother and Navarre at the oaitU o(
St. Bris near Cognac, Henry de Bourbon refused to change his teligioD.
ELIZABETH. 575
1686.
every night writing memoranda in his own hand until two in the
morning, he burns them all the next day. They say that all he
writes is about the religious orders, and the ceremonies to be
observed by the monks in his monasteries. As he changes every
hour, and from many other indications, Muzio (i.e the duke of
Guise) tells me that the Chancellor assures him that the King's
reason is unhinged, and it is feared he will shortly lose it
altogether. They are more apprehensive of this, and its possible
evil result, than of his otherwise poor health. The English
ambassador in audience the other day, warned him in the name of
his mistress that the Guises and the Catholic princes were in close
communication with your Majesty, and that if he did prevent
them by making a peace they would take his crown away from
him. He replied that he knew it well, but that things had gone
too far and he could not stop them now. He said there was no
better remedy than for Beam to become a Catholic, by which all
his claims would be assured.
I have asked Muzio whether he had any man in Normandy who
could be sent to ascertain the condition of naval armaments in
England. He replied that it would not be convenient to send
anyone from Normandy, but he would give me a man who should
go with letters for the French ambassador (in England) on a
pretext of some affair of the queen of Scotland, and I might send
anyone 1 liked with him in the character of a servant, who could
stay some days in London and obtain information of the pre-
parations, as it would arouse suspicion for him to go round the
ports, and the ambassador would not aid him to do it. Muzio
thought it would be better to send an Italian than a man of any
other nation, but as I cannot find any such man at present fit for
the task (pressing as the matter is, in view of the armaments), I
have not asked Muzio to provide me with the messenger and
letters. Another reason is that I have not a groat to give them,
and I am quite sure that neither Muzio's man nor the other one
will be satisfied with a trifle. I therefore again humbly supplicate
your Majesty to send me funds for my extraordinary expenses, as
1 have not been paid a single penny for the whole 10 months that
I have been liere.
Charles Arundel, an English gentleman, to whom your Majesty
granted eighty crowns pension a montli, in respect of the queen of
Scotland, was constantly in the house of the English ambassador
here, when he was in Paris, which Muzio assures me was at his
instructions, as the English ambassador* was needy, and he, Muzio,
had given him 3,000 crowns. In return for this the ambassador
gave him certain information through this Charles Arundel, to
whom I gave letters for your Majesty when he went to Spain. I
did this at the request of Muzio, and as he took with him very
much more money than he stated, I have some suspicion that he
may have gone at the instance of the English ambassador, in order
to discover something in your Majesty's court, by which means he
* Sir Edward Stafford.
576 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1586. ""
would be sure of obtaining the favour of the queen of England.
This may be concluded from the extreme care with which she
obtains intelligence by every possible means of your Majesty's
designs, and although I have found nothing at aU to inculpate
Arundel, it will be advisable for your Majesty to send him and the
rest of them away from your court.*
The King and his mother have rejoiced extremely (and so
particularly has Epernon) at Drake's action at Santo Domingo and
elsewhere, about which they say a thousand absurdities.f The
French ambassador in England writes that the rage of the English
for plunder is for ever increasing now that they see your Majesty
is not arming, and this King and his mother are blowing the flame
all they can. They are also helping the Flemings so much, that,
upon my asking for a passport at the request of the prince of
Parma for the salt that had been sent from Spain for Flanders,
where it was much needed, and had been detained in Calais, they
roundly refused me, although I promised that in case of salt being
wanted here (where there is an abundance of it) I would have an
equal quantity to that now detained sent hither within four
months. I then asked for permission for the s hips bringingsalt
from Spain to discharge at Calais, and send the salt overland for
the three leagues to Flanders ; and this they also refused with the
greatest roughness in the world.
They have also influenced the English Catholics here to write to
those in England on no account to trust your Majesty or depend
upon your aid, which, under cover of subjecting the country to the
Catholic religion, would really aim at conquering their country. It is
to be believed that they (the English Catholics) will take no notice of
this, as they have sent a priestj to me, on behalf of the principal
Catholics, to say that God has infused more courage than ever into
them, and has opened their eyes to the fact that no time is so
opportune as the present to shake off the oppression of the Queen and
tlie yoke of heresy that weighs upon them, since most of the strongest
heretics weie now absent in Zeeland. They say that, as I have
never yet deceived them, they beg me to tell them whether your
Majesty had determined to help them to take up arms when they
decided to do so. I replied in general terms, speaking of your
* There appears to have been no ground for this suspicion of Charles Arundel, who
subsequently became the principal intermediary between Mendoza and the English
ambasBador in Paris (Stafford). Charles Paget writes to the queen of Soots, 3l8t March,
that Arundel had been gained over by the English and sent to Spain by them to spy
out the naval preparations there. — (Hatfield papers, part 3. Hist. M.S.S. Com.).
f News had just arrived that Drake had completely sacked and spoiled Santo
Domingo, and had " left the island on the 22nd January with all the riches of the
" island, having also taken five great galleons. He had found great provision of oil,
" wine, rice, and 350 brass pieces with powder and shot. He took away with him
" 1,200 Knglish, French, and Flemish, who were in prison there besides 800 captives of
" the country." An account of Drake's action will be found in the Colonial Calendar
Addenda, 1574—1674.
X This was John Ballard, who was introdueed to Mendoza by Charles Paget. Ste
letter, Paget to the queen of Scots (Hatfield Papers, Part III., p. 141), and Thomas
>torgan to the queen of Scots (same, p. 147), by which it will be clearly seen that the
writer was then cognisant of Ballard's errand, namely, to propose to Mendoia th^
murder of Queen Elizabeth,
teLIZABETS. 577
1686.
Majest}''s goodwill towards them, and encouraging them in their
good intentions, and I sent the priest back well posted in what I
thought necessary, and told him to return to me with full details,
as in so important a matter we must have more than generalities.^
Paris, 11th May 1586.
11 May. 434. Bernardino de Mendoza to the Kino.
K. 1564. 81. ' ■^^ confirmation comes from all sides of the armaments in
England, I have decided to obtain intelligence about them by
means of sending an Englishman to London, a man who is recom-
mended to me by Paget as being thoroughly trustworthy. He has
already left, and takes with him credences for friends of mine in
London, and also other letters from Charles Paget requesting
them to dispatch men to all the ports to inquire fully into the
armaments, and report the result under cover through the French
ambassador in London. If they cannot do this they are requested
to send back this man fully informed verbally. I have also sent
specially to the priest who came to me from the English Catholics
to delay his return hither for a week, in order that he and his
friends might take similar steps. I have also asked the Scots
ambassador for some Scotsman for a like task, and he has promised
to find me one with the same diligence as he always displays in
your Majesty's interests, sending me as he does instant advice of
everything, even at midnight. In acknowledgment of this, and
of the fact that every interview that Iniguez and I have had with
Muzio has been arranged by him, the letters all being sealed with
his own iiand, I did not think it would be too much to make him
a present, but, as he is a man who could only be offered a very
large sum in money, I took the opportunity of his having greatly
admired a tapestry bed of mine, and I had it dismounted and sent
to him. The value of it is 380 crowns, and I have considered it
advantageous to your Majesty thus to mark your approval of his
services. Charles Paget also is doing his best to serve your
Majesty here, and both he and Lord Paget, his brother, well
deserve the pensions your Majesty has been pleased to bestow upon
them.
An English priest, whom I know well for a good soul, and who
is now at Rouen, and used to administer the sacraments to the
countess of Arundel, has informed me that, much as he is indebted
to that family, his first duty is towards his conscience, and he feels
himself bound to say that Charles Aiundel had gone to Spain by
orders of the queen of England, in order to discover what was being
done there, she having supplied him with money for the purpose.
This confirms my suspicion, and your Majesty should order him to
return.*— Paris, 11th May 1.586.
11 May. 435. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
K.'*^I5C4 sT'* Since my last advices about England I have heard that the earl
of Leicester (who has himself addressed as " your Highness ") is
* In the King's hand : " It will b« well to seod bim &yf&y, and give him fresti
atteudanti,'
8414], 0 a
6'?S SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1686.
again pressing the Queen to send troops, and that she -would order
the raising of the men mentioned in the statement I send enclosed,
which will reach a large number if she carries out the intention.
Master Randolph was also pressing in Scotland for the raising of
4,000 Scotsmen for Zeeland, the money being provided by the queen
of England. This is confirmed by fresh letters from Scotland, but
as the money had not come nothing had been done.
Letters from England, dated 31st March, report that the Queen
had ordered the recall of those who were sailing under letters of
marque, the object being for them to await in port news of
Drake, and then to proceed accordingly. Letters of 15th and
21st April confirm this, and add that, when the news arrived of
Drake's having sacked the city of Porto Rico, in the island of
Santo Domingo, some 20 ships had left the ports of Chichester,
Exmouth, Weymouth, and Dartmouth, to unite in PlymoutL
Some of them were of 250 and 300 tons burden, and they were
being fitted out with furious haste by the means of Bernard Drake,
uncle of (Francis) Drake, for the purpose of their going out to the
help of his nephew, the intention being, it is said, to sack the
island of Cuba as he had done the island of Santo Domingo, The
report is that they will sail at the end of May, and will take victuals
for six months, but I have been unable yet to learn what men they
take.
Sir Harry Cavendish, son of the countess of Shrewsbury, was
also making ready. He served as Colonel of the Flemish rebels in
the time of Don John, and is now fitting out seven ships in the
river at London. The earl of Cumberland was fitting out three,
one of which was of 600 tons and another of 300, which he had
purchased of merchants, his professed intention being to go to the
Moluccas. It is said that he also would sail at the end of May.
I have spoken to a person who has recently come from London and
have seen these ships, and, when I asked for what length of time
victuals were being provided and the strength of the crews, the
man told me that he was unable to say, as at the time of his
departure it was not decided, only that they were being got ready
in a great hurry in consequence of the news of Drake's exploit.
Things were quiet in Scotland, and the King, who was in
Edinburgh, had ordered Claude Hamilton, who went from here, to
remain always near his person. He had also liberated Lord Morton,
who had been arrested as a Catholic.
I send herewith a document published by the Lord Admiral of
Ei)g]and, to the effect that the only prizes taken from your Majesty,
which will be considered lawful, are the ships containing stockfish,
1 have fresh advices from England, dated 2l8t, which confirm the
rumours of the fitting out of the afore-mentioned ships, but assert
that the Queen is not assisting in the preparations, which were
being undertaken entirely by private persons. In order to
complete the 20 ships which Bernard Drake said he would take
out, Don Antonio offered to provide four. It had been impossible
to discover exactly whether they would really leave at the end of
May, how many men they would take, or for how long a time they
■yyere to be provisioned,— Paris, 11th May 1586.
fiLI^ABETH. B79
1586.
Postscript. — After closing this letter advices have arrived from
the French ambassador in England, dated 28th ultimo, saying that
the Queen had ordered all French Catholics to leave the country
within six days. No one was allowed to enter her chamber except
her own sworn domestic servants. The people of Holland and
Zeeland had offered to fit out twelve ships to join those of the queen
of England.
11 May. 436. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
K. 1564.83. ' With regard to Don Antonio, I have to report that he is in
London, and that the Queen has given him 3,000 crowns to pay
certain debts. She has also assigned him a yearly pension of
8,000 crowns, of 10 reals each,* which amounts to a little more than
the 6,000 sun-crowns they gave him here. The French King and
his mother greatly praise the English Queen's reception and
treatment of him ; whilst, at the same time, they keep feeding him
on the hope of the great things they will do for him after they
have concluded peace. There is nothing serious in it yet, however,
and they only wish to keep him in hand in view of eventualities.
I cannot hear of any close understanding between the Queen-
mother and the queen of England to help him in common either
in any particular enterprise or in arming ships. Sampson wishes
to retire for the rest of his life to Spain or Portugal, and begs for
money for his journey and maintenance.! — Paris, 11th May 1586.
12 May. 437. Bernardino de MendozA to Juan de Idiaquez.
k!^564.86.^' ^ ^^S y°^ *o ha,ve the following very carefully deciphered and
put it into His Majesty's own hands. It is written and ciphered by
me personally. I am advised from England by four men of
position who have the run of the Queen's house, that they have
discussed for the last three months the intention of killing her.
They have at last agreed, and the four have mutually sworn to do
it. They will on the first opportunity advise me when it is to be
done, and whether by poison or .steel, in order that I may send the
intelligence to your Majesty, supplicating you to be pleased to help
them after the business is effected. They say that they will not
divulge the intention to another soul but me, to whom they are
under great obligations, and in whose secrecy they have confidence.-—
Paris, 12th May 1586.
iVofe.— In another letter of the same date to Idiaquez, Mendoza
mentions the arrival in Paris of a German sent by the king of
Denmark to Philip II. ; but as he fears tliis may be a trick of the
queen of England, " to scent out what is passing in Spain," he
wishes to put the King (Philip) on liis guard. In an autograph
» The " real plata,'' of silver real, was worth within a fraction of 5(1., so that tha
" drowna " in question would be equal to about 50 pence each.
f In a note to this the King writes, " Let what JB proper be done in this respect also,
" but still, if possible, it would be better to provide for him in Paris," Sampson or
Sanson (Antonio de Escobar) was a Portuguese agent in France, ostensibly represeutiDf(
the interests of Don Autonio, but really a spy for Philip.
00 8
580 SPANISH STATfi ]?At>EilS,
1686.
note to this the King says, " This man cannot have come, and I do
not know what his object can be."
14 May. 438. The King to Bernardino de Mendoza.
Paris Archives, FEXTRACT.]
I have pressed you most urgently to give reports from England,
especially as to the fitting out of ships, their destination, whether
they are going to the Indies, and all other particulars, such as the
number of the ships, their strength in men, etc. You will understand
liow important this is to guide me as to the route to be taken by
my fleet which is to sail under the marquis of Santa Cruz, and I
once more enjoin you to obtain this information for me. If
possible, also, I should like to know what news they have of Drake,
and what orders they are sending him as to his retreat, or if aid is
going to him, and by what route. This is of great moment, and if
you can possibly obtain the intelligence, send it on to me by all
means, flying, and continue the same care in future. — Toledo, 14tb
May 1586.
15 May. 439. George, Earl op Huntly, to Philip II,
l".'i564.'9o.^' -^^ nothing distinguishes your Majesty more than the help you
Latin. extend to other princes, which is especially proved by the kindly
interest you have ever shown in the case of my Queen and her son,
apart from your earnest zeal for the Catholic faith which is
acclaimed through all Christendom, I venture to address the
present letter to your Majesty.
As our King is at present, by the intrigues of his insidious sister,
the queen of England, in the power of his enemies, I, together with
other nobles, have taken counsel together, and by the advice of the
duke of Guise, have decided to beg your Majesty to aid us in
placing him in his former liberty and restoring the Catholic faith
in the realm. For many reasons, a successful issue may confidently
he anticipated. The queen of England and her policy are not
popular even in her own country, and I, and others of my kin and
faith, with the most potent men in this country, appeal fervently
to your Majesty to help us in this holy work of vindicating the
liberty of our King and the integrity of our Catholic faith now
utterly down-trodden in our country. Not only will your Majesty
gain by so doing immortal lustre for your name, but solid
advfintage for yourself. Begs full credence for Kobert Bruce, a
nobleman of proved trust and a good Catholic, and prays for a
prompt answer to their prayer. — Elgin Moravise, 15th May 1586.
Majestatis Vestrae Catholicaj, Humillimus et obsequentissimus
servus. Georgius, Comes de Huntlye.
20 May. 440. Lord Claude Hamilton to Philip II.
Purls Archives, ^ letter. Similar in effect to the aforegoing, mentioning besides
^" ^ ' Huntly, Morton, and the writer, Crawford and Montrose, as joining
in the appeal— Edinburgh, 20th May 1686.
EUZABETH. 581
1686,
20 May. 441. John, Earl of Morton, to Philip II.
K.\5Si .il^' -^ letter similar in effect to the aforegoing.
The Catholic religion in Scotland is totally collapsed, and the
only hope of a revival is the aid of an armed force from without.
—Edinburgh, 20th May 1586.
N'ote.—lt would appear from a remark in a subsequent letter
from Mendoza to the King that these three letters from the
Scottish nobles were written in Paris from the dictation of the
duke of Guise, Robert Bruce having taken with him to Paris the
papers in blank, signed at the bottom by the three nobles in
question, who left the whole matter to be managed for them by
the duke of Guise. The particulars of the help they demanded will be
seen in other letters included in this Calendar. See note page 595.
20 May. 442. The Queen of Scotland to Bernardino de Mendoza.
^k"i564'''9T' ^y y°^ *^*^ ^^^ 1^**6^8 of loth February and 26th July 1585,
French. which only reached me on the 20th April last, I have been pleased
to learn of the good choice that the Catholic King has made in
sending you as his ambassador to reside in France, in accordance
with the request I formerly made to him. I have been so strictly
guarded during the last 18 months here, that all secret means of
intelligence failed me, until last Lent, when Morgan contrived to
open the present one. As I have received nothing else yet, I do
not know how he will have proceeded in the promotion of our
designs, and I am perplexed as to the best course to adopt here.
William (Paget) has been instructed by me to convey to you
certain overtures from me, and I beg you will impart to him freely
what you think can be obtained from the King, in order that I
may not importune him if you think I am not likely to succeed.
There is another point, however, upon which I have preferred
to write to you privately, in order, if possible, that you may
communicate it to the King without any other person learning of
it. Considering the great obstinacy of my son in his heresy, for
which, I can assure you, I weep and lament day and night, more
even than for my own calamity, and foreseeing how difficult it
will be for the Catholic church to triumph if he succeeds to the
throne of England, I have resolved that, in case my son should
not submit before my death to the Catholic religion (of which I
may say that I see but small hope, whilst he remains in Scotland),
I will cede and make over, by will, to the King your master, my
right to the succession to this (i.e. the English) crown, and beg him
consequently to take me in future entirely under his protection,
and also the affairs of this country. For the discharge of my own
conscience, I could not hope to place them in the hands of a prince
more zealous in our Catholic faith, or more capable, in all respects
of re-establishing it in this country, as the interests of all
Christendom demand. I am obliged in this matter to consider
the public welfare of the Chiurch before the private aggrandise-
ment of my posterity. I again beg you most urgently that this
should be kept secret, as if it becomes known it will cause the
582 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1586. -——
loss of my dowry in France, and bring about an entire breach
with my son in Scotland, and my total ruin and destruction in
England.
Pray thank from me the King my brother, for his kindness and
generosity to Lord Paget and his brother William, whom I trust
most affectionately he will continue to favour for my sake, and
to grant some pension to poor Morgan, who has endured so much,
not for me alone but for the common cause. My experience of
him enables me to assure you of his entire fidelity, and his sincere
behaviour as an honest man in all with which he has hitherto been
entrusted. I also recommend Foljambe to you as being worthy of
some aid, in addition to the allowance I have granted him out of
my poor dowry, which I am sorry is not large enough to satisfy
them all as I should like, and they deserve. — Chartley, England,
20th May 1586.
Note, — This letter is included in prince Labanoff's collection,
30 May. 443. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
^K"i564f ioT.' ^ ^*^^ received letters from England dated 20th and 22nd instant,
advising the arrival there on the 7th of an ambassador from the
king of Denmark, with three great ships well armed with 300
men. He had not yet seen the Queen, but his mission is under-
stood to be to ask her the reason why she was making war upon
your Majesty, and taking under her protection the Netherlands.
He is to point out to her how much better it would be for her to
come to an agreement on reasonable conditions ; but if your
Majesty refused such conditions, he, the king of Denmark, would
be the first person to join her in making war upon you. At the
date of the report no ships had left England, and the preparations
are, as I have previously mentioned, all on account of private
persons. Eight large ships were being got ready for sea at
Norwich, which, although they were ostensibly in the names of
merchants, were really under orders from the Queen, and were
specially for an enterprise of Don Antonio, who signified to the
Queen his intention of going with them in person. These eight
ships would not be ready to sail under two months. By next
letters I will advise tonnage, and the crews and stores they take.
A muster of mariners had been called in London of the sailors
who work the little vessels they call hoots there. There were
250 of them, and the Queen ordered them to go on board of two
galleys, which they did, to fight the Dunkirk ships. Lord
Sidney* father of Philip Sidney, had died on the l7th, and it was
believed that Philip Sidney would consequently return from
Flushing to England.
On the 1st May the Queen sent Mildmay, one of the Privy
Councillors, to Scotland with 4,000^., to be paid there on the
conclusion of the offensive and defensive alliance with the King,
who is to receive 6,000i. a year pension from her, on condition of
♦ Sir Henry Sidney, formerly rioeroy of Ireland, who had married Lady Mary
Pudley the sister of Leicester.
ELIZABETH. 583
1686.
his banishing the earl of Arran and the rest of hiu party from
Scotland. To ratify the terms of the treaty the earl of Rutland
and Lord (?) Randolph had been appointed Commissioners, and
were to be at Berwick on the 20th July.* The French party
in Scotland were still objecting that this treaty could not
legally be entered into without the intervention of the king of
France.
The king of Scotland had sent to ask the queen of England for
some money for the raising of 4,000 Scotsmen to be sent to
Holland and Zeeland. — Paris, 30th May 1586.
9 June. 444. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
Kiser. lOG.' ^° accordance with your Majesty's orders that I am to write by
various channels, I send the present letter by the ordinary
merchant-post which start from Rouen. Although it is slow I
have not lost any despacthes sent by it yet. I have been trying
for months past, as your Majesty now orders, to ascertain whether
Drake had instructions from the Queen to undertake any particular
enterprise agreed upon beforehand. As, however, they consider him
a man of such great experience in this navigation, by reason of his
previous monstrous robbery, I understand that he did not take
precise orders from the Queen, except to plunder as much as he
could, to enable her to sustain the war in Flanders, leaving the
details entirely to his discretion. When I was in England, this
was the offer that Drake was always making to the Queen,
namely, to go out and rob your Majesty's fleets, whenever she
pleased to provide him with ships for the purpose. The idea of
landing and establishing himself on shore and awaiting rein-
forcements from England was one that the Queen's Council, and
the English in general, regarded as extremely difficult of execution,
because of the impossibility of their carrying merchandise for
trade, their ships being, as usual, three-quarters loaded with
victuals, so that even for shorter voyages than this the cost would
be prohibitive. If the expedition, moreover, were composed of ships
fitted out by separate private persons, they would have no confidence
in one another, no assurance that each one would not leave the
rest to plunder on his own account, and disappear as soon as he
took a prize.
Notwithstanding what I say, I have written again to England,
asking that every effort may be made to elucidate the point. I
have no fresher news than that contained in my last, to the effect
that no ships had left up to that time, although the English
ambassador here has declared that 20 ships had sailed to reinforce
Drake, since the reception of the news of his exploit at Santo
• The principal articles of this offensive and defenaiTe alliance were that both parties
were bound to defend the evangelical religion in either kingdom. They vrcre mutually
to protect each other from invasion, and Elizabeth undertook that no steps should he
taken to derogate In any degree from the clalme of the king of Scots to the English
crown. (See Spotswood, p. 351.) Baron d'Esneval, the French ambassador to
Scotland, who had tried unsuccessfully to frustrate the conclnsio^ of the treaty of
Perwick, was shortly afterwfirds repaUed,
^S4 Spanish state papers.
1586, ~
Domingo. There is no truth in this, except that private pirates
have left some of the ports, each on his own account to rob as best
he might, some going to Newfoundland to plunder the fishing boats.
It has been impossible to ascertain whether the Queen has received
news from Draiie by a vessel sent by him, as no men from such a
ship have been seen,* nor has anything been heard of it, except the
information sent from Seville, and that given by some French ships
which were at Santo Domingo and have arrived at Havre de Grace
with hides, sugar, and cochineal. They (the French) report that
Drake found that all the people of Santo Domingo and Porto Rico
had fled to the mountains, having saved most of the treasure of
the country, and that on Drake threatening to burn all the houses
they came to an agreement to pay him 50,000 crowns as a ransom
for them.
News comes from Rouen that they hear from London of the
sailing of 20 ships to join Drake, four of them of 500 tons each, but
they do not say who was in command, nor which port they sailed
from, nor the day of departure, which proves the news to be untrue.
It was probably founded on the intelligence I sent, of the four
merchant ships that had left the Thames to join others in Plymouth,
—Paris, 9th June 1586.
24 June. 445. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
K!\i6i.u^.' My last news from England, dated the 11th instant, advise the
continuance of the preparation of ships, although there was a lack
of sailors, in consequence of so large a number having gone with
Drake and private pirates, as well as those employed iu the Flushing
communications.
I am informed that Don Antonio is in great alarm at seeing how
desirous the Queen is to come to terms with your Majesty, and my
confidants have been telling me for months past that she had been
approaching the prince of Parma on the subject. I reported this
to the Prince, but he denied it, saying that people who sent such
intelligence could not have much understanding. I communicated
this to my agents in England, who again asserted the truth of their
statement, and said that a servant of Cecil's had gotje to Calais on
the matter ; GraflBna,! a Genoese merchant, afterwards going to see
the prince of Parma about it, with a Fleming named Andr^ de Loo
whom I know.
On the 11th the Danish ambassador was in England, and the
Queen writes to her ambassador here, telling him to spread the
news underhand, that he (the Danish ambassador) had come from
• Th« Queen does not seem to have receiyed oiBcial or direct news of Drake's exploits
at Santo Domingo and ^he Spanish Main ulitil the arrival of Richard Hawkins at
Exeter on the 22nd July. (See letter from Fitz and Hale to Lord Burleigh o£ that date,
Hatfield Papers, part III).
f Agostino Graffini bad formerly been employed in the great commercial house of
Spinola in London. By a letter in the " Leycester Correspondence " from Walsingham
to Leieciter, dated 21st April (1st May), it would appear that the first approaches had
been made by Parma to Graffini. This, and the subsequent peace negotiations undertaken
at the instance of Parma, were simply feints to put the English off tbeil guard -whilst tht;
naval preparations uere being nmde fpr th? inv^siQC of England.
ELIZABETH. 585
1586.
his master to recommend her to make terms with your Majesty,
for which purpose your Majesty had bribed the king of Denmark,
This report is accordingly current here, but the French see
plainly how burdened she is with the war, and how desirous
she is to become reconciled with your Majesty. — Paris, 24th June
1586,
24 June. 446. Bernardino de Mendoza to Juan de Idiaquez.
Pans Archives, j »
K. 1564.112. ^ lorgot to tell you that Captain Vasco Duarte (Pacheco) shot at
the English ambassador here, and others, and then disappeared. I
only gave him 20 crowns at different times, holding back until
I received His Majesty's instructions as to how I should treat
him.
The four men who had taken the resolution, about which I wrote
to you on the 11th ultimo, have again assured me that they are
agreed that it shall be done by steel when opportunity occurs. One
of them is confessed and absolved every day, and says that there is
no need for the others in the business at all.
A cataract has completely blinded the writer's left eye, and on
the recommendation of surgeons and oculists he has decided to have
it couched with the needle when the weather becomes warmer. He
cites the case of a lady friend whose sight had been improved by a
similar operation. — Paris, 24th June 1586.
24 June. 447. Unsigned Advices from London.
K. 1564. 113. ' Philip Sidney, a relative of the earl of Leicester, has been
pressing the Queen urgently to let him return to England, but his
petition has been firmly refused, and his wife has therefore made
ready to join him. With regard to the information you ask me to
send you respecting the naval preparations being made here, I can
assure you that there are none, and no appearance of any being
made, as we all of ua here believe. There recently arrived here an
Englishman who assured everybody that the king of Spain was
making no naval preparations, as had been said, but that he only
had some old patched up ships in Biscay, and some similar ones in
Lisbon. Nevertheless they (the English), not feeling very confident
of such news, have decided to send four or five little vessels to
cruise off the coasts of Spain, Portugal, and France, to see whether
they can discover any signs of warlike preparation. They have
also a large ship in commission to cruise on the English coast fand
elsewhere to watch the coming and going of others. She is very
well manned and found for her purpose, but at present there are no
other preparations here. As soon as I can discover anything I will
not fail to report it, unless in the meanwhile I may be in Holland,
where I hope to perform some good service. I also hope shortly to
be able to visit you in person. The Queen and Council have been
consulting recently as to the establishment of a regular annual
trade to the Spanish Indies, an arrangement by which the English
merchants will constantly maintain 50 war ships fully provided
with all munitions, and the Holland and Zeeland merchants will
ynaintain an equal number on their part, so that they count upon
596 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1586,
having 100 vessels always at sea for the voyage to and from the
Indies. Nothing can be definitely settled, however, until the
result of Drake's voyage be knowii, and the aSkirs of Holland
decided, although our people are like old hounds which scent their
prey from afar, in order to turn everything to their own advantage.
So far as matters in Holland are . concerned, they are happening
every day more contrary to the intentions of the earl of Leicester.
I mentioned to you in my last letter that the earl of Cumberland
had ordered seven or eight ships to be fitted out, as well as others.
It is now certain that these ships will first direct their course to
the coast of Brazil, and afterwards to the Indies. The vessels are
in excellent order, well provided with men and all necessary stores
for the voyage. The delegates* for the conclusion of the alliance
with Scotland have left, and the affair is now looked upon as
settled. Great desire is felt here for the ending of the disturbances
in France, and it is said that the King will make jsome arrangement
with his subjects, such as was made before. It is quite certain
now that the earl of Leicester is in very bad grace with the Queen,
and is quite unable to effect a reconciliation with her or to obtain
what he desires for his maintenance, as she looks upon him with
great suspicion. He has made great efforts to be allowed to return
and justify himself to the Queen in all things, but as he has been
unable to obtain her permission he can only prosecute his enterprise
with shame and dishonour, at the risk of losing the whole country,
seeing that the town of Grave is lost,t so that I hope that, what
with the suspicions of the Earl, entertained by the Queen, and
what with his own failure, we shall soon be able to learn the aims
of both of them with regard to Holland and Zeeland. — London,
24th June 1586.
26 June. 448. Bernardino de Mbndoza to the King.
^k"°564!'ih!' ^^^^^ closing the two general letters I send to your Majesty, the
letter written to me by the queen of Scotland was deciphered and
is enclosed herewith. As I consider it important^ that no time
should be lost its reaching you, I made it worth the while of this
Frenchman, the bearer, to delay his departure, although, as I am
in bed with my eyes bandaged, having this morning been couched
for a cataract in my left eye, and being forbidden by the doctors to
speak much, I shall not be able to say very much on the matter.
I must observe, however, that for several months past, as I have
previously reported, a very bad understanding exists between the
queen of Scotland and her son. From what I could gather in
England, I am convinced that this is caused by the over-weaning
* These were the earl of Rutland, Thomas Randolph, and W. Eyre.
t The toss of Grave was a serious blow, both to the cause of the Netherlanders and
to Leicester's generalship. On the Slst May (9th June) the Earl sent Sir Thomas
Heneage with the news to England. In a letter to Walsingham of that date Leicester
" trusts that the traiterous losse of Grave shall not gether anie ill opinion of vs here ;
" for my part I have a cleare conscience." As a matter of fact both he and Count
Hohenlohf: had been completely out-generalled by Farma. See " Leycester Corre-
spondenc. " and Strada. De ^ello Betgico.
\ Ste lutt«r from th« qu«en of Scotland to Mendoza, dated SOth May 1586, page 581.
ELIZABETH. 587
1586.
ambition of the son, and I have consequently continued to write to
the Queen to tlie effect that, if she be not quite certain that her
son is a sincere Catholic, all that was done in his favour would
bring the greater danger upon her. She saw this clearly in the
matter of the association of the King with her in her rights, which
she proposed to him, and he cast aside offhandedly. I also pointed
out how little she had to thank the French for, because when your
Majesty tried to obtain more liberty for her they threw obstacles
in the way by every possible means, and drew closer than ever to
the queen of England. Moreover, failing the queen of Scotland
and her son, your Majesty is the direct legitimate heir to the
crown of England. Cecil, the Lord Treasurer, was in the habit of
saying that the duchy of Lancaster had been unlawfully usurped
from your Majesty, and it is by that line that your Majesty's claim
to the crown is established, as will be seen clearly by the genea-
logical tree of the kings of Scotland which was drawn up by the
bishop of Ross, and sent by me last year to your Majesty.
William and Charles Paget are not at present here. When the
former returns I will learn from him what message has been sent
by the queen of Scotland in credence, and will immediately advise
your Majesty, with the answer I send back, which will be in
general terms, encouraging her, and expressing due acknowledg-
ments for the trust she reposes in me, which of itself would oblige
me to treat the matter with the secrecy she enjoins, even though
my own great desire to serve her did not impel me thereto.
At the request of the duke of Guise and myself, the prince of
Farma granted an allowance of 30 crowns a month to Godfrey
Foljambe, as it is important in your Majesty's interests to keep the
queen of Scotland well pleased, and it will be well for your
Majesty to order the grant to be confirmed, and the Prince
authorised to pay the allowance even whilst Godfrey is here in
France. I think also that your Majesty should grant 40 crowns a
month to Morgan, to be paid here, as he is the person who is most
in the queen of Scotland's confidence, and with very good reason,
as he is extremely faithful and intelligent. She mentions this in
her letter, and it is further proved by his having found a way to
communicate with her, although for the last year and a half he has
been a prisoner in the Bastille here. Through his channels in
England he has been able from his prison to write to the queen of
Scotland after all means of access to her had been closed.* I well
know what a subject for pleasure and rejoicing it will be to her if your
Majesty will show such a favour as this to Morgan. Even apart
from this, he thoroughly deserves it, in consideration of the
information he gives me, both as regards English affairs and about
the other prisoners in the Bastille, with whom he communicates,
and amongst whom there are persons of importance, whose questions
to him throw light on many matters. I wrote to the queen of
* Morgan's letters to the Queen at this period -will he found in the Hatfield Papers,
Part 3. The means of communication opened up by Morgan were connived at by the
secret agents of Walsingham, and the letters all copied. Hence the discoYerv of the
conspiracy and the ruin of the queen of ScotSt
B88 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1686. ~
Scotland some time since, asking her to appoint the person who
was to receive the 4,000 crowns for her. I must send this
unsigned as my eyes are bandaged. — Paris, 24th June 1.586,
30 June. 449. Unsigned Advices from London.
K." 564. us!' Since the earl of Leicester was daring enough to take the govern-
ment of Holland and Zeeland in his own hands, the queen of England
has regarded him with much disfavour, and has continued to hold
a very bad opinion of him. She has, moreover, near her person
many who are constantly trying to incense her the more against
him ; and since Grave was taken, the Earl has greatly lost credit
here, as they look upon him as a very cowardly man. This has
made the Hollanders themselves mutinous, on account of certain news
that had been spread amongst them, namely, that the queen of
England had made up her mind to abandon them, and make her
peace with the Catholic King. The Earl was much frightened at
this, seeing the condition of those who surrounded him on the one
hand, and the suspicion of the queen of England against him on
the other, and he thought of retiring to England. He only wrote
to the Queen, however, by Thomas Heneage, praying Her Majesty
to write and banish such an idea as this from the minds of the
Hollanders, and assure them thus that she approved of his govern-
ment. In order to persuade the Queen to this, the Earl has promised
to maintain the war with the taxes drawn from the country itself,
on condition that she will continue to contribute the 1,000 horse
and 5,000 foot in accordance with her original promise to rescue
the countries of Holland and Zeeland. He also requested permission
to draw from England all the troops who were willing to volunteer
for the war, and if she would not allow this, at least to let him
raise men at his own cost, and that of the Hollanders, which troops
might be brought from Scotland, Germany, and elsewhere, as might
be found convenient. After the Queen had considered these
requests, she decided to grant them ; and she wrote to the Hollanders
to-day saying that she would keep her word in all things, and
approved of the government of the earl of Leicester. She also
assured them that she would make no peace with the Catholic
King, notwithstanding the news that reaches her from all sides
of the great fleet which His Majesty is preparing, with the aid of
various other Catholic Princes. They (the English) are not under
any apprehension with regard to these preparations, but rather
make fun of them, and I think well to let you know this, to comply
with your request for full information on the point. We look upon
it here as certain that the king of France will make peace with the
heretics in order to disgrace the house of Lorraine.
When the Queen was going to chapel the other day, as usual in
full magnificence, she was suddenly overcome with a shock of fear,
which affected her to such an extent that she at once returned to her
apartment, greatly to the wonder of those pi'esent. The confirmation
of the alliance with Scotland is proceeding apace, and the delegates
from both sides should nieet at Berwick on the Border on the 18th
instant.
ELIZABETH. iS89
1586.
Don Antonio is desii'ous of having a certain book printed, which
he wishes to dedicate to the queen of England. It is to be filled
with arguments intended to lead the Queen to aid him with 10,000
men for the recovery of Portugal.
As I have already advised, there are seven well found ships here
bound for the coast of Brazil, amongst which is a barque of 60 tons
belonging to Don Antonioj which is to guide them across the ocean.
I have just heard that Lord Grey is to go to Holland with 10,000
men, but he is to hold them for the service of England whenever
required. — London, 30th June 1586.
2 July. 450. The Queen of Scotland to Bernardino de Mendoza.
^K^'iser'iTr' "^^^ principal object of this note is to acknowledge the receipt of
French. your last letters of 4th April, and to assure you that I do not in
the slightest degree impute that the delay in the fulfilment of our
designs is owing to any fault on the part of the Catholic King your
master, my good brother, whose proceedings have always been so
sound, both on the general ground of religion, and on those points
which I have pressed as concerning my personal interests. I should
be ungrateful, indeed, if I held any different opinion, and, since it is
the will of God that I should suffer still, I am resigned to bend my
neck beneath the yoke. On my conscience I do not regret this
delay so much for my own sake, as for the affliction and misery in
which I see daily plunged so many honest people in this country,
for I resent more strongly the public calamity than my own. I
have instructed my ambassador to speak to you, on my behalf,
about the payment of some money advanced by Messrs. Paget,
Arundel, and Morgan about three years ago, on the assurance of
re-imbursement given to them in the name of his Holiness and the
King your master. I beg you will endeavour to have them repaid,
at it is not only reasonable but is important to me and my safety
here, that they should have this money. God keep you in health. —
Chartley, 2nd July 1586.
Note. — The above letter is published in prince Labanoff'a
collection.
16 July. 451. The Duke of Guise to Bernardino de Mendoza.
^r'l^r^IT' ■'■ ^^^® requested the Scots ambassador to communicate to you
^French. an enterprise of which for a long time past I have been laying the
foundation with great pains, but have been unable hitherto to bring
to fruition. I have now brought the principal Scots lords to the
resolution which will be communicated to you, and which I am
sure you will embrace willingly, seeing the goodwill you bear to the
advancement of the Catholic religion. You will also not fail to
recognise the advantage which may result therefrom to his Catholic
Majesty, in any designs he may entertain on England. I have
made an ample dispatch of the matter, and send it to His Majesty
by a Scots gentleman who had been addressed to me by the said
lords.* I have sent him from here direct, both on account of the
* Kobert Bruce, of Bemie, sent by Huntly, Morton, and Claude Hamilton to Gniie,
•with letters signed in blank by them for Guise to fill ip aud forward to the king of
Spain See note page 595.
590 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1586.
road being safer, and to avoid his being discovered on his way
through Paris. I also beg you to write a favourable despatch, and
aid the matter to the best of your ability with your recommendation,
etc—ieth July 1586.
July. 452. Document accompanying the aforegoing letter.
I{"i564° 12^^' The Catholic princes and nobles of Scotland, in order to carry out
French. the enterprise and resolution they have undertaken of re-establishing
the Catholic religion in the country, driving out the English and
liberating the King and his mother, humbly petition the Catholic
King to grant them the following aid.
6,000 paid troops for one year only, to oppose the queen of
England in case she should come against them. They (i.e. the
Scots nobles) feel sufficiently strong themselves to overcome any
opposition in the country itself.
150,000 crowns to meet the expenses of the raising of men and
carrying on the war ; which money as an evidence of their sincerity,
they do not desire to be delivered into their hands, but that it
should be deposited, so that they may draw against it as required,
pledging their lands as security.
In order that they may be able to maintain their party, and
oppose the designs of their enemies, they also pray His Majesty to
be pleased to grant them such a further sum as he may think fit,
for the two following years only.
By the grace of God, and the aid they now crave, and confidently
expect from His Majesty, they are certain of being able successfully
to carry through their holy enterprise.
They promise His Majesty that, in future, no levies of men against
His Majesty, and in favour of the queen of England or others, shall
be allowed to be made in Scotland.
They promise also to deliver into His Majesty's hands, at once or
when His Majesty may think fit, one or two good ports in Scotland
near the English border, to be used against the queen of England ;
and when their king is delivered from the custody of the rebels who
force and hold him, they will make him again join the community
of the church, to recognise the obligation he owes to his Cathohc
Majesty, and to enter into no marriage engagement except to the
satisfaction of His Majesty.
18 July. 453. The Kino to Bernardino de Mendoza.
Paris Archives, [EXTRACT.]
With your last letter of 26th June, I received the copy of th®
letter written to you by the queen of Scotland, which I was very
glad to read, She certainly has very greatly risen in my estimation,
in consequence of what she there says ; and has increased the
devotion that I have ever felt to her interests, not so much because
of what she says in my own favour (although I am very grateful
for that also) as because she postpones her love for her son, which
might be expected to lead her astray, for the service of our Lord,
the common good of Christendom, and particularly for that of
England. You may send and tell her all this from me, and assure
her that if she perseveres in the good path she has chosen, I hope
iitlZABETH. 691
1686.
that God will bless hor by placing her in possession of her own.
You will add that I shall be very happy to undertake the protection
of her person and interests as she requests, and you will be careful
to keep the matter secret, in accordance with her wishes. If you
have provided a good way of transmitting to her the 4,000 crowns
which I recently ordered to be paid to her, you may send from the
first money forwarded to you, which will be either by this courier
or the next, an additional 4,000 crowns, and so on by instalments
of similar amount, until the whole 12,000 crowns I granted to her
shall have been paid.
My nephew the. prince of Parma is being written to approving of
what he did about Godfrey Foljambe, and telling him that when
you advise him that it will be convenient to employ Godfrey in
France he may be sent to you and paid his allowance. As the
Queen also asks for an allowance for Morgan, I shall be glad to give
him the 40 crowns you suggest, during my pleasure. You will pay
him monthly out of the money in your hands, and put the amount
to the account of extraordinary expenditure. As a way has been
found of communicating to the Queen, you will do your best to
encourage her, and convince her of the earnestness with which I
long for the re-establishment of her affairs. Yoa will report to me
all you hear from her. — 18th July 1586.
Note. — In another letter of the same date as the above, the King
urges Mendoza again very forcibly to send him constant and
trustworthy reports from England. " I do not gather from your
" news that in addition to Drake's fleet, so many armed ships have
" left England, as is stated in the relation of a German captain who
" was a prisoner* amongst them, and recently arrived in Spain. I
" send you a copy of his relation, in order that you may have copied
" out the part of it which is true, and send it to me with all other
" particulars you can learn of their armaments."
19 July. 454. Bernabdino de Mendoza to the King.
Paris Archives, [EXTRACT.]
The King and Queen-mother are quite convinced that the queen
of England will come to terms with your Majesty, giving up
anything your Majesty may like to demand, as she is not powerful
enough to continue the war for any length of time. In order to
prevent this they will not only promise her to make peace here,
but they will use every stratagem they are able, to persuade her
that they will not allow your Majesty to undertake the enterprise
against England, which both the queen of England and people
here say is the sole object of the fleet your Majesty is preparing.
* In the margin the King has -written, " I do not understand that he was a prisoner of
" Drake's but of him whom he mentions in his relation (t'.e. Richard Grenville). If this
" be so the letter must be altered." This is an example of the extreme minuteness with
which Philip followed the correspondence. The German captain's account here referred
to is doubtless a long Latin relation of the events of Drake's voyage m the West Indies,
which will be found in the Paris Archives (K. 1564, fol. 13.1). It is not reproduced
here as its main points are summarised and commented upon m Mendoza's letter to the
King, dated 7th August page 599.
K. 1564. 124.
592 SPANISJa STATE PAlPERg.
1686. ' ""
It is atill asserted that one of the great difBculties in concluding
terms of peace here is to settle matters between the princess of
Bearn and her husband.*
I understand that the Queen-mother lamented to Silvio the other
day that M. de Le N^rac had stabbed to death in the chamber of
the princess of Bearn, the son of an apothecary, the murdered man
being so near the bed that it was stained with his blood ; and what
made the matter worse was that it was said to have been done out
of jealousy.
I send herewith the advices I have from England given to me
secretly by a Catholic adherent of the queen of Scotland who has
gained entrance in the household of Secretary Walsinghamf on the
pretext of managing the money matters of his son-in-law. He will
get everything out of Walsingham, who thinks he is a protestant.
Catholic priests write that the seven ships fitted out by the earl of
Northumberland (Cumberland?) J are really to give him a pretext
to leave the country, as he is a schismatic Catholic, and they say he
wishes to become reconciled to your Majesty and the Church. —
Paris, 19th July 1586.
20 July. 455. Sampson's Advices.
^k"i564'''i'2T' '^^^ Queen-mother was going to the prince of Beam to treat of
peace ; and Leiton consequently asked her, as the protector of his
master Don Antonio, to advise him as to the best course to pursue
at present to forward his interests. She replied vaguely and with
coolness, saying that she was going to try and arrange a peace, and,
if she was successful, Don Antonio's affairs should be considered.
When Leiton asked what would be the best course in the meanwhile,
in order that he might be prepared to avail himself of the good
offices tbat the king of France and she were disposed to extend to
him, she said he had better let Don Antonio remain where he was,
although it behoved him to look to himself, as the king of Spain
was arming stoutly against England. It was true, she said, that
some of his designs would be frustrated by Drake, of whom she had
news ; but she ordered Leiton not to repeat this or to mention that
she had said such a thing, even if he wrote it to anyone, or she
would be much displeased with him. She could tell him privately,
however, that Drake had captured Cartagena§ and was fortifying
it. When Leiton said that recent letters from England had made
no mention of this, she said the news did not come from England,
but direct from the king of Spain to her son and herself.
♦ Marguerite de Valois, the wife of Henry of Navarre, had joined the League and
raised a force against her hushand. This conduct had naturally still further widened
the already serious breach between them, especially as the king of France had taken the
part of Henry of Navarre and the Huguenots against his own sister.
f Robert Foley, who had been introduced by Charles Blount to take charge of the
affairs of Sir Philip Sidney, Walsingham's son-in-law. He was, of course, a spy of
Walsingham's, aLd one of the principal instruments by which Babiugton's plot was
divulged.
I George Clifford, ear) of Cumberland, is doubtless the person referred to.
I Cartagena de las Indias, now in the United States of Columbia.
feLlZAiBETH. 693
1686.
22 July. 456. The King to Count de Olivares.
The present letter will reply to yours about England, especially
that of 24th February, whieli is the most important. Before
proceeding further I cannot refrain from thanking you for the way
in which you conveyed my reply to his Holiness. It was done
with much piudence, care, and consideration, and in every respect
as could have been wished.
It was of high importance to point out to the Pope the in-
convenience of the king of Scotland, who is a heretic, succeeding to
the throne of England, and to keep constantly before his eyea the
advisability of choosing some Catholic, who on the exclusion of the
king of Scotland should take his place, and it was equally important
to keep his Holiness in that opinion, binding him to agree to my
choice of a successor to the queen of Scotland. Whenever you may
have an opportunity of confirming him on these points you will
do so.
It was also well done to put on one side for the present all mention
of the person I miglit nominate for the succession; and, having
in view what you say, I think it will be best for you to continue
in the same course. You will, however, bear in mind that, if at
any time the Pope, moved by his zeal, should talk about any other
successor, you will remind him, before he gets wedded to his new
idea, that lie is pledged to agree to my choice in the matter, and so
f ry to prevent him from breaking away, because upon this and the
above-mentioned points it is jiio.st important that the Pope should
not waver. I have therefore dealt with them in the first place,
end enjoin great care in preventing any change in these respects.
The contribution of 500,000 crowns which his Holiness offers in
money would be fair for an enterprise of less cost and extent, but
as the ]iresent Avill nuce.ssitatc immense expenditure, it is evident
that a larger and more [iromjitly paid sum than he mentions will
have to be found. The 500,000 crowns, instead of being spread
over a year, would have to be paid in advance for the preparation
of the armada, and be supplemented by other grants to furnish
funds for the prosecution of the enterprise. If the business is to
go through, this cannot be avoided, and the contributions must be
piopoitionate to so great and difficult an affair.
Before settling this point it will be well to disabuse his Holiness
of the error under which he labours, that the robberies and
insolence of the English will cause me to undertake the business on
my own account, which may lead him to stint his aid. You will
give him to understand that this is mere gossip hatched there (in
Rome) by people who will have no hand in helping the business.
I am well aware of what is best for me, and know the situation of
England. I fully recognise how much it would grieve some people
to see a change of government there, Christian zeal and a desire to
see England Catholic not being so very strong in France and e\se->
where as to outweigh other considerations. I am more bound to
ensure my own dominions than to undertake foreign enterprise, and
it is sufficient for me and my subjects to launch such navies as that
which I have commenced, and please God will finish, for t^^
t^i SPANlsit Sl'AtE PAPERS.
1586.
purpose of clearing the sea of pirates protecting the Indian coasts
and the flotillas, with the treasure they bring, and ensuring the
safety of Spanish trade, which I can do at comparatively little cost.
This apart, I know that the English are dying to come to terms
with me, and tliey are attempting to do so in many directions,
offering to mend their ways for the future. This being so, and all
things easy to my hand, I have no reason to covet more territory
or more reputation than I have, for by God's goodness I have
enough of both to satisfy me. Let his Holiness consider whether
I, for my part, might not well withdraw from this enterprise, and
avoid the expense and difficulty it will entail. I Iiave been moved
to it so] el}' by my zeal for the service of God, the persuasions of
his Holiness, and tlie belief that there would be displayed in his
time more ardour and energy than in past times Unaided,
however, and burdened with all the cost, he and all the world
knows that I cannot go bej'ond sympathy, now less than ever, in
doubt, as I am, about the coming of the Indian flotillas this year,
and whether my treasury will bear the cost of extraordinary
enterprises. By these and other arguments which will occur to you,
yuu will try to dislodge the Pope from his opinion that I shall
budge without a great deal of iielp from him, and if God inspire
him to give the necessary aid you may promise in my name that I
will do my share, but without pledging me on the point of time,
because the mistakes there (in England ?), the exigencies of my
atfaiis, and the secret preparations necessary, may cause delay.
You will liavc to adopt my pace, and get as much help as you can,
both in cash and in new grants and concessions, by the time I may
undertake the enterprise. I must, however, be left free as to the
period, as it must depend on my own aflairs, and his Holiness will
risk nothing thereby, as he is not asked to contribute his quota
until the hour when the enterprise is to be undertaken* You will
conduct the affair in this way and with the utmost secrecy, as you
will see how necessary it is nowadays when secrets are so hard to
keep.
Until you have settled the above points you can suspend
negotiations about the mode of execution, and the reimbursement
of the expen.ses I may incur, either by the concession to me of the
frtsh grants, until my expenditure be covered, or by the English
Catholics undertaking to reimburse me as they promised, giving
nie pledges in the meanwhile. I need only add that, if the Pope
persists in offering troops on account of his contribution, you will
try to show him what a noise this would make, and liow much
easier it is to raise forces and fleets in Spain, under pretext of the
Indies, than to send troops from Italy, of which the object would
♦ The words in italics were erased in the cipher despatch sent, and the King has
lidded to the draft the following note : — "This might be very inconvenient, on account
" of tlie present negotiations with the prince of Parma, so )o» will tell the Count not
" to say thi.'!. The other arguments are sufficient." It will be seen later fhat Philip
required money to be paid in advance by the Pope in order to defray the cost of t"*
Italian and other troops to be raised by Alexander Farnese for the invasion of Englana
from Flanders.
15M2ABETH. 595
1686.
be public. Let his aid be all in the form of money and expedients
to raise money. You will manage it all with your usual judgment,
and you will let me know what is done. Some of Allen'a country-
men here are pressing greatly about his hat, and although it had
been agreed that it would be better to defer the matter until the
time approached for the enterprise, I should like you to give me
your opinion about it, and I will in the meanwhile consider the
grant you think should be given to him. — San Lorenzo, 22nd July
1586.
23 July. 457. Bernardino de Mendoza to the Kino.
Pans Archiveii, f Ex TRACT.l
K. 1564. 127. ^ J
There are letters from Scotland dated the 30th June, saying
that, up to that time, they had not put into execution the levy of
the 6,000 Scotsmen M'liom the queen of England wished to send to
Holland, although some 300 or 400 had slipped over privately from
Scotland to Holland. The rumour is current in the English
embassy here that the Master of Grey is going over with 6,000
Scotsmen, the Queen having furnislied him with the necessary
funds.— Paris, 23rd July 1586.
23 July. 458. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
K. 1.564. lio.' J"^'^ ^^ ^^6 courier was setting out I received the enclosed letter
from Muzio (i.e. tlie duke of Guise), which caused ine to detain
him until I heard what the Scots ambassador was instructed to
,say to me. The substance of it was that Muzio, seeing the risk
f.f letters written to your Mnjesty being seized and returned to
France, he had decided to send him (Robert Bruce ?) by way of
Burgundy after Juan iniguez, with whom he would doubtless go
safely through Spain. He [tho duke of Guise) had filled in the
bhinks sent to him by Lord Claude Hamilton, the earl of Morton
nnd the others, addrc-^.sed to your Majest}^* and had himself
written very warmly on the subject. He begged that I would do
* See letters from Huntly, Claude Hamilton, and Morton, 20th May, page 580. When
Huntly was charged in February 1589 on the information of quteu Elizaheth with
participation in this plot to introduce Spanish troops into Scotland and England, he
.-stoutly denied his guilt, and was released after a short detention under arrest, as was
also Claude Hamilton. The present marquis of Huntly in his Kecords of Aboyne (New
npalding Club 1894) thus refers to the matter : " Queen EHzabeth sent a letter to her
" dear brother of Scotland scousing Huntly, who was his bosom friend, of a vile
'• conspiracy. In proof she sent copies of sundry letters alle{?ed to be found when the
" English captured Thomas Pringle, who it was averred was sent by Huntly to the
" duke of Parma and the king of Spain. These precious letters wore deciphered by
" the arch-villain Philips, upon whose transcripts and forgeries the queen of Scots was
" condemned. As in the case of the Queen no originals were produced, for the best of
" reasons, they never existed ; Huntly denied that he ever engaged in conspiracy or
" treason, and protested that the letters were forgeries designed by his en<>niies to bring
"him into disgrace with the King but the forgers bad been clumsy in their
"work; the 'cooked' examination of Pringle showed but too eleirly that all the
" plotting had been on the south of the Tweed." Whatever may Imve been the case
with regard to the particular accusations against Huntly on the evidence of Pringle, the'
present and following volume of this Calendar will contain abundance of indisputable
evidence that Huntly was the leading spirit in the plot to dominate Scotl.nnd with
Spanish troops and subsequently to enable Philip II. to invade England nud deposa
Elizabeth. The letters in the Paris Archives calendared on page CBO aie tlie origiuai
documents,
PP 2
^^^ StANISfl StATE PAJPEIRS.
1586. ~~~
the same without a moment's delay by special courier, begging
your Majesty to extend your customary favour to so holy an
enterprise. The gentleman who takes the letters has been for
some years secretary of the Scots' ambassador, and is a person who,
he asserts, is worthy of all confidence. I send enclosed the heads
of the instructions he has received from the ambassador, from
whom 1 will ascertain whether the 6,000 soldiers to be maintained
for a year are to be foreigners or not, a point which he was unable
to elucidate. I will also enquire in whose hands the 150,000
crowns should be lodged. He told me that the Scotsmen promised
to begin the execution of the business (as their messenger informed
him) whenever Muzio gave word that the 150,000 crowns were
ready, and they were assured of receiving aid. He made me take
a note of this point, which seems to infer that the Scots nobles
expected the aid to take the form of foreign troops, since no others
could be sent from abroad. Probably Muzio did not like to state
this in writing to your Majesty until he heard your intentions.
The Scots Catholics, he said, had discussed for a long time
whether they should make this appeal to the king of France,
seeing the long standing alliance between the crowns ; but they
finally adopted unanimously the opinion of the earl of Morton,
namely, that they could hardly expect a King who did not strive
to preser\e the Catholic religion in his own realm to help them to
establish it in theirs. I have been trying to get the full details of
the business, and to come to close quarters with the ambassador,
but he did not enlighten me much, which makes me think that
the whole afi'air will have been left to Muzio.
In consequence of this gentleman (Robert Bruce ?) having
declared himself strongly in favour of the Jesuits, orders had been
given for his arrest, if he attempted to embark from any port,
and he was consequently obliged to go on board ship long
before she sailed, the ambassador tells me at the beginning of
April.
There is no confirmation from Zeeland or elsewhere of the news
I mentioned in my other letter, of the going over of Scotsmen to
Tlolhmd. The only intelligence on the subject comes from the
English embassy here. — Paris, 23rd July 1586.
27 July. 459. The Queen of Scotland to Beenaedino de Mendoza.
""l^'iSH^'isr' ^°" '^^^^^ ^^^^® received in my last the acknowledgment of the
i'rench, letters from you which reached me through William (Paget), and
since then your letter of the 19th has been delivered to me. It
has been a matter of especial pleasure to me to see that my good
brother the Catholic King is beginning to counteract the plots and
attempts of the queen of England against him, not only on
account of the good results I liope may follow to himself, but also
especially for the maintenance of his reputation in Christendom, in
which I am so deeply concerned. You cannot imagine how the
news of these exploits of the earl of Leicester and Drake lifts up
the hearts of His Majesty's enemies all over Christendom, and how
much his long-suffering with this Queen had dimipished the trust
tlLIZABETH. h^i
1586.
•which Catholics here had always reposed in him. I will freely
confess to you that I myself was so discouraged at the idea of
entering into new attempts, seeing the failure that had attended
previous ones, that I have turned a deaf ear to several proposals
that have been made to me during the last six months by the
Catholics, as I had no ground for giving them a decided answer.
But now that I hear of the good intentions of the Catholic King
towards us here, I have sent to the principal leaders of the
Catholics a full statement of my opinion on all points of the
execution of the enterprise. To save time I have ordered them to
send to you, with all speed, one of their number sufficiently
instructed to treat with you, in accordance with the promises
given to you in general terms, and to lay before you all the
requests they wish to make of the Catholic King your master. I
wish, on their behalf, and in dependence upon tlieir faithful
promiss given to me, to assure you that they will sincerely and
truly, at the risk of their lives, carry out their undertakings, and
those entered into for them by their representative. I therefore
beg you to extend full credit to him as if I had sent him myself.
He will inform you of the means for getting me away from here,
which I will attempt to efifect on my own account if I am
previously assured of armed aid. Thank God ray health is at
present better than it has been for the last three months. I thank
you most affectionately for your good offices with the King in the
matter of the 12,000 crowns which he was good enough to grant
me for my deliverance, in which the money shall be employed, and
for no other purpose, and I am only sorry that the other 12,000
for Scotland produced so little result. I had received advices from
London that Serior Tassis had been authorised in this matter, but
except upon very urgent need I am unwilling to importune in things
of this sort, and I am therefore all the more grateful to you for your
care about it, and recognise that to you principally I owe the
granting of this sum to me. Please help me to express to the King
my deep sense of the obligation I am under to him for it, and the
good-will I feel to try and repay it, if I ever have the means ; and I
hope not to prove ungrateful to you personally. I have instructed
my ambassador to receive the gentleman to be sent by the nobles.
— Chartley, 27th July 1586.*
Aug. 460. Robert Bruce to Philip II.
^Stench '^' ^° *^® ^^^^ '^^ *^® nobles by whom he is sent (Huntley, Morton,
and Claude Hamilton) urges upon the King the ease and desirability
of bringing Scotland to the Catholic faith. He begs the King's aid
thereto, in the form of men and money. — Madrid. No date.
1 Aug. 461. Charles, Earl of Westmoreland, to Philip II.
K."A64.''i38!'' -^**er I left Flanders to go and salute your Majesty I arrived
here at the French court, and was obliged to remain here for some
♦ Frinted in LabanofE,
698
1686,
SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
months at the instance o£ certain persons whom I could not avoid
obeying. During this time I exliausted the scanty resources I had
for my journey, and although I have been trying hy every possible
means to get over the difficulty and proceed on my voyage, I have
been unsuccessful, and venture to supplicate your Majesty (since I
am of no use in Flanders for certain reasons, and from information
that I have from England) to allow the pension I receive from your
generosity, of 100 crowns a month in the Netherlands, to be paid
to me here or in Italy, or any place where your Majesty may
consider I may be most useful to you. There I will live and
die, — Paris, 1st August 158C.
Note. — The text of the above letter is in the handwriting of
Maldonado, the secretary of Mendoza, and is signed by the Earl
thus " Carlos de Westmerlande.'"
It is accompanied by another letter from the Earl to a similar
effect, addressed to the King's secretary Don Juan de Idiaquez.
2 Aug. 462. The Queen of Scotland to Bernardino de Mendoza.
K. 1564. 133.' J^®*^ ^^ I was dispatching the enclosed to you I received your
French. letter of 16th July. As this means of communication, thank God,
is now as safely established as formerly was the case, you may in
future, if you please, write to me on all occasions when necessary.
