CORNELL
UNIVERSITY
LIBRARY
GIFT OF
Chas, E. Hull Estate
Date Due
ffeg— ^49h-A4i
R pJfr'4 W
-'Mtl^ffi
PRINTED IN U.
■ Mm
(«y
CAT. NO. 23233
E340.C61^A2"l85r'"' ""^"^
oil
n ^ ^924 032 756 979
The original of tliis book is in
tlie Cornell University Library.
There are no known copyright restrictions in
the United States on the use of the text.
http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924032756979
A s. w [L A J?! as .
THE
PEIVATE CORRESPONDENCE
HENRY CLAY.
EDITED BT
CALVIN COLTON, LL.D.
PROFESSOE OF PUBLIC ECONOMY, TRINITY OvLLEOE
NEW YORK:
A. S. BARNES & CO., 51 & 58 JOHN STREET.
185G.
Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1856
BY A. S. BARNES, & CO.,
In the Clerk's Office of the District Court, of the Southern District of New York.
.' ,-1
ETSRvoiYPy.ii Jtr rnjHTET) i:r
TIlOM.Vf; B. SMITD, croRGE w. woon,
82&8I Bucltmiiri St. 51 John St.
CONTENTS.
CHAPTER I.
PAGH
COERESPONDENCaE FEOM 1801 TO 1816, , , .0
CHAPTER II.
COEEESPOHDBNCE FEOM 1815 TO 1820, 49
CHAPTER III,
COEEESPONBEXCB OP 1825 AND 1826, 109
CHAPTER IV.
OOEEESPONDBlfCE OP 1827, 156
CHAPTER V.
COEEESPONDENCE OP 1828, 188
CHAPTER VI.
COEEESPONDBNCE OP 1829, 217
CHAPTER VII.
COEEESPONDENCB OP 1830, 251
'■^ C0B"TBlfT8.
CHAPTER VIII.
PAOB
OOKKESPONDElSrCE OF 1831 AND 1832, 293
CHAPTEE IX.
COEKESPONDBNCE OF 1833, 1834, AND 1835, 347
CHAPTER X.
OOERESPONBENCB OF 1836, 1837, 1838, AND 1839, .... 403
CHAPTER XI.
COEEESPONDENCE OF 1840, 1841, 1842, AND 1843, .... 443
CHAPTER XII.
COEEESPONDENCE OF 1844, 1845, 1846. Airt) 1847, . . . 483
CHAPTER XIII.
COKKESPONDBNCE OP 1848 AND 1849, . 553
CHAPTER XIV.
COEEESPONDENCE OF 1850, 1851, AND 1852, . . ^48
TO THE READER,
Mr. Clay was not in the habit of keeping copies of his own let-
ters. It may easily be imagined, therefore, that the time and trouble
required to collect original and properly authenticated copies, so as
to compose an epistolary history of his life, have not been inconsider-
able. It is ten years since the editor of this volume commenced this
task, with very important facilities afforded by Mr. Clay himself, as
will appear from some of the corresjiondence. In addition to a very
thorough examination of Mr. Clay's papers, under his own supervis-
ion, in the winter of 1844-45, the editor, by permission of his tamily,
made a new examination of all the papers at Ashland, in 1853. From
some three thousand documents, more or less, collected at Ashland
and elsewhere, the editor has sifted and shaken out the correspond-
ence contained in this volume. For the first fifteen years of the
present century, down to the treaty of Ghent, embraced in the first
chapter, very few of Mr. Clay's letters could be obtained. From
that period they begin to appear more abundantly, as will be seen.
It was thought proper to introduce letters of the correspondents
of Mr. Clay to some extent, especially those of distinguished persons,
and on occasions of especial interest. It was not jDossible genei'al-
ly to obtain the immediate counterparts of the correspondence.
After having completed the " Life and Times of Henry Clay," in
two volumes, first published in 1846, and havmg added, in 1854, a
chapter to the second volume of that work containing the last seven
years of Mr. Clay's life, the plan of the editor of the present vol-
ume has been to present an epistolary history of the same period,
and chiefly of the same things, as viewed by the parties in corre-
spondence from their o^vn closets, in their epistolary communications
with each other, with no design on their part of furnishing materials
for history. Most of these parties are since dead. It must be seen
that such materials, from such hands, are of a very peculiar character,
naturally attractive and interesting ; and some of them very instruct-
ive. They can not but cast light on events, in some cases very im-
portant, which could not otherwise be fully understood. There is a
truthfulness in the abandon of private correspondence which the
cautiousness of politicians and statesmen rarely betrays in their ordi-
nary and public acts ; or if they sometimes betray it, they do not
avow and confess it. Not a little of such materials will be found in
this volmne.
As the letters are generally presented in chronological order, with
constantly recuri-ing chasms of other parts of the correspondence,
and without any regard to their relations to each other, it is for the
VI TO THE llEADEE.
reader to connect them witli history, as it may be found in the first
two volumes of this work, and in other public records. Indeed,
many facts of history will be found in this volume which can be found
nowhere else ; and some of them very interesting and important.
Besides the new facts of history disclosed, much of this correspond-
ence, very little of which was ever before pubUshed, wiU probably
be felt and acknowledged as affording new and interesting light on a
great deal of history before known. It ^ill serve, in some degree,
as a key to unlock and open to view many intricate and obscure
events of no small importance hitherto unexplained.
Some will perhaps think there are too many letters in this volume
of trivial import, and that some of the brief notes and others might
as well have been omitted. But the editor has desired to present
the entireness of Mr. Clay's character, so far as correspondence would
reveal it, more especially in those parts which, from the nature and
character of his career, have been very little before the public. His
character as a public man is pubhc property. But Mr. Clay has
made such a mark on his age and the history of his time, that the
pubhc will naturally be interested, and perhaps have some right, to
know more of all his relations in life than his brilliant career as a
pubhc nian has permitted them to observe. They -n-ill find inthis
correspondence that nothing in his private and domestic relations,
and in the minor details touching the interests of his own family, es-
caped his care and attention. They will see that that fidehty and
rigid conscientiousness which controlled aU his conduct as a politician
and statesman, were exemphfied in a similar type, and in a degree as
much more careful and anxious as the case required, in all his private
and domestic relations. He not only had a large family of the first
generation, most of whom left the world before him, but he had nu-
merous grandchildren. It is touching to observe the action of his
parental feelings toward them all, according to their characters and
conditions of health and comfort, as disclosed in this correspondence.
An invalid granddaughter, Lucy, so often mentioned in his letters,
was always a tender object of his solicitude.
Mr. Clay was necessarily a politician, because he was forever in the
whirl of politics. IMr. Clay, however, did not seek politics, but
politics sought him, on account of his peculiar and eminent qualifica-
tions for pubhc life. But this correspondence wiU show how often,
and, doubtless sincerely, he desired repose from poUtical agitations,
and how much he was disgusted with unfair and dishonorable polit-
ical strifes. Take him all in all, he was the most popular public man,
so far as his personal qualities were concerned, that has ever appeared
in the history of the country, and that from the beginning to the end
of his career. It was the unavoidable destiny of such a man, that he
should be abused by his political opponents, and carried on the
shoulders of his political friends ; and in the same proportion as the
former feared, the latter loved him. We know not of how many it
can be said,' but we fear of few ; yet it can be said of Mr. Clay, and
all the world will believe it, that he was an honest, fair, and patriotic
politician. He never made a trade of pohtics, as many of his cotem
poraries did, and as is generally the case now with those engaged in
politics. His country, and the good of his country, inliis strife with
tiis opponents, Avere ever the ruling passion of his mind in all public
affairs. His patriotism, true as the needle to the pole, will be more
TO THE READET?.
and more apparent as the events which excited it recede in the dis-
tance. Again and again, as a candidate for the highest trust in the
nation, he sacrificed himself on the altar of his country, and of the
principles which he adopted. " He would rather be right," or what
he thought was right, than be invested with the highest official honors.
That he was actuated by a laudable ambition fairly to gain eminence
in his career, was doubtless an ingredient of his lofty aspirations ;
but his principles would not bend for such an advantage. Who does
not know that his talents, and the charm of his character on the pubUc
mind, would have borne him to any place in the gift of the nation, if
he had thrown himself on the popular current, in almost any of the
exigences leading that way which fell in his path ? But he would
never sacrifice a principle for his own personal advantage. If he
had had less faith in pubhc virtu?, it would have made no difference ;
for he would never sacrifice self-respect for influence. He trusted,
and was deceived ; but he has acquired more fame in history by his
course than could have been achieved in any other wa^y. The most
rigid scrutiny of his character leaves his name untarnished by a single
act in all his political relations.
That miU-stone on the neck of Mr. Clay's pohtical history, the al-
leged bargain between him and Mr. Adams, was indeed cut loose,
though not in time to save the victim from its disadvantages. The
attempt at bargain, as since proved, was .on the other side, and fail-
ing in the proposed arrangement, the best way to rebut an accusation
to which the other party was liable, was found to be ui bringing one
of the same kind against Mr. Clay. Mr. Clay never beheved that
such an attack could answer its purpose. But it did. Several times
Mr. Clay received proposals of such a bargain, more than one of
which is revealed for the first time in this volume ; and the lofty
manliness and indignation with which he treated them is also shown.
Wheti proposed to make him President by a wrong to Mr. Webster,
on condition that Mr. Clay would use his influence for a certain ap-
pointment, though Mr. Clay and Mr. Webster were not at the time
on the most friendly tenns, Mr. Clay insisted that the proposal and
its conditions should be made known to Mr. Webster, and, as will be
seen, it was no fault of Mr. Clay that this was not done. A subse-
quent letter of Mr. Clay will indicate ftnther the estimate made by
him of that transaction. No attempt on Mr. Clay's honor, as a poh-
tician, ever succeeded. He lived and died an American patriot of
the loftiest character.
Forever cherished and followed by a great national party, and
forced into the field as a candidate for public services and public
honors, it was reasonable to expect that his correspondence will par-
take of this character. Numerous as his friends were, with whom
he communicated very frankly — for frankness was a part of his nat ure •
— yet every man, and Mr. Clay was no exception, must haye- his
bosom friends: Judge Brooke,* of Virginia, was a correspondent and
bosom friend of Mr. Clay for more than half a .century, and there was
no other man in the nation to whom Mr. Qlay. opened his heart and
mind so fully and freely on public and private affairs. Hence the
use of this correspondence so largely in this volume. It always
presents Mr. Clay's mind and views at the dates of the respective
* Judge Brooke and Francis Brooke, in the correspondence, are the same person.
VIU TO I'liii. HEADER.
letters, and on the topics considered. It is a perfect abandoti of
private friendship and correspondence, and, on that account, is al-
' ways interesting and instructive. The Hon. J. S. Johnston, United
States Senator from Louisiana, vs^as also an habitual correspondent
Mid bosom friend of Mr. Clay, and much of their correspondence is
,iven in this volume down to the time of Mr. Johnston's death, by
the burning of a steamboat on the waters of the Mississippi. The field
of correspondence, fi'om which this volume is a selection, was immense.
It has been the aim of the editor not to insert letters whi'-'. i':!a I'oon
before published, and there are but few exceptions to tli ;-,;u l'\r
plan of arranging them in clu-onological order — the b ]'" 't.:'-'\
that could bi. adoptod .iliao .t n.-cossarily places nearly : U' .-li':!-:
iMcJi ill .111 i-uluti-il [Kisniiiu J'tii-.y :ire not, of course, :il! /.' 'Ui i
'iio lii/li '.r sense oi' the term, i^ome are introduced ioi- 1i ■;, . I'.-n
■iM"'..uid some, doubtless, will be of little interest tn ili<' juiKi',
;- I.../. It is believer^, however, that they are a fair ilhisliMiioi) in
;i,i'i of JIi-. Clay's relations to the wide public. There an;, .i< im!'
!'■ s"eij. sundry historical disclosures of considerable interest .an! inv
M-'M::!ic,f', '"h will probably excite sumo .itii;ntion.
i'lir eii.vo must crave pardon of nuniorous persons who have
kiu.ii" fi. rn IS' . rl him with letters of Mr. Clay, which could roi ],c
inserco'i '': ,.tro; of room, find for other causes. N'ot\\'ithstan. ling the
uleswluc: '!• wris obliged o^ adojot, the volume has swollen to un-
OXpected fOill' i;s: ^.
Where i; lic has used the letters of persi.nis now living, he
has been Vi- aroiul not to hi'jprt any to the use nf which he would
".mngine ir \ u juld have any objection. On the contrary, he has
jsed i^r'- -ijh as he supposed they wr>uld lie very willing, if not
.•;r:il:H' ' - ee m such a place. If thero si u mid b,; ;my exceptions to
o ■;•; '• 1..., t!,o imperative demands for tho truth of history in matters
■nioh tho parties concei'ned could not liiii ly claim to be consulted,
uast bo tlio apology.
Tlie:o will, of course, be found m.any pecnliai-itjes of style in such a
variety of letters as are to be found in this volnmo. For the most
part, however, they are good ei)istolary compositions. :ind not a few
if them of a high order. The editor has not felt at liberty to m.ake
ilterations, except to correct grammatical errors, and even some of
these will probably still be found. The letters of foreigners were,
for the most part, addressed to Mr. Clay in English, Lafayette's al-
.vays, and they are given as found. In no case are they translations
)f the editor. There are, of course, hn])erfections of style in letters
jf this clas-^, 'Ir. Clay's letters are generally a model of epistolary
writing. Tlio j'ac-siinile presented is a iair exhibition of his chiro-
graphy — always elegant, ami never careless.
C. COLTOX.
New Yokk, SeptemLoi- 1, 185.5.
.^
s
4
^
I
.1 ^ ^ I 4
\«
N
N
^1^
.^^"
^
V
¥
^
V^<
[ 1 ^ ^ ^ N^
V
i
N
j ^,N.<^
i M I ^
^^
^ ^ ^
'^
^
^
s
V
J
PRIVATE CORRESTONDENCE
OF
HENEY CLAY.
CHAPTER I.
OORRESPONDENOE E;R0IVI, 1801 TO 1815.
MB. CLAY TO JUDGE BROOKE.*
Lexington, December 30, 1801.
Dear Sir, — I have received as "well your letter by Mr. H.
Taylor, as the one Vritten a few days after, by the post.
I must request the favor of you to execute a small commission
for me. The Acts of the Virginia Legislature, passed prior to
the separation of this State, are extremely difficult to be procured,
even by collecting fugitive Acts, in this country ; but few indeed
of the public offices possess entire collections. Will you be so
obliging as to obtain for me, if you can, the old revisal, which
reaches, I believe, to the year 1766, the Chancellor revisal, and
the Acts passed since that, in a regular series to the year 1792.
The last is most desired, but I could wish to possess all. Your
revisal of 1791 would not answer my purpose, because it con-
tains laws not in force in this country, and, if my recollection
serves me, omits to give the respective dates of the passages of
each law, all-important in many cases. These books you will
be pleased to forward to^ William Taylor, Esq., merchant, in
Baltimore, from whom I can easily procure them ; or to either
of our representatives in Congress, Mr. Brown, Mr. Breckenridge,
* Mr. Glaj' and Judge Brooke, of Fredericksburg, V.a., were correspondents for
more than bnlf a eenturv. •
10 PRIVATE COREESPONDENCE
Fowler, or Davis, who will contrive some mode for them to get
to me. I suppose they may be obtained from the Council Cham-
ber.
What has become of the son of my much regretted friend,
your brother ? I feel myself under obligations of gratitude to
the father, which I should be happy of having an opportunity of
discharging to the son. What is the progress he has made in
his education ? We have in this place an university in a very
flourishing condition. Could you not spare him to me in this
country for two or three years ? I live at a short distance from
the buildings, have a small family, and need not add, that from
the cheapness of living in this country, his expense to me would
be extremely inconsiderable. We have, too, a distant hope of
getting Mr. Madison, from William and Mary, to take the man-
agement of our seminary. Be pleased to let me hear from you
on this subject. ,
JAMES BBOWN* TO MB. CLAT.
i
I Washikgton, September 16, 1804,
Deae Sir, — Your last letter was dated at the Springs, where
you were reveling in the enjoyments of ease, mirth, and engaging
society. Since that time you have probably experienced the
bustle and solicitude attendant on an election, for I discover youi
name at the head of the list of successful candidates.
********
Nancy [Mrs. Brown] was delighted at finding that Lucretia
[Mrs. Clay, sister of Mrs. Brown] had overcome her repugnance
to w-riting, and by the next post replied to her letter. She begs
me to press upon you the task of urging her to write more fre-
quently, and authorizes me to declare that although her corre-
spondents are numerous, Lucretia's letters shall ever receive prompt
answers.
I have written to so many of my friends to-day, that I have
much against my inclination, defrauded you of your share. My
afiectionate wishes for the happiness of yourself and family wait
upon you.
* James Bro-wn, brother-in-law of' Mr. Clay, afterward American minister at
Paris.
OF HENRY CLAY. 11
JOHN ADAIH TO MR. CLAY.
Lexington, August 15, 1805.
gljt *******
I need make no farther apology for calling your recollection to the
handbill that was shown in Frankfort last November, implicating
my political principles as inimical to Mr. Jefferson and republic-
anism. From an application to Mr. Taylor and others who
were present, it appears that the. conversation alluded to took
place principally between you and myself, although in. presence
of several gentlemen. I wish you now to recollect, as far as you
can, the nature of that conversation — in what manner I spoke of
the amendment to the Federal Constitution, whether positively
as bad, or whether I did not merely doubt its future operation as
unfavorable to republicanism, stating, as my reason, that it had
been urged by the Federalists under the former Administration,
and opposed by the party who had now carried it in opposition
to them. I wish you likewise to state in what manner and by
whom General Pinckney's name was first introduced, whether I
discovered the least displeasure with the administration, or tal-
ents, or personal character of Mr. Jefferson ; on the contrary,
whether I did not say I would prefer him as President to any
man in the Union ; but observed that the people of America
ought not to think their liberty or happiness depended on the
election of any individual, but on their steady adherence to a
virtuous observance of their laws.
Your answer by post to Frankfort will be deemed a favor.
MB. CLAY TO JOHN ADAIB.
Lexington, August 24, 1805.
Sir, — Yours of the 15th instant, addressed to me at the Olym-
pian Springs, did not reach me until a few days ago at Paris, or
it should have been earlier answered.
I recollect, during the session of the Assembly of 1803, having
had one or more conversations with you relative to the amend-
ment of the Federal Constitution, providing for a designation of
the President and Vice-President in the votes to be given for
those officers. But I regret that my memory does not enable me
to detail the particulars of those conversations. I remember,
however, that you expressed doubts as to the propriety of the
12 PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE
proposed amenument, urged some arguments to prove that the
existing provision was best, and suggested your fears that a
change would produce mischievous consequences. Whether
your opinion was matured or not I can not say, but I do not
think you expressed one decisively. If the name of General
Pinckney was mentioned, and how or by whom it was intro-
duced, at the times of the conversations, or at any of them, it
has escaped my memory. I have heard you speak of that gen-
tleman, I think, more than once, in terms of high respect, and
it may have been when the topic of conversation was the amend-
ment ; but I do not believe that you drew any parallel between
Mr. Jefferson and him, or contended that he was equally well
qualilied to fill the presidential chair.
When I saw the handbill to which you allude, I was surprised
at some of the sentiments there ascribed to you ; and am inclined
to think had they been avowed in my presence and hearing, that
they would have made an impression which would be still fresh.
JAMES BROWN TO MK. CLAY.
New Orleans, March 12, 1805.
Deak Sir, — I received, two mails ago, your very acccptabie
favor of the 28th of January, and should sooner have answered
it but for the pressure of business arising from two courts in
session at the same time. I rejoice at every assurance I receive
of the health and happiness of a family to whom I feel every
attachment which a consciousness of their worth and a recollec-
tion of their friendship can inspire. The hope of a rapturous
meeting with you shortly, consoles me under an absence which,
without this delightful expectation, would be insupportable.
With the young portion of my relations I feel confident of an
interview, but poor old Colonel Hart* — am I never to see him
again ? He has frightened me by the very circumstance which
he mentions as ilattering to his hope of long life. He informs
me that his weight has increased twenty-three pounds since his
return from the Springs. I consider this as an unfavorable
omen, but will feel perfectly relieved from all apprehensions if
he survives the month of March.
********
* Father-in-l.aw of Mr. Brown and Mr. Clay.
OF HENRY CLAY. 13
It gives me real pleasure to hear from every quarter that you
stand in Kentucky at the head of your profession. May you
soon grow rich, and be able to retire from a profession, the duties
of which are too severe in that inclement climate for the most
robust constitution. My retreat from your State saved my life.
One winter more would have fixed upon me a confirmed con-
sumption. Here I have renewed my youth.
Nancy has written to Lucretia. She enjoys good health, good-
spirits, and, as you may suppose, the esteem of all who know
her.
Let me hear from you more frequently.
AARON BURR TO MR. CLAY.
Louisville, November 2Y, 1806.
Dear Sir, — ^Information has this morning been given to me
that Mr. Davies has recommenced his prosecution and inqhiry.
I must entreat your professional aid in this business. It would
be disagreeable to me to form a new connection, and various
considerations will, it is hoped, induce you, even at some person-
al inconvenience, to acquiesce in my request. I shall, however,
insist on making a liberal pepuniary compensation. The delay
of your journey to Washington for a few days can not be very
material. No business is done in Congress till after New Years.
I pray you to repair to Frankfort on receipt of this.
AARON BURR TO MR. CLAY.
Feankfoet, December 1, 180C.
Sir, — I have no design, nor have I taken any measure to pro-
mote a dissolution of the Union, or a separation of any one or
more States from the residue. I have neither published a line
on this subject nor has any one, through my agency, or with my
knowledge. I have no design to intermeddle with the Govern-
ment or to disturb the tranquillity of the United States, or of its
territories, or any part of them. I have neither issued, nor signed,
nor promised a commission to any person for any purpose. I do
not own a musket nor a bayonet, nor any single article of mili-
tary stores, nor does any person for me, by my authority or with
my knowledge.
14 PKIVATE COEEESPONDENCE
My views have been fully explained to, and approved by, seve-
ral of the principal officers of Government, and, I believe, are
well understood by the administration and seen by it with com-
placency. They are such as every man of honor and every
good citizen must approve.
Considering the high station you now fill in our national coun-
cils* I have thought these explanations proper, as well to counter-
act the chimerical tales which malevolent persons have so in-
dustriously circulated, as to satisfy you that you have not es-
poused the cause of a man in any way unfriendly to the laws,
the government, or the interests of his country.
AABON'BUHR TO MB. CLAr.
Lewis lira, half past 3.
SiK, — At nine this morning Mr. Jordan received yoxir letter in
reply to one which he wrote at my request.
I have just arrived wet, and something fatigued, and send to
inquire whether my presence in court is now deemed necessary
or expedient.
I pray you to consider yourself as my counsel in the business
moved by Mr. D. A more technical application will be made
when I shall have the pleasure to see you. An early interview,
at this house, would very much gratify me.
MR. CLAY TO THOMAS M. PRENTISS
Crry or WAsniNOTON, February 15, ISOfJ.
Dear Sib, — I received your agreeable favor, with its inclosure,
for which accept my thanks. Your New Year's ode was well
adapted to the object in view, and the perusal of it afforded me
much pleasure.
Colonel Burr has supplied much fund of conversation. No
doubt is now entertained here of his having engaged in schemes
of the most daring and illegal kind. Having left Kentucky under a
belief that he was innocent, it was with no little surprise upon
my arrival here that I found I had been deceived. Entertaining
ihe opinion I did, I ventured at Chillicothe to speak with some
* Mr. Clay was now Senator of the United States.
OP HENEY CLAY. 16
freedom upon measures proposed there of a harsh character, and
unjustified, as it appeared to me, by pubUe exigences. It is to
this cause that the strictures upon my conduct, alluded to in
yours, are owing. They give me no pain, as I am conscious of
having participated in no illegal projects of Burr, and know that
I will not i)e suspected of having done so by any who know
me.
Alexander has been discharged for want of proof. BoUmar
and Swartwout remain in custody. They applied to the Su-
preme Court of the United States, now in session, for a writ of
habeas corpus. Some of the judges doubted their power to
grant it, as it was not included within the enumerated powers
conferred upon that tribunal in the Constitution. The question
has been discussed, and three judges to two [Chase and John-
son] have determined in favor of the application. The prisoners
are to be brought before the Court to-day.
The papers inform you of the great events passing upon the
European theater. A measure has been lately taken by Bona-
parte of a most gigantic nature, the declaration that the islands
of Great Britain are in a state of blockade. It is said that our
minister at Paris has written on to Government that our com-
merce is not to be affected by it ; I apprehend, however, that it
will subject it to much embarrassment.
The session of Congress has not been so interesting as I had
anticipated. No questions in relation to our foreign intercourse,
involving much discussion, have been agitated ; every thing de-
pends upon the result of pending negotiations, and this will not
be known, it is probable, until the session expires.
I expect to be accompanied to Kentucky by two young gen-
tlemen, one proposing the practice and the other the study of
the law. The latter will continue with me. I am glad to find
that you have been getting acquainted with Strange. He is a
valuable reporter, but occupies a second station only in the grade
of merit. I calculate upon finding you much improved in your
law knowledge. Two jvords will make any man of sound in-
tellect a lawyer, industry and application, and the same words
with a third, economy, will enable him to make a fortune.
My respects to your fellow-students ; and tell them they have
been very inattentive to me in not writing.
Present me also to the very amiable/and sensible man with
whom you reside. *■
16 PRIVATE COERI<:SPONDENCE
MB. BKOWN TO MB. CLAY.
New Orleans, September 1, 1808.
My deab Sib, — Before I had the pleasure of your last very
agreeable letter, the news of the death of our venerable friend
[Colonel Hart] had reached us. Although in some degree pre-
pared for the melancholy event by the account given in your
former letter of the state of his health, I yet felt the loss with a
degree of sensibility which was heightened by the regret I expe-
rienced by being forever denied the long expected pleasure of
giving him a gleam of happiness in his last days, by restor-
ing him the society of his beloved daughter. I need not tell
you that she has suffered. You know the sensibility of her
heart, and the warmth of her gratitude and attachment to the
best of fathers. Reflection, however, should teach us the duty
of yielding to the decrees of heaven. Our friend was not pre-
maturely snatched away from us. He has left no needy in-
fant orphans. He lived long and he lived well. His character
is set before his family as a model of public and private virtues,
worthy of their imitation. While they cherish his memory
may they never depart from the example he has left them.
*jf. .M. .It. .M. ..a:. .M.
■Jr TP "Jl* "Ir "IS" TT
I am sorry that you do not live in better times, for you have
talents to adorn a public station, and to be useful to your coun-
try. But to me character is more dear than every other thing ;
and can any man hope long to preserve it in the present miser-
able state of things ? You have carried your election. I am
rejoiced at it. Your enemies will be wounded. But I pray
you to quit public life, or muster up sufficient philosophy to bear
up under all the hard names with which you will be christened
in the papers. You are, it seems, a Burrite. If Wilkinson de-
serves to be believed, seven thousand men in your State deserved
the same opprobrious title. What you may next be called is
uncertain ; but as long as you retain your brains and your inde-
pendence you will be abused. Republicanism demands that a
man of talents should be kept down by detraction. Too much
genius, like too much wealth, destroys equality, the very soul
of democracy. But I forbear. You will say I have become
splenetic, or rather that I have always been subject to that in-
firmity. Nothing is further from the fact. Ever since my arrival
in this merry dancing country my temper has remained unruffled,
OP HENRY CLAY. , 17
with the exception of Wilkinson's winter of horrors. In do-
mestic life I have nothing to wish, and my practice has been
more prosperous than I had any right to expect. It is with pleas-
ure that I discover that your rage for electioneering has not
diverted your mind from the main point; and that the people,
while they rail at the profession of 'aw, vie with each other in
fiUing the coffers of its professors. Happy in the bosom of your
family may you long enjoy the fruits of your labors, and trans-
mit liberal educations and competent fortunes to your descend-
ants !******
Present my affectionate regards to Lucretia and the family.
MK. CLAY TO JUDGE BKOOKE.
Washington, January 26, IStl.
My dear Sir, — I received your favor inclosing a statement
relative to Garland's debt, and bank notes amounting to f 35,
being $'3 more than was the balance agreeably to the state-
ment. I have since received a letter from Mr. Hoomes, in
which he acknowledges that I have overpaid the proportion of
the purchase of Buzzard coming from me. But as I have the
collection, in Kentucky, of some money for his father's estate,
there will be no difRculty in adjusting the excess. I am much
indebted to the kindness of your brother and yourself for your
attention to this matter, and . I can not agree that he shall be
without compensation for his trouble. I must, therefore, request
that you will pay him $20, for which, as well as for the $3
above mentioned, you shall be credited in the taxes upon your
land. I do not think the present a very favorable period for
selling your land^ which I have no doubt is gradually rising in
value. If, however, you are desirous to effect a sale, your ob-
ject would probably be facilitated by such a descriptive survey
of it as you mention. I can hardly suppose a survey necessary
to the perpetuation of the boundaries ; surveys in that county
having been generally made in connection, in such manner that
they tend to prove each other, and the removal of the corner
of one would derange the whole block. Instances have, indeed,
occurred there of such fraudulent attempts ; but I believe they are
rare. Should you desire to possess such an account of the qual-
2
18 PBIVATE COIiEESPONDENCE
ity of your lands as will enable you to satisfy the inquiries of
purchasers, I need not say that, on this, as well as any other
matter interesting to you, I shall take pleasure in promoting
your wishes.
MR. CLAT TO
.*
LEXiNGToif, July 9, 1811.
Dear Sir, — In acknowledging the receipt of yonr favor of
the 7th inst., cdvering $100 for the Lexington Library, I must
say you have furnished, what was not wanted, an additional
evidence of that devotion to literature, and that disinterested
liberality, which you have invariably so eminently displayed.
I fear that, in this instance, your mimificence has exceeded the
bounds of self-justice, by the appropriation of a sum not war-
ranted by the proceeds of the orations, with which you have
favored us. Under this impression, I was about to obey my first
impulse of soliciting you to permit me to return your benevolent
donation. But apprehensive that, in so doing, I might excite
some unpleasant sensation, I determined to give it the direction
which your goodness has prescribed, and invest it in such of the
books contained in your list, as are not already in the Library,
which will be not more appreciated for their enlightened con-
tents than by a recollection of the distinguished source whence
they have proceeded.
liANGDON CHEVES TO MR. CLA1.
Washington (Davis' Hotel), July 30, 1812.
Dear Sir, — Yours of the 15th July, inst., I received yesterday,
at Philadelphia, at the very moment I was getting into the stage
on my way to Carolina. *****
You ask me, " What notice you ought to take of Randolph's
reply ?" certainly none — none whatever. Were you to notice
it he would reply again, and it would never terminate. He
spoke with great truth in the beginning of the last session, when
he said the " Speaker of the House of Representatives was the
second man in the nation ;" and if this be true, as I think it is,
it does not become the Speaker to enter into altercations with
any member of the House, or even of the nation, in a public
• The address of this letter is not given.
OF HENRY CLAT. 19
justification of his conduct, any more than it does to the first
man in the nation — the President. I, therefore, thought you
originally wrong. But if any notice of Mr. R.'s first publication
was right, it was taken by you exactly in the manner, temperate
and dignified, in which it ought to have been noticed. I think,
as the question stands, you have entirely the advantage of the
argument; and I think you would egregiously err, as the
Speaker of the House of Representatives (it would be entirely
different were it a question between Mr. Clay and Mr. R.) to put
it on any other footing,than that of argument. I have not heard
one sentence on the subject of his reply, of any kind, from any
person, except one in my own family, which resulted from my
having received a copy of it, through the Post-office, from him-
self— it was not one to your prejudice. On this subject, although
about the latitude of debate we differ, I am entirely and decidedly
of opinion you are right ; and that, I think, is enough for you
as Speaker. I am sure of this, whether you think me right or
wrong, you will be certain that I give you candid advice.
I have not a doubt of your willingness to put the question
personally on any footing whatever, that might be deemed proper.
But any such notice of it on your part would be most inexcusably
wrong. It is always to be remembered that it is the Speaker
and Mr. R. who are engaged ; and really I should be afraid my-
self of the freedom of speech, if the Chair were supported in that
way. No; if you had any feelings leading yon that way, it
would be a sacred public duty to suppress them. I ought to
have said, besides, that there is not even a plausible reason and
occasion for any such notice were you viewed merely as any
other individual of the community. Present my most respectful
compliments to Mrs. Clay. I have only arrived here fifteen
minutes, and go away on my journey in fifteen more. I am,
therefore, in great haste.
JAMES MONKOE TO MB. CLAT.
Washington, Aiigiist 28, 1812.
Mt Dear Sir, — ^Yours of the 29th ultimo and 12th instant
have been received. The former should have been answered
sooner, had I not been absent in Virginia, where I had gone to
to take my family for the advantage of our mountain air.
20 PRIVATE COERESPONDENCE
We have just heard with equal astonishment and concern, that
General Hull has surrendered, by capitulation, the army under
his command at Detroit, to the British force opposed to him.
The circumstances attending this most mortifying and humiliat-
ing event are not known ; but, so far as we are informed on the
subject, there appears to be no justification of it. I can not
suspect his integrity ; I rather suppose that a panic had seized
the whole force, and that he and they became victims of his^
want of energy, promptitude of decision, and those resources, the
characteristics of great minds in difficult emergencies. - We under-
stand that, after passing the river, he suffered his communication
to be cut off with the States of Ohio and Kentucky, and without
making any active movement in front to strike terror into the
enemy, he remained tranquil, thereby evincing a want of confi-
dence in his own means, and giving time to collect his forces
together. No intelligence justifies the belief that he gave battle
in a single instance. It appears that he surrendered on a sum-
mons from Fort Saiidwich, on the opposite side of the river, after
the firing of some cannon or mortars, which did no great mis-
chief.
Before this disastrous event was known, the force, now, I pre-
sumej on its march, was ordered from Kentucky, and the ap-
pointment of brigadier had been conferred on Governor Harrison.
Your letters had produced all the effect on those subjects, which
their solidity justly merited.
I most sincerely wish that the President could dispose of me,
at this juncture, in the military line. If circumstances would
permit, and it should be thought that I could render any service,
I would, in a very few days, join our forces assembling beyond
the Ohio, and endeavor to recover the ground which we have
lost. He left this to-day for Virginia, as did Mr. Gallatin for
New York, but expresses being sent for them, they will probably
both return to-morrow.
WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON TO MR. CLAT.
Cincinnati, Aiigust 29, 1812.
I write to yon, my dear sir, amid a thousand interruptions,
and I do it solely for the purpose of showing you that you
are present to my recollection, undgr circumstances that would
almost justify a suspension of every private feeling. The m-
OF HENRY CLAY. 21
mored disasters upon our nortli-'western frontier, are now ascer-
tained to be correct. The important point of Mackinac was sur-
rendered without an effort ; an army captured at Detroit, after
receiving three shots from a distant battery of the enemy (and
from the range of which it was easy to retire), a fort [Chicago],
in the midst of hostile tribes of Indians, ordered to be evacu-
ated, and the garrison slaughtered ; the numerous north-western
tribes of Indians (with the exception of two feeble ones), in
arms against us, is the distressing picture which presents itself
to view in this part of the country. To remedy all these
misfortunes, I have an army competent in numbers, and in spirit
equal to any that Greece or Rome ever boasted of, but desti-
tute of artillery, of many necessary equipments, and absolutely
ignorant of every military evolution, nor have I but a single
individual capable of assisting me in training them. But I beg
you to believe, my dear sir, that this retrospect of my situation,
far from producing despondency, produces a contrary effect, and
I feel confident of being able to surmount them all. The
grounds of this confidence are a reliance on my own zeal and
perseverance, and a perfect conviction that no such materials
for forming an invincible army ever existed, as the volunteers
which have marched from Kentucky on the present occasidn.
Fort Wayne is in imminent danger. Governor Meiggs is col-
lecting a body of mounted men at Urbanna, and I suppose wUl
send them to relieve Fort Wayne, before I can get up with the
infantry. I dispatched Garrard's troop this morning, with orders
to join any corps (at Piqua) which may be destiiied for that
object. The three regiments of infantry marched also this
morning ; I shall follow and overtake them to-morrow. Should
the relief of Fort Wayne not have beeri attempted, or the
attenlpt have failed, it will be my first object upon 'my arrival at
Piqua. I have made every arrangement in my power to facili-
tate the march of the regiments which are expected from Ken-
tucky, after they shall arrive here, but I fear that I shall be
obliged to advance from Piqua without them. With the assist-
ance of a number of mounted men, however, which Governor
Me^gs can supply,- 1 may do pretty well. With troops that are
awkward, and who, of course, maneuver slowly, mounted men
are absolutely indispensable to mask their evolutions. »
I am so much interrupted, that I can only add that I am your
friend, etc.
22 PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE
WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON TO MB. CLAT.
Cincinnati, August 30, 1812.
Mr Dear Sir, — After having been absent from home for so
many months you will no doubt think it unreasonable that you
should be asked to take a considerable journey, and that on an
occasion entirely foreign to your ordinary public duties. I know
you, however, too well, not to believe that sacrifices of private
convenience will be always made to render service to your
country. Without further preamble then, I inform you that
in my opinion, your presence on the frontier of this State
would be productive of great advantages. I can assure you
that your advice and assistance in determining the course of
operations for the army (to the command of which I have
been designated by your recommendation), will be highly use-
ful. You are not only pledged in some manner for my con-
duct, but for the success of the war — ^for God's sake, then, come
on to Piqua as quickly as possible, and let us endeavor to throw
off from the administration that weight of reproach which the
late disasters will heap upon them. If you come, bring on
McKee with you, whom you will overtake upon the road. An
extract from this letter will be authority for the commanding
officer of his regiment to let him come.
JAMES MONROE TO MR. CLAT.
Washington, September 17, 1812.
My dear Sir, — I have had the pleasure to receive several let-
ters from you in relation to our affairs to the westward, and I
hope that one which I wrote you on the receipt of the first, has
long since reached its destination. Every effort has been made
by the government to remedy the shameful and disastrous loss
of the army and fort at Detroit, and I hope the best effects will
result from them. In aid of the force which has so generously
volunteered its service from Kentucky and Ohio, fifteen hundred
are ordered from Pennsylvania, and a like number from Virginia,
so that I think you will have on the borders of Lake Erie, early
in the next month, eight thousand or ten thousand men, well
equipped, prepared to march on to recover the ground lost, and re-
sume the conquest of Upper Canada. I have the utmost confi-
OF HENRT CLAY. 23
r
dence in the success of the expedition which is set on foot, he-
cause the spirit of the people appears to be roused to that state
which is best adapted to manly and heroic achievements. I am
willing to trust to their sense of honor and to their patriotism, to
efface the stigma which has been fixed on our national character.
I hope they will exhibit a noble contrast to that degenerate spirit
which has of late, and continues to exhibit itself to the eastward,
in the dominant party there. The command of this force is com-
mitted to Governor Harrison, who, it is believed, will justify the
favorable expectation entertained of him by those who are best
acquainted with his merit. You and our other friends in Ken-
tucky will find that the utmost attention has been paid to your
opinions and wishes on all these subjects.
A large park of heavy artillery is sent on to Pittsburg, to be
forwarded 'thence toward Cleveland, for the use of the army,
whose duty it will be to retake Detroit, and expel the British
from Maiden and Upper Canada. In short, every arrangement is
made to give effect to our operations in that quarter that has ap-
peared to be necessary.