God restore the health of my good brother the king (of Spain), pre-
serve his children, and send him all sorts of happiness and prosperity,
which his devoted care for the general good of Christendom so well
deserves. He will have my prayers every day, if I can serve him
in no other way. I thank you for your kind diligence in com-
municating to him what I sent you in my letters of May last. As
for what concerns me personally, I am entirely assured that you
will act according to your promise, and also with regard to those
poor English gentlemen, whom I cannot help recommending to you
directly, especially the liberation of Morgan, and the granting to
him of some pension if you can manage to help him thus. I have
already answered about the money you obtained for me. As I
leave you and my ambassador to arrange for me to have the rest
that is to come sent to me, I need not therefore prolong this letter. —
Chartley, 2nd August 1586.
This letter and that of 27th July which accompanied it reachea
Mendoza in Paris on the 8th September 1886. It is printed in
Labanoff.
4 Aug. 463. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
Krise". i4o'' I^elates the storming of Nutz and the massacre of the garrison
(1,200 men) with the loss of only three Spaniards.*
There was a double plot with the English at Gravelines. They
(the English) offered 50,000 florins to the soldiers of the garrison
to surrender the place, and the latter, pretending that they were
* a statement of the terrible atrocities whicfc accompanied this engagement will be
found in the Leyceater Correspondence (Camden Society), page 368-70, but theye is w
mention of the affair tit Gravelines above referred to,
ELIZABETH. B99
1586.
without a leader, agreed to do so. On the 27ih ultimo the
English came to carry out the arrangement, and thirty of them
were allowed to enter the place, and were then asked to pay
the money agreed upon. They replied that the money was on
board the ships, and that when the place was surrendered the
money would he paid. When the soldiers of the garrison heard
this and saw they would not be able to get hold of the money, they
killed most of the 30 Englishmen who were in the town, and took
the rest of them prisoners. At the same time they tlirew a force out
of the town by another gate, and fell upon the English who had
landed, killing over 250 of them without counting tliose who
were drowned in attempting to get on their boats, — Paris, 4th
August 1586.
6 Aug. 464. Document headed : Advices from Sampson.
kI'isbI! ilT' There are fresh letters from England saying that the Queen was
leaving Greenwich to go for a progress through the country, the
object of which was understood to be to ask the people for money,
Don Antonio was in London, needy and in want of money. No
news had been received of Drake for some time, nor were any ships
known to have sailed in numbers to plunder, although individual
vessels may have gone.
No letters had been received from the earl of Leicester for three
weeks,*
7 Aug. 465. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
^k"i564!'i'44'' I" another letter I reply to your Majesty's other despatches, and
limit myself here to the;statement of the German captain which your
Majesty ordered to be had sent to me on the 18th July. The ships of
Richard Grenville, on board of which he says he was pressed at
Plymouth, are those which I mentioned to your Majesty as soon
as I came to France were being fitted out by Raleigh, the Queen's
favourite, to sail for the coast of Florida, which voyage was under
discussion for two years before the ships left England, as I informed
your Majesty. The ship that this captain says was captured from
Captain Domingo with so large a treasure in gold, silver, pearls,
cochineal, sugar, ivory, and hides, was one I advised your Majesty
of months ago as having arrived in England, and that Raleigh
himself had gone down to the port to take possession of her cargo,
and not to allow it to be distributed amongst the sailors. I also
reported to your Majesty that, as soon as the ships were arrested at
Bilbao the queen of England gave moi e than 70 letters of marque to
merchants, under cover of which they had sailed for the purpose
of plundering your Majesty's subjects. I have also written on
several occasions of the many captains who were imprisoned m
the English ports, they having been brought in on board of the
prizes taken by the pirates. Even if I were in England I should
be unable to ascertain when, where, or in what number these ships
* This must have been incorrect as there are many letters from Leicester to
WalsinghRW, etc., during that period in the " Leyceeter Correspondence.
e
600
1586.
SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
leave, as they sail from man}' ports, and pursue their voyage as
chance or fortune may lead them, sometimes joining others and
sailing in company, especially when they sail towards Newfound-
land or the Spanish Indies, which is a long and perilous voyage,
which they undertake in the hope that the ships they plunder will
provide them with victuals, or at least with goods to barter with
your Majesty's Indian subjects when they are short of stores. They
give in exchange for victuals the merchandise they steal, so that
the pirates are thus provided with food. With this assurance, for
many years past, the ships have left the coasts of France and
England to plunder on the route to the Indies, knowing full well
that the traffickers on shore even make fires at night, in the creeks
and elsewhere, as a signal for them to come and take victuals in
exchange for merchandise, which they give at a fair price.* I
learnt this when I was in England, and if it be not remedied by
means of the most rigorous punishment, no matter how strong
your Majesty's fleets may be, these pirates will never be extirpated.
Your Majesty's officers have not in this respect acted with the
energy demanded, and this can be gathered by the German
captain's statement, as in Porto Rico, Isle of Santo Domingo, he
says Richard Grenville was offered victuals for money. This is
not legal trade with any foreigner, as your Majesty has prohibited
all voyages to the Indies except by ships sailing from Seville,
^ince the capital town of the island offers victuals at a moderate
price, it may well be believed that private traders will sell them as
they do for the sake of making a large profit.
■The statement that General Grenville sailed with 28, and
Hawkins with 15, of the Queen's ships is evidently incorrect, as is
also that to the effect that they had with them 5,000 men and a
large number of nobles, because the Queen has not more than
24 ships of her own, and they, on the 20th ultimo, were in England
and not ready for sea, except those which I mentioned in my
former letters, and no such force of men could have been shipped
without our knowledge here, or my informants reporting the fact.
As he says that Drake took 4,000 men, when we know the number
did not exceed 1,500, soldiers and all, it is clear that he exaggerates
in both cases, besides which any one who knows England will
understand that so many men could not be sent out of the country,
seeing the demands made for men for the Netherlands. The Queen
is making every effort to raise men for there, and yet she cannot
send all the troops they want.
The ships of Sir Harry Cavendish which he mentions are those
which I reported months ago were fitting out with the object of
going to Brazil, guided by pilots provided by Don Antonio. Neither
these vessels, nor those of the earl of Cumberland, had left on the
20th ultimo, although they were ready to sail. This is confirmed
also by the reports furnished to me by Sampson.
I doubt the correctness of more ships having joined Drake than
* In the King's hand : " Notice ! I believe thia is true. It will b9 advisftble to have
it remediecl. Remipd me,"
^LIZARETtJ; feOX
1686.
those he appeared to have when he was at Bayona, because all the
private pirates will have flocked to him there attracted by the
fame of his plunder, and knowing that his intention was to go on
a thieving expedition. With regard to this I can only refer to
what I have written in other letters on the matter, and again
assure your Majesty that I strive my very utmost to elucidate what
is passing in England in the matter of warlike preparations and
designs. All the Hawkinses are born pirates, and when I was in
England they fitted out ships to plunder even in sight of land.
The strongest pirate always takes the lead, so I do not wonder at
the captain's belief that there are other commanders in the Indies
besides Drake. A French ship has arrived at Havre de Grace, into
which an English vessel had transhipped some Spanish seamen,
and one Alvarez, whom the English captured on a ship off Cape
St. Vincent on his way from Havana with despatches for your
Majesty from the Viceroy of Mexico. This Alvarez came to me
and made the statement which I now enclose, saying that he had
gone to the island of Havana with a captain named " something "
de Acuiia, who had served your Majesty in the war of Portugal.
Letters from England, dated 20th ultimo, report that a vigilant watch
is being kept on all the coast, both on account of the suspicions of
your Majesty's fleet, and also to prevent the Catholics from leaving
the country, and the English in the Netherlands from returning
thereto, which many attempt, although those they catch are
hanged. — Paris, 7th August 1586.
Note. — The long statement in Latin respecting Drake's voyage,
referred to in the above letter, is in the Paris Archives (K. 1564.
135), but it is not reproduced here, as its contents are sufficiently
indicated in Mendoza's comments.
7 Aug. 466. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
^"k-^sm.^**' I ^^^^ y°^^ Majesty herewith a book which has come out. It
contains many things well worth reading, but whilst it praises the
zeal of your Majesty in the preservation and advancement of the
iioly Catholic faith, it states that the prince Don Carlos was tainted
with heresy. The author of the book reminds me of the physicians'
description of the action of nature, which out of its very soundness
sends to a wound all the humour it finds, oblivious as to whether
its presence will do good or otherwise. Although the author had
such abundant good material at hand for proving your Majesty's
ardent zeal, he has thought necessary to make use of the monstrous
lie and fiction, which the heretics have invented.* — Paris, 7th
August 1586.
8 Aug. 467. Advices from England.
K^lssl"^" u's'' ^^^^ regard to our news here, I have to say that Drake has
arrived, although, as I hear, with but little treasure, his ships being
loaded with merchandise, artillery, and plunder from the churches.
• In the King's hand ; "J do not know whether the book came. It will be well to
" learu where it was printed, so as, if possible, to amend its contentB." The receipt of
the book is acknowledged in the King's letter to MeodoZB of 6th September, ut^
ingtractioDB given m to- how. it is to be 4«4tt witbi
602 SPANISH STATE PAPEBS.
1686. ~~
The best jewel he briugs is a crucifix with figures of our Lady and
St. John, covered with precious stones. He has received from the
merchants of London, against bills of exchange, the sum of 60,000
sun-crowns to pay his soldiers, and has given t(j each gentleman
who accompanied him 100?. sterling. The booty is divided between
the Queen, who has one part, and Drake and the merchants the
other, although the Queen's share was the largest.
They have decided that Drake, or someone else, shall immediately
undertake another voyage, and everything will be very soon ready.
A large number of horse, also, are being raised, but I do not know
with wbat object, unless it is to enable the Queen to get money
from her subjects.
The Treasurer governs the Queen in all things, and Leicester's
party is daily declining. Leicester greatly wishes to return, but the
Queen will not allow him to do so. He has taken possession of a
woman (wife ?) of Orange's, and treats her as his own. The eavl
of Shrewsbury has been reconciled with his wife at the Queen's
intercession.*
Walsingham frequently shows some particular favour towards
the Catholics, whilst the Treasurer, on the contrary, persecutes
them more obstinately than formerly.
The earl of Rutland has returned from Berwick, having concluded
the alliance with the king of Scotland, who is to receive from the
Queen an annual pension of 6,000?.
The King's life-guard will be maintained by the queen of England
out of a portion of this allowance, so that everyone will be devoted
to her, and the King, so to speak, her prisoner.
It is impossible to imagine the alarm that has come over the
whole nation at the idea of an invasion of the country, either from
France or Spain. In short, all classes are dissatisfied. The ports
are at present open for exit, although four days ago they were
closed, and all departure from them prohibited. A French page
who had embarked for France, said during the passage that he
hoped before two months were over to see the king of France in
England, and in consequence of these words he was brought back
ftgain. They found upon him a sum of 200?. in gold. I do not
know what they did with him. This is all I can report for the
present.
London, 8th August 1586. Unsigned.
10 Aug. 468. Sampson's Advices from England.
K^lsM^m'' They write that Drake, had arrived in England, and Don
Antonio's people are hinting in ambiguous words to their friends
here that they may keep their spirits up, as they hope shortly to
be able to send them some good news. Sampson infers from this
that Drake's return may lead Don Antonio to attempt some
disturbance by sea, such as making a descent on the coast of
Portugal, as he is told by a canon of Coimbra, who went to England
from Nantes when Juan Iniguez was there on his way to your
Majesty, that there are not 2,000 Spaniards in all Portugal, and
* ^«e Stttfield Fspers, pait 8| Hilt. 2iSS, Com.
EE^IZABETII. 603
1686.
that the Portuguese are very discontented. Although tfiese are
lies, yet they encourage Don Antonio's folks,
13 Aug, 469. Bernardino dk Mendoza to the King.
K.'i564. i5o!' Some months since I wrote to your Majesty that some English
Catliolics had sent a priest to me to learn whether your Majesty
would help them if they rose. As he did not descend to further
particulars than this, I replied vaguely, instancing the promptitude
with which your Majesty had always oifered aid whenever an
opportunity had occurred of forwarding so righteous a cause as the
augmentation of the Catholic church. This, I said, was the motive
of your actions, and I was sure that you would again proceed in the
same spirit, if they on their part provided you with a worthy
opportunity. In order to be able again to submit their intentions
to your Majesty, however, I said it would be well for them to come
to details with me, and clear up certain points which I considered
necessary to convince me that the matter was serious. I told the
priest what these points were, so that he might communicate them
to his principals and obtain the information desired. The Catholics
have now sent to me a gentleman of good family called Master
GifFord with proper credentials ; and the substance of his commission
is what I have now to lay before your Majesty. My answer sent
by the priest so greatly encouraged those who had started the plot,
that they decided to sound the principal Catholics and also the
Schismatics* on the pretext that it was not possible for your
Majesty to avoid revenging yourself upon the queen of England,
for having so shamelessly taken the Netherlands under her protection,
and having sent such a multitude of ships to sea not only to rob
your subjects, but also to sack and pillage your dominions in Spain
and the Indies. These things, they said, could not possibly be
overlooked, and if your Majesty did not send a fleet this year
to England, you must do so next year, or the year after. For
this reason they agreed that it would be well that a unanimous
understanding should be arrived at by them, so that they might be
ready to receive your Majesty's forces ; the coming of which would
be a beneiit and not an injury to them. They all adopted the idea
most readily, and swore not only to raise their forces respectively,
but, if necessary, to call them out whenever was thought convenient,
20 days before the arrival of your Majesty's fleet, and to co-operate
therewith as they might be instructed to do. In order the further to
prove to me their good faith, they sent me the names of the persons
who had agreed to this, and a statement of the way in which they
intended to proceed. This was to the effect that the earl of
ATundel,-\ who is now a prisoner in the Tower of London, and
* In the King's hand: "I cannot understand how they can trust these, or what
" security they can have for them. I do not know what difference there is between them
" and the heretics, I believe it will prove the same as in Germany with the Lutherans
" and the Gotha (?) heretics who are much the worst."
f In the King's hand : " Doubtless they are sorry for having spared his life the
" other day. I do not recolleet why they keep him in the Tower. It is, however, highly
" important that he should be madfi much of," This, like all the King's marginal note?
is almost ilkgible,
604 SPANISH STATE PAPEIIS.
1686. ~~
with whom they are in communication, and Lave kept fully informed,
undertakes, with the assistance of a few men, to make himself
master of the Tower, whilst Lord Hany Howard, his uncle, would
raise troops and would be joined by Lord Thomas Howard, the
Earl's brother. Lord Thomas is not a Catholic, but desires by any
means to avenge his father's death.* Lord William, another
brother of the Earl, a strong Catholic and very popular, would also
join ; the earl of Northumberland,! son of the Earl that died in the
Tower ; Lord Strange,t son of the earl of Derby, a young man with
a great following ; Lord Windsor, who has arms suflBoient for 1,000
men, and who as he lives near where the queen of Scotland is
confined intends to release her ; Lord Morley and Lord Stourton
of the province of Lancashire, who have all the nobility of the
county on their side, as well as the commonalty ; Lord Dacre§ who
is a Catholic and wants to be made president of the Northern
Province, and revenge himself upon the President, the earl of
Huntingdon ; Sir John Constable, a man of influence and large
credit in the north, where all the people are Catholics ; Sir William
Courtney, a Catholic, who expects to be able in the turmoil to recover
the earldom of Devonshire, which is his by right. He is a person
of great weight and credit in the west, and promises to ensure the
possession of the port of Plymouth ; Sir John Arundd and Ma
SOTO. II The father is a prisoner in the Tower of London since the
duke of Norfolk's rising, and has all Cornwall^ at his bidding, as
his family is much beloved. Lord Compton who is in mid-England ;
Sir William Stanley, a soldier of great experience, who has come
from Ireland by the Queen's orders with 1,000 troops, mostly
Catholics, to pass over to Elanders. They are now quartered in the
neighbourhood of London. The Queen herself administered the
oath to this colonel three times in one week, that he would be loyal
to her ; but as he is a Catholic he has found excuses for not going
over quickly with his men to Flanders, in the expectation that
your Majesty's fleet will arrive, and he will continue this
courie until news of the fleet comes. When he is obliged to
go to Zeeland he promises to pass over on the first opportunity
to the prince of Parraa. Lord Montague** and all his house, which
is the principal family in Sussex and has a great following. In ad-
dition to these there are Lord Vaux, Sir Thomas Tresham, Sir Thomas
♦ In the King's hand : " They are all sons of the duke of Norfolk, whom the Queen
" martyred." This was of course incorrect, Lord Henry Howard was his brother.
f " These are very strong Catholics." In the King's hand.
t In the King's hand, : " The parents of. this Lord Strange were not of much
account, although of high rank."
§ " He is a strong Catholic and has much influence there.'' In the King's hand.
II In the King's hand: " I do not know whether it was one of these who was here the
other day, but if not they were relatives."
1[ In the King's hand : " Cornwall is the part of the country nearest here."
•* In the King's hand : " He was my master of the horse there and was subsequently
" at Toledo. They are good Catholics, but this one is not very determined. One of
" them is in Madrid, but 1 do not think his name is Montague." Sir Antony Browne,
Viscount Montague, is referred to, and bis son who was in Madrid n»tr rally bore ths
family name of firowne,
ELIZABETH. 606
1586.
Fitzherbert, Sir John Southward, Sir William Catesby.* Lord
Vaux and those whose names follow his have not been informed of
the business, as they are declared Catholics, and are consequently
held prisoners by the Queen, and under very heavy money penalties ;
but it is confidently assumed that as others far less interested are
joining the design they certainlj'- will do so. Lord Gifford, a person
of advanced age, is the father of the gentleman they have sent me,
and hejfvith the gentlemen whose names follow have agreed in the
country where the queen of Scotland is confined. Sir Walter Aston,
his brother-in-law, WolseleyBeedle, Ashley Fowler, Dracot, Carswick,
Maxfield, and others of the county of Derbyshire; Babington,
Langford Shirley, Fitzherbert, and others of the county of Worcester-
shire ; Abington, the Throgmortons and Middlemotes, in Shropshire ;
Talbot Brooke, Corbet. The captains James Bele and others in
Ireland^ are also agreed to rise the moment they hear that the
movement has begun in England. They have command of the
Queen's troops in Ireland. Communications are also established
with Claude Hamilton and the other Scots Catholic lords who
agree to join the insurgents of the north the moment they rise.
Considering the willingness with which those above-named and
many others have offered to take up arms immediately they are
assured of the period when your JVIajesty's fleet will arrive to help
them ; in case of the Queen's death they would probably do so even
more readily, seeing the many evils which maj'- result from the
Queen's intimacy with the French. This, and the desire that your
Majesty might promptly send them aid in their oppression, in order
to take advantage of the present favourable opportunity, now that
all France is in turmoil, and so many English heretic soldiers and
sailors are in Holland and absent with the pirates ; with discontent
ripe, not only amongst Catholic schismatics, but also amongst
heretics themselves, owing to the oppressive new taxes for the war
and the stoppage of trade, and with the whole country anxious for
a change of government, led Babington, who is a strong Catholic, a
youth of great spirit and good family, to try to find some secret
means of killing the Queen. Six gentlemen, servants of the Queen,
who have access to her house, have promised to do this, as I reported
to Don Juan de Idiaquez on the 11th of May for your Majesty's
information. This gentleman (Gifford) tells me that no person
knows of this but Babington, and two of the principal leaders,! and
* ]n the King's hand: "I think some of these names must be incorrectly -written
" and consequently I do not recognise them all." As the King supposes, the names are
very much disfigured, doubtless by the decipherer, and in places can only bo guessed at.
Here, as elsewhere in the correspondence, an attempt has been made to substitute the
real names, where they are ascertainable, for the distorted variants given in the original
papers.
■)■ In the King's hand : " That is the name of the eldest children of the Shrewsbury's
" who had the care of the queen of Scotland They are Catholics and were trusted by
" her, for which reason she'was placed under the care of others who were not Catholics."
The name of the countess of Shrewsbury's first husband was Bailey or Barley The
name of the captain in question is given by Mendoza as Bele, which, phonetically, woald
represent Baily. An English captain in Ireland at the time is mentioned in the Hatfield
Papers as B.artley.
t In the King's baud : " If the six gentlemen and himself know it, others know it."
606 Si'Ai^lSH STATE PAPERS.
158C.
it would already have been effected if they liad not had their suspicion
aroused by seeing the earl of Leicester armed and with a force in
Zeeland, which they feared he might bring over to England quickly
enough to attack them before they could gather their own forces or
obtain help from your Majesty. This has caused them to delay laying
hands upon the Queen, until they had reported matters to me, and
received assurance that they would be succoured with troops from
the Netherlands the moment they might desire it. As, moreover,
they are most of them young men, and none of them soldiers, they
desired that the earl of Westmoreland should be ready to embark
■\\ ith some other experienced captains, of any nationality, to help
them immediately it might be necessary. The Earl, they say, is so
influential a personage that his mere presence will suffice to raise
all the north-country as he has the greatest following of any man
in England. They will not ask for troops to be sent, unless they
are urgently needed, and if I will give them my word that they
shall at once have help from the Netherlands in case they want it,
and that your Majesty will succour them from Spain, if required,
they say that they will immediately put into execution their plan
to kill the Queen. They beg me not to doubt this, as those who
are to carry it out are resolved to do it, and not to await for a
favourable opportunity, but to kill her, even on her throne and
under her canopy of State, if I tell them that the time has arrived
to put an end to her. As a security for this, they would send
hither for me to send as hostages, to any place I pleased, a brother
of Lord Windsor, and two other gentlemen, who should be held as
])risoners until the business w<as effected. They would also, if I
pleased, give me hostages for their rising against the Queen 15 or
20 days before any time which was signified to them as the date
that your Majesty's fleet might be looked for. They said they wished
to negotiate this matter with me only, in consequence of the
confidence tliey reposed in my secrecy and safety, and because I
had helped them in their troubles in times past, on your Majesty's
behalf, at my own great personal risk. They would on no account
discover the matter to the French, nor would they appeal to any
other Prince but your Majesty, and they concluded by saying that,
as they were all so deeply pledged in the business, it was necessary
that it should be carried through very })romptly, as all of them
would be lost if it were discovered ; and they prayed me most
earnestly for God's sake to send them an instant answer.
I received the gentleman in a way which the importance of his
proposal deserved, as it was so Christian, just, and advantageous to
the holy Catholic faith, and your Alajesty's service, and I wrote
them two letters by different routes, one in Italian and the other
in Latin, encouraging them in the enterprise,* which I said was
worthy of spirits so Catholic, and of the ancient valour of English-
men, If they succeeded in killing the Queen, they should have the
* 111 the Kings's hand: " They must havn been very plain, and it would extremely
Ironhlcsomc if they were taken." The King's misgivings with regard to the secrecy of
Ihe correijponileuce were fully justified as copies of all the letters concerning this
conspiracy were very soon in the possession of Walsingham.
teLli'ABETH. 60f
1586.
assistance they required from the Netherlands, and assurance that
your Majesty would auccour them. This I promised them, in
accordance with their request, upon my faith and word. I urged
them with arguments to hasten the execution, and said that I had
already given your Majesty information as to their resolution, and
ended by thanking them for the kind opinion and esteem in which
they held me, which was deserved, so far as regarded my goodwill
towards their prompt liberation from tyranny and oppression. In
addition to the letter, I made some other remarks which I thought
they should bear in mind. First, that on the day they intended
to kill the Queen, they should have a person ready at the moment
to arrest Don Antonio and the Portuguese who are with him, and
lodge them in the Tower of London, or some other secure place, by
which they would greatly oblige your Majesty in a way you would
never forget. They should try to delay Colonel Stanley and the
1,000 Irishmen near London, so that when the thing was done he
could seize the Queen's ships* if they were not certain that the
commander Lord Howard would embrace the cause of the queen
of Scotland.^ They should either hill or seize Cecil, Walsingham,
Lord Hunsdon, Knollys and Beal, of the Council,t who have
great influence with the heretics, as they are terrible heretics
themselves, and I gave them other advice of the same sort. I can
give your Majesty no further assurance with regard to this business
than what I have already written, namely, that which these
Englishmen promise, but of all the plots they have hatched these
many years past none have been apparently so serious as this.
They have never before proposed to make away with the Queen,
which now is the first step they intend to take. As her punishment
is so richly deserved it may be believed that God has heard the
groans of the Catholics, and desires to bring it upon her swiftly,
jierchance by this means. Let Him dispose as He will, but if for
our sins He should decree that it shall not succeed, there will be
much Cathohc blood spilt in England. § Up to the present your
Majesty had in no way been pledged in the business, except the
i-isk of the 100,000 crowns, whicii have been given to the priests
who have been going thither, and if secrecy be kept|| there will be
no risk in looking on and watching what comes of it. If the Queen
falls, the country will submit without the effusion of blood, and
the war in the Netherlands will be at an end, which will result in
infinite advantage to your Majesty's interests and those of your
dominions. If your Majesty sees no objection, you might have the
prince of Parma written to immediately, in accordance with what
I have said about his sending troops to England. AnotJier dispatch
* In the King's hand : " This is the moBt important thing of all.
t In the King's hand: " He was very ardently in her favour when I was there."
J In the King's hand: "It does not matter so much about Cecil, although he is a
" great heretic, but he is very old, and it was he who advised the understandings with
" the prince of Parma, and he has done no harm. It would be advisable to do as he
"' says with the others."
§ In the King's hand: " Yes, that is what is to be feared."
I! In the King's hand: " If any of the letters were taken it would not he easy to keep
the secret."
608 Spanish state papers.
1536.
might be written to M. de la Motte, goveinor of Gravelines, in my
credence, so that arrangements may be made to facilitate the passage.
These despatches I will retain in my own hands until I see
whether the business is going forward* in which case I will send
them on, asking for the troops the Englishmen may require. It
will not be advisable, up to that point, that another person should
be informed of the affair, besides which it will be unnecessary as
his help {i.e. the prince of Parma's) will not be wanted to kill the
Queen, and if the English do not do this — and lay tlie first stone of
the edifice — the troops will not need to be sent.
The earl of Westmoreland left Flanders with leave of the prince
of Parma, in order to go and salute your Majesty ; and the duke of
Guise who was passing through Paris, at the time when he was
being approached about the English enterprise, detained him in
Paris. The poor gentleman in the meanwhile spent all the money
he had for his journey, and is suffering great privations, indeed he
would starve if he did not dine nearly every day in the house of the
Scots ambassador or mine. I promised to send him (to England) but
will not say a word to him until it be needful. He has written about
his straits to your Majesty, and I have also mentioned the matter
in my general letter. Although the English say he is a person of
such great influence he is of no ahility, but still as your Majesty
maintains other Englishmen it will not be unadvisable for you to
continue the pension you have allowed him for so many years.
J have had the English gentleman wlio came delayed heret as the
Frencli ambassador facilitated his passage across, in the belief that he
came to bring money for the Catholics, and if he returned quickly
it might give rise to suspicion that he is in some plot. I send here-
with a statement of the English counties and their condition. I
have drawn this up afresh, both from my own information, and
irom tiie intelligence given to me by a priest whom I sent round
the country. No names are mentioned, as it would be dangerous
to have them pass through many hands.
I have had this despatch waiting four days for a passport. This
is the way they always hamper me. — Paris, 13th August 15S6.
No date. 470. Enclosure in the aforegoing letter.
Paris Archives,
K. 15G4. 14. Document headed : " Statement of the Provinces of England
and their present condition."
The province called Northumberland is a grazing country, full of
cattle and sheep, but with little wheat. There are in it four gentle-
men who could raise 3,000 men. The people are all Catholic or
schismatics, and adherents of the queen of Scotland. There are six
landing quays in this county.
In the province of Cumberland there are three gentlemen who
are able to raise 2,000 men. Nearly all the people here are
Catholics, and all are partizans of the queen of Scotland. There
" In the King's hand: "They would not b,' of much use then, if they were not advised
bcforelwnd."
■f I a the King's hand: "That was well done.''
ELIZABEta. 609
1586.
is only one port iu this county. The land is much more productive
than the aforementioned.
Westmoreland ia rather mountainous, and not so well supplied
with victuals, but still there is sufficient. Tins county is Catholic
and devoted to the queen of Scotland. The earl of Westmoreland,
who is here {i.e., in Paris), will be able to raise the people. The
bishopric, as they call it, of Durham is extremely fertile in all
things. There are six gentlemen able to raise 2,000 men. All the
people are strongly Catholic, and attached to the queen of Scotland.
The province of Eboracum (York) is extensive and well
furnished with victuals. All the gentlemen are Catholics and
schismatics, much devoted to the queen of Scotland, except the
Lieutenant and six others, who are greatly hated. The principal
gentlemen are eight in number, and can raise nearly the whole
population of the county, whose number is infinite. I have
not been able to ascertain the ports in this county for fear of
discovery.
The county of Lincolnshire is full of all sorts of victuals, and is
well supplied with horses. I only know of five gentlemen able
to raise 2,000 men, but there are many well affected to the Catholic
religion and of good repute. I have been unable to ascertain the
ports for fear of discovery. The province of Norfolk is a very
open country, full of sheep and wheat, and abundant in all sorts
of food. The majority of the people are attached to the Catholic
religion, and there are 12 gentlemen who can rnise 3,000 men.
There are four ports, two of which are capable of receivin^f ships
of large tonnage. The counties of Cambridge and Huntingdon are
full of heretics, but are small. The county of Sufi"olk is also full
of heretics, but, notwithstanding this, there are still gentlemen
tliere who can raise 2,000 men. The county is very rich, but
unfit for a fleet. There are four ports, two of which can harbour
great ships. The counties of Essex and Kent I have been unable
to investigate for fear of discovery. There are some Catholics and
schismatics, but the whole population of these counties is infested
with heresy. There are some ports, but they are very small and
unimportant. In the province of Sussex there are six Catholics of
f;ood repute, but I have been unable to discover tlicir strength for
• fear of discovery. The land is rich and the ports good, but the
county is unfit for (the landing of men) from a fleet in conse-
quence of the abundance of forests. The province of Hampshire
adjoins and is full of Catholics. There are four gentlemen strongl^^
Catholic and very powerful. The ports are good and victuals very
abundant.
The province of Dorchester is very rich, and appropriate for
the accommodation of a fleet. The common people are well
disposed for the greater part, and there are two gentlemen assured
who can raise 400 men. There are four good ports in the county.
Tlio province of Devonshire is very rich, but rather mountainous
and interspersed with woods. There are six schismatics who will
be able to raise 2,000 men, and all the people in the county would
be willing to follow them. There are many ports on the coast, o£
y 84541 S %
6l6 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1586.
which two are very good. The province of Cornwall is narrow
and long and very mountainous, and two vessels will be able to
blockade it entirely. It has four ports and is ver}- rich. There
are three Catholic gentlemen who are able to raii-e 1,000 men,
nnd the people are very well disposed. There are many heretic
gentlemen, but they are greatly hated. The province of Somerset-
shire is also wealthy. The people are heretical, but, notwith-
standing this, there are five Catholics who can raise 1,000 men.
The province of Wiltshire is also rich, aud here, too, there are five
Catholics who can raise 800 men. The people are favourably
inclined to the Catholic religion. In the province of Berkshire
there are five Catholics of good repute who are able to raise
2,500 men. The whole population is well disposed, and the
county a rich one. In the province of Buckingham there are four
Catholics of good repute, but I have been unable to ascertain
their strength for fear of discovery. In the province of Hertford
there are Catholic gentlemen who will be able to raise 1,500 men,
and the whole of the people are well disposed towards the Catholic
religion and the queen of Scotland. In South Wales and North
Wales the gentry and common people are much attached to the
Catholic religion and the queen of Scotland. The land is rather
mountainous, but still very rich in cattle and sheep ; there is plenty of
wheat, and the ports are numerous and good. The county of Stafford
is that in which is situated the prison of the queen of Scotland.
The gently and common people are strong Catholics, and all are
devoted to the queen of Scotland. Sir Amyas Paulet, who has the
custody of the Queen, is a stranger, and has not the means of
raising a single man. He has 40 men of his own with him, drawn
from tlie archers of the guard. The province of Derby is very
good for victuals, and the people are well disposed. There are
four gentlemen who are able to raise 1,000 men. The county of
Nottingham is very fertile, and the people well disposed in religion.
I only know of four gentlemen who can raise 1,000 men. The
province of Lancaster possesses good ports, and all the gentry and
common ])eople are much attached to the Catholic religion and the
queen of Scotland.
1.3 Aug. 471. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
^K 'liM^'isL ' '^^^ ^^'1'^ ^^^^^ ^ ^'^'^^ mentioned as being fitted out by Sir
Harry Cavendish and the earl of Cumberland I am informed sailed
from England on the 22nd ultimo. There were seven of them, the
tonnage of which I have previously advised. One of them is of
500 tons burden and they are very well equipped with ordnance,
stores, and provisions. Their crews fall short of 1,000 men as there
is a great lack of seamen in England. I am informed by a person
who saw them in Plymouth that the design is to try to get to the
Indies bj^ the coast of Brazil and the Straits of Magellan. They
are accompanied by seven pii-ate ships from Flushing, of whose
tonnage and armament I am unable to send any account to your
Majesty, as my correspondent says they joined the expedition out
out at sea,
teLIZABEtH. 611
1586.
The Queen has ordered all her ships to sail at once fully
provisioned for the mouth of September, but I am informed that
they cannot be ready until the 20th instant at the earliest. She has
also ordered 20 merchant ships to be got ready and that all pirates
and corsairs now at sea should return to her ports. This is an
indication of her desire to have at hand a large force of ships, in
anticipation of an invasion from your Majesty's fleet, although I
am informed that secretly the councillors are saying that they are
in no fear of it, as they have intelligence from Spain that the
preparations were going on very lukewarmly. News had arrived
in England that Richard Grenville with seven ships had been
captured by five of those of your Majesty.* They relate the affairs
as follows : Your Maje.sty's force.'^, seeing that the English were
their superiors in numbers, sent all their men below and pretended
to take to flight. The English then gave chase and were encountered
separately and captured. There is no certainty of this news except
that it is sent from England.
There are many letters from London dated 3rd instant, giving
particulars of Drake's arrival in Plymouth with 32 ships and a
great treasure, and this is the news that is being spread all over
the country. The merchants are bringing in an enormous number
of hides, and they are already encouraged by Drake's return to talk
about fresh expeditions. They say the Queen will make him a lord.
There is a man here from Havre de Grace who says he saw Drake's
sliips in Plymouth when he left there.
The alliance with Scotland had been concluded, but " saving
ancient treaties."
A French Catholic who recently came post from Scotland hither
through England, asserts tliat he sees little hope of the king of
Scotland's conversion to the Catholic faith.
Whilst writing the above I hfar that letters from London, dated
7th instant, say nothing about Drake's arrival, which they would
certainly do if it were true. This makes me think that they may
have invented this news, a common trick of their.s, to divert people's
minds from the taking of Nutz and other reverses. — Paris, 13th
August 1586.
2.5 Aug. 472. Sampson's Advices.
R'. isK/7"'^^<f ' Leiton and Escobar went to the German ambassador's house to
hand him a letter from Don Antonio by way of congratulation.
They found two arcliers of the King's guard at the door, who would
not .ndmit them until they told them who they were, and then called
one of the King's stewards who has the care of the lodging and enter-
tainment of the Ambassadors. He came down to the courtyard and
asked them what communication Don Antonio had sent them, and
how it was that the Ambassador's arrival was already known in
England. A secretary of the ambassador's then came up and made
a .«ign for them to be silent and go away, and as they took their
leave he had an opportunity of saying to them that they (the German
* In the King's hand ; " I do not know what ships these could be. I do not believe
1564. 159.
6l^ SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1686.
embassy in France) were treated like prisoners, and had no liberty
to speak with those who came to see them, as the King's steward
was there keeping a strict watch upon tliem, and taking note of
all their actions. This, he said, was because the king (of France)
did not trust them, and he (the Ambassador's secretary) requested
them (the Portuguese) therefore to give their message and letter to
the steward, which they did.
When they returned for the answer the steward was not there,
and tbey did not see the Ambassadors, but only the said secretary,
who spoke fairly to them and thanked them, but in reply could
only say they (the Ambassadors) were sorry for Don Antonio's ill
fortune. A French ship had come from Newfoundland and reports
that they had fallen in with the Spanish fleet off the Azores lying
in wait for Drake, of whom they asked news, letting the French
ship pass freely. Don Antonio writes to Leiton and Escobar on the
7th that Drake had arrived off the coast of Scotland,* but gave no
particulars. He says that as the Queen had deferred his business
until Drake's return, he now confidently expects to be in Portugal
by Christmas, because with Drake's ships, and many other ships
and men who would join him, he would have a fleet large enough
to enable him to land in Portugal easily. With regard to certain
news sent to him from here about the queen of England's negotia-
tions for a settlement with the prince of Parma, Don Antonio writes
very confidently that he is sure the Queen will never make such
an arrangement, because in conversation with him on the subject
she said she would rather lose her crown than do so.
The English ambassador here has letters from England
announcing Drake's arrival, but saying nothing about the booty he
brings. — Paris, 25th August 1586.
27 Aug. 473. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
K low ' foi"'' I ^'■0*® ^" ^y I'^s* "^^^^ I ^^^^ ^^^^'^ 0* Drake's arrival, and that
letters from London, dated the 7th, said that he had been forced to
land on the Scotch coast to avoid your Majesty's fleets, whilst the
other advices were equally certain that he had arrived at Plymouth.
Accounts differ with regard to the number of his ships, but they
generally agree that he brought 17 small vessels and two pinnaces,
having abandoned or lost his largest ships.
I understand that the English ambassador here has letters
announcing Drake's arrival at London, and that he (Drake) plumes
himself greatly on the fact that, notwithstanding that news was
went to Santo Domingo by your Majesty, warning people there of
liis coming 18 days before he arrived, and they had plenty of time
to prepare for their defence, he still sacked the place, and he says
people may judge from that what he will be able to do elsewhere
with more ships and men.
For some time the English ports had been closed, which has
prevented me from getting fresher news than those I now send.
Accounts all agree that Drake does not bring any great sum of
* In the King's hand : " This is probably guess-work. I do not believe he wouW
appear on the Scotch coast."
ELIZABETH. 613
1586.
money, and some people say that tbe Queen has given orders for
money to be supplied to him secretly from the Exchange, in order
to encourage the people. This information seems to be confirmed
by what Italian merchants write from London on the 4th (which
by the new style is the 14th), saying that, although Drake had
really arrived there no luouey was forthcoming. — Paris, 27th August
158(i.
29 Aug. 474. Count de Olivares to the King.
In accordance with your Majesty's letter of 22nd July, I spoke
to the Pope on English affairs, trying to show him that your
Majesty was not forced to undertake the enterprise, unless you
were well supported, although it is preaching m the desert to
enforce such a doctrine in a country whej-e revenge is so deeply
implanted in the heart, that it is not forgotten for ceiil;uries. Tliey
talk so much here of the great and growing excesses of the queen
of England towards your Majesty's dominions, that people here
cannot believe that you do not thirst for revenge as they would.
The Pope is as much touched with this humour as others are.
Your Majesty will have learnt what passed with him on the first
day, and I sent to Carrafa the summary enclosed. Since then I
have not approached the Pope, as according to his temper this is
the best way to deal with him in matters that will bear delay. The
last clause was written in order to fortify and confirm his Holiness's
promise about the succession to the queen of Scotland, although it
is fenced around with the limitations and circumlocution, which
your Alajesty will perceive in the notes. To gild this clause, I
inserted the acceptance of the Pope's views, to which I thought
your Majesty would raise no difficulty.
I told Cardinal Sanzio that your Majesty had ordered me to
listen to Martel, or to whom else might be deputed to speak to me
on account of the allied princes of France, and to help them in
their pretensions. He sent to me the man who represents the duke
of Guise here, who opened the matter with me, and promised to let
me have a copy of the instructions which were given to Martel for
the mission to your Majesty, with other documents relating to the
business. The affair will be promptly disposed of by the gracious
compliance of your Majesty in the request made to you, whicli I
gather to be your Majesty's intention.
This servant of the duke of Guise repeated to me what had
passed with the Pope, and his cool reception of this new proposal
from Scotland for clerical aid, contrary to what I had previously
heard, namely, that the Scotch Catholics desired help either in the
form of money, or the certainty that the queen of England would be
diverted. Your Majesty will know best, as the person* who came
from Scotland is with you,— Rome, 29th August 1586.
* Robert Bruce of Bemie, who had been sent by some of the Scots Catholic nobles
to Spain to beg for armed help from Philip II. The French party at the Vatican,
supported by some of the more moderate English and Scotch Catholics, were urging the
adoption of moral suasion only for the conversion of Scotland, and were opposed to the
enjployment of armed forces under the control of the kin^ of Spain.
"^^ SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1586.
5 Sept. 475^ The King to Bernardino de Mendoza.
Pans Archives, mi /-i ■ , ,
K, 1448, 67, ihe German captain s relation was always looked upon here aa
being too long-winded and minute, and your information on the
same now proves more clearly than before that much was wanting
in it. You will be most careful to send constant and full news of
English movements and armaments, especially now that Drake
has approached here. It is true, as you say, that when they began
to report from England (his arrival) it was impossible for him to
have arrived ; but according to the news brought by a German
hulk which has entered Lisbon, he would not be long after, as they
say they sighted him on the 6th ultimo in the Ens;lish channel.
Your vigilance must therefore be doubled, and you must learn all
they do and think there, reporting it to me very frequently.
The little book in French you send about the disqualification of
heretics to succeed to the crown has been considered. You are
right at being indignant at the false testimony it bears against one
who was so good a Catholic* It is not well to let so great a lie
be current, and as the author is a Catholic, and probably known to
Muzio, you will through him cause all the copies that have been
printed to be re-called, and the objectionable part eliminated, after
which the book may be re-printed and issued. — San Lorenzo, 5th
September 1586.
5 Sept. 476. The King to Bernardino de Mendoza.
K. 1448. 68.' By your letter of 13th ultimo I am informed of the mission
upon which Master Gifford was sent to you, and the reply you
gave thereto. As the affair is so much in God's service it certainly
deserves to be supported, and we must hope that our Lord will
prosper it, unless our sins are an impediment thereto. It would
appear to be based on a solid foundation, and to have the coun-
tenance of many Catholics, but as it is difEcult to keep a secret
entrusted to so many people, it is a cause for anxiety that it should
be so widespread, and that even the schismatics have been let into
the secret. I cannot understand how Catholics can trust them, or
what security they can have for them. Let me know specifically
the points upon which they differ from the English heretics. But
still, considering the great importance of the matter, if God bless
it with success, and that perhaps the time at length has arrived
when He will strike for His cause, you did well in welcoming and
encouraging the gentleman who came, and those who sent him, to
persevere in their enterprise. It was wise also for him not to
return quickly to England, and so arouse suspicion. . The warnings
you sent thither as to certain other executions which you thought
should follow the principal one, were well advised ; only that if
your letters should perchance be seized, it might cause the secret to
be endangered and imperil the whole business. It is to be hoped
that you did not sign them, and sent them by safe hands, so that
God will protect them for the end in view ; but, nevertheless, for
* Don Carlos, who wns stated in th« book in question to have been tainted b^
heresy.
ELIZABETH. 615
1586.
the future it will be best to confide such matters only to the
credence of trustworthy persons who will convey them verbally
rather than write them. I merely mention this point as everything
else was well done.
I recollect some of those whom yOu mention as being in the plot,
and in other cases their fathers.* A business in which such
persons are concerned certainly looks serious ; and in the service of
God, the freedom of Catholica, and the welfare of that realm, I
will not fail to help them. I therefore at once order the necessary
force to be prepared for the purpose, both in Flanders and here in
Spain. It is true that as the whole thing depends upon secrecy
and our preparations will have to be made without noise, the
extent of the force must not be large enough to arouse an outcry,
and so do more harm than good, but it shall be brought to bear
from both directions with the utmost promptness, as soon as we
learn_ from England that the principal execution planned by
Babington and his friends has been effected. The matter has been
deeply considered here, with a view to avoiding, if possible, the
ruin of those who have undertaken so Iioly a task, and as a
consequence all the rest of the Catholics in the country, which
would be a great pity. In order not to increase their danger by
arousing suspicion at the movements of my foi'ces or fleets, which
suspicion at such a time might cause the Queen to put an end to
them before they could carry out their intention, it is considered
unadvisable that my force in aid should be moved until the
principal execution has been effected. By that time the necessary
preparations will have been made in Flanders, Lisbon and other
ports of Spain, for the prompt sending of support to them, and of
this you may assure them. The sanie reason (i.e. of the avoidance
of suspicion) militates even more strongly in England itself, since
the safety of the Catholics, now that things have reached their
present stage, depends solely upon secrecy, which in its turn
depends upon promptness in the execution of their design.
Make this truth clear to them, although they cannot fail to know it
already. Send Gilford back himself with the message, if he be still
with you, as he has been there long enough now to go back without
suspicion ; if not, send some other safe trustworthy man. Show
them the danger they are in until they ensure themselves by
swiftly carrying out the principal execution, by which means their
own safety would be secured, and their power in the country
established, whilst aid would then at once be sent from here.
Exactly the contrary happens, and they are cutting their own
throats if they delay or fail, and you will therefore urge despatch
and caution, upon which all depends. You will in this way
support and forward their design with all earnestness, and
especially jiromote their intention of at once liberating the queen
of Scotland and acting in her name, as she will probably have a
large following. Eefresh their memory, too, about the other
* The original draft contained the word "many" instead of some. The King has
ordered this to he altered as it now reads, as he says the only person of them whom he
yecollects to have known personally is Viscount Montague,
616
1586,
SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
executions you mentioned, and also as to taking possesaon of the
ships* and about Don Antonio and the Councillors, as it is all
very important for the settlement and security of affairs after-
wards.
It would be rather late to advise the duke of Parma after the
affair has been carried out, because if he is not prepared before-
hand he could hardly send the help as promptly as is necessary.
As, on the other hand, it is most unadvisable to go on spreading
the secret abroad, I have decided to write to him in the way you
will see by the copy of the letter, in which both points have been
provided for. You will send liim the despatch, and in due time he
will give the orders to M. de la Motte.
I have read the letter written to you by the queen of Scotland,
which is as pjood as usual. Her deep Christianity makes me hope
that God will surely help her. You will already have assured her
that she will find in me always an earnest desire to help in all that
concerns her, as my efforts to come to her aid will prove.
The statement you send of the counties of England and their
forces has been read. If these forces be united and declare
themselves, they will be of considerable importance ; but it is clear
that this, like everything else, depends upon the one act which is
to be the commencement. When this is done, it will be possible for
them all to raise one voice and the way will be smooth, whilst if
the intention is discovered before it can be carried oat, each one
will be destroyed separately and no union will be possible. As all
hangs upon this, and the cause is God's own, we must hope that
He will favour it. You will keep me well posted on all that
happens, by means of private letters, treating of this matter alone,
and do not allow a single hour to be wasted.
I approve of the allowance to the earl of Westmoreland being
continued in Paris, as he is better there than elsewhere at present.
You may tell him you have orders to pay it, and do so with the
rest of the pensions to his countrymen. A fresh credit of 8,000
crowns shall be sent you for this and other purposes. You did
well in sheltering him when he came to you, and he will, doubtless,
when the time arrives, lend his support wheie it may be required.
— San Lorenzo, 5th September 1586.
6 Sept. 477. The King to Bebnardino de Mendoza.
k!°1448. 65*'' Since the other letter to you about England was written, it has
been thought advisable to send you two letters for the prince of
Parma. The first one is simply to prepare the ground, and this, if
you think well, you can forward at once, without appearing to
know what it contains, and I think in the interests of secrecy this
will be the best course. The other letter you will keep in your
own possession until, by God's grace, you receive intelligence that
• In a marginal note in the draft the King has suggested that the following passage
should be added : " It is therefore very important that the Admiral Lord Howard, who is
I believe a relative of the Norfolk's, should be gained OTer." A lub-note statei thk^
this passage was incorporated iq the tetter,
ELIZABETH. 617
1586.
Babington has carried his intention into effect, In such case only
will you send this letter to the Prince, so that he may be able with
all speed to furnish the aid required without awaiting fresh orders
from me ; this second letter, as you will see by the copy, containing
the fullest instructions for the» purpose. If the case does not
happen you will on no account send the second letter. — San
Lorenzo, 5th September 1586.
Marginal note in the King's hand : — '•' All this must be duplicated
and even triplicated, as it is so important."
6 Sept. 478. Secretary Idiaquez to Bernardino de Mendoza.
k!'i448. 69*^' ^^^ Majesty has instructed you in his letter about the principal
business, that his second letter to the prince of Parma must remain
in your hands until after the first stone of the edifice has been laid,
as you say. The King has ordered me again to urge you to be most
careful not to isend the letter, or to give any hint of the purpose for
which the preparations are to be made, until you are quite certain
that the thing has been effected. You will report how the whole
matter stands when the principal act has been done.
I remind you also as to your remark about seizing Don Antonio
and the Councillors. As an attempt to capture him by horsemen
in the way suggested might fail, it will be in all respects safer to
reject the instrumentality offered, and serve liim (Don Antonio)
like the rest. Let the proper people know this, and tell them to be
sure not to neglect anything that may afterwards give trouble, as
this may be an important point for them.
Juan Iniguez wants to find a trustworthy man, a Frenchman,
whom he can send to England about Don Antonio's affair, and tells
me that you said you would find him one, if you were so instructed
from here. You may consider such instruction to have been given,
and provide the man, unless you think this new plan is more
likely to succeed, in which ease you can wait until you see how it
turns out, and delay Iniguez in the meanwhile.— San Lorenzo, 6th
September 1586.
6 Sept. 479. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
Paris Archives, giace my last letters to your Majesty I have advices from
K. 1564. 165. gjjgjg^^j ^jg^^g^ 9()th ultimo, new style, saying that Drake had
brought with him 18 ships in very bad condition, very little money,
but a large quantity of hides, sugar, and ginger. The Queen had
ordered him to put to sea with seven ships well armed and to sail
for Spain, with the object, it was understood, of discovering the
designs of your Majesty's fleet.
The earl of Arundel's imprisonment had been naade closer than
before, and fresh guards have been placed over his wife. Master
Babington had been arrested, but he escaped the following night in
his shirt. They arrested at the same time a secretary of Hatton's,
a strong Catholic, and they say also that Master Gifford had been
taken for having shot a harquebuss at the Queen. The matter is
reiated in various ways, some accounts stating that the shot had
61S SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1686.
killed another person wlio was following the Queen. Little
dependence can therefore be placed upon it until fresh advices are
received. The French ambassador in England writes that the
Queen had a fortunate escape, but without giving any particulars
or saying whether they had actually made an attempt upon her or
a plan for a rising had been discovered.
The Queen was arranging to send troops to the Isle of Wight to
fortify it, for fear your Majesty's forces might attempt to effect a
landing there.
Postscript. — Since I wrote the above a courier from England has
arrived, who left there on the 26 th ultimo. He reports that arrests
continued to be n)ade in consequence of the discovery of a plot
against the Queen. It was not true that a harquebuss had been
fired at her. I have not been able to. learn more, as the courier
only arrived at this moment.
I also hear the Queen has sent troops to garrison the place called
Milford Haven, in the west country, near Bristol.
6 Sept, 480. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
Paris Archives, rExTRAGT.l
K. 1664. 166.
Doubts of the peace in France between the King and the
Huguenots being concluded.
The archbishop of Nazareth* is favourable to the Spanish cause.
He (the Nuncio) had been pressed by the archbishop of Paris and
Beli^vre to tell them frankly whether the Pope would be pleased
for the English enterprise to be undertaken by your Majesty. He
(the Nuncio) had answered that the only interest of liis Holiness
in the matter was the conversion of the country to the Catholic
faith, and that this end would shortly be attained by some means,
and it was equally welcome to the Pope no matter whose was the
hand that did it, your Majesty's, that of the king of France, or anyone
else. This quieted tiiem without his aj)pearJng partial. Nazareth
• This was Kabio Mirto Frangipani, who had been recently appointed Fapal Nuncio
in Paris under somewhat peculiar circumstances. The jealousy of Henry III. towards
the League and the Guises and his favours to Henry of Navarre were ascribed by the
Catholics to the weakness of the Nuncio Giacomo Raggazoni. By the intrigues therefore
of the Guise party and the Spaniards at the Vatican the Nuncio was recalled and the
archbishop of Nazareth appointed in his stead. As the new Nuncio was a Neapolitan
and consequently a Spanish subject, Este, Medici, Gonzaga, Santorio, and other
anti-Spanish Cardinals objected to the appointment, and the French ambassador
pointed out to the Pope that the presence of such a Nuncio in Paris could only add to
the King's embarrassment. Sextus V. flew into a great rage and said that whilst he
had breath in his body none but himself should appoint his Nuncios. Nazareth was
therefore sent to France, but on his arrival at Lyons was met by a peremptory order of
the King to leave the country at once, which he did and returned to Rome. The
Marquis de Pisani, the French ambassador, was instructed to explain to his Holiness
that by the concordat the king of France was precluded from receiving as Nuncio a
Spanish subject. The ambassador found the doors of the Vatican closed agamst him,
and he was ordered to leave the Papal States within a week. He replied that they were
so small it would not take so long as that to evacuate them, and left the same evening.
The weak Henry III., however, was terrified at the boldness of his ambassador and
ignominiously submitted, prayed for the Pope's forgiveness, and himself begged that
N azareth should be sent as Nuncio. As will be seen in this borrespondence, the new
Nuncio became, as from the first was inteud«d, merely an obedient tool of the
Spaniards,
KLIZABETH. 619
1686.
approves of the Queen-mother having gone to treat for peace, as he
thinks that otherwise the King will be obliged to undertake the
war with energy, and if peace be effected it will be so scandalous that
the confederate Princes will be forced to take up arms again.
Nazareth is in secret intelligence with them, and Muzio (i.e. the
duke of Guise) has written telling him to write warmly to the
duke of Nevers about his going to see Beam and Cond^, after he
had been urging the Pope so much to declare them schismatic.
Babington, whom I have mentioned, is the leader of the plot
about which I wrote to your Majesty. Master Gifford offered on
his own account to kill the Queen more than a year ago, although
he knew nothing of the conspiracy of the six Catholics, notwith-
standing that one of them bears the same name as himself. I have
no news of the arrest of any of these, although, as I write to your
Majesty, the affair being so widespread I fear it will not be possible
to conceal it. — Paris, 6th September 1586.
Note. — Id a cipher letter of the same date to Don Juan de
Idiaquez, Mendoza mentions that he had news from London dated
the 26th ultimo, saying that at that date great bonfires were being
lit in the streets for joy at the discovery of a conspiracy against
the Queen.
9 Sept. 481. Count de Olivares to the King.
On the 29th ultimo I sent your Majesty the summary I had
given to the Pope, drawn up from the contents of your Majesty's
letters, with some alterations to suit his humour, and, as I reported,
I was afterwards for some days without speaking to him. I have
subsequently had two audiences, and have conferred with Oarrafa
several times, at length on the business, and at last managed to
bring him to the terms stated in the enclosed paper, of which I
retain the original signed by Cardinal Carrafa, your Majesty not
being pledged in any way. This end has been assisted by the
Pope's having been informed, I expect by the Nuncio, that your
Majesty was not thinking of undertaking the enterprise. It will
be well to maintain the Nuncio in this opinion.
There was a great deal of pro and con about the first clause, but
I do not repeat it to your Majesty, as the substance of it all was
the same as I wrote to your Majesty on the 24th February, in the
margin of clause 4, namely, to exaggerate the recent abuses on the
part of the English, against which I urged the facility with wliich
3' our Majesty could come to terms with them, and consequently
that the enterprise was not needful for your Majesty. They were
at last brought to admit this, although they did not really believe
it, such is the regard in which vengeance is held here. No more
can possibly be got from them on this point, and it is of no use
to refer to it again, but we must accept their admission such as it is.
With regard to the money, the previous arguments were gone over
again as detailed in the said paper, and there is no need for me to
repeat them here. After a great deal of discussion they have
agreed to the terms set forth in the enclosed paper. This is a gain
to ufl in four particulars: First, we get 200,000 crowns more,
620 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1686. ~
because although in the previous offer there was something to a
similar effect, it was saddled with a condition as to time wliich
made it valueless — for God forbid that two years after the army
landed the country should still be undelivered to the person who is
to rule it, which was the condition upon which your Majesty was
to earn this 200,000 crowns.
The periods for payment of all the instalments have been much
shortened. We are also to have security, which is a great point
gained and may open the door to some ecclesiastical concessions,
although the document was moderated by nie in view of the
limitations the Pope introduced into his conversation on the matter,
and their urgent assertion that the (Spanish ?) clergy is already
greatly burdened (although it was clear that some such terms must
necessarily be conceded to us). I also moderated what your Majesty
wrote to me about the clergy, and merely said that the subjects of
these and all other countries were also mucli burdened.
I am inclined to think that, notwithstanding what the Pope says
about his purse and concessions, that if the enterprise were under-
taken in a favourable year as much as 1, -500,000 crowns might be
got. I told his Holiness verbally what your Majesty will see in my
despatch in the note to clause 4 ; and it also might be possible to
get from him a good part of the 500,000 crowns paid in advance
to fit out tlie fleet, as your Majesty wishes, if your Majesty gave
security in goods or otherwise that the Pope should be reimbursed
if the expedition was not undertaken.
The prolongation of the grants in order that your Majesty may
be repaid for the other expenses of the enterprise is a new point,
and I do not know how it could be arranged, but the Pope would
readily agree to the English (ecclesiastical revenues) paying it, he
bearing his part. His Holiness returned to the point of his con-
tributing Italian troops, and I placed before him the difficulty of
secrecy in each case. It ended in the way your Majesty will see
by the paper, without my binding myself to anything, and if your
Majesty has no need to raise many Italians for the enterprise, the
question is settled ; but if you have to do so, it would be troublesome
to dissuade the Pope from contributing them.
The question of the successor to the queen of Scotland has not
again been referred to, but the words I got from the Pope, without
his seeing the effect of what he was saying, and almost against his
will, as reported in my dispatch of 24th February ; are now being
confirmed, mixed up with the other points, in the memorandum
now submitted, in which they are mentioned, I will watch this
point with the care its importance demands and your Majesty
directs.
I await the instructions on the other points which your Majesty
says you were sending, and as my duty requires that I should
state my opinion in the interests of your service, at the risk of my
being considered too inquisitive, I venture to say that if this
business is to succeed it should be done promptly, or else deferred.
Even though its execution may depend upon certain events or
information which may make your Majesty doubtful as to whether
ELIZABETH. 621
1586.
it will be carried out or not, it is highly necessary that I should be
thoroughly acquainted with all the details of the aims your Majesty
lias in view in the conclusion of the business, so that, as far as
present circumstances and opportunities allow, I may direct nego-
tiations here in accordance therewith from first to last. If I am
entirely enlightened I can at once begin to weave the web around
the Pope, and place my snares where necessary by reason of the
constant changes and his small inclination to secrecy. By this means
I will try, without pledging your Majesty a hair's breadth, to have
everything ready for the moment when your Majesty may order
me to put the screw ou. The more time I have the better I can
ripen and dispose things in our favour. In case your Majesty should
be awaiting the taking of some place in Flanders, or the issue of
some secret arrangement being made by the prince of Parma, I
venture to point out to your Majesty how much more efficaciously
could I work here, and how much time would be saved if the prince
of Parma were to give me the countersign, so that I might through
an intermediary draw the Pope on — by pointing out that this was
the opportunity to send a despatch to your Majesty with a new and
splendid offer — so that I could net him at once, without the loss of
time and effort that would occur if I waited until after your Majesty
had received the news. I will only instance the favourable way in
which the question of the English .succession is proceeding without
the Pope even noticing it. By this means also secrecy and dissimu-
lation will be more easily preserved, and it is veiy necessary in order
to negotiate successfully with the Pope that everything should be
settled here before he hears of the great preparations, or of your
Majesty's reported voyage to Portugal, which he will look upon as
a certain prognostic. It will also be very advantageous in the
matter of his paying the money in advance, because although he
will promise and will seek expedients, I consider it will be extremely
difficult to get him to do it when he sees the matter has reached a
certain stage. I am quite aware that in saying this I am exceeding
the bounds of my strict duty, and that I am laying a burden upon
my shoulders to which my strength is unequal ; but my ardent wish
that your Majesty should be satisfied with me, makes me shut my
eyes to all else, in the certainty that your Majesty will judge me
aright, and pity my shortcomings whilst you applaud my zeal.
With regard to Allen's hat. Father Robert,* who really is very
prudent, intelligent, and zealous, urges strongly the advantage of
not deferring this, as your Majesty says the Englishmen in Spain
also do. The reason why I have hitherto inclined to delay the
matter was because I did not think the enterprise would have been
so long deferred, but as circumstances have caused this, I think it
would be well not to delay granting the hat later than this
Christmas. I had thought that the most secret way would have
been for him (Allen) to disembark with the army, and have the hat
sent to him there (in England), but he might go to Flanders
secretly during the last few days, or to some other place your
Persons, the Jesuit.
622 SPANISH STAi'E PAPfeftS.
1580. ~
Majesty migbt command, but it would greatly encourage the queen
of Scotland and the English Catholics, and would lend them new
courage to have this man at the side of the Pope. It would also
be beneficial, because when the time came to press the business
home, he could speak more frequently and efficaciously to the Pope
about the subsidy, and his opinion about the succession will have
move weight. These reasons for making him a cardinal are so
strong that if all others disappeared, they would be sufficient. If
he be given the hat soon, it will also do away with the danger that
the Pope may appoint others at the same time, whilst if he includes
him amongst those he intends to elevate this Christmas, the affair
will look less mysterious.*
Your Majesty will recollect what I wrote about the Pope's desire
that the request to give the hat to Allen should come from your
Majesty. It is desirable in your Majesty's interests that we should
be friendly with him, and, in view of this, seeing him in such
poverty, I ventured to aid him with 100 crowns in February, and if
he be detained here he must have as much more. He has been
made to understand that the gift comes from your Majesty, and
the limitation alone from me. If your Majesty do not order
otherwise, these sums will be discounted from what your Majesty
may grant him.
If your Majesty should be short of pensions, and should not
scruple to grant him a church, his Holiness would not act as he
usually does. Cassano or which would be sufficient, are
shortly to fall vacant, and should fall this time to a foreigner ; and
in the meanwhile your Majesty should provide for him, but your
Majesty will recognise the great need for secrecy in this.
Father Robert tells me that they have recently received letters
from the queen of Scotland, who says that she has had no possi-
bility of writing hitherto, since they removed her. She charges
them to thank your Majesty warmly for your aid and favour to
her ; and says that the proposal made to her formerly for her
release, which might easily have been carried through previously, is
not now possible, unless she can miinage to win over some go-
between, as she was now beginning to do. She prays, for God's
sake, that tlie enterprise may not be delayed, as the present time is
most opportune, seeing the confusion and dissatisfaction that reigns
everywhere. She begs that her own personal risk may not be
allowed to delay the execution, as that, she says, is of no
importance, if in exchange what is fitting be done. — Rome,
9th Se[)tember 1586.
Enclosed in the above letter there is a document in which the
Pope, whilst declaring his povertj'', undertakes to pay 700,000
crowns, .tOO,000 on the arrival of the armada in England, 100,000
fdx months later, and 100,000 after the lapse of another six
months. Under certain conditions as to security the first payment
* The Pope did not include Allen's name amongst the eight new cardinals he
promoted in December, there being already much opposition in the Sacred College to
iiis lj\ish appointments to the dignity, but early in the following year IS87 Allen
received the hat.
ELIZABETH. 623
1586.
might, if the King wished, be paid in advance in the form of bills
on merchants at Lisbon.
10 Sept. 482. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
K. 1564. 169. ' Since writing my three letters of the 6th, a secretary of the
French ambassador in England has arrived here, he having been
despatched with great haste by his master on the 29th ultimo to
inform this King of the discovery in England of a conspiracy
against the Queen, in respect of which I mentioned in my last
letters that some arrests were being made, although one of the
prisoners named Babington'had escaped in his shirt. It appears
that they captured him again with several others of the principal
leaders in the affair, and a priest named Ballard, whom the
Catholics sent hither some months since. As some of the con-
spirators divulged what was going on, this caused the arrest by the
Queen of two secretaries of the queen of Scotland, and the seizure
of all their letters and papers ; the two secretaries themselves being
])risoners in Walsingham'a house. It was feared in consequence of
this that the queen of Scotland's life might be endangered, and it
was to report this to the king of France and her Guise kinsman
here tliat this (French) secretary was sent hither. Walsingham
also writes to the English ambassador here, that never before in
the Queen's time had so deeply rooted a conspiracy been formed as
this, but that God had so cared for the life of Her Majesty as to
allow it to be discovered miraculously. It was, he s.iys, an affair
of your Majesty conducted by me, as this priest said that he had
come to speak with me, and learn whether if these conspirators
rose your Majesty would succour them, which your Majesty
naturally would do, even if they had not appealed to you as
Catholics, considering that the Queen had begun war upon you.
I have said this to some of those who have come to discuss the
matter with me, and that I should feel no less injured by the
Queen's considering that I would advise any of her subjects to
conspire against her life, she being their sovereign and a woman,
than at being thought capable of neglecting any possible means,
even at the sacrifice of thousands of lives, of utterly destroying
and conquering her country by the sword, and taking away her
crown, with all the zeal which a good subject of my King should
display against a power with which he was at war. I would, I
said, nevei- cease this course whilst the state of war continued.
Drake is hurrying forward his preparations to put to sea with the
ships I mentioned. — Paris, 10th September 1586.
10 Sept. 483. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
^K^i-ir^uT' -As tlie secretary of whom I speak in my general letter to your
■ Majestv has arrived from England, I send off this despatch to catch
the merchants' post which starts from Rouen. The whole of the
affair that was being planned appears to have been discovered,
some of the leaders having confessed. Of the six men who had
sworn to kill the Queen, only two have escaped, namely, the
favourite Raleigh and the brother of Lord Windeor. I am of
624 SPANISH STATE PAPEBS.
158G.
opinion that the queen of Scotland must be well acquainted with
the whole affair, to judge from the contents of a letter which she
lias written to me, which letter I do not enclose herewith, as it is
not ciphered, but will send it with my next. Doubtless, it is
God's will to give England to your Majesty by the strong arm only,
since He has allowed so much Catholic blood to be shed, as will be
by the discovery of this business. There has been hitherto nothing
said about my letters, but, even if they were discovered and printed,
they are so worded that they may have another construction
placed upon them easily. — Paris, 10th September 1586.
'18 Sept. 484. Statement made by the Master of an Easterling Ship which
Paris Archives, cast auclior at Lisbon on the 18th September 1586.
K. 1448. 70. „ , , , , . , , -r . ,
He was bound from his own country to Lisbon with a cargo of
cordage and other merchandise, and touched an English port on
the way, where he was well treated, as he said he was bound for
France. He was told in England that Drake had arrived there,
and as he had brought back great treasure he intended to fit out
another expedition of 80 vessels, which it was said would sail
during October.
After he (the deponent) had left England, and not far from the
coast of Spain, he fell in with some armed ships from Rochelle,
which captured him and sacked ever^'thiiig he had in his ship, his
loss being 20,000 ducats. As they did not want his ship they let
him have it, with sufficient stores for him to arrive at Lisbon,
where he has made the present declaration.
JS^ote. — In letters of 18th and 28th September, and indeed in
most of the letters of this period from the King to Mendoza, the
latter is urged in the most pressing manner to keep the King well
informed as to what is going on in the English ports with regard
to armaments, and as to the intentions of the Queen and Council.
By means of money or witli the help of Muzio (the duke of Guise)
trustworthy men must be kept in England to send or bring sure
infoi-mation. The fact of the ports and passes being closed, instead
of excusing this makes it the more necessary.
2G Sept. 485. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
^K'^'r-icT\'73'' ^^ accordance with your Majesty's reiterated orders, I have used
the most energetic efforts to learn what is passing in England for
your Majesty's information, but these disturbances render my
endeavours less efficacious than I could wish. Both at Dieppe and
Rye, as well as the rest of the ports, they have recently opened all
the letters that pass, with the sole exception of the letters from
the king of France and the queen of England to their respective
ambassadors. The queen of England has ordered the arrest of all
people who travel, even from one village to another, without
permits from the justices. This can hardly continue, but whilst it
exists there are very few men who will undertake the risk of going ;
besides which, in view of recent events, foreigners there are in such
a st.ate of alarm that they dare not write about their own business
matters. It will be necessary, therefore, to give time for the cloud
ELIZABETH. 625
1686.
J 84641.
to pass over before we can get intelligence. I am doing everything
I can to open up communications, and in the meanwhile am sending
your Majesty the information which I consider the most trust-
worthy gathered and compared from all quarters.
I mentioned in my last that the French ambassador in England
had sent a secretary hither, but the accounts he gives and that
written subsequently by the ambassador himself, are so confused,
that it is very difficult to construct a clear and trustworthy relation
from them of the events that have happened in England. The
(French) King's Councillors said thus much to Madame de
Montpensier^ who went to beg them to urge upon the King at the
present juncture to take such steps towards the queen of England
as his close connection with the queen of Scotland demanded. The
Councillors answered that they did not gather from the ambassador's
letters in what respect the queen of Scotland was inculpated, nor what
grounds there were for the trouble, so that your Majesty will see
how difficult it is for me to say anything decided, except where
the ambassador is confirmed from other quarters. The ambassador
bases his letters upon Walsingham's assertion to him that the
prisoners had confessed that, although the ambassador, Chateauneuf,
was a good Catholic and an honest gentleman, they did not trust
him or discover their design to any person other than Don
Bernardino de Mendoza, which is the same song they have always
sung in any similar case, inventing fictions like this with the object
of persuading the French that it behoves them to draw closer to
them (the English) and arousing their indignation against the
queen of Scotland for appealing to your Majesty for help. They
adopted the same course towards the former French ambassador
when I was there, and especially at my departure, when they
invented all sorts of chimeras with this end. J reminded the Scots
ambassador of this, although he recollected it well, in order that he
might point it out to this King (of France) and his Councillors.
The King has written to his ambassador, Chateauneuf, telling him
to take such steps as he considers fitting with the queen of England,
for the purpose of ensuring the safety of the queen of Scotland, and
to report to him (the King) whether it was necessary to take up
the matter more strongly than tliis.
The arrest of the secretaries of the queen of Scotland took place
in the following manner. Paulet, who was in charge of her,
entered her apartment, and said that, as the weather was so tine
she could if she desired it go out hunting. She accepted the
offer with the pleasure that any prisoner would fee), and Paulet
ordered the principal members of her household to mount for the
purpose of attending her. When she had gone about a mile from
the house Waad, the man who went to Spain, came and told her
that he had orders from the queen of England to convey her to
another castle, with her secretaries and other servants prisoners
When the queen of Scotland heard this she proceeded, with great
lamentations, to another house belonging to a gentleman, where she
is now confined to a single room, without one of her own servants
to attend her. Her secretaries and steward were taken to Windsor,,
B K
626 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1686.
whither the queen of England has retired for greater safety. Waad
went back to the queen of Scotland's former lodging and examined
everything, breaking open the boxes and desks, and taking the
papers he found in them. The ambassador Chateauneuf writes that
Waad asserts that he had found a large quantity of ciphers buried
in a garden, and amongst them the copy of a letter from me— ra
curious place to keep papers in, forsooth ! but as he (Chateauneuf)
is a new minister he considers it necessary to write whatever they
tell him. They also affirm that the secretaries of the queen of
Scotland have confessed, but no particulars are given of what they
confessed. The report that comes from the English embassy here
is to the effect that the secretaries have confessed that the
Catholics had sent her intelligence of a conspiracy that they had
entered into against the queen of England, but not that she had
persuaded them to it.
As soon as the arrests were effected, the Queen (of England)
wrote to the city of London thanking the citizens for their fidelity
to her, and on certain vessels being discerned from Southampton
near the Isle of Wight, either because of them, or by chance, a
haystack caught fire, which caused the guards to set light to the
beacons they have set up, consisting of barrels of pitch, to summon
the country to arms. Upon this Lord Buckhurst, the Governor of
the province, mustered his men to the number of four or five
thousand, all armed and ready. Some people who have come hither
from England, and were present at the scene, are never tired of
recounting it with infinite laughter, describing the confusion and
alarm of the English. The rumour reached London that 10,000
Frenchmen had landed and captured three villages. The fear was as
great in the capital itself, and when the Queen wrote ordering that
the city guards should be doubled and the citizens be prepared for
defence, they said this is what comes of the war in Flanders. Some
people isay that this alarm was sounded in England in consequence of
three ships having entered the port of Southampton to take
soundings, which does not appear likely. The French ambassador
has sent an account of Drake's voyage in Latin, which I enclose
herewith. The account was written specially, and is accompanied
by a portrait of Drake sent to Secretary Villeroy, who values it
very highly, and copies have been ordered to be made from it for
presentation to Joyeuse, fipernon, and other favourites of the King.
The ambassador asserts that Drake did not bring 200,000 crowns
worth of plunder from the Indies, and that he lost 1,000 men.
The best jewel he brings is the cross from the great church of
Santo Domingo, and the English ambassador here confesses to the
Huguenots that the Queen had not received a single groat from the
result of Drake's voyage, as all the booty was taken by the soldiers
in the sacking of the place.
The Queen had ordered a great number of cattle to he slaughtered
for salt meat to provision the ships with which Drake is to go
back to the Indies; and letters from England of the 13th (which
is the 3rd according to the English style) report that the decision
as to Drake's sailing with seven of tjie Queen's ships to reconnoitre
ELIZABETH. 627
1586. " "
the coasts of Spain and watch your Majesty's fleet has heen changed,
and orders have now been given for all of the Queen's ships to cruise
in the channel, as sails have been sighted there. The preparation
of the ships for Drake's voyage for the Indies, however, still goes on
apace, but they could not be ready for six weeks. The Queen's
councillors argue that if your Majesty's fleet do not invade them
this month (September), it can hardly do so in so dangerous a
winter month at sea as October ; and they will prevent you from
being able to invade the country next spring by the return of Drake
to the Indies, whither your Majesty will be obliged to send a strong
force of ships.
Secretary Walsingham, in his last letters to the English ambas-
sador here, says that the priest Ballard had confessed that Charles
Paget had brought him to speak to me, and that I had sent him to
persuade the Catholics to rise in mass again.st the Queen. He also
■writes that four English ships had arrived from the Levant.
Sir George Especan (Peckham ?) and Sir Thomas Chaset (?), who
are co-fathers-in-law and good Catholics, greatly attached to the
queen of Scotland, and persons of great influence, had been appre-
I handed and lodged in the Tower of London. It is said that rooms
are being made ready in the Tower for the queen of Scotland.
The son-in-law of Secretary Pinart, who went as ambassador to
Scotland, has returned hither through England and stayed in
London for some days to speak with the Queen. He only reports
from Scotland that the King is still in the power of the English
faction, who are reported by last advices to be sending 1,500 or
2,000 Scotsmen to Holland under the Master of Grey.* — Paris,
26th September 1586.
27 Sept. 486. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
k"i564?^78!' '^^^ instructions your Majesty has ordered to be sent to me in
the letter of 5th instant, as to how I am to behave in the English
atfair, and the reprimand which your Majesty deigns to administer
for what I have done in the past, are so highly esteemed by me as
a sign of your favour that I cast myself prostrate at your royal
feet in gratitude for the grace thus extended to me, in the hope
that my desire to serve you successfully may partly deserve your
Majesty's goodness.f This ardent zeal to serve was the reason
why I wrote the letters,! as I knew the humour of the English
Catholics, and that it is necessary to ply the spur upon them
directly they pledge themselves to such undertakings as this, and
send them forward with a rush before they have time to cool and
turn back, whilst at the same time keeping them in hand suffi-
ciently to prevent them from precipitating themselves unless on
solid grounds. To this must be added the consideration that the
* Baron d'Esneval's relation to the king of France respecting affairs in Scotland on
his return from his emhassy is printed from the papers of his family by M. Cheruel
in his "Marie Stuart et Catharine de Medici," Paris, 1858. Much of aEsnevals
correspondence will also be found in Teulet, Vol. 2.
t See letters Mendoza to the King, 13th August, page 603, and the King to
Mendoza, 5th September, page 614.
J The letters to England approving of the plot to assassinate the Queen.
R R 2
628 SPANISH STATE PAPEES.
1686.
business was very widespread, and it was to be feared that if any
delay occurred it might come to light. This latter suspicion was
well founded, as only four days after GifFord came over to France
advice was received that the Queen's officers were in search of
him, and two days subsequently Ballard was captured (that was
the priest who came to me with general proposals), and his arrest
was followed by that of Babington. It will thus be seen that,
although I acted promptly in a matter so important for your
Majesty's interests, my letters still arrived too late in London to be
of any use, as the plot was discovered and the men prisoners.
I also considered it unadvisable that Gifford should return, and as
they decidedly told me that they were so deeply pledged in the
business that unless I instantly sent them an assurance, signed by
my own hand, that they should be supported, they would all be
ruined, I had no time to seek another confidant to take back the
reply, even if such a one had been obtainable. It would have been
very dangerous to trust the reply with a person upon whom I had
no dependence, particularly at a time when they would certainly
arrest every Englishmen going from here without a passport ; the
ports being so closely watched. This difficulty was obviated by my
taking advantage of so safe a way of getting my letters to London^
as was the forwarding of them through the man who sent the queen
of Scotland letters. I wrote that as I had heard from their messenger
of their resolution, and considered it holy and good, I would give
your Majesty an account of it, and believed that you, too, would
approve of it, with other general and vague expressions to the
same effect, and if the letter had been shown to the Queen herself
she would see that it was in answer to proposals that had first been
made to me by Englishmen. The word " resolution " might be
construed to mean the taking up of arms for the sake of religion,
which your Majesty is bound to approve of, even if the Queen had
not insolently broken the peace towards you, whilst the defence of
Flanders, the recovery of Flushing and the release of the queen of
Scotland, are such righteous aims as to be fully justifiable. The
letters were, moreover, sent without superscripture, and with an
English cover directing them to be sent to Flushing. The only
result that could come from the discovery of my letters in England
was the indignation which the Queen might feel personally towards
me, which is not worth consideration, since God only gives life to
subjects that it may be employed at all times, and in all things,
which the interests of their sovereigns may demand. If my letters
even are disclosed by the conspirators themselves, I do not see why
that should have prevented me from writing them, since reasons of
state demanded the step (the Queen being at open war with your
Majesty), in o»der that her suspicions might be aroused as to the
little confidence she could place in her own subjects, and to the fact
that they were in communication with your Majesty's officers.
This causes the French to be very shy of pledging themselves too
closely to her, as they think she will have a difficulty in keeping
her footing. That this is their feeling is shown in the present
case, because as soon as the news came from the French ambassador
ELIZABETH. 629
1586.
of the large number of the conspirators, and the English ambassador
here, said the affair had been managed by Charles Paget and others
here, Secretary Villeroy advised them secretly to leave Paris for a
few days, thinking tlius that they (the French) would oblige the
Queen.
On another occasion the king (of France) authorised the servants
of the English ambassador to arrest these men, as they did
Morgan at dead of night. The fear that my letters might cause
the Queen to persecute the Catholics in the belief that your Majesty
was about to invade her country, may be met by saying that,
although her cruelty might be greater than it is, she is so convinced
already that you will attack her that she is hourly expecting to
see your Majesty's forces. AD sorts of people write from Spain
that your Majesty's fleet is being fitted out for England, and even
the General of the Minorites in Spain has sent word to his friars,
and to a bookseller here, that the Armada was ready to sail for
England, and directing them to pray to God for its success. There
is therefore net a Frenchman who meets one of my servants, who
does not ask him when the Armada is coming to England. The
rumour has reached the queen of Scotland, as is proved by two
letters from her which I received together on the 8th, and of which
I send copies enclosed. It is also plain from these letters that the
Catholics had informed her of their resolution, as she bespeaks
credence for the man she will send to me. I have not replied untU
I see whether I shall have a way open after this business has blown
over. I handed to her ambassador the 8,000 crowns that your
Majesty instructed me to pay to her representative. I wrote to him
(the Scots ambassadors) and enclose copy of his reply, saying that
he had ciphered orders from his mistress (which he showed to me)
to receive the money. He assures me that it shall be employed in
setting her at liberty, and for no other purpose. He sends the gold
to her at once in boxes of sweetmeats, as he has done before, and I
understand that the object of this is that she should have it at
hand, and so be able to avail herself of any opportunity which
presented itself for her release. It is true, as things are now,
that no such opportunity appears probable, as they have removed
her to another castle and are keeping her very closely.
As God for our sins has not seen fit to allow the plans of the
Catholics to succeed, it is an indication of His intention to bring
the country to submission by force of the arms of your Majesty,
upon whom He will confer the realm with many other crowns and
thrones, to be followed after many years of life by an eternal crown
in heaven for your services.
I kept back the despatches your Majesty sent for the prince of
Parma, thinking it would be useless to send them now that the
afiair had been discovered. If the business had been carried through
the Catholics were in such a position that they would not hare
needed hasty help.
Your Majesty asks me in what respect the Catholic schismatics
in England difier from the heretics. They acknowledge the Catholic
630 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1586. "
religion as the true one, and profess it in their hearts, but their love
for their property makes them obey the laws of Queen so as not
to lose it, and leads them to listen to the perverse- preachings, and
in some cases to partake of the abominable communion. Apart
from this, they always express a desire to be reconciled to the
church, and for the country to be converted, and offer much help
to that end. This causes Catholics to speak plainly with them,
as they {i. e. the Catholics) are not so suspicious as they ought to
be. There are a great number of these schismatics, who would
undoubtedly join the Catholics and the cause of the queen of
Scotland if the latter declared themselves, and they saw them fairly
strong. There are also influential heretics so much attached to the
queen of Scotland that they would follow her. They advise her of
anything they learn which threatens danger to her.
In order to have a safer channel for my correspondence with
England, when M. de Chateauneuf left here, I had him approached
secretly by religious persons, and told how great would be the
service he would render the cause of God if he allowed letters and
money from Catholics here to pass under cover of his despatches.
He willingly consented to this and has punctually fulfilled it without
opening a letter.* The secretary he has sent hither is the person
who ostensibly does it, in order that the ambassador may not Be
compromised ; and as he is here, and it would be imprudent whilst
this fuiy lasts to attempt communication with Catholics there,
most of whom, moreover, are in prison, or have fled from London,
I cannot send your Majesty such full reports from there as I could
wish, though I am bravely helped by the Scots ambassador, and
endeavour by every possible means to get all the information I
can.
The earl of Westmoreland whose need is very great, has been
informed by me of what your Majesty had ordered to be done for
him. He humbly thanks your Majesty to whose service he says
he has devoted his life and wishes to employ it where it may be
most useful to you. — Paris, 27th September 1586.
28 Sept. 487. The King to Bernardino de Mendoza.
^K^ltis^rl^^' ^^^ Scotsman who you said was coming hither with letters
from Muzio (Guise) and offers from some of the principal;men in
Scotland, has arrived here. His mission and the instructions and
signatures he showed were all in agreement with what you
reported, and the effect of them therefore need not be repeated
here. Their intentions are no doubt good, but it is hard to believe
that the country would be so easily converted to the Catholic faith,
seeing how it is permeated with heresy. This fact, and also
because we are less able to judge at this distance as to the time
and juncture when anything good could be effected, than you who
are nearer, has caused me to defer my decision on the business
• Aubespinc de Chateauneuf, the French ambassador in England, was a strong Guue
partisan.
ELIZABETH. 631
1686.
until I have communicated with tlie prince of Parma, and have
heard his opiniorl and yours upon it, having in view the present
state of England and Scotland, and other considerations. With
this answer, with fair words and a letter for Muzio (copy of which
is enclosed), Robert Bruce is returning. As he informs us that
those who sent him have also given an account of their good
intentions to his Holiness, it will be well for you to advise them to
try to obtain money aid from him rather than from me, as you
know that so much is wanted here for necessary things that we
can hardly provide it at all. Before a formal answer is sent to
their proposal, however, I wish you to inform the duke of Parma
what advantage could be gathered from the good will of these
people, and whether, in case the English attacked them, they could
hold their own even with the aid of the 4,000 men they request.
Give him your opinion also as to whether the revolution they
mention on the English border would serve as a diversion to attract
Englishmen thither, and so diminish the number employed in
affairs outside of the island. Yon will send me also similar
information, and will likewise consider with the prince of Parma
the answer best to be given to these people, accepting his decision
upon the subject. In the meanwhile you will keep them in hand
without giving any pledges or cause for complaint, and, at the
same time, you will make much of Muzio's zeal in helping the
Catholics in all parts. Tell him that I desire the good of the
cause no less than he, but all these things must be undertaken only
on solid foundation, and after the fullest knowledge has been
obtained, which convinces us that success is probable, and as much
more to the same effect as you think advisable. — San Lorenzo, 28th
September 1586.
' 28 Sept. 488. The King to the Duke of Guise, sent by Robert Bruce.
^I44&^7r*' ^y y°^^ letter and the statement made to me by the bearer of
it, who also carries back with him this reply, I have learnt of the
present state of Scotland, and recognise the zeal which moves you
to strive so sincerely for the promotion of our holy Catholic faith
which zeal is greatly to be praised and esteemed. I may say the
same with regard to the good intentions and spirit of the three
earls whom you mention, but whose letters I do not answer ta
avoid bringing harm upon them if my letters should miscarry.
You, however, may assure them how they have risen in my
estimation, and that when an opportunity offers they shall see how
deeply I am attached to them. As to their proposal, a portion of
it is of such a character that it is difficult to decide or prepare for it
here, and I have therefore decided to consult the prince of Parma
about it, as you will more fully hear from him and Don Bernardino
de Mendoza, together with all else which I may desire to com-
municate to you with reference to the business. Your goodwill
towards me and my interests in general, is no new thing to me,
and I thank you warmly for it, repaying it, as you well know, by
my sincere attachment to you and your affairs. — San Lorenzo, 28th
September 1586.
632 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1586.
7 Oct. 489. Sampson's advices from England.
k"i564!i92!' Captain Pardln has arrived here, having been sent by Don
Antonio from London, which place he left en the 1st instant.
With regard to the conspiracy against the Queen, he reports that
up to the time of his leaving, none of the prisoners had been
executed, because as they were about to execute them they
discovered two more. One hundred persons are in prison, and
Babington had confessed that he had reached the Queen's carriage
with a pistol for the purpose of killing her, but that his heart had
failed him. It is reported that they have discovered another
conspiracy, arising out of the first one, namely, a plan formed by
all the Catholic London apprentices, who were to rise and kill the
heretics, which would have been an easy thing to do if they had
known how to conduct such an affair. Thirty or forty apprentices
had been arrested, when, on the following day, some threatening
papers against the justices were found posted on the Lord Mayor's
door. With this the persecution of the apprentices was stopped,
and no further search was made. He (Pardin) reports with regard
to Don Antonio's affairs, that the Queen is willing to pay his debts
and give him a good pension. She makes much of him, and
Drake visits him constantly. The time of Drake's departure was
uncertain, but it was said that 20 or 25 ships were being fitted out
for him to return to the Indies.
Pardin brings letters from Don Antonio to the King and Queen-
mother, asking them whether they will promise to help him to go
to Portugal, when they have made peace. Villeroy has received
him very well, and give him hopes of aid.
8 Oct. 490. Charles, Earl of Westmoreland, to Philip IL
'x'1564! m^' Thanks him humbly for granting him an extension of the
pens'on he conferred upon him in Flanders as a Catholic English
exile. Is in great need, liaving received nothing for two years, and
supplicates him to allow him to be paid the back pension. He
will pass all his life striving and praying for him. — Signed, Carloa
Conde de Westmerlande.
Note. — The body of the letter is in the handwriting of Maldonado,
the secretary of Mendoza. It is accompanied by a letter to a
similar effect from the Earl to Don Juan de Idiaquez, the King's
secretary, begging him to use his influence with the King in the
petitioner's favour.
11 Oct. 491. Statement of the Shipmasters Manuel Blanco of the "Buen
Paris Arcliires, Jesus," from Pernambuco, Brazil, with sugar and dyewood ;
^- ^**^' "■ Christopher Martin of the "St. John," from Brazil with
a similar cargo ; and Benito Martinez, of the " St. Mateo,"
also from Brazil.
On the 30th September last at one o'clock in the afternoon, in 30°
(north latitude) 30 leagues from the rock of Cintra, before they
sighted land, they fell in with a number of ships on the outward
tack, which they thought where"a flotilla of Flemings from Lisbon or
St. IJbes. When they approached a tender came alongside each of
ELIZABETH. 633
1686.
their ships, and as the men that boarded them were Englishmen of
the fleet, they (the deponents) surrendered. Blanco was conveyed
to the flagship and Martin to the vice-flagship.
The commander of the whole fleet was John Hawkins, who is
the man who escaped from the port of San Juan de Ulloa with his
ship when the late viceroy of New Spain, Don Martin Enriquez,
captured some portion of his fleet. He is a man of over 50 years
of age. As soon as (Blanco) reached the flagship John Hawkins
asked him whether Diego Flores had gone to the Indies with a
fleet, and whether the marquis of Santa Cruz was in Portugal or
Castile. The pilot (Blanco) answered that the Marquis was at
Lisbon with the troops and his Highness,* and that he (the
deponent) knew nothing of Diego Flores, only that when they left
Spain a fleet was being fitted out in Castile.
John Hawkins said the Queen was raising a great fleet and that
she had Don Antonio with her. If the Spaniards thought of
taking England, the English would first come with Don Antonio
and take Portugal. He said they had come now by the Queen's
orders, as it was said that the king of Spain had seized much
English property and many ships ; but he, Hawkins, said he came
unwillingly as he was tired of seafaring.
His fleet consisted of four great galleons of 800 tons each, be-
longing to the Queen which in appearance were like the great
galleons of this country (i.e. Portugal). John Hawkins was kind to
deponentj and left him plenty of clothes, &c. He showed him
over the flagship, which was very well armed and fitted. He
counted 44 great bronze guns, and was told that she carried 300
men. John Hawkins told him. that besides the harquebussiers and
bowmen, he had in the fleet 1,200 musketeers, and that the other
ships were from 150 to 200 tons burden each. There were six
tenders, the total number of vessels being 18.
The value of his cargo of sugar and dyewood was 12,000 or 13,000
ducats, and John Hawkins gave him (Blanco) a patent forbidding
any other English ships from taking more men from his vessel, as
the flagship had taken some of his and a passenger. There were
other English ships about, besides the 18 mentioned, but as he did
not fall in with them the patent was of no use. He saw four
Rochelle ships, one of which again plundered him, but he at last
arrived with his ship at St. Ubes where he left her.
The deponent was asked whether he thought this English fleet
looked as if it were going to the Indies, or if any of the English
said they were going thither. He replied that the fleet was
excellently found, with new sails, and the hulls newly cleaned so
that they sailed very well, but he only heard men say they were
going to the islands, and especially to St. Michaels, there to await
the ships from the Indies which were expected. He thought the
fleet must have recently left England, because they had fresh
apples and pears, and many sheep, sucking pigs, and the like.
Christopher Martin of the " St. John " deposed that they had taken
* The Archduke Albert of Austria, Philip's nephew and viceroy of Portugal.
634t SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1586. """
him on board the vice-flagship, which was even larger than the
flagship, and almost as large as our great galleon " San Martin."*
The captain of the vice-flagship was a stoutly-built man of 60,
good looking and hearty, but he did not learn his name.
The captain asked him whether he knew what fleets were being
fitted out in Spain. He replied that he did not, as he left for
Angola 18 months ago.
He then asked him whether there was a good harbour at
St. Michaels ? He said he had never been there. He (the
captain ?) replied that he knew of a very good one where men
could be landed between two cliffs.
He asked him whether he knew anything of the Indian flotillas ?
He said he did not.
The captain said he wanted to meet the Portuguese fleet that
went to the Islands, and he was going to await the Spanish Indian
flotilla. He said also that the English fleet consisted of 24 ships,
nine of which had been separated from the rest, but he did not
know whither they were bound.
The vice-flagship was very well fitted, and carried 54 bronze
pieces, all very large, and had 350 men. The outside of the poop
of the vessel was much gilded with the queen of England's arms
thereon, the other three great galleons being similarly decorated.
He heard them say that they were fitting out a great fleet to come
to Portugal, and that they had built one ship of 1,200 tons. He
did not hear who was coming in this fleet, but they said that next
year they would come and capture the ships from the Indies.
They were very kind to him personally, but took his pilot (mate)
from him. The captain told him that if he found what he was
seeking he would at once let the pilot go. The sugar, and dyewood
they took from him would be worth about 9,000 ducats. He was
also plundered by the four Rochelle ships as he came in company
with Manuel Blanco. All the four great galleons belonging to the
Queen were similarly armed, and the other ships and the tenders
were also well manned and armed with cannon,
Benito Martin of the " St. Mateo " from Pernambuco, Brazil, said
that three English ships overhauled and captured him on the 6th
September. His cargo of dyewood and sugar was worth 10,000
ducats, and at the same time they captured .another ship in his
company, the cargo of which was worth 10,000 ducats. He heard
them say nothing particular. The ships of Domingo Gonzales,
Juan Cardoso, and Gregorio Alfonso, all loaded with wood and
sugar, were taken at the same time. Their cargoes were worth
together 50,000 ducats. Two ships from St Thom^ are also
missing, worth 50,000 ducats. The said Manuel Blanco,
Christopher Martin and Benito Martinez signed their names to this
in Lisbon on the 1 1th October 1 586.
* The galleou " San Martin " was one of the finest vessels in the Spanish navy, and
was subsequently the duke of Medina Sidonia's flagship in the Armada, She was of
1,000 tons buiden and carried 48 pieces of ordnance.
ELIZABETH. 635
1586.
15 Oct. 492. Bernardino de Mendoza to the Prince of Parma.
:^"i56r 2oi!' ^y *^s enclosed despatch from His Majesty, your Excellency will
see the proposal made to him by some of the principal Scottish
nobles some time since, together with the conditions they requested,
and a copy of the letter I wrote to His Majesty on the subject. As
this letter will speak for itself, I only need add here, in fulfilment
of His Majesty's orders, my own opinion on certain points specified
by His Majesty.
It would only tire your Excellency to recount how long I have
urged this matter, and I will simply say in brief that ever since I
going to England I have pressed it upon the Scottish nobles, and
more recently upon Claude Hamilton, when he came hither exiled
from Scotland and became reconciled to the church. He is a person
of valour and understanding, devotedly attached to the queen of
Scotland, and his family is one of great influence in the country.
Your Excellency will recollect that the king of Scotland, for these
reasons, was induced to recall him, and he took the opportunity of
encouraging the other Catholics and pointing out to them how small
had been the protection extended to him in France in the pursuance
of their aims, assuring them that it would be useless for them to
• expect efficient aid in the fulfilment of their hopes from anyone but
the Pope and His Majesty.
, My design in bringing this about, was (according to my poor
judgment) to convert that countrj'^ (Scotland) to the Holy Catholic
faith, which is a matter of inestimable importance and so closely
connected with His Majesty's interests ; that its predominance and
extension in all parts cannot fail to be of advantage, especially in
regard to the peace and quietude of the Netherlands, which reason
has double force now that the queen of England has so shamelessly
taken under her protection those rebellious provinces. All this is
so evident that I need not further seek to prove it, but your Excel-
lency is aware that in a thousand instances, the Scots in the
service of the rebels have given you more trouble than any other
foreign troops.
Seeing that, the Scottish Catholics make this move at the present
time, which, for many reasons is the most favourable that could be,
and intend to extirpate heresy from their country, it is quite evident
that great apprehension will be caused thereby to the queen of
England, who has so large a number of Catholics amongst her
subjects, whom she oppresses, but upon whom, nevertheless, she
will have partly to depend, whenever she tries to impede the
Scottish designs, so many of the northern counties bordering
Scotland being Catholic. She has already spent _ large sums in
counteracting these designs, maintaining pensioners in Scotland even
before the Queen left there, by whose aid the Queen was forced to
escape from the country, owing to the civil wars which were
fomented for the purpose. The queen of England looks upon
herself as unsafe the day she has not in her favour the
majority of the people of Scotland, and this she has hitherto
managed to secure, as the English faction has been paramount,
636 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1686.
and she has been able, through them, to subsidise so liberally the
Flemish rebels with soldiers.
From what I have said, it will be seen how extremely important
it is that His Majesty should, under some pretext, aid the Scottish
Catholics in their objects, and how great an advantage may thus
be gained in his interests. This is the first point upon which His
Majesty orders me to give you my opinion.
The second point is whether the Scots will be strong enough, if
they are given the pay of the 6,000 men they ask for, to resist any
invasion of the queen of England. The Scottish nobles themselves
in their first clause promise, with the help stated, to resist any
such invasion, and their promise may well be accepted, when it
is considered that even without any such assistance the Scots
have encountered the English successfully in their various wars,
without losing a span of land, and at times when the forces of
England were mucli stronger and more united than they are now,
and when the kings of England could depend upon their subjects,
as this Queen cannot do now that suspicion and distrust reign
supreme, and most of her best men are engaged in Holland.
The third point is whether the plan of the Scottish nobles may
serve as a diversion to prevent the queen of England from sending
so many of her forces to Flanders. This is evident, as when she
sees in flames a country so close to her own, only separated from it
by a mere brook, fordable in most places, she will, of course, fear that
the sparks therefrom may set her own place alight, especially as the
English Catholics will be sure to sympathise with the Scots, and
the Queen will certainly conclude that there is an understanding
between them.
To this consideration may be added, that now that England is at
war with His Majesty, there is no sufficient store of money, men, or
munitions, to sustain the war in Flanders, to man with extra-
ordinary garrisons the Scotch and Border fortresses, and to fit out
the ships with which they intend to plunder His Majesty's flotillas,
and disturb his Indies, since their own commerce has been destroyed
by His Majesty's prohibition.* From these points it may be safely
concluded that the Queen would have to concentrate her forces at
the place where the greatest danger existed for her country, and
slacken her eflTorts where her own interests were not so directly at
stake ; and it may be reasoned, that if His Majesty (whom God has
made so great and powerful a monarch) was diverted and troubled
by the queen of England's sending Drake with his 1,500 shoeless
vagabonds to the Indies, how much greater will be her perturbation
when she sees the Scottish Catholics endeavouring to extirpate
the heretics, and knows that their success would give new courage
to the English Catholics to act in the same way.
Although these arguments are all in favour of His Majesty,
it may be added that the present condition of France is such
* That is to say the prohibition of trade between England and Spain, and the
confiscation of English ships and property in the latter country which had be^en decreed
by Philip at the time the preparation of Leicester's expedition to Flanders in the late
autumn of 158S.
ELIZABETH. 637
1686.
that, even if the King were to forget his duty and endeavour
to obstruct the Scottish Catholics in their righteous enterprise,
he could not do it, as he cannot send troops, and the Huguenots
•will not by that time have disarmed. Still, however, the
business is of such great importance that it should be managed
with the utmost firmness and care, in order to obtain from it
advantage without injury. The latter would certainly result if the
Scottish Catholics were to be precipitate, as the heretic forces and
the English would at once become more cohesive, instead of
separating, as is dasirable. For this reason I am of opinion that
the Scottish nobles should be written to, saying that His Majesty
highly approved of their zeal and the righteous resolution they had
adopted, and then in general terms saying that His Majesty will
not fail to aid them in the execution of their design, on the con-
dition that it is undertaken on the solid grounds which are needful
for the success of such an enterprise, and that they assure him,
for their own sakes, that they will carry it through. He therefore
wishes to know whether the pay they request for the 6,000 men is
for the employment of Scots troops or foreigners ? and if the latter,
of what nationality ? at what port they could disembark ? and what
personage should command them ? They might also he asked if the
Catholic lords have entered into this enterprise with the connivance of
the King ? and if not, whether it is their intention to detain him in
a castle after the execution of the design ? Whether it will be
necessary, in order to get the King out of the hands of the English
faction and of the preachers, to fall upon them sword in hand and
kill them, or whether they will be forced to leave the country ?
because in the latter case, as they are so near England, they will go
thither, and undoubtedly will obtain assistance to return, with the
countenance also of their friends in Scotland. If the soldiers are to
be foreigners will the Catholics declare themselves before their arrival,
and will they be made masters of the fortresses of Dumbarton,
Stirling, Edinburgh, and other places of importance in Scotland ?
If the money is required for the pay of Scotsmen, how and
where are they to be raised, and who are to be their leaders ?
What season of the year is considered most fitting for the exe-
cution of the enterprise ? and if it be necessary for His Majesty to
reinforce them, whether the troops should be sent from the Nether-
lands or Spain ? and in what port they could disembark ? These
points must be necessarily cleared up before any_ armed action can
be taken, or His Majesty afford them any specific help ; and by
this means we shall learn on what footing the Scotsmen are in this
business. We shall be able to judge also whether His Majesty's
help to them is likely to be beneficial. With regard to the afiair
being pressed forward promptly, or otherwise, no one is a better
judge than your Excellency, who has upon your shoulders all the
burden of the war, and can best calculate the pace at which it
would be most advantageous to move. It is certain that, in order to
prevent the war in Flanders from becoming chronic, it will be
necessary to sting the Englishwoman either in Scotland or Ireland,,
638 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1586.
or both, if not resolutely in her own country. This now involves
the dignity and prestige of the King, seeing the many insults she
has heaped upon him, and the world will judge, if he fail to punish
her, that he is unable to do so. If action be not taken against her,
she will necessarily attack His Majesty; but still, withal, this
business must not be undertaken without the assurance of being
able to carry it through, and at a season when we shall run no
risk of losing what we have gained in Flanders with the expen-
diture of so much blood and treasure. On this point, as I have
said, your Excellency will be the best judge.
By sending such a reply as I suggest, according to my scant
understanding, in which His Majesty accepts the proposal in
principle, they will be pledged to us without our being bound
further than the advantage to be gained may render advisable ;
and at the same time we shall be able to discover the ground and
see whether a smaller sum of money and fewer men will serve for
the execution of their plan, which is obviously as much for the
service of God as for the advantage of His Majesty. Whilst he is
at war with the Englishwoman, His Majesty should on no account
fail to welcome the Scots, and keep them in a good humour,
because whenever His Majesty wishes to invade her, any movement
in his favour in Scotland will be of the highest importance, and,
moreover, the Scottish intention is so holy a one that it may be
hoped that God in his clemency wiU crown it with success.
I have thus laid before you Excellency my ideas upon the
subject, and send my letter specially by one of my servants, who
will bring back the reply which you think should be given to
Muzio (the duke of Guise), as His Majesty instructs me not to give
him any decided answer until I hear from you. I will try to keep
him in hand in the meanwhile, but I pray for as prompt an answer
as possible, so as to avoid the distrust of Muzio and the Scots. —
Paris, loth October 1586.
19 Oct. 493, The King to Bernabdino de Mendoza.
^K ^^48''79^^' ■'• 1^^*'^ understand that your not having sent full reports of
English armaments lately, arises from the closing of the ports, and
the renewed imprisonment of Catholics there, but now that the
first rush is over, and the rigour probably relaxed, you must
exercise extraordinary diligence in this matter, as I have often
said. It is not only most important that we should know promptly
what they are doing, in order to take the necessary steps, but in
the absence of trustworthy news from you we get conflicting reports,
which cause much anxiety, like those I now send you which reach
me from Lisbon.* Let me know what you can learn about this,
and pray in fixture exert the utmost energy ia reporting to me
all armaments prepared in England. Employ fitting men in
the ports to see for themselves. Do this by the means formerly
suggested, and let the men correspond in commercial terms, which
■See statements of tha three shipmasterB, 11th October, page 632.
ELIZABETH. 639
1686,
may be made to form a cipher. They must inform you of all
preparations direct, because to depend entirely on correspondence
from London will sometimes be too long a process. In addition to
this it is most useful for us to hear from there what news they
have from Flanders. Your intelligence about the raising of the
siege of Bergen was the first news we received of it here. — Madrid,
19th October 1586.
JHote. — A letter of the 4th November again urges this point of
intelligence from England in the most emphatic manner. " It is
1 " now more important than ever. Even though the ports are
" closed he must try to learn and transmit all he can about
" armaments."
19 Oct. 494. The King to Bernardino de Mendoza.
Fans Archives, TF.vtr a rT 1
'K. 1448. 80. L^XTEACT.J
The copy of the queen of Scotland's letter to you also came to
hand. I grieve for her trouble all the more for her invariable
firmness in our holy faith, and her steadfast desire for its increase.
I hope that' God will help her. If you get' an opportunity of
renewing your communication with her, console her and encourage
her from me. With regard to the matter of those poor Catholics,
there is nothing more to be said, except to deplore their misfortune,
for which they themselves are, no doubt, mostly to blame, in
consequence of their being unable to keep the secret, and of having
communicated it to so many people. It was inevitable that it should
become known under the circumstances. You did well in not
sending the letters to the duke of Parma when you saw how
things were. As they are now useless you had better burn them.
—19th October 15S6.
20 Oct. 495. The King to Bernardino de Mendoza.
^K'\448''8r°' ■^- Portuguese named Antonio de Vega will address himself to
you tinder the feigned name of Luis Fernandez Marchone.* He
may be trusted, and you may employ him confidentially, if you
think well in supplying you with intelligence. — Madrid, 20th
October 1586.
20 Oct. 496. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
^■K'i5Si^2oT' ^^ accordance with orders, he has written to the prince of Parma
about Scotland, copy enclosed (see letter of 15th October). I
have not delivered the letter to Muzio yet, as the Scotsman has not
appeared nor has Muzio pressed for a reply. I am afraid that
there will be a great objection to persuading them (the Scots) to
appeal to his Holiness for aid, as it will be necessary to explain to
him the names of the leaders and the details of the plan. He (the
• This maa subsequently came to London, ostensibly attached himself to the cause
of Don Antonio (whom he usually refers to as his uncle in his correspondence) and
served as a Spanish spy. He made more than one abortive attempt to plan the
murder of Don Antonio during his stay in England.
64i0 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1686.
Pope) will instantly tell Cardinal llusticucci* (as Muzio's many-
experiences will prove to him), and Cardinal D'Este will know all
about it directly afterwards. He will advise the king of France,
who will inform the queen of England, and she will immediately
write to the Scots of the English faction, telling them to make
ready and seize the Catholics. Muzio is so cautious about it that
he told Nazareth that he did not write anything to his Holiness that
he did not desire the king (of France) to know, as the latter heard
of everything through Cardinals Kusticucci and D'Este. Nazareth
himself told me as soon as he arrived here, that in order to get
over this difficulty he had left in Rome a nephew of his who is
bishop of Gayaza, to whom he wrote confidentially what he desired
to be conveyed verballj' to those there.
I understand that the General of the Jesuitsf spoke to the Pope
about the members of the Order who are in Scotland, and of the
great good they were doing, which would be greater if they were
helped with money for ornaments, the printing of books, and other
things. The intention of this was to see how his Holiness took it,
and, if advisable, to tell him of the offers made by the principal
Catholics. But he found the Pope very hard about the question of
money, and ready to communicate everything to Cardinal Eusticucci,
and consequently carried the matter no farther.
(Gives an account of the disorder and inattention of the king of
France and the despair of his Ministers.)
I managed for the Scots ambassador to send a man to England,
through the intervention of his mistress' councillors here, who
have the management of her dowry. They were got to represent
to the King that it would be advisable in her interests to send
such a man, who might then stay in England and send reports of
what went on. The King consented, and the gentleman left, but
when he had only been in London a week M, de Chateauneuf,
the ambassador, sent him back again, saying that it was most
unadvisable for him to be detained there, in order to avoid giving
rise to more suspicion in the Queen's mind than at present exists.
I am therefore unable to advise your Majesty as fully as I should
like. The man confirms the departure of Master Hawkins from
Southampton with seventeen sail, but with small provision for a
lengthy voyage. — Paris, 20th October 1586.
Postscript. — I close this letter on the 24th, having kept it since
the 20th waiting for a passport. It will be impossible for me to
forward my despatches with the necessary punctuality and secrecy,
unless the management of the posts be given to Isuardo de Capelo,
as I have written before to your Majesty.f
• Cardinal Rusticucci had been made Papal Secretary of State on the elevation of
Sextus V. He, in union with Cardinals D'Este and Medici, had beea principally
instrumental in raising his Holiness to the Pontificate, and shared with them their
distrust of the Spanish party.
t Father Claude Aquaviva.
J Note in the handwriting of the King : " I believe that this was granted. I do not
knew why it has not been done." Isuardo de Capelo was the Eing'a postmaster at Iran
on the Spanish frontier.
ELIZABETH. 641
1586.
20 Oct. 497. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
K. 1564. 204.' They have executed 14 of the English Catholic prisoners in
England, the names of "whom I enclose.* They all died as Catholics,
confessing that they died for religion's sake, and saying that if
they had as many lives as they had hairs on their heads, they would
spend them all in the same cause. They did not incriminate anyone
else. Ballard the priest was the first one they executed, and he
exhorted all of them to be of good heart, since they who had been
Catholics in life should prove themselves Catholics in death. When
Babington's turn came the rope broke and the hangman cut him
open alive, as is the custom, to take out his heart. They affirm
that v/hilst the hangman was in the very act of tearing out the
heart Babington was heard to pronounce the word " Jesus " three
times. M. de Simier, who is hand-in-glove with the English
ambassador here, saya that he has letters asserting that Ballard
confessed that he had seen Charles Paget and me, but that neither
Paget nor I knew anything about their having conspired in England
against the person of the Queen, and that even he (Ballard) was
not aware of it. Since the execution, and in order to incense the
people, they have published tiiat the day the Catholics murdered
the Queen, they intended to set fire to London, burn all the Queen's
ships, and spike all the guns in the kingdom, whilst Babington was
to marry the queen of Scotland the next day. The French
ambassador writes that Cecil told him that he was present when
Babington was tortured, and that he had confessed to him alone
with great secrecy, that the queen of Scotland had promised to
marry him. This is a very badly invented lie, as Babington was
married already and was a good Catholic.
On the 14th the English ambassador had audience of this King,
and stated the causes of complaint his mistress had against the
queen of Scotland in the matter of this conspiracy. The King
replied to him in a long speech, signifying that he could not avoid
helping the queen of Scotland for many reasons, and especially as
she had once been his sovereign. If he forgot this, even the queen
of England would think badly of him, and he should judge of her
friendship towards him by the way she treated the queen of
Scotland at this juncture. He dwelt at length on this point, and
after- the audience he again sent by Gondi to beg the ambassador,
personally to use his good offices in her favour. He replied that
he would comply with the request, not as English ambassador but
as Edward Stafford. I cannot learn that the King has taken
any other steps, except to write to his ambassador. The latter sent
one of his servants hither with letters dated 14th instant, reporting
that Lord Admiral Howard and Lord Hertford had gone v;ith a
;■ force of infantry and cavalry for the purpose of bringing the queen
of Scotland from the place where she was to another castle in the
y 84541.
• The name* do not now accompany the letter, but they were Babington, Savage,
Ballard, Barnwell, Tilney, Abington, and Tichborne, executed at St. Giles'-in-the-fields
on the 20th September j and Salisbury, Dunn, Jones, Cbarnock, Travers, Gage, and.
Bellamy on the following day.
S S
642 SPANISH STATE PAPEES.
1J586.
county of Cambridge, 12 miles from Windsor;* and that the Queen
had summoned Parliament for the 14th instant.
The soldiers and sailors who had gone with Drake had mutinied
in consequence of their having been given only 80 reals each.
The Queen sent two Councillors to pacify them, who ordered
them to be given 160 reals each. They are still fitting out ships to
go on the Indian voyage,t saying, however, that they would not be
ready to sail until some time next month.
Letters from England dated the 8th instant report the departure
of Hawkins from Southampton at the beginning of the month, with
17 Bail under the English flag. His destination was unknown, but
it may be believed he has gone to Rochelle, in view of what I
write to your Majesty in another letter advising the arrival at
Rochelle of a similar number of Enghsh ships. Advices from
Rouen of 17th say also that a ship had arrived at Havre-de-Grace
from Lisbon, reporting that she bad fallen in with Hawkins aad
26 ships in Spanish waters, and that they had said they were
sailing to the Indies. Six of the ships were large ones, and
apparentljr belonged to the Queen. I am sending this courier
expressly to take the news to your Majesty, as I have no knowledge
that Hawkins remained at Rochelle, and he will have been joined
probably by some pirates. It is true they laid in no great store of
victuals or arms in England, but perhaps they depended upon
what they could capture on the way, and afterwards intended to
encounter the Indian flotillas, since no news of the arrival of the
latter has been received. I do not believe the Queen would give
any of her own ships for a long voyage, but that the sailors who
bring the news thought some of the vessels must be hers because
they were large. The Jesuits ia Scotland write that they are
raising such a harvest by God's, help that more priests are required
to garner it. — Paris, 20th October 1586.
20'Oct. 498. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
^K\t6i^206' Although I am still trying to arrange to keep a man in England
by the plan I have described to your Majesty, I have failed in my
attempts to avail myself of Muy.io's (the duke of Guise) assistance,
as any person connected with him is looked upon with double
suspicion. I have therefore thought of making use of M. de la
Triell.l a rebel subject of your Majesty's, he having been the
lieutenant of Prince de Antona (Epinay ?) at Tournai. He has
appealed to me through some of his relatives whom I knew in the
Netherlands, asking me to use my influence with the prince of
Parma in his favour. I have written to the Prince, asking him
whether the man's error deserves forgiveness now that he
acknowledges it, as he truly does, and whether he may be
employed in discovering the rebel plans in Cambrai, and other
* Note in the King's handwriting : " This is not good."
t The King calls special attention to this passage.
i M d'Estrelles, as he is usually called, had greatly distinguished himself in
conjurction with the heroic Princess d'Epinay at the obstinate defence of Toumai in
1!J81.
ELIZABETH. 643
1686.
particulars of Holland and Zeeland where Trielle has great
connections. He is a man of understanding, whom the Prince (of
Parma) wished to withdraw from the rebels before, and I therefore
asked him what connections he had in England ? He said that he
was in the habit of receiving letters from some of the rebels
resident there, but if I wanted to learn anything particularly he
would find me a man from the Netherlands who, like himself, was
in disgrace with your Majesty, but also, like himself, was anxious
for pardon. This ican could go with a passport from the English
ambassador himself, and would see and report whatever I might
desire. I had him brought hither from Abbeville. He is a native
of Douai, and his name is Hugo Frion, a horse dealer. On a charge
that he was sending horses out of the Netherlands, he fled to
Cambrai, where he favoured the cause of the duke of Alengon, and
was therefore declared a rebel, and an income he possessed of
nearly 200 florins a year was confiscated. He seems to me to be a
convenient instrument to send to England for the purpose of
reconnoitring armaments, and to Holland and Zeeland, as his
business has brought him into connection with all sorts of heretics,
and he is a cunning fellow. He promises to do as I wish, and act
as a loyal subject of your Majesty, if I would assure him that he
should receive pardon. I humbly beg your Majesty to instruct me
as to whether I may give him such assurance, and make use of him
and M. de Trielle in accordance with their oS"ers. In order to
obtain full particulars about both of them, I have written to the
prince of Parma, and point out to him the need for making use of
such instruments as these for discovering the machinations of the
rebel leaders. — Paris, 20th October 1586.
h 24 Oct. 499. Bernardino DE Mendoza to the King.
f ^"i5^^2og'' Since ray last advices about England, I have letters from Kouen
' " ' ' dated 1 9th instant, reporting the arrival of a French ship at Havre
de Grace, which left Lisbon on the 24th ultimo and was taken on
the high seas by Captain Hawkins. The latter had with him 12
well-armed ships, five of which were of 700 or 800 tons burden,
and the rest of about 100 tons. They told the Frenchman that
they were going in search of your Majesty's Indian flotillas, in
the direction of the islands of Terceira, where 30 English ships
were to meet for the purpose. The French shipmaster reports that
before he left Lisbon, Juan Martinez de Recalde* had sailed from
there with 15 ships, which he thought would be unable to
overcome those of Hawkins.
This intelligence is more detailed than that which I sent in my
last letter. Perhaps the other ship counted all the English vessels
she saw, pirates and all, in Spanish waters, and concluded they
were all under Hawkins, or else they had got scattered when this
• This was Philip's principal admiral on the Biscay coast. He had commanded a part
of the fleet which conveyed the King to England in 1554 to marry Queen Mary, and
had charge of a squadron of the Armada in 1588. He died of grief m October 1588
on his arrival at Coruna after the defeat.
ss 2
644 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1586. ~
French ship met him, at vyhich time, of course, he would be nearer
Spain than when the first ship saw him. — Paris, 24th October
1586.
8 Nov. 500. Beenaedino de Mendoza to the King.
^K^ht'^m!' [Extract.]
Whilst I was closing this letter a courier arrived from Zeeland
and Middleburg, who says that he sailed on the 3rd, and when he
was embarking he saw Francis Drake going ashore. He had
arrived there (Middleburg) with four large well-armed ships and
four small ones, bringing English troops for Leicester. He does
not report their number as Drake was at the moment landing with
20 persona from the ship. The letters the courier brings do not
mention Drake's arrival, but only report that tlie duke of Parma
had given the rebels a good beating. They do not venture to say
much, only that they had lost a large number of men. — Paris,
8th November 1586.
8 Nov. 501. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
K."i564.''220.'' ■'■^ ^7 '^^* letters I advised your Majesty of the arrival here of
Harry Wotton, an envoy of the queen of England, instructed to lay
before this King the complaints against the queen of Scotland in a
way which will arouse the indignation of the King and his mother
towards her. He is to point out how much she depended upon
your Majesty in all matters, and how diffident she was of France;
and in support of this he is to show them the deciphering of a
letter from her to me, which they say they seized and deciphered in
the presence of the Council. The substance of it is to thank me
very warmly for the good offices I constantly rendered to her
cause, and to ask me to signify to your Majesty that, if her son did
not become a Catholic, she would declare (as she did now declare)
that your Majesty was the legitimate heir to the crowns of
England, Ireland, and Scotland, in whose favour she abdicated any
right she might have to those crowns. In accordance with this,
they had discovered in the boxes of her escritoire her will, written
with her own hand, and duly signed, in which she confesses that as
God has summoned her to Himself, she dies in the true Catholic
faith, which she implores her son to embrace, and begs all Catholic
princes to urge him thereto. If, however, his obstinacy and
pertinacity be so great as to make him persist in his error, she
declared, in his default, your Majesty her rightful heir and
successor, as you were, to the three crowns ; and she besought you
to strive for the conversion of the realms, with all the energy
which your Catholic zeal and your aforesaid rights demanded of
you. She called God as witness of this in discliarge of her
conscience, and commended to His care the submission of the three
realms to their rightful inheritor, who was the most Catholic
prince on earth. She prayed your Majesty in acknowledgment of
this to be careful to reward those who had suffered for the
Catholic cause, and for her sake honouring their descendants and
successors. I understand that Wotton brings a copy of this will,
ELIZABETH. 645
1686.
and of my letter fully authenticated by the signatures of the queen
of England's councillors, and of the two secretaries of the queen of
Scotland, whom they are keeping in prison.
He (Wotton) also brings another authenticated letter, which the
queen of Scotland wrote to Babington, and which had been
deciphered by the said secretaries. The effect of it is to encourage
him greatly in his resolution, (without specifying what it is), as
it is much in God's service, and to the advantage of our holy
Catholic faith. The last thing to be considered therefore, she says,
is her own safety, and she will be glad to sacrifice her life in
exchange for so saintly an object. The English councillors dwell
greatly upon the construction of this letter, which was written in
English, and say that it is the most artfully and cleverly worded
letter they have ever seen. When the two secretaries of the queeu
of Scotland deciphered it, they said they had earnestly begged her
not to write it, and prayed her not to approve of Babington's
resolution, in which they (the secretaries) have borne no part.
Harry Wotton also brings another certified letter, which the
Scots ambassador here wrote to his mistress, the principal point of
which is that he tells her not to look for any help from France,
because everything that the King could wring out of his subjects
was for the two, which expression they interpret as signifying the
two minions,* but which the Scots ambassador says means the two
armies that were formed.
He also brings letters written to her by her servant Thomas
Morgan, who is in prison here, and Charles Paget, making some
personal remarks about this King, and the little confidence she
could place in him ; all of which documents bear dates within the
last two years, and are said to have been discovered in 12 cofi"er3
and writing desks, which were taken from the queen of Scotland,
and brought, under seal, to the queen of England, who, with six
of her councillors, were present when they were opened. They
discovered therein documents proving the communications she was
carrying on with the highest people ia England, which has caused
the greatest alarm to the queen of England, as it is considered
that it will make it more injurious to her if she proceeds against
the Scottish Queen.
When Cecil saw the papers he told the Queen that if, now that
she had so great an advantage (which is an expression they use in
England), she did not proceed with all rigour, at once, against the
queen of Scotland, he, himself, would seek her friendship. These
words are worthy of so clever a man as he is, and were intended to
lead the other councillors to follow him in holding the queen (of
England) back. The latter has sent to the king of Scotland to tell
him that his mother had disinherited him, and declared your Majesty
her heii', and she .(Elizabeth) had instructed Paulet, who is the keeper,
to tell the queen of Scotland that it is time she looked to the welfare
of her soul rather than anything else; and a thousand threats of
the same sort. The Queen replied that it behoved everyone to
♦ The dukes of Joyeuse andjBpernon.
646 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1586.
have this in view, and God who had kept her thus far, would
dispose of her as he deemed best for His service. In His hands she
had placed her life to be spent in the increase of the Catholic faith.
She spoke upon this point with so much firmness and valour, that
Paulet himself, terrible heretic as he is, was astonished, as were the
Queen's Councillors when he wrote to them about it. They have
taken away all her household and have left her only a single
gentlewoman. The queen of England bases her claim to proceed
against her on the ground of her renunciation of the sovereignty,
and her consent to the Act adopted in Parliament when I left
England, making it high treason for any person to conspire against
the person of the sovereign, which clause had been signed by the
queen of Scotland, and all the nobles of the realm. These are points
which, even if they be sustainable in strict law, in an ordinary case,
cannot be urged by the queen of England, as she held the queen of
Scotland in durance ; and the other charges will be fully answered
by her ambassador ; as this is not the first time that Cecil and
Walsinghara have invented forged letters, and as the queen of
Scotland's ciphers have now fallen into their hands, they would of
course make use of it to write whatever they thought best calculated
to inculpate her and irritate the French against her.
As regards the will, that is a document in which the truth must
be told, and she could not avoid acknowledging your Majesty's
right which is as clear as noonday, and especially as the queen of
Scotland cannot sustain her own claim, without recognising yours.
Harry Wotton hopes to obtain audience of the King at St. Germain
where an appointment with His Majesty has also been made for me.