On the intelligence of the surrender of Detroit, the President
expressed a desire to avail himself of my services in that quarter,
and had partly decided so to do. He proposed that I should go
in the character of a volunteer, with the rank of major general,
to take the command of the forces. I expressed my willingness
to obey the summons, although it was sudden and unexpected,
as indeed the event which suggested the idea was. On mature
reflection, however, he concluded that it would not be proper for
me to leave my present station at the present juncture. I had no
opinion on the subject, but was prepared to act in any situation
in which it might be thought I might be most useful.
From the northern army we have nothing which inspires a
confident hope of any brilliant' success. The disaffection in that
quarter has paralyzed every effort of the government,, and ren-
dered inoperative every law of Congress ; I speak comparatively
with what might have been expected. On the public mind,
however, a salutary effect is produced even there, by the events
which have occurred. Misfortune and success have alike dimin-
ished the inlluence of foreign attachments and party animosities,
and contributed to draw the people closer together. The surren-
der of our army excited a general grief, and the naval victory a
general joy. Inveterate Toryism itself was compelled, in both
24 PEIVATE CORKESPONDENCE
instances, to disguise its character and hide its feelings, by ap-
pearing to sympathize with those of the nation. If Great Britain
does not come forward soon and propose honorable conditions, I
am convinced that the war will become a national one, and will
terminate in the expulsion of her force and power from the con-
tinent.
Should you see my old and venerable friend, General Scott, I
beg you to present my best regards to him.
MK. clay's passport TO GOTTENBUEG.
To all who shall see these presents, greeting :
The President of the United States of America having ap-
pointed the Honorable Henry Clay, late Speaker of' the House
of Representatives, a Minister Plenipotentiary and Extraordinary,
in conjunction with John Quincy Adams, James A. Bayard, and
Jonathan Russell, Esquires, to negotiate and sign a treaty of
peace with Great Britain ; and the said Henry Clay, who is the .
bearer hereof, being now on his way to Gottenburg, in the king-
dom of Sweden, for the purpose of fulfilling the objects of his
mission ; These are to request all officers of the United States
aforesaid, civil and military, the officers and subjects of powers
in amity with the said United States, and all others whom it
may concern, not to offer to the said Henry Clay any hinderance
or molestation whatsoever ; but, on the contrary, to afford to
him and to his secretaries and attendants, with their baggage, all
necessary aid, comfort, and protection.
In faith whereof, I, James Monroe, Secretary of State for the
United States of America, have hereunto subscribed my name
and affixed the seal of my office.
Given at Washington City, this 4th day of February, A. D.
1814, and in the thirty-eighth year of American Independence.
MRS. CLAY TO MB. CLAY.
"Washington, March 10.
My DEAR Husband, — Mr. Barker called to-day to let me know
that he has an opportunity of sending letters to Gottenburg, and
oifered to take charge of one for you. I heard the other day
OF HENRY CLAY. 25
from Lexington that it is more sickly than it ever has heen.
Nelly Hart had twelve negroes sick ; Theodore wrote me that
all om- family were well. The children that I have with me are
all well, and Henry is always talking of yon, he comes up and
kisses me for his papa. I long very much to be at home with
my family, for I am very dreary here as I do not pay visits ; in-
deed I found I could not go out without you in the evening, but
I do all in my power to keep me from being melancholy. Our
suit in this court was tried the other day ; I have not heard that
it is decided. Mr. Wickliff started on Sunday last for Kentucky.
Mrs. Brown has at last made up her mind to go home with me
and spend the summer. Judge Todd and his lady have been
very polite to me since you left this ; the Judge called the
other day to examine the light wagon we were to have got from
Mr. L. but he found it so completely worn out that I determined
not to take it ; we shall I hope get on without it. Mr. Bibb paid
me the f 500 as soon as he got here. You need not make your-
self the^ least' uneasy on our account, for I believe we shall do
very well. Mr. Granger has been turned out of office. A great
many blame Mr. Madison. Susan and Ann send their love to
you. May God spare you to us. Do take care of yourself for
our sakes
MB. CEAWTOED TO ME. CLAT.
Paris, April 8, 1814.
Dear Sie, — The events which have within a few days
passed in this city, and in its neighborhood, have changed every
thing in Prance but the character of the Parisians, and perhaps
of Frenchmen in. general.
On the 30th ult. a battle was fought in the vicinity of Paris
by thg French troops under the Duke of Ragusa, amounting to
between fifteen and twenty thousand men, and the grand allied
army. The loss was considerable on both sides, but that of the
Allies was more than double. It is estimated from eight to ten
thousand men. The disparity in the loss was the result of the
strong positions of the French troops, and the desire of the Allies
to get possession of the capital before the arrival of the Emper-
or Napoleon, who was advancing by rapid , marches upon their
rear. This desire was so predominant that they made no attempt
26 PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE
to turn these positions, but marched directly up to the intrench-
ments, where they were repulsed four or five times. The battle
commenced about 4 o'clock A. M. and finished about the same
time in the evening. The Duke of Ragusa entered into a con-
vention by which he agreed to evacuate the city, taking with
him all his baggage, ammunition and artillery.
The next day the Emperor of Russia and King of Prussia en-
tered Paris at the head of about fifty thousand of the finest troops
in the world. The remainder of their immense army either defiled
on the north or south side of the city, or remained in their po-
sitions on the east, which was the field of battle. The Emper-
or of Russia, with his Minister of Foreign Relations, went di-
rectly to the house of the Prince of Benevento, who convened
the Senate the same evening, and' had himself and three of his
friends, with one devoted Bourbonite, named to the provisional
government. The Senate had deposed Napoleon Bonaparte, and
directed the provisional government to form a Constitution, which
has been accomplished, and accepted by the Senate and the small
portion of the Legislative corps who are now in Paris. The Moni-
teur of this day contains this Constitution, which you Avill prob-
ably see before you receive this letter. The monarchy is declared
to be hereditary in the house of Bouibon in the male line. The
present Senators remaining Senators of the realm by the same
tenure. The Senate to consist of one hundred and fifty at least,
and not more than two hundred. The ancient and new nobility to
remain. All Frenchmen to be capable of filling all the offices of
the government. The members of the legislative corps to hold
their offices for five years, and to be elected directly by the people.
The proceedings of the Senate and of the provisional govern-
ment, have overturned the authority of the Emperor with his
army, and especially with his ablest generals. He seems to have
sunk without an efi"ort, at least without an effort corresponding in
any degree with his former fame. Such at least is the conclu-
sion which I draw from the facts which are communicated to the
public. It is possible that these facts may be misrepresented. I
believe, however, that it is certain, that he has agreed to retire
with his family to the Isle of Elba upon a pension of six mil-
lions of livrcs. From the moment that he saw that it was im-
possible for him to reign he ought to have died. The manner
was in his election. A strange infatuation seems to have in-
fluenced his conduct during the last six months. Still relying
OF HENRY CLAY. 27
upon his talents and his power he refused, at Prague, to secure
at least the iieutrality of Austria, by giving her every thing she
required. After having retreated across the Rhine he rekictantly
accepted the basis which the Allies proposed, and which there is
some reason to believe they were sincerely disposed to adopt.
Lord Castlereagh's mission, however, according to the best view
of the subject which I have been able to take, was intended
solely to prevent this accommodation. Time will prove the ac-
curacy or inaccuracy of this opinion. There must have been
great address employed in managing the Emperor of Austria,
who had rejected all idea of overthrowing the reigning dynasty.
The infatuation of the Emperor, and his arrogance to his father-
in-law (if we are to credit reports apparently well founded),
greatly contributed to the success of the arts employed by the
British Secretary. That the Emperor of Austria has been duped
is clearly established by the declaration of the Allies after the
breaking up of the Congress at Chatillon, and by the conduct of
Lord Wellington. This declaration states that up to the 15th
of March they were ready to make peace with the Emperor Na-
poleon, whereas the address of Lord Wellington, on the 2d of
February, declares Louis XVIII. and raises the Bourbon stand-
ard. The introduction of the ancient dynasty is not accepta-
ble to the great body of the people of Paris. Even now, after
the Senate and. provisional government have declared for that
dynasty, there is not one man in a hundred who puts on the
white cockade. On the day of the entry of the allied sover-
eigns, all the persons devoted to their ancient kings endeavored
to make themselves as conspicuous as possible, and to conceal
the smallness of their numbers by continual change of place.
Exertions were made to excite popular feeling and popular tumult,
but without eflfect. But for the National Guard popular tumult
would have been excited, perhaps, but not in favor of the Bour-
bons. If the mob of Paris had been put in motion it would
have been in favor of a free government.
The men now in power would, as far as I have been able to
judge, have preferred the succession of the King of Rome,
with a regency provided by the Empress ; but the Emperor
Alexander, who, under the modest exterior of submitting every
thing to the will' of the French people, dictates to the Senate
and provisional government, at least this article of their Constitu-
tion.
28 PRIVATE CORBESPONDENCE
I did not anticipate precisely the manner in which this Euro-
pean peace was to he consummated. I most sincerely wish you
complete success in your negotiations, although I apprehend that
great difficulties will be presented. Under existing circumstan-
ces, if peace is made, I presume that the treaty will be very
short, concluding nothing but peace and the restoration of what
territory may be in the hands of either party by conquest, if
there is any such.
P. S. I send this by the Secretary of the Danish Legation,
who sets out immediately for Copenhagen, which gives me no
opportunity for reflection or revision of this hasty scrawl, as 1
have just been informed of the fact of his setting out.
Ma. BATAED TO MR. CLAY.
London, April 20, 1814.
Dear Sir, — The mail of last evening brought the intelli-
gence of your arrival at Gottenburg. I present you my con-'
gratulations upon your safe passage across the Atlantic. Mr.
Gallatin and myself left St. Petersburg on the 25th of January,
and arrived at Amsterdam on the 4th of March. In that city
we received the fii'st advice of the direct negotiation proposed
to be held between the United States and Great Britain, at Got-
tenburg, and of the intention of our government to send addi-
tional commissioners from America. Knowing that some time
would elapse before your arrival in Europe, and also before the
appointment of commissioners on the part of this Government,
we thought it likely that more good might result from spending
the interval in this country rather than in Holland.
We came over on the 9th inst. at a moment not very propi-
tious for the objects we had in view. The Allies had taken
possession of Paris, and the next day brought the news of Bo-
naparte's/formal abdication of the thrones of France and Italy.
The intelligence completely turned the heads of all ranks who
seem to have thought of nothing since, but the means of mani-
festing their joy on the occasion.
It is much to be apprehended that this great and unexpected
event will have an unfavorable influence upon the state of afi"airs
between the United States and Great Britain. There is reason to
think that it has materially changed the views of the British
OF HENEY CLAY. 29
Ministry. In fact the sudden reduction of their naval and mili-
tary establishments would create much embarrassment, and the
American war furnishes too good a pretense to avoid it. And
the grisat augmentation of their disfjosable force presents an
additional temptation to prosecute the war. You must also
know that the temper of the country, is highly excited against
us, and decidedly expressed in favor of the continuance of hos-
tilities.
I do not pretend, however, to speak at present with any cer-
tainty of the intentions of the Government, for we have had no
communication with any member of it.
I think they have avoided any intercourse with us, but this
may be attributed to the absence of Lord Castlereagh and the
indisposition of the other ministers to interfere with the affairs
of his department.
We can not learn that any step has yet been taken toward the
selection of characters to be charged with the negotiation on
the part of this Government. It is stated, and upon such au-
thority as to deserve credit, that no appointment will be made
till the Government is officially notified of the appointment of
the American commissioners and of their arrival at the place of
rendezvous. Mr. G. and myself have thought it, therefore, of
sufficient importance to dispatch a special messenger to apprise
you of the fact, and to enable you by his return, without loss
of time, to make the official communication.
If there be a discretion on the subject, we would thoroughly
recommend that some town in Holland should be substituted in
lieu of Gottenburg, as the seat of the negotiation. There can
be no doubt that the change would facilitate and accelerate the
result. You may rely upon the friendly dispositions of the
Prince of Orange, of which we had distinguished proofs during
a short residence at Amsterdam.
- One of the first acts of the Government of the Prince, was to
nominate a minister to the United States.
I shall remain in London till I have the pleasure of hearing
from you, unless (which is not to be expected), in the mean time
commissioners should be appointed on the part of this Government.
This letter will be delivered to you by Colonel Milligan, who
accompanied me as private secretary to St. Petersburg. He is
deserving of your confidence, and I beg leave to recommend him
to your attentions.
30 PEIVATE COERESPONDEJSrCE
ALBERT GALLATIN TO MS. CLAT.
London, April 22, 1814.
Deah Sin, — ^We have just heard of your arrival, but have
received no letters, and I am yet ignorant whether I am one of
the new commission to treat of peace. My arrangements must
depend on that circumstance, and I wait with impatience for the
official account which you must have brought. For that reason
Mr. Bayard addresses you and Mr. Russel in his own name ; but
I coincide fully with him in the opinion that the negotiations
should by all means be opened here, or at least, in Holland, if
this is not rendered impracticable from the nature of the com-
mission. If this has unfortunately been limited to treating of
peace at Gottenburg, which seems highly improbable, there is
no remedy. But if the commission admits of a change of
place, I would feel no hesitation in removing them, at least, to
any other neutral place, whatever may be the language of the
instructions. For their spirit would be fully answered by treat-
ing in any other friendly country as well as if at Gottenburg.
On that point I feel great anxiety, because on account of the
late great changes in Europe, and of the increased difficulties
thence arising in making any treaty, I do believe that it would
be utterly impossible to succeed in that corner, removed from
every interference in our favor on the part of the European pow-
ers, and compelled to act with men clothed with limited author-
ities, and who might at all times plead a want of instructions.
You are sufficiently aware of the total change in our aflfairs
produced by the late revolution, and by the restoration of uni-
versal peace in the^ European world, from which we are alone
excluded. A well organized and large army is at once liberated
from any European employment, and ready, together with a
superabundant naval force, to act immediately against us. How
ill-prepared we are to meet it in a proper manner no one knows
better than yourself; but, above all, our own divisions and tlie hos-
tile attitude of the Eastern States give room to apprehend that a
continuance of the war might prove vitally fatal to the United
States.
I understand that the ministers, with whom we have not had
any direct intercourse, still profess to be disposed to make an
equitable peace. Bat the hope not of ultimate conquest, but of
a dissolution of the union, the convenient pretense which the
OF HENRY CLAY, 31
American war will afford to preserve large military establish-
ments, and above all the force of popular feeling may all unite
in inducing the cabinet in throwing impediments in the way of
peace. They will not, certainly, be disposed to make conces-
sions, nor probably displeased at a failure of negotiations. That
the war is popular, and that national pride, inflated by the last
unexpected success, can not be satisfied without what they call
the chastisement of America, can not be doubted. The mass
of the people here know nothing of American politics but
through the medium of federal speeches and newspapers faith-
fully transcribed in their own journals. They do not even sus-
pect that we have any just cause of complaint, and consider us
altogether as the aggressors, and as allies of Bonaparte. In thesp
opinions it is understood that the ministers, do not participate ;
but it will really require an effort on their part to act contrary to
public opinion ; and they must, even if perfectly sincere, use
great caution and run some risk of popularity. A direct, or at
least, a very near intercourse with them is therefore highly im-
portant, as I have no doubt that they would go further them-
selves than they would be willing to intrust any other person.
To this must be added, that Lord Castlereagh is, according to the
best information I have been able to collect, the best disposed
man in the cabinet, and that coming from France and having
had intercourse with the Emperor Alexander, it is not improba-
ble that these dispositions may have been increased by the per-
sonal expression of the Emperor's wishes in favor of peace with
America. Whatever advantage may be derived from that cir-
cumstance and from the Emperor's arrival here, would be alto-
gether lost at Gottenburg.
I have confined my letter to this single point, and hoping
soon to hear from you and from Mr. Russell to whom you will
present my best compliments.
MR. KUSSELL TO MR. CLAY.
Stockholm, April 26, 1814.
Dear Sir, — I did not reach this place until yesterday, a little
before noon. The roads were very fine, but the weather, after
the first day, execrable. I have announced my arrival to the
minister, and he has assigned one o'clock to-morrow for our first
32 PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE
interview, when I shall probably learn when I may expect to be
presented to the king. This place, as far as I have yet seen
it, promises to be agreeable.
Mr. Speyer received this morning a letter from Mr. Adams,
dated the 11th of this month, in which he says he purposes to
leave St. Petersburg about the 20th of this month, and hopes to
arrive somewhere in Sweden, by the 1st of May — probably at
Stockholm. This route, he says, will depend upon the ther-
mometer of the next ten days.
I shall endeavor to complete my preparatory errand here, in
season, to join Mr. Adams in his progress toward Gottenburg,
should he come this way.
, If you hear any thing of our wandering colleagues, please
communicate it to me, as well as every thing else of an interest-
ing nature at your residence.
Please say to our worthy secretary, and to Captain Angus, that
I think Stockholm will fully indemnify them for the fatigue and
expense of a visit.
I shall occasionally report progress, and give you a sketch of
the times here. Make my compliments to Mr. Carroll.
MR. RUSSELL TO ME. CLAT.
Stookiioim, May 8, 1814.
My dear Sir, — I received, day before yesterday, your com-
munication, by the Consul General of Portugal, but not in season
to return an answer by the mail of that day.
With regard to our power to enter into the negotiation else-
where than at Gottenburg, I think the view which you have
taken is quite satisfactory. A restriction of this power having
been omitted in the commission, by the express direction of the
President, appears to explain sufficiently his intentions, and to
leave us at liberty, notwithstanding the incidental insertion of
" Gottenburg" in the instructions, to treat wherever we may
have the most promising prospect of success.
The only point, therefore, which retnains for consideration, is
that of expediency, and the reasons m-ged by Mr. Gallatin, Mr.
Bayard, and yourself, have great weight.
The apprehension of any serious evil from this quarter, occa-
sioned by our change of position, is, I trust, without foundation.
OF HENRY CLAY. 33
I regret, however, that I had not known the opinions of Messrs.
Gallatin and ■ Bayard in season to have shaped my communica-
tions here accordingly. Something like a retrograde movement
will now be necessary, and it may require some address to recon-
cile this Government to the new arrangement. I hope it may
he in our power to throw the responsibility on the British Gov-
ernment, but am somewhat afraid the original proposition will
appear to have come from our colleagues.
My personal convenience and inclination are, indeed, opposed
to the change, but considerations of this kind must yield to those
of public utility.
I am placed rather in an awkward predicament by your com-
munication, as the uncertainty in which it leaves our ultimate
location, disqualifies me from adapting my movements here with
sufficient precision to either alternative. This is a situation truly
diplomatic, but I pray you to relieve me from its embarrassments
the first moment it is in your power to do so.
I had, on the 29th ultimo, my presentations successively to the
King, the Queen, the Duke of Sudermania, and the Princess
Sophia. The early day assigned for this ceremony may be con-
sidered as some proof of a friendly disposition toward us.
The Crown Prince was to leave Paris on the 23d ultimo, and
will probably be here by the 20th of this month. I hope, there-
fore, to have an opportunity of seeing him before my departure
from Stockholm.
I wrote you soon after my arrival here, but my letter does not
appear to have been received at the date of yours. I hear noth-
ing more of Mr. Adams, but as the navigation is now open from
Abo, he will probably soon be in Sweden. ,
Please remember me kindly to Mr. Carroll, and Captain Angus
and his officers.
MH. CEAWFORD TO MK. CLAY.
Paeis, June 10, 1814.
Mt dear Sir, — Mr. Carroll arrived a few days ago, and
brought me your letters of the 10th and 14th ultimo. The
change in the place of the negotiation for peace will enable me
to write to you frequently, and will afford me the pleasure of
receiving from you the most interesting details upon the advances
which you shall make from day to day in the work of peace,.
8
34 PRIVATE COKRESPONDENCE
My expectations of a happy result are not sfrong. The arrogance
of the enemy was never greater than at the present moment.
The infatuation of that nation exckides almost the possibility of
peace. The ministry are represented as being very temperate
and moderate. In my former communications I have stated the
reasons -which I have for doubting the sincerity of their profes-
sions of moderation: I may have been wrong in my inferences.
I wish that the result may correct me of this error. Admitting
the possibility that the British ministers will consent to make
peace, without deciding any thing upon the question of impress-
ment, will your instructions justify you in accepting it ? So far
as I am acquainted with the nature of those instructions, their
letter will not. But these instructions were given at a time when
the great changes which have intervened in Europe were not
only unknown, but wholly unexpected. What will be the effect
which these changes will produce upon the determinations of
the Government ? Will the Government, after they are informed
of these changes, give directions to conclude peace, leaving the
question of impressment open to further negotiation ? Will it
consent to a peace which shall make no mention of this question ?
I presume it will. If the negotiators shall be of this opinion,
ought they to hesitate to accept, in the most prompt manner, of
a peace which they are convinced the Government will instruct
them to make, as soon as it is informed of the actual state of
things ? I should answer promptly, No. A peace which omits
the question of impressment entirely, will leave the American
Government at perfect liberty to apply the proper remedy, when-
ever the evil shall be felt. I do not believe that you will be
placed in a situation to determine this question. I believe they
will insist upon the unqualified admission of their right to im-
press on board American vessels at sea. This, I trust, will never
be conceded. It would be better to return to our colonial rela-
tions with our mother country, than submit to this condition. If
it must be conceded, a federal President must make the conces-
sion. As there is but a faint glimmering of hope that the nego-
tiation will terminate in peace, the next important point to be
obtained is, that it shall break off, upon principles which will
convince the American people, of all parties, that peace can be
obtained only by the most vigorous prosecution of the war. I
have the most unlimited confidence in the skill and address of
I am perfectly satisfied that the negotiation will
OF HENEY CLAY. 35-
be conducted with a view to affect this important point. I have
seen and conversed with several Englishmen in Paris, upon the
question of impressment, and find the most of them very ignorant
and arrogant. Sir Thomas Baring is an exception to this remark.
But his mode of adjusting this question is wholly inadmissible.
He proposes that no impressment shall be' made in vessels en-
gaged in the coasting trade — that no impressment shall take
place in vessels engaged in the foreign trade, in sight of the
American coast. He thinks the ministry will hardly go so
far. A merchant of the name of Wilson says that an ar-
rangement of a different nature would be satisfactory to the
nation. It is this, that when a British officer should visit an
American vessel, and designate any one of the crew as a British
subject, and he should admit the fact, that the master or captain
of the American vessel should deliver him up. If the man should
deny that he is an Englishman, and the captain should refuse to
deliver him, that the visiting oflicer should endorse the ship's
papers with the name of the sailor, and with his allegation. The
question of nationality shall be inquired into, at the first port at
which the vessel shall touch, where there is a British consul ; if
found against the sailor, the captain shall pay a fine, or the ex-
penses of the investigation, and the sailor shall be delivered up.
If for him, the British Consul, or if in England, the British Gov-
ernment should be subject to the same payment. He says, that
in the case of an admitted British subject, if the American cap-
tain should declare that the loss of the man would endanger the
vessel, that he should be kept on board until the vessel entered
the port of destination, when the captain should be bound to
deliver him over to the British Consul, or officer authorized to
receive him. I see no objection to this plan, except that -the
captain should not be permitted to deliver any man who denies
the charge, until it is established against him. This arrange-
ment will give the enemy the absolute control over their own
' seamen, as far as the fact of nationality can be established. It
at the same time secures American sailors from arbitrary impress-
ment. If the vessel should be bound to the ports of a nation
at war with England, it might be made the duty of the American
Consul at such port to ship him on board of an American vessel
bound to England, to the United States, or to a neutral port,
where the fact should be promptly settled. I do not believe that
this arrangement will be acceptable to the Government of Eng-
36 PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE
laiid, because I do not believe they will be satisfied with any
arrangement which will prevent their seizing upon the sailors
of other nations. If I am correct in my conjecture, the proposi-
tion will embarrass them, and the rejection will prove, to the
most prejudiced mind, that they are determined to make the
American sailors fight the battles which are to rivet the chains
of slavery, which they have been forging for all maritime states,
and especially for the seafaring men of these states, for a century
past. I have thought that this arrangement ought to be sug-
gested to you, because it may not have occurred to any one of
our ministers. I think it highly improbable that the English
negotiators will make any proposition of this nature. If their
pretensions shall be so moderate as to afford rational ground for
discussion, this arrangement may be proposed with advantage.
If their views are so unreasonable as to exclude discussion,
that of itself will have the happy efiect of convincing all parties
that the peace must be obtained by the sword alone. But even
in this case, when the rejection of the arrangement will be cer-
tain, I am inclined to believe that the proposition, coming from
the American ministers, will have a tendency to elucidate the
extent of the concessions which they demand upon this point,
more satisfactorily than any other mode which has been presented
to my mind. Mr. Wilson is a true John Bull, but, I believe, a
very honest man, and, I am sure, sincerely desirous of peace.
The rejection of the arrangement will probably have some eflect
upon the English nation itself. If this principle will be satisfac-
tory to Mr. Wilson, it is probable that it will be acceptable to
many others — in fact, to all reasonable men — to all men who
have not formed the foolish and extravagant idea of re-colonizing
the United States.
I have felt that it was my duty to present this subject to you
in its fullest extent. I have verbally communicated it to Mr.
Bayard. It is probable that Mr. Wilson may have communicated
this idea to Mr. Gallatin, as he made his acquaintance, and that
of Mr. Bayard's also, in London. He had not suggested it to
the latter.
I will obtain the necessary passports for you, and send them
on to Ghent, as the Moniteur of yesterday has notified that it is
necessary to have them to leave the kingdom. I suppose it is
equally necessary to enter it. From the letters which I have
written to you, you will perceive that some of my inferences
OF HENRY CLAY. 37
have been proved, by subsequent events, to be incorrect, I
reasoned from the facts as they were presented to my mind, and
I feel no mortification at the result. If it was my duty to com-
municate every thing to you which I knew, or believed, at the
moment of writing, I do not feel any mortification that some of
my conjectures, some of my inferences, have proved to be in-
correct.
I have authority to draw on the bankers of the United States
for diplomatic intercourse, and for disbursements for distressed
seamen. Under the first head, I can satisfy Mr. Carroll's ex-
penses, and shall do it with great pleasure on his own account,
as well as upon your request. I am well acquainted with his
father, and entertain the highest esteem for him.
This letter will be delivered to you by Mr. Bayard, who, I
am happy to inform you, coincides with me in every question
relative to the peace. He believes with me, if the nation
can be united in the prosecution of the war, that the interest of
the United States will be promoted by the failure of the negotia-
tion. He will heartily miite with you in bringing the discussions
to a close that will secure this great object. I think, from the
English papers, that no armistice has been agreed upon. I re-
joice that it has failed. It might have done us much injury,
but could not possibly do us any good. God bless you, my dear
sir, and bless your labors, and make them useful to your country.
Mine, I believe, are like water spilled on the ground, that can
never be gathered. Adieu.
MB. RUSSELL TO MK. CLAY.
Stockholm, July 2, 1814.
Mt dear Sir, — I have had the pleasure to receive your letter
of the 27th ult. My distress at the delay which our joint errand
has encountered, had almost become intolerable, and the kind of
comfort I have received from Mr. Adams, has afforded very little
relief. His apprehensions are rather of a gloomy cast with
regard to the result of our labors, in which, I hope, however, he
will be disappointed. He will show you a letter to Lord Castle-
reagh, which I have signed. I have done this in the expectation
that the letter will not be delivered without the signatures of the
other gentlemen composing the mission, and solely in the case
38 PBIVATE COEEESPONDENCE
. that the conferences be not transferred to Holland, on the terms
which you proposed, that is, if Messrs. Gallatin and Bayard, not
being able to obtain your condition, and declining a removal
without it, should again recur to you at Gottenburg, with new
propositions. I think indeed that the condition itself was not of
importance, although you had certainly reason to believe it to be
so. Things have, however, come to my knowledge since my
arrival here, which have entirely altered my view of the dispo-
sition and policy of this cabinet. Although the condition be
not important, yet I find Mr. Adams, who also believes it not to
be. important, has definitively made up his mind not to remove
without it, and is even uncertain if he will go with it. His
reasons are that our present instructions will not admit of a ne-
gotiation on the basis which will be proposed by the adverse
party, and therefore, the sooner we meet, the sooner shall we
know the result, and be able to act accordingly. He is decided,
therefore, that Gottenburg is to be preferred, unless Holland
should already be agreed on. I have signed the above note to
prevent the delay of applying to me, or the necessity of acting
without me, should the circumstances occur in which it can be
properly used.
I sincerely wish with you that the twenty prizes of the Rat-
tlesnake, in Norway, could be condemned, but to this procedure
there are insuperable difiiculties. I do not recollect a single
instance of a sovereign having freely consented to the institution
of a foreign court of admiralty within his dominions, and the
peculiar situation of Norway at this moment, presents additional
difficulties. Both the contending parties must consider the
friendship of England to be indispensable to their success, and
so far from consenting to an extraordinary measure for the con-
demnation of the property in question, I am not without alarm
that either of them would be willing to conciliate that friend-
ship, by a violation of the rights of the captor.
The prince will be here to-morrow, and I shall follow Mr.
Adams, who will hand you this letter, as soon as I learn the
definitive location of the mission. I regret very much to learn
the serious indisposition of Captain Angus. Please present my
respects to him, and assure him of my best wishes for a speedy
and perfect recovery.
It seems that a mail from England has at length anived at
Gottenburg, but I have not yet learned if it brought you any
OF HENRY CLAY. 39
thing of a decisive character. A letter from Mr. Beasley, of the
13th May, informs me that Admiral Lord Gambler, Mr. Adams,
and Mr. Gonlbourn, are the persons who are to meet us, and
that the place of the conference would be ascertained the next
day.
MR. CRAWFORD TO KB. CLAY.
Pabis, July i, 1814.
My dear Sir, — I have but little to add to the contents of my
preceding letters. Mr. Gallatin, and the young gentlemen who
accompany, or follow immediately after him, will give you the
ephemeral news of this capital. There is but little doing here
which can interest an American citizen.
I am not sanguine in my expectations of peace. If the failure
of your exertions, to put an end 'to the war, shall succeed in pro-
ducing unanimity at home, we shall have no cause to lament
that failure. I am thoroughly convinced that the United States
can never be called upon to treat, under circumstances less aus-
picious than those which exist at the present moment, unless our
internal bickerings shall continue to weaken the efforts of the
Government. I sincerely trust that this will not be the case. In
your letter to Messrs. Gallatin and Bayard, you state that the
elections in the East had terminated against the Government,
but by smaller majorities than on the preceding elections. I
have not yet received any other information upon the subject,
than what is contained in that letter. There is a chasm in my
newspapers, delivered by Mr. Can-oil, from the 19th of March to
the 5th of April. If you can supply this chasm, you will
greatly oblige me.
From what I have lately discovered of the councils of this
nation, and of the temper of the principal maritime states of
Europe, I am inclined to believe that the time at which they
may be disposed to oppose the maritime usurpations of our
enemy, will be more distant than I had previously imagined.
At all events, I am fearful that it will be more distant than we
shall be disposed to prosecute the war, to avoid concessions
which they will feel as severely as we shall.
In the prosecution of the war, the great difficulty we shall
have to encounter, will be the raising of money. The war will
give us soldiers, and point out the officers qualified to command,
iO PRIVATE CORBESPONDENOB
but it will neither coin money, or increase our credit. If we
can get through this campaign without any signal defeat, and
without the loss of any of our principal commercial cities, and
can raise for the ensuing year the sums necessary for the prose-
cution of the war, we shall find ourselves in much more eligible
circumstances at the close of the next campaign, than we are at
present.
I do not look forward with dismay ; I believe we shall rise
superior to all the difficulties with which we are surrounded. I
trust we shall live to enjoy many happy celebrations of this anni-
versary of our national existence.
Give my best respects to your colleagues, and accept for your-
self the assurance of my warmest friendship.
P. S. I will send by Mr. Todd, the passport necessary to
enable you to come to Paris, after you close your diplomatic
functions. I repeat my request that you will make my house
your home, during your residence here. If you wish to take a
disciple of Pestalozzi with you to the United States, one can be
obtained. Upon him you can impose the condition of teaching
the Greek and Latin. You will have, however, to maintain him,
until he learns English enough to teach. The economy of Switz-
erland makes this expense very inconsiderable. I have learned
with great pleasure, from the enemies of the system, that it has
overcome the prejudices even of the priesthood.
MK. CRAWFORD TO MR. CLAY.
Paris, July 9, 1814.
Mt dear Sir, — [ acknowledge with much pleasure your very
interesting letter of the 2d instant, by the hands of Mr. Connell.
It appears that we differ in opinion upon two points. You
believe that the British Government will not hesitate to make
peace, leaving the question of impressment wholly out of view.
You appear also to believe that the events of the present cam-
paign will have a favorable effect upon your negotiation. I
sincerely wish you may be right, but I am strongly inclined to
believe that the result will prove your opinions to be incorrect.
When I foresaw that peace would probably take place in Eu-
rope, in the early part of the year, I did not expect that th^ wan-
OF HENRY CLAT. 41
ner in which the war has terminated would so inflate the
arrogance of the enemy as it manifestly has done. I thought,
as you now think, that England would not hesitate to make
peace by waiving the question of impressment. I am even now
convinced that her interest requires that this course should be
adopted. There are, however, occasions in which nations, like
individuals, blinded by some momentary but predominant pas-
sion, turn a deaf ear to the voice of interest. This I presume to
be the case with our enemy at the present moment. Various
facts which have come to my knowledge have led me to believe
that she will now decidedly reject any proposition which you
can make, which does not admit the legality of her practice of
impressment on board American vessels at sea.
At the moment, however, when I presented to the joint em-
bassy the idea of making peace, by omitting this question, even
if your instructions did not literally warrant it, I still believed
that England would consent to this course. At that time I ex-
pected the negotiation to open at Gottenburg, about the 1st of
May. I did not expect that instructions could be received from
the Government, founded on the recent changes in Europe, be-
fore the month of August. At the date of my letter to you of
the 10th ultimo, my opinion of the views of the British Govern-
ment had in some degree changed, but even then, I expected the
negotiation to open a month sooner than it probably will. I also
expected that the change of the seat of negotiations would prob-
ably postpone the receipt of the instructions expected from the
United States. These reasons, together with those which arise
from the expectation of a different result from our military
operations from that which you entertain, aided by the express
wish of Mr. Bayard that I should present the question anew to
you individually, must plead my apology for its intrusion upon
your attention.
If there was any rational ground to expect that by a longer
prosecution of the war we should ultimately succeed in compel-
ling the enemy to relinquish, by treaty, the practice of impress-
ment, I would not hesitate to continue the war. I believe there
is no such reasonable ground of expectation, unless we are dis-
posed to bequeath this war as a legacy to our sons.
^ tF -Jp ^ ^ "jp W
The Russian officers now in Paris who have been in England,
are highly disgusted with that nation. They speak of a war
42 PEIVATB COEEESPONDEKCE
with Austria as certain. In this I think they are mistaken. If
war breaks out on the continent, I presume England, in her
present temper, must have a finger in it. In this question, how-
ever, as she has no resentments to gratify, she will be governed
by her interest. She will, therefore, be against that power
which is most commercial, and the destruction of whose com-
merce will tend most directly to her interest.
I must really apologize to you for the length of my letters.
Present me most respectfully to your colleagues, and accept
yourself the assurance of my most sincere friendship.
P. S. Mr. Carroll leaves Paris sooner than I expected. I will
send your passport by Mr. Todd.
Remember me to the young gentlemen of the mission.
MB. CKAWrORD TO MB. CLAY.
Pams, July 19, 1814.
Mr DEAR SiK, — The departure of Messrs. Blanchard and El-
liot, for Ghent, enables me to send you the passport which I have
obtained for you. They will be able to give you the ephem-
eral news of this capital.
I dined a few days ago in company with the Marquis of Buck-
inghamshire. We conversed long and freely upon the subject
of the approaching negotiation. The result of our conversation
was that there can be no peace. He insists absolutely that the
question of impressment shall be settled in this treaty, and of
course, that it shall be settled entirely in their favor. He at-
tempted to derive their right to take (for he insisted upon drop-
ping the word impressment, to which I assented) their seamen
from our vessels, from the law of nations.
DIPLOMATIC NOTE PROPOSED BY MR. CLAT AT GHENT.
The undersigned, ministers, etc., have the honor of recalling
to the attention of his B. M. P. the note of the undersigned of
the 30th ult., and to so much of what has passed in the subse-
quent conferences as is deemed material to the present communi-
cation.
In that note they stated that they objected to one of the altera-
OF HENRT CLAY. 43
tions proposed by the B. P. in the first article, and to the modifi-
cation which they also proposed of the eighth article, of the pro-
ject which the undersigned had submitted for consideration.
By the first article of this project, the undersigned had pro-
posed that there should be a mutual restitution of all territories,
places and possessions, taken by either party during the war, with-
out exception. The alteration in question, proposed by the B.
P., contemplates a restitution of what belongs to either party.
The alteration would be free from objection, if there were no
places in the occupation of either party, which are claimed by
the other. In that case the execution of the treaty would de-
pend upon the question of who was the possessor at the mo-
ment when war was declared. But there are certain islands in
the Bay of Pundy the title to which is claimed by both parties,
and other portions of territory from that bay to the Lake of the
Woods, the whole line between which is more or less liable to dis-
pute, and which may by each party be supposed to belong to him.
For the settlement of the respective pretensions of the two parties
to those islands, and for other purposes, a mode of decision, sug-
gested by Great Britain, has been assented to by the undersigned.
They can not consent to the proposed alteration, first, because
by constituting each party the sole judge of what belongs to him,
it makes the restitution to depend upon his uncertain exercise of
judgment, and not on the precise principle of status before the
war, on which alone in this respect they have repeatedly stated
they can treat, and which has been agreed to by Great Britain ;
and secondly because it is repugnant to the principle on which
it has been agreed to -waive, at this time, the determination of the
claims of the parties to the disputed islands, and to submit it to
an impartial tribunal erected for the purpose. These objections
apply equally to the alteration as proposed in general terms, and
to the qualification by which it would be limited in its opera-
tion to the territories in dispute, or to the islands in Passamaquod-
dy Bay. It may be added that it is further objectionable as sow-
ing, in the very instrument of pacification, the seeds of aii im-
mediate misunderstanding, the moment it is carried into practical
execution.
On the other remaining subject of difference, the undersigned
must observe that the demand of Great Britain of the navigation
of the Mississippi, brought forward in the form of a modification
of the eighth article of the project of the undersigned, was
M PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE
wholly unexpected by them, after the exphcit declaration made by
the British Plenipotentiaries that their Government had no de-
mands to make other than was contained in their notes of the
, etc., of which this was not one. As to that modification,
the undersigned have offered three alternatives, first to strike out
the article altogether, or to strike out the clause which grants the
navigation of the Mississippi, or lastly, retaining that clause, to
place the exercise of the right under restrictions to prevent its
abuse or perversion, in consideration of the recognition by Great
Britain of that liberty in the fisheries which she considers abro-
gated by the war. To either of these alternatives the under-
signed are yet willing to assent. And it was with some sur-
prise that they have been made acquainted, by the British Pleni-
potentiaries, that their Government declines to accept either of
them, and offers as a substitute for the second, a clause referring
to a future negotiation the adjustment of the proper equivalent
to be given by the United States for the enjoyment of the liberty
to the fisheries referred to ; and of the proper equivalent to be
given by Great Britain for the navigation of the Mississippi.
The undersigned can not consent to this substitute because
it is either useless in itself, in providing for a futiu:e negotiation
which the two governments, without any such provision, will at
all times, if it be necessary, have it in their power to take up ; or
because it supposes, what the undersigned have declared their
Government does^not admit, that the liberty in the fisheries al-
luded to has been lost by the war.
To a general stipulation, similar to the article of the
treaty of 1794, the undersigned will not object.
All other points having been substantially arranged either by
the correspondence, or in the conferences between the Pleni-
potentiaries of the two countries, it remains only to dispose of
the two existing topics of difference to conclude, so far as de-
pends on the undersigned, a treaty of peace. For this happy
result it is quite unnecessary to dwell on the testimony which, in
every stage of the negotiation, they have constantly given of
their anxious desire.
[The above note is in Mr. Clay's hand-writing, endorsed by
him as follows :]
Proposed hy me in lieu of the note which we sent on the lith
day of December, 18.14. Ij_ q_
OF HENRY CLAT. 45
SIR JAMES MACKINTOSH TO MR. CLAT.
15 Geeat George Stiulet, Monday Forenoon.
Sir James Mackintosh is so eager to have the honor of Mr.
Clay's acquaintance that he ventures to request his company this
evening, to a small party, when Lady Mackintosh will be most
happy to receive him, at nine or ten o'clock, with any gentle-
man of his suite who may be so good as to honor them with
coming.
MB. CLAT TO HIS WIFE.
LiVEKPOOL, July 14, 1815.
Mt Dear Wife, — I expect to embark to-morrow on board the
Lorenzo, of this port, for New York, and hope to have the pleas-
ure of seeing you before this letter reaches you. As it is possi-
ble, however, that I may not, to guard against any accidents
which may attend me, I inclose you a 6opy of a power of At-
torney (accompanied by a copy of the original certificate) to
transfer to me $4,444 44, in the 6 per cent, stock of the United
States. The original of these copies is in my possession.
Messrs. Baring, Brothers & Co., bankers London, have in
their hands £201 Os. 9d. sterling of my money.
On the other side is a memorandum of charges against the
United States, which are to be brought forward on settlement of
my account, besides my outfit and salary.
Dr. the United States to H. Clay,
To the sum lost by me in the rent of a house from Mr. Pritz, of Gotten-
burg, for one quarter, and which I occupied only one month ; there re-
maining two months ; Mr. Pritz agreed to be satisfied with rent for one
of them (see Mr. Carroll) at $200 per month $200
To expenses of my journey from Gottenburg to Ghent in consequence of
the removal of the seat of the negotiation ...... 500
To newspapers for one quarter, at Gottenburg, (see Mr. Hall's aTceount) . £5
To newspapers at London £5
To stationary at Gottenburg and London '25
MR. ADAMS TO MESSRS. BATARD, CLAT, RUSSELL AND GALLATIN.
Ghekt, January 17, 1815.
Gentlemen, — A letter from Mr. Hughes of which I subjoin a
copy, was received by me this morning. I presume you will have
heard more directly, and before this will reach you, what were the
46 PEIVATE COREESPONDENOE
interruptions o^ difficulties which delayed his departure so long be-
yond the time he had anticipated by his former letter, and occa
sioned the disappointment of which he complains. No inter-
mediate letter from him has been received.
I contemplate leaving this city this day week, and hope to
find a passport from Mr. Crawford at Bruxelles.
I am with great respect, gentlemen, your very humble and
obedient servant, John Quinct Adams.
[Copt.] On Boaed the Teansit,
6tli January, 1816 — ^Friday, 2 p.m.
Gentlemen, — I am at last imder way ; we are now about
four leagues from Bordeaux ; I came on board last night, and am
in hopes that there will be no further interruption or difficulty to
delay nly progress to the United States. I am afraid I shall be
the second or third herald, in point of time ; yet the news is so
happy for the country, that in the pleasure of contemplating its
fine effect at home I lose almost all the mortification of the dis-
appointment I have sufiisred.
I have the honor to be be very respectfully your obedient
servant, C. Hughes, Je.
American Ministers at Ghent.
MR. CLAY TO ADAM BEATTY.*
"Washington, April 23, 1810.
Dr. Beatty, — This day was fixed by resolution of the two
Houses of Congress for its adjournment, but that resolution has
been rescinded, and the session protracted one week longer. On
the great subject of our foreign aff'airs, I believe we shall adjourn
without adopting any efficient measiue. A bill to augment the
duties fifty per cent, has passed the House of Representatives,
but I fear, like Macon's bill, it will not be concurred in by the
Senate. One of its valuable effects, if it passes, will be the en-
couragement of our manufactures. As the increase is not con-
templated, however, to be permanent, I should prefer a smaller
augmentation, and that it should be durable.
Two committees of the House of Representatives are engaged
« The remaining letters of this chapter, from Mr. Clay to Judge Beatty, were
not received in time for their proper place as to date.
OP HENBT CLAY. 47
in investigating Wilkinson's conduct (who has at length arrived),
one into the Spanish conspiracy, and the other into the causes
of the mortality of the army last summer. On this latter subject
it is expected a report will be made this session ; upon the other
a report will hardly be made before the next.
Howard is appointed Governor of Louisiana.
MR. CLAT TO ADAM BEATTT.
Feanktokt, May 31, 1810.
De. Beatty, — I received your favor, with the specimen in-
closed of your merino's fleece, and compared it with one which
I took from a full-blooded merino of General Mason's, and find
very little difference between them. If you could send your
wool, or the yarn, to a manufacturer in Danville, he would make
you the best piece of cloth that you could obtain from it. I do
not recollect his name, but he is an Englishman, accustomed to
the business, and has undertaken, for Judge Todd, to make him
a coat which he warrants shall not be inferior to the best im-
ported cloth in the State. I propose sending mine to him. If,
however, you prefer having it made in the neighborhood of
Lexington, there will be no difiiculty in getting it wove, fulled,
etc.
I am glad to learn that your election to the Legislature is
deemed certain. Your presence there will be extremely neces-
sary. I am solicitous for it on various accounts. You will have
lieard that I am no longer' a candidate for the Senate, and that
my successor will consequently be appointed. May not the
Federalists attempt to rally in support of one of their party ?
This should be looked to.
In offering for the House of Representatives, I was influenced
by a partiality for the station, and by the wishes of some of my
friends, as well here as to the East. I contemplate, however
serving out the term for which I am already appointed in the
Senate, not wishing to give the trouble of supplying my place
for the ensuing session, and being desirous to prevent the pos-
sibility of the State being partially represented during a consider-
able portion of it.
'*;8 PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE OF HENRY CLAY.
ME. CLAY TO ADAM BEATTY.
Lexington, July 2'7, 1810.
Dr. Beatty, — I received your favor of the 24th June. The
nett yield of our merino (owing to the neglect or fraud of the
shearer of him) "was not sufficient to make me a coaf. Mrs.
Clay therefore determined to have it spun, and either applied to
other uses, or retained until we could get an additional quantity.
A Captain M'Call, in this neighborhood, has undertaken to weave
and full, for Jordan, some yarn spun from the merino wool ; and
if you can not better dispose of yours, I have no doubt Mr.
Jordan can procure him to weave and full yours also.
I learned with pleasure your decision in favor of again offering
for the Legislature. Your success, I am told, is not doubted.
The Republican interests will require, and, I am sure, will re-
ceive your best support. Whether the Federalists will or will
not attempt a Senator of their own kind depends on the issue of
the election. I believe Daviess will not be elected here ; and
even Humphrey* dreads the result of the Franklin election.
P. S. I requested a Mr. Fowke, of Baltimore, to call on you for
professional aid, which I hope you will afford.
MR. CLAY TO ADAM BEATTY.
Limestone, March 31, 1818.
Henry Clay presents his respectful compliments to Mr. Beatty.
His solicitude to reach home prevents him from having the
pleasure to see Mr. Beatty, whose favors he ought to have ac-
knowledged at the city. With every disposition to serve Colonel
C. B., he regrets his inability to have done so. Under the regu-
lar establishment of the military there were no vacancies Avorthy
his notice. Under the act for raising" twenty thousand infantry
for the term of one year, when Henry Clay left Washington it
was understood that but one regiment would be allotted to K.,
and the field officers of that regiment were determined upon prior
to Mr. B.'s application, although not announced. Henry Clay
could not interfere with the contemplated arrangement.
Henry Clay paid Mr. Beatty's last year's subscription to the
" Intelligencer," and was reimbursed before he left K. What is
due he forgot to pay, but will discharge on his return to the city
He can add no news to the public prints.
* MarshalL
CHAPTER II.
CORRESPONDENCE FROM 1815 TO 18SO.
JAMES MONROE TO MK. CLAY.
Washington, October 30, 1815.
My dear Sir, — Since the overthrow of France, Russia has
acquired the highest degree of political importance in relation to
these States. As a great power, friendly to a liberal system of
neutral rights, and with whose dominions our commerce had be-
come considerable, she held, before that event, a distinguished
rank ; but by it her weight in the general scale has been much
augmented. Russia forms, in effect, at this time, the principal
check on the overgrown power of England, on which account,
and many others, it is immensely the interest of these States to
cultivate a good understanding with her sovereign. The Presi-
dent is desirous of confiding to you a mission to that power,
and will be much gratified to hear that it will be acceptable to
you. I write you now that you may be enabled to consider the
proposition before you leave home, and make the necessary ar-
rangements for your departure, in case you accept the trust ;
though you will not infer from this intimation that all due and
friendly attention will not be paid to your convenience as to the
time.
It would have been very agreeable to the President as well as
to me, to have had an opportunity of seeing and conferring with
you on your arrival, but our absence from this city and your
anxiety to join your family after so long a separation from them,
were obstacles not to be surmounted.
In the hope of seeing you soon, I shall reserve for that occa-
sion comments on other subjects.
4
50 PRIVATE OORRESPONDEITCE
THOMAS VAUGHAN TO MB. CLAY.
Near Caediff, December 1, 1815.
Mt good and worthy Sir, — Having seen an account in our
newspapers of your safe arrival in America, gives me great pleas-
ure, and I hope this will meet you in perfect health, and every
other earthly comfort. And I noAV take the liberty of informing
you that we have received an account from my son's wife, Mrs.
Vaughan, of his death, so long back as the 5th of April, 1814.
We have also an account of it from a relation of mine, living
near to Upper Bluelick, but on whom (I am sorry to say) we can
set no dependence at all ; and therefore take the liberty of beg-
ging that you will be pleased to have the goodness to inquire into
the state of his (my son's) aifairs and property, and, if possible,
to get for his daughter (now with me from an infant, and thirty-
two years of age) whatever is right, and justly her due ; as she
is a good, honest, and industrious young woman, and deserving
of every justice and encouragement that can be lawfully given
her ; and your influence will, no doubt, have great weight in
settling it justly, and we desire no other ; but, by Mrs. Vaughan's
account, there seems to be, but little for her ; and we are at such a
distance, it is next to impossible for us to see into it ; but I know,
from all my son's letters, it was his intention to make his daughter
netirly equal to his son ; and by a letter of his to me, as far back
as the 20th May, 1807, he referred me to you in case of his
death (which was the only knowledge I had of his acquaintance
with you, and the reason I took the liberty of writing to you in
London), in the following words : "I will request Henry Clay
of Lexington, Esquire, to give you every information respecting
my property, etc., etc. He is one of our Senators, in Congress,
which is now sitting ; he is very friendly to me, and, I am
sure, will do me any reasonable request," etc., etc.
If you will have the goodness to take the trouble on you to
get for her what is right and just, and, after deducting for your
trouble and every expense, will be pleased to remit the remainder,
directed as under, whenever it may be convenient, will greatly
oblige me and my grand-daughter (who begs her respectful
compliments to you), and am, with deference and respect (al-
though unknown), your obedient servant.
P. S. I am sorry we had not the honor of seeing you in Wales,
OF HENRY CLAY. 51
as we made provision for your reception, after we heard, by my
nephew, of your longer stay in London, and particularly as we
have the largest iron and tin works in this neighborhood, that
are in Great Britain, and through all of which I could have con-
ducted you, and would have been well worth your seeing. I have
written by this packet to my daughter-in-law at Bluelick, telling
her I have written to you on the above subject, and also to in-
vite my grandson over to England, as I should be very glad to
see him here, for one whole year at least, if I live so long.
Whenever convenient, I shall be very glad of a few lines from
you, to hear how matters go, and to give me your proper address,
as I am at a loss whether to address you as minister, or commis-
sioner, or as a private gentleman. Your goodness will excuse
any defects you may meet with in this scrawl, from my age of
eighty- five years, and want of memory, etc., although I am as
healthy and as heart-well as ever, blessed be God for that, and all
his other goodness to me. We are in general very happy to be
at peace with America in particular, and with the rest of the
world ; but our farmers and manufacturers complain heavily, the
former because grain, cattle, horses, etc., sell very low, and the
latter for want of orders for their wares, etc. Almost every thing
is lowered very miich since you left England, and the surrender
of Napoleon ; but we are in hopes of our taxes being lowered to
ease the farmers and trades, and traffic revived with you, and
with other countries, to relieve our manufacturers.
I pray God bless you with good health, long life, and every
other comfort that this uncertain world can give you, are the
sincere prayers of your unknown friend and humble servant.
HENRY GOULBUEN TO MR. CLAT.
Downing Steeet, March 8, 1816.
Mt dear Sir, — I am really very much obliged to you for
your letter of the 7th of January, which I received a short time
since, both because it has enabled me to relieve the anxiety
which a friend of mine in this country (Mr. Harris) felt for the
fate of the relation to whom it particularly relates, and not less
because it has assured me that, though situated in so distant a
quarter of the world, I nevertheless bear a place in your recol-
lection.
52 PRIVATE COEEESPONDENCE
I had already learned the death of Mr. Bayard before your
letter reached me, and although I conld not but regret the event,
I was glad that he had at least the satisfaction of seeing his
family before his death.
I have to congratulate you on your resumption of the arduous
and honorable situation which you left in order to meet us at.
Ghent. I trust that this is an evidence that our joint work is
approved in America. I assure you it is so in England ; and
whatever may be said in the newspapers on either side of the
Atlantic, I have little doubt that it will continue to be approved
by all rational persons. You seem by your papers to be fighting
the same battle in America that we are fighting here, namely,
that of putting peace establishments on a footing not unbecoming
the growth of the population and the empire in which the}'' are
to be maintained. It is impossible that either country should
feel any jealousy of the other so long as the augmentation does
not exceed the necessity of the case, and I have not heard an
argument any where to prove that it does so exceed in either
case. From all that I know, I am sure I can take upon me to
relieve the apprehensions which you seem to entertain of hostile
movements on the part of this country in any quarter of the '
globe. Newspapers will, on subjects of this kind, propagate any
intelligence, however false, which is likely to excite an interest
on the part of their readers, but I am STire you will agree with
me in thinking it the duty of every man to avoid giving the
authority of his belief to any of the rumors which they so con-
vert for their own purposes into facts.
When you see Mr. Gallatin, may I beg you to present to him
my best respects, and if at any time I can be of any service to
you or to him in this country, I trust you will have no hesitation
in commanding me, for I can assure you that nothing could give
me greater pleasure.
JAMES MADISON TO MR. CLAY.
MoNTPEUEK, August SO, 1816.
Dear Sib, — Mr. Dallas seems to have made up his mind to
retire early in October from the department in his hands, and the
event may draw after it a vacancy in the War Department.
Will you permit me to avail our country of your services in the
OF HENEY CLAT. 53
latter ? It will be convenient to know your determination as
soon as you have formed it, and it will be particularly gratifying
if it assent to my request.
MR. CLAT TO MB. MADISON.
Ashland, September 14, 1816.
Dear Sir, — The last mail brought me the letter which you
did me the honor to write on the 30th ultimo, stating your ex-
pectation of a vacancy in the Department of War, and commu-
nicating your wish that I would take upon myself the discharge
of the duties of that office. Several considerations appear to me
to require that I should decline accepting the honor which your
favorable opinion has tendered. I regret the necessity of this
decision the less, as I hope that you v/ill fill the place equally
agreeably to yourself, and I am sure more advantageously to the
public interest. I pray you, however, to believe that I shall
always entertain the highest sense of this new proof of your
confidence, and that, with the greatest respect and esteem, I am
your obedient servant.
JAMES MONROE TO MB. CLAY.
Washington, March 4, ISIY.
Sir, — I had the honor to receive your letter of yesterday last
night, advising me that the chamber of the House of Represent-
atives would be put, by the officers of the House, in a condition
to receive me to-day, for the purpose of taking the oath pre-
scribed by the Constitution for the President of the United States.
I have hastened to transmit the communication to the Chairman
of the Committee of the Senate, and I beg you to accept my
acknowledgment for your polite attention.
LORD GAMBIEB TO MR. CLAT.
IvEK Gkove, January 20, 1818.
Mt dear Sir, — I had much satisfaction in receiving your let-
ter of the 6th November, by the hand of Mr. Burgess, from whom
and from Mr. Mills, I had the pleasure of hearing of your health
54 PEIVATE OOKEESPONDENCB
and welfare. I return you many thanks for the kind and oblig-
ing terms in which you are so good as to express yourself to-
ward me, and can with great truth assure you it would afford
me much gratification if the course of events should approxi-
mate us so that I could have the pleasure of your society, and
avail myself of any opportunity that might offer by which I
could evince m'y regard and esteem personally for you. I hope
Messrs. Burgess and Mills received every necessary assistance
and kindness from the several persons, Mr. Wilberforce and
others, to whom they were introduced, toward the object of
their benevolent undertaking. I regret their short visit to this
country deprived me of the pleasure of performing any kind
offices of hospitality and respect that their own characters give
them claim to, and which would have been gratifying to me to
show to any person in whose interest you take a part.
If Mr. Adams should be near you when this comes to your
hand, I will beg of you to communicate my best regards to
him.
With every cordial wish for your health and prosperity, I re-
main, my dear sir, in great respect, your faithful and most hum-
ble servant.
ME. CLAY TO THANCIS BROOKE.
HoutE OF Repeesentatives, April 16, 1818.
My deab Sir, — In great haste I have to acknowledge the re-
ceipt of your favor of the 13th March. Walker would undertake
to explore your lands, and report to you particularly their situa-
tion, quality, and value. He would charge for the seiwice, only
his expenses, that is to say, about |2 per day, for twelve or
fifteen days. He is a man of perfect integrity, and may be
relied on for such an undertaking. When I spoke, in a former
letter, of him, I did not mean to imply any question of his ve-
racity, but merely to convey the idea, that he was a laughing,'
talking, good-natured sort of a fellow, who might express him-
self somewhat at random, unless he knew precision to be neces-
sary.
He himself recommends Daniel Ashley at Madisonville as a
person on whom you may rely to report the desired information.
Major Walker's address is " David Walker, Russellville, Ky."
OF HENRY CLAY. 55
MK. CLAY TO ADAM BEATTY.
Washington, April 21, 1818.
Dear Sik, — The contemplated changes in the judicial estab-
lishment of the United States, were not made during the session
of Congress just terminated. The opinion that these changes
are necessary acquires daily additional strength ; and I think
there is reason to believe that they will be effected at the next
session.
I am glad to learn that there exists a prospect of doing some-
thing towards turnpiking in Kentucky. I shall be very happy
to co-operate with you in an object so worthy of the utmost
exertions.
MR. CLAT TO ADAM BEATTT.
Ashland, July 25, 1818.
Deab Sir, — I received your favor of the 9th. You mention
that you have thought of becoming a candidate for the Senate,
and, justly viewing me as one of your friends, you have asked
my opinion.
In the first place, I beg leave to state that I have always felt
a most lively and sincere interest in your welfare, and that it
would give me, personally, much satisfaction to see you in the
situation suggested. With respect to your prospect of success I
am not a very good judge, having been so much of late years
out of the State, and therefore knowing but little of the weight
and standing of different individuals. I hinted at the subject to
Barry, who seemed to think that, living in one extreme of the
State, however much esteemed there, you were probably hardly
well enough known at the other to count with any certainty upon
your success. I did not mention it to Breckenridge, because I
am quite sure that he proposes to himself the career of politics,
and I have heard, though not from him, nor from any one that
as far as I know, was authorized by him, that he is looking him-
self to the situation. I should think the event would greatly de-
pend upon the persons who might happen to be your competitors.
Should Colonel Johnson offer, (he has been talked of, with what
authority from himself I know not,) or perhaps Breckenridge,
you would probably fail.
I will now give you, in the frankness which is due from the
56 PBIYATE COEEESPONDENCE
friendship I feel for you, my opinion. I do not think you ought
to accept the situation, if you had a moral certainty of getting it.
Although comfortable in your pecuniary condition, you are not
rich, and you have a growing family. Instead of making addi-
tions to your fortune, you would most probably make annual sub-
tractions from it, during your service. For if your pay should
cover your expenses, while absent from your family, affairs woirld
go on less profitably at home than they do now. Such, at least,
is my experience ; and such I believe to be in the nature of
things. Congress, too, has greater attractions at a distance than
near. After the novelty wears off (which it commonly does in
the course of two or three months), the interest which was at
first felt is diminished, if not extinguished, with most of those,
at least, who are not perfectly at their ease in their circumstances,
or who are not in pursuit of place, and are willing to venture
every thing on getting it, or, lastly, those few individuals whose
great attainments give them a high degree of prominence in tlje
body and in the nation.
With respect to yourself (I write, you see, with the frankness
and freedom which you have invited,) your talents are of the
most respectable kind ; but they are better adapted to the career
which you have been wisely pursuing than to that of politics.
While you would never fail to speak sensibly, your elocution
would not perhaps procure for you that high degree of eminence
which I am sure you would be ambitious of reaching. Besides,
you have great reason to expect promotion in the judiciary of
either the State or the United States, when.vacancies shall occur.
While judicial appointment might also be acquired in the situa-
tion to which we refer, it is perhaps not so direct a road to it as
by a faithful and enlightened discharge of the duties of your
present office. There is, moreover, always some risk (and it is
greater as we are more advanced in life) in quitting an occupation
with which one is famihar, and entering upon another with which
he is less conversant. The intimate alliance between law and
politics, and the habit which is so common in our country of
participating in the consideration of its political affairs, diminishes
but does not entirely remove this objection.
I have given you my candid sentiments. Yom- own better
judgment will, at last, guide you, as it ought ; and that you may
be successful and prosperous, however you may decide, is my
sincere wish.
OF HENRY CLAT. 57
[In pursuance of the advice of Mr. Clay, I concluded to retain
my judicial station, and therefore declined becoming a candidate
for the Senate of the United States. A. B.]
LAFAYETTE TO MB. CLAT.
LageANGe, October 26, 1818.
Mt dear Sir, — The letter of which Mr. Newcomb was the
bearer, is the last commiuiication I have had from you. Permit
me to solicit a more frequent correspondence. In this exchange
of information you may be a loser as I now am returned to a
private, solitary life, and can hardly write any thing but what
you will collect from European papers. Indeed the gazettes of
France, shackled as they are, to such a reader as you, may tell,
and even foretell a great deal.
• The French, or rather the European revolution, had raised
against us the passions and the exertions of Coblentz and Pil-
nitz. In subsequent excesses, although it had put a stop to pros-
elytism, it did not so generally operate abroad as the ambitious
despotism of Napoleon who estranged from France the specula-
tive love of freedom, and roused against her the masses of the
people, our natural allies. In that situation of universal oppres-
sion and enmity, Bonaparte did twice squander away the moral
and military resources of this nation, first in Russia, afterward,
at Dresden, and Leipsic, and brought in the hosts of the coa-
lition, leaving on the Niemen, the Oder, and the Elbe, the ma-
terial means of defense which he had taken from our stores and
fortresses. He capitulated for himself, while a restoration ush-
ered by the Allies, and not unpleasing to the nation, was gener-
ally considered as a tolerable transaction between old princes
and modern institutions. A month had sufficed to prepare
the people for a change. It was impossible for any combination,
but the folly of the royal Government, to make Bonaparte
welcome, which proved to be the case with many, although
few could love and trust him. But these interior vicissitudes
were of no eifect upon foreign courts and foreign nations. The
latter, having no time to explain, were hurried again against
their own interest, with revengeful and desperate fury. The
courts were the more eager to avail themselves of their error, as
they saw that Napoleon, unable to reassume his arbitrary doc-
58 PRIVATE COEEESPONDENCE
trines, had been forced to acknowledge the first principles of the
Revolution.
Two modes of resistance were left for France, to launch out
of the imperial circle of men and measures into a national insur-
rection : or to support the actual ruler who, although he was a
check upon the exertions of a people whom he did no more
trust than he could be trusted by them, was justly reckoned the
ablest of generals, and enjoyed the confidence of a standing
army amounting to two hundred thousand men. The active
majority having prefered this method, it remained for those who
would have proposed a bolder and more popular system, to slide
in with the adopted plan of defense, which was done with can-
dor and determination.
Two weeks after the opening of the session. Napoleon had
lost the only army that bore a proportion with the opposed
forces, and leaving it to its fate, he flew back to the national
representation, not to consult, but to dissolve it, recurring to a
wild and desperate arbitrariness which, while it countenanced
the attack, could not but damp and dishearten the defense. He
was checked in the attempt, and with the assent of his best
friends, obliged to abdicate.
Time was short. An attempt to raise some sort of pudeur in
the Allies, and construe their word of honor into a suspension
of arms proved fruitless. In the mean while the troops being
rallied under the walls of the capital, more divested of Bona-
partism, more actuated by patriotism than they had been said to
be, were all alive to national colors and national independence.
On my return from the diplomatic errand which I could not re-
fuse, I was much disappointed to hear of the capitulation. The
provisory Government and peers dissolved themselves. The
House of Representatives were dissolved by force, but not be-
fore they had, in their declaration of the 5th of July, expressed
what I think to have been for five-and-twenty years the true
sense of the nation.
Further resistance to foreign powers was impeded. The
President of the popular Government was a minister of the King
before he had entered Paris. The imperial system of adminis-
ti-ation having been, during thirteen years, ealculated for absolute
monarchy had precluded the means of exertion. A Royal Gov-
ernment being reinstalled in the capital, many trusted its influ-
ence with the Allies, those who did not were afraid the impend-
OF HENRY CLAY. 59
ing evils should be imputed to their obstinacy. And above all,
the high powers, made a more Machiavelian use of the King's
name and hand successively to undo all the means of French
resistance, after which you know what treaty has been dictated
by them.
Two administrations have. been tried. That of Talleyrand and
Fouche, although the former had solicited and signed the coali-
tion of Vienna, and the second put his name to the proscription
of many of his associates and friends, and to tfie suppression of
the liberty of the press, was not thought a match for the royal-
ism of the two new chambers. The present ministry, the head
of which, although for twenty-five years a Russian officer, is a
Frenchman by birth, the last of the illustrious family of Riche-
lieu, and among whom our friend Barbi Marbois is seal-keeper,
have gone great lengths toward the spirit of reaction. You have
in the papers the bills proposed by them, and their speeches in
both Houses,, which, nevertheless, keep ahead of the Executive.
Among the influencing powers you may distinguish a British
and a Russian interest, to both of which I am, thank God, a
perfect stranger.
Unfit as I shall ever be for such complicated politics, and hav-
ing, in my doctrines of legitimacy, much to say for the rights
of men and the sovereignty of nations, I am returned to my
retirement of Lagrange, and my agricultural pursuits. Here my
son, his wife, two daughters, and eleven grandchildren, are now
with me. We expect in a few days the pleasure to receive Gen-
eral Scott and Major Mercer.
The happy tidings we receive of increasing prosperity in the
United States, fill my heart with delight. I hope the work of
liberty and independence in the other parts of America, is going
on, and am I to be discouraged with respect to the final establish-
ment of. freedom in the European world ? The liberal part of
the Revolution shall not be lost.
You have been pleased, my dear sir, to promise your kind
inquiries and good care with respect to my Orleans business.
The Pointe Coupee lands have been purchased by Sir John Cog-
hill, Mr. Seymour, and the parish. The two former gentlemen
complain that M. Duplansier, by refusing to answer some ques-
tions relative to a land tax, has exposed their property to be
sold. They were ignorant of the duty. I hastened to write to
the President and explain their situation.
60 PEIVATE OOREESPONDJENCE
There remain five hundred and twenty acres to be located, or
I rather think, located in the vicinity of the town. Under the
pressure of my affairs I have parted with one half of those town
lots to Sir John, whose large capital, being employed on his
alternate lots, would soon bring my share to a value much supe-
rior to the actual totality. Should . the location be at a distance
of more than two miles, the space between the bayou and the
town, it becomes a common tract and the whole would have
been paid above its value. In the contrary case, one half is
mine. It is true. Sir John might challenge me to take back
this half for the given price and interest. Bat if the location
was made on the spot, I would, I think, easily find a capitalist
to take Sir John's bargain. Let ' me add that he is willing, in
case there was not room for a location of five hundred and twen-
ty acres, to enter into some arrangements with the claimants, to
make it complete. Such is, my dear sir, as far as I know it,
the present state of the affair. M. Duplansier, who has been
very unfortunate in his own concerns, has not, for several years,
written to me. M. Allen Michel had the powers of Sir John
who has since, I believe, sent a relation of his. The President,
to whose kind concern in my behalf, I am highly obliged, knows
probably more of my affairs than myself.
This letter will be delivered by Mr. Lakanal, member of the
French Institute of the Academy, and Rector General of the Med-
ical System with a handsome treatment, all which he abandons
for a settlement in the neighborhood of Lexington, State of
Kentucky. The high rank he holds in the scientific world, and
his having been a distinguished member of our former assem-
blies will recommend him to your notice. But I have presumed
to engage in your name you would favor him with your good
advice, and with letters of introduction to the country which
he intends to inhabit. I know you will be so kind as to render
him in that way, the services which I beg leave to solicit on
account of his own merit and my earnest desire to oblige him.
Permit me to depend upon you to ask the same favor from our
friends, Mr. Monroe, and Crawford, and others who may recom-
mend him to public and private characters in the State.
OP HENET CLAY. 61
MR. CLAY TO ADAM BEATTT.
WAgniNQTON, January 22, 1820.
Dear Sir, — I received your obliging favor of the 10th inst.,
from Frankfort, and thank you for the friendly feelings toward
me of which it furnishes the evidence. On the subject of the
next Governor I had communicated my views, prior to the re-
ceipt of your letter, to several friends at Frankfort, from whom
you must have learned them before you left that place. I have
regretted exceedingly my inability to conform to the wishes of
those whose kindness has made them look to me for that office.
I am glad to find that the course which it seems to me fitting
for this country to pursue, in respect to Spanish affairs, meets with
your concurrence. The extraordinary one recommended by the
President excited much surprise in Congress, and has, I think,
very few of that body disposed to adopt it. The general em-
barrassments throughout the country, the deficit in the Treasury,
and other causes, have communicated their influence to Congress,
and produced the effect of great repugnance to war and to any
augmentation of the national expenditure. Add to which the
various alternatives which the failure of Spain to ratify the treaty
presents to our choice, and I should not be surprised if the result
should be that Congress will do nothing on Spanish affairs, but
leave them where it found them. I should regret this very much,
because I think it would be precisely the result most gratifying
to Spain.
At present Spanish affairs, manufactures, and every other mat-
ter of public concern, have given way to the Missouri question,
which engrosses the whole thoughts of the members, and con-
stitutes almost the only topic of conversation. It is a most un-
happy question, awakening sectional feelings, and exasperating
them to the highest degree. The words, civil war, and disunion,
are uttered almost without emotion, and a Senator of the United
States, in his place, as I understand, said the other day that he
would rather have both than fail in the resolution. I witnessed
yesterday a display of astonishing eloquence, in the Senate, on
the part of Mr. Pinkney of Indiana against the restriction. In
that body the majority is with us ; in the House of Representa-
tives it is doubtful.
I think nothing will be done by Congress respecting the cur-
rency.
62 PRIVATE COEEESPONDENCE
liATATETTE TO 3aK. CliAT.
Pakis, June 9, 1821.
Mt dear Sir, — Permit me to entreat your kind welcome and
good advice in behalf of M. Pette and M. Menardi, who are going
to settle in the State of Ohio. Their partner, M. La Barthe,
is already fixed near New Athens, and there enjoys the freedom
which old Athens now struggles to obtain. Our cause has been
unfortunate in Italy, but can not fail ultimately to prevail. Euro-
pean liberty chiefly depends on the interior politics of France.
I hope our American newspapers take their paragraphs from the
"Constitutionnel," the "Courier," or at least the semi-official
"Moniteur," in what relates to the debates of the Chamber of
Deputies ; all the other journals make it a point to disfigure them
scandalously. Where M. Pette and M. Menardi will find you I
do not know, but am sure you will have the goodness to give
them all the advice and recommendation in your power.
PETER B. PORTER TO MR. CLAY.
Albany, January 29, 1822.
Dear Sir, — I amved two days ago at this place, where not
only the members of our Legislature, but most of the active po-
litical talent and mischief of the State are now congregated. I
have not, during this period, been inattentive to the great ques-
tion that at present engages the speculations of the politicians
throughout the Union, and I think I do not deceive you when I say
that your prospects here are highly flattering. You are probably
aware that some six or eight months ago there was a partial un-
derstanding and commitment among some of our most active
politicians in favor of Mr. C d, and it is to this class that my
conversations and views have been principally directed. Many
of them are now ready to change their ground, and even the
most zealous are willing to lie still at present, and eventually to
be governed by future and clearer indications of public sentiment
on this subject
You will see Mr. Van Buren in Washington, and I beg you to
pay him some attention. I am decidedly of opinion that he will
yet be for you. His best and strongest friends here are so, and
OF HENRY CLAY. 63
I know that his own views have been essentially changed since
last spring. He will not, I presume, avow his preference of any
candidate during the present session of Congress, and perhaps it
is desirable that he should not. Be civil also to Rochester of
our State, who is a very clever young man, and strongly your
friend. A rumor is in circulation here that you and D. Clinton
are playing in concert, and that you and he will run on the same
ticket. I need not tell you that such a rumor, once believed,
would prostrate all your hopes here. The recent, and all but
unanimous, rejection of the Clintonian, judges by our Senate,
shows the temper of the State in regard to that class of politi-
cians. Can you with propriety say something in a letter to me
on the subject of this supposed coalition which I may show con-
fidentially to two or three persons ? It might be attended with
good consequences. Noah, the Advocate man, is now here. I
have had several conversations with him, and although his pre-
delections are still for Mr. C d, his zeal and confidence have
greatly abated. He finds that the State is not disposed to go
with him, and expresses a willingness to be quiet, until the senti-
ments of the old republican party shall be more fully developed.
JOSE M. DEL REAL TO MR. CLAT.
Bordeaux, February 23, 1822.
Sir, — Both by honor of my country and duty of friendship, I
think myself obliged to make over to posterity the image of
Don Josef M. Garcia de Toledo, my particular friend, and the
first defender of the rights of his country, and as I was favored
with the honor of your acquaintance in London, and convinced
as I am of a great deal of interest you lay hold of for the liberty
and independence as well as for all that belongs to the glorious
revolution of South America, I take the liberty of sending you
six stamps of his portrait, which I entreat you to have the
goodness of accepting as an acknowledgment of my duty to
you.
After a few days I shall embark to Carthagena, where, if it is
in my way to render you any service, I should be very glad to
be honored with your commands.
64 PRIYATE CORliESPONDENCE
B. M. JOHNSON TO ME. CLAY.
WASHiNeTOir, April 1, 1822.
Dear Sir, — I have seen the President, who has again assured me
that he would get Mr. Wirt to re-examine your claim, and he will
bring the thing to a close. I see that Fielder has republished a
piece from the " Franklin Gazette," in favor of Mr Calhoun, and
some letters from our friends who dislike his course. I do not
know his motive in doing this. I have not written a word to
him on the subject of the next President. I saw a letter of his
to Mr. Johnson, in which he says he is for you. It is very pos-
sible that some of your particular friends may think that as I am
intimate with him, I may have some influence in this respect,
and knowing the disposition with some, to place every thing to
my account, I hope you will not only believe me incapable of
promoting any thing unfavorable to you, but whenever a diifer-
ent sentiment is communicated or hinted to you, my feelings
may be explained. I intend, in this business, to keep a straight-
forward course, and while I consider it my duty to be on terms
of personal friendship with others, if I find it reciprocal, no
person shall doubt my course where I can be of any senrice
to you.
ITURBIDE TO MR. CLAT.
Mexioo, May 6, 1822.
My dear Sir, — Through the means of the captain of the
navy, Don Eugenio Cortes, I have been informed of the great
services by which you have furthered the success of his com-
mission, and contributed to the prosperous advantages that
resulted from it ; this generous course, the fruit of this enlight-
ened age, excites my gratitude, and obliges me to give you my
most sincere thanks, and offer you my friendship ; for this phi-
lanthropic conduct that emanates from a liberal education, and
whose end is the civilization of nations, though it relates to the
whole Mexican Empire, if its success should be in proportion to
its promise, I offer you the gratitude which is due to you by all,
and my most particular thanks for the present of books, and for
the value you set on my portrait. In exchange for it, I am
waiting for yours, which is announced by our common friend
Cortes, and without seeing it, it gives me a satisfaction, from that
OF HBNBT CLAY. 65
common effect which can not be explained, in which men recip-
rocally love without knowing each other, in which the mind
forms favorable prepossessions, and gives to the person (for so it
delights in), as many virtues as it pleases, takes for true what it
conjectures, and goes so far as to give to the portrait expression
and gestures. But our case is different from this — your works
are distinguished, my correspondence is a debt of justice to their
merit, and I promise myself the continuance of duties so praise-
worthy, and protest to render you the same in like circumstances.
EUGENIO CORTES TO MR. CXLAT.
Peiladelphia, June 19, 1822.
The Honorable Henry Clat:
I have the honor to deliver to you the inclosed letter from
the supreme chief of the Mexican Empire, who directed me to
present it to you personally, as a testimony of the gratitude, es-
teem, and distinction, which the supreme chief of the Mexican
nation entertains for the virtues, talents and services displayed
by you in favor of the just cause sustained by all the States of
South America, to gain their independence.
This occasion affords me the opportunity of offering to you
my respects, and of assuring you that I am your most faithful
obedient servant.
PETER B. PORTER TO MR. CLAT.
Black Rock, July 8, 1822.
Dear Sir, — It has been the misfortune of this State, that for
a number of years past, its political concerns have been man-
aged, or rather distracted, by a few ambitious men, whose views
have extended only to their own personal aggrandizement, and
on almost every great national question, our strength has been
scattered and wasted by premature and unadvised commitments,
made by these headlong and selfish politicians. As regards the
interesting question which is the subject of your letter, a new
and more circumspect course of proceeding has been adopted.
A mutual understanding now exists among the principal repub-
licans of the State, that it is yet too early to act on this ques-
tion, and that, whatever may be the private sentiments and pre-
dilections of individuals, it would be imprudent at present to
6
66 PEIVATE COHEESPONDENCE
promulgate them. Whenever the proper time shall arrive (and
perhaps the next winter session of our Legislature may be se-
lected as such), a full and friendly consultation and interchange
of sentiments will take place, and we are not without hopes of
producing, by this course, a unanimity that will insure to this
State (what it has never possessed), an influence proportioned to
its reputation and wealth. Whoever may be the candidate fairly
designated by the majority, I shall consider myself bound, as a
republican, to give him my support. I have indeed been one
of the advisers of this cautious and circumspect policy, because
I have deemed it the wisest that this State, under present cir-
cumstances, could pursue. If we had a favorite candidate in
one of our own citizens, it would afford a fair apology for our
taking the field early, but we have none, and you are aware of
the jealousy that exists, particularly at the South, against the
growing power of the great State of New York, and if we
were to manifest our solicitude, by making an early selection,
that very circumstance might weaken the chance of our candi-
date, and perhaps throw him into a minority.