He (Wotton) says that the queen of England has sent all the members
of her Council and the principal nobles of the realm, accompanied by
two secretaries, to the total number of 32, to examine the queen of
Scotland in accordance with the charges they had formulated and
the papers they had discovered. She will, of course, refuse to
reply, as she is a sovereign and acknowledges no superior. I will
at once report to your Majesty all I hear. — Paris, 8th November
1586.
8 Nov. 502. Beenaedino de Mendoza to the King.
Paris Archives, rEXTEACT.!
K. 1564. 218. .
The archbishop of Nazareth* has been informed by me of what
your Majesty orders me, and he humbly thanks you for this sign of
your favour. He says that the interests of God and those of your
Majesty are so interwoven that he could hardly neglect the latter
without forgetting the former, which his dignity as a minister of
his Holiness, an honest man, and a subject of your Majesty, will
never allow him to do. His obligation towards your Majesty is not
lost sight of, and he is ready to fulfil it to the fullest extent. He
is as steadfast as I have reported him to be, whenever your
Majesty's interests demand ; and in the matter of the exclusion of
' The Papal Nuncio in Paris, a Neapolitan and consequently a Spanish subject.
ELIZABETH. 647
1686.
Beam he is harder than a diamond. He has told me several times
that before his departure from Rome he spoke to his Holiness about
it ; and the Cardinal inquisitors assured him that on no account
would the bulls against the princes of Beam and Condd be altered.
I keep in close communication with him, aa your Majesty orders,
and I recognize how sincerely and truthfully he opens his heart to
me. The queen of England is keeping the queen of Scotland very
strictly, as your Majesty will see by my other despatch herewith.
Although the general idea amongst the common people is that her
life will be in danger, this is in all probability not to be feared,
because the reasons which have hitherto led the English Councillors
to spare her militate more strongly in her favour now than ever.
To these may be added the certainty that, even if the Queen
wished to wreak her vengeance upon her, the Councillors would not
allow it to be done, in view of the injury it would bring upon them
individually and collectively ; as it would at once set the country
aflame with a long civil war, which the various pretenders would
foment, and enable your Majesty, who is the next legitimate heir
after the queen of Scotland (her son not being a Catholic), to
conquer the country with ease in its divided condition, whilst the
Catholics would undoubtedlj' follow the party of your Majesty.
The forwarding of the cause of the queen of Scotland is truly a
pious task, seeing her firmness in the Catholic religion and her
attachment to your Majesty's interests, which is proved by what I
mention in my other letter as being contained in her letter to me
of 20th May, and also by the papers found in her desk ; but yet I
find my hands tied in dealing with her interests here. I have
therefore arranged for Nazareth to signify to this King that, if he
did not, at the present juncture, aid the queen of Scotland with all the
energy which his many ties to her demanded, he must recollect that,
failing the queen of Scotland, your Majesty was the next legitimate
heir to the Crown, as her son was a heretic. This will be sure to
put fire and spurs to his Councillors, who are so desirous of abating
your Majesty's greatness, and will lead them to take strong action
in the queen of Scotland's favour, which it is only right that I
should endeavour to forward ; whilst at the same time it will be
extremely advantageous (as her son is of age and persists in his
heresy) that the truth with regard to your Majesty's rights to the
three crowns of England, Ireland, and Scotland, should at once be
made known, and the people made familiar with the claim and led
to found their hopes upon it. Nazareth approved of this, although
I did not go into further particulars with him, only that your
Majesty was the rightful heir, and the idea was set afloat before
Harry Wotton* spoke to the King. They say the latter intends to
* Henry Wotton had been sent to Paris by Queen Elizabeth with certified copies of
all the documents tending to prove the complicity of Mary in the Babington plot and
the intrigues of the Spaniards. Particulars of the documents he took will be found
in the Domestic Calendar, 1580—1625, where the envoy is called Mr. Edward
Wotton.
618 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1586.
send Belifevre* to England. He values this councillor so much that
the very fact of his sending him will have an eifect upon the queen
^ of England, and will somewhat temper her fury. This was indicated
by the English ambassador here on the occasion that Charles
Arundel arrived in Paris, when the Scots ambassador came and
told me that the English ambassador would inform him through
Arundel of what it was desirable he should know about his mistress'
(the queen of Scotland's) affairs, and begged me to give Arundel
permission to visit the English ambassador. On Wotton's arrival,
Stafford gave Arundel a precise account of the charges made against
the Queen, in order that the King might be pre-informed of them,
and said it would be well for him to send Believre to England, as
the Queen considered him a politic and powerful minister, and he
would consequently be well able to conduct the affair of the queen
of Scotland.
Stafford also told Arundel about Drake's ships and the departure
of Hawkins ; and I am trying to get Arundel more into Staff'ord's
intimacy in order that he may get fuller information on this and
other points.
I send your Majesty a letter from Don Antonio received from
Sampson. I hear from various quarters that Don Antonio is much
dissatisfied with the queen of England, who had assured him that
out of the plunder to be brought back by Drake she would assign
him funds to enable him to take a fleet to the coast of Portugal.
Don Antonio is now unable to obtain means even to maintain the
Portuguese he has with him in England, and the Queen told him
not to burden himself with so many people as she could not feed
them.
The Scottish gentleman, Eobert Bruce, arrived here on the 2nd,
and I am hourly expecting a reply to the despatch I sent to the
Prince of Parma in order to send him with it to Muzio (the duke of
Guise).— Paris, 8th November 1586.
8 Nov. 503. Bernabdino de Mendoza to the King.
*k"i'564.°21^9;'' On the 20th and 24th ultimo I wrote to your Majesty the news
I had received from England, and confirmed the sailing of Hawkins'
fleet, which intelligence had been brought by two ships which had
arrived at Havre de Grace. I have had a sailor from the last of
the two ships brought hither who tells mo that his sliip, after
Hawkins had let them go, had been at the islands of Bayona, where
* Pomponne de Belli&vre did not arrive in England until the 1st December. His
account of his embassy sent to Secretary Villeroy is printed in Labanoff. How far the
French King and his mother were sincere in their attempts to save the unfortunate
Mary Stuart is an open question. Aubespine de Chateauneuf, the French Ambassador
in London, was evidently in doubt about it. He wrote to his colleague d'Esneval in
France, on the 20th October, begging for his confidential advice as to how he should
proceed, " Je vous prie me mander privement et ouvertement I'intention de Sa Majeste sur
" les choses de dega ; car il ma semble que Ton se soucie fort psu par dela du fait de la
" Reine d'Ecosse et de ces quartiers comme je vous ai souvent dit. Je serai tres aise
" de savoir afin de me gouverner selon I'intention du maitre." "Archives de lafamille
d'Etneval." Ch&uel. Marie Stuart et Catharine d« Medici.
ELIZABETH. 649
1586.
they had seen J. Martinez de Recalde with 12 ships, and they had
given him news of the English. He had supplied them with
biscuit for their voyage to France. Through Sampson and other
sources I have got at the reason for Hawkins' voyage. It appears
that the Queen, out of suspicion of the fleet which was being fitted
out in Normandy, had ordered 32 ships to be supplied with biscuit
for three months, most of them being merchantmen already fitted
for sea, in order that Hawkins might take them to Rochelle. In
view of the small number of vessels which La Chatre brought out,
it was seen that so many English ships would not be required, and
only 17 sailed for Rochelle. Don Antonio therefore urged the
Queen, since it was no longer necessary to keep Hawkins on the
coast of France, to send him to St. Michael's, to await the two
ships which were expected there from the East Indies, as he was
advised from Lisbon that they had not arrived. He said that
Hawkins might also have the opportunity of sacking a village or
two on the islands. The Queen sent orders to Hawkins to take
this course, and he took biscuit on board for another three months,
out of those of his ships tliat he sent back to England. Although
it was said he took six of the Queen's ships, they are not hers, but
old ships she has sold to merchants whilst she builds new ones.
Captain Pardin says that when he left London on the 28th
September, Drake had been with Don Antonio, and had persuaded
him warmly to recommend the Queen to send Hawkins on this
voyage. He (Don Antonio) undertook to do so, and was to go to
the Court next day.
I am doing all I can to get information about English armaments
in compliance with your Majesty's fresh orders, but, owing to the
strictness in the ports, it was impossible to obtain information
earlier of the sailing of Hawkins for Rochelle. Although I am
trying to tempt merchants of all nations to advise me in their
mercantile language of what I Avant to know, they are in such
terrible fear that I can get no one to face the task, nor will any
person go from here for the purpose. As to my sending persons
specially to reconnoitre the fleets being fitted out in the ports, that
is impossible, as they are small places, and the arrival of a man, or
or even of a fly, who does not belong to the neighbourhood, is
always noticed, and the person interrogated as to his object in
coming. As they are obliged to carry permits from the justices
to go from place to place certifying who they are, there is no way
for any man to set foot in England without he drags the hangman's
rope after him, unless he goes with some good pretext direct to
London, where people are allowed to come for the sake of trade.
The moment they arrive even there, if they are strangsrs, their
hosts give notice to the Commissioners, who come to examine
them. This is done with so much strictness that, even in the case
of a Flemish heretic who went from here, summoned by one of
the Queen's Councillors to bring him some jewels he wished to buy,
and who bore a passport from the English ambassador, he was
nevertheless stopped and examined when he landed at the port,
and again when he arrived in London, where some other resident
660 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1686.
Flemish heretics had to be bail for him. When the man reached
the Court he was immediately arrested, and four privy councillors
came to examine him again, amongst whom was the one who had
sent for him.* Notwithstanding this, and that they saw the
jewels he had brought, the Councillor dissembled, and he and his
colleagues asked the Fleming so many questions about me that
he came back hither scandalised, and says that, to judge from the
questions they put to him about me, the queen of England and her
Councillors must think that I carry on communication not only with
the men in England but with the very trees.
I have heard from a good source that the English ambassador
said that Drake would not sail so soon as was intended, and that
he finds great difficulty in his return voyage in consequence of his
bad treatment of the seamen and others who a.ccompanied him,
who have come back poor ; and also because of Francis KnoUys, a
relative of the Queen and a son of the Treasurer of the household,
as well as a brother-in-law of Leicester,! who has always taken out
ships to plunder and went with Drake on his last voyage. In
consequence of the small profit they made and the loss of so many
men, they had high words on the voyage, and the quarrel has been
renewed since they came to London. The Queen ordered Knoliys
to be kept under arrest for some days, and Drake in consequence
has become much disliked. Those who found the money for his
former expedition are hardly likely to do so again, as they have
made a loss. The Flemish heretic who went to England says that
they showed him all the pearls that Drake had stolen, as he is a
man of credit and experience in this business, and he asserts that
they are not worth altogether more than 8,000 crowns. The English
ambassador is not of opinion thUt the Queen alone will provide funds
for Drake's return venture.
Secretary Walsingham had held out hopes to Don Antonio that
very shortly some extra sum of money would be given to him.
Sampson suspects (as does Captain Pardin) that it will be part of the
8,000 crowns which Don Antonio asked of the Queen to pay his debts.
Don Antonio was living in a house that had been a monastery,
near Windsor.J — Paris, 8th November 1586.
9 Nov. 504. Document headed " Advices from Dkventer, 9th November
Paris Archives, 1586."
K. 1564. 216.
Philip Sidney§ had died of a wound at Deventer, his thigh
having been cut oflT in consequence of his hurt. The earl of
Leicester was withdrawing his troops to the garrisons, having
dismissed 24 standards of Flemings who were discontented at not
"■ In a letter from M. de Buzenval to Walsingham, 10th September (Domestic
Calendar, 1580-1625), a warning is given against this lapidary, who is said to have
gone to Court (Windsor) on the pretence of selling jewels, hut to be accompanied by a
confidant of Don Bernardino's in the guise of a valet. It is hinted that he may make an
attempt upon the Queen, and Walsingham is recommended to secure him.
f He was a brother of Lettice Knoliys, countess of Essex, Leicester's second wife.
X Don Antonio at this time was residing at Eton.
§ In the margin the King has written against the name of Philip Sidney, " He was
mi/ Godsov."
ELIZABETH. 651
1686.
being paid. The writer of these advices met Francis Drake at
Eotterdam on his way with money to the earl of Leicester.
The earl of Leicester gives the English soldiers 25 placks a week
for their maintenance ia the garrisons. The Englishmen who are
about the earl of Leicester and elsewhere in Zeeland confess that
they had lost 2,000 men in the fight at Zutphen.
10 Nov. 505. Document headed, " Copy of a letter translated from the
^a"' Ar'^hives, " English, written in London, 10th November 1586."
iV. 1564. 223.
When the Licentiate Guevara went from London to Spain
through Paris, I gave him a memorandum of events here so drawn
up as to enable him to inform your Lordship verbally of them, in
the same way as I had formerly done with P. de Villa Real, and I
hope they have both been able to tell you the news in a way
which you understood. Since then the danger of taking letters
has become so great that I have been unable to report, as people
have to be extremely careful, and I have met no one whom I could
trust. By this opportunity, therefore, I repeat some of my former
intelligence, in case the messengers above mentioned may not have
made it as clear as I could wish. This is being taken by P.
Sarmiento de Gamboa,* whose being brought to this country your
Lordship will recollect.
With regard to the return of Francis Drake from the Indies, I
advised that he had arrived here and what he had brought. He
captured at Santo Domingo, Cartagena, and elsewhere, about 140
pieces of bronze ordnance, some very good and large, as well as a
number of iron pieces. About 16,000 or 18,000 ducats worth
of pearls, rather more than 150,000 ducats of gold and silver, and
some merchandise which he captured in Santo Domingo. He
lost 800 men on the voyage, and the valuation made of what
he brought for division amongst the persons who subscribed the
funds for the venture, amounted to 43,000?. of our money, although
the real Talue must reach fully ten or twelve thousand pounds
more. Up to the present, however, not a groat has been given to
anyone but the soldiers and sailors, who got 6L each, which is
equal to 20 Spanish crowns. This has caused great turmoil and
discontent amongst them, but to no effect. The rest of the proceeds
were lodged in the Tower. The affair has turned out so badly for
them, that it may be concluded that they will not again go to the
Indies to sack towns.
They are much troubled with this war which they have entered
into against Spain, as the whole country is without trade, and
knows not how to recover it; the shipping and commerce here
having mainly depended upon the communication with Spain and
Portugal. They feel the deprivation all the more now, with the
loss of the cloth trade with Germany, which they formerly carried
on through Holland and up the Ehine, but have now been deprived
* Pedro Sarmiento de Gamboa was the founder of the Spanish settlement at the
entrance to the Straits of Magellan, and was captured on his way home to Spain in a
small Portuguese vessel by a ship belonging to Raleigh. He wrote an interesting account
of his expeditions to the Straits, the MS. of which is now in the Royal Library at Madrid.
It was published in Madrid in 1768.
653 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1386.
of by the capture of Nutz on that river. If Berck be taken also,
which please God it will be, now that the neighbouriDg places
have fallen, they will not be able to send any cloths at all, and this
is causing much dissatisfaction all over the country. The rest of
their trade with the other German ports and Muscovy is a mere
trifle, as all they brought from those places was sent by them to
Spain, and their Spanish trade being now gone the other is of no
use to them, as they do not know what to do with the merchandise
they bring hither. All that is left to them is the Levant trade,
which is with Turkey and Italy, and that with Barbary. If
these two are taken from them, which can be easily done, they will
be driven into a corner, without any commerce or navigation at all.
Their French trade is very insignificant, and is carried on by a few
small vessels only.
Great importance should be attached to stopping their Levant
trade, which may be done by carefully guarding the Straits of
Gibraltar against ships from here, whose sailing I will report and
give particulars of their number, in order that a sufficient force of
galleys and galleons may be placed in the Straits to stop their
passage. I will also report the sailing of ships for Barbary, in
order that an efibrt may be made to impede that trade also ; aud I
can assure your Lordship, if this were done for a single year it
would bring them perforce to surrender on any terms which His
Majesty might please to dictate, both with regard to tlie fortresses
they have seized, and the restitution of their plunder, and above all
would prevent them from preying on the seas in future. On
this latter point I will also give my opinion, and say what I
think will be best for His Majesty's interests, and those of his
subjects.
AH the ships coming from Brazil should meet in some port there
and sail together, accompanied by some armed vessels, the cost of
which convoy could be divided amongst the flotilla. The ships
from Santo Domingo might do the same, keeping a very sharp look
out. The ships from the East Indies and elsewhere might be met
by strongly armed ships of the fleet and convoyed in, but the most
important point of all is to look well to the safety of the flotillas
from the (West) Indies, upon which these people especially have
their eyes fixed. Placing on one side the profit that thfey
individually expect to gain, they think that the attacking of the
(West) Indian ships will be a great blow to His Majesty, which
will enable them the better to carry on the war and gain their ends,
I can assure your Lordship that it is impossible to give notice
of the equipping of ships here for the purpose of going out to
await the arrival of the Indian flotillas, because so great is the
movement of armed ships in England that no notice whatever is
taken of them, and it is only necessary to tell the shipmasters to
be at a certain port on such a day for them to go without even
their knowing of each other's movements. Some of the best of the
Queen's ships are sent thither too, on a pretext of cruising along
the coast as they usually do, and thus without anything being
heard of it, twenty or thirty fully armed ships can be sent out to
ELIZABETH. 653
1686.
await the flotillas. Your Lordship may be certain that this will
be persisted in, unless orders are sent from Spain for the flotillas to
be accompanied from the Indies by a good force of armed ships, as
well as having them received at the islands by others which can
protect them and bring them in. The greatest care also should be
taken with the islands of Havana and the Azores, especially
St. Michaels and Terceira, because the English intend, if they
can, to land and seize one of those three, for the purpose of
keeping a garrison and a fleet there, and making of it another
Rochelle to impede the Indian trade, and to hold a stronger pledge
from His Majesty. Believe me, your Lordship, when I assure you
that if this be stopped the country cannot live or maintain itself.
They are all greatly confused and repentant for having meddled in
the matter of Holland and Zeeland, and the Queen is constantly
throwing it into the faces of the people who persuaded her to it,
and particularly when she sees how badly things are turning out
for them there, and going daily from bad to worse. What they
fear most is next summer, when they think His Majesty will send
thither his usual force, and that they shall be obliged to face it as
best they can, or lose that which they already secured. They
have no money for the purpose ; besides which the Queen is very
unwilling to spend money, and is extremely close.
To this must be added the fact that John Hawkins has come
back with the fleet of royal ships and merchantmen, which he took
out to encounter the Indian flotilla, without bringing anything
with him, except the usual Portuguese and Santo Domingan
vessels. This has caused much disappointment, as they were in
great hopes of his performing some notable act, and they are the
more mortified as they learn that the flotilla of 40 valuable ships
has passed safely. After considering all this, and that they have
Holland, Zeeland, and the fortresses on their hands, which they
are unable to hold, that they are crippled with the cost and waste
of the war, that they have done, and are doing, all the injury they
can to His Majesty (little as it has been, and smaller as it must be for
the future) without any movement of retaliation being made on
the part of His Majesty, they are naturallj- now afraid that he is
about to fall upon them with a force which they will be powerless to
resist. For this and many other reasons they are more desirous of
peace than ever, and especially the Queen and those who were the
cause of her entering into the war. She was so desirous of peace
that she (or at least the Lord Treasurer, who was always against
the war) sent Agustin Graffini and Andrea de Loo to the duke of
Parma. Graffini went twice, and the second time brought back
William Bodenham with him, but it ended in nothing, as also did
Andrea de Loo's mission ten or twelve days afterwards. They
have also been very desirous for the return of Pedro de Villa Real,
with whom all the Councillors conversed, as he will have told
your Lordship, and asked him to find means of signifying to His
Majesty how much they desired peace. Villa Real wrote to
Secretary Wal.singham, saying that he had performed the office
he had promised, and would return hither with the reply, for
654i SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1686.
which purpose he requested a passport. The passport, signed by
the Queen, was sent to the English ambassador in Paris, but Villa
Real did not return, much to their sorrow.
Their great object and desire is that His Majesty should send some
personage hither, and as I informed you by Licentiate Guevara,
they have sent a request through Lisbon asking that Antonio del
Castillo should be sent, and Secretary Walsingham wrote to him
with certain suggestions, the principal of which was that nego-
tiations for trade should be opened, and if His Majesty agreed to
this, Antonio del Castillo could come. His ostensible mission would
be to arrange for trade between this country and Portugal,
notwithstanding the war, but when he was here they could broach
the question of a general agreement. The clauses sent by
Walsingham were to the effect that the peace to be conceded to
Flanders, should be based on the " pacification of Ohent," and in
addition to this should grant liberty of conscience. If this
were not accepted the negotiations were not to be undertaken.
The answer sent from Spain was that it was not in order for people
here (i.e., in England) to seek to impose laws in His Majesty's
dominions, and Senor Castillo wrote to the same effect to Secretary
Walsingham. The message brought by the person who was sent
was, that if they (the English) were willing to come to just and
reasonable terms, either Seiior Castillo or someone else should be
sent hither. License was also sent from His Majesty in Madrid for
the ship which had conveyed the message to return to England
freely, with as much merchandise as they liked to send in her. All
this was received by the English with much satisfaction, and it was
decided to send the ship back to Portugal again to convey Seuor
Castillo hither. From what I can gather now, however, about these
peace negotiations, the Councillors are anxious to arrive at them by
other means, namely, by Pedro Sarmiento de Gamboa, who takes
this letter, and they are treating him with much distinction,
contrary to their wont. This is well merited by the person with
whom they are dealing. The Queen summoned him to Windsor
where he conversed with her and all the principal members of the
Council, and as he is the most influential person they have
approached upon the subject, and they recognise that he is a very
clever and business-like man, they are making much of him and
doubtless have opened their minds to him upon the subject of peace.
Your lordship in such case, will, on his arrival in Paris, discuss the
whole matter with him. Really what would be most beneficial, if
His Majesty is willing to make peace and consents to send a person
hither, as they so greatly desire, is that he should send this gentleman
(i.e., Gamboa) here again, because, apart from the fact that it will
be a more dignified course, as it will not appear as if His Majesty
was suing for peace but was sending back a reply to their request
for it by their own messenger, although a Spaniard ; he is a person
of much worth who really understands these people as if he had
lived ten years amongst them, a man of decision, an excellent
scholar and a person who will speak to them with all fitting
plainness.
ELIZABETH. 655
1586.
If, on the contrary, it should be decided to send Senor Castillo
or some other person hither, your lordship knows well how it would
stiffen the necks of these people, as it is, of all things in the world,
that which they desire, and would glorify themselves most upon,
that His Majesty should send an envoy here after all their insults
and injuries in the past. The idea that dignity would be saved by
sending the envoy ostensibly to treat only of trade with Portugal,
amounts to nothing, because the world is well aware that such an
envoy could only come by His Majesty's consent, and they will be
sure to say that His Majesty has sent to sue for peace, and that
Portugal and Spain are unwilling to face this country and cannot
do without it. They will think here that what they have believed
impossible has come to pass, and will again demand terms similar
to those contained in the message they previously sent. If His
Majesty does not come to an agreement with them, and without
active warfare, will simply stop their traffic in the way here
suggested, I can assure you they cannot hold out for many months,
especially if his Highness (the duke of Parma) presses them hardly
there (in Flanders). They will then be forced to beg for peace
of His Majesty by every means, and will have to send a special
envoy to him for the purpose. I do not wish to avoid saying one
thing on this point, namely, that God only knows how sorry the
poor Catholics here would be if that which I have mentioned
should come to pass. Then indeed would their hearts fail them,
for your Lordship well knows that after God all their hope rest
upon His Majesty, as the protector of our holy mother church, who
will, they trust, try in these dissentions to find some remedy for
these troubles God ordain it all for His service, and the increase of
the holy faith !
When the fourteen knights and gentlemen were condemned to
death at Westminster for conspiring against the Queen there was
much public talk about your Lordship, both in letters and verbally,
and the queen of Scotland's name was used just as freely. The
latter Queen has been brought to a castle seventy miles from this
city, and nearly all the Council went down there to speak to her
on this matter, in company with the chief justices of Westminster,
and other gentlemen. They were with her for three days, and it
is said that she answered them with great spirit, although she is
so ill she cannot stand.
Parliament opens on the 27th of October (by English style) and
in order to be present the Queen is coming to Westminster. It
is said that the principal thing to be dealt with is the matter of
the queen of Scotland, and to render even more strict the laws
about religion. They will also be asked for money for the war
in Flanders. Your Lordship is aware that 400,000 or 600,000
ducats is usually got from them. I will advise what passes in
this Parliament if I can find a safe channel for communications
to pass.
Your Lordship will have learnt how, rather more than a month
ao-o, they took Pedro de Zubiaur from here to Holland to exchange
hnn for certain prisoners held by his Highness. Pray your Lord-
656 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1686.
ship write to his Highness and ask him to deliver as early as
possible those who are to be exchanged for him, as he (Zubiaur)
was much travailed in body and mind, and was in full hope that
your Lordship would favour and help him as you always had
done.
I have no more to say, except that Francis Drake has been
sent to Holland, to the Earl, with about 40,000 or 50,000 ducats.
The Queen has made Davison her secretary. You will recollect
him as going backwards and forwards to the States. He is a
creature of Secretary Walaingham, who, in future, will not under-
take routine work, but only matters of difficulty or of State.
It is said that he (Walsingham) will be given the title of Lord
Privy Seal. I will write whenever a safe opportunity offers,
and will adopt special means in case anything should occur of
importance to His Majesty's interests. I know you will be happy
to receive my advices, coming from a person so desirous as I am of
serving His Majesty. — London, 10th November 1586.
Note.- — The letter of which the foregoing is a close condensation,
seems to have been originally written in English, and was translated
into Spanish, apparently by an Englishman, for the King's perusal
The style is exceedingly tedious and verbose.
18 Nov. 506. The King to Bernardino de Mendoza.
P»ri» Archives, fExTRACT.!
K. 1448. 84. ■- -"
I note what you say about the fleet that Hawkins took out,
which was fallen in with not far from the Portuguese coast. No
intelligence has been received of him since then, so you will let me
know what you can learn of his movements. Perhaps he returned
home, as you say he was not victualled for a long voyage, in which
all advices concur. You will report at the same time whether
Drake's armament is going forward, the number of ships and men,
the quantity of stores he has collected, and the time for his sailing,
so that we may form some idea of his design. You will also send
your own opinion upon the subject. As you are so short of news
from England, which it is of the greatest importance that I should
receive, 1 approve of your employing Trielle and Hugo Frion. You
may promise them that if they act in this as they propose, I will
pardon them and duly keep their services in mind.*
I approve of all you have written to the duke of Parma about
that Scotch affair, and hope you will send me his reply thereto in
due course. Let me know whither they have moved the queen of
Scotland to. Her troubles and the Catholic blood that has been
shed lately in England naturally grieve me much. — Madrid, 18th
November 1586.
^ In the King's hand, " I am not sure whether this is exactly what we had decided.
" I think it was to depend upon the duke of Parma's seeing no objection to their
" employment. Look whether this be so, as it will not be well to take a step which is
" unadvisable and which may displease the Duke." This remark is embodied in a
letter of the same date from Secretary Idiaquez to Mendoza. See letter Mendoza to the
King 20th October and note thereto, page 642.
ELIZABETH, 667
1686.
18 Nov. 507. The King to Count de Olivakes.
Letter of 9th September received, and I highly approve of your
having prevailed upon them to bind themselves in writing so that
they may not escape from their engagement.
The reply given to you by his Holiness is worthy of him, and
you will accordingly thank a7id praise him highly from me for it
m general terms, and in such soft words as you can find and his
condition demands. You will impress upon him that, in accordance
with his persuasion and desire, I have resolved not to listen to the
suggestions for a settlement which are being made to me from various
quarters by the English, but you will divert the prevailing idea
there (in Rome) that I am forced to undertake the enterprise,
because, although as you say they look upon the law of vengeance
as a perfectly natural thing, they are nevertheless so well versed in
State exigencies that they cannot fail to recognise, if you point it
out, that if I make myself master of the sea, and am able to ensure
the safety of the flotillas from the Indies, I may very well avoid
undertaking so diflicult an enterprise, whilst I shall be perfectly
safe and unattackable myself. This is what must be pressed upon
the Pope, and that if I undertake it with proper support, I shall
be moved by no other obligation than that of pity at seeing the
church suffering such persecution, and the desire we all ought to
feel to serve our Lord. This you will say in general terms and
proceed as follows on points of detail. I do not despise the offer of
700,000 crowns, but as so very much larger a sum will be needed
for the prosecution of this costly enterprise, whilst I am very short
of money and overburdened with obligations, it is most desirable
that the contribution from the Pope's treasury should reach a
million, which is not so very large an increase, and cannot be
considered as badly employed, seeing the object to which it is to
be applied. 1 am satisfied as to the periods arranged for the
payment, and you need not try to shorten them ; the first instalment
being payable, as you say, immediately the army has landed in
England, or the Armada may have arrived there* the other two
payments being made at intervals of six months. The 300,000
additional now requested should be paid at the same periods, 100,000
being added to the second instalment which would then reach
200,000, and 200,000 added to the third instalment, which would
consequently amount to 300,000. There are two points, especially,
which you will bear in mind. First, that it is more important for
the amount to be increased than for the periods for payment to be
shortened, so that if the Pope refuses to add the additional 300,000
crowns to the two instalments mentioned, your first care must be
* In the original draft is the following note in the King's hand :— " Considei whether
" it will not be better to omit this about the Armada in view of what we were
" discussing the other day ; substituting words that will bind the Fope to his promise,
" even though there may be no Armada in the matter. If it be not mentioned further
" on, it will be well to ensure the subsidy, even in the case of the Pope's death, as
" otherwise his successor might refuse to pay. I forgot this point the other day, and
" as it seems to be important, if it be not mentioned in this letter another might be
" written about it. We must make sure of this or we may find ourselves tricked."
y84S41. ^ '^
668 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1586.
to get the promise of the money, even if the payment be deferred.
I should be satisfied with this, but you must do your best in the
matter. The second point is that you must be quite sure of the
credit of the Lisbon merchants who are to pay the money, so that I
may be able to avail myself of it beforehand. The point of getting
this amount in advance was very important, and you did well in
pressing it.*
Without pledging me to any time for the execution of the
enterprise you may say that it will be as soon as possible, and you
must again insist upon secrecy above all things.
It might have been better, on some considerations, to have
deferred the bestowal of the hat on Allen until the moment of the
enterprise, but if it suits his Holiness better, let it be given in
December. If he be made a cardinal I will allow him 2,000 crowns
a year for his maintenance, and if the giving of the hat be deferred
he shall have 1,000 crowns from time to time as he needs it. —
18th November 1586.
19 Nov. 508. Document headed " Summary of what my master the King
writes to me on the 19th November, to say to his Holiness,
in reply to the message which his Beatitude ordered me
to write on the 8th September 1586, respecting the
submission of England."
1. That His Majesty is very glad that his Holiness recognises the
spirit which really moves the King to undertake this business.
2. He highly appreciates the pious counsels and paternal
admonitions of his Holiness, and in accordance therewith he intends
to shut his eyes to the approaches made to him, through various
channels by the queen of England for a settlement on favour-
able conditions. The authority of the Pope in this respect has
greater weight with the King, together with the earnestness with
which he embraces the cause, than the advice of faithful and godly
persona who urge him strongly that the adoption of a contrary
course would ensure a firm and advantageous settlement of his own
affairs and the establishment of religion in his States.
3. His Majesty will be satisfied not to receive any of the money
aids the Pope is to give him until the armada shall have arrived Lq
England, and takes careful note of the points treated by the Pope
in the document abovementioned.
4. The offer made by the Pope is very great and unexampled, as
those of so great a Pope should be when the honour of our Lord
is attacked, but, when His Majesty turns his eyes once more to the
well-known state of his own affairs and his many obligations,
he is constrained to supplicate his Beatitude to extend the aid
promised in the measure which His Majesty hopes from his zealj
inasmuch as, however large may be the Pope's contribution, Hia
Majesty will have to spend vast sums in excess of his revenues for
* This refers to the first instalment (500,000 crowns) of the Pope's subsidy, which,
ander certain conditions, was to take the form of bills on merchants in Lisbon which
could be discounted.
ELIZABETH. 659
1686.
the purpose of ensuring, so far as humanly can be done, the
success of the enterprise, as is fitting considering its quality, and the
fact tliat it is the first to which his Holiness has set his hand. It
is necessary to be so fully prepared at all other, points that no
diversion which may be attempted will oblige us to abandon the
enterprise, and this it is which will render it so costly.
As soon as his Holiness decides this point in accordance with
the King's hopes, and the necessary despatches setting forth the
whole matter on both sides have been received, the King, with the
help of God and the blessing of his Holiness, will accept and
undertake the enterprise, and will use every effort so to arrange
it that no delay may occur in its execution, whilst at the same time
using the care and phlegm necessaryto avoid the risk of over haste.
The King is obliged to impress upon all parties again the need
for secrecy, seeing the risk which will otherwise be incurred, and the
large additional expense in many ways if the affair be known.
This statement was made to his Holiness on the 13th December
158C, and the document by his order was handed to Cardinal
Carrafa.
The following declaration by Cardinal Carrafa in Italian is
appended to the aforegoing document : —
" His Holiness, desirous of aiding with all his strength this holy
enterprise, to which God has stimulated his Catholic Majesty, is
willing to employ in it a sum not exceeding one million in gold ; that
is to say, he will give five hundred thousand crowns in one sum as
soon as the armada shall have arrived in England, in accordance with
the document signed with my hand of 8th September of this year,
and subsequently, at the end of each four months, he will pay
100,000 crowns until the full sum of a million shall have been
paid, the rest of the clauses agreed to in the documents of
24th February and 8th September standing unchanged. Signed
Antonius Cardinal Carrafa, by orders of his Holiness." — Rome,
22nd December 1586.
In the letter enclosing the above documents Count de Olivares
writes as follows : —
I have been unable to obtain an engagement ensuring the
payment of the money in case of the death of his Holiness, but
Carrafa tells me that your Majesty could in such case, with a clear
conscience, pay yourself out of the property of the apostolic see
by the most seemly, or by any, methods you might find, and that
the " collections " in Spain and Naples would in the meanwhile be
some sort of pledge, as well as what was granted of the " crusade "
tithe, and other grants which may be given {i.e., in Spain, &c.)
towards the fabric of St. Peters, particularly after the 500,000 crowns
were received.
The Pope promises to be most secret, but when it comes before
the Consistory the question of the succession to the crown of
England after the queen of Scotland will have to be considered.
T T a
660 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1586.
This Father Robert and Allen are not only of opinion that the
Pope should give the investure to the person who should be
nominated by your Majesty, but say that the succession rightly
belongs to your Majesty yourself by reason of the heresy of the
king of Scotland, and, even apart from this, through your descent
from the house of Lancaster, This is one of the reasons for my
wish that Allen should have the hat as soon as possible, and it will
be very advantageous for him to be a cardinal before they deal
with the point of the investure in any case. There is no talk here
about your Majesty's having moved in the elevation of Allen,
which is attributed to the action of the duke of Parma alone.
Father Robert assures me that this is by far the most important
step that can be taken in order to sustain the spirit of the English
Catholics.
It is asserted in Paris that the queen of Scotland has made a will
constituting your Majesty her heir.
There is an English prior in Venice who is desirous to go to
England in order to endeavour to convert the Queen, with whom
it seems he has had some communication. It might be well to
let him go as it may help to throw her ofiF her guard.* — Eome,
23rd December 1586.
19 Nov. 509. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
Paris Archives, fEXTRACT.l
K. 1564. 224. •- . -"
The English ambassadors saw the King on the 10th, and their
interview with him lasted nearly two hours. The whole burden was
to read to the King a copy of the case against the queen of Scotland,
and the various letters and papers which had been seized, the
substance of which I detailed in my last. The King replied that
he had decided to send M. de Believre to England, and when he
had seen the papers, an answer should be given. Believre has
already gone, taking many documents with him, which may serve
to oppose the claim of the queen of England to have jurisdiction
over the queen of Scotland. Notwithstanding all this, and the
desire expressed by Believre to do his best for the queen of
Scotland, many people believe that the least reason for his going to
England is this afiair of the Queen's. It is believed rather that
this is a mere pretext, and the real desire is to get the queen of
England to incline the princes of Beam and Conde to peace, that
being the King's greatest wish. Viscount Turenne, with whom the
Englishwoman is especially intimate, appears to be particularly hard
in the question of peace, and shows no sign whatever of becoming
a Catholic if it be concluded.
19 Nov. 510. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
^K\f6l^225' ^^ *^® company of Harry Wotton, the ambassador who came
hither from England, there arrived a son of Lord Cobham, Warden
of the Cinque Ports, and he asserts that he has advice from his
* An account of the intrigues of the Pope and the anti-Spanish Catholic party irith
Elizabeth will be found in Gregorio Leti's tistoryjof the reign of Elizabeth.
ELIZABETH. 661
1686.
father of the return of Captain Hawkins to England* with some
of his ships in bad condition. He says he found that the flotilla
from the Portuguese Indies, which ho went to meet, had arrived.
Other intelligence confirms Hawkins' return, although some accounts
say he brought in four ships he had captured, loaded with sugar from
the coast of Brazil. As, however, the day of his arrival is not
mentioned, I cannot be sure of the news, not having received any
letters from London myself. The contrary winds prevent our
having fresh news from England, but I hear that Raleigh, the
Queen's favourite, has taken and is holding as a prisoner, Pedro
Sarmiento, whom your Majesty sent to the Straits of Magellan as
Governor of a territory, and who was captured by English ships
fitted out by Raleigh, whilst on his voyage home in a small
Portuguese vessel. They will not permit him to speak with any
foreigner, and he is always attended by a guard, although he is
allowed to walk out freely.
The queen of England's Councillors and noble-i who went to see
the queen of Scotland have returned (according to the Scots
ambassador here), she having refused to reply, except to say that
the queen of England had no jurisdiction over her. When the
queen of England learnt this she wrote her a letter, saying that if
she did not answer the charges within four hours every string of her
heart should feel it, which is an English threat, as it is usual at
executions for such crimes (as treason) to tear the heart out. The
queen of Scotland was so frightened that she confessed to have
sent to the Christian Princes, saying that as prayers and persuasion
were fruitless to move the queen of England, she begged them
to release her by force of arms or other means ; but she said that
she had never attempted anything against the Queen's life. These
words have been much disapproved of here, particularly by
Belifevre, who says that the queen of Scotland's cause has been
greatly injured by them. All this only means that they (the
French) do not want to help her, further than to keep her in prison
in the power of the queen of England, whilst the latter shows every
intention of executing her, in order to sell her to France at as high
a price as she can.
The Master of Grey has raised the 3,000 Scotsmen, and was in
Seotland^on the 1st instant, having sent over (to Holland) in batches
1,500 of them. Advices of 1st instant say that a ship with 300
soldiers and two captains, bound for Zeeland, anchored ofi" the coast
of Scotland at night for fear of the rocks which surrounded them,
and an English ship during the night under sail fouled the anchor
cable of the Scotsman, which foundered and every soul on board
was drowned. This occurrence proves that, although we have not
recognized it everywhere, God is pleased to fight on your Majesty's
side at all times.
They write from Scotland that the robberies which usually take
place on the English border have now reached such a pitch that
• In the King's hand: " He took his course as we thought he would here. It was
Terj well done."
662 SPANISH STATE PAPERS. ]
1586.
they are really the beginning of a war, as whole villages are burnt
and numbers of men killed. The earl of Arran has left Scotland
to come hither. He was formerly Lord Chancellor, and was forced
to go by the English faction.*
At this moment a Fleming who gives me the reports which I
send to your Majesty from Deventer came to see me. He came by
way of England and left London on the 13th ; he says that it was
expected they would shortly bring the queen of Scotland to the
Tower of London, but as he was only there for one day he cannot
tell me whether the news of Hawkins' return is true. — Paris, 19th
November 1586.
Note. — In a letter to Idiaquez of same date as the aforegoing,
Mendoza again explains the difficulty and danger of obtaining
news from England, and defends himself, apparently against the
King's complaints, for not sending fuller and more frequent
intelligence. He learns from Tassis at Namur that the Englishman,
Antony Pointz, has arrived there. Will follow the course com-
manded by His Majesty. Frequent reference had been made in
letters to Idiaquez (who also suffered from cataract) of the various
operations on Mendoza's eyes. In this letter he gives fervent
thanks that at last all blemish has been removed, and he can once
more see the light of the sun by day and the lamplight at night.
21 Nov. 511. Bernaedino de Mendoza to the King.
K?i564!228'' After Writing the despatch that goes herewith I have received
advices from England dated 13th instant, which confirm my fears
that the news of Hawkins' return was untrue. It arose from the
fact that one of his largest ships put into Falmouth much damaged
by a storm, which had separated her from the rest. There was no
rumour of fitting out other ships.
Don Antonio had been to London on the 28th ultimo, and had
remained in conference with the Council at the Lord Treasurer's
house for nearly an hour and a half, all the Councillors being
present. My informant promises to send me particulars of what
passed. They expected the queen of Scotland would be brought to
the Tower of London. The duke of Parma sent hither (to Paris)
M. de Luseaos, a gentleman of Artois, an officer and loyal subject
of your Majesty, to beg for license from the King to send salt from
Spain to Calais, and thence overland to Flanders, although the
King had flatly refused me such permission. This was very unjust
as the articles of the treaty of peace expressly stipiilate for the free
transit of merchandise on both sides. The need was so great in
Flanders that the Duke was forced to ask again. The King has
again refused. The ships may put into Calais but must not
discharge cargo or men. This is a pure act of enmity, and a
violation of international rights. — Paris, 21st November 1586.
* In the King's hand: "I do not recollect whether this man is a Catholic or not."
This is not to be wondered at, as James Stewart (now stripped of all his usurped
honours) had been " everything by turn and nothing long."
ELIZABETH. 663
1686.
23 Nov. 512. Document in tbe handwriting of Mendoza's secretary
K.°i565 T'' headed, " Copy of the Letter which the queen of Scotland
French. " " wrote to me in her own hand after they had told her
" she was condemned to death ;" and docketed, " To
" Don Bernardino de Mendoza from the Queen of
" Scotland."
My very dear friend,— As I have always found you zealous in
God's cause and devoted to my welfare and deliverance from
captivity, I have continued to communicate to you all my intentions
in thesame cause, in order that you might convey what I said to
the King, my good brother, and I therefore desire to devote such
small leisure as I have to wishing you this last farewell, being
resigned to receive the death blow which was pronounced upon me
last Saturday. I know not when or in what guise it is to come,
but at least you may be assured and may praise God for me, who
by His grace has given me courage to accept cheerfully this very
unjust sentence from the heretics, because of the happiness I feel
at shedding my blood at the bidding of the enemies of the church,
who 'do me the honour of saying they cannot continue without
disturbance whilst I live. The other point is that their Queen
cannot reign in security in the same case. I gladly accept the
honour on both points without contradiction as a very zealous
member of the Catholic religion, for which I have publicly offered my
life. As for the rest I said, I had made no attempt to oust her who
was in possession, but they called my right into question, and
seeing it acknowledged by all Catholics, sought to oppose it. I
did not choose to contradict them but left the matter to their own
judgment. They were angry at this, and said that in any case I
should not die for religion's sake, but for having tried to murder
their Queen, which I denied as a great falsehood, for I had never
attempted such a thing, but have left it in the hands of God and
the church to order in this island matters concerning religion. The
bearer of this promises to give you an account of the rigorous
treatment that has been dealt out to me by these people, and how
ill I have been served by others, who I wish had not shown so
openly their fear to die in so just a cause, or given way to their
own disordered passions. But, withal, they have been able to get
nothing out of me except that I am a free Catholic princess and an
obedient daughter of the church, and that I was in duty bound to
seek my deliverance, since I had tried fair means unsuccessfully, and
was obliged therefore to listen to other proposals made to me with the
same object. Nau has confessed everything. Curie a great deal,
following his example, and all is on my shoulders. I am
threatened if I do not plead for pardon, but I reply that they have
already condemned me to death — they cannot go beyond that, —
and my hope is that God may reward me for it in another world.
Out of spite, because I would not speak, they came yesterday and
took away my dais, saying that henceforward I was only a dead
woman without any rank. They are at work in my saloon now,
I suppose they are putting up a stage whereupon I am to play
the last act of the tragedy. I die in a good cause, satisfied that I
664 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1586.
have done my duty. I have informed the King your master that
if my son do not return to the standard of the church I consider
him (Philip) the most •worthy prince to succeed, and the most
advantageous one for the protection of this island, and I have
■written to his Holiness to the same effect. I pray you to assure
the King that I die in. the same good intention as I wrote to you,
and also to him whom you know, his close and old friend,* and to a
fourth person.f For them I am confident of the King's protection
in God's cause. You will beseech him not to abandon them, and I
enjoin them to continue to serve him in my stead. I cannot write
to them but please greet them for me, and all of you pray for
my soul. I have asked for a priest but I do not know whether I
shall get one. They offered me one of their bishops, but I flatly
refused to receive him. Believe what the bearer will tell you, and
these two poor girls who have been nearest to me, they, too, will
tell you the truth.}: I pray you to spread it abroad for I fear these
people may make things appear different from what they are. For
the relief of my conscience please have the money you know of
paid,§ and let the churches in Spain remember me in their prayers.
Keep the bearer secretly, he has been a faithful fellow to me.||
God give you a long and happy life. You will receive a token
from me, a diamond which I held dear as being the one upon which
the late duke of Norfolk pledged his troth to me, and I have worn
it ever since. Keep it, then, for my sake. I do not know whether
I shall be allowed to make a will. I have asked for permission to
do so, but they have taken all my money. Pray excuse me, I am
writing in pain and trouble, and have no one to help me even to
jscribble my drafts, so I have to write them myself. If you cannot
decipher my writing the bearer will read it to you, or my
ambassador, who knows it. Amongst other accusations against me
there is one about Creighton, of which I know nothing. I greatly
fear that Nau and Pasquier have much promoted my death as they
kept papers, and if (?) they are people who are willing to live
anywhere so long as they are comfortable. Would to God that
Fontenay had been here. He is a young man of resolution and
knowledge. Farewell once more. I commend to you my poor
destitute servants. Pray for my soul. From Fotheringay, this
Wednesday, 23rd November. I commend to you the poor bishop
of Koss, who will be quite destitute. Your very obliged and
perfect friend, Marie, R. — Received in Paris on the 15th October
1587.
2.3 Nov. 513. Bernardino de Mendoza to the Duke of Parma.
^K!\i6t23o.' George Vibrant Birnstra, a native of Brille, captain of 300 footmen
there, and sergeant-major of the town, has come with proposals to
betray the place to us (full particulars of which are given). The
• The duke of Guise.
t The archbishop of Glasgow.
X Misses Curie and Kennedy.
§ The money owing hy Queen Mary to Arundel and Paget.
II The apothecary Gorion (?)
ELIZABETH. 666
1686.
sum required to bribe sailors and others will be 3,000 or 4,000
crowng. Several other proposals with similar ends are made.
The third proposal is to raise a mutiny against the English in
favour of His Majesty amongst the company of sailors, the same
amount of money being paid to them in exchange for hostages.
He offers to deliver Brille by either of these methods, whichever
your Excellency thinks best. The English are thoroughly hated
by the Hollanders, and the latter are anxious for a change of
government. Both robbery and commerce have now failed them,
and they are forced to pay the tributes to maintain the war.
Besides which neither the queen of England nor the rebels have
remunerated this captain, who has been so long with them that he
should have been handsomely paid, instead of which he cannot get
a groat of what they owe him.— Paris, 23rd November 1586.
27 Nov. 514. The Duke of Parma to Beenardino de Mendoza.
K. 1564. 232. ' ^^ •"■ have been so far from this place I only received your letter
of 15th September with some delay, and at a time when I was just
setting out, which has caused me not to reply to it so quickly
as I could have wished. Both in the conduct of so important a
negotiation as that proposed by the Scottish nobles to its present
advanced stage, and in the discourse by which you point out the
desirability of taking advantage of so carefully prepared an
opportunity, your own great diligence, care, prudence, and ex-
perience are clearly demonstrated, and to His Majesty's satis-
faction at this signal service must be added my own personal
acknowledgment.
There is no doubt that for our aims here such a rising in
Scotland as that suggested, or any other diversion, would be most
opportune, and the sooner it is effected the better, because the more
the Englishwoman is harassed and kept busy the better in every
respect will it be, and especially here where we suffer more directly
from the evil. It must be borne well in mind, however, that
if the affair is not solidly based, it will turn out as former attempts
have done, and worse, because it must not be forgotten that, even
if they have tlie KinGj in their hands, the greater part of the
country is heretical, and the heretics aided, as they will be by the
queen of England, will always remain the stronger party. This
makes me think that the attempt would fail, and badly, so that t)n
another occasion, when there were more solid grounds for hope,
nothing could be done. Apart from this the failure of the plan
would add greatly to the prestige of the queen of England with
the heretics, whilst that of His Majesty would correspondingly
suffer if, after letting them (the nobles) move under his protection,
he allows them to be beaten, and this would be very unfortunate
for affairs here and elsewhere. In order to be able to arrive at a
wise decision in the matter, it will be advisable to understand
thoroughly the designs which His Majesty has in his royal breast,
and it appears to me that no resolution can be taken here until
such knowledge be obtained. If he thinks of making some national
effort or great enterprise it might be injurious to push these matters
666 SPANISH STATE PAPEES,
1586.
on until the time for this had arrived, and it would be better to
defer the execution of this rising in Scotland until then, when the
blow might be struck before precautions were taken. If, on the
contrary, there is no intention of using force (towards England), it
is obvious that the sooner the affair is carried through the better, but
always with due regard for the preservation of the good Catholics
who are to be employed in the business ; unless, indeed, the only
thing that is wanted of them is to get them to rush on at their own
risk in any case for the sole purpose of giving us the benefit of the
diversion whilst it may last. To my poor judgment, therefore, it
appears better that we should await His Majesty's reply informing
us of his intentions and wishes, and in the meanwhile keep the
Scots in hand with fair words, and in the discussion of the questions
you point out as desirable to have answered. They (the Scots)
should be dealt with, as you say, in a way which will not alienate
them or give them any cause for complaint, as it is most important
that their goodwill should be fostered. You understand these
matters so well that you will be able to keep them friendly with
your usual dexterity. I am not in the least apprehensive about
the delay. I am writing to His Majesty to the same effect,
advising him of my reply to you. His Majesty's prudence and
experience are so great that we may be sure he will decide for the
best. — Brussels, 27th November 1586.
28 Nov. 515. Bernaedino de Mendoza to the King.
Paris Archives, fExTRACT.!
K. 1564 . 233.
Wotton, the English ambassador, has taken leave of the King
who told him, in reply to his mission, that Beli^vre, whom he had
sent to England, would answer the Queen's message and the various
documents read to him. He gave Wotton a chain of 600 crowns.
M. de la Chatre has come hither, leaving the fleet at Havre-de-
Grace. He complains greatly of the robberies committed by the
English on the coast of Normandy, and urges the King to fit out
some ships to prevent them, which he (de la Chatre) in such case
promises to effect. — Paris, 28th November 1586.
28 Nov. 516. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
^K^^hii^lu!' Following the ships of Hawkins' fleet, which I said had been
driven storm-beaten into port, Hawkins himself arrived, with the
rest of the vessels much damaged. This has caused great annoy-
ance in England, as nothing but loss has come of the expedition,
besides which they have recently had wrecked seven or eight of
the finest ships which the Admiral and Walter Raleigh, the
Queen's favourite, had fitted out for plunder, with which also were
lost the prizes they had taken, two ships loaded with sugar, and
another full of negroes* coming from Lisbon. This is confirmed
by Pedro Sarmiento, Governor of Magellan, who I said the other
day was in England a prisoner of Walter Raleigh, but who had
* Note in the King's hand ; " This was not lost according to what I heard the
other day."
ELIZABETH. 667
1686.
been set at liberty in the manner I will relate to your Majesty.
He has brought me a letter from England, a copy of which I
enclose, as the man who sends it is well versed in English business
affairs.* I hear that five English merchant ships only are now
out after plunder, and there is no talk of further armaments.
Drake went to Holland to get the rebel States to fit out some
ships to help Don Antonio, in company with others which would
be furnished by the Queen, but these are machinations which do
not appear to rest upon much foundation, and are not likely to
result in anything serious. The French ambassador in England
has advised his King that the queen of England is making great
efforts to arrange peace with your Majesty, and as the Queen
and the Lord Treasurer had spoken to Pedro de Sarmiento, he
understood that they had entrusted him with some mission on the
subject. The moment the King heard of this he despatched a
courier to Belifevre.
Reports from England say that all over the country, and
especially in Norfolk and Norwich, they are deploring the loss
caused to them by the war in Holland. They also say that many
men of noble families have been killed in the war.
The affair of the queen of Scotland was being discussed in
Parliament, but she had not been brought to London up to the
14th.— Paris, 28th November 1586.
28 Nov. 517. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
Paris Archives, rExTRACT.I
K. 1564. 235. "■ ^
All reports agree that Beli^vre was instructed to take the steps
I mentioned with the queen of England, oQering her a new
confirmation of the offensive and defensive alliance, with the
addition of clauses if necessary. The object of this is to divert her
from her desire to come to an agreement with your Majesty, which
desire is now confirmed on all sides. Whilst I am writing this
Sampson tells me that inquiries have been made of him, by order of
Secretary Villeroy, as to the person and parts of Miguel de Mora,
your Majesty's Secretary of State for Portugal, through whom, and
an Englishman named Botolph Holder living in Lisbon, the Queen
was trying to come to an agreement with your Majesty, Botolph
Holder having secretly sent a nephew of his twice to England
about it, as the king of France had been informed.— Paris, 28th
November 1586.
28 Nov. 518. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
Paris ArchiveH, [EXTRACT.]
K.,1564. 236. j{^Q^,grj; Bruce, the Scottish gentleman who went to your
Majesty, has letters from Scotland, dated 31st October, written by
Claude Hamilton and the two other earls, who say that they have
been tempted by the queen of England to become her pensioners,
and as they rejected her advances, she was endeavouring to get
• See document dated 10th Noyember, page 651.
668 SPANISH STATE PAPEBS.
J 586
the other lords of the English faction to expel them from the
country. They therefore feared that they would be forced to
appeal to arms before they received your Majesty's reply, which
they were expecting most anxiously, because although they were
strong enough to deal with the Scots themselves, they were afraid
of the aid that the queen of England would afford their enemies,
and they could hardly hope to withstand her also. I told Robert
Bruce to answer them encouraging them in their good resolution,
and to point out to them the reasons which should lead them to
avoid taking up arms prematurely, and the causes which render it
unadvisable to send back the gentleman with the reply so quickly
as they wished.
They also inform Bruce that three of the greatest lords in
Scotland have been again reconciled to the church by the
members of the Society of Jesus, who have already converted
more than 20,000 souls, a large proportion of them being gentle-
men. They say the conversion of these three earls is of the
greatest importance for the reduction of the whole country to the
faith by force of arms, in consequence of the great following they
possess.
I have no letters from the duke of Parma since the Ist
September, nor has he replied hitherto to the letter I wrote to him
about the Scotch affair. I suspect he will have deferred dealing
with this and other matters, respecting which I have written to
him, until his return to Brussels. I have again written to him in
the terms your Majesty will see by the copy I enclose. So far as
I can judge from here the matter seems perfectly feasible, in the
first place, because the English and rebels there {i.e., at Brille) are
oif their guard, and, secondly, because the man who proposes the
matter, has done everything in his power to prove that he is
acting seriously and straightforwardly. For a matter of so much
importance, the sum to be risked is a mere nothing, even if it were
double as much as he asks. It is also of great moment that the
Hollanders (whose principal business is seafaring) should be
encouraged with the little help they want to rise against the
English, whom tney hate, now that the profits of the robberies and
contracts are faiiiug them. As this captain truly says, the guild
(of mariners) forced the towns to hand themselves over to Orange,
and will now influence them to rise on the other side and submit
to your Majesty.
Pedro de Sarmiento was a prisoner in England, as I wrote to
your Majesty, and Walter Raleigh has granted him his liberty, in
the manner which he will explain to you. He arrived here as
poor and destitute aa was natural under the circumstances, after
having been plundered by Englishmen, and as his person was of
importance to yonr Majesty's service in the government of the
Magellan territory, and he had served j^our Majesty well in the
Indies, I received and entertained him to the best of my ability,
and have given him a credit of 300 sun-crowns, which he requested,
to enable him to proceed on his journey to Spain. He haa given
me an account of the state of affairs in England worthy of a man
ELIZABETH. 669
1586.
of his understanding, because although he was a prisoner he took
notice of everything. He also repeated to me what had been
communicated to him by the Queen, the Lord Treasurer, and
Walter Raleigh. It will he advisable for your Majesty to grant to
the latter the favour he requests, thanking him for the willingness
he expresses to be of service to your Majesty, as he entirely
possesses the Queen's heart, and can consequently divert the fitting
out of pirates, the machinations of Don Antonio, and other things
that are constantly causing expense to your Majesty and delaying
your designs. — Paris, 28th November 1586.
5 Dec. 519. Document headed : " Advices from England."
k"i564?237.' Reports from London say that Leicester has arrived there,
accompanied by Drake and deputies from Holland and Zeeland,
who were going to petition the Queen to take them entirely as her
subjects. They had given Leicester 7,000 groat-pounds in money
as a present and a golden cup, and had also settled upon him an
income of 10,000 groat-pounds a year, secured on the best and
most easily realisable property in Holland and Zeeland.
7 Dec. 520. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
^1564? 239^' Since my last despatch about England, letters dated 24th ultimo
have been received from there reporting that Parliament had
adjudged the queen of Scotland to be deserving of the death
punishment, in accordance with the declaration which the Privy
Council had already made, in the same form as that made by the
Parliament on the rising of the duke of Norfolk, when the queen
of Scotland was condemned. Twenty-six Earls and Barons, and
forty-six gentlemen who represent the towns and counties in
Parliament, went to give an account of their decision to the Queen
(of England), and the Lord Chancellor, as their spokesman, made
a long harangue, to the eifect that not only was the queen of
Scotland worthy of death, but that for the sake of her own
personal safety and the tranquillity of her realm, it was necessary
for the Queen to have the sentence carried into efiect. The Queen
replied, thanking them warmly for the solicitude they showed for
her safety, and in acknowledgment of the same she prayed God
to give her grace to govern them well, and adopt the resolution
which might be most advantageous to the quietude of her realm.
The matter which they had laid before her she said was one of
much importance, because, in the first place, she would have to lay
hands on a woman, a near relative of her own, and an anointed
sovereign, who was, connected by ties of kinship with the
greatest monarchs in Christendom, and she (the queen of England)
was of opinion that it would be well, before deciding, to listen to
what was said by the ambassadors sent by the Christian King and
the king of Scotland ; and with this she dismissed them. I under-
stand that she has given orders that directly Believre arrives in
England, the rumour is to be spread that the queen of Scotland
has been killed, in order to discover how he takes it. Belifevre,
however, has been forwarned of it, and has his ipstructions as to
what he should e&y when the news is told him. It is a plan of
670 SPANISH STATE PAPEES.
1686.
Cecil's, arising out of the desire /as I wrote to your Majesty) to
sell to the French, on the best terms they can, what they do not
dream of carrying out. The English and French will have no
difficulty iu agreeing on the point, because the King (of France)
and his mother are very well pleased that the queen of Scotland
should be alive and a prisoner, in order to prevent the succession of
your Majesty to the English throne, whilst the English see clearly
that the many advantages accruing to them from keeping the
queen of Scotland prisoner would change into as many dangers if
they made away with her. There is news that Belifevre has
embarked at Calais, and that the ambassador from the king of
Scotland had arrived in London, with orders to make every possible
effort to preserve the life of his King's mother, in conjunction with
the French ambassador, by whose advice he is to be ruled. These
letters from London say nothing of armaments or fitting out of
ships, but report the bringing to London as prisoners of most of
the principal people of the county of York, such as Constable,
Me than (?), Staploton, Baboser (?), and Chatorne (?), accused of
complicity in the late conspiracy against the Queen, they having
offered to raise troops in favour of the queen of Scotland. — P^ris,
7th December 1586.
7 Dec, 521. Bernaedino de Mendoza to the King.
Paris Archive!, rEXTBACT.l
K. 1S64.- 240. '• -*
The duke of Parma has sent a gentleman hither, named Hugo
Gen, to speak to the Dutch captain who offers to surrender Brille
and perform the two other services I have mentioned. His orders
are to ask the captain to get the herring fishery brought to
Dunkirk, in return for hostages, and he shall be paid the sum of
money he requests. As for Brille, as the English and rebels are
superior in numbers, and he, the Duke, cannot send help, he doubts
the possibility of holding it, and is disposed to decline the captain's
offer. Mendoza at great length argues to the King that the Duke
is mistaken. He (Mendoza) is the only old officer of the duke of
Alba left, and he pits his special knowledge of the country against
that of the duke of Parma, insisting that the possession of Brille
is of more importance even than that of Flushing. He urges with
much vehemence that the Dutch captain's offer should be accepted,
and writes a private letter to Idiaquez to the same effect. He
Bays he has quite convinced the duke of Parma's envoy that he is
right, and the latter asks Mendoza to supply the captain with
money in order that he may go back to Brille and arrange with
his friends, and then go to the duke of Parma to settle the time for
the execution of the project, when the money shall be paid to him.
He has accordingly given the captain 200 crowns, on the assurance
that the Duke would repay him. The captain is delighted, and
leaves his nephew here as a hostage. — Paris, 7th December 1586.