The Republicans of this State have been so often and shame-
fully deceived and abused by the professed friendship, as well
as open hostility of the opposite party, that the first requisite in
their candidate will be, X\\uX h.ehe a. Repuhlican of the old school,
and I know of no one who, in addition to so many other splendid
qualifications, can better sustain the integrity of this character,
than my friend from Kentucky.
I expect to see a number of my political friends at my house
during the summer, and among them, Mr. Van Buren, of the
Senate. The subject of the next Presidency will of course be
canvassed, and I will, in a future letter, give you my impressions
in regard to the prevailing views of the Republicans of this
State.
Mrs. P. is in excellent health, and desires her best respects to
you.
LANGDON CHEVES TO MR. CLAT.
PniLADELpmA, July 27, 1822.
My dear Sir,— Yom- favor of the 5th instant was duly re-
ceived. I have put your brother in nomination, and his and
your wish will be duly and respectfully considered. The ap-
OF HENRY CLAY. 67
pointments for the Orleans office "will be made on the 27th No-
vember next, at which time I will be merely nominally an officer
of the bank, as I have determined to leave it a few weeks after.
I perceive you are again a candidate for Congress, in which I
suppose you are right. The great question seems to be but little
agitated yet. You will perceive from the " Sentinel" of this
city, which is one of the oraeles of the democratic party in this
part of the State — the " Franklin Gazette" is the other — that
there is a schism among the active men. The " Sentinel" ap-
pears to incline to Crawford. New York appears to be completely
undecided, and apparently asking for an offer ; but I really know
nothing about it, and hear little.
PATRICK HENBY TO ME. CLAY.
August 21, 1822.
Dear Sir, — You must make Clinton President, which, with
your force and talents, public and private, you can accomplish.
He has pretensions in every respect — a man of business, is bold
and honorable — an elegant scholar — deeply read — liberal alto-
gether in his ideas. He would return the favor with fidelity.
He has no sneaking, tricky vices. You would be the next
President, from character, pretensions, experience, and, coming
from the West, you would be expected and attended to by the
nation. You would be Vice-President or Secretary of State.
The former would keep you out of turmoil and responsibility,
and perhaps be the safest place. You would be happy in it, hon-
ored and supported by every body.
Clinton has name, fame, talents, and useful and lasting honors
to sustain him for any or in any station he may fill. It would
be worthy of Clay and Kentucky to join New York and Clinton
in so glorious a career in saving the Union.
LAFAYETTE TO MB. CLAY.
Paeis, November 5, 1822.
My deab Sir, — I am too happy in an opportunity to keep our
friendly acquaintance, and would be still happier to converse
with you on the business of freedom, as it relates to both sides
68 PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE
of the Atlantic. You have had the pleasure, in which I was long
ago ready to sympathize, of the acknowledgment of Columbian
independence by the United States. May every part of that
continent be also free, independent, and universally acknowl-
edged ! It is to be expected the nonsense of an American em-
peror can not last long. But while I rejoice in the emancipation
of what was called the Spanish dominion, while I lament the
hesitation of the Cortes in the acknowledgment which policy and
necessity point out to them, I would be very sorry to hear of a
serious quarrel between Spain and the United States. The em-
bers of European freedom are now to be cherished in the penin-
sula. Old Governments, England particularly, employ a great
deal of cunning in fomenting divisions among the nations, and
in every nation among the parties, nay, the individuals who en-
list in the cause of mankind. Their friendship is almost as bad
as their enmity. The British papers. Whig and Tory, seem to
vie in recommending an intervention, under the form of protec-
tion, in the affairs of this very Greece against whom Great Brit-
ain and Austria have acted so cruel and dishonorable a part.
How happy should I be to see an American squadron in those
seas ! The American flag should be the natural, disinterested
protector for the Grecian confederacy. Should the Ottoman
navy prove impertinent, it might be crushed at once. A Grecian
citizen who has left Corinth with orders from the Federal Gov-
ernment, tells me that two millions of dollars, two ships of the
line, or three or four large frigates, could they obtain that sum
and naval means from mercantile enterprise, would suffice to in-
sure the liberties of that classic country. It is to be feared the
assistance will be either withheld or lent with interested views,
if not under degrading conditions. The decisions of the Vienna
Congress are every day expected. While a common antipathy
to the rights of men and nations link them together, the old sys-
tems and potent views of each Cabinet interfere with the general
plan of the Holy Alliance. The situation of France under its
counter-revolutionary Government is better understood by a
series of intelligences lately collected from the papers of both
parties, than I could explain in a letter. An actual invasion of
Spain by foreign troops may be postponed from the fear of unit-
ing the whole people in the defense of the country ; but every
countenance and protection will more and more be aff'orded to
the enemies of the Constitution ; and if the patriots are driven
OF HENRY CLAY. 69
to excesses, in consequence of their provoked irritation it will
become a pretense against them, against the liberals of every
country, and the cause itself, much depends on the spirited re-
sistance of Spain in the present crisis.
I have been requested by my former aid-de-camp in the na-
tional guards, and constant friend, M. de la Rue, to mention to
you a claim of his lady, Beaumarchais' daughter, now under the
examination of Congress. Their wish is that the affair may be
referred to a judicial, I suppose the Supreme Court. It does not
belong to me to decide on the propriety of the measure, nor the
circumstances of the claim, further than to say, I have been a wit-
ness to very active exertions of Beaumarchais in the first period of
our American contest ; but I owe it to those remembrances, and to
my affection for M. de la Rue, to make to you the mention of this
affair, very important to him and family. It appears that Ameri-
can claims upon France are on the point of being examined in
this country. I much wish justice may be rendered on all sides.
I have often the pleasure to talk of you with two amiable
friends of ours. Miller and Wright, who are now in France, and
most of the time in our family colony of Lagrange.
B. W. LEIGH TO MR. CLAT.
Richmond, November 9, 1822.
My dear Sir, — I had the happiness to receive yOur letter of
the 29th October this morning, and I am heartily thankful to
you for it. It was the more welcome, as it served to assure me
of the re-establishment of your health. The newspapers repre-
sented you, some weeks ago, as very dangerously ill ; and one
of them killed you outright — ^which your distant friends regard
as a very unpardonable abuse of the freedom of the press.
It was considerate and kind in you to send me your report of
our arrangements to the Legislature of Kentucky — the more so
since I must plead guilty to the charge of having broken my
promise to write to you on my return home. The truth is, that
when I got home, I had to write so many letters which I was
obliged to write, that I soon came to a conclusion to write none
but such as were absolutely indispensable. I trust to your own
experience in like cases to estimate the worth of this apology.
As to yourself in particular, I shall take this occasion to say.
70 PRIVATE COEEESPPNDENCE
that there was no part of your conduct in regard to' the peculiar
state of your local politics (and I was very observant of it all),
which impressed me with such high respect, and excited so warm
a sentiment of approbation, as the constant effort I saw you mak-
ing to impress it upon all parties, that there was no desperation
either in the disterriper of the State, or in the remedies that had
been applied, and that it behooved all men to treat them both with
patience, temper, and moderation, as well as frankness and
steadiness.
Tell my friends in Kentucky that I remember them as I ought.
Have the goodness to present my best respects to Mrs. Clay.
ME. CLAY TO FKANCIS BHOOKE.
Columbus, Ohio, Januai-y 8, 1823.
My deae Sir, — You will have seen a note which I addressed
to the editors of the " Intelligencer," on the subject of the busi-
ness of Ghent. I wish to say one word to you on it. To those
who have attentively read the controversial papers between
Messrs. Russell and Adams, and particularly the appendix to the
book of the latter, it must be apparent thai the honorable secre-
tary has labored to draw me into the controversy, by the manner
in which he has alluded to my name, and the inconsistency
which, on one occasion, he imputes to me. I had but one al-
ternative, either to acquiesce, by my silence, in all misrepresenta-
tions ; or, by a sort of protest, to reserve to myself the right of
correcting errors on some future fit occasion. I might, indeed,
have rushed into the controversy between those two gentlemen, or
commenced a new one ; but I hope my friends will believe me
incapable of committing such an indiscretion, as I conceive that
would be, of doing at this time the one or the other. I chose
the latter because of the alternative stated, and I hope you will
approve of the step I have taken. My pm-pose is answered, my
ground is taken, and those who know me will not want to be
assured that I will adhere to both. I shall write no more until
I think the period has arrived which I have indicated. The
honorable secretary seems to deplore its possible distance. I
shall remain unmoved by any regrets he may feel on account of
the want of fresh aliment for new strife.
The newspapers will communicate to you the events which
OP HENEY CLAY. 71
have occurred here. As they chose to have a second caucus, I
■was glad it took place before I reached Columbus. . Considering
the great efforts made from without to prevent any legislative
expression of public opinion, the proof which is afforded by the
vote here is extremely strong. My friends believe that from
eighty to ninety out of the one hundred and three members, who
compose the General Assembly, are in my favor ; and there is
among the former the greatest zeal, animation, and confidence.
I am anxious to learn the names of your commissioners. Ex-
pecting to reach Washington by the 22d instant, I shall be glad
to have the pleasure of hearing from you on my arrival there.
MK. CLAT TO TRANCIS BKOOKE.
Washington, Jannary 31, 1823.
Mt dear Sir, — I have received your obliging favor of the
29th instant. The considerations were so many and so power-
ful, calliqg upon your State to ratify the convention with Ken-
tucky, that I confess to you frankly I did not anticipate the
event which you say will probably happen. In that event I
shall deeply regret that Virginia ever again opened the negotia-
tion, after respecting the professions which Mr. Bibb and I sub-
mitted to your Legislature last winter. Why did Virginia ask
a reference of the claim of her State limit ? Could she suppose
that Kentucky would refer it and leave herself exposed, after the
decision of the referees, to the claim, as if it had never been
submitted to arbitration ? Could she think that the mockery of
creating a tribunal was to be presented to decide a controversy,
respecting which the parties were to be as free and unbound after
the decision as before the reference. If she had no power to
refer ; if she had no authority to bind her constituents, then she
ought not to have moved in the business ; and the first error was
committed at Richmond, and not at Lexington. For my part
I believe the State line bound by the decision, and that the
guaranty is the mere expression of a fair implication from the
whole transaction without it. And it was only to render the
convention more explicit, and to preclude the necessity of resort-
ing to any interpretations about which disputes might arise, that
it appeared to me to be expedient to insert the clause of guaranty.
Upon the whole I must say, that if you reject the convention,
72 PRIVATE COEBESPONDENCE
I think the impartial world will look upon you as being clearly
in the wrong.
I am extremely sorry to find that any of my friends believe
that I was not called upon to address the note which was re-
cently pubhshed in the InteUigencer, respecting certain questions
arising at Ghent. Had Mr. Adams, either before or after his
several publications, designed to consult me about the use which
he has freely made in them of my name ; had he said to me " Mr.
Clay, I have imputed to you such and such opinions, and made
statements about the part you acted at Ghent ; if I am inaccu-
rate in any of them I will take pleasure in correcting the error,"
I should have felt myself required to address Mr. Adams person-
ally, and not the public. But he never communicated to me
any one of his publications, and I never had an opportunity even
of seeing his book until my arrival here. Having chosen, with-
out my knowledge or consent, to usher my name into the public
journals ; having imputed to me, as he does in his appendix, in-
consistencies, and by an innuendo insinuated that I was the author
of an editorial article in Kentucky, which I never saw until I
read it in the paper in which it was printed, I felt myself ab-
solved from all obligation to make any direct appeal to Mr.
Adams himself. In addressing the note which I did to the pub-
lic, it -vvas my intention merely to enter a caveat against the cor-
rectness of all his statements, and to exhibit a public reservation
of a right on my part to rectify mistakes, when the projier occa-
sion should arrive. Considering the relation in which both of
us now stand to the public, I thought the present an unsuitable
moment even to hazard any controversy with him ; and if I
could prostrate him in the dust I would not write at this time.
I thank you for your kind information respecting the state of
the public mind in Virginia. * * *
*
I look upon this struggle with all the philosophy which I ought
to do. On one resolution my friends may rest assured I will
firmly rely, and that is, to participate in no intrigues, to enter
into no arrangements, to make no promises or pledges ; but that,
whether I am elected or not, I will have nothing to reproach
myself with. ' If elected I will go into the office with a pure
conscience, to promote with my utmost exertions the common
good of our country, and free to select the most able and faithful
public servants. If not elected, acquiescing most cheerfully in
the better selection which will thus have been made, I will at
OF HENEY CLAY. 78
least have the satisfaction of preserving my honor unsullied, and
my heart uncorrupted.
I shall remain here during the greater part of the term of the
Supreme Court, in which I have some professional business, par-
ticularly the cause between the bank and the State of Ohio.
I shall be glad that your leisure may allow you to give me
the pleasure of again hearing from you.
P. S. What course does Virginia mean to take after refuting
the guaranty ? Does she intend again to open the negotiation ?
To propose that the Board of Commissioners shall now proceed
without the clause of guaranty ? Or to make a rupture of all
negotiations and fly to arms? I mean /orewsjc arms.
B. W. LEIGH TO MR. CLAY.
Richmond, Feb. 12, 1823.
My deak Sir, — I have received your truly kind and friendly
letter. Far from being surprised at the indignation which the
conduct of the Virginia Legislature, in respect to the convention
agreed on between us last summer, has excited in your breast, I
unite in the sentiment ; but my indignation is aggravated by the
sense of personal mortification at such a defeat of my best efforts
for the public service, and of burning shame for the ridicule and
dishonor which Virginia has brought on herself. If you be thus
indignant, what must be the feelings of your colleague, Mr.
Rowan ? I fancy I can see his resentment, disdain, and con-
tempt. Yet, my dear sir, this deed must not be imputed to us,
the people of Virginia, nor even to the body of her representa-
tives— ^it must lie at the door of a bare majority of the Senate.
I am not sure that Kentucky is bound to take the distinction, but
I hope you will. I believe that the sentiment of the people of
Virginia toward Kentucky, is the same with my own individu-
ally, and that, I am sure, is what it ought to be.
It is impossible to say what our assembly means to do in this
business. Some answer must be given to Kentucky. What it
will be, or how it can be agreed on, considering the difference
of opinion between the two houses, I am wholly at a loss to
conjecture. The majority in the Senate for the present, so far
as I can learn, are perfectly careless about it. But it is impos-
74 PEIVATK CORRESPONDENCE
sible, I hope, that they can continue so regardless of self-respectj
so unconcerned about the comity due to a sister State, as to leave
matters in their present condition. Mr. Johnson desired me a
day or two ago, to tell you that he did not think it absolutely
hopeless, and that the Senate will yet consent to the ratification
of the convention.
I
\
MR. CLAY TO FKANCIS BROOKE.
Washington, February 26, 1923.
Mr DEAR Sir, — I duly received your friendly letter of the l9th
inst., as I did the preceding one to which it refers. The course
which the business between our respective States has taken, fills
me with so much regret and concern, that I will not dwell upon
it, especially as it has probably terminated finally, and had, there-
fore better be forgotten as soon as it can be. What is done can
not be changed, and it is not conformable to my temper or habit,
to indulge in unavailing regrets. I prefer always looking to the
future. I observe what you state with respect to the condition
of the public feeling in Virginia, in regard to the next Presidency.
I ever thought that the line of conduct which the Virginia gen-
tleman had marked out for that State, that is, to take no forward
part in the ensuing election, but rather to leave the decision of
it to the residue of the Union, was wise and discreet. It would
have been thought that Virginia was dictatorial, if after ceasing
to furnish a chief magistrate, she should have displayed any early
and anxious solicitude about the successor of Mr. Monroe. But
has Virginia acted in consonance with this avowed purpose ? Has
not that point, which heretofore has invariably indicated her pleas-
ure, distinctly taken its ground ? Has it not been confidently pro-
claimed, and been believed, every where out of Virginia, that her
choice was fixed ? May not the efi"ect of all this be, to jeopard-
ize, not only that preference, if it be actually made, but also the
election of him who would be her second choice ?
Virginia may possibly decide the election by bestowing her suf-
frage on the gentleman referred to, though I doubt it extremely.
But she certainly ca7i decide it by lending her support to him
who is said to be her second choice. She will, of course, as she
ought to, determine as she pleases in such contingences. * *
In saying that it is my firm conviction that Mr. Adams is at
present the most formidable, I pray you to believe that I do not
OF HENRY CLAY. 75
mean (far from it), to indicate any preference for him, nor am I
moved, at Mr. Crawford's expense, by the desire of advancing
my own interests. ******
Connect yourselves with the West, and are you not, whether
the election is won or lost, on the vantage ground ? You see,
my dear sir, that I write you with all the freedom of an ancient
friendship, which could alone excuse the presentation to you of
views, which, I dare say, have often been taken by you.
I pray you to give my best respects to your associate. Judge
Green, whose acquaintance I had the pleasure of making last
winter, and for whose character I have a high regard.
MB. CLAY TO FRANCIS BROOKE.
Washington, March 9, 1823.
Mt dear Sir, — You will have seen that the Supreme Court
has decided against the validity of our occupying claimant laws.
The dissatisfaction which will be felt by the people of Ken-
tucky, with the decision, will be aggravated in no little degree,
by the fact, that the decision is that of three judges to one, a mi-
nority, therefore, of the whole court ; and this aggravation will
be further increased by considerations which belong to either of
these three judges.
At the moment of some vexation about this unhappy result of a
cause, the effects and possible consequences of which, fill me
with extreme concern, I wrote you my last letter, and I fear that
I expressed myself in it, on some points, in a manner which I
ought not to have done, even to one whom I have ever regarded
as one of my best friends. I must pray you, therefore, to com-
mit it to the flames, and its contents to oblivion. * * *
I shall leave this place in a few days, for Kentucky, by the way
of Philadelphia, and I shall be glad to have the pleasure of
hearing from you, when I reach home.
M. DE MENOU TO MR. CLAY.
March 17, 1823.
M. de Menou has the honor of presenting his respects to Mr.
Clay, and while acknowledging his polite note of yesterday,
begs leave to thank him for his attention to the affair of Apollon
which he regrets was not tried this term. He hopes Mr. Clay
76 PBIVATE COREESPONDENCE
will have the goodness to give it his continued support next
year.
Should Mr. Clay have no fmther use, at present, for the differ-
ent papers relating to that business, and think fit to send them to
M. de Menou, he would keep them in readiness to be returned
to Mr. Clay on his return to Washington.
BEPUBLIC or COLOMBIA TO MR. CLAY.
Favohita, December 31, 1822.
The Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, begs leave to offer
his best respects to Colonel Todd, and will have the greatest
pleasure in presenting to the Executive of Colombia, the portrait
of the Honorable Henry Clay, to whom the Continental States
of the ci-devant Spanish America, are so much indebted for his
perseverance and enlightened sagacity.
The Secretary of State for Foreign Relations, entertains no
doubt but that the Executive will accept a present which will
at every moment recall to his mind, an American politician and
a sincere friend of humanity. He does not hesitate, by antici-
pation, to offer to Colonel Todd his best thanks for his goodness
and the particular confidence with which he distinguishes him.
Bogota, April 23, 1823.
C. S. Todd offers his respects to the Honorable Speaker of
the House of Representatives of the Republic of Colombia,
and, as a testimony of his esteem for the first Constitutional
Congress, has the honor to present an engraved portrait of his
distinguished friend and connection, Henry Clay, the eloquent
advocate of the liberty of both Americas.
La Fatoeita, December 31, 1822.
C. S. Todd's respects to Dr. Gual, Secretary of State for For-
eign Affairs, and begs leave to present, as a slight testimony of
his esteem, an engraved portrait of his distinguished friend and
connection, Henry Clay ; to be disposed of in such manner as
Dr. Gual may deem most complimentary to the Executive De-
partment of Colombia.
OF HENEY CLAY. 77
REPUBLIC OF COLOMBIA.
House of Kepre5entatives, in Bogota,
April 26, 182S.
To Me. 0. S. Todd, Charge d' Affaires —
The House of Representatives has received with the most
hvely sense of gratitude the vakiable present you have had the
goodness to offer. It duly appreciates the generous sentiments
manifested in the address with which you accompanied it ;
sentiments very worthy of the country of Washington and of
Frankhn.
The House will not fail to pay that profound tribute of re-
spect which is due to the Honorable Henry Clay, the intrepid
advocate of the cause of Colombia ; and while it reserves to
itself the occasion of manifesting in a more conspicuous manner,
the high esteem of which he is worthy, you will condescend to
communicate to him, the wishes which the House cherishes for
the prosperity of the United States. God preserve you.
DOMINGO CAYCEDO, President of the Souse.
C. S. TODD TO ME. CLAT.
Bogota, May 8, 1823.
Mt deae Sir, — I had the pleasure of addressing you a short
note from Merida, in December last, and avail myself, now, of
the return of the Swedish Consul-General to Philadelphia, to
transmit a correspondence with the authorities here, produced
by the presentation of some of Tyler's engravings of you, three
copies of which I had procured for the purpose ; the receipt of
that presented to General Soublette, Intendant-General at Car-
acas, has not been acknowledged. The correspondence was
originally in Spanish, and you will see in the translation that I
have made some progress in a language, which, besides its pre-
eminent beauties, may become emphatically that of America.
I hope you know me sufficiently to be aware that I have not
received with indifference, the account of the indications in
Kentucky, Ohio, and Missouri, and in the prints of other States,
favorable to your pretensions to the next Presidency. Death
and some Siberian Missions may lessen the number of your
competitors, and whatever may be the feeling of the United
78 PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE
States singly on the subject, there can be no doubt but that the
united voice of continental America would elevate you to a
station full of unexampled responsibility and of unrequited
solicitude. I am persuaded, however, that you are yourself too
national in your feelings, to give all the point which the people
and Governments in the New States of Spanish America would
wish to convey by their unqualified approbation of your con-
duct in relation to their supposed interests ; since it has been
made the occasion and the pretext for indulging in cold and un-
worthy feelings toward our Government, and extending, in a
much greater degree than we could wish, even to our people
and institutions.
I might refer you to Colonel Duane for detailed information
with respect to the state of affairs here ; and his opinions would
be entitled to great consideration, having devoted many years to
the acquisition of an extensive knowledge of the country, and
in support of the cause which the people supposed they were
maintaining. Being myself in the diplomatic service and, more-
over, under the immediate eye of a statesman, who is character-
istically known never to express more than he means to say, I
may be excused from giving an opinion on the condition of
things ; but Colonel Duane, if he were to meet with you, would
undeceive you with respect to many matters about which, he
says, he has been heretofore under misapprehensions. He would
tell you that though the county is separated from Spanish do-
minion and misrule, yet that Spanish duplicity in the Governors,
and Spanish superstition in the people are but too painfully prev-
alent ; while the hopes of the public councils are directed to
Europe, and especially Great Britain, in the vain delusion, that
it is by those powers alone, their interests can be promoted.
I need not say, dear sir, that any communication you may
find it convenient to make me, will be peculiarly acceptable.
MR. CLAT TO FRANCIS BROOKE.
Lexinqtoit, August 28, 1823.
I received, my dear sir, your very obliging letter of the 14th
instant, and I pray you to believe that I do not place less value
on your friendship because you have nothing to communicate
" more favorable to my prospects." On the subject to which you
OF HENRY CLAY. 79
allude, I assure you most sincerely I look with great calmness,
and with a most perfect determination to acquiesce cheerfully in
whatever choice the nation may make. It would be a poor com-
pliment to our institutions, to say that their solidity, or the public
happiness, materially depended upon any election that shall
take place. I really think, however, that Virginia can not jus-
tify herself to the Union for the apathy which you say prevails
there on the question. Judging, as I have done at this distance,
from the " Enquirer" and other Virginia prints, I had supposed
that great interest was felt and generally taken in its decision,
and that there was even danger of her overstepping the line of
cautious circumspection, which her leading politicians were un-
derstood to have iiiarked out for her.
This indifference, you say, arises from the absence of any
pledge that the great interests of the people of Virginia will be
taken care of by any of the competitors for the chief magistracy.
If, indeed, no such pledge is to be found in the principles, integ-
rity, and characters, as heretofore developed, of either of the
candidates, it is, I should think, quite too late in the day now
for any pledge to be given or received. But, my dear sir, what
interests have Virginia and the South separate from the Union ?
You have mentioned a single subject only, that of the encroach-
ments of the Federal judiciary on State rights ; and, as connected
with this, the " broad doctrine now inculcated, that Congress has
the right to extend, not to regulate only, the jurisdiction of the
Federal Courts." On that subject I am entirely at a loss to con-
ceive any peculiar interest in the State of Virginia, and the
Southern States. All are equally concerned in the jurisdiction
of the State sovereignties. All would be equally affected by
Federal usurpation. But I must confess that it is the first time
that I ever heard asserted such a doctrine as you say is now in-
culcated. The limit of the Federal judiciary is to be found in
the Constitution, and Congress can vest in it no power which is
not there found. If such a doctrine as you state is really at-
tempted to be inculcated, you will find Kentucky now, as in the
epoch of 1799, in spite of all your unkindness toward her, ready
to co-operate with you in opposing it, and no man in the Union
will be more prompt than I shall be to second the opposition.
I can not suppose you to refer to the power that is claimed for
the general Government, to give effect to its laws through its own
judiciary. For, without that power, without Federal means to
80 PRIVATE CORKESPONDENCE
eiFectuate the constitutional resolves of the Federal will, there is
an end to the general Government — that is inevitable, if not in-
stantaneous anarchy.
But, my dear sir, on this subject of the Federal judiciary and
State rights, I mean to say a few words to you, in the spirit of
Virginia independence, and in the frankness of sincere friendship.
Has not Virginia exposed herself to the imputation of selfishness,
by the course of her conduct, or of that of many of her politicians ?
When, in the case of Cohans and Virginia, her authority was
alone concerned, she made the most strenuous efforts against the
exercise of power by the Supreme Court. But when the thun-
ders of that Court were directed against poor Kentucky, in vain
did she invoke Virginian aid. The Supreme Court, it was im-
agined, would decide on the side of supposed interests of Vir-
ginia. It has so decided ; and, in effect, cripples the sovereign
power of the State of Kentucky more than any other measure
ever affected the independence of any State in this Union, and
not a Virginia voice is heard against the decision. The Supreme
Court is viewed with complacency, and as a very different sort
of tribunal from that Supreme Court which decided Cohans'
case.
Again : of all the irregular bodies, none can be more so than
a Congressional caucus at Washington. None have a more con-
solidating tendency. Indeed, it is espoused upon the principle
of preventing the exercise of State or Federal rights through the
medium of the House of Representatives. Yet the Virginia
politicians (at least if we are to judge from the papers) warmly
advocate the constitution of such a caucus. Will it not be said
that they are influenced by the consideration, not of preserving
unimpaired State rights, but of giving to the State power of
Virginia the utmost effect of which it is capable ? Or that of
securing the election of the alleged favorite, who, without the
instrumentality of such an assemblage, is in danger of losing the
election ? It is in vain to speak of the inconveniences of a
warmly-contested election. They are incident to our system,
and are happily provided for by it. And the transitions from a
Congressional caucus to a pretorian cohort or hereditary mon-
archy, to escape from those vexations, are not so great as we
might at first imagine.
I am aware that on two subjects I have the misfortune to
differ with many of my Virginia friends— internal improvements
OF HENKT CLAY. 81
and home mannfaetnres. My opinion has been formed after
much deliberation, and my best judgment yet tells me that I am
right. I have not time, nor would it be fitting as regards your
comfort, now to discuss the policy or the power of fostering these
interests. I believe Yirginia and the Southern States as much
interested, directly or indirectly, as any other parts of the Union,
in their encouragenlent. When the Government was first adopted
we had no interior. Our population was inclosed between the
sea and the mountains which riui parallel to it. Since then the
west part of your State, the western parts of New York and
Pennsylvania, and all the Western States, have been settled.
The wars of Europe consumed all the surplus produce on both
sides of the mountains. Those wars have terminated, and emi-
gration has ceased. We find ourselves annually in possession of
an immense surplus. There is no market for it abroad ; there is
none at home. If there were a foreign market, before we, in the
interior, could reach it, the intervening population would have sup-
plied it. There can be no foreign market adequate to the con-
sumption of the vast and growing surplus of the produce of our
agriculture. We must, then, have a home market. Some of us
must cultivate ; some fabricate. And we must have reasonable
protection against the machinations of foreign powers. On the
sea-board you want a navy, fortifications, protection, foreign
commerce. In the interior we want internal improvements,
home manufactures. You have what you want, and object to
our getting what we want. Should not the interests of both
parties be provided for ?
It has appeared to me, in the administration of the general
Government, to be a just principle to inquire what great interests
belong to each section of our country, and to promote those in-
terests, as far as practicable, consistently with the Constitution,
having always an eye to the welfare of the whole. Assuming
this principle, does any one doubt that if New York, New Jer-
sey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, and the Western States
constituted an independent nation, it would immediately protect
the important interests in question ? And is it not to be feared
that, if protection is not to be found for vital interests, from the
existing systems, in great parts of the confederacy, those parts
will ultimately seek to establish a system that will afi'ord the
requisite protection ? I would not, in the application of the prin-
ciple indicated, give to the peculiar interests of great sections all
82 PRIVATE COERESPONDENCE
the protection which they would probably reeeive if those sec-
tions constituted separate and independent States. I would,
however, extend some protection, and measure it by balancing
the countei-vaihng interests, if there be such, in other quarters of
the Union.
I concur entirely with you in thinking that the north and
east, but particularly New England, have laid, in a great meas-
ure, the other parts of the Union under contribution. And of
all the ill-advised measures, of all the wasteful expenditures of
public money, the Revolutionary pension list pre-eminently takes
the lead. Never was there more public money spent, with less
practical benefit. But who proposed it ? Your own Monroe.
I thought of it then as I think of it now ; but opposition would
have been silly and vain.
You will oppose my election, I suppose, in Virginia. I have
no right to complain. Silence and submission are my duty. You
will oppose me because I think that the interests of all parts of
the Union should be taken care of ; in other words, that the in-
terests of the interior, on the two subjects mentioned, as well as
that of the maritime coast, ought to be provided for. You will
give your suffrages to Mr. Crawford or Mr. Adams ; and if Mr.
Crawford or Mr. Adams be elected, I venture to predict that we
shall find, either in his inaugural speech, or in the first message
or speech (perhaps the latter mode of communication may be re-
vived) to Congress, a recommendation of efficient encouragement
to domestic manufactures and internal improvements.
I am afraid that you will think me in a very bad humor. Far
from it. I repeat that I never enjoyed more perfect composure.
My health, it is true, is extremely bad, and I am now confined
at home by the endeavor to re-establish it. But it neither affects
my tranquilhty or gives me the spleen. In regard to the election,
as to which I will make no professions of affecting an indiffer-
ence, which I do not feel, my friends continue to be very confi-
dent ; and my own opinion is that my prospects are not sur-
passed by those of either of the other gentlemen, still I am not
unaware that all things are uncertain ; and I therefore continue
resolved to preserve my philosophy, my principles, and my con-
science, be the event what it may.
Has not our friend Southard been rapidly advanced ? He
certainly has merit, and his friend, the Secretary of War, has
discernment.
OF HENEY CLAY. 83
It would have given me great pleasure to see you, as it will
to meet you any where again. Can you not run up to Washing-
ton next winter ? To a close observer there will be a scene
there exhibited worth surveying. Wherever you are, I pray you
to be persuaded that my best wishes attend you.
P. S. I send you my effusions as they are poured out through
a mercurial course, on which the doctors have put me ; and wish
no copy for others. I write for yourself alone.
LAFAYETTE TO HR. CLAY.
Lageahge, October 13, 1823.
My dear Sih, — I have been applied to by the amiable Madame
de la Rue for a letter of introduction to my friend Mr. Clay ;
she is daughter of the celebrated Beaumarchais, whose name
has been connected with the five years of our American contest ;
she is the wife of one of my faithful and zealous aides-de-camp
in the National Guard ; two motives which make it a very agree-
able duty for me to present her to you.
Madame de la Rue has a claim upon the public treasury, long
debated in Congress, the documents of which have been laid be-
fore you. It does not belong to me to anticipate. your opinion
in a matter upon which you have more data than I could offer ;
but I find a pleasure in contributing to gratify Madame de la
Rue's wishes to be introduced to your personal acquaintance.
PETER B. PORTER TO ME. CLAY.
Black Rook, November 17, 1823.
Dear Sir, — I received your favor of September some days
ago.
The singular results in our late elections, with the speculations
on them in our newspapers, will show you the uncertainty of the
ultimate vote of this State on the presidential question. The
zeal and pertinacity with which Van Buren and his friends have
pushed Mr. Crawford (who has no substantial popularity here)
without any other argument in his favor than the necessity of
party d'sciplme; have disgusted the Republicans of this State,
and produced great dissatisfaction and division in our ranks.
84 PRIVATE COEEESPONDElSrCE
The cleverest fellow in our delegation is Dudley Marvin, a
new member from Ontario, to whom I have given a letter of
introduction to you. He was from New England, and educated
a Federalist, but is a Republican in principle and practice, and
has for some time been in the confidence of our party. He pos-
sesses a heart as well as a head of the first order. I hope yon
will notice him in public as well as in private, and I am confident
your attentions will be amply repaid in the pleasure you will
derive from his acquaintance.
p. p. BAKBOUK TO MR. CLAT.
Wasbtngton, December 4, 1823.
Dear Sir, — In answer to your note of this evening, I beg
leave to say, that I should regret exceedingly, as far as I am
personally concerned, to give you the slightest difficulty in the
arrangement of committees. My own individual wish would be
decidedly to be on no committee ; but as that might possibly
give rise to some misconstruction, I now so far modify my wish
as to desire to be put upon none whose labor is very great ; and
further, not to be chairman of whatsoever committee I may be
placed on — above all, the Committee of Ways and Means I should
most object to. Wheresoever your general arrangement may make
it convenient to place me, I assure you in sincerity I shall be per-
fectly satisfied.
MR. CLAY TO FRANCIS BROOKE.
Washington, Deeemter 20, 1823.
My dear Sir, — A friend informs me that, at Richmond, my
arrangement of the committees of the House of Representatives
has been the subject of some animadversion, in consequence of
Mr. Barbour, late Speaker, not being at the head of any com-
mittee. The truth is, that it was my intention to have appointed
him chairman of one of the most prominent committees of the
House, but he entreated me not to put him at the head of any
committee, nor on any committee, which might require much of
his time, as he wished to employ it exclusively in study. I should
certainly not offer, even to a friend, any explanation of my official
conduct in such a matter, if it were not to prevent misconception
OF HENEY CLAY. 85
of my motives in respect to a gentleman between whom and
myself unfortunately some competition existed. I am sure if he
were apprised (he is now absent from Washington) of the erron-
eous impression existing at Richmond, he would himself hasten
to correct it. I have a full share of human frailties ; but a want
of consideration for a competitor, in relation to any object, does
not, if I know myself, happen to be one of them.
Did you get a lengthy letter that I wrote you in August or
September last ?
W. B. ROCHESTER TO MR. CLAT,
Baib, Steuben Cotjhtt, B". Y., December 20, 1823.
My dear Sir, — Your election as Speaker, considering the
'majority, and that you were opposed by a professed friend of Mr.
Crawford, has had the effect of making the few friends of the
last-named gentleman, whom I have since conversed with, admit
that he is not so strong a man throughout the Union as they had
previously supposed. You were right in taking it ; had you
declined, you would have been charged with chaffering ; indeed,
Rufus King's paper, in New York cit}'', has already, in substance,
charged you with having graduated some of the first of your'
official acts {ex. qr. appointments of committees), with a view to
serve private views. That editor, Mr. , is a sad fellow,
for it is only about a twelvemonth since he avowed to me his
preference of you, and ever since he has been totis viribus, for
Adams !
The hollow apology which he made to me, was your publica-
tion disavowing any co-operation with Mr. Russell in his affair
with Mr. Adams.
In answer to the inquiry in your favor of the 6th instant,
whether I correspond with Mr. Van Buren, I reply affirmatively,
though I have not as yet heard directly from him since his ar-
rival at Washington.
I have just finished a hasty letter to him, which lies before
me, and shall be forwarded by the same mail which takes this.
I repeat to you that Mr. V. B.'s preference will be of vast im-
portance to his favorites in this State, let the choice be made as
it may.
I am told your health has been poor, and as your duties are
86 PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE
doubtless arduous, let me once more beg of you to believe that I
do not write with a view of extracting answers. I need hardly
say that my letters to you are written for the indulgent eye of
friendship only. I have not time to transcribe and to correct, but
shall occasionally drop you a hasty scroll as the tide moves on.
ME. CLAT TO FKANCIS BKOOKE.
Washington, January 22, 1824.
Mr DEAK Sm, — I duly received your obliging letter of the 18th
instant. I am glad to hear of the probability of the recovery of
Colonel Taylor's health. With respect to his opinions on the
subject to which you refer, whatever they may be, they can not
diminish that habitual veneration for him which I have ever
cherished.
On the point of a caucus, in a spirit of perfect desperation, a
continual effort is making to get one up. It will be defeated,
you may rely, either by being voted down, in a general attend-
ance of the Republican members, or by a resolution of a large
majority of them not to attend. If they make one, it will be a
faction — a cabal. My friends say, that on the score of mere ex-
pediency, they have no objection to a caucus which shall be
composed of the Republican members generally ; that they have no
fears of the result of such a caucus ; but that they have no idea
of consenting to make part of a caucus in which they should act
the part of uieYeJiguranti, which "would be the case if the friends
of other candidates, who, it is well known, would not attend,
should be absent. ******
With great regard, I am faithfully your friend.
MK. CLAY TO FRANCIS BROOKE.
Washington, February 23, 1824.
My dear Sir, — It is some time since I had the pleasure of
hearing from you. In the interval, several events of importance
have occurred. The miserable attempt at a caucus, you wiU
have seen accounts of Mr. Crawford never could have been
OF HENEY CLAT. ' 87
elected, but I venture to predict that the mere fact of seeking,
by means of a caucus so got up, and so constituted, will de-
stroy "whatever prospects he ever had. Mr. Calhoun has with-
drawn. This has been produced by events in Pennsylvania,
evincing, beyond all doubt, the determination of that State to
support General Jackson. The circle of competition is thus
much circumscribed, and , you may rely upon it, that you will
have, as your next President, Adams, Jackson, or myself. You
will have, in Virginia, to choose between these three evils. It
is madness, it is perfect infatuation, to think, at this time, of any
body else. Our intelligence from New York, continues to be
favorable to the hopes of my friends. Still we shall have noth-
ing absolutely decisive from that quarter, until time has elapsed
to enable us to hear what the consequences there will be of the.
caucus. The present moment is one of great importance to me
in Virginia. Now is the time to make a demonstration for me
there, if ever. My friends accordingly, I understand, contem-
plate the formation of an electoral ticket for me, at Richmond,
and think of putting you at the head of it, if you consent.
Such a ticket, announced at this time, whatever may be its ulti-
mate fate to Virginia, will have the very best effects out of
Virginia.
As soon as I hear from New York, I will communicate to
you. In the mean time, I should be glad to hear from you. Sir.
Crawford's friends will make an eifort as long as they adhere to
him, to exclude me from the House of Representatives, in the
hope that my Western friends will take him, if they can not
get me. They utterly deceive themselves. If they accomplish
that object, and bring him into the house with Adams and Jack-
son, to my exclusion, he can not be elected. As I have told you
before, the north-western States will go for Mr. Adams, if they
can not get me. They will vote for no man residing in a slave
State but me, and they vote for me because of other and chiefly
local considerations, outweighing the slave objections. On that
you may depend. Mr. Adains, then, will have the six New
England States, and three north-western States, with the chance
(and the best chance), for New York (if I am out of the way),
New Jersey, Maryland, to say nothing of Alabama, Mississippi,
and Louisiana.