13 Dec. 522. Sampson's Advices from England.
^v,'is\T^ia'' I^iego BoteUo writes to Don Antonio's people saying that, as the
Queen had promised to help Don Antonio when the earl of Leicester
and Drake arrived, they hoped now that he would be fortunate,
ELIZABETH. 671
1686.
and soon in a position to reward them for their services. Captain
Alegre, when he went with Custodio Leiton, took an order from
this King's Master of the Pages and another gentleman of the 45
guard, to buy a ship in England, for the purpose of sending her
out to plunder. This is owing to the hopes that Alegre held out
to them that it would come back loaded with gold. The captain
now writes to them from England that he has made the purchase,
and that, as victuals are very much cheaper there than in France,
it was advisable for them to send him money to enable him to stock
her with the necessary stores for the voyage, and she could then
sail out direct. These letters for the Master of the Pages came in
Don Antonio's packet, and his (Don Antonio's) own people ask for
a reply to them, although they do not indicate that they are aware
of the contents. They are so earnest about it that they have evidently
received orders to get this answer back, as Sampson says, through
the air, which makes me think that when Don Antonio's plans,
which are described in the other letter enclosed advices from England,
are to be carried into efifect, he will try to make use of this vessel.
Sampson says that Don Antonio showed signs of being very well
pleased in England, and his partisans say the same, although that
may be artifice.
17 Dec. 523. The Kma to Bernardino de Mendoza.
Paris ArchiTes, [EXTRACT.!
■Jf I44Q 07 ^ "'
I quite believe that you have done your best to obtain trustworthy
news from England, and although the task of conquering the
difficulty may be a hard one, you will see how important it is to me,
and I must enjoin you to continue your efforts to procure fresh
sources of intelligence, in addition to those you have, which are
good. But as news about armaments must depend mainly upon
eye witnesses, your eflforts must principally be directed to this point,
and you must keep me well informed of all you hear, so that our
preparations here may be fittingly made. You will pay great
attention to this and also let me know whether Hawkins has returned
to England with his fleet, and if it is true, as you were told, that
Drake went over to Zeeland with those few ships, and, if so, what
could have been his object, together with all you can learn about
their preparations.
X^ote. — The King has added the following autograph note to this
passage in the draft : " Consider whether it will not be advisable
•' to send him the reports we have received from Portugal about
" this {i.e., the movements of Hawkins) without saying who the
" author is ; is order that he may compare them with his own
•' information and advise us which is the more correct."
17 Dec. 524. Advices from England.
^^xtif'"^!' ^^ s°°^ *^3 *^® ®^^^ °^ Leicester and Drake arrived in England,
^ 1. 1564, 244. ^^^ Antonio sent Diego Botello to ask the Queen to come to some
''[ decision in his affair, as those whose arrival she awaited had now
' come. If she could not give him some decided answer he must ask
672 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1586.
her for his passport to allow him and all his people to leave the
country. The Queen answered Diego Botello — " If the King my
" brother is in such a hurry in bis affairs be may go whithersoever
" be pleases ; the road is open for him." On the receipt of this
answer Don Antonio wrote a note the same night to the French
ambassador, and on the following morning the Ambassador visited
him, and was admitted by a back door. Don Antonio asked him
whether be could get a passport for him under the name of a French
gentleman to enable him to cross over to Calais, and the ambassador
assured him that he should be sent to France at any time that he
might desire.
Don Antonio, in the meanwhile, fell ill, and the Queen sent Lord
Hnnsdon and Lord Admiral Howard to visit him, and to tell him
not to distress himself, she would help him in his affairs much better
than he expected. As soon as she had got free from the queen of
Scotland's business she promised she would look into his.
Drake went to see Don Antonio, and told him that he would
either place him in Portugal or lose his life in the attempt. On
the following day Drake went with Dr. Lopez to the Council, to ask
leave to fit out his ships ; Secretary Walsingham taking the matter
up, asked whither he was going with the ships, to which Drake
replied that he was going to the Portuguese Indies. He has not
obtained the permit to put them into commission, but Walsingham
told him he could get the ships ready for sea, and he would favour
him with help to sail on his expedition, although some of the
Councillors thought it would be difficult to grant him a license,
Don Antonio was well again, and the man who sends these
advices says that he (Don Antonio) had gone personally with Drake
to see his ships. They are seven in number, one of 400 tons
another of 300, another of 250, and the rest from 150 to 180 tons,
and they are well armed with bronze pieces. The flagship had
28 guns. Drake said that the rebel States offered 40 ships to
accompany his, for the purpose of placing Don Antonio in Portugal
or the islands, the earl of Leicester having agreed to it.
17 Dec. 525. Antonio de Vega to the King.
^k'i&m^mI'' ^°'' ^^^ reasons which I will relate below, I have decided to
i'ortuguese. despatch the bearer with all speed and secrecy. If the occasion
were far less important than it is, I should still consider the despatch
necessary, although I have been at immense trouble in finding means
to get the bearer out of the country. I would rather be blamed for
over zeal than for negligence. I wrote by the Venetian ship which
sailed from here on the 28th October, and briefly by Pedro Sarmiento
de Gamboa, who left on the 11th November and would verbally
give an account to your Majesty of certain matters in your interest.
It will be well, however, for me to briefly repeat some of the reports
■ I previously sent and verbally entrusted to Sarmiento. The Queen
continues to act in a way which may well cause your Majesty's
indignation, especially in taking the States of Flanders under her
protection, to which she was persuaded by a number of fanatics who
aairared her that she ought not to allow the opportunity to slip, aud
ELIZABETH. 673
1686.
7 84541.
that your Majesty should not be left in tranquillity there, as the
existence of her own realm was deeply concerned. The further to
trouble your Majesty she gave to Francis Drake license to arm ships
to assail all New Spain. Some of the more disinterested Councillors
opposed this policy, but as they were outnumbered and outweighted
by the others, they gave way and the policy was then adopted
without difficulty. The states of Holland and Zeeland were taken
under the Queen's protection, letters of marque were granted against
your Majesty's subjects, Drake was fitted out to sail on his
expedition, in which he gained nothing but discredit for himself
and disappointment for those who were behind him. For this
reason the Queen was ill-able to fulfil the promises she had made to
the States, especially in the matter of engaging German troops.
The payment of the 10,O0OZ. a month in cash which she had under-
taken to send them has been punctually made hitherto, at the
importunity of the earl of Leicester and Secretary Walsingham.
The earl of Leicester came hither nine days since with two deputies
chosen by the provinces, the rest being expected daily. They are
going to ask the Queen to do one of two things : either to accept
the sovereignty of the States and carry on the war openly with
national forces, or to give them leave to come to terms with your
Majesty. For this reason Parliament will sit longer than was
expected. It was on the point of ending when it was prorogued
for 1.5 days later, in order that it may be decided whether peace or
war is to be made. Under these circumstances I have thought
necessary to send my opinions, in ihe hope that perhaps they may be
of some use to your Majesty if you decide to take remedial measures.
I think your Majesty should with all speed give these people to
understand that you are willing to come to terms of peace with
tliem (which for many reasons, as I have said before, I think most
difficult) ; but still, as I wrote by Sarmiento, I think it will be
advisable to express a wish to do so. If they are wishful for peace,
this will make them more moderate in their terms, less obstinate in
maintaining the obstacles that may present themselves, and less
likely to insist upon their first demands remaining unaltered, to the
greater scandal than that at present existing, and by this means the
hopes entertained on all sides may be discovered. If for your
Majesty's own reasons you should decide to come to terms with the
Queen, it will be most important to offer to extricate them from
the consequences of the trouble in which they now are, which they
well know and acknowledge is not small; because, if once they are
convinced that your Majesty will not listen to the mission en-
trusted to Pedro Sarmiento, they will unanimously strain every
nerve to impede and obstruct your Majesty everywhere, and
especially in three ways, namely, first by continuing the war in
Flanders, by placing my uncle* in Portugal, and fitting out great
fleets to impede navigation. It is a common boast here that, when
they employ the ships they have here and in Holland, not even a
* Don Antonio, the Portugese pretender. He ia thus referred to in all of Vega's.
letters, but I can discoTer no proof that they were related.
IT U
674 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1686.
fishing boat will leave the Spanish coast ; and really their sea force
is very great. As they are now in this doubt aa to whether they
shall have war or peace, and this must be decided by the answer
given to these deputies from Holland, I have thought well to write
with all speed that a message should be sent (from Spain) to the
Lord Treasurer, who is the ruling spirit in all this business, and is
desirous of peace, to let him know that your Majesty wished for his
friendship. This might be done through Pedro de Sarmiento, who
appears to be an efficient man, or by any other channel your
Majesty might choose. This would have the effect of dividing
them, and would prevent a united agreement being arrived at,
either with regard to these deputies, or to tlie help to be given to
my uncle, or the other various designs against your Majesty, so
that everything would remain in suspense. If your Majesty's
enemies seek aid for their projects elsewhere than here, they may
pester but cannot injure you. I will not urge further arguments
on this point, as I have already dwelt fully upon it, but will only
say that my sole object is that your Majesty's affairs may prosper.
As I fear to err on this road, which I have hitherto followed
in the dark, I abstain from saying more until I can see some light
to guide me, but if I should take a false step I know it will be
pardoned in view of my zeal to be of service, which far exceeds
my astuteness. Before Pedro de Sarmiento went, the Queen, to
keep my uncle in suspense, sent two of her Councillors to say that
her provinces of Holland and Zeeland would provide what they
promised when the deputies came on the former occasion, namely,
40 ships, twenty-five of them war ships provisioned for six months,
and 15 merchantmen, with victuals to the value of 50,000 cruzndos,
whilst she, the Queen, would give him 30,000, as well as what her
subjects would provide. On this foundation she sent Drake to
Holland to inspect the ships and men that could be obtained there,
and my uncle wrote to the Earl (of Leicester) sending him Captain
Duarte Perin (Edward Perrin), who is an Englishman, to beg him
to intercede with the States in his favour. They replied that if
the Queen would take them as her subjects they would do all they
were asked, and more ; but the Earl sent a very cold reply, in which
he showed how scandalised he was about his (Don Antonio's) sod,
which matter I mentioned in a former letter to your Majesty. When
my uncle got 1 his reply he was very angry, and sent Diego Botello to
court to beg the Queen to come to some decision in his affairs.
The Queen excused herself by saying that she must defer doing so
until the parliament had disposed of the question of the queen of
Scots, as she was fully occupied with that at present. Upon this
Diego Botello signified that my uncle was desirous of leaving the
country and could wait no longer, and the Queen was very angry
at this, saying that if he was in such a hurry, the door was open
and the road free, and he could go when he liked. She said she
was not so inconsiderate as to wish his aflfairs to be managed
lightly, or in a way which would end in failure. Diego Botello got
a reply that was anything but pleasing to him. I can assure your
Majesty that my uncle has lost all weight with these people in
1686.
ELIZABETH. 676
consequence o£ Diego Botello's want of tact. He is accordingly
awaiting the settlement of the queen of Scotland's affair, and is
determined to go from England, if some arrangement is not made
with him on the Earl's return. He will probably go to France
and has spoken to the ambassador about itj asking him, in case
any difficulty is raised as to his leaving, to give him a passport as
if _ for one of _ his own people. The bearer of the present is Caspar
Diaz Montesinos, one of four brothers who accompanied my uncle.
He and his brother, Baltazar Vaez, who have stayed with me for a
long time past, have offered to serve your Majesty. He was
condemned to death by my uncle, but my father-in-law tlie French
ambassador saved his life, and he has sworn to be avenged on my
uncle. If your Majesty desires, the bearer may be spoken to on
this point with the utmost confidence, because, in addition to this
sworn resolution of his, both he and his brother are brave soldiers,
they being two out of the three men in whom I wrote that I
trusted, the third being Bernaldo Luis. The bearer will say
verbally certain things which I cannot explain in writing, and I beg
your Majesty will give credence to him. I wrote what had been
resolved about the queen of Scotland, and Pedro Sarmiento will
have verbally reported the answer she gave to the interrogations.
It afterwards happened that 12 out of the 42 chosen commissioners
reported that they found her not guilty, but parliament adjudged
her to be deserving of death, and they requested the Queen to
allow the sentence to be carried out. The condemnation was made
under the act which adjudged it a capital crime for anyone to
claim the crown of England, and it was taken advantage of as a
means of getting the Queen out of the way. The king of France
has sent M. de Belifevre, a member of his council, hither as his
ambassador. He arrived here a fortnight ago and has seen the Queen
twice, and has spoken once with the Council. All the satisfaction
he has got hitherto, apart from condolence and thanks for good feeling
expressed, was that tlie people protested that if the Queen did not
carry out the sentence they would do so, as the Queen's own life
was at stake, and if she fell not only would all their lives be
endangered, but the existence of the State as well. She said she
deferred the carrying out of the sentence more to please the king of
France than because she thought the queen of Scotland deserved it,
or because she intended to imperil her own life by saving that of
the prisoner. With words of this sort she kept the matter open
until the audience, which was fixed for yesterday. She was pressed
by Believre for a decision but declined to give it, and this gave
rise to some discussion, in the course of which Believre said he was
much surprised that her Councillors should advise her even to judge,
and much less execute, a queen who was not her subject and not
amenable to the laws of her country, and said that if she carried
out her intention she ran the risk of setting all, or nearly all.
Christian princes against her, and especially the king of France.
She replied that the king of France ought not to take it amiss that
she should do so just a thing as to proceed against the queen of
Scotland by the laws of the land ; and, as for the hatred of other
u u 2
676 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1686.
princes, she paid very little attention to that, as she had done
nothing to deserve it, and, apart from the daring of the house of
Guise, and, possibly, the enmity of the king of Spain, she was not
likely to be misjudged. She hoped, moreover, before a year was
over, to show the king of Spain how powerless he was against her.
I hardly dare to say this, but feel it my duty to give the substance
of her conversation, which was public. With these words she
dismissed Belifevre. The next morning, without saying anything-
more, she sent to order the lord mayor of London to issue her
proclamation with extraordinary ceremony. It announced that the
queen of Scotland had on several occasions planned her death, and
quoted the letters aud papers which had been discovered proving
the charge. She had pardoned her previously, but had said that if
she offended again she should be brought to justice according to
law ; and, in conformity with this, she had ordered the queen of
Scotland to be examined by 42 persons chosen from the most
eminent men of the realm, who again found her guilty, both by
her own confession, and the evidence otherwise obtained, and she
had been found by 36 of the chosen commissioners to be deserving of
death. She (the Queen) had, moreover, been petitioned by parlia-
ment to allow the sentence to be carried out. This she had refused
on three occasions, and wished to hold the sentence back. The
parliament had at last, however, pressed her so forcibly and so
unanimously upon the subject, and had said that if she did not
carry out the sentence they would do so ; that for the sake of the
quietude of her states and the safety of her person she had at
length conceded to tliem that the punishment should be duly
carried out, namely, the beheading of the queen of Scotland. This
proclamation was ordered to be made in all the towns in the
country on the same day. It was considered certain that the
execution would take place to-day, but it is not known as the
Queen (of Scots) is in a castle 50 miles from here. At the end of
this letter I shall be able to give further information on this point.
The king of Scotland has sent an envoy* hither, in addition to his
resident ambassador.t but they both of them only talk as this
Queen wishes them to do, as they are evidently her pensioners.
One of them told the French ambassador yesterday that the king
of Scotland was sending hither two earls and two lawyers to
protest to the Queen that if she killed his mother he would make
war upon her, and the Queen had granted a passport for them.
But to-day the event I have described (the publishing of the
proclamation) took place. Great bets are being made as to whether
the queen of Scotland is dead yet. I am told by the French
ambassador here that his King is at issue with this lady (the queen
of England ?) and if he does not come to terms with the king of
Navarre will seek every means of joining your Majesty to injure
this country. But the weak point of this country and the Queen
is on the side of Scotland, and if what the Scots' ambassador says
be true, the task is half finished.
* Sir William Keith. f Archibald Douglas.
ELIZABETH. 677
1686.
If your Majesty thinks well, I would pray that au answer should
be sent back at once, in time for it to arrive here before Parliament
closes. The bearer will use all speed, but secrecy is most vital, as
I am very anxious that his going thither (to Spain) should not be
discovered. We hear of certain details of what was passing in
Spain through an agent of the king of France there. The bearer
takes orders only to return to Paris, and await there an opportunity
of coming over when occasion of importance may demand. The
channel of communication he will mention is safe and secret. He
takes money for his journey thither (to Spain) and if anything of
great moment happen here Bernaldo Luis shall be sent, either by
land or sea, but the trouble of smuggling these men out of the
country is very great. I have a man who is now fitting out a ship
here, and will leave at the beginning of January, upon whom I
can depend for carrying despatches. I should be much obliged if
your Majesty would send me a commission, so that I could with
more confidence offer or give reward when it may be necessary,
and I should also like to receive instructions as to the conduct of
affairs generally, in order that I should not exceed the limits
desired. I am in debt from the time I was here for my uncle,
and am afraid of losing my good name with these people. I was
obliged to avail myself of the help of Bernaldo Luis, so that if I
was forced to leave I might not go away owing money, as I would
never depart without paying ever_ything. Bernaldo Luis accordingly
lent me 2,000 cruzados, which I promised should be paid in Lisbon
to his brother Pero Freire. If your Majesty would order the
favour to be granted to me of having this money paid, I should be
very grateful, as it is more necessary now than ever for me to
keep up my credit, and I cannot do the good services I wish if I
have not the means of rewarding those who are to be rewarded.
I am unfortunately unable to do it as I could desire out of my own
resources, and am obliged to importune your Majesty. I have not
only spent all my own money, but that of my friends, who have
now all turned against me in consequence.
My uncle is accompanied by the persons of whom Pedro Sarmiento
took a list, and of whom there are many, as the bearer will say,
whom I could approach, as they mostly come to me in their need
and troubles. Don Antonio Meneses is a prisoner, but I hope to
get him released by the means the bearer will describe. He and
Don Joao Cresto, with four others, would have gone away before
now if they had had the means for the journey. If my uncle
leaves here, as he says he will, he will go by way of Calais with a
very small suite, as he thinks secrecy will ensure his safety. If
your Majesty wishes, the bearer might be spoken to about this
with the utmost confidence, as he is specially chosen for the
purpose. I heard to-day that certain merchants intend to fit out
five ships to send to the Portuguese Indies, under favour of some
of the Councillors, and Drake is busy about them. I will send
further news by Bernaldo Luis. Hawkins returned bringing in
two ships from Santo Domingo and two from Brazil, but owing to
a tempest he was unable to reach the islands. He captured four
678 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1686.
other ships from San Thome, and five from Brazil, as well as four
fishing boats, which they plundered but did not bring in. This is
all I can say at present, as I am prevented by the sons of my uncle
and tiie shortness of the time from writing at greater length. It
is important not to lose the opportunity of sending my man with
the gentleman* now being sent by the French ambassador. —
London, I7th December 1586.
18 Dec. 526. Antonio de Vega to the King.
Kise™ 242!' '^'^^ bearer was kept back for a day, in order that he might take
Portuguese, news of the decision that had been arrived at respecting the joint
action in favour of the queen of Scotland, which was to be taken by
the ambassadors of France and Scotland who were to address the
Queen on the subject on the day of the proclamation. The French
ambassador resident here had written to the king of Scotland,
pointing out to him that in the present position of his mother if he
fulfilled his duty as a good son he would be supported by all
Christian princes, in whose eyes he would suffer greatly if the
contrary were the case, and the King answered thanking him for
his advice, begging a continuance of his good offices in favour of
his mother, and saying that he was sending an ambassador hither
upon the matter, with orders to act in accord with him, and follow
his advice. On the day of the proclamation, 16th, the day before
yesterday, the Scots ambassador consulted the French ambassadors,
and by their advice went to see the Queen, accompanied by another
(Scots ambassador)! whom evidently the King did not trust. He
told the Queen that, since she was proceeding so infamously with
the mother of the King, his master, he gave her notice in his name
that he withdrew entirelyfromthe friendship and alliance arranged
between them last year, whereupon the Queen was excessively
enraged. The French ambassadors then wrote to her, begging her
to defer the execution of the sentence until they had communicated
with their master, for which they requested 15 days. She promised
to send a reply by one of her Councillors, which, however, she did
not do until to-day, when she answered that she would give them
12 days in which to communicate with their King, and she sent a
similar letter to the Scots ambassador, although less than that
time would have done for him. On the day of the proclamation
the queen of Scotland's apartments were divested of their emblazoned
hanging, and mourning drapery was fixed, both in the rooms and
on the bed.
I could, if I had time, -say much more upon this <. point, but the
bearer, who takes the information to the king of France, can stay
no longer. — London, 18th December 1586. ■
Note. — The aforegoing two holograph letters from the so-called
nephew of the Portuguese pretender, Don Antonio, are e.'itremely
* This ivaa the Viscount de Genhs who was being sent by Belli^vre and Chateauneuf
to the king of France, to inform him of the imminent danger of Mary Stuart, whom a
vigorous exercise of his influence could alone save. Elizabeth had given twelve days'
delay for Genlis to go and return.
f Sir William Keith.
ELIZABETH. 679
1586.
obscure and diffuse, and contain much irrelevant matter, mainly
concerning Don Antonio's followers, which ha? been omitted in the
translation. The letters were evidently read with great care by
the King, as they are in many places underlined by his pen, and
marginal notes of exclamation and attention inserted by him.
They are addressed on the cover to Don Jeronimo Lopez Sapaio,
and (apparently by him) re-addressed " To our lord the King." It
will be seen in the course of the correspondence that the Montesinos
brothers, and especially the bearer of the above letters, Gaspar
Diaz Montesinoa, were entrusted with a proposal for the murder of
Don Antonio, which proposal was accepted by the King and
instructions for the crime sent by Secretary Idiaquez to Mendoza,
although Montesinos was not allowed to go to Spain to treat of the
matter personally, but was retained in Paris by Mendoza.
17 Dec. 527. The King to Bernardino de Mendoza.
k" u/s! 'lis!' •'• cannot say how grieved I am about the queen of Scotland.
God help her in this trouble and extricate her from it. It was
imprudent to keep copies of those dangerous papers, although they
were so honourable. However there is no help for it now. You
will use every possible effort to induce Nazareth and others to urge
the king of France to act energetically in her behalf, placing before
him with this object the arguments most likely to move him, which
are many. Let me know what takes place, for I am very anxious
about it. — Madrid, l7th December 1586.
18 Dec. 528. Secretary Idiaquez to Bernardino de Merdoza.
^K^'uitss'' Charles Arundel has written to His Majesty begging that the
money given to him here on account of the allowance payable to
him in France should be regarded as a separate grant. Having
regard to what you write about the understanding he has with the
English ambassador, and the good service he renders, His Majesty
has decided to accede to his request, so that you may continue to
pay him his allowance without deducting the amount paid to him
here, which will be a separate grant-in-aid. His Majesty is anxious
that the matter should be kept secret, and Arundel must be
enjoined to tell no one, as it might be seized upon as a precedent
by the rest of them who were here. —Madrid, 18th December
1586.
24 Dec. 529. Bernardino de Mendoza to the Kraa.
^^■"I^'fif 94^' Since my last letters I have learnt by letters from England,
^ dated 17th, that the earl of Leicester returned to England in the
ship that carried Drake over. At the time of his embarkation an
order arrived from the Queen and all the Council that he was to
stay in Zeeland, but he replied that he was now ready to embark,
and it was necessary that he should verbally communicate certain
matters to the Queen which he did not wish to be known by any
other person. He arrived at Richmond on the 4th, and the Queen
received him well, as it was a private understanding between them
680
1586.
SPANISH STATE PAPEKS.
that he should come over with a secret license, notwithstanding
other orders reaching him. It was said that lie would return to
Zealand, but this is disbelieved by many people. He left Count
Maurice* as head of the rebels and Colonel Norris in command of
the English, a brother of Philip Sidneyf being at Flushing.
ilf. de BclievreX had his first audience on the 7th instant, when
nothing but compliments passed, and in the second interview he
addressed the Queen on the matter of the queen of Scotland, but
with gentleness, saying how much the king of France would be
obliged if she proceeded kindly with her. The queen of England
was very haughty and told him that although subjects, of course,
had to obey their sovereigns, she was nevertheless much surprised
that he, Believre, who occupied so distinguished a position, and was
so much considered, should not have declined such a mission as
this, which had only been brought about by her enemies and those
of the King, for the purpose of defending this homicidal woman.
She added what she usually says about the queen of Scotland, and
that MarjT' must die in order that Elizabeth may live, as they could
not both of them live. She told him to tell his King this, and gave
him twelve days, beyond which, she said, she would not defer the
execution. When the Scots ambassador asked her not to behead
the Queen until the arrival of ambassadors who would be sent as
soon as a passport was given by her, she gave him the same
answer, namely, granting a delay of twelve days.
Believre signitied his intention of leaving, but the Queen sent
two Councillors to him, with the result that he will stay.
On the same day that she gave audience to Belifevre the Queen
caused Parliament to pronounce the death sentence, and bonfires
were lit for joy all over London, and one was placed purposely
before the door of the French ambassador.
The queen of Scotland remained in the same place, her room had
been hung with black, and she had no canopy and is only addressed
as Mary. But, as I have said to your Majesty, it is all artifice, for
if she (Elizabeth) had wanted to put an end to her she has bad
plenty of opportunity and time for doing so, \\ithout waiting to
do it in the very face of the ambassador who was sent to prevent
it by the king of France.^
Leicester and Walsingliam were greatly opposed to the queen of
Scotland, and Walsingham writes to the English ambassador here
that the bombastic threats sent to the Queen by the king of
Scotland were not left unanswered.
The queen of England had imprisoned in the county of York
and the north of England over 300 gentlemen, who, although they
* In the King's hand : " I think this is the son 0/ Orange."
t The decipherer had made a mistake in the spelling of the name Sidney — not an
uncommon error, for hardly an English name in the whole mass of the correspondence
is rightly spelt — but the King has carefully underscored it, and has written the name
correctly, " Sidney." The person referred to is Robert Sidney.
J In the King's hand : " I suspect this man has gone for something more than they
say."
§ In the King's hand : " God grant that this may really be the object of his
going."
ELIZABETH. 681
1586.
attended the Protestant churches, were thought to be Catholic at
heart.
Lord Buckhurst is now in charge of the queen of Scotland as
Paulet has come to London,* and Buckhurst was accompanied by
a minister who was sent to the queen of Scotland to give her
spiritual aid. She treated him with the bravery which was due
from a Christian and a Queen, saying that he was bold indeed to
presume to appear before her, knowing as he did that she had been
baptised as a Catholic, in which faith she would live and die. She
cared nothing for her life, but the queen of England could not
deprive her of it, although she w.is now in her power, for she (the
queen of Scotland) was a sovereign. If she dealt with her
differently from what her condition demanded, she desired no
vengeance against the Queen or her Council, nor against the
Parliament which persecuted her, but she would have them know
that there was no lack of Catholic Princes who for their own sakes
would take upon themselves the task of avenging her.
Drake had requested license from the Council to put to sea, but
it had not been granted up to the I7th, although it was said that
he would be accompanied by a number of ships which the rebels
of Holland and Zeeland offered the Queen. — Paris, 24!th December
1586.
24 Dee. 530. Berkardino de Mendoza to the Kino.
K^isoT 247*' When the despatch from the duke of Parma, in reply to mine
about Scotland, was received. Colonel Stuart, captain of the King's
guard, sent word to me that he had arrived in Paris, and wished to
see me secretly, iu order to communicate to me a mission with
which he was entrusted by certain Scottish catholic nobles, and I
consequently delayed writing to your Majesty until I had heard
what he had to say. The substance of it was that the earls of
Huntley, Morton, and Montrose, catholics, seeing the oppression in
which they lived in matters of conscience and other points, in
consequence of the English faction having seized the person of the
King, desiied, in the first place, to set him at liberty, and so to
have freedom of conscience for themselves, with the object of
opening a door thereby for the subsequent conversion of the whole
country to our holy Catholic faith, and causing their King to make
every effort for the release of his mother. This project they were
ready to carry into execution, if your Majesty would assist them
with some money, and they had asked Muzio (i.e., the duke of
Guise) to act as their intercessor in the matter towards your
Majesty and myself. They requested him to point out how
advantageous the matter would be to your Majesty's interests, as
the queen of England had broken peace with you, and they offer in
return for the aid they crave, the use of their forces and those of
Scotland to offend the queen of England, in the way your Majesty
might consider most convenient. He (Stuart) dwelt at length to
* In the King's hand : " She is in so much want of bad men to hear her causes."
682 SPANISH STATE PAPEES.
1586.
this effect. I replied, pointing out the objections which could be
found to the offer, in general terms, but highly approving of their
purpose, and said that when I learnt how Muzio had received the
proposal I would communicate it to your Majesty, and would, for
my own part, do all I could to forward it, so far as an ambassador
might, although we ambassadors could only depend upon the will
of the Sovereign. I did not indicate that I was in communication
with Muzio, except to express general sympathy with him as a
brave and a Catholic person. I dealt with Stuart in this way
because I know he is connected with the Scottish Catholics, and ia
a Catholic himself, although a politician* It is evident that they
have not opened out very much to liim, but they have made it clear
that they are discontented and desire aid from your Majesty, as he
is a man of influence and a soldier to whom the King is much
attached. I was obliged therefore not to make him despair, but
sent him away satisfied and pleased at my sympathy. I also gave
him letters to the duke of Parma, to whom I told him to give an
account of his mission. I have privately informed the Duke of
the parts of this Colonel Stuart, and of my reply to him, in order
that the Duke may continue with him accordingly. I have also
told Muzio how I replied, with a similar object.
When Robert Bruce returned from Spain I asked him some
questions which I set forth in my letter to the duke of Parma.
Muzio informs me by him, that to elucidate these points he had
written to Don Juan de Idiaquez that the 6,000 soldiers should be
foreigners, of whatever nation, and led by the commander your
Majesty might choose ; and they would land at the port your Majesty
judged most convenient, according as they might be sent from
Spain or Flanders. The sum they ask, 150,000 crowns, might be
sent at the same time, and they would take up arms when your
Majesty might order, either before or after the arrival of the
contingent, liberating the King, massacring the English faction, and
the ministers, unless they could with perfect safety imprison them,
in which case they would at once have them executed by process
of law. They would then take possession of the fortresses, which
are old castles, and the three Catholic Earls will be the leaders of
the troops to be raised for that purpose. They have the secret
consent of the King for them to set him at liberty by any means.
These are the points I said to the duke of Parma should be cleared
up before the affair was settled. The Duke writes to me the letter
of which I enclose a copy, telling me that he could not decide to
answer Mu2do, without hearing again from your Majesty, and that
I was to keep the matter open by asking Muzio for answers on
these points. If I did so now that the questions are all cleared up,
Muzio and the Scotsmen would take it as a negative, and con-
sequently I had to find some other expedient. I answered him,
saying that the need in which the elector of Cologne was, had
* The term was usually applied to tlie moderate and conciliatory party of Catholics,
■who after St. Bartholomew acted under the leadership of Alengon, with Montmorency,
J Damville, de Coss^, and others.
ELIZABETH. 683
1686.
forced the duke of Parma to concentrate all his forces at Gueldres,
and the results were the actions with which he, Muzio, was
acquainted. _ I said that 6,000 men had to be left at the siege of
Bergen, which had quite transtbrmed the condition of affairs there,
and the duke of Parma consequently was unable to decide about
Scotland without fresh advices from your Majesty. This is quite
a sufficient excuse for delay, without giving them any reason for
complaint. The Scots ambassador and this gentleman are so fully
satisfied with this excuse, that I am sure Muzio will be so Robert
Bruce having now gone to him with your Majesty's letter on the
subject. I will duly report his reply.
The ambassador and Robert Bruce have letters from the Catholic
lords, dated the 20th ultimo, saying that, as the queen of England
sees that they and their party do not rise to the various baits she
has presented to them, she was now beginning to stir old enmities
and feuds in the country, which they say makes them the more
anxious to know the result of their mission to your Majesty. When
they are assured of receiving aid, they will hold back as long as
they are able ; but if they were unable to obtain help they had
decided to throw in their lot with the Englishwoman on security
being given to them for their lives, for they could do more.
The king of Scotland was about to send an ambassador to the
queen of England to know from her whether she intended to
nominate him heir to the Crown, as in the contrary case he would
seek friends elsewhere. The King now not only secretly favoured
the Catholics, but was pleased for them to speak to him about
religion, which he was not formerly. He told those of the English
faction who urged him to marry, that the time for it had not yet
come, and that he wished to seek a bride outside his realm, as his
grandfather had done. These things indicate some secret views
and dissatisfaction with his present condition, thus confirming the
statement that he has secretly given his consent to the Catholics to
release him by any means. This smoothes away the first difficulty
raised by the duke of Parma, about keeping the King in durance.
His other point that the heretics in Scotland are so numerous that
the Catholics could not sustain themselves against them and the
English, is confessed by the Catholics, who say that, unless your
Majesty assists them with, men, as they ask, to join their forces,
and so enable them to outnumber the heretics and the English, they
must give way.
With regard to the Duke's argument that, in the event of your
Majesty intending to undertake a great national enterprise, it might
be injurious to urge these affairs on prematurely and so cause
precautions to be taken, it must be borne in mind that the queen of
England, for years past, has strained every nerve to be prepared for
such a blow, and has played her last card in taking your Majesty's
rebellious subjects under her protection, with the sole object, as is
clear from the earl of Leicester's proceedings, of letting the blow fall
first upon the Netherlands, and so divert it from her. This obliges
yourMajesty to hasten matters and wound her in the quick, and this
will not be, as the duke of Parma says, urging matters prematurely
684
1586.
SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
when she sees 6,000 men landed in Scotland at her own doors.
It is of advantage to the English that they should rather be
attacked by a force which needs great sea fleets for its transport and
maintenance; both on account of the immense sums of money which
must be spent on such an expedition and the great quantity of
material and time necessary, as well as the many opportunities
which occur during the delay and preparation for impeding the
progress of such armaments. They are also subject to much greater
disasters than are land armies, for in most cases the mere death of
the leader is sufficient to frustrate their design* as happened in
the case of your Majesty's fleet under Pero Melendez, which was
raised in Biscay for Flanders. It is true that it was not very large,
but, in the event of the loss of a great fleet, the owner sees himself
bereft at one blow of forces, ships, and guns, for they are things
hard to replace except after much delay. It is especially important
to your Majesty to keep your naval force intact to protect and
relieve dominions so far spreading as yours, and this design of the
Englishwoman should now be evident. It is, as is seen in this
pretended desire for an agreement, only to gain time and maintain
her reputation, whilst keeping the discontent of her subjects in
check by this means in face of their lost commerce, and the Dutch
still at war with your Majesty, believing that, whenever she pleases,
you will be wiUing to embrace terms of peace. It is on all grounds,
therefore, advisable to make haste to offend her in such a way as
shall not force your Majesty to stake the whole of your strength
for the sake of a part, and by the preparation of a great fleet, which
cannot be kept a secret, cause her (the queen of England) to
anticipate you, and by raising even 3,000 reiters in the spring,
hamper the duke of Parma all the summer, whilst at the same season
she may send cut, with the greatest ease, twenty or thirty armed
merchantmen to meet the Indian flotillas and keep your Majesty's
fleet fully occupied in meeting and protecting them. The earl of
Leicester, now he has returned, wiU certainly set about this, and will
offer the ships to be contributed by the rebels to join the English in
encountering the flotillas, or in aiding Don Antonio to invade some
of the Portuguese islands.
The French, moreover, are so intimate with the Queen that,
although they can send no forces from here, they may, and will, do
their best to obstruct your Majesty and prevent you from punishing
your enemies. This they are trying to do by arranging for thirty
or forty Turkish galleys to come to Algiers, which would force
your Majesty not to leave Spain unprotected on the coast. All
these difiiculties will be avoided if you anticipate the Englishwoman
by helping the Scots, whose goodwill (putting aside for the moment
the prospect of bringing the country to the C'atholic faith, which is
a matter of great import and worthy of your Majesty) cannot for
* In the King's hand: *' It is very advisable to provide against this in time, which can
well be dune." This is a curious forecast of the disaster to the armada, which was
certaiuly in a large measure due to the death of the marquis of Santa Cruz and the
appointment of an incompetent successor.
ELIZABETH, 685
1586.
State reasons be rejected when they offer frankly a friendship
which for so long the French have laboured to maintain with them
as a counterbalance to the friendship of your Majesty with England,
which country has now proved to be your mortal enemy. If your
Majesty agrees to this you might send the 6,000 men in the ships
which were fitted out in Biscay last summer, the infantry regiments
being sent to various places to divert suspicion. It is impossible to
get so many troops ready in Flanders, where you only have one
port, that of Dunkirk, without its getting wind, and it would at
once be concluded that the intention was to send them to Scotland
or England. This would force the Queen to take measures to
frustrate it, whereas if the men come from Spain the number of
ships will not be large enough to attract attention in France
or England, where they will think, as they did when the fleet left
Biscay, that they are only for the defence of the coast and the
Indian flotillas. The worst they would think is that the design
may be to invade Ireland, as they will never believe it possible
that the Scots would consent to receive so many foreign troops.
The ships might arrive without any opposition at Kircudbright
(quercubi), which is the port offered by the earl of Morton, or at
another port if that be not suitable.
When this force shall have landed in Scotland, the queen of
England will necessarily have to turn all her forces on to the
Border, and will cease to annoy your Majesty elsewhere when she
finds herself in danger. She will have to make Westmoreland,
Northumberland, and Cumberland her principal recruiting grounds
and places of arms, and nearly all the people of those counties are
Catholics, whilst the lords of the soil are personages who upon
every opportunity have offered to take up arms for the faith.
Upon the arrival of aid to the Scots Catholics, the Englishmen of
the same religion will certainly raise head. As affairs may demand
your Majesty might send reinforcements in the months of June,
July, and August, until the/end of September, which is the best
season for the coming of a great armada, and the latter might invest
another part of England with as powerful a force as the demon-
stration of the Catholics might render necessary. It may be that
the Catholics will rise in such strength that no more than the
6,000 men may be wanted, or that the mere sending of three or
four thousand Germans from Flanders to Petty Leith to join the
others and the Scots may be sufficient to bring the whole country
to submission. By this means you will avoid the enormous expense
which will be necessary whenever your Majesty decides to send a
great armada to England. As France would certainly try to
impede such an armada, at least 20,000 or 25,000 infantry would
be needed, and some cavalry, which will cost such a large sum of
money as may be judged from the expense of the Portuguese affair,
where I am told the wood for the barrels alone cost your Majesty
1,500,000 crowns* When his Holiness, moreover, sees these
• In the King's hand: " 150,000 he means. He says a million five hundred thousand,
which is a great mistake."
686 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1586.
soldiers in Scotland summoned by the Catholics for the conversion
of their country, he will fail in his duty to his throne if he does not
, support them with a money subsidy.
In opposition to this may be urged the duke of Parma's con-
tention, that tlie present plan may turn out as all similar affairs
have in England, and that it would be injurious to your Majesty's
prestige, and particularly in the Netherlands, if these men were to
be crushed by the Englishwoman's invading Scotland to meet them,
and she were to obtain help from other princes whose forces placed
in England might make the invasion of the country by your Majesty
more difficult.
The Duke also contends that, if your Majesty is determined to
invade England, the sending of these 6,000 men beforehand would
be dividing your forces and would dismember your armada, which
would then be less powerful to encounter that which the Queen will
bring against it, and that with this number of men it would be easy
to occupy Ireland.
Against these arguments it may be urged that with regard to all
past English attempts, that of Ireland was managed by priests, and
the rest have not failed for want of aid but from the fault of the
English themselves, who, for lack of courage, did not carry out what
they promised to bring things to a point when your Majesty's help
would be serviceable. It must be borne in mind that the English
Catholics have to stand up against the Queen, who has such great
forces and so many heretics behind her ; whereas the king of
Scotland is anxious for his liberty and for revenge against his
subjects who have him in durance, and that the lords who are seeking
aid are those who want to help the King, and are infinitely more
powerful than those who hold the King, unless the latter be assisted
by the queen of England. It was by her help whilst the rest were
scattered, that they were able to seize the King and Government.
The majority of the nobility has always been able to force the
sovereign in Scotland, although the rest of the nobles might be on
the monarch's side. A meeting of nobles made the Queen marry
Bothwell, and another forced her to leave the country, and chose the
Re"ent ; and the same influence has brought about the various
events which have befallen this King, who has on his side
the Catholic nobles who wish to release him, as you will see by
the enclosed statement of the whole of the nobility of Scotland
which has been drawn up by Colonel Stuart at my request.
To the objection that the queen of England would at once enter
Scotland with all her force and go to encounter the troops who
land, I will remark that, even if she had not so large a portion of it
pledged with the rebels in Holland, it is not likely from a tactical
point of view that she could do so ; above all, if she hears that the
majority of those who head her party in Scotland have been put to
the sword. She will be content to protect her own country, but
even if she did enter Scotland our men could hold their own, if
there were but 2,000 of them ; but with 6,000 Spaniards, mostly
veterans, well led and with good regimental officers, not only could
the fortresses and passes be held with the assistance of the Scots, if
ELIZABETH. 687
1586.
the English entered, but I venture to say that our 6,000 men alone
would be able to hold lines in the open country. 2,000 Frenchmen
in 1564 were able to hold out for a longtime at Petty Leith, against
a besieging force of 16,000 Scots and 12,000 English ; and at last
leave on honourable terms, when pressed lay famine and despairing
of relief from France, in consequence of your Majesty's threat to
aid the English if they were not withdrawn. This proves that the
armies in Scotland and England do not consist of trained soldiers,
and are unable to besiege a place with the strength of a powerful
sovereign, so that how potent 6,000 disciplined men would be for
offence or defence need not be urged. Even if the Englishwoman
be content to guard her own house, and tries to obtain foreign
help, it will be no small advantage to your Majesty that the
game should be played out on the English table, just as she
(the Queen) has tried to make Flanders and France the arena.
It may be true that your Majesty's forces would be divided, if
this aid were sent beforehand, but those of England will not be
united if they have to guard the Scottish Border, and send a fleet
out to meet that of your Majesty as well. If they go into Spanish
waters, the passage from Flanders to England will be open, whereas
if they keep their ships in the English Channel and on the west coast,
the route round Ireland to Scotland will be free for the coming or
going of your Majesty's forces. It is important that the ships
should thus be able to return to Spain in time to join the main
body of the fleet, as your Majesty will need ships more than
anything else.
The last objection I have to meet is, that with the same
expenditure Ireland might be occupied. Granted that this is so,
the occupation of Ireland will not cut the spring which feeds
the war in the Netherlands, and it will require as many ships to
bring our men from Ireland to England as to bring them from
Spain to Ireland.
All the points I have dwelt upon might be illustrated by many
examples to clench my arguments; but it will be sufficient to
point out how essential it is for your Majesty to have the safe
port and fortresses in the island, which are now offered by the
Scottish lords, as the English Catholics are powerless to make such
an off"er, they being so much oppressed and without leaders. In
order that your Majesty may ensure the friendship of the Scots, if
you intend to invade England with a great armada, it will of course
be necessary to provide them with a round sum of money before-
hand, for which no security whatever will exist ; whereas if you
accept their present offer the security is perfect, as soon as the
tj'oops arrive in their houses, and it will be unnecessary to give them
(the Scots) more money than the monthly sum needful to pay the
armed Scotsmen it is considered well to maintain, this being the
purpose for which they request the money. When I see France,
too, in her present position, I cannot help urging your Majesty to
seize the opportunity off"ered by the Scots, for if it is let slip it can
hardly come again, you will be obliged to attack the queen of
England, for she invites it in every way and it should only be done
688 SPANISH STATE PAPERS,
1586.
with the care befitting a prudent captain, who when a fight is forced
upon him, avoids engaging all his troops at the first encounter,
for fear that, even if he win, he may not have strength to follow
up his victory, and he only therefoi-e employs the squadrons needful
to ensure success. The smaller the number of men employed to
punish an enemy the greater the eifect produced.
I have been led thus to give your Majesty my opinion in con-
sequence of your orders tliat I should send a copy of what I wrote
to the duke of Parma, and of his reply, and I humbly pray that my
zeal in your service may be my excuse for having written at such
a great length. The diffuseness of the discourse may enable it to
contain some precious grains to make up for the errors and stupidity
it may enclose.
I understand the English (catholics in Flanders) have signified
to the duke of Parma that if, when the English enterprise be
effected, he does not cast his eyes upon the queen of Scotland,
Arabella (Stuart) the grand-daughter of the countess of Shrewsbury,
who is 1 1 years old might marry his son ; as she, in defect of the
king of Scotland is the heiress to the throne, being second cousin of
the queen of Scotland, whose grandmother married as her second
husbsnd the earl of Angus, by whom she had a daughter who
married the earl of Lennox and their eldest son married the queen
of Scotland and was killed, whilst the second son married the
daughter of the countess of Shrewsbury as will be seen clearly by
the genealogical tree of Scotland. If the king of Scotland be a
heretic, the duke of Parma, with your Majesty's consent, might
marry his son to Arabella and support her claim, offering to the
Pope in return for his help the duchies of Parma and Plasenoia to
be restored to the apostolic see. The idea has its drawbacks, but I
have thought well to give your Majesty an account of it. — Paris,
24th December 1586.
531. Statement of the Scottish Nobility.
Friendly earls and nobles : — The duke of Lennox, Lord Claude
Hamilton, Earls Marischal, Huntly, Orkney, Morton, Arran,
Crawford, Rothes, Montrose, Murray, Caithness, Sutherland,
Glencairn. The aforegoing are earls, those who follow are
viscounts and barons : Ogilvie, Fleming, Carrington, Seton, Hume,
Herries, Lovat, Invermeith, Don and Ochiltree.
The inimical earls and nobles : — Lords Hamilton, Angus, Mar,
Linsay, Boyd, and the guardian of the earl of Cassilis.
The Earls and nobles who are indifferent : — Argyll, Bothwell,
Athol, Vaughan, Marischal, Cassilis, Eglinton, Monteith, Saltoun,
Forbes, Gray, Methuen, Drummond, Elphinston, Sinclair, Somerville,
Semple, Rose, Cathcart, Sanquhai-, Chester, Borthwick, Torphichen,
Glarnys (his guardian is an enemy). The number of professed
friends is 24 upon whom the Catholic earls say they can depend.
The number of enemies is seven and those they call indiffernt
amount to 22.
Of the seven enemies, the four leaders are the earls of Hamilton,
Angus, Mar, and Boyd. Hamilton is the first person in Scotland,
ELIZABETH. 689
1586.
but is a fool, and the influence of his name and family is wielded
by Lord Claude Hamilton, whom I know for a man of understanding
and worth, and he is considered also a good soldier. Angus the head
of the English faction is thought much of, and has considerable
influence. Mar has none at all and is very unpopular. Boyd has
little following, but he is a clever man of understanding, which
enables him to rule the others. Both Kobert Bruce and Colonel
Stuart assure me that if these four are killed, the business will be
over and the nobility won, as most of those who are put down as
indifferent are mere youths.
The pay of Scotch infantry soldiers is 2,^ sun-crowns a month, the
captains and officers being paid in proportion. The pay of a light
horseman is 8 crowns a month.
24 Dee. 532. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King.
Paris Archives, fEXTRACT.l
K. 1564. 249. .
Uncertainty of peace with the Huguenots. The King is still
trying to draw closer to the queen of England, which is the principal
object of Believre's mission. Such is the confusion of the court,
the vacillation of the King, and the jealousy, hatred, and suspicion of
the courtiers, that decisions are adopted and abrogated at random,
and even Villeroy who holds the helm, says tliat such is the state
of the King that it is impossible to predict whether it will be
peace or war. The Queen-mother sacrifices every interest in
order to keep control and maintain her hold over her son. I
advised the duke of Parma that Colonel Stanley* who had come
over with the Irish troops, and was in garrison at Deventer, should
be warned that the queen of England had learned from the con-
fessions of the Catholics who were executed what his (Stanley's)
intentions were ; and he should be asked whether he thought it
would be prudent for him to return to his own country again, or
trust the earl of Leicester, as both he and the Queen were aware for
a long time past that Stanley was a Catholic at heart. These words
will set him thinking as he was certainly the accomplice of the
Catholics, which the latter made clear to me, and fear for his life
may cause him to surrender the place on payment. If lie
does so, the whole of the towns of the Oberisel will at once
surrender.
Anthony Po'ntz has arrived here unwell, and with my connivance
wrote to "Secretary Walsingham some generalities about what he
had seen in Spain. He was answered that the Queen was very well
satisfied with his conduct and services, and wished him to return to
England at once, in order that she might employ him in a more
important task. He was asked by a relative of his whether he
would accept a company of horse, and he came to me to know
y miU
• It will te -een bv reference to the letters from Mendoza to the King respecting the
liablnston plot that Sir William Stanley had arranged to rise with his troops m favour
of the Catholios simultaneoLulv with the assassination of the Queen. In accordance with
tl.e hint in the present letter he betrayed the town of Deventer to the Spamardl, au^
Bubeeqiiently beoamr one of Philip's principal instruments agamet England.
690 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1586.
whether he should go over to England before he had seen the
duke of Parma. I told hiin on no account to miss the opportunity
of getting the Queen to employ him in Holland, and when he
arrived there he could communicate with the duke of Parma by
some signs which I would give him, and ask the Duke to send a
trustworthy man to discuss with him the service he might render.
I have sent the signs to the Duke and have caused Pointz to leave
for England. — Paris, 24th December 1586.
27 Dec. 533. James VI. of Scotland to Philip II.
k'i566. 7. ' ^^ ^^^ come to his knowledge that one of his subjects is in prison
Original in Spain for some offence against the law. He appeals to the King's
Latin. clemency and good brotherhood to favour him by surrendering the
prisoner to him, — Holyrood, 26th December 1586.
(Signed) Jacobus, R.
Note. — Reference is made to this letter by Mendoza in his despatch
to the King, dated 18th February 1587. The name of the offender
is not mentioned in the above letter, but Mendoza gives it as Gilbert
Lomb, a Catholic, and fornrer servant of the archbishop of Glasgow,
Mary Stuart's ambassador in France, who was interesting himself
in the case.
Dec. 534. Account of the Money owing to Englishmen for their
Paris Archives, allowance up to the end of the year 1586.
K. 156S. 5. r J
Lord Paget, Baron Beaudesert, from the 24th
March 1586 to the end of December —
100 crowns a month ... 925 46 9
Charles Paget, 8 months and 8 days, at 50
crowns a month - - -412524
Charles Arundel, 8 months and 23 days at 80
crowns a month - . - - 699 23 7
Thomas Throgmorton, 8 months and 8 days at
40 crowns a month ----- 442 28 8
Thomas Morgan, 1 month at 40 crowns a
month - - - - 40 0 0
Earl of Westmoreland, 26 days at 100 crowns
a month - - - - 88 50 7
Charles Arundel has also to receive as a grant-
in aid from His Majesty - - - - '500 0 0
Crowns 3,154 21 11
Three thousand One hundred and fifty-four broad pistole-crowns,
twenty-one sueldos, and eleven dineros. — December 1586.
Dec. 535. Address of M. de BELii:vEE, Special Ambassador from the
Paris Archives, king of France to Queen Elizabeth, on behalf of the
^FrenV*' QUEEN OF SCOTLAND.
Bespeaks her kindly consideration for the Queen, as all those
who boast of being her (Elizabeth's) best servants exhaust the
resources of violence aud aitimosity in attacking the (jueen of
ELIZABETH. 691
1586.
Scotland. Her (Elizabeth's) natural goodness and clemency give
him hopes. Points out how the king of France has considered her
enemies his enemies also, and trusts that his intercession may be
effectual in saving the life of the queen of Scotland. Speaks of the
sacredness of the royal dignity and its inviolability, and although
he acknowledges that a foreigner who takes refuge in a country
must be bound by the laws of his asylum, still the mercy he sees
imprinted and shining in the sweetness and beauty of her
(Elizabeth's) face convinces him that she will, with her great
prudence, never allow history to record that the great Queen
Elizabeth of England allowed her fair fame to be sullied by the
stain of so great an innovation as the sacrifice of an anointed
monarch, her nearest relative.
Cites a great number of instances from sacred, ancient and modern
history, to prove that monarchs have in all times been merciful to
one another. Prisoners of war are not punished by ordinary process
of law for trying to escape, and the queen of Scotland's position
is worse than theirs. He appeals to the sacred claims of hospitality,
speaks of the misfortune and treachery of which the queen of
Scotland has been a victim. It is a common saying in England that
both Queens cannot live, but Believre thinks that people who say
it forget that God and not men may best be judge of which of His
creatures shall exist
He says that one of the king of Spain's ambassadors in a
neighbouring court has been heard to say that if the queen of
Scotland is killed, he is certain that the English Catholics will
range themselves on the side of his master. In the name of his
master (and at great length) he begs her, for their friendship's sake, to
exercise moderation and gentleness in this trouble that has befallen
his sister-in-law. By doing so and dealing tenderly with all her
Catholic subjects, her reputation will be greatly enhanced. He adds
to the prayer of the King that of his mother, that she will save
them from such a calamity as seeing their near relative, a crowned
Queen, put to death, and all the realm of France join;; in their
prayer.
Note. — The draft summarised above has been annotated by the
writer with many comments and remarks of an uncomplimentary
and .satirical nature towards the queen of England. It will be
observed that no attempt is made to deny Mary's guilt and that
the appeal is simply ad miasnoordmm and for her life alone,
X X 2
693
GENERAL INDEX.
A.
Abington, — .joins in tlie Babington Plot, 605 ;
his execution, 641n.
Abroath, Abbey of, 553.
Acton, Charles, accompanies I,eioester to
Holland, 555.
Richard, accompanies Leicester to
Holland, 555.
Adamson, Patrick, 289.
Admiral, Lord of England, 578, see also
Howard and Lincoln.
Admiralty, Judge of the, 172, 209, 232, 234,
285, 302, 305, 313, 433.
Alba, Duchess of, present of gloves for the
Queen from, 223.
, Duke of, 36, 183, 321-2 j death of,
443.
Aldegonde, see St. Aldegonde.
Alen9on, Duke of, 1, 2, 4, 50, 51, 52, 53,
68,71,76,83, 92, 178, 184, 226-30,
263, 491, 494.
, , his projected marriage with the
Queen, 1, 2, 10, 14, 16, 17, 18, 26, 28,
31, 34, 38, 39, 42, 44, 61, 78, 84, 85-6,
91, 101, 102, 110-12, 114, 119-20, 126,
127, 131, 137-8, 151, 152, 159, 165,
181, 198, 200, 206-7, 211-13, 217, 221-
2, 226-30, 232-3, 240, 243-5, 249-55,
251-5, 256, 260-2, 267-72, 273, 276,
277, 279-82, 295-6, 299-300, 310-12,
316, 317-18, 326-7, 352-4, 374, 379-
80, 389-90, 408-9, 416, 421-2, 425, 429,
445.
, his visits to England, 116;
embarks at Dieppe, 120; returns,
121 ; alleged arrival in London,
126-7. 131, 150, 180-1; his enter-
tainment by the Queen, 185. 198,
202,203, 206-8, 211,217,221,226-30,
233, 237-8, 239-40, 242-5, 251-5,256,
261-72, 273-6 ; his departure, 279-
282. 294, 299, 317-18, 381, 431, 435.
, , his reluctance to leave Eng-
land, 272. 275, 280.
, , funds for, 152, 156, 163, 165,
181, 185, 186, 197-8, 202, 203, 206,
207, 212, 217, 233, 238, 244-5,248,
253, 256, 257, 262, 270, 272, 275,
279, 280, 295, 299, 311, 316, 818,
326-7, 347, 348, 353-4, 380, 386, 389,
397, 409, 411, 421, 423, 430, 441, 445,
446, 456, 462, 497, 515 ; the Queen
claims repayment from IJenry III,,
545.
Alenyon, Duke of,his relationi with the revolted
Flemings, 16, 18, 83, 92, 203, 222,
256, 264-5, 268-9, 275-6, 281, 299-
300, 308, 312, 320, 326-9, 346, 430,
434-6, 441-3, 445, 452-3, 450, 457,
459, 462-3, 472, 474.
, , his arrival at Flusliing, 295;
is crowned at Brabant, 300. 310, 318,
334, 346, 456.
, , his attempt to seize the Flemish
Fortresses, 434, 436,441-3, 448, 452-
6 ; comes to terms with the States, 459.
497.
, , his flight from Antwerp, 442.
453-4, 456, 474, 477, 485 ; re-enters
France, 487, 497.
, his discontent with the action
of his brother with regard to the
match with Elizabeth, 269-72, 390.
, threatens to cause Civil war in
France, 269-72.
, , projected marriage with the
Princess of Sweden, 379-80, 386, 390.
, , proposed appointment as heir
to the Crown of England, 425.
, , projected marriage of, with
Catherine de Bourbon, 28.
, his ambition to be elected King
of the Komans, 84.
, , his marriage to an Infanta
proposed by the Pope, 256.
, , his intrigues ivith the Duke of
Parma, 441, 454, 458, 462, 472, 497.
Alen^ou match, unpopularity of, in England,
1-2, ] 12-13, 211-12, 230, 233-4, 251,
256,261, 274-5, 442 ; see also French
special embassy.
Alexandria, 433, 465.
Alegre, Captain, 671.
Algeria, King of, 432.
Algiers, 32.
Allen, Doctor William, Chief of the English
Seminary at Eheims, 97, 118, 195-7,
211, 236, 240, 276, 292, 351-2, 362-3,
372-3, 385, 405, 458, 483, 504-5, 509,
525, 526, 560-3.
, , his appointment to the Car-
dinalate, 561, 595, 621-2, 658, 660.
, , his book "de Perseeutione
AngUcana," 561-2.
Alost, 456.
Alvarez, captm-ed by the English o£E Cape
St. Vincent, 601.
Alvaro, Caspar, 158,
691.
GENERAL INDEX.
America, North, Spanish claims to, 384-5.
A&aetro, Gsspar de, prompts the assassina-
tion of Orange, 320, 327.
Andalusia, trade with, 8, 9, 29, 30, 72, 88,
Andrages, M. d', .503.
Aues, Jacob, of Lisbon, 146, 179, 183, 298,
307.
, Loncston, 179, 298.
, William, brother-in-law to Dr. Lopez,
179.
Angra (Azores), 334, 336.
Bishop of, 115, 144, 336.
, Mayor of, 147.
Angus, Earl of, 95-6, 100, 124, 148,'228, 237,
259, 266, 320, 352, 387-8, 396, 397,
400, 486, 489, 495, 552, 688.
, his unsuccessful rising against
the Catholic lords, 526.
, , re-enters Scotland, 552-3, 557.
Anne of Austria, fourth Tfife of Phillip II.,
20 ; her death, 98.
Antonio, Don, prior of Ocrato, the Portu-
guese pretender, 37, 38, 39, 42, 46,
48, 49, 52, 55, 63-4, 65, 68, 70,73, 77,
81 ; his reported arrival in Prance, 82.
89,93,101, Ul, U4, 116, 145, 161,
198,225, 264, 433, 434; his misery,
459.
, , his defeat and flight, 69, 70,
80,89, 101,115, 125, 144-145.
, his arrival in England, 138-9,
140, 142-3 ; is lodged at Stepney,
144 ; demand for his surrender, 144.
145-7, 150, 155, 159, 160, 161-2, 163,
165, 166; desires to leave England,
166. 168, 171, 173-4, 176 J departs
from England, 177-8, 180-1, 183,
186-91, 200, 214, 219; desires to
return, 537. 546 ; to lodge in Somer-
set House, 548. 551-2, 558-9, 569-
70, 578, 579, 584,592, 611-12,632;
Elizabeth refuses assistance to him,
648 ; lodged at Eton College, 650.
662, 671-2, 673, 674-5, 677.
, , armaments for, 145-7, 149,
155-e, 157-8, 151-3, 165-6, 166-7,
171-2, 174, 176, 178, 181, 182-3, 186,
198, 218, 225-6, 228, 232, 241, 242,
246, 255, 272, 281, 285, 297, 304, 306,
312-13, 319, 326, 329, 334, 338, 349,
360-1, 385-6, 405, 406, 409, 417, 425,
432, 434, 452, 459, 472, 478, 497, 582,
589, 592, 602, 612, 632, 633, 649, 667,
671, 672, 684.
, , fundg for, 149, 158, 166,168,
174, 201, 225, 234, 247, 255, 281, 391,
395, 409, 599, 632, 650, 670-1, 674.
, , rout of his fleet in the Azores,
397, 399.
, , his projected new expeditions
from England under Drake, &c., 547-
52, 553, 602, 648, 649, 672.
, , letters of marque issued by,
145, 157, 166, 178-9, 202, 210, 225,
235, 241, 246, 263, 284, 301-2, 339,
345, 385-6, 410, 414, 460, 535.
Antonio, Don, Mendoza recommends the
Babiugton conspirators to seize him,
607, 617.
, , plots to murder, 617.
.., , book in his favour to be
dedicated to Queen Elizabeth, 589.
, ,his son joins Leicester in Flan-
ders, 570, 674.
Antony Jone of Ipswich (ship), 554.
Antwerp, 34, 37, 39, 40, 42, 64, 71, 145, 171,
239, 256-7, 265, 277, 280, 299-300,
308, 312, 313, 320, 327, 329, 337-8,
339, 346, 347, 353, 358, 389, 442, 445,
453, 456, 458, 459, 487, 497, 498, 538,
542.
, treacherous attempt to seize the
City, 434-6, 441-2.
Aquaviva, Father Claude, General of the
Jesuits, 640.