PRIVATE OOERESPONDENCE
ME. CLAY TO FKANCIS BROOKE
"WAsniNGTOx, February 26, 1824.
My dear Sir, — During your sojourn at home, I did not write
you any letter except one, which I addressed to you some days
ago, at Fredericksburg, with a direction to the post-master at that
place, to forward it to you at Richmond, if you had gone
thither. I hope it has safely come to hand. I am glad that
you have returned to the metropolis. Inclosed, I transmit to you
two letters which I have received to-day from New York, which
you may return or destroy, after perusing the contents. Other
letters, to other persons, have, from Albany, corroborated ' their
statements, and represent, first that Mr. Crawford can not pos-
sibly obtain the vote of New York ; secondly, that great dissat-
isfaction prevails at Albany,. with such a caucus as was held
here, and especially Avith the person nominated as Vice-President;
and thirdly, that there is no contest in New York, but between
Mr. Adams and me. Pennsylvania has gone inevitably to
Jackson.
ME. CLAY TO FEANCIS BROOKE.
Washington, March 6, 1824.
My dear Sir, — I have received the three last letters which
you have done me the favor to write to me. On the subject to
which they relate, there appears to be an eddy at this moment.
We shall soon see which way the currents will break out. In-
formation from every quarter assures us that the caucus here has
impaired, instead of advancing Mr. Crawford's prospects. The
convention at Harrisburg, no doubt, the day before yesterday,
recommended General Jackson ; and they probably forebore to
make any recommendation of a Vice-President ; or, if they did
make any, I think it was Mr. Calhoun. At Albany they are
probably looking to Harrisburg, and waiting for events. It is
now believed, that the Senate of New York will reject the Elec-
toral Bill, the committee of that body having made a report
against it. But, rest assured, that all inferences derived from
that fact in favor of Mr. Crawford are utterly fallacious. He
can not obtain the vote of that State.
I concur with you in thinking that my friends at Richmond
OF HENRY OLAT. 89
and in Virginia ought to avoid, if possible, all misunderstanding
with those of Mr. Crawford ; jand a temperate and conciliatory-
character would therefore be best to be given to any appeal made
to the people in my behalf.
I have just heard that De Witt Clinton has arrived here. I
pray you not to think it necessary to answer every letter which
I may address to you. I should be glad to hear from you occa-
sionally, and when perfectly convenient.
MR. CLAY TO FEANCIS BROOKE.
Washington, March 16, 1824.
My dear Sir, — I received your obliging favor of the 14th.
The ticket formed by my friends at Richmond, appears to me,
upon the whole, to be extremely judicious ; and its good effect
elsewhere, I think I am not deceived in. The Senate of New
York, has by a vote of seventeen to fourteen, postponed the
Electoral Bill. The first and most certain efiect of that note is
to prevent Mr. Clinton from being a candidate ; and I have no
doubt that that was the principal object with the majority. If
there had been a popular election of electors, he would probably
have come out, and very likely would have obtained the vote
of that State.
The course of Mr. Randolph's friends about Richmond sur-
prises me. My conscience acquits me entirely of all blame
toward that gentleman. Throughout all our acquaintance he
has ever been the assailant. I have ever been on the defensive.
The House of Representatives has ever taken part with me, and
against him, in every collision that I ever had with him.
JAMES MADISON TO MR. CLAY.
MoNiTELiEi!, April 24, 1824.
Dear Sir, — I have received a copy of your speech on " Ameri-
can Industry" for which I pray you to accept my thanks. I find
in it a full measure of the ability and eloquence so often wit-
nessed on preceding occasions. But while doing this justice to
the task you have performed, which I do with pleasure as well
as sincerity, candor obliges me to add that I can not concur in
90 PEIVATE CORRESPONDENCE
the extent to which the pending bill carries the tariff, nor in
some of the reasoning by which. it is advocated.
The bill, I think, loses sight too much of the general princi-
ple which leaves to the judgment of individuals the choice of
profitable employments for their labor and capital ; and the argu-
ments in favor of it drawn from the aptitudes of our situation
for manufacturing establishments, tend to show that these would
take place without a Legislative interference. The law would
not say to the cotton-planter, you overstock the market, and
ought to plant tobacco ; and to the planter of tobacco you would
do better by substituting wheat. It presumes that profit being
the object of each, as the profit of each is the wealth of the
whole, each will make whatever change the state of the markets
and prices may require. We see, in fact, changes of this sort
frequently produced in agricultural pursuits by individual sagacity
watching over individual interest. And why not trust to the
same guidance in favor of manufacturing industry, whenever it
promises more profit than any of the agricultural branches ; or
more than mercantile pursuits, from which we see capital readily
transferred to manufacturing establishments likely to yield a
greater income ?
With views of the subject such as this, I am a friend to the
general principle of "free industry" as the basis of a sound sys-
tem of political economy. On the other hand, I am not less a
friend to the legal patronage of domestic manufactures, as far as
they come within particular reasons for exceptions to the general
rule, not derogating from its generality. If the friends of the
tariff, some of them at least, maintain opinions subversive of the
rule, there are among its opponents views taken of the subject
which would exclude the fair exceptions to it.
For examples of these exceptions I take, first, the case of
articles necessary for national defense. Second, articles of a use
too indispensable to be subjected to foreign contingences. Third,
cases where there may be sufiicient certainty that a temporary
encouragement will introduce a particular manufacture, which,
once introduced, would flourish without that encouragement.
That there are such cases is proved by the cotton manufacture,
introduced by the impulse of the v/ar and the patronage of the
law, without which it might not for a considerahle time have ef-
fectually sprung up. It must not be forgotten, however, that the
great success in this case was owing to the advantage enjoyed in
OF HENRY CLAT. 91
the raw material, and to the extraordinary abridgment of manual
labor by mechanical agency. Fourth, a very important exception
results from the frequency of wars among the manufacturing na-
tions, the effect of a state of war on the prices of their manufac-
tures, and the improbability that domestic substitutes will be
provided by establishments which could not outlast occasions of
such uncertain duration. I have not noticed any particular refer-
ence to this consideration in the discussions which have been
published, the greater cheapness of imported fabrics being as-
sumed from their cost in times of peace. Yet it is clear that if
a yard of imported cloth, which costs but six dollars in peace,
costs eight dollars in war, and the two periods should be, as for
the last two centuries taken together they have been, nearly
equal, a tax of nearly one dollar a yard in time of peace could
be afforded by the consumer, in order to escape the tax im-
posed by the event of war.
Without looking for other exceptions to the general principle
restraining legislative interferences with the industrioHS pursuits
of individuals, those specified give sufficient scope for a moderate
tariff that would at once answer the purpose of revenue and
foster domestic manufactures.
With respect to the operation of the projected tariff, I am led.
to believe that it will disappoint the calculations both of its
friends and of its adversaries. The latter will probably find that
the increase of duty on articles which will be but partially manu-
factured at home, with the annual increment of consumers, will
balance at least the loss to the Treasury from the diminution of
the tariffed imports ; while the sanguine hopes of the former
will be not less^ frustrated by the increase of smuggling, par-
ticularly through our east and north frontiers, and by the attrac-
tion of the laboring class to the vacant territory. This is the
great obstacle to the spontaneous establishment of manufactures,
and will be overcome with most difficulty wherever land is
cheapest, and the ownership of it most attainable.
The tariff, I apprehend, will disappoint also those who expect
it to put an end to unfavorable balances of trade. Our imports,
as is justly observed, will not be short of our exports. They
will probably exceed them, We are accustomed to buy not only
as much as We can pay for, but as much more as can be obtained
on credit. Until we change our habits, therefore, or manufac-
ture the articles of luxury as well as the useful articles, we shall
92 PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE
be apt to be in arrears, to a certain extent, in our foreign deal-
ings, and have the exchange bearing against us. As long as our
exports consist chiefly of food and raw materials, we shall
have the advantage, in a contest of privations, over a nation sup-
plying us with superfluities. But in the ordinary freedom of in-
tercourse, the advantage will be on the other side ; the wants on
that being limited by the nature of them, and on ours as bound-
less as fancy and fashion.
Excuse a letter which I fear is much too long, and be assured
of my great esteem and sincere regard.
P. S. Mrs. Madison desires me to oflter the proper return for
the kind wishes expressed in your note introducing Mr. Ten
Eyck, who with his companion made the time very agreeable
which they passed with us.
• MB. CLAY TO FKANCIS BROOKE.
Washington, May 19, 1824.
My deab Sib, — I duly received your favor of the 16th inst.
I did not become acquainted with Colonel Gooch while he was
here. An incident that occurred may serve to explain the charge
to which you refer. It is the duty of the Speaker to admit
stenographers. Mr. Stevenson said to me, " Colonel Gooch is
here, and probably would Jike to take down the debates, etc.,
for the " Enquirer" during his stay, but I am not authorized to
apply for his admission." I replied, if Colonel Gooch wants a
seat within the hall, bond fide for that purpose, he shall be ad-
mitted ; but that I could not consent to his admission merely
to give him a comfortable place, without reference to the duties
of a stenographer. Mr. Stevenson said he should advise him
not to apply, etc. He did not make an application. I after-
ward understood that he complained ; but I was also told that,
after an explanation with Mr. Stevenson, he left here entirely
satisfied with my conduct.
I inclose you the extract of a letter which has been sent me
from New York, respecting a contemplated call of the Legis-
lature. I have very little doubt that such a measure has been
determined on, and will take place, unless the Goveirnor changes
his intention. If my eff"orts on the tariff have injured me in '
Virginia, they have benefited me in other quarters.
OF HENRY CLAY. &3
MB. CLAY TO FKANCIS BEOOKE.
■Washinoton, May 28, 1824.
Mt dear Sib, — The state of Mr. Crawford's health is such as
scarcely to leave a hope of his recovery. It is said that he has
Bustained a paralytic stroke. His friends begin to own that his
death is now but too probable, and that in any event he can no
longer be held up for the presidency.
I conjecture that a visit which Mr. Van Buren and Governor
Dickinson, of New Jersey, are about to make to Virginia, is con-
nected with this circumstance, and that they are about to take
measures for a fresh campaign. I thought, prior to my departure
to-morrow, I would put you in possession of these matters.
Be pleased to make my best respects to Mr. Call, and believe
me ever faithfully your friend.
SIB JAMES MAGKIKTOSH TO MB. CLAY.
London, June 3, 1824.
Mt deab Sib, — This note will be presented to you by Mr.
Stanley, a grandson of the Earl of Derby, a young gentleman
who has already shown in Parliament talents equally brilliant
and solid, and whom I can hardly be mistaken in considering
as destined to perform a great part in the public affairs of this
country. He is accompanied by three other gentlemen, one of
whom (Mr. Wortley) I know and highly vahie, and the other
two I know to be most respectable. I know that you will con-
sider this first visit of such a body of English travelers to the
United States as an event which ought to interest and gratify
the friends of both countries. I hope that I may venture to ask
your good offices in guiding the inquiry and aiding the observa-
tion of Mr. Stanley, and in procuring access for him and his
friends to those individuals and societies which may afford them
sufficient specimens of the great English commonwealth in which
you perform so distinguished a part.
The enlightened curiosity of Mr. Stanley will direct his com-
prehensive understanding to your laws; and government, and
manners ; to the state of industry, wealth, and knowledge, and
to the effect of all those on the virtue and happiness of the people
94: PRIVATE COREESPONDENCE
There is no one more able than yourself to aid him in so difficul
a study. I intended to have taken the same liberty with Mr.
Adams and Mr. Crawford. But I am so very much hurried
(besides being indisposed) at this moment, that I am reduced to
the necessity of requesting that you would introduce Mr. Stanley
to them as holding the first place among those who are the hope
of this country. After this sincere testimony to his extraordinary
merit, it is, perhaps, presumptuous in me to add that I should
consider their attention to him as a most pleasing mark that they,
have not forgotten the degree in which I have had the pleasure
of enjoying their society.
MK. CLAY TO J. S. JOHNSTON.
Ashland, June 15, 1824.
Deak Sib, — ^I transmit you the inclosed just as I have received
it. The person who writes it (and whose acquaintance I would
like you to make, if convenient) became known to me at Colum-
bus, in Ohio, in January, 1823. He traveled with Judge Bur-
nett and myself from that place to Wheeling, and interested us
both by the variety and extent of his information, particularly in
regard to characters now on the stage. He subsequently mani-
fested a good deal of zeal in my behalf, and has frequently writ-
ten me letters, to which I have sometimes replied, respectfully but
cautiously. . If the communication from Mr. is to be
considered in the nature of an overture, there can be but one
answer given. I can make no promises of ofSce, of any sort, to
any one, upon any condition whatever. Whatever support shall
be given to me, if any, must be spontaneous and unbought. I
can not but believe that Mr. ~ 's friend must have allowed
his zeal to cary him further than was authorized.
We have nothing new in this quarter. All that we believed
in respect to the favorable disposition toward me is well founded.
Be pleased to make my best respects to Mrs. Johnston.
N. B. The endorsement on the letter, supposed to be by Mr.
Johnston, is — " Mr. wanted a foreign embassy."
OF HENEY CLAY. 95
MH. CLAT TO J. S. JOHNSTON.
Ashland, June 21, 1824.
Dear Sir, — I received your obliging favor of the 7th instant
from Philadelphia, with the proclamation of the Governor of
New 'York inclosed. I was of course prepared to expect that
measure, the only effect of which will be, should the Legislature
pass the proposed law, to place the vote of that State to some
candidate other than Mr. Crawford.
We have nothing new at the West, where I find every thing
to be as I expected. You will see candidates announced for
election in this State for Mr. Adams, General Jackson, etc. This
is the result of the absence of all sort of concert by means of
caucuses, or other nominating appendages in Kentucky. Every
body who chooses puts himself forward as a candidate. The
State is divided into three districts, according to which it has given
its electoral vote for many years past. No change was made in
consequence of one of its own citizens being brought forward,
because it was known that no change was necessary to insure
him the entire vote of the State. Nor is there a county, parish,
or a respectable neighborhood in the whole State, in which he
would not obtain the majority over all competition. In Ohio,
Indiana, and Illinois, as well as in Missouri, the result I believe
to be equally certain. I shall go to Columbus to attend the
Federal Court, which begins there on the second Monday in July.
Should you write to me at any tiine after the receipt of this
letter, and before the 30th of July, be pleased to address me at
that place. I am anxious to see the indications, which will
shortly be given at the South, of the dispositions of Mr. Craw-
' ford's friends, should he be withdrawn, of which I do not doubt,
sooner or later. My interest, I think, will be benefited by his
being continued to be held up for some time to come. The
tariff fever will have then somewhat abated. My respectful
compliments to Mrs. Johnston.
LORD GAMBIEH TO MR. CLAY.
IvEE Grove, June 29, 182^.
Mt DEAR Sir, — I had great pleasure in receiving your very
' friendly letter by the hand of the worthy Bishop Chase, and in
hearing of your well being from him. I have found him, as
96 : PEIVATE CORRESPONDENCE
you truly describe him, a learned, pious, and highly estimable
clergyman ; he passed a few days with me here, on his first
arrival in this country, and I have had much agreeable commu-
nication with him since that time ; he gains the esteem and
aifection of all persons with whom he has become acquainted,
he is highly respected, and has been received with great kind-
ness wherever he has gone, and I am happy to say he has been
very successful in the important object of his visit in this coun-
try. I very much regret that he is under the necessity of re-
turning so soon to his diocese ; but he leaves an excellent Chris- ^
tian savour among the good and pious of our land. I hope we
shall add more to the collection that has been made for the good
and laudable work in which he is so piously and zealously en-
gaged.
It is a cause of great satisfaction to me that so much success
has attended the good Bishop's visit to this country, for I greatly
rejoice on every occasion that in any way promotes mutual
friendship and good will between the people of our two coun-
tries.
I feel very sensibly the kind and friendly expressions in your
letter, toward me, and happy in every opportunity of assuring you
of my high esteem and sincere regard.
BISHOP CHASE TO MH. CLAY.
WoETHiNQTON, Octoter 14, 1824.
My deae Sir, — I have delayed, I fear, far beyond the proper
period, forwarding to you the inclosed letter from Lord Gambier.
My apology is the very sincere wish I have all along entertained
of a personal interview, on the subject of which I presumed
the letter treated, namely, his lordship's great regard for you,
and the essential service, of which your letter to him, proved
to me.
I wished also to see you (perhaps at the United States Court),
that I might assign the reasons and obtain your pardon, for using
your name as the umpire, in a certain deed of donation of my
estate to the contemplated Theological Seminary, for the edu-
cation of young men for the Christian ministry. As it is, I can
only send you a copy of that instrument ; and to it beg your
favorable attention.
OP HENEY CLAY. 97
The meeting of our Convention takes place, in Chillicothe, on
the 3d of November next. Nothing of the kind could give me
more pleasure, than to see you there, if business or the great
importance to posterity of our plans should so incline you.
Your very sincere friend, Charles Hammond, -who has been
of such essential service in the great work of founding this
Seminary will be there, and, as I trust, assist vis with his most
valuable advice. Pray communicate with him on the subject
any thing which you think will do us good.
* I take the liberty of sending you a letter addressed to Lord
Kenyon, on the subject of my errand to England. Presuming
you have seen what has preceded this, no apology is deemed
necessary.
MB. CLAY TO J. S. JOHNSTON.
Columbus, Ohio, July 21, 1824.
Dear Sik, — Your favor under date at Philadelphia on the
27th of June, has followed me from Lexington to this place. I
thank you for it. The position which it portrays of the condi-
tion of things in New York, compared with other modes of as-
certaining its correctness, I should suppose faithful. It certainly
offers every motive to animated and persevering exertion. I
concur with you in thinking, that the appearance in my favor
of two papers you have mentioned, as being willing so to come
out, would be advantageous. On their part, it is perfectly vol-
untary. They are unbought. No imputation of that kind
could possibly be made. None can be made against me, either
of Clintonian or Federal taint. Or if such imputations were
made they would not be credited by the unbiased or impartial,
who must compose a large portion of the American population.
Before I came to this State, popular meetings in various coun-
ties had been held. Some have occurred since I entered it.
The evidence derivable from their expression of preference
among the presidential candidates, places beyond all sort of doubt
the final result here.
I shall leave this place to-morrow, for Lexington.
1
98 PRIVATE COEEESPON0ENCE
J. S. JOHNSTON TO ME. CLAT.
New Toek, August 19, 1824.
Dear Sie, — There is little feeling in New England for Adams.
The ultra Federalists hate him, the moderate feel indifference, the
Republicans are not cordial. He is supported merely on sec-
tional grounds. But strange — the ultras will join the radicals — ■
the extremes meet.
General Lafayette has been received with distinguished hon-
ors, and departed this morning for Boston. His whole jour-*
ney will be a procession. What a glorious reward ! I shall
leave here in a few days for Philadelphia, where I think it im-
portant to be.
ME. CLAT TO J. S. JOHNSTON.
Ashland, August 31, 1824.
Dear Sie, — Your obliging favor of the 9th inst., dated at
Saratoga, and those subsequently at New York, have all safely
arrived. They reached Lexington during my absence on a short
excursion to one of our watering-places, from which I am but
just returned.
I concur with you in thinking that, considering all the com-
binations that may arise, and the contingences that may happen,
my friends ought to persevere in their support of me. That, I
believe, is the course which they have determined on generally.
And I think the six States heretofore supposed to be disposed to
support me, may still be relied on. You have no doubt heard
from Louisiana. Your Governor elect passed through Lexington,
and I presume you will have seen him. The information de-
rived from him and other sources, assures us of the unaltered
state of Louisiana, although in the city of New Orleans, the
Jackson ticket prevailed in the greater part. Those opposed to
me in that State, admit a plurality of the Legislature to be for
me, while my friends confidently claim the majority. What is
most to be apprehended, is, that my friends in the West, or at
least in some of the more doubtful States, may become dis-
couraged by the Httle prospect of my being supported to any
extent in the 'East, and especially by the statements in the "Na-
tional Intelligencer," and other papers, according to which it
OF HENEY CLAY. 99
would seem that I have not a friend in the New York Legis-
lature.
The anticipated coalition in New York, I should suppose was
very probable, unless it should be prevented by the apprehension
of the imputation of corruption, bargaining, etc. Perhaps there
may be nerve enough to encounter all the odium of those impu-
tations, considering the quarter from which they must emanate.
If there be a majority of the Legislature who prefer either of
two candidates to a third, there is surely reason in an equal di-
vision of its vote between those two. The effect of such a di-
vision would doubtless be to exclude the third from the House
of Representatives, and it would lead to the election of one or
the other of them most certainly. In the actual state of the
circumstances of the election. New York would have two
strings to her bow by dividing her suffrage, and more certainly
secure influence in the new administration, than by risking her
whole vote upon one of the candidates, since, if she were so to
concentrate it, she could not be sure of effecting his election.
What about the Vice-President ? Is New York desirous of
electing Mr. Sanford ? Has he any, and what interest there ?
In Ohio there is a strong disposition to elect a Vice-President
from New York, and Mr. Sanford has been favorably brought
forward there. Here, also, his name has been advantageously
announced to the public, and there would not be the slightest
difiicuity in his obtaining the votes of both States, and probably
of the other States inclined to give me their suffrages.
Be pleased to present my respects to Mrs. Johnston, and be-
lieve me faithfully and cordially your friend.
J. S. JOHNSTON TO MK. CLAY.
PniLADELPiiiA, September 1, 1824.
Deae Sik, — I now hand you the letter of General M'Clure
which I promised you in my last; when I handed you the printed
letter.
I purposely avoided seeing General M'Clure at Albany, satisfied
it was better for Rochester to communicate with him than me,
and that the objects and views of yonr friends are better accom-
plished by a corresponding committee. Besides, I was told your
100 PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE
friends were as firm and stanch as was necessary ; and, from the
tone and tenor of this letter, I have no doubt. I will now write
to all of them, and let them understand distinctly the views taken
of the state of your interests in New York.
********
MR. CLAT TO J. S. JOHNSTON.
AsHLASD, September 19, 1824.
My DEAR Sir, — I received to-day your favor under date the
4th, with its inclosures, as I did your former letters, including
General M'Clure's letter. I thank you for them. I have directed
twenty copies of the circular prepared by the Kentucky Com-
mittee of Correspondence (which I have not seen), to be for-
warded to you for distribution. Copies have also been ordered
to most of our friends in Philadelphia and New York. Although
I have not perused it, I presume, from the pen from which it
issues, that it is well composed. An address from the same
quarter has been written to Virginia, intended for that region,
but so guarded as to do mischief nowhere, if it be published,
which is to be anticipated. These papers will, I think, contrib-
ute to arouse and animate my friends. The remark which you
make is but too true, that there has not been sufficient united ex-
ertion among them. Every thing is yet going well in the West.
It is amazing to see the mistakes or misstatements made about it
at the East. For example : Stratten was said to be elected in
Missouri, and was claimed by the " Franklin Gazette" for Gen-
eral Jackson. No, says the " National Journal," although he is
elected, we know he is for Mr. Adams. Now, it turns out that
Scott is elected, and that Stratten declared himself for me.
MB. CLAT TO J. S. JOHNSTON.
Ashland, September S, 1824.
Dear Sir, — I duly received your obhging favor of the 19th
ultimo, under date at New York, transmitting a letter from Mr.
Ingalls, from whom I had previously received a duplicate. I did
not, however, answer his letter. Eight months ago, I supposed
there would be no difficulty in my election as Vice-President, if
OF HENRY CLAY. 101
my friends had thought it advisable to press me for that office.
It would now be extremely difficult, if not impracticable, to ef-
fect that object, if it were desirable. My friends in the West do
not attach any very great, perhaps not sufficient, importance to
that station ; and it would be, I apprehend, nearly impossible now
to induce them to divert their support of me from the first to the
second office. And if they could be prevailed on to do it, the
electoral colleges would hardly be induced, by any possible ex-
ertion, to unite their individual suffrages on any other candidate
for the Presidency. There could, therefore, be no support se-
cured for me in the Atlantic States for the Vice-Presidency, if it
depended on concert among my Western friends, in regard to the
office of President. And consequently, if I received any, it must
be spontaneous, without reference to the direction which my in-
terest would take as to the Presidency. If my Eastern friends
think proper to bring me forward for the office of Vice-President,
I wish it distinctly understood, that it is their own movement,
unprompted by me. If an idea were taken up that the office
was sought by me, after all that has occurred, it could not fail
to be injurious to me. It would be said to display a most inor-
dinate desire for office, which I certainly am not conscious of
feeling. It would not look well, in any respect, if it were sup-
posed that I was instrumental in the attempt to elect me. It is
certainly a high and dignified office, such as no American citizen
could readily decline.
With respect to the movement in Massachusetts to "which Mr.
Ingalls refers, while I concur with you entirely in the state of
public feeling in New England toward Mr. Adams, I do not be-
lieve that there is the smallest prospect of diverting the vote of
Massachusetts from him. There may be some probability of
such a diversion in other States of that section, but none what-
ever, I apprehend, in Massachusetts. Depend upon it, that local
pride, if not attachment, will secure to each of the candidates
the support of his own State, doubtless with more opposition in
some instances than in others. It would, therefore, be an act of
extreme indiscretion, justified by no motive whatever, for me, or
for any of my friends out of Massachusetts, to say to Mr. Ingalls,
and to those who are co-operating with him, that I am willing
to give up all pretensions to the office of President, and to be
contented with that of Vice-President.
By the by, it has been said here that a feeling is prevailing in
102 PRIVATE COREESPONDENCE
some of the Atlantic cities to make the Marquis Lafayette Vice-
President. Such a disposition of the office would be highly-
creditable to the national gratitude, if it could be made without
any constitutional impediment.
I do not anticipate much from the Philadelphia meeting. It
is a little remarkable, that my support of the tariff has excited
against me, in the South, a degree of opposition which is by no
means counterbalanced by any espousal of my cause in Pennsyl-
vania and other quarters, where the tariff was so much desired.
Is this owing to the greater activity which the losing party
almost always displays than the gaining ?
I expect every day that the Committee of Correspondence, ap-
pointed by the Legislature of the State, will prepare their gen-
eral circular, as suggested in my last. A copy of it shall be for-
warded to you. Do you correspond with General Peter B.
Porter ? His residence is Black Rock.
I can not close without expressing to you my thanks for the
zeal and interest which you manifest in my favor ; nor without
adding, that you have fulfilled entirely all my expectations as to
the discretion which you would manifest.
J. S. JOHNSTON TO MB. CLAT.
PniLAiiELrniA, September 4, 1824.
Deak Sir, — I attended a meeting of your friends, to wit, Mr.
Carey and son, Mr. Hemphill, Mr. Tilman, Mr. Wharton, Dr.
Chapman, Dr. Godman, Mr. Edward Ingersoll, etc., to consult
about the meeting of your friends. It was called without their
knowledge. They determined to postpone the meeting until
this day week. Mr. Carey consents to be chairman. A com-
mittee of correspondence will be organized, and delegates ap-
pointed. I have no doubt the meeting will be numerous and
respectable. This State might have been secured at a proper
time, and this State would have secured you. Your affairs have
been trusted to providence. I send you two letters from Boston.
I hope you have received General M'Clure's.
The friends of Crawford are still very anxious to make you
Tice-President. Mr. Elliot often speaks of it ; it is much a sub-
OF HENRY CLAY. 103
ject of correspondence among them. They count confidently
upon most of your votes in that event. They say Gallatin
would not be in the way.
MR. CLAY TO J. S. JOHNSTON.
AsntAKD, September 10, 1824.
Mr DEAR Sir, — ^In respect to the Vice-Presidency, I wrote you
some days ago. When my name was brought forward seriously,
I resolved neither to offer nor to accept any arrangement in re-
gard to myself, or to office for others. I have adhered to that
resolution hitherto, and shall continue to abide by it to the last.
I considered that I was and ought to be in the hands of the
public, to be disposed of as it pleased. Most undoubtedly the
office of Vice-President is one of high respectability and great
dignity, preferable, in my opinion, to any place in the cabinet.
K the acceptance of it were offered to me (I mean by the public
having the right to tender it), 1 could not decline it ; but I can
not seek it, much less make any sacrifices of honor or duty to
obtain it.
J. S. JOHNSTON TO ME. CLAT.
Philadelphia, September 26, 1824.
Dear Sir, — I have read with pleasure and with attention your
favor of the 10th September. We agree in every particular with
regard fo the Vice-Presidency. You can not change your posi-
tion, and your friends are not disposed. You must abide the
issue. I have uniformly given the same reply. It was a strange
idea of Crawford's friends to count on the Western States by
your withdrawal. I have often explained that to them ; they
now see and feel the truth. The object of Crawford's friends
now will be to put down Adams, and, if possible, to prevent his
being returned, under the idea that his being withdrawn, the
New England States will vote for him.
We receive General Lafayette to-morrow. The concourse of
people here is very great. The preparations are very expensive
and very grand. '
I presume he will be received by both Houses in the center
building.
There is no idea of making him Vice-President.
104 , PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE
MR. CLAY TO J. S. JOHNSTON.
Ashland, October 2, 1824.
My dear Sir, — I duly received your favor of the 16th and
19th ult., with the Philadelphia address. I also received one or
two preceding letters from you, which I have not before ac-
knowledged the receipt of. * * * * *
Mr. Holley, just returned from an Eastern trip, saw Mr. Crawford
about a fortnight ago, at Fredericktown, on his return from the
Springs. He says that his gait, articulation, and general ap-
pearance indicated most clearly the paralysis under which he has
labored, and that he appeared to be much more infirm than Mr.
Jefferson at the age of eighty-two, whom he also saw.
I thank you for your kind admonition about the uncei tainty
as to the pending election, and the utility of repressing a too
great anxiety. I hope you will not, as you seem to anticipate,
have any occasion for philosophical exertion on account of your
own election. ******
I have some thought of passing through Virginia, and visiting
Mr. Jefferson, Mi'. Madison, and Governor Barbour.
TO FRANCIS BROOKE.
Albany, November 17, 1824.
Sir, — I have taken the liberty to address you, as a known
friend of Mr. Clay, for the purpose of stating to you, in a frank
and unreserved manner, the course of conduct pursued by the
friends of Mr. Clay toward those of Mr. Crawford, in the choice
of presidential electors. I trust, for my apology, that the sub-
ject will excuse my addressing you, without the pleasure of a
personal acquaintance.
You will probably have learned the result by the time this
reaches you, and will also have learned that twenty-five Adams
electors have been chosen by the co-operation of Mr. Clay's
friends in the Legislature. It appears to me that a full eqplana-
tion is due from the friends of Mr. Clay in New York, to the
friends of Mr. Crawford in Virginia, for this course. It is true
that the friends of Mr. Clay had a perfect right to choose be-
tween Mr. Crawford and Mr. Adams ; but it is also true, that a
majority, of the friends of Mr. Clay were disposed to take up
OF HENRY CliAT. 105
Mr. Crawford as their second choice, if, from any unforeseen con-
tingency, the former should be withdrawn from the contest.
With this feeling they came to Albany, and the same feeling
led them to go into caucus with the friends of Mr. Crawford,
at the commencement of the session. They were resolved to
support Mr. Clay, because they preferred him, and because they
really knew that he was the choice of three fourths of the demo-
cratic party, among the people. This led them, in caucus, to
assert his claims with great zeal and force. But numbers was
the only reply they received. The friends of Mr. Crawford had
a majority in caucus, and though neither party had the majority
in the Legislature, they, the friends of Mr. Crawford, thought
proper to insist that the friends of Mr. Clay should submit to
their numbers, and meekly yield to them, instead of consulting
their own judgment, and the voice of the State. This was re-
sisted with becoming spirit, and the consequence was, that they
were, in effect, expelled from the caucus. They were treated
with the most insulting contumely, and threatened with the high
displeasure of the set of individuals known here by the name
and style of the " Albany Regency."
This unfortunate state of parties was, for some days, produc-
tive of no other result than an obstinate adherence, in the
House, to the respective candidates. Neither party would yield,
and the consequence would have been, that the vote of the State
would have been lost. At length, symptoms of respect for pub-
lic opinion began to be manifested in the ranks of the Crawford
party, which alarmed the leaders so much that they determined
to set their hopes upon the hazard of a die, and to drive the
friends of Mr. Clay to the support of Mr. Crawford. The mode
of appointing electors, by our laws, enabled them to make this
desperate attempt.
Each House nominates thirty-six electors. They then meet
to compare their lists. If they agree, the whole are, of course,
chosen ; if not, they proceed to choose, from the two lists only,
by joint ballot. No name, not on one or the other list, can be
voted for. Here, then, the leaders of the Crawford party rashly,
and, according to my ideas of honor and rectitude, corruptly and
wickedly, determined to vote for the Adams ticket in the lower
house, so as to reduce the question to Crawford and Adams. A
fouler and more dishonorable piece of management could not, in
my estimation, be adopted. They did it, however, and the
106 PRIVATE COREESPONDBNCE
consequence is as might have been apprehended. The friends
of Mr. Clay, indignant at this baseness, voted for the Adams
ticket on joint ballot, with the exception of seven Clay men on
the Crawford ticket, and by this operation have prostrated the
Crawford ticket, in this State, forever. They were forced into
this course. They could not, consistently with their respect for
themselves and for public opinion, pursue any other. The con-
sequences must rest upon the heads of those who reduced them
to that necessity.
I have the honor to be, sir, your obedient servant.
[It is thought proper to suppress the signature ovi r which the
above letter was written.]
MR. CLAY TO FRANCIS BROOKE.
Hardin's, near Ciiari.otteville, Virginia, NoTember 26, 1824
My dear Sir, — I felt, in your prompt public contradiction of
the letter of Mr. Dayton, stating that my name had been with-
drawn as a candidate for the Presidency, a new proof of your
friendship, which I have ever so highly valued, and at the same
time a self-reproach for my not having written to you since the
adjournment of Congress. The truth is, that in the first letter
which I received from you, after I reached home, you stated
your intention to visit the watering places, and I did not well
know where to address you ; and the last which you did me the
favor to write, was received but a few days before I sat out on
this journey. I concluded, therefore, to defer the pleasure of
writing you until I passed the mountains.
Your prediction has been well nigh verified as to General
Jackson's taking the Western vote from me. My friends have
prevailed over him in Ohio by only about seven or eight hun-
dred votes.
Events on this side of the mountains have surprised me, par-
ticularly in New York, and North Carolina ; in the former State
especially. I know not the secret springs which have produced
such a strange result as has occurred in New York. I have
moved none of them. I know nothing but what we see in the
public prints. From those it is evident, that, if the friends of
Mr. Crawford and myself had all amicably co-operated, the vote
of that State might have been secured to one or the other, or
OF HENRY CLAY. 107
been divided between us. I am uninformed of what prevented
that contest.
I propose visiting Mr. Jefferson to-morrow, and afterward
Mr. Madison. I shall remain a day or two with each of them,
and expect to reach Fredericksburg on my way to the city of
Washington, on the 2d or 3d of December.
MK. CLAT TO FRANCIS BKOOKE.
Washington, December 5, 1824.
My dear Sir, — Your favor of the 29th October, addressed to
me at Lexington, not finding me there, has returned and been
duly received by me here. Events subsequent to its date render
it unnecessary for me to say any thing in regard to Mr. Ritch-
ie's communication about the Vice-Presidency. I have also re-
ceived your obliging letter of the first instant. I had before
learned the issue of the electoral vote of Virginia. I was pre-
pared to expect it by all that I had previously observed. Two
weeks ago a course might have been taken which would proba-
bly have prevented that result of the Presidential election now
most likely to happen ; and that was to have prevailed upon Mr.
Crawford to withdraw, which might have been done, I should
suppose, without mortification to his friends, by placing it on the
ground of the continued precarious state of his health. As it is,
I shall yield a cheerful acquiescence in the public decision. I
should indeed have been highly gratified if my native State had
thought me worthy of even a second place in her confidence and
affection. The obligations and respect which I owe her forbid
my uttering one word of complaint on account of her having
thought otherwise.
Mr. Calhoun deserves all that you say of him. He is a most
captivating man.
MR. CLAY TO FRANCIS BROOKE.
Washington, December 22, 1824.
My dear Sir, — I received your letter by your son, and had
great pleasure in furnishing him with a letter of introduction to
Commodore Rogers.
108 PRIVATE COERESPOISrDENCE OF HENRY CLAY.
I have also received that of the 21st instant, and will examine
the claim to which it refers, with all the prepossessions which
arise from your opinion, and my high regard to you.
The result in Louisiana did not surprise or affect me. There
was much misfortune attending it nevertheless. * * *
We must not despair of the Republic. Our institutions, if they
have the value which we believe them to possess, and are worth
preserving, will sustain themselves, and we shall yet do well.
A bill passed the House of Representatives to-day (166 to 26)
giving to Lafayette $200,000 and a township of land.
CHAPTER III.
OORBESPONDENOE OF 1835 AND 1836.
MB. CLAY TO FEANCIS P. BLAIE.
■Washington, January 8, 1825.
My DEAR SiH, — ^My position in relation to the friends of the
three returned candidates is singular enough, and often to me
very amusing. In the first place they all believe that my friends
have the power of deciding the question, and then that I have
the power of controlling my friends. Acting upon this supposi-
tion, in the same hour, I am sometimes touched gently on the
shoulder by a friend, for example, of General Jackson, who will
thus address me, " My dear Sir, all my dependence is upon you,
don't disappoint us, you know our partiality was for you next to
the hero ; and how much we want a Western President." Im-
mediately after a friend of Mr. Crawford will accost me, " The
hopes of the Republican party are concentrated on you, for
God's sake presei-ve it. If you had been returned, instead of Mr.
Crawford, every man of us would have supported you to the
last hour. We consider him and you as the only genuine Re-
publican candidates." Next a friend of Mr. Adams comes with
tears in his eyes,* " Sii-, Mr. Adams has always had the greatest
respect for you, and admiration of your talents. There is no
station to which you are not equal. Most undoubtedly you
are the second choice of New England, and I pray you to con-
sider seriously whether the public good and your own future
interests .do not point most distinctly to the choice which you
ought to make." How can one withstand all this disinterested
homage and kindness ? Really the friends of all three gentlemen
* A playful allusion to a notable fact. It is all playful, though true.
110 PRIVATE COBEESPONDENCE
are so very courteous and affectionate that I sometimes almost
wish that it was in my power to accommodate each of them,
but that being impossible, we are beginning to think seriously
of the choice which we must finally make. I will tell you then
that I believe the contest will be limited to Mr. Adams and
General Jackson. Mr. Crawford's personal condition precludes
the choice of him if there were no other objection to his elec-
tion. As the only alternative which is presented to us it is
sufficiently painfiU, and I consider whatever choice we may
make will be only a choice of evils. To both of those gentle-
men there are strong personal objections. The principal difiier-
ence between them is that in the election of Mr. Adams we shall
not by the example inflict any wound upon the character of our
institutions, but I should much fear hereafter, if not during the
present generation, that the election of the General would give
to the military spirit a stimulus and a confidence that might lead
to the most pernicious results. I shall, therefore, with great re-
gret on account of the dilemma in which the people have placed
us, support Mr. Adams. My friends are generally so inclined.
What has great weight with me is the decided preference which
a majority of the delegation from Ohio has for him over General
Jackson. If, therefore, Kentucky were to vote for the General
it would probably only have the effect of dividing our friends,
without defeating ultimately the election of Mr. Adams. Three
of the four States favorable to Mr. Crawford are believed to pre-
fer Mr. Adams to the General. Virginia is one of them. I am
inclined to think that nearly three-fourths of our delegation have
yielded to the influence of these views, and will vote for Mr.
Adams. My friends entertain the belief that their kind wishes
toward me will in the end be more likely to be accomplished
by so bestowing their votes. I have, however, most earnestly
entreated them to throw me out of their consideration in
bringing their judgments to a final conclusion, and to look
and be guided solely by the public good. If I know myself,
that alone has determined me. Your Representative is in
clined to concur with us in these sentiments and views, and if
they should meet your approbation, as I know he has great re-
spect for your opinions, I would be glad if you would by the re-
turn mail address a letter to him to strengthen him in his incli-
nation. Be pleased to show this letter to Crittenden alone.
OF HENRY CLAY. Ill
ME. CLAY TO FEANCIS BEOOKE.
"Washington, January 28, 1825.
Mt bear Sir, — My position, in regard to the Presidential
election, is highly critical, and such as to leave me no path on
which I can move without censure. I have pursued, in regard
to it, the rule which I always observe in the discharge of my pub-
lic duty — I have interrogated my conscience as to what I ought
to do, and that faithful guide tells me that I ought to vote for
Mr. Adams. I shall fulfill its injunction. Mr. Crawford's state
of health, and the circumstances under which he presents him-
self to the House, appear to me to be conclusive against him.
As a friend of liberty, and to the permanence of our institutions,
I can not consent, in this early stage of their existence, by con-
tributing to the election of a military chieftain, to give the
strongest guaranty that the Republic will march in the fatal
road which has conducted every other republic to ruin. I owe
to our friendship this frank exposition of my intentions. I am,
and shall continue to be, assailed by all the abuse, Avhich parti-
san zeal, malignity, and rivalry, cati invent. I shall risk, with-
out emotion, these effusions of malice, and remain unshaken in
my purpose. What is a public man worth, if he will not ex-
pose himself, on fit occasions, for the good of his country?
As to the result of the election, I can not speak with absolute
certainty; but there is every reason to believe that we shall
avoid the dangerous precedent to which I allude.
Be pleased to give my respects to Mr. , and believe me
always your cordial friend.
ME. CLAT TO TRANCIS P. BLAIE."
Wasiiinqton, January 29, 1825.
My deab Blaie, — I received this morning your very agreeable
favor of the 17th instant. A letter from you is always refresh-
ing ; and I wish that I could entitle myself to expect them more
frequently, by more punctuality and diligence on my part in
our correspondence. My last letter informed you of the unc-
tion that was unceasingly applied to me by all the returned can-
didates for the Presidency, or rather their friends. Since then
I have avowed my intention to support Mr. Adams, under ac-
112 PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE
tual circumstances, and thereupon the oil has been instantly
transformed into vinegar. The friends of have turned
upon me, and with the most amiable unanimity agree to vitu-
perate me. I am a deserter from democracy ; a giant at in-
trigue ; have sold the West — sold myself — defeating General
Jackson's election to leave open the Western pretensions that
I may hereafter fill them myself — blasting all my fair prospects,
etc., etc. To these are added a thousand other of the most gen-
tle and kind, and agreeable epithets and things in the world.
, who are themselves straining every nerve to elect
Jackson that the claims of the West may be satisfied and I be
thereby pretermitted, are accusing me of acting on their own
principles. The knaves can not comprehend how a man can be
honest. They can not conceive that I should have solemnly
interrogated my conscience and asked it to tell me seriously
what I ought to do. That it should have enjoined me not to
establish the dangerous precedent of elevating, in this early
stage of the Republic, a military chieftain, merely because he
has won a great victory ? That it should have told me that a
public man is undeserving his station who will not, regardless
of aspersions and calumnies, risk himself for his country? I
am afraid that you will think me moved by these abuses. Be
not deceived. I assure you that I never in my whole life felt
more perfect composure, more entire confidence in the resolu-
tions of my judgment, and a more unshakable determinati m to
march up to my duty. And, my dear sir, is there an intelligent
and unbiased man who must not, sooner or later, concur with
me ? Mr. Adams you know well I should never have selected,
if at liberty to draw from the whole mass of our citizens iOr a
President. But there is no danger in his elevation now, or in
time to come. Not so of his competitor, of whom I can not be-
lieve that killing two thousand five hundred Englishmen at
New Orleans, qualifies for the various, difficult, and complicated
duties of the chief magistracy. I perceive that I am unccin-
sciously writing a sort of defense, which you may possibly thiik
implies guilt. What will be the result? you will ask wi'h
curiosity, if not anxiety. I think Mr. Adams must be electe 1,
such is the prevailing opinion. Still I shall not consider th?
matter as certain until the election is over.
OF HENRY CLAY. 113
Jm. CLAT TO PKANCIS BKOOKE.
"Washington, February 4, 1825.
Mt dear Sik, — ^I received your obliging letter of the 1st inst.
Although my letter, to which it is an answer, was not intended
for publication, I would rather that it should be published, and
speak for itself, than that its contents should appear through the
medium of Mr. Ritchie's representation of them. With regard to
its publication, you will be pleased to do as you may think proper.
All that I feel anxious about is, that the public should not receive
an impression that it was my intention that it should be published.
My condition at this moment is most peculiar. The batteries
of some of the friends of every man who would now be President,
or who, four or eight years hence, would be President, are di-
rected against me, with only the exception of those of Mr.
Adams. Some of the friends of General Jackson, Mr. Crawford,
Mr. Calhoun, and Mr. Clinton, with very different ultimate ends,
agree for the present to unite in assailing me. The object now
is, on the part of Mr. Crawford and General Jackson, to drive me
from the course which my deliberate judgment points out ; and
for the future, on the part of Mr. Clinton and Mr. Calhoun, to
remove me as an obstacle to their elevation. They all have yet
to learn my character if they suppose it possible to make me
swerve from my duty, by any species of intimidation or denun-
ciation. But I did not expect that my old friend Ritchie would
join in the general cry. He ought to recollect that he is strug-
gling for a man, I for the country — ^he to elevate an unfortunate
gentleman worn down by disease, I to preserve our youthful
institutions from the bane which has destroyed all the republics
of the old world. I might have expected, from the patriotism
of Thomas Ritchie, that he would have surrendered his personal
predilections, and joined with me in the effort to save us from a
precedent fraught with the ihOst pernicious consequences. I am
so far disappointed : I say it- with mortification and regret. But
all attempts to make me unite with him, to induce me to give
up the defense of our institutions, that we may elect a sick gen-
tleman, who has also been rejected by the great body of the
nation, are vain and utterly fruitless. Mr. Ritchie ought to
awake, should be himself again, and love Rome more than Caesar.
I observe what you kindly tell me about the future cabinet.
My dear sir, I want no office. When have I shown an avidity
114 PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE
for ofBce ? In rejecting the mission to Russia, and the depart-
ment of war under one administration ? In rejecting the same
department, the mission to England, or any other foreign mission,
under the succeeding administration ? If Mr. Adams is elected,
I know not who will be his cabinet ; I know not whether I
shall be offered a place in it or not. If there should be an offer,
I shall decide upon it, when it may be made according to my
sense of duty. But do you not perceive that this denunciation
of me, by anticipation, is a part of the common system between
the discordant confederates which I have above described ?
Most certainly, if an office should be offered to me under the
new administration, and I should be induced to think that I
ought to accept it, I shall not be deterred from accepting it, either
by the denunciations of open or secret enemies, or the hypocrisy
of pretended friends.
MR. CLAY TO FRANCIS BROOKE.
W/ismNGTOjf, February 10, 1825.
My dear Sir, — I received your letters of the 6th and 8tli inst.
In the former was inclosed a ten dollar note, about which not
one word was contained in your letters. Was it inclosed by
mistake ? or did you intend that I should apply it to some object
for you ? Be pleased to instruct me.
The " long agony" was terminated yesterday, and Mr. Adams
was elected on the first ballot. Exertions to defeat, and even to
defer the result, of the most strenuous kind, were made up to the
last moment. Without referring to the issue of the election, the
manner in which the whole scene was exhibited in the House
of Representatives was creditable to our institutions and to our
country.
I have not yet received the " Enquirer," in which my letter
has been published. It did not arrive to-day.
MR. CLAY TO FRANCIS BROOKE.
Wasuinqton, February 18, 1825.
My DEAR Sir, — When the subject of the offer of the Depart-
ment of State to me was first opened to my congressional friends,
there existed among them some diversity of opinion as to the
OF HENRY CLAY. 115
propriety of my accepting it. On the one hand, it was said that,
if I took it, that fact would be treated as conclusive evidence of
the justice of the imputations which have been made against
me ; that the House of Representatives was my theater ; that
the administration would want me there, if it should prove itself
worthy of support, more than in the cabinet ; and that my own
section would not like to see me translated from the legislative
hall to the executive departments.
On the other hand, it was urged that, whether I accepted or
declined the office, I should not escape severe animadversion ;
that, in the latter contingency, it would be said that the patriotic
Mr. Kremer, by an exposure of the corrupt arrangement, had
prevented its consummation ; that the very object of propagating
the calumny would be accomplished ; that, conscious of my own
purity of intentions, I ought not to give the weight of a feather
to Mr. Kremer's affair ; that there would be much difficulty in
filling the administration without me ; that either of the other
candidates, if he had been elected, would have made me the
same offer ; that it would be said of me that, after having con-
tributed to the election of a President, I thought so ill of him,
that I would not take the first place under him ; that he was
now the constitutional head of the Government, and, as such, I
ought to regard him, dismissing any personal objections which I
might have heretofore had to him ; that I had, perhaps, remained
long enough in the House of Representatives ; and that my own
section could not be dissatisfied with seeing me placed where,
if I should prove myself possessed of the requisite attainments,
my services might have a more extended usefulness.
On mature consideration, those of my friends who were
originally averse to my entering the oflice, changed their
opinion, and I believe they were finally unanimous in thinking
that I ought not' to hesitate in taking upon myself its duties.
Those of Mr. Adams, especially in New England, were alike
unanimous, and indeed extremely urgent in their solicitations.
Several of Mr. Crawford's friends (Mr. McLane, of Delaware,
Mr. Forsythe, Mr. Mangum, etc., etc.), and also some of those of
General Jackson, in Pennsylvania, have expressed to me their
strong convictions that I ought to accept. The opposition to
my acceptance is limited chiefly to the violence of Mr. Calhoun's
friends, and to some of those of Mr. Crawford and General
Jackson.
116 PEIVATE COEEESPONDElSrCE
Prom the first, I determined to throw myself into the hands
of my friends, and if they advised me to decline the office, not
to accept it, but if they thought it waV my duty, and for the
public interest, to go into it, to do so. I have an unaffected re-
pugnance to any executive employment, and my rejection of the
offer, if it were in conformity to their deliberate judgment, would
have been more compatible with my feelings, than its acceptance.
But as their advice to me is to accept, I have resolved
accordingly, and I have just communicated my final determi-
nation to Mr. Adams. I am not yet at liberty to commu-
nicate the names of the persons who will fill the other vacant
departments ; but I will say to you, that they will be Republicans.
I entertain a strong belief, and sanguine hopes, that the adminis-
tration will be conducted upon principles which will entitle it to
liberal and general support. An opposition is talked of here ;
but I regard that as the ebullition of the moment, the natural
offspring of chagrin and disappointment. There are elements
for faction ; none for opposition. Opposition to what ? To
measm-es and principles which are yet to be developed ! Oppo-
sition may follow, it can not precede the unknown measures of
administration, without incumng the denomination of faction.
Mr. Adams is on his trial. Hear him, and then decide. This is
the natural sentiment of every candid and impartial mind. He
would not have been my President, if I had been allowed to
range at large among the great mass of our citizens, to select a
President ; but I was not so allowed, and circumscribed as I was,
I thought that, under all circumstances, he was the best choice
that I could practicably make.
I received your kind letter of the 16th instant, and I am happy
to find that your better judgment points to the course which I
am about to take. I hope that, on further reflection, my other
Richmond friends will probably unite in sentiment with you.
This is not written for publication in whole, or in part, but I
request you to show it to Mr. Call, Mr. Leigh, and Mr. Ritchie,
who will have the goodness to regard it in the same confidential
light.
OF HENEY CLAY. 117
J. J. CRITTENDEN TO MR. CLAY.
Frankfokt, Feb. 15, 1825.
Deak Sir, — We are all waiting with breathless impatience, to
know the result of the Presidential election. It was rumored
here a few days past, that a coalition had been formed between
Jackson and Crawford ; that New York, Virginia, etc., follow
into its ranks ; that it was bearing on irresistibly and triumph-
antly ; and that you and Adams were its destined.victims. The
mail of last night, however, brought no confirmation of this
terrible rising, and we are all settling down again into the
opinion which has for some time prevailed here, that Adams is to
be the President.
I have seen the abuse that has been heaped upon you in some
of the newspapers, and your card in the "Intelligencer." I con-
fess that I feel some apprehension for you. There are about
you a thousand desperadoes, political and military, following at
the heels of leaders, and living upon expectations, that would
think it a most honorable service to fasten a quarrel upon Mr.
Clay, and shoot him. And this card of yours, evincing such a
spontaneous and uncalculating spirit of gallantry, will be a signal,
I fear, for some of these fellows to gather about you, and to
endeavor to provoke you to some extremity. For God's sake
be upon your guard, at least, as it respects these subalterns. As
for the abuse there has been heaped upon j^ou, you may safely
regard it as the idle wind that passes by. I expected to hear
you viUfied. You occupy too lofty and imposing a stand, to
escape. You prefer Mr. Adams under existing circumstances,
and for that you are calumniated. And so it would equally
have been, had you announced your preference for either of the
other competitors.
If, notwithstanding your support of Adams, Jackson should be
elected, that circumstance would certainly embolden your com-
paratively few adversaries in this State, and enable them for a
little while to excite some petty clamor against you. But no
such thing can displace you from the hold you have on the pride
and affections of Kentucky. If Adams is elected, and you will
accept a station in his cabinet, all will be quieted in a moment.
This is my view.
I think I can see the policy which dictates the charges which
are now made against you of " going over to Mr. Adams," of
118 PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE
having " made your bargain" with him, and of a thousand other
horrible conspiracies, etc. It is intended to intimidate yon, if
possible, from the acceptance of the Department of State which
they think Mr. Adams must tender to you, and where they
tremble to see you. They wish to obstruct your passage to it
by heaping up the way with all the falsehood and calumny they
can create and invent. This is the real secret of the whole
business, as I think. Whether I am right or wrong, I trust you
will hold on your course unshaken and unaltered by all the cal-
umny, falsehood, and scandal of your enemies. It will not be
long before it will all recoil on themselves. I think it is due to
yourself, to your friends here, and to the expectation and wishes
of the State, that you should accept the office of Secretary of
State, if it should be offered to you. Some few of your friends
think your present station the more elevated and commanding
one, and of course that you should retain it. Whatever may be
its nominal elevation, its practical importance and power is not
to be compared with that of the Department of State. The Chair
of the House of Representatives is undoubtedly a very high and
lofty station, but all its honors and advantages are of the abstract,
fruitless kind, and I am now convinced that no man will live to
see the incumbent of that Chair transferred at once to the Presi-
dency. You best know, however, what course to pursue. That
it may be a prosperous and happy one, is my earnest wish.
W. CEEIGHTON TO ME. CLAY.
CniiLicoTHE, February 19, 1825.
Mx DEAR SiK, — ^I was gratified to learn by the mail of this
morning that the long agony is over, and particularly that the
contest was terminated on the first ballot. A protracted ballot
could not have failed to produce great excitement, both within
and without. Here there is entire acquiescence. The inflam-
mable materials artificially excited in Pennsylvania and New-
York, will soon spend themselves. Thinking it probable, in the
event of Mr. Adams' election, you might be invited to the admin-
istration, the question propounded in your letter of the 7th instant,
is one on which I have thought a great deal this winter, and
have endeavored, with the feeble lights I possess, to view it in
all its ulterior bearings. Necessarily ignorant of many circum-
OF HENRY CLAY. 119
stances that may exist at Washington that may have a bearing,
fro or con, my opinion is, if the offer is made, you ought to
accept. This opinion is formed, regardless of the scurrihty and
abuse that the election has given rise to. If a man could suffer
himself to be driven from his purpose by means like these, he
would always be at the mercy of the profligate and unprincipled.
In the expression of this opinion, it is taken for granted that Mr.
Adams will pursue a liberal policy, and embrace within its scope
the great leading policy that you have been advocating. By
uniting with such an Administration, you could not be charged,
by the most fastidious, with a dereliction of principle for place.
I could not, within the compass of a letter, detail my reasons
for the opinion expressed, and therefore shall not attempt it.
Should the invitation be given, your friends in Ohio will ac-
quiesce in whatever decision you make.
Will our friend Cheves be invited to the Treasury? *
MR. CLAY TO FRANCIS BBOOKE.
Washington, Mareli 4, 1825.
My deak Sib, — I have the gratification to tell you that all my
information from the West bespeaks a satisfied state of the pub-
lic mind, in relation to theresult of the late election. In Ohio
the approbation of it is enthusiastic. In Kentucky, too, the ex-
pression of public opinion evinces general acquiescence.
I transmit to you, inclosed, two letters, which are from Critten-
den and Creighton, two of the most discreet men in Ohio and
Kentucky. Be pleased to show them to Mr. Pleasants.
JOHN TYLEK TO MR. CLAY
Charles Citt, March 27, 1825.
Dear Sir, — ^In the midst of the numerous accusations which
have of late been urged against you from different quarters,
and from none with more acrimony than from the seat of
Government of this State, 1 have deemed it proper, and in some
measure called for, to make known to you that one of the mil-
lion at least, still regarded you as I am satisfied you deserve to
120 PRIVATE CORRESPOND^ENCE
be regarded. Instead of seeing in your course on the late pres-
idential question aught morally or politically wrong, I am on the
contrary fully impressed with the belief that the United States
owes you a deep debt of gratitude for that course, resulting as
it did in the speedy settlement of that distracting subject. Be-
lieving Mr. Crawford's chance of success to have been utterly
desperate, you have not only met my wishes (which would be
to you of little concern), but I do believe, the wishes and feel-
ings of a large majority of the people of this your native State.
I do not believe that the sober and reflecting people of Virginia
would have been so far dazzled by military renown as to have
conferred their suffrages upon a mere soldier — one acknowl-
edged on all hands to be of little value as a civilian. I will
not withhold from you also the expression of my approval of
your acceptance of your present honorable and exalted station.
To have refused it would have been to have furnished your ene-
mies with fresh ground of objection. Against an insiduous and
malicious attack you courted an investigation not only before the
Representatives of the people, but by accepting the office, be-
fore the Senate, and gave just evidence of your purity by your
readiness to encounter your accusers, supported as they were by
the virulence and intemperance of party feeling on the part of
some of your very judges. For a time the tide may run against
you, but when the ferment, excited by the feelings of the day,
shall have subsided, and men shall regard things with unpreju-
diced eyes, your motives and your acts will be justly appreciated
and the plaudits of your country will await you. This is not
the language of flattery to one lifted high in authority. As an
American citizen I claim to be your equal. It is the voluntary
ofi"ering of truth at the shrine of patriotism, and is called for by the
circumstance of our having been, in times past, fellow laborers in
the same vineyard of our common country, although I was at the
time an unprofitable servant. When one, however, is assailed
by unjust reproaches, the expression of confidence from a quar-
ter even the most humble ft-nd the most retired can not but be
acceptable. It is under the influence of this feeling and of this
belief that I have thus ventured to address you.
I pray you to accept assurances of my sincere regard and un-
shaken confidence.
OF HENRY CLAY. 121
CHIEF JUSTICE MARSHALL TO ME. CLAT.
EiOHMOND, April 4, 1826.
Deab Sir, — I have received your address to your former
constituents ; and, as it was franked by you, I presume I am in-
debted to you for it. I have read it with great pleasure as well
as attention, and am gratified at the full and complete view you
have given of some matters which the busy world has been em-
ploying itself upon. I required no evidence respecting the charge
made by Mr. Kremer, nor should I have required any had I been
unacquainted with you or with the transaction, because I have long
since ceased to credit charges destitute of proof, and to consider
them as mere aspersions. The minuteness of detail, however,
will enable your friends to encounter any insinuations on that
subject which may be thrown out in their hearing. More of
this may be looked for than any hostility to you would produce.
There is unquestionably a party determined to oppose Mr.
Adams at the next election, and this party will attack him
through you. It is an old, and has been a successful stratagem.
No part of your letter was more necessary than that which
respects your former relations with that gentleman.
MR. clay to FRANCIS BROOKE.
Washington, April 6, 1825.
Mt dear Sir, — Prom your letter of the 5th instant, which 1
this day received, I perceive you are at home, and not at Rich-
mond, to which I had transmitted to you one of my addresses to
my constituents. The favorable opinion entertained of it by
such early and valuable friends as yourself and Nicholas, is highly
gratifying. Among other similar testimonies from Richmond, I
have received, from the Chief Justice, a very satisfactory letter.
Prior to the publication of my address, Mr. Tyler wrote me a
letter, approving of my course (since he believed Mr. Crawford
to have been out of the question), and declaring, in strong terms,
his unabated confidence in me. From all quarters, in short,
information is constantly pouring in upon me, in every form,
evincing general and hearty approbation of my late public
course. My triumph will be, as it ought, complete and entire
122 PRIVATE COERESPONDENCE
over the base confederacy against me. As to Forsythe, he cer-
tainly advised me, in unqualified terms, to accept the Department
of State. I myself attached no particular importance to his
opinion, though I supposed others might. He was with me on
the 30th or 29th of last month, had a long conversation, in the
course of which he praised my address, and, entre nous, gave in
his adhesion. I have no curiosity to see his letter. I under-
stand him thoroughly. He did not mention one word about his
letter to you, or his correspondence with you. What could he
say to me ?
I share with you in your grief for the death of Mrs. Randolph.
I have known her from my earliest youth. She deserved all
that you have so well said in behalf of her memory.
I find my office no bed of roses. With spirits never more
buoyant, twelve hours work per day are almost too much for my
physical frame. An entire harmony as to public measures exists
between Mr. Adams and me.
I return you Nicholas' letter.
P. S. Was ever any thing so silly as for Eaton to publish his
correspondence with me ? I am greatly deceived if he has not
come out worse than he stood before.
DANIEL WEBSTER TO MH. CLAY.
Boston, April 7, 1826.
Mt dear Sir, — I am obliged to you for a copy of your address
to your constituents. It has been widely circulated here, is
universally read, and highly commended. I have heard but one
opinion as to its general merits. Some think that part which
relates to Mr. Kremer's letter, and the incidents connected with
it, was an unnecessary labor, at least so far as regards the state
of public opinion this way. That • transaction seems to have
made no impression here. The part of your address which sets
forth your reasons for preferring another candidate to General
Jackson is composed, in my opinion, with great skill and ability,
and I have no doubt it will produce a very strong effect. It is
a very good case, very ably managed.
We are very quiet in this quarter. There is very little dis-
satisfaction, and no disposition, that I discover, to opposition.
OF HENET CLAY. 123
With almost all there prevails a very good spirit ; and the excep-
tions are not important, from weight of character or influence.
I have heard nothing, since I left Washington, respecting the
English mission. If any thing has occurred, not improper for
me to know, I should be glad to learn it from you at your leis-
ure ; and I shall he gratified also to hear from you on other
subjects and occasions.
JUDGE STORY TO MK. CLAY.
Salem, April 8, 1825.
Dear Sir, — I am much obliged to you for the copy of your
address to your late constituents, which you have been pleased
to send me. I read it with great interest and satisfaction. As a
vindication of your character and conduct, it was to me wholly
unnecessary, for I have never entertained the slightest doubt of
the perfect correctness of the motives of your vote in the recent
presidential election. I have considered it as a new proof of
your integrity, independence, and firmness. Pardon me if I add,
that if your vote had been other than it was, I would have found
it somewhat difficult to have reconciled it with your known
public opinions on subjects intimately connected with executive
duties.
I have no doubt that the address will iheet with general ap-
probation, I do not say among warm partisans of other candi-
dates, but among reflecting, considerate men of all parties. In
this part of the Union it has received unqualified praise, and has
given a new luster to your public fame.
I hope you may long live to enjoy the confidence of the na-
tion, and to remain a blessing to the country ; and I beg you
will do me the favor of numbering me among those who cherish
with the sincerest pleasure every expression of public regard
toward you.
LEWIS CASS TO MR. CLAT.
Detroit, April 14, 1825.
Dear Sib, — I have just finished the perusal of your masterly
address to your late constituents, and I can not refrain from ex-
pressing to you the high satisfaction it has afforded me. It is a
124 PRIVATE COERESPONDBNCE
triumphant refutation of the vile slanders which have been
propagated respecting the motives of your conduct in the pe-
culiar circumstances in which you were recently placed. You
may safely commit your character to the judgment of your
countrymen, and of posterity. They will not fail to award you
full justice.
I must ask your indulgence for this almost involuntary tribute
to your claims and services. So strong is the impression which
your appeal has made upon me, that I could not restrain this ex-
pression of my feelings.
PRESIDENT HOLIiEY TO MR. CLAT.
TuANSYLTAKiA Uniteesitt, April 18, 1S25.
Dear Sir, — I am much obliged to you for a copy of your ad-
dress to your late constituents. It appears to me to be able,
frank, and satisfactory. Your immediate friends did not need
such a commimication to keep them from yielding to the calum-
nies which were heaped upon you for the independent and mag-
nanimous com'se that you pursued in regard to the election of
the President. The publication, however, will, I am convinced,
do great good, or rather has done it already. There is but one
sentiment upon the subject in this vicinity, so far as comments
have reached my ears. All are satisfied with the facts and the
reasonings. I have no doubt that there are some among us, who
would be better pleased, if you had not defended yourself, or if
you had made your statement with less calmness, judgment, and
ability. This number can not be great.
I have just read the coiTespondence between yourself and Mr.
Eaton. I am blinded, or it was weakness in him to publish it.
He has left the community to believe that he was concerned in
Kremer's conspiracy, even to a greater extent than might other-
wise have been supposed. He appears to begin with a demand
for explanation, which is given only in reference to the first let-
ter, and ends the correspondence without obtaining any satisfac-
tion upon- some of the most material points, and with new evi-
dence fastened upon him of connivance, and indeed of active
exertions in the base affair. I at first regretted to see Mr. Eaton's
name in your address, but he has now shown himself worthy of
reprobation from the community.
OF HENEY CLAY. 125
ME. CLAT TO GENERAIi GAINES.*
Wasuington, April 29, 1825.
Sib, — Having met with General Brown to-day, and fearing
that I might not have the pleasure to see you, I requested him to
make a communication to you respecting an incident which oc-
curred in the President's house a few days ago. Upon calling
at your lodgings this morning I was unfortunate in not finding
you at them. The incident to which I allude is this : Upon
leaving the President, with whom I had been engaged in official
consultation, I unexpectedly met, on coming out of his receiv-
ing-room, at the door of it, in the adjoining room, General
Brown, yourself, and a young gentleman, Mr. , to whom, as
your aid, I was introduced by General Brown. Both the meet-
ing and the introduction were entirely unexpected by me. Upon
being presented to Mr. I walked up to him and offered him
my hand in my usual manner, which he declined receiving. I
remarked nothing offensive in his countenance, but he distinctly
evinced an unwillingness to reciprocate that mode of salutation.
Attaching no particular virtue to the touch of his hand, I turned
off and left the room. Upon reflection on the occurrence, it ap-
peared to me that if the young gentleman designed an affront to
a total stranger, he could not have possibly selected an apartment
of the President's house, at the very door of his receiving-room,
and within the hearing, if not in the view, of the Chief Magis-
trate, to give the affront. I had a right, therefore, to conclude
that he had some cutaneous disease with which he was unwill-
ing to infect me, or that, as he kept his hand inclosed in his
coat or waistcoat, that some newly-established etiquette forbade
the ancient and unfashionable mode of salutation. But on my
return from the office to my lodgings yesterday afternoon, I per-
ceived your visiting-card, unaccompanied by that of any other
person ; from which I have supposed that I may have miscon-
ceived the intentions of Mr. and that he really meditated
offering me an insult. Upon that supposition this note is ad-
dressed to you, with the sole object that you may impress upon
the member of your family, to whom I refer, the utility of the
* This letter was sent to General Gaines, at his lodgings in the city of Washing-
ton, on the day of its date, but he had left it, and the letter was never transmit-
ted to ])im. H. C
126 PRIVATE COREESPONDENCE
observance of urbanity as a necessary part of that discipline for
which the American army, generally, is so eminently distin-
guished.
MB. CLAY TO FRANCIS BBOOKE.
Washington, April 29, 1825.
Mt dear Sir, — I have just received your favor of the 27th.
J. aid not know that the extract published by Mr. Pleasants was
from a letter written by you. The same thing has been told
to me by several, and, among others, by Mr. Wilson Allen, of
the Bowling Green, and Colonel H. Mercer.' I think you ought
to take no notice of the contradiction of Mr. Ritchie. Your
name is not before the public as the writer of the letter. If it
were, you might be considered as pledged to sustain the assertion.
Mr. Allen told me that Mr. Crawford's warmest friends in Fred-
ericksburg, after seeing him, admitted his incompetency for the
office. I think I would let it stand where it does. We ought
to make great allowances for chagrin and disappointment. I
wish Mr. Crawford coiild have been seen at Richmond. Mr.
Van Buren told me that they had committed a great error in
not withdrawing him in May last, on account of his want of
health.
From all quarters, the testimony which I get, public and pri-
vate, of the public approbation of my late conduct, is. full, com-
plete, and triumphant. They are preparing in Kentucky to give
me an enthusiastic reception. But you see they will not let me
alone. Ingham has just made his appearance, and I wish he
would write by the league instead of the yard. The next shot
will be from McDuffie, or from Nashville, or from both.
JAMES BROWN TO MH. CLAY.
Paris, May 10, 1825.
Dear Sir, — I received your letter of the 29th March, inclosing
one directed to Mr. Schaffer, acknowledging, on the part of the
House of Representatives, the receipt of his excellent portrait
of our good friend, General Lafayette, presented to that body.
This letter I delivered to Mr. Schaffer on the 5th instant, and at
the same time intimated to him, in such terms as could in no
OF HENRY CLAY. 127
way compromise the House, that you had been restrained only
by the advice of General Lafayette and his son, from making a
movement toward a more suitable return for that valuable pres-
ent. Mr. Schaffer expressed his entire approbation of the course
which had been recommended by his friends, and assured me
that the acknowledgment had been made in the manner most
agreeable to his feelings and wishes.
MR. CLAT TO FRANCIS BROOKE.
WAsniNGTON, September 2, 1825.
Mt dear Sir, — I received your kind letter of the 29th ultimo,
and thank you for the friendly expression of sympathy which it
contains. Our late affliction* was rendered still more severe by
the circumstances under which it occurred. I did not yield to
the urgent calls of duty here, until I had the strongest assurances
from the attending physician that there was no danger. And,
after leaving Lebanon, the first information I received of the sad
event which occurred there, reached me, when I was within
about twenty miles of this place, through the " Intelligencer."
I received, perused, and now retain Judge Duval's letter. His
wishes in behalf of his son will be considered ; but the fact that
he has one son a governor under the general Government and
another holding a captain's commission '(this latter now applying
for another appointment), will operate somewhat against his suc-
cess.
You must feel gratified that our old friend Troop has finally
concluded to abstain from surveying the Creek lands, and of
course that all danger is dissipated of disturbing the public peace.
PRESIDENT KIRKLAND TO MR. CLAY.
Haevakd Uniteksity, Cambeieoe, September 22, 1825.
Dear Sir, — I have the honor of informing you, that the gov-
ernment of Harvard University did, at the last Commencement,
in expression of their sense of your professional and general at-
tainments, and your distinguished character and standing, confer
on you the honorary degree of Doctor of Laws.
* Death of a daughter.
128 PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE
The diploma will be made out and sent to you. In the hope
of your favorable consideration of this token of our respect, I
have the honor to be, etc.
DANIEL WEBSTER TO MR. CLAY.
Boston, September 28, 1825.
Dear Sir, — Under another cover I send you what has oc-
curred to me on the subject of our trade with England. The
object of this is, to express my sympathy for your domestic ca-
lamity, and to offer my congratulations on the welcome so ardent
and so universal, which seems to have greeted you among, your
fellow-citizens of the West. The same kindness of feeling
■which has been expressed in that quarter, exists, I believe, in
other places. I have been through New York in the course of
the summer, and I found almost every where, a hearty approba-
tion, and every where else, at least, an entire and not uneasy
acquiescence, in regard to the events of last winter, and to your
own agency in producing those events. In New England, with
here and there a little expression of spleen from the disappointed,
the great majority of the people have the best disposition toward
the Government, in all its parts. Our ability in Congress is not
so great as it might have been, and as it ought to have been.
But that evil admits of no immediate cure.
You must allow me to admonish you to take care of your
health. Knowing the ardor and the intensity with which you
may probably apply yourself to the duties of your place, I fear
very much you may overwork yourself. Somebody (was it not
an Austrian minister?) on being asked how he could get through
so much business, replied that he did it by repudiating two false
maxims, which had obtained currency among men ; that, for
his part, he never did any thing to-day, which he could put off
till to-morrow; nor any thing himself, which he could get
another to do for him. Without following his example strictly
and literally, I still think you ought to be a good deal governed
by the same rules, especially the last.
OF HENRY CLAY. 129
ME. ADAMS TO MH. CLAT.
Boston, October 12, 1825.
Deae Sie, — I have received two letters from you, and several
packets from the Department of State, concerning the contents
of which I have thought it advisable to wait until I could have
the pleasure of conferring personally with you. There is in my
mind but one objection to the appointment which you suggest,
and that is perhaps removed at least by the authority of respect-
able precedent. Although detained here longer than I had in-
tended, I still purpose to be with you, at the latest, by the 25th
instant.
I inclose, addressed to you, thirty and ten blank patents signed
by me, received yesterday from Dr. Thornton, for my signature.
I pray you to present my kind respects to Governor Barbour,
Mr. Rush, and Mr. Southard, from each of whom I have re-
ceived letters, which perpetual motion has prevented me from
answering.
JAMES BROWN TO MR. CLAT.
Paris, October 13, 1825.
Sir, — I had the pleasure of receiving your letter sent by the
Brandywine, and most sincerely sympathize with you and Mrs.
Clay in the sad calamity you have suffered in the loss of your
dear little daughter. She had attained that age at which children
are particularly interesting, and in the absence of her sisters,
would have been for many years an agreeable companion to her
mother. These, however, are misfortunes which it pleases
Providence to inflict, and for which time and resignation are the
only remedies. It has, perhaps, been fortunate that this melan-
choly event has been succeeded iminediately by the variety of
traveling, and the occupation attendant on forming a ncAV estab-
lishment. These serve in some degree to divert the mind from
its afflictions, and to blunt the edge of misfortune.
. General Lafayette has arrived in good health at Lagrange,
and I sincerely hope he will wisely avoid any interference in
public affairs, and content with the honors he has received in the
United States, will pass the remainder of his days in tranquillity.
9
130 PRIVATE COEBESPONDENCE
LAFAYETTE TO MB. CLAY.
Lageange, October 28, 1825.
My dear Sir, — I am the more anxiously waiting for the
packet of the 1st instant, as an account of your having been sick,
since my departure, has appeared in the French papers. Yet
there are evident inaccuracies in the report. Now I must hasten
these lines to the Cadmus, which sails on the 1st November. I
have written to the President, sending him an article of the Jour-
nal des Dehats, which may interest him and you. I also tell
him a few words of what I have heard respecting the affairs of
Greece, upon which I have seen nothing to alter my opinion.
I came directly from Havre to Lagrange, and have been very
friendly received by the people on the road, and here, on my
arrival. Ministerial and court people have either kept aloof, or
acted foolishly to their own damage. I have been only four
days in Paris, to see several friends, and do not intend returning
to town before the first days of January. The mass of the na-
tion is quiet and industrious, though dissatisfied with the measures
of the Government, and the incroachments of nobles and priests.
I foimd Mr. Brown much better than I expected, indeed, almost
quite well. Mr. Sheldon is better, also, and has wisely, I think,
determined to nurse his health in Paris, rather than go to ennuyer
himself in the South, while his time here is usefully employed.
Mr. Somerville has been very sick ; I hope he will be soon on
his travels. Present my afl'ectionate respects to Mrs. Clay and
family. Receive those of my children and Le Valleur.
THEODORE WYTHE CLAY* TO HIS FATHER.
Lexington, November 11, 1825.
My dear Father, — I received yours with great concern for
the deep distress in which our great loss [death of Eliza and
Mrs. Duralde] must have thrown both yourself and my mother.
I have not the power of deriving any consolation to myself,
and have not, therefore, the means of off'ering you any. I
would gladly render you happy by any sacrifice in my power.
* Theodore Wythe Clay, the oldest son, has now (1855) been in the Lunatic
Asylum, at Lexington, over twenty years.
OF HENEY CLAY. 131
As I advance in years I feel the value of a relation more and
more, because they must and should be the best friends. I
hope, however, that you may not suffer your spirits to be too
much depressed, for it is an inevitable effect that the health is
thereby impaired ; and that of yourself and my dear mother, by
these repeated shocks, is more and more necessary to our hap-
piness.
ALBERT GALLATIN TO ME. CLAT.
Balumoee, November 14, 1825.
Dear Sir, — ^No one can be more sensible than I am, both of
the importance of laying the foundation of a permanent friend-
ship between the United States and our sister Republics, and of
the distinguished honor conferred on the persons selected to be
the representatives of our glorious and happy country at the first
Congress of the Independent Powers of this hemisphere ; but,
without affecting any false modesty, I can not perceive that I am
peculiarly fitted for that mission, either by knowledge of the
language, things, or men, of South America, or by being known
to them. My personal objection has already been stated. I
had none, whatever, to a sea voyage, or to embarking from an
Atlantic port. On the receipt of your friendly letter of the 11th,
I had further private inquiries made from one thoroughly ac-
quainted with the country, as if the object had been a commer-
cial establishment, and without my name being mentioned.
The result of these, arid the decided opposition I would have to
encounter in my family, compel me, though with great reluc-
tance, to persist in declining the appointment. I will preserve a
grateful sense of your's and the President's favorable disposition
in my favor ; and I beg you to accept my thanks for your friendly
conduct toward me on this occasion.
LAFAYETTE TO MR. CLAT.
0
Lagbange, November 25, 1825.
My dear Friend, — This letter will find you in the full occu-
pation of Congressional business, and although your duties as
Speaker are over, there will be enough for the Secretary of State
to do. I am ever anxiously waiting for news from the United
132 PEIVATE COREESPONDKNCE
States, and particularly from Washington. My American habits
have been so happily renewed in the blessed thirteen months I
have passed on your side of the Atlantic, that I can not easily
submit to an interruption in these communications. Let me
hear from you as often as you can.
You have but too melancholy motives to sympathize with
the cruel anxiety I have had lately to experience ; one of my
granddaughters, the third daughter of George, has been on the
eve of death. She is now out of danger. How often and how
feelingly I have thqught of you and Mrs. Clay you will easily
conceive. I was gone to town, and expected to see Mr. Brown
the next morning when a courier, announcing the dear girl's
situatibn, recalled me suddenly to Lagrange. I suppose he has
more than me to write about European politics. Indeed the
politics of the Republican hemisphere, until this is greatly
mended, appear to me the principal business of mankind.