Arabella Stuart, Lady, proposal to marry her
to Leicester's sou, 426, 452.
Arden, Edward, executed, 512.
Argyll, Earl of, Lord Chancellor of Scot-
laud, 123, 207, 286, 401, 451, 486,
489, 688.
Arques, d', 280.
Arrau, Earl of, (Hamilton), 108-9, 123.
, , James Stewart of Ochiltree,
95, 123, 224-5, 256, 272, 276, 287-8,
289, 320, 322-3, 356, 397, 400, 407,
546, 553, 662, 688.
Arundel, Countess of, dies of distress for her
husband, 543, 577.
, Earl of, 108, 307, 315, 504, 533,
603.
, , restored in blood, 90.
, arrested and sent to the
Tower, 538, 542 ; said to have been
rendered mad by poison, 543. 617.
, , joins in the Babiugton plot,
604.
Arundell, Charles, his arrest, 78; his flight
from England on the discovery of
Throgmorton's plot, 511. 540, 550,
575-6, 577, 589, 648, 664, 679, 690.
, Francis, takes refuge at the Spanish
Embassy, 246, 296, 550.
, Sir John, joins in the Babiugton
plot, 604.
, , his son joins in the Babiugton
plot, 604.
, Thomas, acoompanies Leicester to
Holland, 554.
Arteaga, Cajjiain, with the papal forces in
Ireland, 71.
Ashbye, — , accompanies Leicester to Holland,
555.
Aetou, Sir Walter, joins in the Babington
plot, 605.
Astiachan, 366-7.
Athol, Earl of, 688.
Attye, Leicester's Secretary in HoUaDd, 554.
Aumale, Duke of, 4.
Austin, Boger, 124, 216, 224.
GENERAL INDEX.
695
Aveiro, Portugal, 03.
Azores, 52, 70, 73, 111, lU, 173, 229, 338.
Azov, sea of, 366.
B.
Babington, — aecompanies Leicester to
Holland, 555.
, Anthony, alleged intention of the
Queen of Scots to marry him, 641 ;
see also Babington Plot.
Babington Plot, 576-7, 579, 585, 603-8, 614-7;
arrest of Babington, 617. 619, 623-4,
625-80, 632, 639, 641 ; his execution,
641. 644-6, 655, 663-4.
, special measures taken in
England on the discovery of, 612, 618,
624-5, 626, 632.
Bacqueville, 353, 361, 399, 411, 484, 442.
Balfour, Colonel, proposal for his desertion
from the service of the States to the
Spaiiiards, 27.
Balfour of Burleigh, his approaches to the
Spaniards, 6, 12, 13, 14, 26-27, 30.
Balfour, Sir James, 79, 101.
Ballard, .Tohn, is sent to Mendoza in Paris
about the Babington Plot, 576-7, 603,
623, 627 ; execution of, 641.
Baltinglas, Viscount, 44, 54, 59, 121, 167,
278, 301.
Basset, Sir Arthur, accompanies Leicester to
HoUand, 554.
Basset, William, accompanies Leicester to
Holland, 554.
Barbary, 3, 10, 11.
, trade with, 72, 199, 277, 335, 424,
652.
Bardinia, Alvaro, 77.
Barker, Henry, accompanies Leicester to
Holland, 555.
Barkeley, Sir Henry, accompanies Leicester
to Holland, 554. ..
Barnes, Alderman, of London, 340.
Barnwell, — , executed for the Babington Plot,
641n.
Barreto, Francisco, 32.
Barrington, Hugh, accompanies Leicester to
Holland, 554.
Baudemont, 540.
Bavaria, Duke of, 481 ; proposed diversion
by him on the coast of Norfolk, 482-3.
Bayona, Galicia, 29, 36, 77, 80, 313, 648.
Beal, — , Clerk of the Council, 284, 289, 513.
, , sent to the queen of Scots, 214,
222, 228, 237, 245, 259-60, 289, 300,
331-2, 463, 465-70, 471, 474, 486.
, , Mendoza recommends the
Babington conspirators to kill him,
607.
Beam, Prince of, Henry 'of Navarre, 4, 28,
34, 44, 76, 103, 270, 381, 391, 393,
402-3, 485, 537, 538, 545, 556, 574-5,
592, 619, 647, 660.
Beaton, archbishop of Glasgow, letters to,
from qneen of Scots, 205, 418.
•••■, , Scots ambassador in France,
4, 5, 6, 13, 22, 23, 26, 30, 32, 98-100,
122, 204-5, 257, 293, 314, 323, 330,
349-52, 35U, 362-3, 370, 377-8, 384,
407, 427, 447, 458, 480, 488, 491,
525, 625, 640, 645, 604, 690.
, , distrust of, 384, 392-4, 447.
> proposal to appoint him
cardinal, 458.
, , his nephew sent by Guise to
Scotland to bribe the nobles, 480 ; his
account of affairs in Scotland, 488-91,
508.
Beauchamp, Lord, secret marriage of, with
Miss Eogers, 382.
Beaudesert, Lord, see Paget.
Beaumaris, 285 ; strange natural phenomenon
at, 475.
Beaumont, Hypolite, merchant of London,
149.
Bedford, Earl of, 79, 329, 473, 477, 496, 498,
533.
> son, see Lord Eussell and
William Eussell.
, Sir James, see Balfour.
Beedle, Wolseley, joins in the Babingtoa Plot,
605.
Bele, James, Captain, to rise in Ireland in
support of the Babington Plot, 005.
Belem, 278.
Bellamy, — , executed for the Babington Plot,
641n.
Belli^vre, Pomponne de, 381, 574, 618,648;
sent to England to intercede for the
queen of Scotland, 060. 666-7, 669,
675, 078, 680 ; his address to Elizabeth
on behalf of the queen of Scots, 690-1.
Berkshire, description of, 610.
Bernaldo Luis, Montesinos, 675.
Berck, 652.
Berdin, M. de, 52.
Bergen-op- Zoom, 542.
Bernay, Lord (?), 89.
Bertie, Francis, to go as ambassador to Den-
mark, 361.
Bertoni, Alexander, an officer of the Papal
force in Ireland, 59, 443.
Berwick, 100-1, 107, 123, 240, 289, 381, 413,
437, 526, 583.
Betancourt, Juan de, beheaded at Terceira,
337.
Bex, 462, 466.
Bingham, Captain, 95, 101, 130,136,273,284,
301.
, George, accompanies Leicester to
Holland, 555.
Birnstra, Vibrant George, proposes to betray
Brille, 664-5, 668, 670,
696
GENERAL INDEX.
Biron, Marshal de, 52, 265, 412, 425, 441, 474,
547, 574.
Biscay, trade with, 72.
Blackness, castle of, 438, 455.
Blackwall, 171.
Blanco Cape, 297, 340.
Blanco, Manuel, ship-master, his account of
Hawkins' fleet off Portugal, 032.
Bodenham, William, an Englishman attached
to Spain, 474, 653.
Bodin.Jean, 84, 91, 220.
Bonasenal Cape, 341.
Bond, Alderman, Loudon merchant trading
with Spain, 152, 179, 184.
Boothe, George, accompanies Leicester to
Holland, 555'.
Boro, Galicia, is burnt and sacked by the
English, 365.
Borrows, Edward, accompanies Leicester to
Holland, 555.
Borthwick, Lord, 688.
Borton and Beaudesert, houses of Lord Paget
to be assigned to Mary queen of Scots,
541.
Bothwell, Earl of, 688.
Botello Diego, Don Antonio's agent in
England, &o., 89, 143, 145, 149, 272,!273,
278, 281, 285, 295, 297, 298, 307, 312-
13, 319, 326, 329,334,337,339,345,
358, 360, 415, 433, 459, 467, 487, 552,
670-1, 674.
Botello, Diego de, his wife banished from
Portugal, 164.
Bouillon, Duke of, 110.
Bould, Marshal, accompanies Leicester to
Holland, 554.
Boulogne, 175, 203.
Bourbon, Antoine de, Flemish lordships of,
35.
Cardinal, 538.
Bourser, Edward, accompanies Leicester to
Holland, 554.
Bowes, Sir Eobert, Elizabeth's ambassador in
Scotland, 32, 45, 54, 148, 407, 451,
455, 460.
, sent to Muscovy, 487.
Boyd, Lord, 420, 688.
Brabant, 77.
Braganza, Duchess of, 16, 32, 38, 40, 46, 49,
183.
Brazil, 3, 64, 414, 610, 677-8.
.coast of, 55,75, 145,202, 340, 356,
385, 414, 496, 550, 586.
, trade with, 3, 10, 301-2, 395, 414,
652.
Breton, Chevalier, 381.
Briant, — , execution of, 231.
Brille, 265.
, proposed betrayal of, 664-5, 668,
670.
Brisson, Barnabe, President of the Parliament
of Paris, 91, 110.
Bristol, 53, 156, 178, 268, 277, 319, 325.
Brito, Constantine, an adherent of Don
Antonio, 101, 149.
Brittany, 80.
, shipping on the coast of, destined
for Ireland or elsewhere, 65.
Britton, John, accompanies Leicester to
Holland, 555.
Brizeno, Abbot, Spanish ambassador to the
Pope, 111, 240, 277, 385.
Bromley, Francis, accompanies Leicester to
Holland, 554,
, Sir Thomas, Lord Chancellor, 75,
81, 239, 348, 445-6, 457, 513, 669.
, , his opinion on the
Alencjon match, 34, 249.
Brooke, George, accompanies Leicester to
Holland, 555.
Talbot, joins in the Babington Plot,
605.
Brouage, 270, 361.
Broume, Richard, accompanies Leicester to
Holland, 555.
Bruce, Eobert, of Bemie, letter from, to
Philip IL, 597.
, , envoy from the Soots
Catholic nobles to Philip II., 581,
589-90, 595-7, 613, 630, 639, 648,
667-8, 682-9.
Bruc, Captain, envoy from Alen^on, 16, 17,
18.
Bruerton, Roger, accompanies Leicester to
HoUand, 554.
Bruges, 265, 298.
, French attempt to seize, frustrated,
435, 442.
Brussels, French expelled from, 435, 453.
Brustel, see Stuart, Sir William.
Buchanan, George, tutor to James VI., 289 ;
sent to England, 471.
Baican, family of Russian merchants, 366.
Buckhurst, Lord, appointed to the Privy
Council, 572, 626, 681.
Buckinghamshire, description of, 610.
Buckle, — , accompanies Leicester to HoUand,
555.
Burcaut, Arnaldo, of Antwerp, offers to
betray Flushing, 103.
Buren, Count de, 93.
Burgerhout, Gate of Antwerp, 436.
Burgundy, House of, ancient treaties with,
33, 40, 143, 223, £44, 355, 398.
Burleigh, Lord, see Cecil.
Butler, Ambrose, accompanies Leicester to
Holland, 554.
Buttler, — , accompanies Leicester to HoUand,
654.
Buxton, baths of, 43, 169.
GENERAL INDEX.
697
C.
Caber, Joshua, 253.
Cabral, Jorge, 419.
Cabrera, — , Judge of the Canaries, 278, 306.
Cabreta, Captain Luis, his report on Drake's
voyage, 56.
Cachero, Tomas, au adherent of Don Antonio,
149.
Cadiz, 424.
Caithness, Earl of, 194, 286, 688.
Calais, 91, 229.
&c., Queen demands restoration of,
as a condition of the Alen9on match,
229, 233, 260-2, 268, 272, 274, 277,
298.
Cambrai, siege and relief of, 92, 112, 120, 127,
131, 151, 152, 156, 163, 165, 185, 186,
217, 222, 262, 386, 409, 458.
Cambridgeshire, description of, 609.
Campion, the Jesuit, torture of, in the Tower,
153, 210 ; Mendoza's effort to save his
life, 211 ; execution of, 231. 336.
Canary Isles, 306.
Canduino, Mario, 309.
Canterbury, 125, 282. .
, Archbishop of, (John Whitgift),
appointed to the Privy Council, 572.
Capay, — , Portuguese merchant in Paris, 149.
Cape of Good Hope, 75.
Capelo Isuardo, de, 640.
Caraballo, Juan Diaz de, of Terceira, 334,
336, 337.
Caricature against the Pope, 20-21.
Caricature against the Spaniards, 549.
Carlisle, 455.
, flight of Angus to, 107, 124.
Carloix, Captain Jean, commander of the
French troops at Terceira, 337, 361.
Carlos, Don, alleged in a Catholic book to
have been tainted with heresy, 601,
610.
Carmichael, Lord, accused of complicity in
Darnley's murder, &c., 148.
Carrafa, Cardinal, 560, 568, 613, 619, 659.
Carrel, John, accompanies Leicester to
Holland, 556.
Carrington, Lord, 688.
Carrouges, Count de, 91.
Carswick, — , joins in the Babington Plot,
605.
Cartagena, 32.
Cartagena de las Indias, captured by Drake,
592.
Cary, Sir George, 405, 438.
, Lord, see Sir George Cary.
Casimir, Hans, Duke, 39, 93, 114, 295, 462,
497.
Caspian Sea, 20, 365-7.
gssBiUs, Earl of, 688.
Castelnau de la Mauviasifere, (French Am-
bassador), I, 2, 14, 16, 17, 18, 22,
24, 26, 31, 39, 43, 52, 62, 78,
81-2, 84, 92, 120, 15], 198, 222, 240,
326, 335, 348, 353, 390, 391, 394, 408,
410, 416, 424, 438, 449-50, 452, 457,
459, 466, 470, 474, 487, 491, 494, 497,
511, 5.51.
Castillo, Antonio de, (Portuguese Ambas-
sador), 10, 17, 18, 24, 25, 47, 48.
68, 72, 87, 88, 113, 115, 139, 143,
144, 162, 179-80, 181, 183, 193, 212,
220, 238-9, 263, 284, 302, 303-4, 310,
321, 336-7, 344-5, 364, 374, 376,
654-5.
Castro, Duarte de, a spy with Don Antonio,
182,298, 338.
Catesby, Thomas, accompanies Leicester to
Holland, 554.
, William, 547.
, Sir William, joins in the Babington
Plot, 605.
Catharine de Bourbon, sister of Henry IV.,
projected marriage with James VI.,
381.
Catharine de Medici, 1, 17, 26, 43, 66, 86,
100, 119, 149, 159, 204, 211, 226, 238,
254, 256, 260, 280, 281, 303, 348, 380,
403, 409, 424, 425, 432, 434, 446, 452,
459, 477, 497-8, 547-51, 559, 569, 574,
576, 579, 591-2, 689.
, injurious words of hers complained of
by Queen Elizabeth, 462
Cathay, north-east passage to, 20, 30, 76, 87.
> north-west passage to, 20; see also
JFrobisher.
Cathcart, Lord, 688.
Catholics, English, 16, 22, 274, 291, 305,
314-15, 342, 350, 372, 383-4, 457, 464,
482, 483-4, 488, 493, 504-6, 521-5,
528, 531, 533, 576, 603-10, 628-9, 631.
, , persecution of, 22, 38, 43, 49,
50, 54, 62, 68, 70, 78, 88, 90, 97, 106,
139-40, 152, 173, 177, 200, 210, 219,
231, 233, 237, 255, 325, 336, 342, 385,
461, 470, 510, 517, 519, 531, 533, 537,
538, 542, 543-4, 547, 558, 602, 639,
670.
, petition for an English
Cardinal to be appointed, 97, 118, 139,
173, 219, 408, 595.
, , proposed colonization of North
America by, 384-5, 392, 452.
, , their attitude towards the pro-
jected invasion of England, 603-10,
685-8.
, , warned by the French against
Spain, 576.
,.., French, expulsion of, from England,
579.
Catholic Priests in Scotland, 109, 170, 194-7,
235-6, 240, 242, 256-7, 265, 276, 278,
285-9, 289-94, 298, 305, 308-9,
314-15 317, 320, 322-4, 331, 343,
349-52, 356, 358-9, 362-3, 370-5,
377-9, 388, 392, 427-8, 437, 458, 547,
558,
698
GENERAL INDEX.
Cattle plague in England, 544.
Cave, Edward, accompanies Leicester to
Holland, 555.
Cavendish, Sir Harry, equips an expedition
for the Indies, 578, 601, 610.
Cecil, William, Lord Burleigh, 14, 16, 19, 24,
25, 31, 36, 40, 41, 42, 54, 59, 75, 84,
110, 116, 126, 136, 141, 152, 154-5,
174, 175, 185, 186-90, 191-2,208-9,
213, 222, 227, 230, 234, 237, 241, 243,
245, 249, 251, 255, 260, 263, 267, 275,
296, 302, 304, 310-13, 324-5, 327,
345, 346, 376, 389, 391, 412, 416-17,
421, 432, 445, 457, 472-3, 487, 498,
536, 547, 587, 602, 641, 645, 653, 662,
669, 670, 674.
■ , , , his approaches to Spain,
249-50.
, , his opinion on the Alen(jon
match, 14, 15, 31, 227, 230, 249, 256,
260, 267, 275, 279-80, 310-11, 417.
, , Mendoza recommends the
Bahington conspirators to kill him,
607.
Centurion, Simon, a Genoese merchant in
London, 158.
Chalenor, Thomas, accompanies Leicester to
Holland, 554.
Chamberlain, Lord, see Sussex.
Chancellor, Lord, see Bromley.
Charles V., Emperor, 40.
Chamock, — , executed for the Babington
plot, 641»i.
Chaset (?), Sir Thomas, imprisoned in the
Tower, 627.
Cbateauneuf, G, de I'Aubespine, Seigneur de,
succeeds Castelnau as ^French am-
bassador in England, 545, 547, 556,
579, 618, 625, 630, 640, 641, 667, 678.
Chateauroux, 222.
Chatelet, 172.
Chatre, La, French Admiral, 649, 66G.
ChattertoD, Thomas, accompanies Leicester
to Holland, 559.
Chester, Captain, 414.
, Lord, 688.
Chios, Isle of, 10.
Chomley, Hugh, accompanies Leicester to
Holland, 554.
Cifatini, Ascanio, 531.
Clancar (?), Baron, 121.
Clarke, Francis, accompanies Leicester to
Holland, 554.
, William, accompanies Leicester to
Holland, 554.
Clausse, Pierre, Seigneur de Marchaumont,
see Marchaumont.
Clerk, Captain Augustine, enters the Spanish
service, 29, 35, 48, 49.
Clergy, English, raise troops for the Nether-
lands, 544.
Cloth trade, 652.
(7obham, — , 15,
' Cobham, Sir Henry, English ambassador in
France, 82, 86, 89, 90, 93, 101, 122,
156, 163, 227, 242, 252, 255, 260, 299,
307, 310, 317-18, 361, 389, 409, 412,
421, 426, 430, 446, 457, 458, 459, 472,
473, 477, 487, 495, 500.
Cobham House, near Gravesend, 240.
Cobham, Lord, Warden of the Cinque Ports,
92, 139 ; appointed to the Privy
Council, 572. 660.
Cockburn, John, sent as ambassador to
England, 471.
Comhi* (John Colvill ?), his mission from
James VI. to England, 440.
, , his message to La Mothe
Fenelon, 440-1.
Comfort, of Lynn (ship), 554.
Commissioners, see French special embassy.
Como, Cardinal (Gallio), 528, 535.
Compton, Lord, joins in the Babington Plot,
604.
Conde, Prince of, 2, 4, 15, 28, 35 ; his visit to
England, 38. 39, 40, 43, 44, 50, 76,
91, 260, 619, 660.
Constable, Sir John, joins in the Babington
plot, 604, 670.
Constantinople, 367, 414, 432-3.
Controller, see Crofts.
Corbet, — , joins in the Babington plot, 605.
Cornari, — , an unofficial envoy from the
Venetian Republic, 474.
Corro, a Spanish friar, professor at Oxford,
166.
Corso, Mario, 309.
Cosse, Marshal de, 16, 50, 91, 110.
Cosm^, Rogier, see Ruggiero.
Cothington, Thomas, accompanies Leicester
to Holland, 555.
Coruna, 7.
Cornwall, description of, 610.
Coulobrod, Russia, 365.
Couroelles, — , secretary of the French embassy
in England, accused of intrigues with
the Catholics, 535.
Court, Henry, of Breda, offers to betray
Flushing, 103.
Courtney, Sir William, joins in tbe Babington
plot, 604.
Crab-joint (ship), 554.
Craig, John, 288.
Crawford, Earl of, 491, 688.
Creighton, Lord, 216.
, Father William, 195-7, 236, 285-9,
291, 316, 320, 322-3, 333, 349-52,
362-3, 370, 377-8, 384, 392, 427, 465 j
his capture, 532. 664.
Cresto, Don Joao, a prisoner in England, 677.
Crovecour, M. de, 110.
Crofts, Sir James, Controller of the House-
hold, 54, 59, 84, 126, 128; bribed by
Mendoza, 168. 203, 249, 268, 316,
324,391,406,424,461.
, , , recommends a i
inviiBion of Irelaqd, 128,
GENERAL INDEX.
699
Crofts, Sir James, Controller of the House-
hold, to be seut to Ireland as Viceroy.
413.
Cuba, 75.
Cueva, Diego, of Santander, reply to his
mission to the Irish insurgents, 57-9.
Cumberland, description of, 608.
Cumberland, Earl of, 504, 552.
I equips an expedition for the
Indies, 578, 586, 592.
Cumpton, — , accompanies Leicester to
Holland, 555.
Cunninghame, Drumwhasel, laird of, 535.
Curie, Gilbert, secretary to Mary, Queen of
Scots, is arrested for complicity in the
Babington plot, 623, 625; confesses
much, 663.
, Miss, an attendant on Queen Mary,
664.
D.
Daore, Lord, 485, 504, 523; joins in the
Babington plot, 604.
Dalkeith, 273,288.
Daniel, of Loudon (ship) , 554.
Dantzio, &c., opposes EngUsh trade with
Muscovy, 395.
Darcy, — , 445, 452-3, 456.
D'Aubigny, see Lennox.
Dauphin, Prince, Francis de Bourbon, 91, 110,
198, 203, 206, 211, 222, 238, 267, 269,
271, 424-5.
Davison, — , 10, 43 ; bis mission to Scotland,
429, 449-50, 45 1, 455, 460, 466, 477 ; is
appointed secretary to the Queen, 656.
Davy (ship), 554.
Deluin, Edward, accompanies Leicester to
Holland, 555.
Denmark, King of, 329, 356, 361, 365, 387,
409, 463, 487, 582, 584-5.
, ambassador from the Kiug of, 65,
70.
, King of, his reception of the Duke
of Saxony's book, 362.
Dennis, Thomas, accompanies Leicester to
Holland, 554.
Denny, Captain, an English officer in Ireland,
319.
Deptford, banquet given at, in celebration of
Drake's return, 95 ; Drake knighted
at, 95 ; gift of the Queen's garter to
Marchaumont at, 101.
, Drake's ship brought ashore there as
^^ curiosity, 75, 95.
Deseado Cape, 341.
Desmond, Earl of, 4, 10, 20, 44,51, 54, 58, 59,
69, 89. 96, 121, 153, 167-8, 237, 278,
299,301,335,413,431,461,
Desmond, John of, brother of, killed in Ireland,
51, 58, 265, 298.
Derby, Earl of, seut with the garter to
Henry III., 530, 533.
, .made Lord Chamberlain, 537;
appointment suspended at the instance
of Leicester, 537.
Derbyshire, description of, 610.
Deventer, advices from, 650.
Deverenx, Dorothy, Lady, proposed marriage
with James VI., 451, 477.
Devonshire, description of, 609.
Diaz, Montesinos Gaspar de, is sent to
Mendoza with a proposal to kill Don
Antonio, 675.
Digby, George, accompanies Leicester to
Holland, 554.
Dimmock, — , accompanies Leicester to Hol-
land, 555.
Dingle, 167.
Domingo, Captain, his ship with great treasure
captured by Baleigb's expedition, 599.
Don, Lord, 688.
Don, River, 366-8.
Donara, Luis, 560.
Dormer, Nicholas, accompanies Leicester to
Holland, 554.
Dorsetshire, description of, 609.
Double Spread Eagle (.ship), 555.
Douglas, Archibald, 107, 122, 216, 404.
, , his surrender demanded by
James VI., 4C1.
, Scotch ambassador in England,
676.
George, brother of Lord Lochleven,
204-5, 258; is arrested and tortured
by the English faction, 407.
, Sir James (?), 123.
of Mains, 535.
Dony, M. de, see Dundee, Earl of.
Dover, 39, 178, 240, 247, 279, 375.
Downs, the, 77, 167, 171, 174, 179, 203.
Dracot, joins in the Babington plot, 605.
Drake, Bernard, fits out expedition to relieve
his nephew Sir Francis in the West
Indies, 578, 584.
Sir Francis, 3, 7, 29, 49, 74-5, 95 ;
knighted, 95. 101, 130, 136, 144, 147,
174, 226, 307, 414, 648-9.
,.., , relief expedition in search of,
3, 19 ; driven to the Irish Coast, 20.
, , his voyage round the world, 3,
7, 8, 37, 55, 56-7, 70, 75, 340-2.
, , restitution of his plunder, 7,8,
32, 54, 55, 59, 60-1, 65, 73, 78, 83, 87, 94,
107, 118, 148, 155, 159, 161, 164, 173,
176, 187-9, 191-2, 193, 200, 208-9, 219,
242, 249, 250-1, 254, 296, 299, 305,
308, 326, 364, 374.
,,, , his return from the voyage
round the world, 54, 55, 59, 60-1,
65.
, , in high fttvourTrith the queen>
74, 80, 95.
700
GENERAL INDEX.
Drake, Sir Francis, his presents to the Queen
and courtiers, 75, 95.
> , disposal of his plunder, 59,
62-S, 64, 65, 67, 74, 76, 80, 91, 165,
395.
> Ws new expeditions, 55, 70, 75,
80,87, 95, 115, 125,137,157,278,307,
340, 520, 532, 535, 537, 542, 543, 544,
645, 546-7, 547-52, 553,583,586,591,
592, 596, 599, 602, 626-7, 650, 656,
681.
his raid in Galicia, 553.
, , his attack on Santo Domingo,
&c., 573, 576, 578, 580, 583, 586, 592,
536, 599, 600-1 ; his arriral in England
with but little treasure, 601-2. 611,'
612-13, 617, 624, 626 ; mutiny of his
crews, 642, 650, 651, 673.
, his arrival at Middleburg, 644,
651, 656, 667, 669, 670, 674.
• , , offers to land Don Antonio in
Portugal, 672.
Drummond, Lord, 688.
Dublin, 44, 63, 89, 168, 237.
, cost of provisions in, 168.
Duffel, 442.
Dumbarton, castle of, 17, 19, 26, 32, 50, 65,
81, 123, 148, 177, 216, 363, 405, 413,
418, 421, 444, 447, 455, 461-2, 535.
Dun (?), Captain, 201, 225.
Dunbar, 65.
Dunkirk, 35, 175, 239, 277, 294, 435, 459,
474, 477, 487, 504, 670.
Dundee, Karl of, 488, 490.
Dunn, executed for the Babington plot, 641?i.
Durham, description of, 609.
Dury, John, 387.
Dwina River, 365-6.
E.
Easterlings, the, their privileges, 198.
Edinburgh, 23, 363, 400, 418, 488.
, Catholics in, 288.
Edmund, Father, Scotch Jesuit, 547.
Edward Buenventura (ship), 340, 357.
Eglinton, Earl of, 194, 688.
Elboeuf, Marquis of, 4.
Elizabeth, queen, her attitude towards the
AleuQOn match, 14, 18, 21,31,34, 114,
116, 127, 131, 138, 158-9, 185, 200-1,
206-7, 212, 226-30, 238, 239-40, 243-
5, 250-3, 256, 260-2, 266-9, 270-2,
273-6, 279-82,295, 299-301, 308, 310-
12, 317-18, 326, 347, 348, 352-5,389-
90, 394, 408-9, 411, 416, 421, 425,
442, 456, 497.
, her grief at Alen9on'8 de-
parture, 281-2.
Elizabeth, queen, her attitude towards the
French in Flanders, 16, 18, 21, 34, 38,
41, 127, 188,214,224,264-5, 267,275,
279,295,299,311-12, 324, 335, 347,
348, 352-5, 359-60, 374, 382, 411,430,
435, 441-2, 445, 453-4, 456, 458, 459,
462, 465, 497, 500.
, , her rage at Alen^on's attempt
to seize the Flemish fortresses, 442.
, , her attitude towards the Portu-
guese succession, 10, 17, 18, 20, 24, 27,
28, 29, 30, 32, 35, 36, 37, 38, 43, 45,
48, 49, 52, 64, 65, 68, 70.
, , her relations with Don Antonio,
80, 82, 89, 101, 115, 135-6, 146-7,
156, 161-2, 166, 168-9, 172-3, 174,
175, 179, 189, 202-3, 224, 225, 233-4,
235, 249, 264, 303-5, 417, 452, 456,
487, 552, 569-70, 574, 579, 589, 599,
612, 632, 671-2, 673, 674.
, , her relations with Scotland,
17, 19, 22, 23, 45, 51, .54, 77, 79, 82,
85, 90, 92, 96, 98-9, 101, 106, 108,
109, 123, 124, 132, 203, 207, 213, 224-
5, 228, 250, 259-60, 288, 319-20,
388, 394-5, 413, 417, 418, 420, 428-
33, 437-8, 450, 455, 466, 472-4, 476,
477-8, 480, 489, 493-4, 495, 499-500,
533, 534-5, 536, 546, 547, 552-3, 559,
586, 588, 602, 611, 661-2, 676, 686.
, , alleged marriage negotiations
with James VI. of Scotland, 449, 466.
, , her relations with France, 15,
25, 28, 38, 39, 42, 52, 53, 61, 62, 66,
92, 110-12, 119, 127, 131-32, 138,
140, 152, 156, 163, 165, 175, 180, 182,
203, 212, 213, 214-15, 221, 222-3,
226-80, 233, 243-4, 244, 250, 251-3,
254, 260-2, 267-72, 268, 272, 273-
76, 279-82, 289, 298, 299, 310-12,
316, 317-18, 347, 354, 361, 365, 394,
403, 408-9, 410-12, 416-17, 421-4,
425-6, 428-33, 446, 450, 457, 497-8,
500, 536, 541, 545, 556, 557, 572, 591,
625, 629, 667, 670, 676, 680, 684, 689,
691.
, , her visit to the French Am-
bassatlor, 16.
, offers aid to Henry III. against
the Guises, 536,
, , projected murder of, by the
Duke of Guise, 502, 510-12.
, ,book against her and Leicester,
published in France,. 538-9.
, , remonstrates with Henry III.
against the fresh war against the
Huguenots, 556.
, , her relations with Spain, 15, 18,
21,24,25,33,38, 42, 49, 52, 61, 62,
85, 87, 111, 140, 148, 151-2, 165,
182, 191, 203, 212, 223, 228, 249, 252,
259, 267-8, 282, 313, 353-5, 360, 374,
390, 394, 403, 411, 423, 430, 432, 442,
450, 501, 514, 516, 541, 547, 557, 588,
591, 603, 674, 683-4.
, , her fear of Spanish reprisals,
22, 29, 36, 42, 376,
GENERAL INDEX.
701
Elizabeth, queen, alleged Spanish plot to
murder her by a lapidary, 650.
> , her relations with the States,
15, 19, 21, 33, 34, 46, 62, 83, 138, 147,
212, 265, 280, 281, 324, 326-8, 335,
398, 411, 453-4, 456-7, 458, 459, 498,
501, 506-7, 512, 537, 541, 571-2, 588,
673.
) , money owing to her by the
Statas, 15, 63, 269, 283, 295, 312,
441-2, 459.
, is urged to assume the pro-
tectorate of the Netherlands, 346.
> , her protectorate over the
Netherlands, 537, 538-9, 542, 543,
546-7, 553-8, 582, 586, 588, 595, 603,
651, 653, 664-5, 667, 668, 669,672,
673, 674, 679-80.
, , her displeasure at the Earl of
Leicester's proceedings in the Nether-
lands, 586, 588, 602.
) , negotiations with Parma for
peace in the Netherlands, 584, 653-5,
667, 673.
, , her murder projected by the
Babington conspirators, 576-7, 606-8,
617-18, 627-8 ; execution of con-
spirators, 641.
• , , her action towards the queen
of Scots in relation to the Babington
plot, 64], 644-6, B47-8, 669-70, 674-6,
078, 680, 690-1.
, suddenly seized with panic,
588. .
..., her violence to Walsingham,
185, 206, 347, 573.
, , her successor, 81, 198, 213,
264, 327, 425.
Elphinston, Lord, 688.
Eltham, 141, 144.
Embden, Count of, 198, 533.
Ender, Solomon, a Catholic spy in Walsing-
ham's house, 532.
Engelfield, Sir Francis, 6, 7, 383-4, 404,
447.
England, anonymous accounts of events in,
512, 529, 543, 546, 585, 588, 601, 651,
669, 671.
, description of, in ihe interests of the
Babington plot, 608-10, 616.
,........, information required of armaments in,
544, 549, 573, 575, 577, 580, 583, 591,
613-14, 624-5, 638-9, 640, 649, 652,
662, 671.
,,,, proposed invasion of, 464, 481-6,
488, 495, 500, 503-6, 507-10, 517,
521-5, 529, 539, 560-9, 591, 592,
593-4, 597, 602, 603-4, 611, 613,
618-22, 626-7, 629-30, 631, 635-8,
667-60, 664-5, 682-9.
^^,,,,.f , ways and means for, 564, 568,
593-4, 619-22, 057-00.
li. >'■"•) invasion, alarm of, 626.
EuKlish Catholic refugees, their pensions, 540,
575, C77, 582, 587, 591, 598, 616, 632,
679, 690.
English Catholic refugees in France, to be
arrested after the discovery of the
Babington plot, 629.
English Councillors to be bribed, 375.
Seminarists at Eheims and Eoiae,
177, 196 ; see also Allen.
,. warlike preparations, 29, 35, 36, 39,
43, 64, 538, 543, 544-5, 557-8,559,
572,578,582,585, 602, 610-11, 618,
633.
Englishmen in Spain, 177, 184, 219.
Enriquez, Manuel, 337.
Epernon, Duke of, 576, 626, 645; see also
Valette.
Epinoy, Prince of, 312, 33 5, 642.
Erskine, Lord, Constable of the castle of
Edinburgh, 438-9.
Errington, see Harrington.
Escobar, Antonio de,611-12, see also Sampson.
Escohedo, Secretary, 218.
Esneval, Baron d', Charles de Prunele, ion-
in-law of Pinart, French envoy to
Scotland, 558, 559, 572, 627.
Essex, 609.
, Earl of, 451.
Este, Cardinal d', 541, 563, 568, 640.
Estrelles, M. d', oflFers to betray Cambrai,
042-3, 655.
Eu, 486.
Eustace, James, 58.
Euxine, Port, 366.
Ewer, Lord, 547.
Eyemouth, 287.
F.
Falmouth, 285, 297.
Farmer, George, accompanies Leicester to
Holland, 554.
Fayal, Azores, 338.
FeSrn, George, accompanies Leicester to
Holland, 554.
Feira, castle of, Portugal, 63.
FentOD, Captain, an English officer killed in
Ireland, 335, 357.
Ferdinand, Archduke, 248.
Ferdinand and Isabel, 40.
Fernandez Simon, of Terceira, a pilot, 340.
Fernihurst, Laird of, Warden of the Scottish
Middle Marches, 545-7 ; see also Gray.
Ferreira de Mello, Steiihen, 147, 337.
Fervaques, 244», 381, 474.
Figueredo, Cipriano de, of Terceira, 346.
Figueroa, Don Lope de. Admiral, 150, 160,
201.
Fisher, Clement, accumpanits Leicester to
Holland, 554.
702
GENERAL INDEX.
Fitzherbert, — , joins in the Babington Plot,
605.
) Sir Thomas, joins in the Babington
plot, eo."!.
Ktzmaurice, James, his attempt on Ireland,
42.
Flanders, English troops for, 2, 15, 19, 28, 33,
49, 53, 77, 147, 198, 247, ,264, 365,
375, 381, 397, 498, 537, 538, 542, 543,
545, 547, 552-S, 588, 604.
, English forces in, 453-4, 456-7, 462,
497, 538, 542, 543, 545, 547, 552-8,
570-1, .^85, 588, 601.
, English troops in, proposed desertion
of, to the Spaniards, 398-9, 604-5.
the French in, 11, 16, 34, 38, 41, 52,
68, 71, 76, 85, 92, 105, 127, 163, 172,
174-5, 185, 191, 207, 212, 213, 217,
239-40, 243-4, 248, 257, 264-5, 267,
277, 279, 283, 299, 307, 318, 326-7,
328-9, 334, 352-4, 374, 380, 389, 409,
421, 423, 425, 4.34-6, 441-3, 445,
453-4, 456-7, 462, 466, 485, 500.
Fleet, English, to be seized by the Babington
conspirators, 607.
Fleix, Peace of, between Henry III. and the
Huguenots, 76, 84.
Fleming, Lord, 688.
Flemish aid to Don Antonio, 46, 47, 52, 81,
158, 247, 298, 339, 399, 403, 409, 421,
459, 487, 667,672, 674.
Florence, Grand Diike of, wishes to obtain
command of the expedition against
England, 555-8.
Flores, Don Diego, 507.
Florida, 349, 375, 384, 471.
.proposed English Catholic settlement
in, 384-?, 392, 403, 452, 471.
Floure of Comfort (ship), 554,
Flowerdew, Antonio, accompanies Leicester
to Holland, 555.
Floyd, Richard, accompanies Leicester to
Holland, 555.
Flushing, 35, 47, 239, 272, 275, 277, 298,
308, 320, 335, 381, 406, 409, 432,
550, 582, 670.
, proposal for the betrayal of, 103-5,
126 i a trap for Mendoza, 128-9. 151,
. 160, 169.
Flying Hart, of Lynn (ship), 554.
of Hull (ship), 555.
Fogaza, Antonio, 183, 220-1, 238-9, 277,
294; bis release from the Tower,
321-2.
Foljambe, Godfrey, an English Catholic
refugee in France, 582, 587, 591.
Fontenay, M. de, 404, 406, 448, 465, 664.
Forbes, Lord, 688.
Forster, Sir John, Warden of the Marches,
124, 405, 408, 545.
Fortescue, Francis, accompanied Leicester to
Holland, 555.
Fortune, of Amsterdam (ship), 534.
,., of Tergoure (ship), 554.
Fotheringay, 664, 676.
Fouldrey, Pile of, Lancashire, proposed port
of debarcation for the Spanish Forces,
504.
Fowler, Ashley, joins in the Babington plot,
605.
Frankfort Fair, heretical books sold at,
destined for Spain, 111.
Freire, Pero, 677.
French ambassador, see Castelnau, Chateau-
neuf, Mothe, &c.
French expedition, supposed for the capture
of Dunbar from Lennox, 65.
French Special Embassy respecting the
Alen9on match, 43, 44, 48, 50, 51, 52,
67,82,83,84,85, 91,92,102; arrival at
Dover, 110. 116-17, 119, 120-1, 126-7,
131, 133,137,149; departure of, 159.
163,267.
Frenti, an envoy of Guise to Scotland, 502-3.
Frion, Hugo, offers to spy English Arma-
ments, &c., 643, 656.
Frobisher, Sir Martin, 101, 167, 179, 199,
232, 306, 313, 349, 357.
, his attempt to discover a
north-west passage to Cathay, 20, 76,
306.
Frozen Sea, expedition to the, 329, 365-8.
Fuenterrabia, 152, 179.
Fuller, Captain, an English captain wounded
in Ireland, 140.
G.
Gabriel, — , sent by the Queen to Orange, 328.
Gage, — , executed for the Babington plot, 641n.
Galicia, English raids in, 365, 377, 553.
Gaping Gulf, Stubb's book against the
Alen9on's match, 1.
Garter, " La belle Jarreti^re," gift of the
Queen's garter to Marchaumont,
101.
Gayaza, Bishop of, 640.
Goestemunde, 453.
Geneva, siege of, 391 ; money raised in
London for the relief of, 454. 456.
Genoa, 3.
Genoese residents in London and Antwerp
suspected of heresy, 111.
Geraldine, de, see Desmond.
Germain, Sir Kobert, accompanies Leicestef
to Holland, 553, 554.
German Protestants, 84.
Germany, 651-2.
, troops to be raised in, 3S, 40, ?4j
248, 253, 265, 270, 281, 557, 673.
Ghent, 16, 41, 256, 265,295, 298, 299, 468.
" Ghent," " pacification of," 654.
Gibraltar, 21j 366<
GENERAL INDEX.
703
Gifford, — , Bent to Mendoza by the Babington
conepiratois, 603, 605, 608, 614,
617-8, 619, 628.
Gifford, Lord, joins in the Babington plot,
605.
Gilbert, Humphrey, his voyage to the Indies,
75-6, 306, 349, 357, 384, 392, 452,
471.
Giraldo, — , Portuguese enYoy in France, 25,
27-8, 32, 40, 46, 48.
Glamys, Lord, 688.
Glamys, Master of, 489.
Glasgow, Parliament held at, 176.
Glencarn, Earl of, 37, 420, 688.
Golden Crown (ship), .554.
Golden Hagge (ship), 554.
Golden Sampson (ship), 554.
Golden Swan (ship), 554.
Goldingham, Christopher, accompanies Lei-
cester to Holland, 555.
Good Hope, Cape of, 29", 340.
Goodier Walter, accompanies Leicester to
Holland, 555.
Gondi, Jeromino de, French Minister, pro-
poses co-operalion ivith Spain against
England, 539-540, 544, 641.
Gonzalo, Jorge, father-in-law of Dr. Lopez,
146, see also Anes, Loneston.
Gorge, William, accompanies Leicester to
Holland, 555.
Gorion, apothecary to the Queen of Scots,
664.
Gostlet, William, accompanies Leicester to
Holland, 556.
Gowrie, Earl of, see Euthven.
Glacier, John, accompanies Leicester to
Holland, 555.
Grafflna, agent to the Duke of Parma in the
peace negotiations with Elizabeth, 584,
653.
Graham, John, of Kailyards, 438-9.
Grain, scarcity of, in England, 544.
, , in Flanders, Elizabeth urges
Henry III. to forbid export from
France, 559.
Grande Puerto, 34 1 .
Granvelle, Cardinal de, memoranda from,
upon English affairs, 66, 99, 200, 200,
254, 277, 296, 298, 298, 307, 382.
.,,,,.,1,, , Antoiue de Ferrenot, 6, 7, 66,
404.
,..., , his views on Elizabeth's policy,
882.
Grave, the fall of, 586, 588.
Gravelines, 36, 104, 157,466.
1, , double treachery against the English
at, 599.
Graresend, 178, 198, 240, 432, 543.
Gray, Edward, accompanies Leicester to
Holland, 555.
,, , of Fernihurst, 194, 258, 460, 504.
i ,.., Lord, 688;
,...>....,Miisterof, 595, 627,661.
Gray, Edward, his mission to England, 529,
531, 535.
, , to join Leicester- in Holland
with a regiment of Scots, 553.
Green, Captain, 86.
Greene, William, accompanies Leicester to
Holland, 555.
Greenwich, 75, 95, 501, 573.
Gregorian Calendar, adoption of, 428.
Gregory XIII., Pope, letter to, from James
VI., 518.
, his opposition to the Alenijon Match,
31, 256.
, brings pressure to bear upon Henry
III. to oppose Alenijon's projects,
256.
,.,20, 41, 42; is appealed to by the
Scotch Catholics, 287, 316-317, 323,
330,344,349-50,362-3, 370-3, 377-8,
383, 393, 397, 427-8, 475-6, 504-5,
507-10, 517, 518-19, 525-6.
, Bull to be issued by authorising
the invasion of England, 505.
, commends the case of the Scots and
English Catholics to Philip, 525 ;
offers his aid, 527-8. 539.
, his hopes of Queen Elizabeth's con-
version, 528.
Grenville, Eichard, 591, 599, 600 611.
Grey, Lord Viceroy of Ireland, 40, 44, 50,
51, 53, 63, 64, 69, 71-2, 86, 86, 89, 96,
102, 106, 121, 140, 153, 167, 237-8,
266, 278, 301, 319, 381, 413, 421, 542,
552.
, ....... proposal to give him the
command of the English iu the
Netherlands, 542, 552, 572, 589.
Grocer's Company of London, 273.
Guadagni, Abbe, 546-7.
Guaras, Antonio de, 239 ; death of, 520,
Guardia, Bishop de la, his escape and flight
with Don Antonio, 89, 93, 143, 145.
Gueldres, Englishmen in, 265.
Guevara, Licentiate, 651, 654.
Guise, Dulce of, letters to, from James VI.,
502, 517.
, letter to, from Philip II., 631.
, , letter from, to Mendoza,
589.
,....,., 4, 51, 66, 77, 81, 100, 109,
204, 240, 254, 256, 361, 362-3, 381,
388, 407, 447, 488, 498, 511, 541,
569, 575, 577, 587, 613, 618-9, 642,
664.
, , his plans againsl England
and Scotland, 4, 5. 6, 13, 26, 77, 100,
362-3, 372-3, 377-9, 383, 392-4, 396,
401-3, 423, 426-8, 436, 440, 461-2,
464, 466, 47.5-6, 479-80, 480-6, 492-5,
500, 502-3, 504-6, 507-10, 513, 521-5,
527, 528, 581, 589-90, 595-7.
, .., his plot to assassinate Queen
Elizabeth, 4R4, 479.
1,, ....I., his relations with James VI,,
420,426-8,437,509,517-18
704
GENERAL INDEX.
Guise, Duke of, is ivarueii by Philip against
his'enemiea in France, 402-3, 428, 498,
540, 544.
) , troops raised by him against
the Huguenots, 536.
, , his opposition to the Spanish
invasion of England TTitGout his co-
operation, 560,
, alleged English plot to murder,
660.
, , his negotiations with Spain in
support of the Catholic Scots nobles in
their appeal to Philip II., 581, 589-90,
695-6, 613, 630-1, 639, 681-2.
Guises, the, 115, 214, 245, 271, 409, 412, 424,
426, 482-6, 485-6, 498, 500, 524, 538,
541, 545, 556, 560-9, 575, 588, 676.
H.
Hall, Hugh, arrested, 512.
Hamburg, 198.
powder, &c., bought there for Don
Antonio, 149.
Hamilton, Lord, 688.
Claud, 14 ; his secret visit to the
Queen, 22. 23.
...., Lord, restored in honours and estates,
5,57, 558, 578, 667, 688.
, , letter from, to Philip 11., 580.
his appeal to Philip II., for aid
to the Scots Catholics, see Huntly.
, , to rise with the Scots to support
the Babington plot, 605.
, Lord John (Lord Abroath), 27, 30.
108 ; secretly leaves France for
England, 501.
Hamiltons, the, 81, 82, 90, 95, 108, 109, 123,
259, 524.
Hammerfest, 386.
Hampshire, description of, 609.
Harchilo, see Harpsfield.
Harcourt, Michael, accompanies Leicester to
Holland, 554.
Harpsfield (?), a Catholic physician, arrested,
538, 542.
Harte, John, execution of, 231.
Harrington, Sir John (?), accompanies
Leicester to Holland, 554.
Sir Nicholas, his mission to Scotland,
123, 332, 335, 355, 388, 437.
_^_ ^ Sir AVilliam, accompanies Leicester
to Holland in command of a regiment,
553.
Hastings (ship), 414.
Hatton, Sir Christopher, 16, 55, 59, 110, 134,
140, 144, 165, 175-6, 181, 192, 193,
222, 221), 249, 2C6, 267, 274, 282, 300,
304, 305, 327, 345, 346, 389, 408-9,
443,497.
Hatton's Trumpeter brings news of Drake's
arrival and route, 55.
Havana, 532.
Havre de Grace, 261, 268, 270, 272, 409, 584,
642-3.
Hawkins, John, 3, 101, 144, 147, 414, 434,
511, 601, 640, 642.
, , account of his fleet off Portugal,
632-4.
, , his expedition to the coast of
Portugal, Sec, 642, 643, 648-50, 653,
656, 661, 662; his return to England,
666. 671, 677.
, William, 414, 511, 520.
Hawkinses, the, all bom pirates, 601.
Hector, Colonel, 419.
Henao, Francisco de, his proposal to betray
Terceira, 414-6.
Heneage, Sir Thomas, sent to Leicester in
Holland, 572, 588.
Henry, King of Portugal, death of, 1 6, 20.
Henry III., King of France, 1, 20, 24, 31, 38,
39, 40, 43, 51, 62, 71, 92, 100, 119,
127, 163, 204-5, 214, 217, 254, 260-2,
268, 269-72, 299, 316, 317-8, 348,
361, 381, 389-90, 394, 408, 410-12,
416, 421-6, 428-33, 441, 446, 450,
457, 458, 473-4, 486, 489-90, 576,
591, 626, 662, 689.
, , his action in favour of the
Queen of Scots, with relation to the
Babington plot, 641, 644-6, 647 ;
Bellievre to be sent to England, 648.
660, 661, 666-7, 669-70, 675, 678, 680,
690-1.
, his attitude towards the English
invasion, 569, 618-19, 628-9, 684-6.
, , his attitude towards the Portu-
guese suecession, 27, 77.
, , his manner of life, 498, 574-5,
640, 645, 689.
, his relations with Don Antonio,
80, 81, 82, 101, 136, 149, 156, 174, 189,
213-14, 226, 281, 306-7, 398, 425, 432,
452, 547-51, 558-9, 569, 674, 579, 592,
611-12, 632.
, , his renewed intrigues with the
Huguenots against the Guises, 574-'5,
619.
, , illness of, 459, 498.
Henry of Navarre, see Beam.
Henry VIIL, 40.
Helmes, Walter, accompanies Leicester to
Holland, 655.
Hercules, see Duke of Guise.
Herll, 463, 533.
Kerries, Lord, 107, 108, 413; death of, 446.
688.
Heme, William, accompanies Leicester to
Holland, 554.
Hertford, Earl of, secret marriage of his son,
382, 641.
Hertfordshire, description of, 610.
Heydon, William, accompanies Leicester to
Holland, 555.
GENERAL INDEX.
705
Heywood, Father Jasper, 195, 236, 242, j33.
Higat, William, accompanies Leicester to
Holland, 556.
Hill, Robert, accompanies Leicester to Holland,
555.
Hinde, John, accompanies Leicester to Holland,
555.
Hobson, — , accompanies Leicester to Holland,
555.
Holder, Botolph, of Lisbon, 146, 104n, 183,
214, 667.
Holland, Davy, accompanies Leicester to
Holland, 555.
Holt, Father William, 285-9, 291, 320, 322-3,
343, 349-52, 362-S, 370, 399, 427;
arrested in Scotland, 458 ; is tortured,
460, 465 ; released by James VI., 503.
525.
Holyhead, 302.
Honey, Richard, accompanies Leicesler to
Holland, 556.
Honfleur, 409.
Howard, Father Jasper, see Heywood.
Lady Frances, 457.
, Lord (of EfEugham). Admiral, 15, 17,
452, 641, 666, 672.
, Lord Henry, 159, 172, 175, 275, 280.
, appointed Lord Chamberlain,
513 ; to be made Lord Admiral, 537 ;
appointment suspended at the inetance
of Leicester, 537.
, , his relations with tie Spaniards,
245-6,253, 208, 315-16.324, 344,352,
864, 391, 403, 406, 448-9, 451,
, , offered a pension by the French,
451.
, , his arrest, 78; takes refuge in
the Spanish embassy, 246. 296 ; his
re-arrest, 538.
, , joins in the Babington plot,
604.
, Lord Thomas, joins in the Babington
plot, 604.
, Lord William, his arrest, 512, 538.
, joins in the Babington plot,
604.
Howards, the, restored in blood, 90.
Howard, the house of, 344.
Huhherts, Ralph, accompanies Leicester to
Holland, 554.
Huifuenots, 4, 28, 35, 38, 39, 42, 43, 44, 52,
53, 66, 74, t76, 84, 151, 253, 260,
269-71, 355, 390, 391, 445, 456-7,
485, 487, 498, 509, 538, 545, 556, 569,
588, 660, G89.
ilume. Lord, 688.
, Alexander, 216.
, David, of Argaty, 535.
Ilunsdon, Lord, 77, 79, 82, 85, 90, 96, 101,
107, 108, 124, 148, 267, 280, 312, 424,
426, 430, 473,499, 513, 672.
, , Mendoza recommends the
Babington conspirators to kill him,
607.
y 84541.
Huntingdon, description of, 609.
Huntingdon, Earl of, 32, 79, 82, 85, 90, 96,
101, 106, 148, 222, 264, 315, 400, 547,
604.
Huntly, George, Earl of, letter from, to
Philip if, 580.
, , his appeal for Spanish aid
to the Scots Cathohcs, 580, 589-90,
595-8, 630-1, 635-8, 667, 681, 688.
Earl of, 194, 286, 288, 397, 450, 486,
491, 546, 553.
Hurleston, Leicester's treasurer in Holland,
554.
I.
Idiaquez, Juan de, Secretary, letters from, 22,
118,617,679.
, , letters to, from Mendoza, 443,
443, 449, 454, 467, 474, 478, 501, 516,
579, 585.
, Secretary Juan de, 30, 36, 154, 404,
537, 605.
Indies, expeditions to the, 101, 107, 115, 128,
136-7, 150, 159, 167, 179, 199, 232,
235, 255, 264, 278, 285, 297, 302-3,
305, 306, 319, 340-2, 349, 356-7, 375,
385, 397, 403, 410, 414, 496-7, 501,
507,520,521,532,578, 585, .')99-601,
610-11, 626-7, 633-4, 642, 649-50,
652-3, 677.
, Council of, suggest compromise for
the recovery of Drake's plunder, 93-4,
118.
East, proposed new trade route to,
through Russia, 365-8.
Spanish and Portuguese, trade with,
52, 55, 56, 67, 70, 75, 76, 88, 95, 101,
107, 585, 599-600, 652-3.
Iniguez, Juan, 577, 595, 617.
Insi, M. d', 217, 222.
Insurance on jewels, &c., from Terceira, for
Don Antonio, 158.
Invermeith, Lord, 688.
Ireland, revolt in, 4, 9, 10, 19, 23, 24, 28, 37, ^
44, 60, 51, 53, 54, 58-9, 63, 64, 72, 86,
88,96, 102, 106, 121, 140, 153, 167,
168,203,237,266,301,319, 335, 381,
413, 421.
, English reinforcements for, 53, 62,
64-5,83,89,106, 122, 167, 168, 206,
319,335,421,431, 536.
, arrest of Catholics in, 557.
, Papal forces in, defeat and massacre
of, 69-71,72,88,95.
proposed Spanish invasion of England
fi-om, 687.
Irish insurgents. Papal aid to the, 17, 20, 21,
-28, 40, 41, 42, 53, 58, 61-2, 63, 64, 67,
69,71, 121, «1, 431.
706
GENERAL INDEX.
Irish insuvBents, Spanish aid to the, 4, 9, 17,
20, 28, 33, 41, 46, 48, 51, 53, 58, 61-2,
67, 68, 69, 71, 135, 141, 155, 189, 208,
282, 364, 376, 406.
students in London, arrest of, 86.
Iriihmen, alleged treacherous murder of, hy
English officers, 153.
James VI. (of Scotland), letters from, to the
Duke of Guise, 502, 517.
, , to Philip II., 690.
, to the Pope, 518.
, 5, 6, 17, 22, 23, 26, 30, 32, 37,
44, 46, 51, 54, 77, 81, 90, 101, 107,
124, 132, 148, 176, 184, 194, 198, 216,
228, 258-9, 273, 288, 290-1, 317,
331, 335, 343-4, 371, 387-8, 393,
396-7, 400, 408, 413, 431, 422, 436-8,
447, 450-1, 533, 578, 602, 627.
, his religion, 98, 109, 150, 160, 169,
204, 241, 257, 286, 290-1, 309, 356,
363, 387-8, 394, 399, 418, 420, 480,
490-1, 507, 509, 518, 524, 531, 541,
546-7, 563-4, 581, 587, 593, 611, 647,
660, 664, 683, 688.
, is conveyed to Dumbarton, 17, 19.
, his relations with the French, 51, 52,
124, 164, 184, 198, 199, 204-5, 214,
449-50, 455, 458, 460, 472-4, 479-80,
481-2, 486, 488, 489.
, Elizabeth's opinion of him, 207-8,
496.
, project to carry him to Spain, 99,
286, 343, 388, 559.
, captured by the English faction,
401-2, 403, 405, 407, 412-13, 418,
420, 426, 431, 434, 436, 438-9, 444,
450, 479, 495, 557.
plan to poison, 422, 426, 430.
, plans for his release, 460, 4C8-9,
486,488, 489, 491.
, his monetary claims against Eliza-
beth, 461, 495.
his flight to Falklaud and St. Andrews,
488-9, 490-1, 495, 499, 502, 506, 626-7.
, .flight to Dumbarton on Angus' en-
trance into Scotland, 552-3, 557.
,,. , his claim to the English succession,
451, 466, 473, 479, 503, 562-3, 568,
681, 587, 693, 644-5, 683.
, ..., his appeal to the Pope, 518.
, , is pressed by Elizabeth to surrender
Father Holt, 458.
,,, ;, his attitude towards the proposed
Catholic invasion, 481-2,490-1, 502-3,
508-9, 517-18, 024, 529.
,,,,,,,.., offered a pension by Elizabeth on
condition of hie banishing Arran, 583,
James VI., intercedes with Elizabeth for b!s
mother, 669-70, 676, 678, 680.
, negotiations with regard to his
marriage, 259, 260, 471, 477, 683.
, his projected marriage with an
Infanta, 5, 6, 13, 310.
, his projected marriage with a daughter
of the Prince of Orange, 13.
, his projected marriage with the
daughter of Duke of Lorraine, 17.
, his projected marriage with Princess
of Denmark, 13, 320, 356, 542, 546.
, his projected marriage with Christine
of Lorraine, 205, 450.
...,,,..., his projected marringe with Catherine
de Bourbon, 381.
, his proposed marriage with Lady
Dorothy Devereux, 451, 477.
Jasper, Father, see Heywood.
Jauregui, Juan de, his attempted assassination
of Orange, 320, 327-8 ; see also Orange.
Jealousy of the EngUsh Catholics against the
Scots, 483, 493, 509.
Jesuit priests in Scotland, 640, 642, 668 j see
also Catholic priests in Scotland.
Jewels belonging to Don Antonio, 157-8,
163, 166, 174, 180, 219, 247, 395.
Jobson, Edward, accompanies Leicester to
Holland, 554.
Jonas, the (ship), captured by French pirates,
125.
Jones, — , executed for the Babington plot,
641n.
, Henry, accompanies Leicester to
Holland, 564.
Joyeuse, Duke of, 497, 530, 569, 626, 645.
Juan, Don, of Austria, 218, 322.
Juan de Esplritu Santo, friar, 339, 377.
Julian, — , Commander of the Papal forces in
Ireland, 28, 42.
JuKan (ship), 297.
K.
Keith, Sir William, sent by James VI., to
intercede for the Queen of Scots, 676,
678.
Kenet, George, accompanies Leicester to
Holland, 555.
Kennedy, Miss, 664.
Kent, 609.
, troops raised in, 16.
Kildare, Earl of, 54, 62, 63, 64, 72, 80, 88-9,
319,381.
Knight, — , accompanies Leicester to Holland
555.
KnoUys, Sir Francis, treasurer of the houSS-
hold, 75, 831, W, 3'a7,
GENERAL INDEX.
707
Knollys, Sir Francis, Mendoza recommends
the BabingtOQ conspirators to kill him,
607.
junior, his voyage to the Indies,
75-6, 306.
> , in command of Don Antonio's
ships, 187, 208, 210, 218, 228, 232,
234, 301, 306, 650.
) William, accompanies Leicester to
Holland, 554.
Kola, river, 76, 366.
Lar^re,39, 44, 51.
La Motte, Spanish Goreraor of Gravelines,
29,36, 157, 173, 198, 210, 398, 466 ; to
co-operate Tvith the Babington con-
spirators, 608. 616.
Lancashire, description of, 610.
Landereau, French officer in the Azores,
391.
Landsjewel, a jewel pledged by the States
with Elizabeth, 283, 312.
Langford Shirley, joins in the Babington plot,
605.
Lansac, M. de, 91, 113, 119, 256, 260.
La None, see Noue.
Laon, Cornelius, Bishop of, 59.
Larache, Morocco, 277, 424, 432, 465.
Laredo, 81.
Lasqui, Palatine, 369, 380 ; his visit to
England, 463. 474.
Laval, 222.
League, the Holy, 71.
Lee, John, accompanies Leicester to Holland,
556.
Leicester, Countess of, Queen Elizabeth's
opinion of her, 477.
, Earl of, 16, 25, 37, 47, M, 52, 55, 59,
61, 64, 71, 74-5, 77, 78, 82, 84, 85,
67,90,93,101-2, HO, 115, 116, 121,
125, 127, 128, 137, 138, 140, 144,
145-6, 151, 152, 156, 159, 161, 166,
173-4, 175, 178, 186, 192, 198, 199,
206, 210, 211, 212, 1117, 222, 224, 226,
228, 229, 230, 233, 247, 249, 255, 261,
263, 266-7, 275-6, 281, 285, 295-6,
304, 305, 307, 310-13, 315, 319-20,
325-7, 329, 334, 345, 346, 353, 377,
389, 391, 398, 4U7, 411, 412, 417, 430,
432, 433, 443, 451, 455, 457, 459, 466,
473, 477, 486, 495, 49G, -198, 513, 534,
537, 650, 673, 680, 684.