I much wish to know what answer you have had to your
South American and Mexican communications respecting the
Congress of Panama, and who has been sent as minister from
the United States to that momentous meeting where his good
and honest advice will, no doubt, prove highly useful. They
say the Empire of Brazil has been invited also to send a minister
to Panama. I wish it might be to give Don Pedro a passport
to Europe ; for I apprehend this Brazilian spot will be a focus
of European intrigues until it has adopted the Republican form
of Government.
While British publications speak of their half recognition of
American independence, as if no such feat of liberalism had ever
existed elsewhere, the French Government are wavering be-
tween a sense of public discontent at their backwardness and
their ridiculous notions of legitimacy ; and when lately they
thought of grasping at something like a mezzo termine on the
part of Spain, they have been momentarily discomfited by a
change in the Spanish ministry. Such is the diplomacy of Eu-
rope, and the fitness to have an American era of foreign as well
as interior policy. However, an invisible current mustksoon
wash away those difficulties.
Notwithstanding the quarreling spirit of the Grecian chiefs,
and abuses attending a long interruption of national Govern-
ment, there is an admirable heroism in the resistance of that peo-
ple and a moral obligation to every liberal man, or body of men,
OF HENRY CLAY. IBS'
to give them encouragement and the assistance which special
situations can allow. The British Government is, as usual, un-
der a conflict of interests opposed to each other, and wants to
obtain, as cheap as possible, the first place in the poor career of
European liberalism. While French committees are sincere and
eager in their concern for the cause of Greece, the Tuileries
holds a connection, most unpopular in France, with the Egyp-
tian despot. The rumor of very peculiar acts of benevolence
from the American squadron and Commodore Rogers in behalf
of the Greeks, which has produced no party complaint that I
know of, has in the enlightened and liberal part of the world
added to the popularity and dignity of the American name.
What has really passed I do not know, but very much lament the
illness of Mi. Somerville which possibly keeps him in Paris. I
have pressed him to come to Lagrange to refit himself, and from
there pursue his journey ; but when he will be able to support
this short ride to our country residence I can not yet say. He
is, however, a little better^ as he himself writes to me, and you
will no doubt get from him a later and more positive account.
Present my affectionate respects to Mrs. Clay, to the President, to
your colleagues, and all other friends in Washington as well as to
their families. George and Le Valleur beg to be respectfully re-
membered. Be so kind as to forward the inclosed letters ; and
remember me to your own family, present and absent, and be-
lieve me forever your sincere friend.
I have received,, before I left the United States, communica-
tions from my old comrades of the Connecticut and Massachu-
setts lines, intimating the purpose to present Congress, during
this session, with a petition relative to the manner in which old
accounts have been settled in their very interesting claims on
their country's bounty, and also respecting the interpretation
given in 1820, to the pension law of 1798. At all times I would
have taken the most lively interest in their behalf, but now
loaded as I am with the munificent bounty of Congress, I am
more than ever anxious to hear they have had cause to be satis-
fied. There are few survivors ; any thing done for them would,
I hope, be gratifying to the people, and you know it would have
an excellent effect abroad.
Mr. Connel returns to England by way of Liverpool. He
will talk with you of several claims vipon Europe, namely, that
of Antwerp which he had been commissioned to pursue. I have
134 PRIVATE COREESPONDENCE
seen M. and Mme. De la Rue. They know you are of opinion
that Congress might with all propriety, and without hurtuig any
person, instead of taking it for granted that the President is en-
listed to introduce this French claim in the negotiation, express
a positive vote upon it, and indeed I don't see any objection to
express what every one considers as being already understood.
Here is a bundle of letters which, with proper confidence in
your goodness, I beg you to forward.
MB. CLAY TO FRANCIS BROOKE.*
Washington, IfoTember 30, 1825.
If Virginia is to designate a Senator upon the principle of
opposition to the administration, let that Senator be Mr. B. Giles.
He would be a real friend, though a nominal enemy. I mean
that his indiscretions, always great, and now greater than ever,
would benefit more than his hostility would injure. But I
should hope that no such principle would govern the choice. I
should be delighted to see Governor Pleasants here, or General
Tucker, or Mr. C. Johnson. Of the latter I know personally
but little ; but the accounts I have always had of him are highly
favorable. It is of no great consequence, in respect to the suc-
cess or movement of the Administration, who may be sent. The
judgment which the public will form of it, depends upon its
measures. And one Senator out of forty-eight can not, in that
view of the matter, be very essential. You will hear with
pleasure, that our harmony, in the cabinet, continues without
the slightest interruption, and that we have daily testimonies
of increased strength and confidence.
The President has acceded to the wishes of several of the
new American Republics, that the United States should be rep-
resented at Panama. Pur friends need have no fears of our
contracting there unnecessary or onerous engagements, or men-
acing the peace or neutrality of the country.
There is a treaty now going on in this city with the Creeks,
with prospects of a successful issue. '
* We observe lliat Judge Broote generally signs his name Francis Brooke
— sometimes Francis T. Brooke. Mr. Clay also -writes it both 'ways. Having
begun as Francis Brooke, we shall continue it.
OF HENRY CLAY. 1S5
LAFAYETTE TO JIB. CLAY.
Paeis, December 10, 1825.
Although no direct information from you, my dear friend, has
confirmed the fatal report commimicated to me for the first time
by Mr. Brown and your sister, I but too well know I have again
to sympathize with you in a most heavy calamity. I have also
to mourn for myself. It was impossible to have formed an ac-
quaintance with the most valuable daughter you have lately lost,
to have been favored with her friendly welcome and affectionate
attentions, without feeling a deep and lively personal regret. I
condole most tenderly and mournfully with you, my dear friend,
with Mrs. Clay, and the whole family so cruelly visited of late,
and want words to express what I feel on the lamentable occasion.
A similar kind of misfortune has been very near attending me.
My granddaughter, Clementine, the youngest daughter of George,
has passed several days in a hopeless state ; she is now recover-
ing. I was then thinking of a former, although a late loss. Far
was I from suspecting what new blow had fallen upon you.
I have no heart to talk with you of other matters. The
President will receive a letter from me. My son and Le Valleur
share in my sad feelings, and beg to be remembered most affec-
tionately.
I have written to the President that Mr. Somerville expected
to proceed slowly toward his destination. Mr. Brown, whom I
have just now seen, gives me a much more sad account than what
I had received from poor Somerville himself.
LAFAYETTE TO MK. CLAT.
Lageange, January 22, 182C.
My dear Sir, — No letter from you, since your last most la-
mentable loss, and you can not write to a more sympathizing
friend, has yet reached me ; but I have heard of you and Mrs.
Clay "by your sister and Mr. Brown. We have been here on the
edge of a similar afiiiction, and I am sure you will feel with me
at the not-expected recovery of my granddaughter. Poor Som-
erville, after a long and painful lingering, has breathed his last
at Auxerre, on his way to Italy ; he hoped, while the physicians
had no hope of him. Mr. Brown will inform you of the meas-
136 PEIVATE COREESPONDEN"CK
ures taken to secure his papers. He has expressed the affec-
tionate wish to be buried at Lagrange, which was received with
our best gratitude and respect, and, after consulting the pubhc
officers of the United States in Paris, executed in the properest
manner we could, ignorant as we were of Somerville's religious
persuasion. It was thought the parish cemetery, where two of
my grandchildren are interred, was the proper spot, and I am
taking measures, by an exchange, to annex it to the grounds of
the farm. You easily will guess what title I would like to mention
in the inscription. But it cannot properly be done until you find
no inconvenience in it. I have every day lamented an unavoid-
able delay. Every circumstance confirms me in that opinion.
Although the interior politics of Russia have been kept in the
dark, two points seem to be ascertained : that Nicholas is the
definitive Emperor, and that a plan to obtain constitutional guar-
anties had a great share in the late commotion at Petersburg.
The Holy Alliance has received a blow. It is said another dis-
appointment awaits them from the bad health of Emperor Fran-
cis, whose son, more of a fool than his father, which amounts to
complete idiotism, is pretended to hate Metternich, the great
counter-revolutionary intriguer. I believe the bad situation of
the Greeks has been exaggerated, even by well-meaning persons.
There is in the revolutionary spirit of freedom an elasticity which
is seldom well appreciated. On no European power they can
confide. But posterity, and it will begin immediately after their
success as it would begin immediately after their fall, can not
fail to give full credit to every honest measure taken in their be-
half. I am very anxious to hear the name, or names, of the mis-
sion to Panama, and have with much pleasure heard of a Repub-
lican success over the imperial troops of Brazil. I more and
more am confirmed in my eagerness to see the monarch of Brazil
removed from his American throne.
Adieu, my dear friend. My. best respects wait on Mrs. Clay
and family.
MR. CLAY TO FRANCIS BROOKE.
"Washington, February 20, 1826.
My DEAR Sib, — In answer to your friendly inquiries, contained
in your letter of 18th instant, respecting my health, I have the
satisfaction to say it is improving. Prom the commencement
OF HENRY CLAY. 137
until about four weeks ago it was very good. I was then at-
tacked with influenza, which, after one recovery, has been re-
newed, and I have been a good deal reduced, especially in the
relapse. I think I have no organic defect in my structure, and I
therefore indulge the hope of a speedy return to health.
As to the Panama mission, it has encountered much delay and
a good deal of opposition in the Senate, owing principally to the
actual composition of that body at present. There are some
fifteen or sixteen Senators determined to oppose the administra-
tion at all events, and that measure especially. There are eight
or ten others whose private feelings are inimical, but who are
restrained by the state of things at their respective homes. When
these eight or ten unite (and they are disposed to lend to the
regulars of opposition all the collateral countenance they can,
without committing themselves), with the others, together they
form a majority. The delay which has occurred in the Panama
affair has been produced by a majority thus compounded ; and
the expedients to which it has resorted, to procrastinate the de-
cision, will surprise the country, if it is ever allowed to know
them. Nevertheless, it is confidently believed that a majority
of the Senate will finally oppose the mission. It is understood
they are to act on it to-day, and they may probably get through
it this week, though that is by no means certain. In the House,
and with the country, the administration need not desire to be
stronger than it is. As to the peculiar condition, at this time,
of the Senate, you can well imagine the cause.
LAFAYETTE TO MK. CLAY.
Paris, February 28, 1826.
My dear Sie, — Your letter of the 13th December is the lasi
I have received from you. I know your avocations, but when
ever you have time to drop a few lines, they will be received
with the grateful feelings of patriotic interest and personal friend-
ship.
My hopes of Greece have not been disappointed. They still
fight, and often conquer, abandoned as they have been by all,
and attacked or betrayed by many of the Christian powers. It
seems now that England regrets not to have been more generous
138 PEIVATE COEEESPONDBNCE
before an unforeseen and extensive conspiracy in Russia may-
make it a matter of necessity for Emperor Nicholas to wage war
against the Turks. The Western powers would like to patch
up some arrangement favorable to the independence of Greece,
that they may not be dependent on the Russian empire. I wrote
to you some private exertions were taking place, from only one
part of the French Greek Committee, in favor of Duke d'Orleans'
second son. Now the Duke himself does not deny it, but 1
doubt his obtaining a sincere support from the Court of the
Tuileries. ■ Under those circumstances I did more lament the
misfortune that has deprived poor Somerville of the pursuit
of his mission, and I wish a respectable American squadron may
appear again in those seas. My notions of the moral influence
of the people of the United States are lofty and extensive, I con-
fess ; but at least I would sadly regret if it were not fully exer-
cised at the Congress of Panama, and in every concern of South
America, it wotild be, in my opinion, leaving the field to the
intrigues of European monarchy and aristocracy. Nor can I be
easy until the throne of Brazil is no more.
Present my afiectionate respects to Mrs. Clay and family, to
the President and family, to your colleagues in the cabinet, to
all friends. Receive those of my son and Le Valleur, and be-
lieve me forever your affectionate sympathizing friend.
Will you please to forward the inclosed to our young Tennes-
seean friends.
LORD BEXLEY TO MR. CLAT.
Geeat Geokge Street, London, March 9, 1826.
Sir, — Having some time ago been informed, by Bishop Chase,
that you would permit small parcels of the periodical publica-
tions of some of our religious and charitable societies, for his
use, to be occasionally addressed to you, I have taken the liberty,
by the favor of Mr. Kmg, to consign two small packages, con-
taining a few Mohawk Prayer Books and some Reports, to your
.address for the Bishop.
I can not forbear taking this opportunity of expressing my
sincere pleasure that a statesman in your eminent situation should
be the friend of that excellent man ; and I can not conceive a
purer or stronger bond of union between our countries than that
OF HENEY CLAY. 139
which is afforded by the co-operation now so happily established
bfetween them in religious and benevolent pursuits. I am sure
you will find the patronage you afforded them not only an honor
to your Government, but a source of sincere and increasing satis-
faction to yourself amid the cares and labors of an official life ;
and which you will hereafter reflect upon as not among the least
important of the services which your talents and character have
enabled you to render to your country. I have the honor to be,
Sir, with every sentiment of consideration, yours, etc.
LATAYETTE TO ME. CLAY.
Pakis, March 2"?, 1826.
My dear Sir, — As I am writing to you by the packet I shall
only in these lines introduce to your acquaintance General Nar-
vaez, a member of the Colombian Senate and of Bolivar's mili-
tary family, who after having brought over the treaty with Great
Britain, and paid a visit to Paris, is returning home through the
United States. There he will witness the superiority of Re-
publican Institutions over the half civilization, at best, of the
European countries. May he also, and his fellow inhabitants of
the south be convinced that from American diplomacy alone they
can expect honest advice and sincere sympathies.
ME. CLAY TO FEANCIS BROOKE.
Washington, April 19, 1826.
My dear Sie, — I duly received your kind letter of the 12th
instant. Prior to my going out on the affair to which it refers,
the only letter I wrote about it was addressed to you, and put
into the hands of General Harrison, to be forwarded on a con-
tingency which did not happen. In that letter, which he still
retains, I briefly assigned the reasons which determined me on
the course I took. The circumstances which most embarrassed
me was the opinion which is entertained by some, as to the state
of Mr. Randolph's mind. But I thought I ought not to be gov-
erned by that opinion which was opposed by the recent act of
my native State electing him to the Senate. As for the future.
140 PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE
it must be left to itself. Most certainly I should reluctantly en-
gage in any similar affair.
Will you not come and see us this session ? I should be glad
if you would come up and pass some days at my house.' On
Wednesday next I expect some company to dine with me, as I
generally do on that day of every week. Suppose you be of the
party, and take your lodgings with me ? My family is very
small, and we have several spare bed-rooms.
liArATETTE TO MK. CLAY
Pakis, March 29, 1826.
Mt deak Sir, — ^We are anxiously waiting for the arrival of two
New York packets. I hope they will bring me some lines from
you. At all events I will know what is going on at Washing-
ton and other parts of the United States, a food to my mind, a
consolation of my heart, which has become more than ever
necessary to me. I am happy to think the Panama mission is
now on its way. I believe it of high moment for the welfare
of South America and Mexico, for the prospects of mankind, and
for the dignity of the people of the United States, that they
preserve and exert the moral influence to which they are so
justly entitled.
This letter accompanies an offer presented to you of the col-
lection of General Foy's speeches, which have the additional
merit of being a compliment of the national subscription in be-
half of his children. The conduct of the people in that circum-
stance has been marked with feeling and propriety. The editors
are men of remarkable talents.
The European newspapers, your correspondence with the
American ministers, leave me but little to say on political topics.
I am by this same opportunity writing to the President, and
think it needless to repeat my observations. Present my best
respects to Mrs. Clay and family, remember me to our friends,
and receive the sincere wishes, in which my companions heartily
join, of your affectionate friend.*
* It should have been mentioned before, that all Lafayette's letters to Mr. Clay
are in English, which will account for the modes of expression found in them.
OF HENRY CLAY. 141
LAFAYETTE TO ME. CLAY.
Pakis, April 28, 1826.
My DEAR SiK, — I have not by the last packet heard from
you, or the President, or any of the pubhc men at Washington,
which I readily explain on account of your pressing avocations
in these Congressional times. Mr. Brown writes, no doubt, to
yon. Mr. Dodge, consul at Marseilles, contemplates going from
New York to the seat of Government, which is a very good
channel of late information. I shall therefore confine myself to
expressing my satisfaction at the result of a debate which has
given me much anxiety, as you know nobody sets a greater
value than I do on the moral influence of the United States, for
their own sakes, for the sake of the new American Republics,
for the sake of mankind, the general cause of which, the Gov-
ernment model, whenever they allow themselves to act, is called
to further. I wish the commissioners may not have been too
long detained.
My anticipations relative to the heroic resistance of the Greeks,
have not been disappointed, but unless European policy, I mean
that of their Governments, finds a selfish interest in rescuing
them from the efibrts of the barbarians, nothing is to be expected
from the feelings of the Holy Alliance, Great Britain included.
In the meanwhile, we have the joyful account of a complete
repulse of Ibrahim Pasha, from the shattered walls of Misso-
longhi.
Present my most affectionate respects to Mrs. Clay, to the
President, and both families, to your colleagues, to all friends at
Washington. I have had a visit of the gout, which had very
properly refrained from interrupting my enjoyments on the
sacred beloved ground of the United States, but am now much
better.
LAFAYETTE TO MR. CLAY.
Lagkanse, May 28, 1826.
My dear Sir, — My aflfection and regard for you are sure, and,
I hope, anticipated pledges of the interest I take in every thing
where you are concerned, and it were superfluous to expand on
my feelings, which, I know, are not to you a matter of doubt.
142 PRIVATE COREESPONDENCE
Your official correspondent and good brother gives you regular
accounts of political mattfers on this side of the Atlantic. I have
already communicated my private observations on the strange and
portentful contrast that exists between the liberal sentiments, the
improving good sense of the people on this continent, mere par-
ticularly in France, and the bold, but, I expect, imprudent en-
croachments of power and priesthood on the actual state of
civilization. This anomaly is very striking in the dispositions
relative to Greece. It appears that Great Britain and their con-
tinental partners have succeeded in tampering with the co-rehg-
ionary movement of the Russians. The British commander of
the Ionian Islands has boldly invited the heroic population of
Missolonghi to surrender to the Turks, which amounts to the
massacre of every man, the rape of every woman, and the con-
version to Mohammedanism, if not the death, of every child, pris-
oners of war in their hands, while a scanty supply to the starv-
ing garrison, or at least the starving women and children, was so
very easy a matter. On the other hand, renegade officers, pro-
tected by the French Government, have assisted in reducing that
unfortunate population who have resolved to blow up, along with
their enemies, such part of themselves as could not fight, and
devote the other to destruction, among the havoc they made in
the barbarian ranks of the Austrians. I shall only say that nothing
can exceed or equal the infamy of their conduct. In the mean-
while, the popular feeling in favor of the Grecian cause has never
been so warm and so general. Their adversaries are branded
with the most poignant reproaches. Collections are going on,
supplies are sent. The people of France, the ladies of Paris,
and successively of every town, are acting a conspicuous and use-
ful part in their behalf. I see in an English paper that some
stipulations have Ijeen made at Petersburg in favor of Greece.
But although public opinion is much excited, I question even this
dilatory interference. I need not tell you, my dear friend, that I
have been anxiously waiting for the aiTival of the two private
New York frigates, and persisting in the opinion that the pres-
ence of an American squadron on those seas would afi"ord honor-
able opportunities, consisting with the rules of neutrality, to
render essential services. And, indeed, such I have found the
popular feeling in the United States. Such is now the general
feeling in Europe, that every service rendered to those people
would be looked upon with very favorable constructions.
OF HENRY CLAY, 143
I see in the papers that a Penitentiary is to be erected in the
District of Columbia, under the control of the President ; and I
remember with pleasure the conformity of our ideas respecting
the deviations from the late system of reformation, and namely
the prevalence of solitary confinement that was contemplated at
Philadelphia. Not that I object to solitary cells, not only as a
transitory punishment, but also as a great improvement to separ-
ate the prisoners at night, a time when they spoil each other. I
oBly think that in day-time they ought to be together in a cer-
tain number, which is susceptible of very useful modifications. I
intrude upon this matter because I believe this is a good oppor-
tunity for the United States to give one more example, among so
many, to the rest of mankind.
Permit me to put under your cover a letter to Mr. Skinner,
inclosing one to Mr. Oormick and the Report of the Agricultural
Society of Paris, with their very advantageous opinion about a
new plow which I had been desired to present to their exami-
nation. Here is also a letter to my Memphis friends.
Present my best respects to Mrs. Clay and family, to the Presi-
dent and family, to your colleagues and other friends in Wash-
ington. I have been long suffering from the gout, and depend
on the country air and country occupations to make me quite
well. Part of my family are still in town, namely my daughter-
in-law, who is one of the female collectors for the Greeks.
DANIEL WEBSTER TO JIH. CLAT.
Boston, June 8, 1826.
My dear Sir, — We are glad to learn, through the papers, that
you have been able to leave the city for a little visit into Mary-
land, as it gives us reason to hope that you have recovered from
your recent indisposition.
You will have noticed Mr. Lloyd's resignation. I did not ex-
pect it at this moment, although I was apprised of his wish to
leave the Senate as soon as he could. It was with difficulty he
was persuaded to attend the last session. The Legislature being
now in session, his place will be immediately filled. I incline
to think that the appointment will fall on Mr. Silsby. It has
been intimated to me, indeed, that a different a.rran^ement might,
144 ' PRIVATE CORRESPOWDElirCE
perhaps, be made, if I should approve it ; but my impression at
present is against it, and I believe for very good reasons.
Mr. Silsby you know. He is entirely well disposed, and is a
well-informed merchant and a respectable man. It is not likely
he would take much part in the discussions of the Senate ; but
would bring a good deal of useful knowledge into the body, and
might be entirely relied on to support all just and proper meas-'
ures. According to general usage here, a senator would now be
appointed for six years, commencing next March, at the end of
Mr. Mills' present term of ofRce ; but I think it probable enough,
that having to fill the vacancy, occasioned by the resignation of
Mr. Lloyd, now, the Legislature may choose to postpone the
other election to the winter. If the choice should come on now,
I understand Mr. Mills will be re-elected. If postponed, it may
be a little uncertain, it is said, as some suppose our Governor has
an inclination for the place. There are here, in the Legislature
and out, a few very busy persons, who are hostile to the admin-
istration. They have no system, but act, in every case, -pro re
nata, and content themselves with the general principle, applied
in all cases, and indiscriminately, of opposing. They will prob-
ably support Mr. Lincoln against Mr. Mills, from an idea that Mr.
Mills' appointment would gratify the friends of the President, or
is a thing arranged by his friends, although Mr. Lincoln is known
to be equally friendly. Some embarrassment may happen froiri
this source, very possibly ; but I trust it can be overcome.
I have great pleasure in assuring you that nothing can be
more correct or more decisive than public opinion in this part
of the country, in regard to the various transactions of the last
session.
The sentiment of the people is exactly what you would ex-
pect and wish it to be.
In New Hampshire the Legislature meets next week. The
two senators will doubtless be present on that occasion, and we
are. looking with some interest to see whether Mr. Woodbury
and the editor of the " Patriot" (publisher of the laws !) will be
able to bring the Legislature and people of that State to their
way of thinking.
OF HENRY CLAY. 145
GENERAL JESUP TO ME. CLAY.
■Washington, April 1, 1826.
SiE, — Agreeably to your' request, I called this morning on Mr.
Randolph, for the purpose of delivering your note. Previous to
presenting it, however, I thought it proper to ascertain from him
whether the information you had received, that he considered
himself personally accountable for any attack upon you, was cor-
rect. I accordingly informed him that I was the bearer of a
message from you, in consequence of an attack which, you had
been informed, he had made on your private as well as public
character, in the Senate ; that I was aware of the fact that he
could not be made accountable elsewhere for any thing said in
debate, unless he chose himself to waive his privilege as a mem-
ber of that body. Mr. Randolph replied, that the Constitution
did protect him, but he would never shield himself under such
a subterfuge as the pleading of his privilege as a Senator from
Virginia; that he did hold himself accountable " to Mr. Clay,"
but considered that he (Mr. Clay) had first two pledges to re-
deem. One that he was bound to fight any member of the
House of Representatives who had acknowledged himself the
author of a certain publication in a Philadelphia paper; the
other, that he stood pledged to establish certain facts in regard
to " a great man," whom he would not name. He added, how-
ever, that he would receive no message from Mr. Clay which
was not in writing. I replied that the only message I had was
in writing ; that I had not been authorized by you to enter into
or receive any verbal explanations, but that I had done so on my
own responsibility, because I thought it proper to do so. I then
presented him the note. He read it, and informed me that he
would send, by a friend, a written answer to it, or he would send
the answer by me, if I would take it. I observed that it would
be better to send it by a friend, to which he assented.
GENERAL JESUP TO MR. CLAY.
Washington, June 'li, 1826.
Dear Sir, — I inclose a copy of the paper which I read to you
to-day ; it was drawn up with a view of being presented to you,
10
146 PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE
within half an hour after your note had been presented to Mr.
Randolph. It contains the substance of my interview with that
gentleman.
GENERAL JESUP TO JAMES B. CLAT.*
Washtngton, January 19, 1853.
My deak Sir, — I have received your letter of the 4th instant.
You owe me no apology for writing to me on any subject ;
certainly not when the matter relates to your late father.
I have never seen Garland's book, but the statement which
you understood him to have made, that Mr. Randolph, in the
duel with your father, did not fire at him, is entirely incorrect.
In that affair, when the parties came upon the ground. Colonel
Tatnal, the friend of Mr. Randolph, having won the choice of
positions, placed his principal in that which he preferred, and I
placed your father opposite to him, distant ten paces. The other
party, having the choice of positions, gave me the word. Mr.
Randolph desired to know how I would give it when the parties
should be ready. I repeated it. He desired to hear it again.
While I was repeating it the second time, his pistol was dis-
charged, whether by accident or not I was then in doubt, but I
was soon satisfied that the discharge was accidental. Your fa-
ther called to me — " It was an accident — I saw it." The par-
ties resumed their stations, and exchanged shots, Mr. Randolph's
ball striking a small stump in the rear of, and nearly in line with
your father, and his ball cutting Mr. Randolph's pantaloons near
the knee, and passing through his coat. The parties again took
iheir stations, and the word was given by Colonel Tatnal —
your father fired at Randolph, his bullet passing again. through
Mr. Randolph's clothes ; the latter raised his pistol and fired in
the air, exclaiming at the moment, "Mr. Clay, I came upon this
ground determined not to fire at you, but the unfortunate dis-
charge of my pistol, after I had taken my position" (and I think
he added, " with the circumstances attending it"), " for a mo-
ment changed my mind." They sprang forward as if by a
common impulse, and grasped each other by the hand, each ex-
pressing the pleasure he felt that the other was unhurt.
A statement, prepared at the time and signed by the friends
of the parties, was published, giving an account of the whole
* It is thought proper to put this letter in this place, though of a later date.
OF HENRY CLAY. 147
matter. I have duplicates of all the correspondence, carefully
packed among my private papers. I will open them, and have
them copied for you, as soon as I shall find time to examine
them. The other set of the papers, I have understood, was
placed by Colonel Tatnal in the hands of Mr. Randolph's half
brother, the late Judge Henry St. George Tucker, of Virginia,
and was soon after destroyed by fire when his house was burned.
I will examine Garland's book, and take such public notice
of the part to which you refer as truth and justice may seem
to require. With respect and regard, I ,am, etc.
ME. CLAY TO J. S. JOHNSTON.
Lexington, August 2, 1826.
Mt dear Sir, — My visit home has been altogether highly
gratifying. Far from any abatement, there is an increase in the
number and ardor of my friends, who have given me the strong-
est testimonies of their attachment. From Missouri I learn that
Scott's prospect of re-election is promising. Cook's is unattend-
ed with any doubt. Senator Reed writes me from Mississippi in
great confidence of his re-election, upon the distinct ground of
supporting the Administration. In Ohio and Indiana things could
not look better. I think we may assume, first, that the Western
States, whose delegation voted for Mr. Adams, will continue to
support him ; and secondly, that Mississippi will probably be added
to the number. You will have heard of Gurley's re-election,
and rumor says that Brent has also succeeded.
I shall set out on the 11th for Washington via Kanawha. I
go that route to take advantage of the Virginia Springs, to im-
prove my health, which just begins to feel the benefit of absence
from my office. Mrs. Clay will probably go through Ohio to see
James, and we shall meet at Washington, where we are very
anxious again to join our friends. I may halt a few days at the
White Sulphur Springs, and therefore shall not probably reach
Washington till early in September.
You will have seen the tragical end of Beauchamp and his
unfortunate wife. We live in an age of romance. Ask Mrs.
Johnston if the story might not be wrought up into a fine popu-
lar tragedy, one similar to George Barnwell ?
148 PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE
Mrs. Clay joins me in the communication of cordial regards
to Mrs. Johnston ; and I add assurances of my sincere friendship
to yourself, etc.
MB. CLAY TO J. S. JOHNSTON.
White Sulphue Speings, Va., August 24, 1826.
Mt deab Sir, — I anived without accident the day before
yesterday, and after remaining about a week at it, for the use of
the mineral waters, I propose resuming my journey about the
1st of September, and hope to reach the city the 10th or 12th.
My health has improved on the journey, although I have not
been able to secure all the tranquillity and abstraction from
crowds which is necessary to its re-establishment ; for they
have invited me to a public dinner at Lewisburg, and not being
able to assign any sufficient reason for declining it, I have ac-
cepted it. The administration has many friends in this quarter
of Virginia. '
There is much company at this place, but it shifts as fre-
quently as the dramatis personae of a theater. It is chiefly from
the Southern States.
I am driving a gig-horse, which, though not so fine or showy
as your finest carriage-horse, I am inclined to think might an-
swer as a tolerable match for him.
With my best regards to Mrs. Johnston, and the hope of see-
ing you both very soon, I am truly your friend.
P. S. Mrs. Clay was to leave Lexington on the 22d inst.,
to proceed to the city, by the Ohio route, and I expect will
reach you about the time that I shall.
MB. CLAY TO FBANCIS BBOOKE.
White Sulphuk Spkings, August 28, 1826.
My deab Sib, — ^I was disappointed, on my arrival here, in not
having the pleasure of meeting you ; but I received your obliging
letter, accounting for your absence. I have made a short halt
for the use of the waters, which I have already found of some
benefit. I shall resume my journey on the 1st of next month,
OF HENRY CLAT. 149
and will, perhaps, reach Orange, by the way of Charlottesville,
on the 8th or 9th. I purpose remaining a day or two there,
with Governor Barbour, if at home, and Mr. Madison. I should
be delighted to avail myself of your kind invitation, but that
must depend upon information which I may hereafter receive,
as to the necessity of my presence at my post. It will be very
gratifying to me if I can render any service, which I will not
fan to endeavor, to your friend, Mr. Carter. t
MB. ADAMS TO MB. CLAY.
QciNCT, September 12, 1826.
Deab Sib, — I duly received your kind letters of the 25th and
30th of July, and of the 12th ultimo, all from Lexington, which
I have hitherto deferred answering, from an uncertainty where
a letter would meet you. But supposing you would, about this
time, reach Washington, I, two days since, inclosed to you a
letter from the Governor of New York, with other papers, on a
subject requiring at once mature deliberation and prompt de-
cision.
I learn, with much concern, that your health did not derive,
from your visit home, so much benefit as you had anticipated.
I hope the tour to the Springs will have more favorable results.
Your apprehensions with regard to Mr. Anderson were but too
well founded. The public have lost in him an able and useful
officer. The Panama Congress, it seems, have adjourned to
meet in the neighborhood of the city of Mexico.
Your letter of instructions to Mr. Gallatin has been forwarded
by me to the Collector of the Customs at New York, to be forth-
with transmitted. Mr. Poinsett's treaty with Mexico has all
the articles stipulating the delivery of criminals and fugitive
slaves, which Mr. Gallatin thinks may be objected to. We shall
have an opportunity, by the reference of the Mexican Treaty to
the Senate, of ascertaining their views in relation to these sub-
jects, and, probably, in season to give further instructions to
Mr. Gallatin, before the termination of his negotiation.
I think that, unless sdme unforeseen emergency should indis-
pensably require my return to Washington earlier, I shall be
there between the 15th and 20th of next month, about ten days
later than I have, until recently, expected.
150 PRIVATE COERESPONDENCE
LOED GAMBIEB TO MK. CLAY.
Iteb GnovE, September 20, 1826.
My deab Sir, — Mr. Edward Thomson, the son of an esteemed
and intimate friend of mine, being about to proceed to the State
of South Carolina, will pass a little time at Washington, on his
way from New York. I beg your permission to introduce him
to your countenance and protection. You will find him, should
he have the honor of presenting himself to you, to be an intelli-
gent, well-informed young man, of most respectable character,
and worthy of your notice. Any friendly office that you may
please to honor him with, will be very gratifying and obliging
to me.
I was happy to hear, from my nephew, Mr. Charles Gambier,
who visited Washington the beginning of the present year, of
your health and well-being. Most cordially do I wish you a
continuance of the same, with the addition of every other bles-
sing that may conduce to your present and everlasting happiness;
being, my dear sir, with unfeigned esteem and regard, your faith-
ful friend.
DANIEL WEBSTER TO MK. CLAY.
Boston, October 13, 1826.
My dear Sir, — The subject of the recent British order is ex-
citing some little attention, as you will have observed, in the
commercial cities, and there are those, doubtless, who would em-
brace this, as they would any opportunity, to find fault.
Mr. Lloyd has probably written you in regard to it. He feels
more than a common share of interest on the occasion, as he
recommended negotiation in preference to meeting the English
proposition by an act of Congress. It may be well, perhaps, that
some little statement, made at Washington, would appear, for
the satisfaction of the public. I would not intimate that there
is, in this part of the country at least, any dissatisfaction ; but I
see attempts are making, in New York and other places, to pro-
duce an impression that the national interests have, in this in-
stance, been overlooked.
As to the general course of political afl:airs, we have nothing
of much interest in this quarter. Our elections take place next
OF HENRY CLAY. 151
month. In some districts there may be personal changes, but
nobody will be proposed on the ground of opposition, nor any-
body chosen who is suspected, on good grounds, of being inclined
to join the opposition. Some few, perhaps, may be chosen, who
profess friendship, and who will yet fly off on the first, and on
every close question, according to the example of last winter.
But, on the whole, the great majority from this quarter will be
well inclined, and steady in their course. The Jackson paper in
this city (for we have also a Jackson paper), seems to occupy it-
self at present very much with Mr. Everett. Mr. Everett, how-
ever, is likely to be re-elected with great unanimity. I think,
my dear sir, without intending a compliment, that your speech
at Lewisburg has done real service. It was happy and excellent,
even for you, both in matter and manner. We all rejoice here
— I mean all who do not fear that you were born to prevent
General J. from being President — in the improvement of your
health ; and you must allow me to. express my most anxious and
earnest hope that you will not overwork yourself the ensuing
session and winter. What can not be done without the sacrifice
of your health must be left undone, at whatever expense or
hazard. I have often thought of suggesting to you one jDractice,
if you have not already adopted it, which I have found very use-
ful myself, when my own little affairs have occasionally pressed
me ; that is, the constant employment of an a'manuensis. The
difference between writing at the table and dictating to another,
is very great. The first is tedious, exhausting, debilitating labor ;
the last may be done while you are pacing a large room, and en-
joying in that way the benefit of an erect posture, and a healthy
exercise. If I were you I would not touch a pen, except to write
my frank. Make the clerks do all that clerks can do, and for
the rest dictate to an amanuensis. I venture to say, that if you
once get accustomed to this, you will find your labor greatly
lightened.
I have had the pleasure of hearing from several Kentucky and
Oh io friends during the summer ; and have had much gratifica-
tion in learning the favorable state of opinion in those important
states. The only incident to be regretted much, in the West, is
the loss of Cook's election. His friends must remember him,
and sustain him, in some public service, according to his merits.
152 PRIVATE COEEBSPONDENCE
LAFAYETTE TO MB. CLAT.
Lagrange, October 28, 1826.
Mt dear Sir, — Mr. Brown who is in the city, Mr. Gallatin,
whom I had the pleasure to see for two days, give you French
and English news, with the repotts from other parts of Europe.
I have therefore very little to say, and what should I say but
that the British and the Continental Cabinets are patching up
every gap from which liberty and equality might pop out on this
side of the Atlantic. Nevertheless, the public mind is ,making
slow progress, and at the end of a chapter, too long I fear, things
will definitely come to rights.
I have given the President an account of my conversation,
sought on their part with the last commissioners, from Hayti to
this Government, the main point of which was to tell me that
one of the American objections to the acknowledgment of their
independence, might easily be removed, as they might even now
assure you that the privileges compjained of as a kind of vassal-
age, were not, at any rate, to last more than the time fixed for
the payment of the stipulated money.
Permit me to inclose a letter to the President, containing the
application of a lady, a packet for Mr. Graham, relating to my
landed concerns, and one to my dear friends Fanny and Camilla
Wright, the elder of whom had but lately recovered from a very
alarming fever. I would much like to have your opinion of
their philanthropic experiment.
I beg you to present my best respects to Mrs. Clay and family,
to remember me to our friends, particularly Governor Barbour,
to whom I will have the pleasure to write by tlie next packet.
Here is the copy of a letter I have received from General Bolivar.
It has been published in Prance, as well as my letter from
Washington, at the request of M. Madrid, the Colombian agent
to this Government.
MR. CLAY TO FRANCIS BROOKE.
Wa3hi.\gton, December 11, 1826.
My DEAR SiE, — I have occasion for all possible indulgence
from my friends, on account of my irregularity in acknowledging
and answering their esteemed favors. They will do me great
OF HBNKY CLAY. 153
wrong, if, in any case, they attribute my silence to insensibility
to the value of their letters. I perceive from yours of the 7th
inst., that you feel that I had neglected answering some of your
prior letters. I must plead guilty, and ask for mercy. I am glad
to learn that the message takes well at Richmond, or rather, that
it is only objected to because it is without fault. Political pros-
pects are good every where, to the North, East and West, and I
think less gloomy in the South. In Kentucky, an Adams rep-
resentative has been sent from one of the two Jackson districts,
vacated by the death of their members, and my confidence in
the support of that State to the administration, and in the re-
election of Mr. Adams is entire. In Pennsylvania, the Governor
comes out in his message in support of the administration, and
sanctioning the late election of President. In New York, the
great body of both parties is with us, and I verily believe that if
the electoral law should even remain unaltered, Mr. Adams will
obtain every vote.
I invite your attention to the documents (of which I will for-
ward a copy by the mail), concerning the colonial question. I
think we have put Great Britain unquestionably in the wrong.
MK. CLAY TO FKANCIS BEOOKE.
Wabhington, December 23, 1826.
Mr DEAR Sir, — I have yielded to the wish that I should write
in behalf of Mr. Taylor, but a great deal too much weight is
attributed to my recommendation, and I fear; that the bank will
hardly be prevailed on to deviate from their practice of sending
out a cashier educated under their own eye.
From all recent indications at Richmond, we are to conclude
that Mr. Ritchie has succeeded in putting a majority of the Gen-
eral Assembly in the honor of a permanent opposition to the
general administration. I regret it extremely, not more- on our
account here, than on that of Virginia herself. It is consoling
that every where else, things are going well, and the final issue
is perfectly certain. _ Mr. McKinley, the new Senator lately
elected in Alabama, is believed to have brought with him good
dispositions toward the Administration. In that branch of Con-
. gress where it was weakest, it is now entirely safe.
154 PEIVATE CORRESPONDENCE
LAFAYETTE TO MR. CLAT.
Lageange, December 29, 1826.