, , his opposition to thu Alenijon
match, 1, 2, 16, 18, 25, 26, 91, 102,
111-12, 113-14, 119, 131, 181, 229,
230,274-5,353,417.
,, , , his participation in piracy, 2, 3,
' 7, 19.
Leicester, Earl of, his approaches to the
Spaniards, 25, 33, 34, 49, 112.
, , accompanies Alen^on to
Flanders, 280-2, 295-6 j his return,
299, 310-12, 347.
, , proposes to marry his eon to
Arabella Stuart, 426, 451-2.
, , his plan to marry his step-
daughter to James VI., 451, 477 j the
Queen's rage thereat, 477.
, , his disagreement with Cecil
respecting relations with Spain, 547.
,••> , on bad terms with Raleigh,
538.
, , refuses to surrender the master-
ship of the Horse on his appointment
as Lord Steward, 537-8.
, , his expedition to the Nether-
lands, 553, 557-8, 570-1, 577-8, 670;
his return to England, 673. 679-80.
, , list of gentlemen who accom-
panied him to Holland, 553-6.
, , his proceedings in the Nether-
lands, 571-2, 577-8, 586, 588-9, 596,
599, 602, 605-6, 650-1, 652, 656, 669,
673, 683, 689.
" Leicester's Commonwealth," its •uppresiion
demanded in France, 538-9.
Leith, 123, 289.
Leiton, Custodio, 391 ; Is appointed Don
Antonio's representative in France,
548. 652,559,569,592,611-12.
Lemos de Faria, Cristobal, 419.
Lennox, Duchess of, 361.
, Duke of, letter from, to J. B. Tassis,
316.
, letter from, to the Queen of
Scots, 333.
, 6, 17, 23, 32, 37, 50, 51, 54,
65, 77, 81, 82, 95, 96, 1(»0, 107, 109,
124, 132, 170, 176, 184, 194, 199, 204,
216, 224, 247, 258-9, 272, 276, 286-9,
292, 316, 320, 322-4, 330-3, 335,
349-52, 355-6, 358, 362-3, 370-3, 381,
392-4, 395 ; flight of, 400. 401-3,
405, 407, 412-13, 417, 418, 420, 423,
426-7, 431, 436, 444, 455, 464-5.
, , plots against, 26, 32, 44, 96,
100, 107, 122, 224, 387, 396, 399-400,
401-3,407.
, , his religion, 273, 290, 381, 395,
396, 439, 466.
, his negotiations for foreign
troops to be sent to Scotland, 256, 317,
323, 330-3, 349-52, 362-3,371, 393-4,
395-7, 400, 418, 426-7, 434, 436, 439,
447, 466, 475, 479, 481.
, , is ordered to leave Scotland,
431 J his arrival in London, 434. 435;
his interview with the Queen, 437 ; his
illness, 444, 455, 461, 466 ; death of,
479, 494-5.
, , failure of his plot to re-captut^
the King, 438-9, 444, 461, 464-5,
70S
GENERAL INDEX.
Lennox, lluke of, bis secretary's interview
with Mendoza in London, 438, 440.
, , the younger, is summoned by
James to Scotland, 501, 688.
Levant, trade with, 72, 366, 432, 46.5, 652.
Lewes, John, accompanies Leicester to
Holland, 555.
Lewson, Walter, accompanies Leicester to
Holland, 554.
Leyton, Thomas, accompanies Leicester to
Holland, 554.
Licrrc, betrayed by Colonel Semple, 394.
Liggons, — , a servant of the Duke of
Norfolk, to be pensioned by Philip,
109.
Lima, Peru, 55.
Lincoln, Bishop of, Cowper, 79.
, Countess of, sister of the Eatl of
Kildare, 319.
, Earl of. Lord Admiral, 54, 59, 186,
230, 237, 240, 249, 452 ; death of, 531.
Lincolnshire, description of, 609.
Lindsay, David, 387 ; sent to England, 471.
, Lord, 688.
Lisbon, 20, 77, 89, 214, 573, 642-3.
, capture of, by the Spaniards, 45n, 52-
, wheat required at, 102, 117-18.
Lisleburgh, see Edinburgh.
Livingston, Master of, 491.
Lomb, Gilbert, his surrender requested by
James VI, of Philip, 690.
London, apprentices arrested for complicity in
the Babington plot, 632.
, city of, troops raised by, 9, 15, 35, 40,
S3, 543.
companies, money raised by them for
the aid of the Netherlanders, 536.
, rejoicings in, at the condemnation of
the Queen of Soots, 680.
Tower of, 59, 74, 78, 239.
, alleged plan of the Babington con-
spirators to burn, 641.
Longorius, Dr., 442.
Loo, Andre de, agent of the Duke of Parma,
in the peace negotiations with Eliza-
beth, 584, 653.
Lopez, Dr. Eodrigo, 81, 138, 146, 149, 158,
178, 179, 234, 246-7, 456, 4.59, 552,
672.
Lorraine, Duke of, 423, 498.
Lovat, Lord, 688.
Lucchese, Captain, a pirate, 406.
Luseaos, M. de, a gentleman of Artois, 662.
Lyme, 115, 116, 147, 225, 228, 232, 255, 501.
M.
MacCarthy, More, 58.
iMacHugb, Feagh, 58, 167, 319.
I^IacMgriiB, — , 58,
MacTeague, Cormac, 58.
Madeira, 163, 339, 377.
Maestre, Cape, 341.
Magellan, Straits of, 55, 87, 199, 278, 340-2,
349, 520, 548, 610, 668.
Maineville, Francois de Eoncherolles sienr de,
letter to, 488.
, , is sent to Scotland, 412, 422n,
430, 446, 451, 455, 458, 460, 474 ; his
return to France, 479-80 ; his account
of affairs in Scotland, 479-80. 486-7,
488-91, 503.
Malbey, Captain, 319.
Malio, John Baptist, 64.
Malouc, — , 432.
Mansfeldt, Count Charles, 253, 386.
Mar, Earl of, 95, 107, 397, 412, 420, 451, 486,
491, 552-3, 688.
, his unsuccessful rising against
the Catholic lords, 526.
March, Earl of, 489.
Marchaumont, Alen9on's envoy in England,
84, 85, 91, 92, 95, 101, 102, 110, 114,
116, 121, 127, 187-38, 151, 152, 165,
172, 180, 185, 186, 198, 200, 206, 222,
226, 248, 255, 261, 267, 269, 271, 279,
299, 31U-12, 318, 327, 335, 347,348,
353-4, 361, 380, 399, 411, 417, 424,
432, 434, 442, 459.
Mareschal, Earl of, 489, 688.
Margate, 432.
Marquina, Diego de, of Lisbon, a, banker,
118.
Martel, an envoy of the Catholic league to
Eome, 613.
Martin, Alderman, the Queen's banker, 152.
, Christopher, ship-master, his account
of Hawkins' fleet off Portugal, 632.
Martinez, Benito, ship-master, his account of
Hawkins' fleet off Portugal, 632.
.Pedro de, 325.
Mary, Queen of Scots, letters from, 205, 215,
257, 330,342, 392, 404, 418, 446, 475,
491, 581, 589, 596, 598, 663.
, , letters to, from Mendoza, 467,
475,491.
4, 5, 10, 13, 26, 77. 79. 81-2,
85. 124, 170-1, 176. 137. 204-5. 207,
2 IS. 214-15. 287. 300-1. 3 1 7. 320. 423,
426 429, 430. 541, 546-7, 622.
, her communications with
Mendoza. 79-80, 88, 184, 228, 241, 242,
2.54, 257. 289-91, 305, 309. 314. 323-4,
330, 342. 349-51, 355, 362, 382, 392-4,
395-7, 399, 404, 417, 446-9, 455, 457,
465-70, 475, 486, 491-2, 513, 581,
586-7, 5S9, 596-7, 598, 616, 628-9,
639, 644-6, 663-4.
, , her approaches to the Spaniards,
4, 5, 6. 13, 27, 30, 31, 34, 98-100, 205,
215-16, 257, 289, 309, 310, 314, 330-3,
342-3, 362, 392-4, 396-7, 404, 418,
436, 440, 447, 491-2, 525, 529, 589.
,,,,,,,,,, her appeals to the Pope, 99,
395, 896-7, 440, 447.
GENERAL INDEX.
709
Mary, Queen of Soots, her determination to
leave prison Queen of England, 13.
• illness of, 43, 138, 169, 332,
335.
•"• ••••> , her asBociation of her son trith
herself as sovereign, 204, 213-15, 228,
241, 245, 250, 258-9, 290, 300, 331-2,
388, 449, 468, 471, 535, 587.
> , negotiations for her liberation,
259, 290, 320, 465-70, 471, 474, 475,
491, 495, 506, 529, 533.
> , her claim to the English crown,
198, 213, 264, 351, 425, 495, 500, 514,
537, 541, 562-3, 568, 581, 587, 593,
613.
I suggestion for her abdication,
335, 404, 450.
, complains of her treatment in
England, 463, 495.
is urged by Mendoza to remain
in England, 465-70, 491.
is informed by Guise of his
plans against England, 500, 503, 508.
> I accused of complicity in Throg-
morton's plot, 529-30.
, , her attitude towards the
" English enterprise," 529, 597, 622,
629.
, proposed removal of, from the
care of the Earl of Shrewsbury, 432,
471; sent to Wingfield, 530; in
charge of Paulet, 538, 541, 546-7,
655 J taken to Fotheringay, 655 ; to
be sent to the Tower, 662.
, , Catholic plots for her release,
521-5, 603-10.
, , disinherits her son in favour of
Philip II., 581, 587, 590-1, 613, 644.
, places herself under the pro-
tection of Philip n., 581.
, , is accused of complicity in the
Babington plot, 623-4, 625, 641, 644-
6, 655, 656, 660, £61, 662; her fare-
well letter to Mendoza, 663-4. 669-70,
675-6, 678, 680-1, 690-1.
Master of St. John, Spanish ship plundered
by Drake, 61.
Mathew, of Lynn (ship), 554.
Mathias, Archduke, proposes to marry the
•Queen, 93.
Matthew de Oviedo, friar, envoy to Spain
from the Irish insurgents, 59.
Maulez (?), Captain, 319.
Maurice of Nassau, kills Jauregui, 32g, 680.
Mayenne, Duke of, 423 j to invade Sussex,
482.
Mayo, Alonso, 179, 200, 220.
Maxfield, — , joins in the Babington plot, 605.
Maxwell, Earl of, 553.
.Harry, 490.
Media, 366.
Medina Sidonia, Duke of, 424.
Melchijor, Priar,415.
Melendez, Fero, Spanish Admiral, 349,
Melino, Father Richard, Guise's agent, sent to
Spain and Home re.spectiTi(r the plans
against England, 48], 4SG; his in-
structions, 503 ; his n('goti;itoiis, 504^..
5, 507-8, 526.
Mello Esteban Ferreira, see Ferreira.
Melville, Sir James, of Halhill, 491.
, Sir Eobert, 488.
Mendoza, Dona Ana de, 478.
, Bernardino de, letters from, to
Philip II., 1, 3, 7, 8, 9, 10, 14, 16, 17,
19, 20, 22, 24, 27, 30, 33, 34, 35, 35,
37, 38,39,40, 41, 43,44, 45,47,49,51,
52, 54, 59, 60, 62, 63, 63, 69, 70, 71,
73, 75, 76, 79, 80, 80, 81, 82, 84, 88,
89, 91 93, 95, 97, 100, 101, 103, 106,
107, 110, 111, 113, 114, 116, 117, 119,
121, 125, 125,126, 128, 129, 130, 132,
134, 136, 137, 138, 139, 140, 142, 145,
147, 148, 149, 151, 152, 152, 153, IS.I,
158, 161, 163, 164, 165, 167, 169,
171, I73i 175, 177, 180, 182, 184,
185, 190, 192, 194, 197, 199, 201,
203, 206, 208, 209, 211, 216, 217, 218,
221, 222, 224, 225, 226, 229, 231, 232,
233, 234, 235, 237, 238, 238, 239, 242,
246, 249, 251, 255, 255, 260, 263, 264,
265, 266, 269, 272, 273, 276, 279, 280,
281, 283, 285, 289, 295, 297, 299, 300,
301, 303, 306, 310, 312, 313, 310, 317,
319, 320, 321, 322, 324, 326, 329, 329,
333, 335, 336, 336, 339, 340, 344, 346,
347, 349, 349, 352, 355, 350, 358, 360,
362, 364, 365, 375, 377, 379, 380, 384,
387, 389, 394, 395, 398, 400, 405, 406,
406, 408, 410, 412, 414, 416, 417, 418,
420, 421, 425, 428, 431, 432, 433, 434,
435, 436, 441, 442, 445, 449, 452, 452,
455, 456, 458, 459, 460, 462, 465, 470,
471, 472, 477, 486, 492, 495, 496,
497, 499, 510, 512, 513, 515, 530, 531,
533, 533, 534, 536, 536, 537, 538, 539,
541, 545, 546, 547, 549, 549, 550, 551,
551, 552, 552, 556, 557, 557, 558, 559,
559, 569, 570, 571, 572, 574, 577, 577,
579, 582, 583, 584, 586, 591, 595, 595,
598, 599, 601, 603, 610, 612, 617, 618,
623, 623, 624, 627, 639, 641, 642, 643,
644, 644, 646, 648, 660, 660, 662, 66C,
666, 667, 667, 669, 670, 679, 681, 689.
, , letters to, from Philip II., 29,
29, ,49, 65, 67, 69, 78, 83, 86, 87, 88,
102, 102, 118, 149, 159, 160, 161, 164,
164, 172, 181, 181, 182, 202, 220, 221,
240, 242, 254, 255, 278, 278, 294, 294,
342, 358, 359, 373, 397, 403, 405, 499,
506, 519, 520, 539, 540, 543, 544, 544,
553, 573, 580, 590, 614, 614, 616, 630,
638, 639, 639, 656, 671,679.
, , letters from, to Mary Queen of
Scots, 467, 475, 491.
, , letters to, from Mary Queen of
Scots, 215, 257, 330, 342, 392, 404,
446, 475, 491, 581, 589, 596, 598, 663.
, letters from, to Duke of
Parma, 635, 664.
, , letters to, from Duke of Parma,
665.
no
GENERAL INDEX.
Mendoza, Bernardino de, letters from, to
Idiaquez, 443, 443, 449, 454, 467, 474,
478, 501, 516, 579, 585,
•• letters to, from Idiaquez, 118,
617, 679.
, letter to, from the Duke of
Guise, 589.
• > his interviews with the Queen,
3, 10, II, 12, 20, 40, 41, 45, 49, 68,
112, 113, 132-3, 134-6, 140, 144,
158-4, 176, 185-9, 192-3, 223, 242,
263, 303-4, 375-6.
••> , is refused audience, 52, 59-60,
66, 112, 12.5, 133, 150,175-6,185-6,
212, 219, 364-5, 375-7, 406.
, his desire to retire from England,
86-7, 113, 193, 304-5, 344, 363, 374,
377, 397, 423, 448, 449, 454, 474, 491-
2, 504, 517.
, , attempts to bribe him in re-
lation to Drake's plunder, 74.
, , bis domicile invaded by London
constables, 128-9, 132-3, 136, 151,
160, 169, 325.
, , interviews with the Council,
154-5, 191-2, 263, 301, 513-15.
, slights to, by the English
courtiers, 185, 194, 304, 324-5, 364,
376,514,516.
, his difficulty in conveying
correspondenee, 209-10, 218, 241, 299.
, , is made a knight commander
of Santiago, 321, 479.
, , is insulted in the streets of
London, 397n,
, his negotiations with English and
Scotch Catholics, 124-5, 169-70, 194-
7, 202-3, 230, 235-6, 242, 257, 276-7,
285-9, 289-94, 305, 309, 314, 320,
322-4, 330-2, 342-4, 349-52, 358-9,
362-3, 370-73, 382-4, 438-40, 448,
457, 492-6, 510, 513-4, 576, 577, 579,
581, 585, 589-90, 595-7, 603-8,625-6,
627-30, 635-8, 656, 667-8, 681.
•a , his connection with Francis
Throgmorton, 502, 510, 511; expul-
sion from England, 512-13, 513-15,
516,519, 520,529-30.
to , his determination to be revenged
upon the English, 516.
, his opinion on the proposed
ScottiBb enterprise, 635-8, 656, 667-8,
881-8.
, , his connection with the
Babington plot, see Babington plot.
Mendoza, Pedro de, Spanish minister in
Genoa, 111.
Meneses, Don Antonio de, a prisoner in
England, 677.
Merchants of London trading with Spain, 19,
130, 208, 283-4, 385.
Mery, M. de, 84, 91, 101.
Mesiua light, 366.
Methuen, Lord, 688.
Middleburgh, 299, 335.
M.i,....f Drake's Toyage tbith«r, see Sr^e.
Middlemore, — , sent to the Queen of Soots, 10.
Middleniotes, the, of Shropshire, join in the
Babington plot, 605.
Mignon, of London (ship), 64, 302, 356-7i
414.
, (ship), sunk bythe King of Denmark,
381.
Mlldmay, Sir Walter, Chancellor of the Ex-
chequer, 54, 90n, 207, 389, 473, 486,
495, 582.
Miles Levrkner, accompanies Leicester to
Holland, 555.
Militia, 9, 35.
Mina, the, (Elmina), 3, 10, 137.
MoUucas, 70, 75, 76, 87, 167, 199, 232, 235,
264, 279, 285, 297, 304, 306, 313, 319,
326, 340, 357, 375, 385, 395, 397, 403,
410,414,501, 507.
Mopo, see Charles Paget.
Montgomery, Kobert, 387.
Mons, 103-5.
Montague, Lord, 33, 50, 348, 504.
, joins in the Babington plot, 604.
Mouteith, Earl of, 688.
Montesinos, see Diaz, Gaspar de.
Moutpensier, Duke of, 262, 424, 533.
Madame de, 625.
Montrose, Earl of, 489, 681.
Mora, Don Cristobal de, 346, 507.
, Don Miguel, de, see Moora.
More, — , arrested for complicity in Throg-
morton's plot, 513.
John, accompanies Leicester to Hol-
land, 555.
Morgan, Allen, accompanies Leicester to
Holland, 556.
, Colonel, 64.
, Thomas, 447-8 ; his imprisonment
in the Bastille, 534; his surrender
demanded by Elizabeth, 535, 536 ;
condemned for high treason, 547, 581,
582, 567, 589, 591, 598, 645, 690.
Morley, Lord, joins in the Babington plot,
604.
Mortara, a Genoese in London, 180.
Morton, Earl of (Regent), 6, 17, 23, 26, 32,
44, 50, 51, 54; his arrest and con-
demnation, 77. 79, 81, 85, 88, 93,
96, 98, 100, 107, 108, 122, 123, 124 ;
his execution, 132. 149, 184 ; con-
fiscation of his property by the
Scots parliament, 199 ; James VI's.
treachery with regard to him, 207.
216, 228.
Morton, Begent, two bastard sons of, 148.
, Earl of, the younger, 503, 504, 552-3,
578, 682, 688.
, letter from, to Philip II., SII.
, , his appeal to Philip II.,
for aid to the Scots Catholics, see
Huntly.
Mothe, dela, Fenelon, 2, 91, 110, Ul, U3-
14,119,
GIlNEEAL INDEX.
Ill
Mothe, de la, F&flon, his embassy to Scotland,
412, 421-6, 428-33, 434, 440-1, 446,
454-5, 457, 464, 472.
••• > I his interviews with the
Queen, 422-6, 428-30, 449, 450, 452.
> > , pressed for money in
London, 451, 454-5.
Motte, M. de la, Spanish Governor of Grave-
lines, see La Motte.
Moura, Miguel de, I'hilip's Secretary in
Portugal, 284, 667.
Muscovy, trade with, 20, 65, 76, 329, 356,
365-8, 381, 386-7, 395, 454, 463, 487,
652.
Muscovy company of Loudon, 297, 306, 395,
454, 463.
Murray, Earl of. Regent, 122.
, ,688.
Muzio, see Guise, Duke of.
N
National Covenant, the Scots, 90, 102, 122.
N»n, — , Secretary of Mary, Queen of Scots,
259, 531, 533, 534-5 ; is arrested for
complicity in the Babington plot, 623,
625 ; confesses everything, 663.
Nazareth, Archbishop of. Papal Nuncio in
France, 618-9, 640, 646, 679.
Nemours, treaty of, 556n.
Nerac, M. de le, 592.
Netherlands, rebellion in, 11, 19, 21,33,67,
74, 186, 248, 253, 262-3, 264-5, 267,
280-1, 295, 299-300, 307-8, 346,
347-9, 352-5, 374, 430-1, 449, 452-3,
456-7, 498.
Nevers, Duke of, 619.
Newbogle, Abbot of, 216.
Newfoundland, 410, 421, 432.
Nieuport, French expelled from, 435.
Noeles (?), William, accompanies Leicester to
HoUand, 554.
Noel, George, accompanies Leicester to Hol-
land, 555.
Nombre de Dios, 532.
Nonsuch, 41, 175, 185.
Norfolk, description of, 609.
, discontent in, at loss of trade through
the Netherlands War, 667.
Norfolk, Duke of, 108, 109, 143.
, , rising of, 33, 669.
, , his children restored in blood,
90.
,,.,,,..., the Queen of Scots betrothal to,
486 ; the Queen sends his betrothal
ring as a keepsake to Mendoza, 664.
Norris, — , sent to Alen^on at Antwerp, 335.
,.,.,..,., Colonel, 247,
Norris, Sir John, in the Netherlands, 453,
456, 462, 542, 543, 545, 547.
North, Lord, 538.
Northern Confederation proposed, 379-380,
542.
Northesk, Earl of, 547.
Northumberland, description of, 608.
, Earl of, 50, 85, 253, 504, 513-14 ; in
the Tower, 538 ; suspected murder of,
542.
, , the younger, joins in tho
Babington plot, 604.
North-west passage, attempts to discover, see
Cathay.
Norton (?), Lord, 504.
Norumbeage river, 384-5, 532, 536.
Norwich, 276.
Note, Arthur, accompanies Leicester to
Holland, 555.
Nottinghamshire, description of, 610.
Noue, la, " Bras-de-fer," 15; capture of, 34,
93.
Nouvelle, M. de la, 346.
Nova Zembla, 76.
Nunez, Dr. Hector, 321-2.
Nutz, storming of, 698, 611, 652.
0.
Oatlands, SOI.
Oberholtzer, Hans, 334-5, 336, 515.
Obi river, 20.
Ochiltree, Lord, 688.
Octrung river, 365.
Oen, Hugo, 670.
Ogilvy, Lord, 98, 258, 688.
Olivares, Count de, Spanish Ambassador to
the Pope, letters from, to Philip II.,
525, 528, 500, 593, 613, 619.
, letters to, from Philip IL, 517,
527, 541, 657.
J Spanish Ambassador to the
Pope, 397, 408.
, , his negotiations with the Pope
respecting the English invasion, 541,
560-9, 593-5, 613, 618-22, 657-60.
O'More, the, 96.
O'Neil, Tirlough Lenough, 44, 53, 64, 72, 85,
86,89, 121, 153, 163.
Oporto, 64.
, Don Antonio defeated at and flight
from, 69.
Orange, Prince of, 4, 15, 19, 34, 40, 42, 44, 47,
52, 67, 70, 77, 83, 93, 105, 128, 135,
149, 172, 248, 253, 256, 264-5, 275-6,
281-2, 295-6, 299, 308, 311, 347, 430,
434, 441-2, 445, 454, 456, 462, 487,
498, 512, 602.
1U
GENERAL INDEX.
Orange, Prince of, attempted assassination by
Jnuregui, 320, 325-9, 333-4, 336, 339,
342, 346, 348, 358, 359, 361, 377.
, , marriage with the daughter of
Coligny, 456.
Princess of, death of, 377.
Ore, oastle of, Smerwick, fort occupied by the
Papal forces, 59, 69.
Orkney and Shetland, anciently pledged to
Scotland, their re-cession requested by
Denmark, 546.
Orkney, Earl of, 088.
Orleans, 270.
Ormond, Earl of, 19, 53, 58, 63, 72, 86, 89,
96, J40, 319, 413, 421, 461, 557.
Oro, Pedro de, 409.
Osburton, Sebastian, accompanies Leicester
to Holland, 555.
Ostend, French expelled from, 435.
Otonibo, tower of, deposit of the Portuguese
State Archives, 72, 143.
Oudenarde, 380, 386.
Oxford, Earl of, 172, 246, 533, 545, 546, 547.
Pacheco, Captain Vasco Duarte, 559 ; his
attempted assassination of Sir Edward
Stafford, 585.
Padilla, Don Sancho de, 67.
Paget, Charles, his secret mission to England,
505-6, 510.
, , an English Catholic refugee
in France, 540 j condemned for high
treason, 547. 550, 576, 577, 587, 589,
627, 629, 641, 645, 664, 690.
, Lord, his flight from England on the
discovery of Throgmorton's plot, 511,
540, 541; condemned for high treason,
547, 550, 577, 582, 690.
, William, a refugee in France, 109,
184 i sent by Mary Queen of Soots to
Mendoza, 581, 587, 596.
Fallavicini, Horatio, a Genoese banker in
London, 180, 257, 545.
Panama, 341.
Fardin, Captain, see Perrin.
Parker, Thomas, accompanies Leicester to
Holland, 554.
Parliament, meetings of, 79, 81, 90, 208, 221,
256, 466, 531, 536, 537, 655, 673.
, prorogation of, 10, 15, 331.
, Acts against the Catholics in, 51, 70,
90, 106, 152-3, 531, 537, 538, 655.
, condemns the Queen of Scots to
death, 669, C75-6, 680.
Scots, 199-200, 207, 216, 237, 247,
288, 408, 418, 421, 495.
Faima, Duke of, letters to, from Mendoza, 635,
664,
Parma, Duke of, letters from, to Mendoza,
665.
, 5, 02,67, 103-5, 126, 198, 239,
294, 296, 308, 324, 398, 403 406, 435,
441, 443, 445, 454, 466, 487, 504, 539,
559, 570, 584, 587, 591, 629, 643,
653-4, 656, 662, 670, 681, 690.
,, , his attitude towards the Scottish
Catholic enterprise, 635-8, 665, 682-8.
,, , , his marriage suggested with the
Queen of Scots, 688.
, , to co-operate with the Babing-
ton conspirators, 607-8, 615-16, 639.
Parry, Dr. William, arrest of, 533-4 j be-
headed, 535.
Pasages in Biscay, 179.
Pasquier, 664.
Paulet, Sir Amyas, 538, 541, 547, 610, 635,
645-G, 681.
, Hampden, accompanies Leicester to
Holland, 555.
Peckham, Sir George, imprisoned in the
Tower, 627.
Pei-choi, 76.
Pelham, — , 53, 168.
Pelican, the, Drake's ship 95 ; see also Deptford.
Pembroke, Earl of, 92,- 552.
IVri- Jacome, of Terceira, 201-2.
Perreira, Gonzalo, of Fayal, 338, 360.
Perrin, Edward, Captain, an Englishman, bom
in the Azores, 82, 93, 569, 632, 650,
674.
Persia, trade with, 20, 365-7.
Persons, Father Robert, 195-7, 236, 242, 265,
276, 28.5-9, 320, 322-3, 351-2, 362-3,
372, 377-8, 383-4, 393, 485, 562,
621-2, 660.
, William, accompanies Leicester to
Holland, 554.
Perth, 491.
Philip II., letters from, to Mendoza, 29, 29, 49,
65, 67, 69, 78, 83, 86, 87, 88, 102, 102,
118, 149, 159, 160, 161, 164, 164, 172,
181, 181, 182, 202, 220, 221, 240, 242,
254, 255, 278, 278, 294, 294, 342, 358,
359, 373, 397, 403, 405, 499, 506, 519,
520, 539, 540, 543, 544, 544, 553, 573,
580, 590, 614, 614, 616, 630, 638, 639,
639, 656, 671, 679.
to Juan de Vargas Mejia, 30.
, , to J. B. Tassis, 379, 401, 436,
475.
, , to Count Olivares, 517, 527,
593,657.
, , to Queen Elizabeth, 159.
to Duke of Guise, 631.
, letters to, from Mendoza, 1, 3, 7,
8, 9, 10, 14, 16, 17, 19, 30, 22, 24, 27,
30, 33, 34, 35, 35, 37, 38, 39, 40, 41,
43, 44, 45, 47, 49, 51, 52, 54, 59, 60,
62, 63, 63, 69, 70, 71, 73, 75, 76, 79,
80, 81, 82, 84, 88, 89, 91, 93, 95, 97,
100, 101, 103, 106, 107, 110, 111, 113
114, 116, 117, 119, 121, 125, 125, 126,
128, 129, ISO, 132, 194, 136, 137, 138
GENERAL INDEX.
713
Philip II., letters to, from Mendoza — cont.
139, 140, i42, 14S, 147, 148, 149, 151,
152, 152, 153, 155, 158, 161, 163, 164,
165, 167, 169, 171, 173, 175, 177, 180,
182, 184, 185, 190, 192, 194, 197, 199,
201, 203, 206,. 208, 209, 211, 216, 217,
218, 221, 222, 224j 225, 226, 229, 231,
232, 232, 234, 235, 237, 238, 238, 239,
242, 246, 249, 251, 255, 255, 260, 263,
264, 265, 266, 269, 272, 273, 276, 279,
280, 281, 283, 285, 289, 295, 297, 299,
300, 301, 303, 306, 310, 312, 313, 316,
317, 319, 320, 321, 322, 324, 326, 329,
329, 333, 335, 336, 336, 339, 340, 344,
346, 347, 349, 349, 352, 355, 356, 358,
360, 362, 364, 365, 375, 377, 379, 380,
384, 387, 389, 394, 395, 398, 400, 405,
406, 406, 408, 410, 412, 414, 416, 417,
418, 420, 421, 425, 428, 431, 432, 433,
434, 435, 436, 441, 442, 445, 449, 452,
452, 455, 456, 458, 459, 460, 462, 465,
470, 471, 472, 477, 486, 492, 495, 496,
497, 499, 510, 512, 513, 515, 530, 531,
533, 534, 536, 536, 537, 538, 539, 541,
545, 546, 547, 549, 549, 550, 551, 552,
552, 556, 557, 557, 558, 559, 559, 569,
570, 571, 572, 674, 577, 577, 579, 582,
583, 584, 586, 591, 595, 595, 598, 599,
601, 603, 610, 612, 617, 618, 623, 624,
627, 639, 641, 643, 644, 644, 646, 648,
660, 660, 662, 666, 666, 667, 669, 670,
679, 681, 689.
, from Count Olivares, S25, 628,
541, 560, 613, 619.;
, , from J. B. Tassis, 444, 461,
463, 479, 487, 507, 511.
, , from Jamea VI., 690.
„ his relations with Mary Queen of
Soots, 23, 30, 31, 34, 98-100, 103, 109,
123, 149-50, 160, 169, 205-6, 221,
241, 258-60, 289, 330, 343, 358-9,
362,- 382-4, 392-4, 395-6, 404, 407,
447-8, 465-70, 476, 491-2, 529-30,
574, 589, 690, 597, 679.
grants of money to Mary Queen of
Scots, 574, 587-8, 589, 690-1, 597,
598, 629.
, is appealed to by the Soots Catholios,
4, 5, 6, 13, 26, 77, 100, 286-9, 289-93,
309, 314, 317, 330-3, 343, 349-52,
363, 370-3, 377-9, 382-3, 427, 475-6,
491-2, 521-5.
, his claim to the English Crown, 563-4,
581, 587, 590-1, 644, 646, 647, 660,
670.
, his reasons for the intended invasion
of England, 562-4, 676, 613, 619, 657.
his opinions on the Babington plot,
603-7, 614-16, 637-8.
.,, , his anxiety for the Queen of Scots,
679.
, the conditions of his marriage with
Mary of England, 417.
Piblac, M. de, 50.
FictOD, John, accompanies Leicester to
Pinart, Claude, Secretary, 91, 110, 119, 137,
229-31, 232, 238, 252, 256, 261, 271,
273, 276, 279-80, 316, 317-18, 411,
556, 560, 672.
> Pinart, son of, is sent to England
respecting the AlenQou match, 260-1.
Pinto, Juan, of Eio- de-la-Plata, captured by
the England, 496-7.
Piracy, 3, 11, 32, 44, 47, 55, 94, 115, 125,
138, 157, 162, 171, 178, 186, 199, 202.
203, 210, 225, 255, 263, 264, 284, 297
298, 302, 305, 329, 365, 406, 410, 433,
507, 511, 537, 542, 557, 576, 578, 584,
599-600, 603, 624, 633-4, 643-4,
652-3,661, 666,671,677-8.
Plessy, 34, 35, 38.
Pluukett, — , an Irish priest hanged at Smer-
wiek, 69.
Plymouth, 3, 51, 55, 62-3, 144, 149,162, 174,
199, 202, 283, 285, 297, 313, 319, 326,
334, 414, 433, 511, 545-7, 547-52, 572,
610-11.
, arrival of a Ereneh ship in, with
arms for the Portuguese rebels, 35.
J port of, to be secured for the Babing-
ton conspirators by Sir William
Courtney, 604.
Pointz, Anthony, an English Catholic proposes
to serve the Spaniards secretly, 570-1,
674, 662, 689.
, Nicholas, accompanies Leicester to
Holland, 555.
Poland, King of, 368-70.
Poley, — , a Catholic spy in the house of
Walsingham, 692.
Pope, see Gregory XIII. and Sixtus V.
Porter, Giles, an Englishman in Spanish pay,
456.
Porto Eico, Drake's attack upon, 584.
Portsmouth, 43, 199.
Portugal, Eegents of, 27, 31, 48.
.trade with, 10, 64, 654-5.
Philip's succession to the Crown of,
10, 16, 20, 24, 28, 38, 39, 40, 43, 45,
47, 49,214.
Portuguese Ambassador, see Castillo.
Portuguese Jews in London, 113.
Price, Thomas, accompanies Leicester to
Holland, 555.
Primrose, the ship, 414, 537 ; kidnaps the
Lieutenant-Governor of Biscay, 543. "
Prince, Saint, accompanies Leicester to
Holland, 565.
Privateers, see Piracy.
Proclamation against the Queen of Scotland,
676, 678.
Protestant powers, proposed league of, see
Northern confederation.
Protestant propaganda in Spain, 177, 219.
Prunart, M. de, 222.
Pruneaux, M. de, 347.
Puritanism, growth of, in England, 496,
714
GENERAL INDEX.
Q.
Quinse, M. de, 869, 271.
B.
Raleigh, Sir Walter, 501, 520 ; knighted, 532.
538,661,668-9.
, , expeditions titted out by him,
520, 532, 533, 534, 535, 536, 539, 543,
552, 599, 661, 666.
, , alleged complicity in the
Bahington plot, 623.
, , his approaches to the Spaniards,
669.
Bamequin, 406.
Baadolph, Sir Thomas, Master of the Posts,
his embassy to Scotland, 77, 79, 81,
96 ; his flight ftom Scotland, 100.
107, 108, 148 ; again sent to Scotland,
573. 578, 583.
Becalde, Juan, Martinez de, sails to encouixter
Hawkin's fleet, 643, 649.
Bed Lion (ship), 537.
Bedshanks, Scotch soldiers in Ireland, 53, 85.
Beprisals suggested by the Spaniards for
Drake's depredations, 94-5, 138, 173,
190, 192, 208, 210, 241.
BeTolving cannon, invention of, by Baron
Schomberg, 368-9.
Biario, Cardinal, Nuncio at Madrid, 185.
Bibaut, Jean, his expedition to Florida, 849,
361,385.
Bichmond, 176, 186, 198, 203.
Bimini, Bishop of, Castelli, Nuncio in France,
505.
Binaldo, Biagio, a Genoese merchant in
London, 158.
Ripplemond, the Archives, of, 181, 200, 220.
Bivero, Antonio de, 346.
Bobert, Captain, 255, 264, 273, 284, 301.
Boche, dela, 381.
Bochelle, 297, 307, 360, 386, 538, 624, 642,
649.
BochcBter, 178, 280.
, -warlike stores sent to, 35, 49.
Bodriguez, Amador, a Portuguese silversmith
in London, 157-8.
Bodriguez, de Souza, Juan, envoy from Don
Antonio, 47, 48, 50, 52, 55, 64, 68, 77,
81, 82, 90, 93, 101, 115, 125, 138-9,
142, 146, 147, 149, 156, 177-8, 178,
183.
Bogers, Daniel, English envoy to the Em-
peror at Nurembeig, captured by the
Spaniards, 62, 296.
Bomero, Julian, Colonel, 570.
Bosa Antonio, of Coutrai, 181, 200, 220.
Bose, Lord, 688.
Boss, Bishop of, 587, 664.
Bothes, Earl of, 489, 688. '
Bothesay Castle, 413.
Bouen, 322-3, 359, 399-400, 584.
Boyal Exchange, document against Spain
posted on the pillars of, 419.
Buggiero, Cosme, 584, 551, 552.
BuBsell, Lord, eldest son of the Earl of
Bedford, killed in a riot on the Scotch
border, 545.
, Captain William, 435, 441, 442.
, Sir William, accompanies Leicester to
Holland, 554.
Rusticucci, Cardinal, 640.
Buthven, Lord, 407, 412, 426, 431, 439, 451 ;
resigns his oflice of treasurer, 460.
486, 489, 490-1, 503 ; his unsuccessful
rising against the Catholic lords, 526.
Butlaud, Earl of, 504, 583, 602.
Saddler, Sir Balph, in charge of the Queen of
Scots, 530.
Sakers, cannon for Tereeira, 297.
St. Aignan, 222.
St. Aldegonde, 93, 203, 207, 218, 222, 241,
248, 256, 257, 264, 268, 283, 335,
572.
St. Andrew, flight of James VI. to, 490.
St. Bernard, near Antwerp, 381, 442.
St. Goard, French Ambassador in Spain, 13,
23.
St. Helena, Island of, 297.
St. Jean de L<iz, 152.
St. John's Town, see Perth.
St. Mary's Port, 21.
St. Michael, Azores, 71, 144, 201, 229, S38,
397, 414-15, 419, 501, 649, 653.
St. Nicholas, 365, 387, 395.
St. Omer, 432.
St. Ubes, 77, 142-143, 145.
St. Vincent, Cape, 302, 306.
St. Vincent Port, 496.
Salamona, ship belonging to Alderman Bond,
152, 179.
Salazar, Cristobal de, Spanish Ambassador in
Venice, 367, 433, 465.
Salcedo, Captain, bis plot to assassinate
Orange and AIen9on, 402, 412.
Salisbury, — , executed for the Babington
Plot, 641/1.
Salt, export from Spain. C3, 421, 432, 576,
662.
Sttltash, Drake'B plunder deposited tbere, SS^
GENEEAL INDEX.
715
Saltonn, Lord, 688.
Salrariccia, BaitolomS, a Genoese agent of
Mendoza expelled from England for
complicity in a plot to poison Orange,
478.
Sampson (Antonio de Escobar), a Portuguese
spy in Paris, 587, 551-2, 579, 611-12,
648, 650, 667, 671.
Sampson's advices from England, 592, 599,
602,611,632, 670.
San Antonio, Azores, 415.
Sancerre, Count de, 91.
San Clemente, Don Guillen, 870.
Sanders, Doctor, 17, 44, 59, 69-70, 97 ; his
death, 97n. 118, 119, 211, 278, 301.
Sandwich, 198, 247.
Sandys, Archbishop of York, see York.
San Giuseppe, Colonel Sebastian, commands
the Papal forces in Ireland, 58-9, 443.
San Julian, Port of, Brazil, 75, 340.
San Juan, Spanish ship plundered by Drake,
80.
San Lorenzo, Island of, 75.
Saa Luear, 424.
Sanquhar, Lord, 688.
San Sebastian, 152, 283, 419.
, Castle of, Azores, 415,
Santa Catalina, Azores, 415.
Santa CiUa, Captain, 17.
Santa Cruz, Marquis of, 36, 183, 338, 397,
414,419, 501, 574, 580.
, , Morocco, 277.
Santa Maria, Azores, 415.
Santander, 40.
San Thome, 678.
Santo Domingo, Azores, 76, 202, 337, 611.
, (West Indies) Drake's attack upon,
573-4, 576, 578, 580, 583-4, 586, 600,
626, 651. '
Sanzio, Cardinal, 541, 560, 569, 613.
Sarmiento de Gamboa, Pedro de, captured by
the English, 651, 654, 661, 666-7, 668,
672,673-4, 677.
Savage, — , executed for the Babington Plot,
641n.
Savello, Cardinal, 532.
Savona, M. de, proposed Nuncio to France,
505.
Savoy, Duke of, Charles Emmanuel, 78, 391.
Saxony, Duke of, writes a book against the
doctrines of Luther, 362.
Scilly Isles, 166, 182.
Schismatics, 603, 629-630.
Schomberg, Baron Gaspar, 248, 283,366-9,
380, 386.
his information regarding the
diversion of the East Indian Trade
through Bussia, 365-8.
, his invention of a revolving
cannon, &o., 368-9.
Marshal, 248, 281.
Schornau, Hans, Swiss Captain of Alen^on's
guard, 248, 253-4, 265.
Scotch Councillors to be bribed by Spain, 293,
310, 383, 451, 489.
Scotland, English plots in, 77, 79, 81, 96, 100,
107, 108, 148, 320, 324, 352, 388, 395,
397, 400, 401-3, 405, 407, 408, 408,
412-13, 418, 420-1, 422-3, 426, 434,
455, 488, 524, 535, 552-3, 683.
, Catholic conspiracy in, 169, 170.
, relations with France, 420, 422-5,
426-33, 437, 489, 520.
, Spanish intrigues in, 5, 6, 7, 184,
193-7.
Scottish aid to the Flemish Insurgents, 536,
543, 573, 578, 583, 595, 627, 661.
Scottish border, fatal riot upon the, 545.
Scottish Catholics, attacks upon, 216-217,
224, 385, 396-7, 400, 520, 526.
..., , money aid from Spain and the
Pope to, 436.
Scottish Catholic nobles act against the
English faction, 405, 412, 489-91.
Scottish nobles solicit the aid of foreign forces,
286-9, 291-4, 309, 314, 317, 330-3, 343,
349-52, 363, 370-3, 377-9, 382-4, 428,
436, 448, 487-8, 494, 521-5.
Scottish Catholic nobles appeal to Philip for
aid, 487-8, 589-90, 595-7, 630-1,
635-8, 639-640, 656, 665-6, 667-8,
681-9.
Scottish Nobility, statement of, 688.
Searider of Ampsteede (ship), 554.
Sebastian, Henry, 146.
, Paul, 146.
Sedan, Prince of, 110.
Selby, Captain, accompanies Leicester to
Holland, 554.
, Rowland, accompanies Leicester to
Holland, 555.
Seminary Priests, 88, 538.
Semple, Lord, 688.
Sendye, Arthur, sent to Denmark, 466.
Sennet, Mr., 457.
Seton, Alexander, 323, 331, 351 j arrested, 458.
John, 216, 323, 831, 351, 399; sent
to Spain, 487.
, sent by James VI. to England,
107 ; his return, 108. 123, 194.
, Lady, 289.
, Lord, 123, 194, 216, 287, 288,292,
399, 517, 531, 688.
Serradas, Manuel, Governor of Madeira, 377.
Seville, merchants of, demand restitution of
Drake's plunder, 61, 65-6, 73, 83, 94,
107, 164, 189-90, 208.
Sherwin, — , execution of, 231.
Shipping, English, 8, 9, 19, 155, 162, 199,
212, 237, 238, 246, 264, 268, 278, 297,
306, 357, 432-3, 434, 520, 532, 537,
572, 578, 582, 583, 584, 585, 599-601,
610-1, 624, 627, 632-4, 652-3, 673-4.
Shirley, Sir Thomas, accompanies Leicester
to Holland, 553, 554.
Shrewsbury, Countess of, 426, 451-3, 455,
471, 473, 495, 546, 602, 688,
716
GENERAL INDEX.
Shrewsbury, Earl of, 10, 43, 77, 79, 300-1,
332, 471, 495, 504; alleged attempt
to poison, 542. 546, 602.
Sidney, Sir Henry, his death, 582.
Philip, 172, 178, 384, 547, 548, 550,
582, 585 ; his death, 650.
Robert, accompanies Leicester to
Holland, 554 ; commands the English
troops at Flushing, 680.
Silva, Manuel de, 145, 149, 166, 232, 337,
338, 345, 346, 360, 419, 467, 487.
Commander of St. John, 158.
Jeronimo de, 158.
Silvio, 592.
Simier, Jehau de, his quarrel with Leicester,
1. 2, 244n.
, , 1, 26, 44, 243-4, 245, 260-2;
in disgrace with Alencjon, 262. 265-9,
272 ; is ostensibly restored to favour,
390-1. 459, 641.
Sinclair, Lord, 547, 688.
Sion House, near Richmond, prepared for
Alen(;on's reception, 185, 198.
Sixtus v.. Pope, 539, 541, 640.
his participation in the plans for the
invasion of England, 539, 541, 560-9,
593-5, 613, 618-22, 657-60, 685-6.
his Bull against the Bourbons, 556n,
647.
to be kept in ignorance of the Scottish
enterprise, 640,
Skille, — , accompanies Leicester to Holland,
555.
Skipworth, — , accompanies Leicester to
Holland, 554.
Slnys, the, 409, 421, 435.
Smerwick, 59, 69.
Smith, — , Custom House officer, Don
Antonio lodges in his house near
Dover, 178.
Thomas, accompanies Leicester to
Holland, 556.
Snede, William, accompanies Leicester to
Holland, 555.
Soissons, Count de, Charles de Bourbon, 91.
Solwood, John, accompanies Leicester to
Holland, 554.
Somers, 172, 458 ; in charge of the Queen of
ScoU, 530.
Somersetshire, description of, 610.
Somerville, — , his alleged intention to kill the
Queen, 511.
, Lord, 688.
Sosa, Count de, envoy from the Duke of
Savoy, 78, 80.
Sousa, Francisco, Antonio de, see Souza.
, Jeronimo de, an adherent of Don
Antonio, appeals for pardon to Philip,
499, 507.
Southampton, 156, 179, 414, 417, 432, 433,
£26, 642.
Southampton, Earl of, 50.
Sound, the, passage of Eagliil) ehips through,
366, 409,
Southward, Sir John, joins in the Babington
plot, 605.
Southwell, — , his arrest, 78.
Souza, Francisco Antonio de, 247, 255, 298,
360, 377.
Spain, Queen of, see Anne of Austria.
Spain, trade with, 8, 11, 19, 24,29,36,40,
43, 47, 64, 67, 68, 72, 106, 130, 148,
152, 155, 174, 179, 192, 208-9, 219,
235, 263, 283-4, 303, 308, 385, 599-
600, 636, 652, 654-5.
Spaniards in England, expulsion of, 557.
Spanish strength at sea, 56-7.
Spanish war preparations, 10, 11, 21, 24, 88,
107, 130, 150, 160, 557, 573, 580, 585,
588, 592, 629.
Spes, Don Guerau de, formerly Spanish Am-
bassador in England, 188-9.
Spice trade, proposed diversion of, to England
through Russia, 365-8, 433, 465.
Staferton, Thomas, accompanies Leicester to
Holland, 554.
Stafford, Sir Edward, 1, 2, 10, 15, 38, 39, 52,
68, 71, 76,203,211, 311.
, , appointed English Ambassador
in France, 500, 528, 538, 548-9, 556,
559, 560, 623, 629, 641, 648, 680.
, English Ambassador in France,
bribed by Spain, 528, 575-6, 648.
, , English Ambassador in France,
attempted assassination of, by Captain
Vasco Duarte Pacheco, 585.
, , intercedes with Henry III. for
the Queen of Scots, 641, 648, 660.
Stafford, Edward, accompanies Leicester to
Holland, 555.
, Humphrey, accompanies Leicester to
Holland, 555.
, Lady, Mistress of the Robes, 274,
416, 457, 496.
Staffordshire, description of, 610.
Stanley, Sir William, deserts to the Spaniards
and betrays Deventer, 689.
, , to accompany Leicester to
Holland in command of a regiment,
553.
, , joins in the Babington plot,
604, 607.
, , treachery of, 604, 607.
Stapleton, Sir Robert, accompanies Leicester
to Holland, 554, 670.
Star Chamber, 210.
Stelan, William (?) Bond's agent in Seville,
184.
Stewart, James, see Arran, Earl c .
, Esm6 D'Aubigny, see Lennox.
Stirling, Convention at, 23, 32.
, 526, 553.
plot to burn, 107.
Storey, Dr., kidnapped in the Netherlandi,
189.
Stourton, Lord, joine in the BAbingtoQ plot,
604. -^ f »
GENERAL INDEX.
717
Strange, Lore), joins in the Babington plot,
604.
Stiozzi, — , his expeditions to the Azores in
the interests of Don Antonio, 214, 306 ;
his defeat at St. Michaels, 397-8.
Stuart, Arabella, her marriage suggested to a
son of the Duke of Parma, 688.
, Colonel, colonel of the King's Guard,
458,460,489, 525.
, , proposal for his desertion from
the seryice of the states to the
Spaniards, 27, 184.
, , is sent by James VI. to Eng-
land, 451, 458, 460-1, 471-4, 477, 478,
489, 495.
, , his mission to Mendoza from
the Scotch Catholic Nobles, 681-2,
689.
, Sir William, Constable of Dumbarton
Castle, 50, 81.
Stubbs, 1.
Stukeley, his expedition to Florida, 349.
Suarez, Manuel Martinez de, of St. Michael's,
336.
Suctrabam (?), Russia, 365.
Suffolk, description of, 609. ,
Sumner, Edward, accompanies Leicester to
Holland, 555.
Surrey, Earl of, restored in blood, Earl of
Arundel, 90.
Susannah (ship), 414.
Sussex, Earl of, 16, 31, 40. 42, 54, 59, 75,
78, 84, 102, 110, 114, 116, 131, 134,
140, 154, 175, 185, 186, 188, 191, 206,
211, 222, 228, 230, 234, 246, 249, 252
260-1, 263, 267-8, 272, 274-6, 303,
307, 310-12, 317-18, 327, 346, 352,
358, 364, 375, 390, 412.
, , quarrels with Leicester, 275-6.
Sussex, description of, 609.
Sutherland, Earl of, 688.
Swan, of Berel (ship), 554.
Sweden, King of, suggested election to the
throne of Poland, 380, 386.
Sympcote, John (or Jan), an English
merchant trading with Barbary, 277,
424-5.
Syria, 456.
Tantallon Castle, 148.
Tassis, Juan Bautista de, letters from, 98,
204, 370, 377, 400, 426, 444, 461, 463,
479, 487,507, 511, 521,521, 526.
, letters to, from Philip II.,
436,'475, .^25, 527, 528.
Spanish ambassador in Erance,
32',' 66, 116, 361, 446, 478, 498, 500,
619.
Tassis, Juan Bautista, his remonstrance to
Catherine de Medici against Alen90n'8
action, 86.
, , his negotiations with the
Scotch Catholics, 98-9, 100, 234-6,
330, 370-3, 377-9, 392, 395, 401-2,
405, 426-8, 436, 440, 461-2, 463-4,
475-6, 479-86, 487-8, 494, 507-10,
521-5, 526-7.
, , is distrusted by Mary Queen
of Scots, 448.
,,, , his -views on the proposed
invasion of England, 521-5.
Teligny, Sieur de, Odet de la None, 18.
Terceira, Isle of, Azores, in favour of Don
Antonio, 111, 114, 145, 225, 234, 246,
255, 334, 336, 337, 338, 346, 414 ;
proposal to betray to PhiUp, 415-6,
419, 467, 478, 487, 6S3.
, expedition for the relief of,
115, 116, 125,128, 129, 137, 144, 147„
149, 157, 160, 161, 163, 166, 181, 191,
199, 201, 208, 228, 232, 2.')5, 304, 306,
307, 312-13. 334, 337, 339, 361, 391,
409, 417, 419, 421, 432, 433, 459, 478,
501, 507, 643, 649.
, , specie and goods from,
225, 234, 246, 255, 263, 264, 273, 279,
284, 285, 295, 297, 301-2, 307, 312-13,
325, 345, 391, 414.
, refugees from, 414-19, 421,
432, 433, 443.
, , base money to be coined at, for
Don Antonio, 417.
Terremonde, 442, 453.
Texel, 421.
Thomas (or Thom) of Lynn (ship), 554.
Thomas, Captain William, 226.
Thornax, — , accompanies Leicester to Holland,
555.
Throgmorton, Francis, his plot against the
Queen, 502, 510-12, 513.
, George, his incarceration in the
Tower, 512, 513.
, Thomas, 540) condemned for high
treason, 547. 550, 690.
Throgmortons, the, of Shropshire, join in the
Babington plot, 605.
Tichborne, Master, 547 ; executed for the
Babington plot, 641n.
Tierra del Fuego, discovered to be an island,
340-2.
Tilney, — , executed for the Babington plot,
64 Ire.
Todos los Santos, 302.
Toulouse, 270.
Tooke, Walter, accompanies Leicester to
Holland, 554.
Torpiclien, Lord, 088.
Torres Vedras, Count of, see Silva.
Tournai, surrender of, 239, 324.
, 642.
Travers, — , executed for the Babington plot,
fi-Un.
718
GENERAL INDEX.
Treasurer, see KnoUya.
Lord, see Cecil.
Trentham, — , accompanies Leicester to
Holland, 555.
Tresham, Thomas, 236, 364, 547.
, Sir Thomas, joins in the Babington
plot, 604.
.William, 236,364.
TricU, M. de la, see Estrelle.
Tripoli, 433, 456, 465.
Turberril, George, accompanies Leicester to
Holland, 554.
Turenne, Marquis de, 163.
, Viscount de, 660.
Turk, the, threatened descent of, upon Italy,
65.
, ambassador from, 65, 70, 107, 431.
Turkey, ambassador from, in France opposed
by the Pope, 256.
„ , English ambassador to, 425, 432,
532.
trade with, 10, 65, 72, 107, 138,
366-7, 414, 456.
Tyrell, George, aoeompanies Leicester to
Holland, 555.
u.
Ughtred (ship), 357, 410.
Ughtred, Henry, 410, 432.
TJmpton, — , to accompany Leicester to
Holland, 554 ; see also Unton.
Unton, Sir Edward, arrested by the Inquisi-
tion at Milan, 443.
Vaez, Baltazar, 675.
, Pedro, 183.
Valdez, Don Francisco, 201.
, Don Pedro de, Spanish admiral, 29,
36, 77, 150, ICO.
Vulctte, La, 280 ; see also Epernoo.
Valois, Marguerite de,Priucese of Beam, 592.
Van Erpe Joost, a Flemish banker in London,
lOG.
Vargas Mejia, Juan de, letters from, 4, 12, 23,
26,32.
, letters ^o, from Secretary
Idiaquez, 22.
Vargas Mejia, Juan de, his negotiations'with
the Scots Catholics, 4, 12, 13, 22-3,
26, 30 ; death of, 32. 100, 293.
Vasquez, Secretary Mateo, letter from, 321.
, Mateo, secretary, 479.
Vanghan, Lord, 688.
, a privateer captain, 162, 178.
Vaux, Lord, joins in the Babingtou plot,
604.
Vega, Antonio de, letter from, to Philip II.,
672, 678.
, , a Portuguese spy, 202, 210,
232, 339, 689 ; proposes the murder of
Don Antonio in England, 675-7.
Velutelli, — , Lucchcse banker in London, 18,
162.
Venice, 107, 368.
proposed ambassador in London
from, 474.
Ventidal (Uvedale ?), an English resident
at St. Vincent, 74.
Verde, Cape de, 137.
Verdugo, Spanish General in Flanders, 247.
Very, AbbS de, attends Protestant service at
Westminster, 276.
Viana, town of, captured by Don Antonio, 63,
89.
,313.
Vigo, 313.
Villa Real, P. de, 651, 653-*.
ViUars. 44.
Villeroy, Secretary, 549, 556, 574, 626, 629,
632, 667, 689.
, , proposes co-operation with
Spain against England, 639-40, 544.
Vilvorde, 442, 453.
Vimioso, Count, adherent of Don Antonio,
101, 115, 116, 125, 139, 145, 158.
Countess, banished from Portugal,
164, 183.
Visante, Martin, 32.
Viteaux, Baron, 381.
Volga River, 365-7.
Vray, Jacques de, Alenijon'g secretary, 26,
31, 34, 91, 110, 116, 119, 121, 138,
151.
w.
Waad, — , see Wade.
Wade, Sir William, to be sout to Spain
respecting Mendoza's expulsion, 516 ;
his arrival, 520. 521.
, ,533,534-5; sent to France to
demand the surrender of Morgan, 535.
536.
, examines papers of Mary
Queon of Scots on the discovery of the
Babington plot, 625-6.
GENERAL INDEX.
719
Waigatz, 76.
WaigtheB, William, accompanies Leicester to
Holland, 555.
Wake, John, accompanies Leicester to
Holland, 555.
Walcheren, Isle of, 103.
Wales, description of, 610.
Walaingham, Sir Francis, letter tcom, to
Mendoza, 534.
, ,2, 15, 16, 18, 34, 40, 42, 47,
52, 55, 68, 74, 85, 93, 101, 110, 115,
121, 127, 128, 130, 135, 136, 140-1,
144, 145-6, 148, 151, 174, 179, 185,
193, 198, 201, 202, 206, 208, 209, 211,
218, 221, 226, 228, 232, 234, 247, 249,
255, 263, 267-8, 281, 285, 296, 297,
298, 305, 311, 313, 316, 320,324-5,
327, 329, 331, 334, 345, 346, 353, 364,
374, 375-6, 384, 388, 389, 398, 404,
407-8, 410, 418, 425, 430, 445, 451,
452, 455, 457, 459, 466, 471, 472-3,
477, 478, 496-9, 513, 515, .'i20, 532,
534, 542, 573, 592, 602, 623, 625, 627,
646, 650, 653-4, 655, 673, 680, 689.
, his mission to France, 151-2,
155-6, 158-9, 164-6, 172, 175, 178,
180, 185.
, , refuses the mission to Scotland,
499 ; accepts, 499,
, his opinion of the gravity of
the Babington plot, 623.
, , Mendoza recommends the
Babington conspirators to kill him,
607.
Walsingham's wife, 166.
Ward, Richard, accompanies Leicester to
Holland, 554.
Warwick, Countess of, 325,
Waterford, 62.
Watson, Edward, accompanies Leicester to
Holland, 555.
Wattes, John, accompanies Leicester to
Holland, 554.
Westmoreland, description of, 609.
Westmoreland, Earl of, letters from, to
Philip II., 597, 632.
, , 19, 372, 485, 504, 521, 523,
608, 616, 630, 632, 690.
, to join the Babington rising,
606.
Weston, — , accompanies Leicester to
Holland, 554.
Wheat, export of, from England, 117-18.
Whetstone, — , accompanies Leicester to
Holland, 555.
White Bear (ship), 319, 326, 329.
White Falcon (ship), 71.
Whittinghame, — , a brother of Archibald
Douglas, 107, 122.
Whittington (?), John, intelligence from
England brought by, 520.
Wieht Isle of, 65, 178, 187, 199, 218, 236,
263,306,360,432,543,618.
Wilkes, Clerk of the Council, 19 li 511.
Willehroeck, 442.
Willoughby d'Eresby, Lord, 381, 409 ; sent to
Germany to raise troops for Henry of
Navarre, 547 ; see also Bertie.
Wilson, Secretary, 37, 47, 50, 52, 54, 93, 146,
183.
Wiltshire, description of, SIO.
Windsor, Lord, joins in the Babington plot,
604, 606.
Windsor's, Lord, brother, one of the
Babington conspirators, escapes, 623.
Winter, Captain, 17, 51, 71, 101, 144,357,
385.
, — , his return from Magellan, 3n,
340-1, 357.
Woad from the Azores, 71, 73, 88, 116, 125,
337, 345, 478.
Woodrowe, Sir Nicholas, Lord Mayor of
London, 144.
Worcester, Earl of, 50, 504.
Wotton, Edward, English Ambassador in
Scotland, 546 ; dismissed by the King,
552.
, Sir Edward, to be sent to Spain
respecting the expulsion of Mendoza,
515.
, Henry (?), sent to Henry III. with
proofs of the complicity of the Queen
of Scots with the Babington plot,
644-6, 660, 666.
, John, accompanies Leicester to
Holland, 555.
Wright, Christopher, accompanies Leicester
to Holland, 555.
Y.
Yanez, Martin, a Biscayner, 419.
York, Archbishop of (Edwin Sandys), 14,
92.
Yorke, Edward, accompanies Leicester to
Holland, 555.
Yorkshire, description of, 609.
„ Catholic gentry of, arrested for
complicity in the Babington plot,
670, 680-1.
Zantc, 138.
Zayas, Secretary, 239, 284, 293, 322.
720
GENERAL IlJDE3t.
Zeeland, 278, 421, 442, 462, 487, 538, 543,
545, 570-1, 679-80.
Zonch, Captain, an English officer in Ireland,
83, 265.
Zouche, — , accompanies Leicester to
Holland, 555.
Zubiaur, Pedro de, 32, 65-6, 73, 78, 83, 87,
94, 107, 118, 164, 209, 535.
Zubiaur, Vedro de, is arrested in London (or
complicity in the attempted murder
of Orange, 325 ; negotiations for his
release, 534 ; re-arrested and sent to
the Tower, 539. 542, 549 ; is ex-
changed and sent to Holland, 655-6.
Zutphen, the battle of, 651.
ERRATA.
Page 93, line 15 from bottom, for " Sr. Aldegonde " read " St. Aldegonde."
„ 144, line 20 from top,/or " St. Michael" read " St. Michaels."
,, 194, line 22 from bottom,/or " Eglington " read " Eglinton.'
„ 206, line 24 from top, fvr " gallaries " read " galleries.''
„ 266, line 5 from bottom,yor " Leicaster " read " Leicester."
„ 339, line 7 from top,/or " Dominician " read " Dominican."
„ 454, line 6 from top,/or " Flaners" read "Flanders."
„ 533, line 16 from top,/or " of " read " to."
Additional Note.
agii Ta, Sir James Bedford mentioned on this page is called Bedfort in the origina deciphering,
but doubtless the person referred to was Sir James Balfour.
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Index of Barl): Chancery Proceemnos.
List of Ancient Accounts.
.List of Enrolled Accounis.
List of Surveys, Rentals, &o.
List and Index of Ministers' Accounts. Part 11.
THE CHRONICLES AND MEMORIALS OF GREAT
BRITAIN AND IRELAND DURING THE MIDDLE AGES.
[EoYAL 8vo. Price \0s. each Volume or Part.]
On 25 July 1822, the House of Commons presented an address to the
Crown, stating that the editions of the works of our ancient historians
were inconvenient and defective ; that many of their writings still
remained in manuscript, and, in some cases, in a single copy only. They
added, "that an uniform and convenient edition of the whole, puhlished
" under His Majesty's royal sanction, would be an undertaking honour-
" able to His Majesty's reign, and conducive to the advancement of
" historical and constitutional knowledge ; that the House therefore
" humbly besought His Majesty, that He would be graciously pleased to
" give such du'eotions as His Majesty, in His wisdom, might think fit,
" for the publication of a complete edition of the ancient historians
" of this realm."
The Master of the Rolls, being very desirous that: effect should be given
to the resolution of the House of Commons, submitted to Her Majesty's
Treasury in 1857 a plan for the publication of the ancient chronicles and
memorials of the United Kingdom, and it was adopted accordingly.
Of the Chronicles and Memorials, the following volumes have been
published. They embrace the period from the earliest time of British
history down to the end of the reign of Henry VII.
1. The Chkonicle op Bnsland, by John Capgeave. Edited hy tho Rev.
V. 0. HiNGESTON, M.A. 1858.
Capgrave's Chronicle extends from the creation of the world to the year 1417. As
a record of the language spoken in Norfolk (being written in English), it is of ccnsiderabls
value.
2. Chkonicon Monastehii de Abingdon. Vols. I. and II. Edited by the
Rev. Joseph Stevenson, M.A., Vicar of Leighton Buzzard. 1858.
This Chronicle traces the history of the monastery from its foundation by King Ina
of Wessei, to the reign of Richard I. The author had access to the title deeds of the
house and incorporates into his history various charters of the Saxon kings, of great im-
portance as illustrating not only the history of the locality but that of the kingdom.
3. Lives of Edward the Confessok. I. — La Estoire de Seint Aedward le
Rei. II. — Vita Beati Edvardi Regis et Confessoris. III. — Vita
^duuardi Regis qui apud Westmonasterium requiescit. Edited by
Henhy Richaeds Luakd, M.A., Fellow and Assistant Tutor of Trinity
College, Cambridge. 1858.
The first is a poem in Norman I'rench, probably written in 1245. The second is an
anonymous poem, written between 1440 and 1460, which is mainly valuable a« a specimen of
the Latin poetry of the time. The third, also by an anonymous author, was apparently
written between 1066 and 1074.
■i. MoNUMENiA Pkanciscana. Vol. I.— Thomas de Eccleston de Adventu
Fratrum Minorum in Angliam. Adse de Marisco Epistolas. Regis-
trum Eratrum Minorum Londoniaa. Edited 61/ J. S. Bkewbr, M.A.,
Professor of English Literature, King's College, London. Vol. II.—
De Adventu Minorum ; re-edited, with additions. Chronicle of the
Grey Eriars. The ancient English version of tho Rule of St. Francis.
Abbreviatio Statntorum, 1451, &c. Edited by Richaed Howleit,
Bairister-at-Law. 1868, 1882.
The first volume contains original materials for the history of the settlement of the
order of St. Francis in England, the letters of Adam de Marisco, and other papers. Tho
second volume contains materials found since the first volume was published.
10
5. Fasciculi Zizaniorum Mamstm Joiiannis Wyclif com Tuitico. Ascribed
to Thomas Netteb, of Waiden, Provincial of tbc Carmelite Order
in England, and Confessor to King Henry the Fifth. JSdited by the
Eev. W. W. Shikley, M.A., Tutor and late Fellow of Wadham
College, Oxford. 1858.
This work gives the only contemporaneous account of the rise of the LoUarda.
6. The Buik of the Ceoniclis or Scotund ; or, A Metrical Version of the
History of Hector Boece; by William Stewaet. Vols. I., II., and
III. Edited hy W. B. Toenbull, Barrister-at-Law. 1858.
This is a metrical translation of a Latin Prose Chronicle, written in the first half of the
1 6th century. The narrative begins with the, earliest legends and ends with the death of
James I. of Scotland, and the *'evil ending of the traitors that slew him." The peculiarities
of the Scottish dialect are well illustrated in this version.
7. JoHANNis Oapgsavb Libek db Illustetbus Heneicis. Udited hy the
Eev. F. 0. Hingeston, M.A. 1858.
The first part relates 'only to the history of the Empire from the election of Henry I.
the Fowler, to the end of the reign of the Emperor Henry VI. The second part is devoted
to English history, from the accession of Henry I. in 1100, to 1446, which was the twenty-
, fourth year of the reign of Henry VI. The third part contains the lives of illustrious men
who have borne the name of Henry in various parts of the world.
8. HiSTOniA MoNASTEEii S. AuGUgiiNi Canittaeiensis, by Thomas of
Blmham, formerly Monk and Treasurer of that Foundation. Edited
hy Chaeles Haedwick, M.A., Fellow of St. Catharine's Hall, and
Christian Advocate in the University of Cambridge. 1858.
This history extends from the arrival of St. Augustine in Kent until 1191.
9. EuLOGiUM (HiSTOEiAKTjM sivE Tempoeis) : Chronicon ab Orbc condito
usque ad Annum Domini 1366 ; a monacho quodam Malmesbiriensi
exaratum. Vols. I., II., and III. Edited hy F. S. Haydon, B.A.
1858-1863.
This is a Latin Chronicle extending from the Creation to the latter part of the reign of
Edward III., and written by a monk of Malmesbury, about the year 1867. A continuation
carries the history of England down to the year 1413.
10. Memorials of Hejjet the Seventh : Bernardi Andreae Tholosatis Vita
Regis Henrici Septimi; necnon alia quaedam ad eundem Eegem
spectantia. Edited hy James Gaiednee. 1858.
The contents of this volume are — (1) a life of Henry VII., by his poet Laureate and
historiographer, Bernard Andr6, of Toulouse, with some compositions in verse, of which he
is supposed to have been the author j (2) the journals of Eoger Machado dm'ing certai n
embassies to Spain and Brittany, the first of which had reference to the man'iage of the
King's son, Arthur, with Catharine of Ari'aKon ; (3) two curious reports by envoys sent to
Spain in 1 508 touching the succession to the Crown of Castile, and a project of marriage
between Henry VII. and the Queen of Naples; and (4) an account of Philip of Castile's
reception in England in 1500. Other documents of interest arc given in an appendix.
11. Memoeials of Heney the Fifth. I — Vita Henrici Quinti, Roberto
Redmanno auctore. II. — Versus Ehythmici in laudem Regis Henrici
Quinti. III. — Blmhami Liber Metricns de Henrico V. Edited hy
Chaeles A. Cole. 1858.
12. Munimenta GiLDHALLiE LoNDONlENSis ; Liber Albus, Liber Custu-
maram, et Liber Horn, in archivis Gildhallse asservati. Vol. I.,
Liber Albus. Vol. II. (in Two Parts). Liber Custnmarum. Vol. III.,
Translation of the Anglo-Norman Passages in Liber Albus, Glos-
saries, Appendices, and Index. Edited hy Heney Thomas Riley,
M.A., Ban-ister-at-Law. 1859-1862.
The Liber Albus, compiled by John Carpenter, Common Clerk of the City of London in
the year 1419, gives an account of the laws, regulations, and institutions of that City in the
12th 13th, 14th, and early part of the 15th centuries. The Ziber Cusiumarum was com-
piled in the early part of the 14th century during the reign of Edward II. It also gives an
account of the laws, regulations, and institutions of the City of London in the 12th, 13th,
. and early part of the 14th centiu'ies.
13. Cheonica Johannis de Oxenedes. Edited hy Sir Heney Ellis, K.H.
1859.
.Although this Chronicle tells of the arrival of Hengist and Horsa, it substantially begins
with the reign of King Alfred, and comes down to 1292, It is particularly valuable for
notices of events in the pastern portions of the Kingdom,
11
14. A Collection op Poliiical Poems and Songs relating to English
History, prom the Accession op Edward III. to the Reign of
Henry VIII. Vols. I. and II. EtZiieti 6« Thomas Wright, M. A. 1859-
1861.
16. The " Opus Teetium," " Opus Minus,'' &c. of Roger Bacon. Edited by
J*. S. Brewer, M.A., Professor of English Literature, King's College,
London. 1859.
16. Bartholom.*! de Cotton, Monachi Norwicbnsis, Hisioeia Anglicana;
449-1298; necnon ejusdem Liber de Achiepisoopis et Episcopis
Angliae. Edited hy Henry Richards Luaed, M.A., Fellow and
Assistant Tutor of Trinity College, Cambridge, 1859.
17. Brut y Tywysogion; or, The Chronicle of the Princes of Wales,
Edited hy the Rey. John Williams ab Itiiel, M.A. 1860.
This work, written in the ancient Welsh language, befjins with the abdication and
death of Caedwala at Rome, in the year G81, and continues the history down lo the
subjugation of Wales by Edward I., about the year 1282.
18. A Collection of Royal and Historical Letters during the Reign op
Henry IV. 1399-1404. Edited hy the Rev. F. 0. Hingesion, M.A., of
Exeter College, Oxford. 1860.
19. The Repressor op over much Blaming op the Clergy. By Reginald
Pecock, sometime Bishop of Chichester. Vols. I. and II. Edited by
the Rev. Churchill Babington, B.D., Fellow of St. John's College,
Cambridge. 1860.
The " Eepressoi- " may be considered the earliest piece of good theological disquisition
of which our English prose literature can boast. The author was born about the end of the
fourteenth century, consecrated Bishop of St. Asaph in the year 1444, and translated to the
see of Chichester in 1460. His work is interesting chiefly because it gives a full account of
the views of the Lollards, and it has great value for the philologist.
20. Annales Cambria. Edited hy the Rev. John Williams ab Ithel, M.A.
1860.
These annals, which are in Latin, commenced in 447, and come down to 1288. The
earlier portion appears to be taken from an Irish Chronicle used by Tigernach, and by the
compiler of the Annals of Xllster.
21. The Works op Giraldus Cambeensis. Vols. I.-IV. Edited hy the
Rev. J. S. Brewer, M.A., Professor of English Literature. Kiug's
College, London. Vols. V.-VII. Edited hy the Rev. James F.
DiMOOK, M.A., Rector of Barnburgh, Yorkshire. Vol. VIII. Edited
hy George F. Warner, M.A., of the Department of MSS., British
Museum. 1861-1891.
These volumes contain the historical works of Gerald du Barry, who lived in the reigns
of Henry II., Richard I., and John. His works are of a very miscellaneous nature, both
in prose and verse, and are reuiarkable for the anecdotes which they contain.
The Topographia Hibernica (in Vol. V.) is the result of Giraldus' two visits to Ireland
the first in 118,3, the second in 1185-6, when he accompanied Prince John into that country.
The Expugnatio Hibernica was written about 1188, and may be regarded rather as a great
epic than a sober relation of acts occurring in his own days. Vol. VI. contains the Itine-
rarium Kambria et DescHptio Kambrim ; and Vol. VII., the lives of S. Eemigius and
S Hugh Vol. VIII. contains the Treatise De Principum Instructione, and an Index to
Vols. I.-IV. and VIII.
22. Letters and Papers illustrative op the Wars op the English in
France during the Reign op Heney the Sixth, King op England.
Vol. I., and Vol. II. (in Two Parts). Edited hy the Rev. Joseph
Stevenson, M.A., Vicar of Leighton Buzzard. 1861-1864.
23 The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, according to the several Original
Authorities. Vol. I., Original Texts. Vol. II., Translation. EdiUd
and translated by Ben.tamin Thorpe, Member of the Royal Academy of
Sciences at Munich, and of the Society of Netherlandish Literature at
Leyden. 1861.
There are at present six independent manuscripts of the Saxon Chronicle ending in
diflerent years, and written in different parts of the country. In this edition, the text of
each manuscript is printed; in columns on the same page, so that the student may see at a
glance the various changes which occur in orthography.
12
24. Letteks and Papers iLiusrsAiivi; oi the Reigns op Bichajld III. and
Henky YII. Vols. I. and II. Edited, by Jambs G-aiednee. 1861-
1863.
The principal contents of the volumes are some diplomatic Papers of Richard III.,
correspondence between Henry VII. and Ferdinand and Isabella of Spain ; documents
relating to Edmund de la Pole, Earl of Suflojk ; and a portion of the con-espondence of
James IV. of Scotland. ,
25. Letiees op Bishop G-bosseieste. Edited by the Rev. Heney Eichaeds
LuAUD, M.A., Fellow and Assistant Tutor of Trinity College, Cam-
bridge. 1861.
The letters of Robert Grosseteste range in date from about 1210 to 1263, and relate to
various matters connected not only with the political history of England during the reign
of Henry III., but with its ecclesiastical condition. They refer especially to the diocese of
Lincoln, of which Grosseteste was bishop.
26. Desceiptive Catalogue op Manusceipis eelating to the Histoey op
Geeat Bkiiain and Ireland. Yol. I. (in Two Parts) ; Anterior to the
Norman Invasion. {Out of Print). Vol. II. ; 1066-1200. Vol. III. ;
1200-1327. By Sir Thomas Duppds Haedy, D.C.L., Deputy Keeper
of the Records. 1862-1871.
The object of this work is to publish notices of all known sources of British history,
both printed and nnprinted, in one continued sequence. The materials, when historical (as
distinguished from biographical) , are arranged under the yeai' in which the latest event is
recorded in the chronicle or history, and not under the period in which its author, real or
supposed, flourished. Biographies are enumerated under the year in which the person
commemorated died, and not under the year in which the life was written. A brief
analysis of eaeh work has been added when deserving it, in which original portions are
distinguished from mere compilations. A biographical sketch of the author of each piece
has been added, and a brief notice of such British authors as have written on historical
subjects.
27. Royal and other Histoeioal Lettees illusteative op the Reign oi'
Henky III. Vol. I., 1216-1235. Vol. II., 1236-1272. Selected and
edited by the Rev. W. W. Shieley, D.D., Regius Professor of Ecclesi-
astical History, and Canon of Christ Church, Oxford. 1862-1866.
28. Chronica Monasteeii S. Albani. — 1. Thomjh Walsingham Histoeia
Anglicana; Vol. I., 1272-1381: Vol. II., 1381-1422. 2. Willelmi
Rishangee Cheonica et Annales, 1259-1307. 3. Johannis de
Teokelowe et Heneici de Blanepoedb Cheonica et Annales 1259-1296 ;
1307-1324; 1392-1406. 4. Gesta Abbatum Monasteeii S. Albani, a
Thoma Walsingham, eegnante Ricaedo Secundo, ejusdem Ecclesi,e
Pe^cenioee, compilata; Vol. L, 793-1290: Vol. II., 1290-1349:
Vol. Ill, 1349-1411. 5. Johannis Amhndesham, Monachi MoNASiEEU
S. Albani, ut videtue, Annales ; Vols. I. and II. 6. Registea
QUOEUNDAM AbBATUM MoNASTEBII S. AlBANI, QUI S^CULO XV"° FLORUEEE;
Vol.1., Registrum Abbati^ Johannis Whethamstede, Abbatis Monas-
teeii Sancti Albani, iteeum susceptjB ; Robeeto Blakeney, Capellano,
quondam adsckipiitm; : Vol. II., Registea Johannis Whethamstede,
Willelmi Albon, £T Willelmi Walingpoede, Abbatum Monasteeii
Sancti Axbani, cum Appendice, continente qdasdam Bpisiolas, a
JoHANNE Whethamstede Consceipias. 7. Ypodioma Nedstelb a
Thoma Walsingham, quondam Monacho Monasteeii S. Albani,
CONSCEIPTUM. Edited by Henry Thomas Riley, M.A., Barrister-at-Law.
1863-1876.
In the first two volumes is a History of England, from the death of Henry III. to the
death of Henry V„ by Thomas Walsingham, Precentor of St. Albans.
In the 3rd volume is a Chronicle of English History, attributed to 'William Rishanger,
who lived in the reign of Edward I. : an account of transactions attending the award of
the kingdom of Scotland to John Balliol, 1291-1292, also attributed to William Rishanger,
but on no sufficient ground : a short Chronicle of Enghsh History, 1292 to 1300, by an
unknown hand : a short Chronicle Willelmi Rishanger Gesta Bdwaa'di Primi, Regis Angliae,
with Annales Regum Anglise, probably by the same hand: and fragments of rtiree
Chronicles of English Histoiy, 1286 to 1307.
In the 4th volume is a Chronicle of English History, 1259 to 1296 : Annals of Edward II.,
1807 to 1323. by John de Trokelowe, a monk of St. Albans, and a continuation of Troke-
lowe's Annals, 1328, 1324, by Henry deBlaneforde: a full Chronicle of English History, 1392
to 140C ; and an account of the Benefactors of St. Albans, written in the early part of the
16th century.
The 6th, Oth, and 7th volumes contain a history of the Abbots of St. Albans. 793 to
1411, mainly compiled by Thomas Walsingham ; with a Continuation.
The 8th and 9th volumes, in continuation of the Annals, contain a Chronicle, probably
by John Araiindesham, a monk of St. Albans.
13
The lOtli und lUIi voUunes relnte especially to Iho acts and iiroceediiigij of Abbots
Whethainstede, Albon, suid Wallingford.
The l'2th volume contains a compendious History of England to the reign of Henry V.,
and of Normandy in early times, also by Thomas Walsinghani, and dedicated to Henry V.
29. Chronicon Ajbuktue Eveshamensis, Atjcioeibtjs Dominico Pbioee
EveshamIjE et Thoma de Marleberge Abbaib, a Fundatione ab Annum
1213, UNA CUM CoNiiNUATioNE AB Annum 1418. Edited hy the Rev.
W. D. Maceay, Bodleian Library, Oxford. 1863.
The Chronicle of Evesham illustrates the history of that important monastery from
about 690 to 1418. Its chief feature is an autobiography, which makes us acquainted with
the inner daily life of a great abbey. Interspersed are many notices of general, personal,
and local history.
30. ElCABDI BE CntENCESTBIA Sl'ECULUM HiSTOEIALE DE GeSTIS RbGUM
Anglm. Yol. I., 447-871. Vol. 11., 872-1066. Edited 6^ John B. B.
Mayob, M.A., Fellow of St. John's College, Cambridge. 1863-1869.
Uichard of Cirencester's historj^, in four books, extends from 447 to 1066. It gives
many charters in favour of Westminster Abbey, and a very full account of the lives and
miracles of the saints, especially of Edward the Confessor, whose reign occupies the fourth
book. A treatise on the Coronation, by William of Sudbury, a monk of Westminster, fills
book ii. c. 3.
31. Teae Books of the Eeign op Ebwarb the First. Years 20-21, 21-22,
30-31, 32-33, and 33-35 Edw. I; and 11-12 Edw. III. Edited and
translated by Alpebd John Hokwoob, Barrister-at-Law. Tears 12-13,
13-14, 14, 14-15, and 15, Edward III. Edited and translated by Luke
Owen Pike, M.A., Barrister-at-Law. 1863-1891.
The " Tear Books " are the earUest of our Law Reports. They contain matter not
only of practical utility to lawyers in the present day, but also illustrative of almost every
branch of history, while tor certain philological purposes they hold a position absolutely
unique,
32. Narbatiyes of the Expulsion of the English from Normanbt, 1449-
1450. — Robertas Blondelli de Reduotione Normanniaa : Le Recouvre-
ment de Normendie, par Berry, HiSrault du Roy: Conferences between
the Ambassadors of Prance and England. Edited by the Rev. Joseph
Stevenson, M.A. 1863.
33. HisTOKiA ET Caetulaeium Monasteeii S. Petei Gloucestels;. Vols. I.,
II., and III. Edited by W. H. Haet, F.8.A., Membre correspondant de
la Societe des Antiquaires de Normandie. 1863-1867.
34. AjiESAhdei Neckam be Natubis Eeeum libei buo; with Neckam's
Poem, De Laudibus DiviN.a) Sapibntl*. Edited by Thomas "Weight,
M.A. 1863.
In the De Naturis Rerum are to be found what may be called the rudiments
of many sciences mixed up with much error and ignorance. Neckam had his own views in
morals, and in giving us a glimpse of them, as well as of his other opinions, he throws much
light upon the manners, customs, and general tone of thought prevalent in the twelfth
century.
35. Leechboms, Woetcunning, anb Siaeceaft op Eaely Englanb ; being a
Collection of Documents illustrating the History of Science in this
Country before the Norman Conquest. Vols. 1., II., and III. 061-
lected and edited by the Rev. T. Oswalb Cockayne, M.A. 1864^1866.
36 AuNALES Monasiici. Vol. I. :— Annales de Margan, 1066-1232;
Annales de Theokesberia, 1066-1263 ; Annales de Burton, 1004-1263.
Yol. II.: Annales Monasterii de Wintonia, 619-1277; Annales
Monasterii de Waverleia, 1-1291. Vol. III. :— Annales Prioratus de
Dunstaplia, 1-1297. Annales Monasterii de Bermundeseia, 1042-
1432. Vol.IV.: — Annales Monasterii deOseneia, 1016-1347; Chronicon
vulgo dictum Chronicon Thomse Wykes, 1066-1289 ; Annales'Prioratus
de Wigornia, 1-1377. Vol. V. :— Index and Glossary. Edited by
Henry Richaeds Luabb, M.A., Fellow and Assistant Tutor of Trinity
College, and Registrary of the University, Cambridge. 1864-1869.
The Dresent collection embraces chronicles compiled in rehgious houses in England
■ during the thirteenth centui-y. These distinct works are ten in number. The extreme
ppnod which they embrace ranges from the year 1 to 14.S2.
14
37. Magna Vita S. Hugonis Episcopi LincolniensIS. Edited hy the Eot.
James F. Dimock, M.A., Rector of Barnburgh, Yorkshire. 1864.
This work is valuable, not only as a biography of a celebrated ecclesiastic but as the
work of a man, who, from personal knowledge, gives notices of passing events, as well as of
individuals who were then taking active part in public affairs.
38. Cheonicles and Memoeials op the Reign op Richaed the Fihst.
Vol. I. : — Itineeaeittm Pbregbinorum et Gesta Regis Ricaedi. Vol.
II. : — Epistol* Oantuaeienses ; the Letters of the Prior and Convent
of Christ Church, Canterbury j 1187 to 1199. JEdited hy the Rev.
William Stubbs, M.A., Vicar of Navestock, Essex, and Lambeth
Librarian. 1864-1865.
The authorship of the Chronicle in Vol. I., hitherto sujcribed to Geoffrey Vinesauf, is
now more correctly ascribed to Richard, Canon of the Holy Trinity of London.
In letters in Vol. II., written between 1187 and 1199, had iheir origin in a dispute which
arose from the attempts of Baldwin and Hubert, archbishops of Canterbuiy, to found a
college of secular canons, a project which gave grea.t umbrage to the monks of Canterbury.
39. Recueil des Croniques et anchiennes Istoeies de la Geant Beetaigne
a present nomme ENQLErEBRE, par Jehan de Waurin. Vol. I. Albina
to 688. Vol. II., 1399-1422. Vol. III., 1422-1431. Edited hy Williak.
Haedy,F.S.A. 1864-1879. Vol. IV., 1431-1447. Vol. V., 1447-1471.
Edited hy Sir William Haedy, F.S.A., and Edward L. C. P. Haedy,
F.S.A. 1884-1891.
40. A Collection of the Chronicles and ancient Histoeies op Great
Britain, now called England, by John de Wauein. Vol. I., Albina
to 668. Vol. II., 1399-1422. Vol. III., 1422-1431. (Translations of
the preceding Vols. I., II., and III.) Edited and translated hy Sir
William Hardy, F.S.A., and Edward L. C. P. Haedy, F.S.A. 1864-
1891.
41. PoltcheonicOn Ranulphi Hioden, with Trevisa's Translation. Vols. I.
and II. Edited by Chuechill Babington, B.D., Senior Fellow of St.
John's College, Cambridge Vols. III.-IX. Edited by the Rev. Joseph
Rawson Lumby, D.D., Norrisiau Professor of Divinity, Vicar of St.
Edward's, Fellow of St. Catharine's College, and late Fellow of
Magdalene College, Cambridge. 1865-1886.
This chronicle begins with the creation, and is brought down to the reign of
Edward III. It enables us to form a very fair estimate of the knowledge of history and
geography which well-informed readers of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries possessed,
for it was then the standard work on general history.
The two Enghsh translations, which are printed with the original Latin, afford in-
teresting illustrations of the gradual change of our language, for one was made in the
fourteenth century, the other in the flfteenth.
42. Le Livere de Reis de Beiitanie e Le Liveee de Reis de Engletere.
Edited hy the Rev. John Glovee, M.A., Vicar of Brading, Isle of
Wight, formerly Librarian of Trinity College, Cambridge. 1865.
These two treaties are valuable as careful abstracts of previous historians. Some
various readings are given which are interesting to the philologist as instances of serai-
) Saxonised French.
43. Cheonica Monasterii de Melsa ab anno 1150 usque ad annum 1406.
Vols. I., II., and III. Edited hy Edwaed Augustus Bond, Assistant
Keeper of Manuscripts, and Egerton Librarian, British Museum.
1866-1868.
The Abbey of Meaux waa a Cistercian house, and the work of its abbot is a faithful and
often minute record of the establishment of a religious community, of its progress in form.
ing an amiile revenue, of its struggles to maintain its acquisitions, and Of its relations to
the governing institutions of the country.
44. MaithjE Paeisiensis Histoeia Angloeum, sive, ut vulgo dicitub, His-
TOEiA MiNOE. Vols. I., II., and III. 1067-1253. _ Edited hy Sir
Peedeeick Madden, K.H., Keeper of the Manuscript Department
of British Museum, 1866-1869.
45. Libee Monasteeii de Htda: a ChRonicie and Chaetulary op Hyde
Abbey, Winchester, 455-1023. Edited hy Edwaed Edwaeds. 1866.
The " Book of Hyde " is a compilation from much earlier sources which are usually
indicated with considerable care and precision. In many eases, however, the Hyde
15
Chronicler appeuvs to correot, lo qimlily, or to amplify the statements, which, in substance,
he adopts.
There is to be found, in the " Book ol Hyde," much information relating to the reign of
King Alfred which is not known to exist elsewhere. The volume contains some curious
specimens of Anglo-Saxon and mediseval English.
46. Cheonicon Scotorum : a Chronicie op Irish Affairs, from the earliest
times to 1135 ; and Supplement, containing the Events from 1141 to
1150. Edited, with Translation, hv William Maunsell Hennessy,
M.B.I.A. 1866.
47. The Chronicle of Pierre de Langtoft, in French Verse, from the
EARLIEST Period to the Death of Edward I. Vols. I. and II. Edited
hy Thomas Wright, M.A. 1866-1868.
It is probable that Pierre de Langtoft was a canon of Bridlington, in Yorkshire, and
lived in the reign of Edward I., and during a portion of the reign of Edward IT. This
chronicle is divided into three parts ; in the first, is an abridgment of Geoflrey of Mon-
mouth's'* Historia Britonum ; " m the second, a history of the Anglo-Saxon and Norman
kings, to the death of Henry III. ; in the third, a history of the reign of Edward I. The
language is a curious specimen of the Ereneh of Yorkshire.
48. The War, op the Gaedhil with the Gaill, or The Invasions of
Ireland by the Danes and other Norsemen. Edited, with a Trans-
lation, by the Eev. James Henthorn Todd, D.D., Senior Fellow of
Trinity College, and Regius Professor of Hebrew in the University of
Dublin. 1867.
The work in its present form, in the editor's opinion, is a comparatively modem version
of an ancient original. The story is told after the manner of the Scandinavian Sagas.
49. Gesta Regis Henrici Secundi Benedicti Abbatis. Chronicle of the
Reigns of Henry II. and Richard I., 1169-1192, known under the
name of Benedict OF Peterborough. Vols, I. and II. Edited by the
Rev. William Stubbs, M.A., Regius Professor of Modern History,
Oxford, and Lambeth Librarian. 1867.
50. MUNIMENTA ACADEMICA, OR, DOCUMENTS ILLUSTRATIVE OF ACADEMICAL
Life and Studies at Oxford (in Two Parlis). Edited by the Eev.
Henry Anstey, M.A., Vicar of St. Wendron, Cornwall, and lately
Vice-Principal of St. Mary Hall, Oxford. 1868.
51. Chronica Magistri Rogeri de Houedene. Vols. L, II., III., and IV.
Edited by the Rev. William Stubbs, M.A., Regius Profes'sor of Modern
History, and Fellow of Oriel College, Oxford. 1868-1871.
The earlier portion, extending from 732 to 1148, appears to be a copy of a compilation
made in Northumbria about 1161, to which Hoveden added little. Prom 1148 to 1169— a
very valuable portion of this work — the matter is derived from another source, to which
Hoveden appears to have supplied little. From 1170 to 1192 is the portion which corre-
sponds to some extent with the Chronicle known under the name of Benedict of Peter-
borough {see No. 49) . From 1192 to 1201 may be said to be wholly Hovederi's work.
52. WiLLELMi Malmesbiriensis Monachi de Gesiis Pontificum Angloeum
LiBKi QuiNQUE. Editedby N. B. S. A. Hamilton, of the Department
of Manuscripts, British Museum. 1870.
53. Historic and Municipal Documents of Ireland, from the Archives
OF THE City op Dublin, &c. 1172-1320. Edited by John T. Gilbert,
F.S. A., Secretary of the Public Record Office of Ireland. 1870.
54. The Annals of Loch Gi. A Chronicle op Irish Affairs, from 1041 to
1590. Vols. I. and II. Edited, with a Translation, by William
Maunsell Hennessy, M.R.I.A. 1871.
65 Monumenta Jueidica. The Black Book of the Admiralty, with
Appendices, Vols. I.-IV. Edited by Sir Travers Twiss, Q.C, D.C.L.
1871-1876.
This book contains the ancient ordinances and laws relating to the navy.
56 Memorials or the Reign of Henry VI. :— Official Correspondence op
Thomas Bekynton, Secretary to Henry VI., and Bishop of Bath and
Wells. Edited by the Rev. George Williams, B.D., Vicar of Ring-
wood, late Fellow of King's College, Cambridge. Vols. I. and II.
18-/2.
16
' 57. MatthjEi Pakisiensis, Monachi Sakcti Albani, Cheonica Majoea,
Vol. I. The Creation 1,0 A.D. 1066. Vol. II. A.D. 1067 to A.D. 1216.
Vol. III. A.D. 1216 to A.D. 1239. Vol. IV. A.D. 1240 to A.D. 1247.
Vol. V. A.D. 1248 to A.D. 1259. Vol. VI. Additamenta. Vol. VII.
Index. Edited by the Rev. Heney Richaeds Luaed, D.D., Fellow of
Trinity College, Eegistrary of the University, and Vicar of Great St.
Mary's, Cambridge. 1872-1884.
58. Memoeiale Feateis Walteei de Ooventeia. — The Fisxosical Collec-
tions op Waltee op Cotbntet. Vols. I. and II. Edited by the Rev,
William Stubbs, M.A., Regius Professor of Modern History, and
Fellow of Oriel College, Oxford. 1872-1873.
The part relating to the first quarter of the thirteenth century is the most vahisble,
59. The Anglo-Latin Satieical Poets and Bpigeammatists of the Twelfth
Centukt. Vols. I. and II. Collected and edited by Thomas Weight,
M.A., Corresponding Member of the National Institute of France
(Academie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres). 1872.
60. Mateeials foe a Histoey of the Reign op Heney VII., peom oeiginal
Documents peeseeved in the Public Recoed Office. Vols. I. and II.
Edited by the Rev. William Campbell, M.A., one of Her Majesty's
Inspectors of Schools. 1873-1877.
61. HiSTOEICAL PaVEES AND LeTTEES PEOM the NOETHEEN REGISTBES. Edited
by the Rev. James Raine, M.A., Canon of York, and Secretary of the
Surtees Society. 1873.
62. Registeum Palatinum Dunelmense. The Registee op Bichaed de
Kellawe, Loed Palatine and Bishop op Ddeham; 1311-1316. Vols.
I.-IV. Edited by Sir Thomas Dupfus Haedy, D.C.L., Deputy Keeper
of the Records. 1873-1878.
63. Memobials of Saint Dbnstan, Aechbishop op Canteebuey. Edited by
the Rev. William Stubbs, M. A., Regius Profensor of Modern History,
and Fellow of Oriel College, Oxford. 1874.
64. Cheonicon Anglle, ab Anno Domini 1328 usque ad Annum 138S,
AuCTOEE MoNACHO QUODAM Sancti Albani. Edited by Edwaed Maunde
Thompson, Barrister-at-Law, AssiBtant Keeper of the Manuscripts in
the British Museum. 1874.
65. Thomas Saga Brkibyskups. A Life op Aechbishop Thomas Becket,
in Icelandic. Vols. I. and II. Edited, with English Translation,
Notes, amd Glossa/ry by M. Bieike MAGN<rssoN, M.A. , Sub-Librarian of
the University Library, Cambridge. 1875-1884.
66. Radulphi de Coggeshall Cheonicon Anglicanum. Edited by the Rev.
Joseph Stevenson, M.A. 1875.
67. Mateeials foe the Histoey op Thomas Becket, Aechbishop op Cantee-
buey. Vols. I.-VI. Edited by the Rev. James Oeaigie Robeetson,
M.A., Canon of Canterbury. 1875-1883. Vol. VII. Edited by Joseph
Bbigstocke Sheppaed, LL.D. 1885.
The first volume contains the life of that celebrated man, and the miracles after his
death, by William, a monk of Canterbmy. The second, the life by Benedict of Peter-
borough ; John of Salisbury ; Alan of Tewkesbury ; and Edward Grim. The third, the life
by William Rtzstephen; and Herbert of Bosham. The fourth, anonymoos lives, Quadri-
logus, &c. The fifth, sixth, and seventh, the Epistles, and known letters.
68. Radulfi de Diceto Decani Lundoniensis Opeea Histoeica. The
HiSTOEICAL WOEKS OF MaSTBK RaLPH DE DiCETO, DeAN OP LONDON.
Vols. I. and II. Edited by the Rev. William Stubbs M.A., Regius
Professor of Modern History, and Fellow of Oriel College, Oxford.
1876.
The abbreviationes Chronieorum extend to 1147 and the YmoKines Hisioriarum to
1201.
17
69. KoiL oj THE Peoceedings op the Kino's Council in Ieeland, ioe a
Poution of the 16th Teak op the Eeign op RichabdII. 1392-93.
Edited hy the Eev. James Graves, A.B. 1877.
70. Henbici de Bkacion de Legibus et Consuetudinebus Anglue Libei
QuiNQTJE in Vaeios Teactatos Distincti. Yols. I.-VI. Edited hy Sir
Traters Twiss, Q.C, D.O.L. 1878-1883.
?1. The Historians op the Church of York, and its Archbishops. Vols.
I.-III. Edited hy the Eev. James Raine, M.A., Canon of York,
and Secretary of the Surtees Society. 1879-1894.
72. Registeum Maxmesburiense. The Register of Malmesbury Abbey ;
Peeseeved in the Public Record Office. Yols. 1. and ] I. Edited hy
the Rev. J. S. Beewer, M.A., Preacher at the Rolls, and Rector of
Toppesfield ; and Charles Tkice Martin, B.A. 1879-1880.
73. Histoeical Woeks op Gervase op Canteebuey. Yols. I. and II. Edited
hy the Rev. William Stubbs, D.D. ; Canon Residentiary of St. Paul's,
London ; Regius Professor of Modern History and Fellow of Oriel
College, Oxford ; &c. 1879, 1880.
74. Henkici Aechidiaconi Huniendunensis Hisioeia Angloeum. The
HisTOEY op the English, by Heney, Archdeacon of Huntingdon, from
A.B. 55 to A.D. 1154, in Eight Books. Edited hy Thomas Aenold, M.A.
1879.
75. The Histoeical Woeks op Symeon of Durham. Vols. I. and II.
Edited hy Thomas Arnold, M.A. 1882-1885.
76. Cheonicle of the Reigns op Edwabd I. and Edwaed II. Vols. I. and
II. Edited hy the Rev. William Stubbs, D.D., Canon Residentiary of
St. Paul's, London ; Regius Professor of Modem History, and Fellow
of Oriel College, Oxford, &c. 1882, 1883.
The first volume of these Ohronicles contains the Annales Londonienses and tho
Anyiales Paulini : the second I. — Commendatio Lanuntahilis in Transitu magni Regis
Edwardi. l\.~Gesta Edwardi de Carnarvan Auctore Canonico Bridlingtoniensi.
III. — Monachi eujusdam Malmesheriensis Vita Edwardi II. IV. — Vita et Mors
Edwardi II., conscripta a Thoma de la Moore,
77. Registeum Epistolarum Frateis Johannis Peckham, Aechispisoopi
Cantuakiensis. Yols. I.-III. JE/cZiiecJ 6^ Charles Trice Martin, B.A. ,
F.S.A., 1882-1886.
78. Registee op S. Osmund. Edited hy the Rev. W. H. Rich Jones, M.A.,
F S.A., Canon of Salisbury, Vicar of Bradford-on-Avon. Vols. I. and
li. 1883, 1884.
This Register derives its name from containing the statutes, rules, and orders made or
compiled by S. Osmund, to be observed in the Cathedral and diocese of Salisburj'.
79. Chaeiulaut op the Abbey op Ramsey. Yols. I.-III. Edited ly
William Hjsney Hart, F.8.A.. and the Rev. Ponsonby Annesley
Lyons. 1884-1893.
80. Chaetulaeies op St. Maey's Abbey, Dublin, with the Register op its
HOUSE AT Dunbeody, Oounty OF Wexpoed, and Annals op Ieeland,
1162-1370. Edited hy John Thomas Gilbeet, F.S.A., M.R.I.A. Vols.
I. and II. 1884, 1885.
81. Iadmeki Histoeia Novoeum in Anglia, et opuscula duo de Vita Sanoti
Anselmi et quibusdam Mieaculis ejus. Edited by the Rev, Maeiin
Rule, M.A. 1884.
82 Cheonicles op the Reigns of Stephen, Heney II., and Richard I.
' Vols. I.-IY. Ediiei 62/ RiCHAED HoWLETT, Barrister-at-Law. 1884-
1890.
Vol I contains Books I.-IV. of the Bistoria Merum AngUcarum of William of New-
burgh. ' Vol. II. contains Book V. of that work, the continuation of the same to' A.D. 129S,
and the Draco Normannicus of Etienne de Eonen.
U 90811. *
18
Vol.lII.contnins the Oesta.Steplutni Regis, the Uhionicle of Kichaid of Hexham, the
Itelatio de Standardo of St. Aelrod of Riovaulx, the poem of Jordan Fftntosme, and the
Chronicle of Richard of Devizes.
Vol. IV. contains the Chronicle of Robert of Torighi.
83. Chuoniclb of the Abbey of Eamsey. Edited by the Eev. Williajt
Dunn Macbay, M.A., F.S.A., Rector of Duoklingtoni Oxen. 1886.
84. Ohbonica Rogebi de Wendovee, sive Floees Histobiarum. Vols. I.-
ni. Edited hy Henby Gat Hbwiett, Keeper of the Eeoords of the
Land Revenue. 1886-1889.
This edition gives that portion 'only of Roger of Wendover's Chronicle which can be
accounted an original authority.
85. The Letteb Books of the MoNAsiEEr of Christ Ohubch, Oajstbebuey,
Edited iy Joseph Bbiostocke Sheppabd, LL.D. Vols. I.^III., 1887-
1889.
The Letters printed in those volumes were chiefly written between 1296 and 1333.
86. The Metbioal Chbonicle of Robert of Gloucbsteb. Edited hy
William Aldis Weight, M.A., Senior Fellow of Trinity College, Cam-
bridge. Parts I. and II., 1887.
The date of the composition of this Chronicle is placed about the year 1300, The
writer appears to have been an eye witness of many events which he describes. The
language in which it is written was the dialect of Gloucestershire at tl^at time.
87. Chronicle of Robert of Bbtjnne. Edited hy Fbedebick James
FuBNiVAH, M.A., Barrister-at-Law. Parts I. and II. 1887.
Robert of Brimne, or Bourne, co. Lincolru was a member of the Gilbertine Order
estabhshed at Sempringham. His Chronicle is described by its' editor as a work of Action, a
contribution not to English history, but to the history of English.
88. Icelandic Sagas and othee Historical Documents relating to the
Settlements and Descents of the Northmen on the British Isles.
Vol. I. Orkneyinga Saga, and Magmns Saga. Vol. II. Hakonar
Saga, and Magnus Saga. Edited by Gudbrand Vigfusson, M.A.
1887. Vols. III. and IV. Translations of the above by Sir George
Webbe Dasent, D.C.L.
89. The Teipabtite Life of St. Patrick, with other documents relating
to that Saint. Edited by Whitley Stokes, LL.D., D.C.L. , Honorary
Fellow of Jesus College, Oxford ; and Corresponding Member of the
Institute of France. Parts I. and II. 1887.
90. WiLLELMi monachi Malmesbirieksis de Regtjm Gestis Anglobum
LIBBI V. ; ET HlSTOELfi NoVELLiE, LIBRI III. Edited by WlLIIAM
Stubbs, D.D., Bishop of Oxford. Vols. I. and 11. 1887-1889.
91. Lestoeie des Engles solum Geffeei Gaimar. Edited by the late Sir
Thomas Doffus Hardy, D.C.L., Deputy Keeper of the Records ;
continued omd tramslated hy Charles Trice Martin, B.A., F.S.A. '
Vols. I. and IL 1888-1889.
92. Chronicle of Henry Knighton, Canon of Leicester. Edited by the
Rev. Joseph Rawson Lumby, D.D., Norrisian Professor of Divinity.
Vols. I. and II. 1889-1895.
93. Chronicle of Adam Mubimuth, with the Chronicle of Robert of
AvESBURY. Edited by Edward Maunde Thompson, LL.D., F.S.A.
Principal Librarian and Secretary of the British Museum. 1889.
94. Chartulaby of the Abbey of Si. Thomas the Martyr, Dublin.
Edited hy John Thomas Gilbert, F.S.A., M.I.R.A. 1889.
95. Flobes Historiaeum. Edited by the Rev. H. R. Luard, D.D., Fellow
of Trinity College and Registrary of the University, Cambridge.
Vol. I. The creation to a.d. 1066. Vol. IL a.d. 1067-1264. Vol. III.
A.D. 1265-1326. 1890. •
19
96. Memorials or St. Edmund's Abbey. Edited by Thomas Abjjold, M.A.,
Fellow of the Royal Uniyersity of Ireland. Vols. I. and II. 1890. —
1892.
97. Chabteks and Documents, illustbating the History of the Cathedbal
AND City op Sabum, 1100-1300 ; forming an Appendix to the Eegister
of S. Osmund. Selected hy the late Eev. W. H. Rich Jones, M.A.,
F.S.A., and edited by the Rev. W. D. Macbat, M.A., F.S.A., Rector
of Duoklington. 1891.
98. Memobanda de Paemamento, 25 Edward I. 1305. Edited by F. W.
Maitland, M.A. 1893.
In the Press.
Yeak Books of the Reign op Bdwaud III. Edited and trantlaied ly Luke
Owen Pike, M.A., Barrister-at-Law.
Ranulf de Glanvim.; Tkactaths de legibus et consuetuddjlbus Anglue,
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The Red Book op the Excheqiteb. Edited by Hubebt Hall, F.S.A., of
the Public Record Office. Parts I., II., and III.
Memobials op St. Edmund's Abbey. Edited by Thomas Abnold, M.A.
Yol. III.
62
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the Superintendence of W. Basbvi Sandebs, an Assistant Record
Keeper. 35 Parts, imperial quarto and demy quarto (1861-1863),
boards.
Domesday Survey is in two parts or volumes. The first in folio, con-
tains the counties of Bedford, Berks, Bucks, Cambridge, Chester, and
Lancaster, Cornwall, Derby, Devon, Dorset, Gloucester, Hants, Hereford,
Herts, Hunting-don, Kent, Leicester and Rutland, Lincoln, Middlesex,
Northampton, Nottingham, Oxford, Salop, Somerset, Stafford, Surrey,
Sussex, Warwick, Wilts, Worcester, and York. The second volume, in
quarto, contains the countiesof Essex, Norfolk and Suffolk.
Domesday Book was printed Kerfia/JmciZiYerafjm during the last century,
in consequence of an address of the House of Lords to King George III.
in 1767. It was not, however, (Commenced until 1773, and was completed
early in 1783. In 1860, Her Majesty's Government with the concurrence
o! the Master of the EoUs, determined to apply the art of photozincography
to the production of a fac-simile of Domesday Book.
Title.
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Title.
Price.
In Great Domesday Book.
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& s. d.
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0
Q
8
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Pac-similes op National Mantjscbipts, from William the Conqoeeoe to
Queen Anne, selected under the direction, of the Master of the EoUs
ax^d Photozincographed, by Comniand of Her Majesty, by Colonel
Si- TTuNBT James, R.E., F.R.S.,DiEECioE-(jrBNEBAL of the Ordnance
Su.avsT, and edited by "W. Basevi Sandebs, an Assistant Record
Keeper. Price, each Part, with translations and notes, double
foolscap folio, 16«.
Part I. (William the Conqueror to Henry VII.). 1865. {Out of
print.) ,
Part II. (Henry YII. and Edward VI.). 1866!
23
Part III. (Mary and Elizabeth). 1867.
PartlY. (James I. to Anne). 1868. ,
The first Part extends from William the Conqueror to Henry VII., and
contains autographs of the kings of England, as well as of many other
illustrious personages famous in history, and some interesting charters,
letters patent, and state papers. The second Part for the reigns of
Henry VIII. and Edward VI., consists principally of holograph letters,
and aSitographs of tings, princes, statesmen, 'and other persons of great
historical interest, who lived duringthose reigns. The third Part contains
similar documents for the reigns of Mary and Elizabeth, including a
signed bill of Lady Jane Grey. The fourth Part concludes the series,
and comprises a number of documents taken from the originals belonging
to the Constable of the Tower of London ; also several records illustrative
'■ of'the Gunpowder Plot.and awoodcutcontainingportraitsof Mary Queen
of Scots and James VI., circulated by their adherents in England, 1580-3.
Fac-similes of Anglo-Saxon Manusompis. Photozinoographed, by Com-
mand of Her Majesty, upon the recommendation of the Master of the
RollSjby the Director- Geneeai of theOiiDNANCE Survey, Lieiit.-General
J. Oamekon, R.E., O.B., F.E.S., and edited by W. Basevi Sandees, an
Assistant Eecord Keeper. Part I. . Price 21. 10s.
The Anglo-Saxon MSS. represented in this volume from the earlier por-
tions of the collection of archives belonging, to the Dean and Chapter of
Canterbury, and consist of a series of ' 25 charters, deeds, and wills, com-
mencing with a record of , proceedings at the first Synodal Council of
Clovestho in 742, and terminating with the first part of a tripartite
chirograph of the sixth year of the reign of Edward the Confessor.
Fac-similes op Anglo-Saxon Manuscripts. Photozincographed, by Com-
mand of Her Majesty, upon the recommendation of the Master of the
Rolls, by the Director-General of the Ordnance Survey, Major-General
A. Cooke, E.E., C.B., and collected and edited by W. Basevi Sanders.
an Assistant Record Keeper. Part II. Price 31. 10s.
(Also, separately. Edward the Confessor's Charter. Price 2s.)
The originals of the Fac-similes contained in this volume belong to the
Deans and Chapters of Westminster, Exeter, Wells, Winchester, and
Worcester ; the Marquis of Bath, the Earl of Ilchester, Winchester
College, Her Majesty's Public Eecord Ofiioe, Bodleian Library, Somerset-
shire Archseological. and National History Society's Museum in Taunton
Castle, and William Salt Library at Stafford. They consist of charters
and other documents granted by, or during the reigns of, Baldred,
^thelred, Offa, and Burgred, Kings of Mercia ; Uhtred of the Huiccas,
Ceadwalla and Ini of Wessex ; ^thelwulf, Eadward the Elder, .Slthelstan,
Eadmund the First, Eadred, Eadwig, Eadgar, Eadward the Second,
Jilthelred the Second, Cnut, Eadward the Confessor, and William the
Conqueror, embracing altogether a period of nearly four hundred years.
Fac-similes op Anglo-Saxon Manuscripts. Photozincographed, by Com-
mand of Her Majesty, upon the recommendation of the Master of the
Rolls by the DniECTOE-GrENERAi. of the Ordnance Survey, Colonel E. H.
Stotherd, K.B., C.B., and collected and edited by W. Basevi Sanders,
an Assistant Keeper of Her Majesty's Records. Part III. Price 61. 6s.
This volume contains fac-similes of the Ashbumham collection of
Anglo-Saxon Charters, &c., iuchiding King Alfred's Will. The MSS.
represented in it, range from A.D. 697 to A.D. uei.being charters, wills,
deeds and reports of Synodal transactions durmg the reigns of Kmgs
Wihtred of Kent, Offa, Eardwulf, Coenwulf, Cuthred, Beornwulf,
^thelwulf, jElfred, Eadward the Elder, Eadmund, Eadr(;d, Queen
Eadglfu and Kings Eadgar, jEthelred the Second, Cnut, Henry the First.
and Henry the Second. In addition to these are two belonging to the
Marquis of Anglesey, one of them being the Foundation Charter of Burton
Abbey by -ffithelred the Second with the testament of its great bene-
factor Wulfric.
24.
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
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1870
First Report, with Appendix -
fcap
[C. 55]
1 6
(Ke-
Contents : —
printed
England. House of Lords ; Cambridge
J874.)
Colleges ) Abingdon and other Cor-
porations, &c.
Scotland. Advocates' Library, Glas-
gow Corporation, &e.
Ireland. Dublin, Cork, and other Cor-
porations, &c.
1871
Second Report, with Appendix and
Index to thb First and Second Re-
ports - - - -
»
[C. 441]
a 10
Contents : —
England. House of Lords ; Cam-
bridge Colleges ; Oxford Colleges ;
Monastery of Dominican Friars at
Woodchester, Duke of Bedford,
Earl Spencer, &c.
'
Scotland. Aberdeen and St. An-
drew's Universities, &c.
Ireland. Marquis of Ormonde j
Dr. Lyons, &o.
1873
Third Report, with Appendix and
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[C. fi73]
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printed
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1895.)
England. House of Lords ; Cam-
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Black Book of Limerick, &c.
'l873
Fourth Rkport, with Appendix.
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Contents : —
»»
[C. 857]
6 8
England. House of Lords; West-
minster Abbey ; Cambridge and
Oxford Colleges ; Cinque Ports,
Hythc, and other Corporations,
Marquis of Bath, Earl of Denbigh,
&c.
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!
•26
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1877
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1879
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1881
Fourth Report. Part II. Index
Fifth Report, with Appendix. Part I. -
Contents : —
England. House of Lords ; Oxford
and Cambridge Colleges; Dean and
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and other Corporations, Duke of
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Reginald Cholmondeley, Esq., &c.
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Ditto. Part II. Index
Sixth Report, with Appendix. Part I.
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England. House of Lords ; Oxford
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Ditto. Part II. Index
1881
1381
Seventh Eepokt, with Appendix.
Part I. - - -
Contents : —
House of Lords ; County of Somerset ;
Earl of Egmont, Sir Frederick
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Ditto. Part II. Appendix and Index -
Contents: —
Duke of Athole, Marquis of Ormonde,
S. F. Livingstone, Esq., &c.
Eighth Report, with Appendix and
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Contents: —
Listof collections examined, 1869-1880.
England. House ° of Lords ;
Duke of Marlborough; Magdalen
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Dnio. Part U. Appendix and Index -
Contents: —
Duke of Manchester,
<
Ditto. Part III. Appendix and Index
Contents : —
Earlof Ashburnham.
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[C. 1432
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3 6
8 6
I 9
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26
Date.
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Size.
Sessiona
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1883
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Ninth Report, with Appendix ' and
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Maxwell Stuart, Esq., &c.
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jj
[C.3773
i-]
6 3
1884
Ditto. Part III. Appendix and
Index - ...
Contents: —
Mrs. Stopford SackviUe.
■ ' ■»
[0.3773
ii.]
1 r
1883
(Re-
printed
1895.)
Calendar of the Manuscripts op the
Marquis of Salisbury, K.G. (or Cecil
MSS.). Part I. -
8vo.
[C.3777]
3 5
1888
Ditto. Part II. - - . -
>»
[C.5463]
3 5
1889
Ditto. Part III.
»»
[C. 5889
[C.6823]
2 1 ■
1892
Ditto. Part IV.
tf
2 11
1894
Ditto. Part V. - -
»
[C.7574]
2 6
Ditto. Part VI.
In the Press.
1885
Tenth Report
This is introductory to the following: —
8yo.
[C.4548]
0 3i
1885
(Re-
printed
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(1.) Appendix and Index -
Earl of Eglinton, Sir J. S. Max-
well, Bart., and C. S. H. D. Moray,
C. F. Weston Underwood, G-. W.
Digby, Esqs.
S)
[C.4575]
3 7
1885
(2.) Appendix and Index
The Family of Gawdy.
»
[C. 4576
iii.]
1 4
1885
(3.) Appendix and Index - • .
Wells Cathedral.
»
[C. 4576
ii.]
2 0
1885
(4.) Appendix and Index
Earl of Westmorland ; Capt. Stewart;
Lord Stafford ; Sir N. W. Throck-
morton ; Sir P. T. Mainwariflg,
Lord Muncaster, M.P., Capt. 3. F.
Bagot, Earl of Kilmorey, Earl of
Powis, and others, the Corporations
of Kendal, Wenlock, Bridgnorth,
Eye, Plymouth, and the County of
Essex ; and Stonyhurst College.
)»
[C.4576]
3 6
1885
(Re-
printed
1895.)
(5.) Appendix and Index - - -
The Marquis of Ormonde, E^rl of
Fingall, Corporations of (Jalway,
Waterford, the Sees of Dublin ftnd
»
[4576 i.]
2 10
Ossory, the Jesuits in Ireland
27
Date.
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Price.
1887
1887
1887
1887
1887
1887
1887
1887
1888
1890
1888
1888
1889
1888
1891
1889
1890
1891
1891
(6.) Appendix ajjd Index
Marquis of Abergavenny, Lord Braye,
G. F. Luttrell, P. P. Bouverie,
W. Bromley Davenport, 11. T.
Balfour, Esquires.
Eleventh Report . • - -
This is introductory to the following: —
(1.) Appendix and Index
H. D. Skrine, Esq., Salvetti Corre-
spondence.
(2.) Appendix and Index -
House of Lords. 1678-1688.
C3.) Appendix and Index -
Corporations of Southampton and
Lynn.
8vo.
(4.) Appendix and Index - -
Marquess Townshend.
(5.) Appendix and Index -
Earl of Dartmouth.
(6.) Appendix and Index - . -
Duke of Hamilton.
(7.) Appendix and Index -
' ' Duke of Leeds, Marchioness of
Waterford, Lord Hothfield, &c. ;
Bridgwater Trust Office, Heading
Corporation, Inner Temple Library.
TwELi'TU Keport - - _ -
This is introductory to the following: —
(1.) Appendix - - -
Eai-l Cowper, K.G. (Coke MSS., at
Melbourne Hall, Derby). Vol. I.
(2.) Appendix - . - -
Ditto. Vol.11.
(3.) Appendix and Index -
Ditto. Vol. in.
(4.) Appendix . . . -
The Duke of Eutland, G.C.B. Vol. I.
(5.) Appendix and Index -
Ditto. Vol. II.
(6.) Appendix and Index - - -
House of Lords, 1689-1690.
(7.) Appendix and Index -'
S. H. le Fleming, Esq., of Eydal.
(8.) Appendix and Index -
The Duke of Athole, K.T., and the
Earl of Home.
(9./ Appendix and Index -
The Duke of Beaufort, K.G., the Earl
of DoDOUghmore, J. H. Gurney, W.
W. B. Hulton, K. W. Ketton, G. A.
Aitken, P. V. Smith, Esqs. ; Bishop
of Ely ; Cathedrals of Ely, Glouces-
ter, Lincoln, and Peterborough ;
Corporations of Gloucester, Higham,
Ferrers, and Newark; Southwell
Minster ; Lincoln District Registry.
[C.5242]
[C. 5060
vi.]
[C.5060]
[C. 5060
!•]
[C.5060
ii.]
[C. 5060
iii.]
[C.5060
iv.]
[C. 5060
V-]
[C.5612]
[C.5889]
[C.5472]
[C.5613]
[C. 5889
[C.5614]
[C. 5889
ii.]
[C. 5889
iii.]
[C: 5889
, iv.]
[C.6338]
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1 7
0 3
1 1
2
0
1
8
2
6
2
8
1
6
2
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1 4
3 2
2 0
2 1
1 11
1 0
[C.6338 2 6
J-]
28
Date.
Size.
Sessional
Paper.
Price.
s. d.
1891
(lo;
Appendix - - . -
The First Earl of Charlemout. Vol. I.
1745-1783.
8vo.
[C. 6338
ii.]
1 U
1892
Thirtebntu Report
This is introductory to the following: —
*)
[0.6827]
0 3
1891
(1.)
Appendix ....
»)
[C.6474]
3 0
,
The Duke of Portland. Vol. I.
-
(2.)
Appendix and Index.
Ditto. Vol. II.
„
[C. 6827
Z 0
1892
(3.)
Appendix.
J. B. Fortescue, Esq., of Dropmore.
i-]
Vol.1.
»
[C.6660]
2 7
1892
(4.)
Appendix and Index
Corporations of Rye, Hastings, and
Hereford. Capt. F. C. Loder-
Symonds, E. -R. Wodehouse, M.P.,
J. Dovaston, Esqs., Sir T. B. Len-
nard, Bart., Rev. W.D.Macray, and
Earl of Dartmouth (Supplementary
Report) .
>i
[0.6810]
2 4
1892
(5.)
Appendix AND Index.
House of Lords, 1690-1691
»
[C.6822]
2 4
1893
(6.)
Appendix ajtd Index.
Sir W. Fitzherbert, Bart. The Delaval
,j
[C.7166]
1 4
Family, of Seaton Delaval ; The Ear)
of Ancaster ; and General Lyttelton-
Annesley.
1893
a-)
Appendix and Index.
The Earl of Lonsdale
>»
[C.7241.]
1 3
1893
(.8.)
Appendix and Index.
The First Earl of Charlemont. Vol. II.
n
[C.7424.]
1 11
1784-1799.
Fourteenth Report.
/h the Press.
This will be introductory to the following : —
1894
(!•)
Appendix and Index.
The Duke of Rutland, G.C.B. Vol. III.
,)
[C,7476.]
1 11
1894
(2.)
Appendix.
The Duke of Portland. Vol III.
>y
[C.7569]
2 8
1894
(3.)
Appendix and Index.
The Duke of Roxbnrghe ; Sir H. H.
iy
[C.7570]
1 2
Campbell, Bart.; The Earl of
Strathmore ; and the Countess,
Dowager of Seafield.
1894
(4.)
Appendix and Index.
Lord Kenyon ...
St
[C.7571]
2 10
1895-
(5.)
Appendix.
J. B. Fortescue, Esq., of Dropmore.
In the Press.
Vol. n.
1895
(6.)
Appendix and Index.
House of Lords, 1692-1693 -
>t
[C.7573.]
1 11
1895
(V-)
Appendix.
The Marquess of Ormonde
[C.7678]
1 10
1895
(8.)
Appendix and Index.
Lincoln, Bury St. Edmunds, Hertford,
)>
[C.7881]
1 5
and Great Grimsby Corporations j
The Dean and Chapter of Wor-
cester, and of Lichfield; The
Bishop's Registry of Worcester.
/::e.
).)t4f(r
:
29
ANNUAL REPORTS OF THE DEPUTY KEEPER
OF THE PUBLIC RECORDS.
REPORTS No3. 1-22, IN POLIO, PUBLISHED BETWEEN 1840 AND 1801, ARI3 NO
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Prica
1862
1863
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23
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25
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1866
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28
29
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Calendar of Crown Leases, 33-38 Hen.
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Chief Contents.
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cery of the County Palatine. — List of
French Ambassadorii, &o., in England,
1509-1714.
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Date.
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Chief Contents.
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ANNUAIi REPORTS OF THE DEPUTY KEEPER
OF THE PUBLIC RECORDS, IRELAND.
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