Mt DEAR Sm, — After having passed a very pleasing summer
, in this rural abode, we have been lately afflicted with a sad
calamity, the death of Louis Lasteyrie (husband to my daughter
Virginia, and father to four children), whom we have lost after
a cruel illness of two months. You are but too well acquainted
with the feelings of family mournings, and will sympathize
in our regrets. The so very strange murder of Doctor Brown
has given me much pain, not only from motives of friendship
to his brother and other relations, but on account of my personal
acquaintance with him and his amiable family.
You are now in the midst of Congressional debates. I much
wish they may relax of the unusual bitterness that has marked
the last session. The choice of Mr. Poinsett to the Congress
of Panama has afforded me great pleasure, as he well knows the
concerns of South America and Mexico, including those of Gua-
timala, and will be a good adviser of the Republican measures,
as well as a guardian against European influence. How do you
find Mr. Canning's assertion in the British Parliament that he, '
Mr. Canning, has called to existence the new Republics of the
American hemisphere ? when it is known by what example,
what declaration, and what feelings of jealousy the British Gov-
ernment has been dragged into a slow, gradual, and conditional
recognition of that independence.
Gallant Greece is still struggling against the Ottomans and
Egyptians ; whatever has been the revolutionary tone of the
British prime-minister, and in spite of the counter-revolutionary
ultraism in France and Spain, it is well understood between all
Governments in Europe, that a general commotion might carry
them on a ground not very favorable to the interests of aristoc-
racy and despotism ; so that as long as they can keep the nations
within the bounds of ancient institutions, or at best, of old and
new octroyed charters, they will ever ultimately find means to
patch up every political question that may annoy European
slumbers.
Among the several publications relative to Lagrange and its
inhabitants, which I have found in the papers of the United
States, there is one that I am prompted to notice, as you will
have, at Washington, frequent opportunities to contradict it.
OF HENRY CLAT. 155
The writer, •with a kind intention, I don't doubt, but under a ..
complete mistake, asserts that I am assailed by Americans in
Europe, with demands for money. Happy I would be, to be
sure, of an opportimity to oblige friends in distress. But those
opportunities have not been offered.
Be pleased, my dear friend, to present me very affectionately
to Mrs. Clay, your family, the President, Mrs. Adams and family,
your colleagues in the cabinet, General Brown, Commodore Mor-
ris, General Bernard, Mr. Graham, and all other friends at Wash-
ington. Be pleased also to take care of the inclosed letter, and
believe me forever your affectionate friend.
LAFAYETTE TO MB. CLAY.*
On Board the Steamboat, near York Town, October 18, 1824.
My dear Peiend, — ^Your kind congratulations and affectionate
letter are new testimonies of those sentiments which I am proud
and happy to have obtained from you, and which are most cor-
dially reqiprocated. I am now on my way to the anniversary
meeting at York Town, and shall from there proceed to Norfolk,
Richmond, Monticello, Montpelier, and again to Washington,
where I intend to await the meeting of Congress. It is my fond
determination to visit the Southern and Western States, and I
anticipate the pleasure to find myself under your friendly roof at
Ashland. But it can not now be before I have met you at Wash-
ington, where every motive of propriety, respect, and gratitude
demand my early visit to the members of both Houses, whose
unanimous invitation has called me to the most honorable and
gratifying enjoyments in which the human heart can delight. I
am happy to think that the time is not far removed when I shall
have the pleasure to present you in person the expression of my
high regard and most sincere affection. My son desires his sin-
cere acknowledgments and respects to you.
* This letter, from Lafayette, was mislaid, and is out of its proper place as to
date.
CHAPTER IV.
COKKESPONDENOE OF 1837.
DANIEL WEBSTER TO MR. CLAT.
January 1, 1827.
Mx DEAR Sir, — After company went out last night, and I had
packed up my trunk, I sat down and read your letter through.
Probably, I should have voted against any further publication ;
but I am now fully satisfied this will do good. The statement
is clear, and the evidence irresistible. I am satisfied, upon my
conscience, that the whole business originated with General J.
himself ; whether through mistake, or from , intention, I do not
say.
MR. CLAY TO FRANCIS BROOKE.
Washington, January 26, 182'7.
Mt dear Sib, — I duly received your favor of the 24th instant.
You will have since seen the late Convention with England,
which has been communicated to Congress, and published. A
great and somewhat general mistake has prevailed in respect to
the extent of the claim which existed on Great Britain, on ac-
count of slaves, and other property, taken away or destroyed.
The claim, on the part of American citizens, arises out of the
first article of the Treaty of Ghent, which stipulates, " All terri-
tory, places, and possessions, whatsoever, taken by either party
from the other, during the war, or which may be taken after
signing this treaty, excepting only the islands hereinafter men-
tioned, shall be restored without delay, and without causing any
destruction, or carrying away any of the artillery, or other pub-
lic property, originally captured in the said forts or places, and
which shall remain therein upon the exchange of the ratifications
OF HENBT CLAY. 157
of this treaty, or any slaves, or other private property." The
parties differed about the meaning of this clause, and referred
their dispute to the Emperor Alexander. He decided it in favor
of the United States, and a Tripartite Convention was concluded
at St. Petersburg, to give effect to this decision. The mixed
commission (composed of Messrs. Jackson and Cheves), was cre-
ated to execute that commission ; but they could not agree, and
the late Convention, by which the United States agree to accept,
in behalf of the claimants, a gross sum, was substituted to the-
commission.
Now it is evident, from this narrative, that the new Conven-
tion could only provide for that class of complainants who were
comprehended in the first article of the Treaty of Ghent. Gov-
ernment, in fact, was only an agent or trustee for that class. If
you go back beyond the Treaty of Ghent, perhaps one class of
persons who had their property taken away or destroyed, during
the late war, has as much equity as another. But the treaty
did not provide for any but one class. To that limited extent,
Great Britain has always been dissatisfied with the stipulation
and the interpretation put upon it. Government, now, can do no
more than see that the class provided for shall have the benefit
of a most fortunate provision made for them in the treaty. It
can not undertake to divide a fund, intended exclusively for that
class, among those who are, unfortunately, not comprehended
in the Treaty of Ghent. If it were to go out of the treaty, where
would be the stopping-place ?
A board will probably be created by Congress, during the
present session, but its duty will be restricted to a fair execution
of the Treaty of Ghent, the Imperial decision, and the late Con-
vention. The average value fixed by the mixed commission,
and the definitive list sent to it from the Department of State,
in pursuance of the Convention at St. Petersburg, will govern
the new Board ; and it will belong to that to decide, under the
limitations stated, upon all cases thus presented to it, and upon
the sufficiency of the evidence by which they are made out.
Should there be a surplus in the fund. Congress alone possess-
es the power to dispose of it.
158 PRIVATE CORBESPONDENCE
MH. CLAY TO FEANCIS BROOKE.
WAsniNGTON, February 8, 1827.
My dear Sir, — I send by this mail the copies of the British
Acts of Parliament desired.
It is a subject of deep regret with me (and I beg you to say
so to Governor Tyler) that his friendly letter to me, on the oc-
casion of my vote in the House of Representatives, on the late-
Presidential election, should have been used to assail or annoy
him. In any casual allusion which I ever made to that letter, it
was far from my intention that it should have been made in-
strumental to his prejudice. The truth is, that it is one of a
hundred similar letters which I received, about the period of its
date, from all quarters of the Union, and from some of the most
distinguished men in it. I have heard that the letter was inad-
vertently (and certainly with no unfriendly purpose toward the
Governor) spoken of by a Mr. Clarke, a lawyer of Winchester,
who had been, a few days before, with me, and to whom I ex-
pressed, what I certainly felt, much gratification with his election,
and stated that I had the satisfaction to believe that Governor
Tyler did justice to the motives which had influenced me on the
above memorable occasion, as he had addressed to me, at the
time, a letter couched in the most friendly terms. I understand
that Mr. Clarke incidentally spoke of this conversation, not recol-
lecting that a printer was by, who felt himself at liberty to make
the matter a topic in his next paper.
Whether it was in this way or not that it got out, I can not
tell. It may have been in some other manner ; for there is an
espionage prevailing which spares no privacy, and which, unless
checked, must destroy all confidence.
Tell the Governor that he must not take the matter much at
heart ; to recollect how much I have borne, and with what phi-
losophy and fortitude. Tell him, moreover, that we shall cer-
tainly prevail, and that I do not even despair of our native State.
When he comes here, no one entertains the idea that he will
renounce any of the great principles of hi-s public action, and
least of all, that by which he judges of men and things as they
are, and not as passion, party, or prejudice may represent them.
OF HENRT CLAY. 159
MR. CLAY TO FRANCIS BROOKE.
Washington, February 16, 1827.
My dear Sir, — The volume of the British Acts of Parliament,
containing those which General Taylor desires, is in possession
of the clerk of the House of Representatives. We have not
been able to get it back, and I fear may not in time for the use
of the General. But if I can regain it, I will send it by mail
for his use.
I do not wish you to write to Governor Tyler. It will do to
speak to him when you see him. I should regret very much if
he feels hurt about the letter. I can only repeat, that any allu-
sion which I made to it in conversation was far from any design
to prejudice him, or any expectation that it should get into the
public prints. I hope, on the other hand, that he has not per-
mitted himself to attribute to me the violation of any confiden-
tial correspondence. His letter had nothing confidential in it.
It was public in its nature, public topics were treated of, and it
was addressed to a public man. It was spontaneous, and there-
fore more prized by me. We have no news.
PORTER clay* to MR. CLAY.
Feakkfoet, February 22, 1827.
Dear Brother, — Your favor of the 3d instant came to hand
in due time, and I heartily thank you for the valuable inclos-
ures, particularly your speech before the Colonization Society.
Your views upon that subject have my most hearty concurrence,
and I pray Almighty God may bless the institution with his ap-
probation, and make it the means of extending the light of his
glorious Gospel into that benighted land ; that Ethiopia may
stretch out her hands to God, and the isles of the sea be made to
rejoice in the fullness of his free salvation. You are right when
you say that " God may convert that which has been our great
sin into an extensive blessing to that people" — not that we
should be encouraged to do evil that grace may abound ; God
forbid : for how then should God judge the world? But that we
through his all-wise providence should get to himself a revenue
of glory by that which in us was originally wicked.
* Mr. Clay's brother, a Baptist minister, since dead.
160 PEIVAXE COEEESPONDEKCE
JAMES MADISON TO MR. CLAT.
MontpelDeb, March 24, 1827.
Dear Sir, — After your kind offer, I make no apology for in-
closing another letter, which I wish to have the advantage of a
conveyance from the Department of State. Its object is to ob-
tain from Mr. Gallatin a small service for our university, and
that with as little delay as may be.
While I was charged with the Department of State, the Brit-
ish doctrine against a neutral trade with belligerent ports, shut
in peace and open in war, was examined at some length, and
the examination published in a stout pamphlet. I have been
applied to by several friends for a copy, which I could not fur-
irish, nor do I know that they are attainable, unless obsolete copies
should remain in the Department. If this be the case, I should
be thankful for the means of complying with the application.
Mrs. Madison joins in offering to Mrs. Clay and yourself assur-
ances of cordial regards and best wishes.
HENRY CLAY JR. TO HIS FATHER.
West Point, March 27, 1827.
Dear Father, — Since I last heard from you, Mr. and Mrs.
Smith, with Margaret Ross, have been here. They remained
but a day or two, and seemed delighted with the place. From
them I learned that you were well, and that Theodore is going
as a bearer of dispatches to the Congress of Panama, likewise,
that it is yoiu- intention to visit Kentucky some time in May,
but they do not inform me whether my mother goes with you
or not. Should you come to the determination of leaving
Washington, I should be extremely happy to see you here.
The lakes will then be open, and will afford you a speedy and
pleasant route. Worthington will be very little out of your
way, and by calling, you will gratify James. * * *
MR. CLAY TO J. S. JOHNSTON.
■Washington, April 2, 1827.
Dear Sir, — I am glad to learn from your letter, dated at
Wheeling, that you had safely advanced so far on your journey.
I will attend to your wish about the note to your speech, so far
OP HENRY CLAY. 161
as it is practicable. Since you left us, the city has been very
quiet. From Albany, our friends write in a tone of confidence,
as to ultimate success, about which, I think, they can hardly bo
mistaken. The developments of the " Intelligencer" -have pro-
duced great effect in that quarter, and from other parts of Penn-
sylvania than those which you visited, our information still runs
in a favorable current. They tell this anecdote of Buchanan.
At a tavern in Harrisburg, where he was electioneering, he re-
marked that he " had heard much of changes from Jackson to
Adams, but could see nobody that had changed." A member
of the Legislature, from Meadsville, who was present, replied,
" Yes, sir, here are eleven members of the Legislature, all of
whom were the friends of General Jackson, and now are the
friends of Mr. Adams. And I will tell you why — ^because the
administration is right, and the opposition have been defeating
the best measures."
ALBERT GALLATIN TO MB. CLAY.
LoNDOir, May 3, 182Y.
Sm, — Mr. Colquhoun, the agent of the , Hanse Towns in
London, called on me yesterday, and informed me that the city
of Frankfort having given her consent to that measure, the
Hanse Towns had appointed Mr. Rumph their Charge d' Affaires
at Paris, special minister to the United States, with power to ne-
gotiate a treaty of commerce, that he had accepted, and intended
to sail from HaVre for America, in the middle of August.
Mr. Colquhouii also said that he was charged by the city of
Hamburg, to obtain from me a communication of the answer I
might receive from my Governinent, to the note of Mr. Sieve-
king, which I had transmitted at his request. I said that, having
informed that gentleman that I had no authority or instructions
on that subject, he had sent me this note in question, as an unof-
ficial paper, that I had transmitted it as such, and that, under
these circumstances, I did not think it probable that an answer
would be made by my Government to that communication.
The Government of the Hanse Towns is very economical ; the
sending a minister abroad, is for them an extraordinary measure,
and feis three months will elapse before Mr. Rumph's intended de-
ll
162 PRIVATE COERESPONDENCE
parture, I suppose they -would wish to know whether there is a
reasonable prospect of his succeeding.
It appeared to me, from the general tenor of the conversation,
that not only are the Hanse Towns anxious of concluding a
treaty of commerce with the United States", on account of its imme-
diate advantages, but that they believe that it will have a ten-
dency to increase the consideration in which they are held, and
to strengthen the tenure on which they hold their situation of
independent Republics. I said, of course, nothing that could
commit my Government, but adverted in general to the liberal
commercial policy adopted by the United States, and to their
friendly disposition and feelings toward the free commercial
cities of Germany. It is not probable that you will have any
difficulty with them, as relates to either commerce or navigation,
as generally understood. But you are undoubtedly aware that
they are very narrow and selfish, as regards merchants residing
within their own precincts, and that they may be unwilling to
grant to citizens of the United States, who might be desirous
of forming commercial establishments in any of those cities, the
same privileges which foreign merchants indiscriminately enjoy,
in common with our own citizens in the ports of the United
States where they reside.
MR. CLAY TO FRANCIS BROOKE.
Washington, May 25, 1827.
My dear Sir, — I took the liberty of sending you a few days
ago, a copy of some speeches, etc., of mine, which have been
recently published in Philadelphia, and which I hope you will
have safely received.
Have you read the accounts about the execution of the six
militia-men at Mobile, early in 1814? I think the Nashville
Committee are entitled to the public thanks for bringing that
matter to light. I had a vague impression about it, but I had
really put it in the large class of doubtful reports. The Com-
mittee have undeceived me ; and I think if they favor the pub-
lic with many more similar disclosures, they will serve most
effectually the cause they have espoused. What has become of
the eloquent pen of Algernon Sidney ? I think the case of
OF HENRY CLAT. 163
these poor deluded militia-men furnishes a theme on which it
might be employed with as much instruction and benefit as when
it was formerly exercised with such powerful influence.
MR. CLAY TO COLONEL. RUTGERS.
Washington', Jane 4, 1827.
Dear Sir, — Long accustomed to regard you as one of the
fathers of the Republican church, to which we both belong, I
hope I shall be excused from that circumstance, if I am not au-
thorized by our acquaintance, in taking the liberty of addressing
this letter to you.
You have felt too deep an interest and had too much agency
in the public affairs of our country to admit of your beholding
with indifference what is now passing, or to allow you to for-
bear from giving, while you are spared among us, the benefit
of your matured counsels. And I am greatly mistaken in the
estimate I have made of your judgment and character, if you
can approve the conduct of the opposition to the General Ad-
ministration, or the object, or the means which , they are em-
ploying to accomplish that object, of supplanting Mr. Adams
and electing General Jackson.
During the administration of the father of our present Chief
Magistrate, I was too young and too poor to take any part in the
public councils ; but I, nevertheless, had very decided opinions,
to which I gave all the effect I could in private cii'cles, against
some of the prominent measures of that administration, and
what I believell to be its tendency, if not the ultimate aim of
some of its principal supporters. But I could not allow myself
to transfer my dislike of the Administration of- the father to the
person and public character of the son, who, I firmly believe,
after an acquaintance with him of more than twenty years, to
be sincerly attached to our free institutions, and to the general
cause of liberty. When, therefore, the only alternative pre-
sented, on a late occasion, to my choice in the House of Repre-
sentatives, was between him and General Jackson, who appeared
to me to possess no other than military pretensions, I could not
doubt the side on which duty and safety lay. Far from regret-
ting the choice which I then made, I should make it again, under
similar circumstances, and I must ever think that the election
164 PRIVATE COREESPONDENCE
of General Jackson at that or any other time, would be a most
unfortunate event for this country. I accepted a place in the
Administration from a full conviction, that it was a duty I owed
myself, after the flagitious attacks made upon me, one object of
which was to intimidate me, and under the unanimous advice
of all my Congressional friends.
If there be one characteristic which, more than any other,
distinguishes the Republican party, and of which, more than any
other, they may be justly proud, it is their devotion to liberty and
to the guarrantees for its preservation which experience and reason
demonstrate to be necessary. Does not the history of all na-
tions and of all times prove, that the greatest danger to freedom
is from mere military men ? With this light before them, can
the Republican party, if the};^ are faithful to their own princi-
ples, and desirous to perpetuate to their posterity that liberty
which they themselves enjoy, lend themselves to the election of
a chief magistrate, who possesses no other qualification than
that of being a successful military commander ? I thought they
could not, and yet believe that they can not.
It would be a great satisfaction to me to find that the opinions
which I have now exjaressed receive your approbation. But
whether I am so fortunate or not, I hope you will do justice to
my motives in communicating them, and in addressing you at
the present period, and at the same time be fully pursuaded that
I have the greatest respect and veneration for your character.
MR. CLAY TO FRANCIS BROOKE.
Washington, June 4, 1827.
Mt dear Sir, — I received your favor of the 2d instant. You
ask me if I am going to Kentucky soon, and if I can be spared.
I am compelled by my private business, and particularly by that
of the estate of my deceased friend. Colonel Morrison, of which
I am the only acting executor, to go to Kentucky, and I shall
leave this city for that purpose on the 10th instant. It is my in-
tention to return by the 1st of August. I shall leave the business
of the Department in such condition, that I do not believe that
any prejudice to the public will arise from my absence.
OF HEKRY CLAY. 165
BICHABD HUSH TO MK. CLAT.
WAsniNGTON, June 23, 1827.
Mt deak Sir, — I have just read Lord Grey's speech, and can
not resist the desire I have to send it to you. You will recog-
nize in it sentiments I have expressed as regards Mr. Canning
and the new States. If Earl Grey had been better informed, he
would have said that it was you who did most to call them into
being. I say this in no idle spirit of praise, having always, abroad
and at home, expressed the opinion that, next to their own ex-
ertions, the South Americans owe to you more than to any
other man in either hemisphere, their independence, you having
led the way to our acknowledgment of it. This is truth ; this
is history. Without our acknowledgment, England would not
have taken the step to this day. This is my belief. I give
Mr. Canning no credit for the part he acted. It was forced upon
him by our lead, which he never had the magnanimity to avow,
but strove to claim all the merit for England, or rather for him-
self. He esteems civil and political liberty no more than Lord
Londonderry did, though circumstances have made him appear
to be somewhat more their champion. That our public should
be inclined to rejoice at Mr. Canning's present triumph, is, I
think, the effect of his character not being understood among us.
Certainly, as regards the United States, he has been, of all British
statesmen, the least disposed to do us justice ; yes, truly, the
least of any that ever we have had to deal with, without a sin-
gle exception. Forgetting, if we can, all that he has said of us,
let us take his acts j for was it not he who disavowed Erskine's
arrangement, which, had it been sanctioned in England, might
have prevented a war ? Was it not he who in 1823 infused the
unfriendly tone into that long negotiation at London, almost
refusing to listen to nine out of ten of our claims, obviously
just as most of them were ? And was it not he, who, in 1826,
most abruptly closed the West India trade agciinst us, upon pre-
texts the most unexpected and' flimsy ? I could make the list
longer, but that I should make too long a letter of it, having in-
tended to do nothing more than send you Lord Grey's speech.
I know how high you rate his speeches. Mr. Canning never
liked the United States or their institutions, and never will, his
Liverpool speech, and the conclusion of his late dispatch, not-
166 PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE
withstanding. He will watch all our steps with a sharper an(
more active jealousy than perhaps any other English statesnaai
living. Of all their public men, we have the least to expect fron
him.
HENRY CLAY JH. TO HIS FATHER.
West Poist, June 24, 1827.
Dear Father, — I arrived here last Thursday, the 21st, anc
have already been examined, and, I am glad to add, have beer
admitted. Yesterday we came into camp, and I am now in m^
tent, sitting on my knapsack and writing on my chair. I an
better pleased than ever with the Academy. I was well received
by the officers on my return, and now start with the prospect of
success hereafter — am delighted with the hardships accompany-
ing a military life, but still give the civil the preference. Mj
duties will prevent my writing more, although I had intended
to have wi'itten a long letter concerning the discipline and course
of study in use here. Give my respects to all my relations and
friends. Tell Cousin Nannette that I am daily expecting an
answer to my letter which was written before I left Washington,
BARON DE MAREUIL TO MR. CLAY.
NewTokk, June 30, 1827.
Sir, — At the moment when I am about to depart, permit me
to add to my official communications of this day, some more
particular expression of the sentiments which I bear away with
me, and the better part of which is assured to you. I have
often regretted that conversation was not more easy between us,
being persuaded of the interest and pleasure which you would
have been able to throw over it, and eager as I would have been
to make myself understood in those things of which the pen can
not treat, but in which the heart and spirit may find satisfaction.
I hope, however, that I may not have been misunderstood by
you, and that I have made an impression upon you akin to that
which you have left on me.
The extensive and beautiful tour which I have just finished,
has much increased my admiration of North America. I have
OF HENRY CLAY. 167
regretted that I was not at Black Rock, and that I was unable to
deliver, in person, to General and Mrs. Porter, the recommenda-
tions with which you honored me. Madame Mareuil begs that
Mrs. Clay will be pleased to accept her adieus and compliments.
I venture to add my homage, and to beg. Sir, that you will ac-
cept, at the same time, with my thanks for the welcome treat-
ment which I received from you during my residence in Wash-
ington, the assurance of the invariable sentiments of high con-
sideration which I have professed for you.
DANIEL WEBSTER TO MB. CLAY.
Boston, July 24, 1827.
Mt deak Sir, — Your reply to General Jackson's letter is ad-
mirable, and has been most favorably received every where, at
least on this side the Alleghany. It places the General in a po-
sition where he can not remain. He must move, in some direc-
tion ; and, whatever movement he makes, will either embarrass
his friends, or still more embarrass himself. I have a suspicion
that the respectable member of Congress is Mr. Buchanan. If
this should turn out so, it will place him in an awkward situa-
tion, since, it seems, he did recommend a bargain with your
friends, on the suspicion that such a bargain had been proposed
to them on the part of the friends of Mr. Adams. I am curious
to see how this matter will develop itself.
FRANKLIN LITCHFIELD TO MR. CLAT.
Puerto Cabello, Colombia, July 30, 1821.
Sir, — I do myself the pleasure to transmit to you a case, con-
taining the bust of President Bolivar, which is a most perfect
likeness of this great South American statesman. This is the
first copy ever taken of him in this style, and was lately execu-
ted by an Italian, at the city of Caracas, and I beg of you to
accept the same in my name, as a token of respect for your dis-
interested and patriotic eloquence, displayed on the floor of Con-
gress, in defense of the rights and independence of the native
country of this distinguished liberator. Mr. Royal Phelps, Jr.,
is charged, with the delivery of said bust, in person, and if you
168 FEIVATB CORRESPOIirDENCE
have no objections, I have requested him to have a portrait paint-
ing talcen from it, in oleo, by one of our first artists. I have
also requested Mr. Phelps to make several inquiries of you relat-
ing to my consular duties, and beg of you the favor to commu-
nicate to him your views frankly.
SAMUEL L. SOtTTHARD TO MR. CLAT.
■WATNESEonouGH, August 8, 1827.
Mt deak Sib, — You have set the whole world in commotion
— ^never did one speech produce such an effect. It meets almost
universal approbation, and with the wise and good there is no
exception. I tliink they praise it too much, good as it is — a
little envy, you know, is sometimes pardonable. I am informed
that General J. has given an answer to your letter — shall see it
in the morning at Staunton. It is said to be mild, and to give
up B. as the man.
J am satisfied that a rapid change is taking place in this State,
and my hopes that even Virginia will be with us have been
confirmed ; they grow stronger every day. I find many men
with us whom I looked upon as aliens. You may depend that
I shall endeavor to encourage the process which is going on.
Can not you give me some good news at the White Sulphur ?
LAFAYETTE TO MB. CLAT.
Pakis, August 12, 1827.
These few lines, my dear friend, are intrusted to Mrs. Shaw,
a daughter of General Greene, and Mrs. Greene, her niece and
cousin, who have passed with us most of the time of their sojourn
in Europe, and who have inspired my family and myself with
the sentiments of highest respect, warm affection, and every
wish for their welfare. Mrs. Shaw will go to Washington, in
pursuit of a claim on British compensation, and I beg you to
favor her with your kind advice ; both ladies, as our intimate
friends, will tell you more about Lagrange and its inhabitants
than I could do in a long letter. I have written to the President
about my family and election concerns ; Mr. Brown gives you
OF HENRY CLAY. 169
an account of public aflfairs. I shall therefore content myself
with requesting my respects to Mrs. Clay, remembrance of me
to your family, coUeagueSj and other friends, being most truly
and affectionately, etc.
MR. CLAY TO FHANCIS BKOOKJE.
"Washington, August 14, 1827.
My dear Sie, — I received your obliging favor from Waynes-
borough. I should be very glad if I could participate with you
and Mr. Southard in the pleasure and benefit of the Springs.
My health is, however, not bad.
I hope you are not mistaken in the good effect of my Lexing-
ton speech. Mr. Buchanan has presented his communication to
the public ; and although he evidently labors throughout the
whole of it to spare and cover General Jackson, he fails in every
essential particular to sustain the General. Indeed, I could not
desire a stronger statement from Mr. Buchanan. The tables are
completely turned upon the General. Instead of any intrigues
on my part and that of my friends, they were altogether on the
side of General Jackson and his friends. But I will leave the
statement to your own reflections. I directed a copy to be in-
closed yesterday to Mr. Southard. It must confirm any good
impression produced by my speech.
Tell Mr. Southard that his children are much better, and that
he need not entertain any fear about them.
With my best wishes that you may both realize much benefit
from the mineral waters.
ME. CLAY TO J. S. JOHNSTON.
Washington, August 19, 182T.
My deae Sie, — ^We have only imperfect accounts from some
of the Congressional districts in Kentucky. These authorize
the belief that Metcalf, Trimble, and Clarke are re-elected.
And so far as I learn, the Administration tickets have gen-
erally prevailed in their districts. Captain Byers appears to
have declined, and Beatty and Morris were elected without any
great struggle. The inclosed letter from Mr. Robertson, late
170 PEIVATK COEEESPONDEWCB
Speaker of the House of Representatives, on his return home
from Harrisburg, would justify the hope that Mr. Crittenden is
elected, and Mr. Walton defeated by the Administration candi-
date in his district ; but I do not think we ought yet to count
upon these auspicious results.
The city has been extremely hot since you left us j but, for
the last two days, the heat has been tempered by misty weather.
I think you have made a lucky escape. I should find it very
lonesome, if the occupations of business did not constantly en-
gage me.
My best respects to Mrs. Johnston ; and I pray you also to
communicate them to Mr. and Mrs. Madison, and to Mrs. Cutts.
DANIEL WEBSTEK TO ME. CLAY.
Boston, August 22, 1827.
Mt dear Sir, — My letter to Colonel Johnson was not import-
ant, and the delay in its transmission is of no moment.
You speak very modestly of recent events, in which you
have borne so distinguished and so successful a part. I can
not think General Jackson will ever recover from the blow
which he has received. Your speech at Lexington, in point of
merit, as a clear and well stated argument, is certainly at the
head of all your efforts ; and its effects on public opinion have
not been exceeded by those of any political paper, I may almost
say, within my recollection. Buchanan is treated too gently.
Many persons think his letter candid. I deem otherwise. It
seems to me he has labored very hard to protect the General, as
far as he could without injury to himself. Although the Gener-
al's friends this way, however, affect to consider Buchanan's
letter as supporting the charge, it is possible the General him-
self, and the Nashville Committee may think otherwise, and
complain of Buchanan. I should expect this, with some confi-
dence, if they received the letter a little earlier than they may
have seen the turn which the Atlantic editors have attempted to
give it. As these last have pretty generally agreed to say that
the letter does support the General, the Nashville commentators,
if they see the example in season, may be disposed to follow it.
I do not yet learn what answer comes from that quarter to your
speech.
OF HENBY CLAY. 171
K. P. LETCHEB TO MB. CLAT.
Lanoasteb, August 27, 1827.
Mt deab Sm, — ^Yours ot the 9th instant came to hand last
night. The one by Mr. A., I received a few days since by
private hand, from the county of Harlan. With your letter of
the 9th, Mr. Buchanan's response to the hero was received. This
answer is well put together. As they say, in Connecticut,
" there is a great deal of good reading" in Buck's reply. It is
modest and genteel, yet strong and conclusive. I am truly de-
lighted with tl^e manner in which B. has acquitted himself. I
really feared and believed he was placed in such a dilemma, by
the General, that he could not extricate himself with any sort
of credit. But he has come forth victoriously. I am greatly
gratified with the result, and must believe it will have a happy
effect upon the Presidential election. It is impossible it should
turn out otherwise. Virginia, after this, will not — can not sup-
port the General. I never had the least hope of Virginia until now.
I presume Buck's reply supersedes the necessity of any refer-
ence to the conversation in my room. I am glad of it.
MR. CLAT TO MB. ADAMS.
Washington, August 30, ISa"?.
Dear Sir, — I received yesterday your letter of the 23d instant.
After its date you must have received other dispatches from the
Department of State, transmitted by Mr. Gallatin. From them
you will perceive that he did not take the two points, proposed by
the British plenipotentiaries, for reference to his Government, but
for his own consideration (see his dispatch No. 87), and that he
afterward decided to reject them, and gave to the British pleni-
potentiaries two written arguments, one relating to the point re-
specting the Commercial Convention, and the other to that re-
specting the North-western Boundary (see his dispatch No. 88).
In this state of the case the matter stands. It does not appear
that the British plenipotentiaries had, in consequence of that de-
termination of Mr. Gallatin, refused to renew the Convention of
1818 ; but that, on the contrary, they had again taken the sub-
ject of the North-western Boundary into consideration. So the
affair, I understand, was left on the 14th of July, 1827, when
172 PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE
Mr. Huskisson was compelled, by indisposition, to withdraw from
the negotiation. It was expected that Mr. Grant would be sub-
stituted for him (see Mr. Gallatin's dispatch No. 96).
Under these circumstances, shall I instruct Mr. Gallatin to ac-
cede to the British demands on the two points referred to ? I
shall await your further directions, founded on the dispatches
which must have been received by you subsequent to the date
of your letter. Shall I confer with the other members of the
Administration who may be here ?
I am inclined to think that the British Government may waive
both points. I should be soiTy that the negotiation should break
off on these points, but there will be still another year to go upon.
As to the discrimination between rolled and hammered iron, I
am inclined to think the weight of the argument is with the
British ; but Congress has at least twice decided otherwise.
You will recollect Mr. Baldwin's argument, which, however, I
think, was refuted by that of Mr. S. Canning.
On the other point, we should, by consenting to the restraint
which the British Government wishes to impose against our
military occupation of any part of the territory on the north-west
coast, come into direct collision with the House of Representa-
tives. What shall we lose if that part of the Convention is not
renewed ? What danger shall we encounter ? None, unless
from our own acts. What shall we gain by the renewal with
the British modification ? What danger avoid ? None. We
shall only have tied those hands by a treaty, which we may keep
still without it. And it will be the Executive who will have
co-operated in fastening the hands of Congress.
I do not think that we ought to be hastening any settlements'
beyond the Rocky Mountains. We ought to do nothing more,
in my opinion, there than may be necessary to preserve our
rights for posterity.
MR. BAKBOUR TO MR. CLAY.
BAUBocttsviLLE, August 30, 1827.
Dear Sir, — The inclosed paper was delivered me yesterday
by a servant, who immediately disappeared on its delivery ; so
that I know not from whom it comes.* Yet the information it
* Mr. Clay endorses the envelope thus : " Supposed to be from T. J. R." The
result will be fouud on pages 1'74, 115.
OF HENBY CLAY. 173
contains, and the anxiety manifested by the writer, induce me to
transmit it by the earliest opportunity afforded by the mail.
Mad as R is, I can scarcely believe he will move in the
subject. But surely you can have no difficulty in deciding,
should he do so, to treat his call with contempt.
If you have any thing new, let me hear from you.
STHICTLY CONFIDENTIAL.
Wednesday Morning, August 28.
Dear Sir, — I should be wanting in common, gratitude toward
Mr. Clay, for the interest evinced by him in Mrs. Randolph, if I
did not make every endeavor to apprise him in time of a piece
of news which came to my ears yesterday afternoon.
I happened to go to Charlottesville, and there heard of the
piece in the " National Journal," and that Colonel Randolph had
left there, intending to take the Richmond stage of yesterday
afternoon, on his way to Washington, determined that he would
make Mr. Clay fight him. He was exceedingly exasperated,
and, as you know, is capable of any violence.
The northern stage had already been gone several hours, when
this news was communicated to me, and my first impression was
that Colonel Randolph had gone in that. After a good deal of
painful perplexity in endeavoring to fix on a course which would
reconcile my duty, as a member of this family, to Mr. Clay, with
necessary secrecy (for were it ever to come to his ears, or even
suspicion, that I had taken this step, the consequence would be
an immediate explosion against me), I determined on riding
down to Barboursville in the night. Having ascertained that
you were probably there, and supposing that you could possibly
send off a messenger by the same stage, to Mr. Clay.
Having ascertained that he was to go to Washington via Rich-
mond, I changed my plan. I inquired at the Post-office tiow far
the northern stage went that night. Came home, wrote a hasty
letter to Mr. Clay, inclosed it in one to Mr. Wirt (to avoid hav-
ing it known in the neighborhood that any letter had been
written under such suspicious circumstances to Mr. Clay), on the
back of which I desired any one of Mr. Wirt' s family to open
the letter — sent it off by a confidential servant. This morning
he brings me back the letter, with the disheartening intelligence
that the stage, instead of stopping for the night at the house
174 PRIVATE COREESPONDENCE
■where I was informed at the Post-office that it put up, had left
there an hour or two before sunset.
I should myself ride to Barboursville this morning, but for the
certainty of this visit becoming known in the neighborhood,
and thus bringing on consequences which would, in the present
state of the family be deplorable to them, independently of any
anxiety which I may, or may not entertain to avoid his ire on
my own account.
Were you, sir, in Washington, I should desire you to be on
your guard, for yon are an object of deadly aversion.
This is written for no eyes or ears but yours and Mr. Clay's.
Burn it, if you please, as soon as read.
In great haste, yours with grateful respect,
On second thoughts, I obliterate my name, that you may an-
swer to any inquiries, the letter is anonymous, and also without
any date as to place.
THOMAS M. HANDOLPH TO MB. CLAT.
Washdtqton, September 1, 1827.
Sm, — Upon what I think sufficient ground, I believe that you
have, several times since the month of December, 1824, made
use of expressions, insulting iSl their purport, and injurious in
their consequences with regard to me.
I believe that by such expressions, and by unjust representa-
tions, you occasioned that conduct toward me from the Depart-
ment of War, which defeated the object of my mission to Flo-
rida, last winter.
Lastly, I believe that you are the author of the piece in the
"National Journal" of last Saturday, August 25th, in which
such abusive language is used toward me.
With, respectful feelings I call upon you to declare whether
my belief be well-founded, or not, in each of the cases stated.
MH. CLAY TO THOMAS M. KANDOLPH.
Washington September let, 1827.
Sib, — Mr. Wheaton having delivered to me this day a letter
from you, in which you have called upon me to declare whether
your belief be well-founded or not, in each of the cases therein
OF HENRY CLAY. 175
Stated, I take much pleasure in saying, First, that I have no
recollection of having before or since the month of December,
1824, made use of any expressions insulting in their purport, and
injurious in their consequences with regard to you ; Secondly,
that I am fully persuaded you labor under an entire mistake in
supposing that, by any expressions or representations of mine,
the Department of War was induced to adopt a line of conduct
in respect to you which defeated the object of your mission to
Florida last winter. I had no agency in your appointment, nor
had I any thing to do with the relations which subsequently
arose between the Department of War and yourself. I remem-
ber to have heard with satisfaction of the appointment about the
time it was made, and I assure you that I could not possibly
have entertained any other wish in regard to your mission, but
that it should have been attended with full success ; and, Third-
ly, so far from being the author of the piece to which I under-
stand you to refer, in the " National Journal," of the 25th ult.
(the piece under the editorial head), I had not even read it, until
since I have received your note. The paper is generally left at
my house before breakfast, and I do generally throw my eye
over it, but the number containing the article in question, was
either not left as usual, or was not seen by me.
MB. CLAT TO GENERAL HAKRISON.
Washington Crrr, September 6, 1827.
Dear Sir, — A speech of Mr. Senator Branch, of North Caro-
lina (of which I transmit you a copy herewith), has been re-
cently published as having been delivered by that gentleman on
the occasion of the Senate's confirmation of my nomination to
the office which I now hold. It is brought forward to impugn
a statement contained in a speech which I delivered in July
last, at Noble's, near Lexington. In the course of an argument,
which I urged against the improbability of any such overtures
having been made, as General Jackson stated himself to have
received from my friends, I contended that if they had been re-
ceived, General Jackson was bound, when, as a Senator of the
United States, he was required to act upon the nomination, to
have disclosed them to the Senate, and to have moved the ap-
176 PRIVATE COEEESPONDEKCE
pointment of a Committee of Inquiry ; and that it was especially
incumbent on him to have adopted that course, as it did not
then appear that any other Senator knew of the alleged overtures.
I observed that I had requested a Senator of the United States,
when my nomination should be taken up, to ask of the Senate
the appointment of such a committee, unless it should appear
to him to be altogether unnecessary ; and I added that I was
afterward informed, " that when it was acted upon, General
Jackson, and every other Senator present, were silent as to the
imputations now made ; no one presuming to question my honor
or integrity."
Although it can not be regarded as material to the validity of
the argument, .as urged against General Jackson, whether Mr.
Branch did or did not make a speech in opposition to my appoint-
ment, I am desirous that in the statement of any matter of fact
made by me, even on a collateral or unimportant point, there
should be perfect accuracy ; or that, if a mistake has been com-
mitted, it should be rectified. You will, I think, recollect, that
I desired you, as my friend, with much earnestness, to ask from
the Senate the appointment of a Committee of Investigation into
Ml-. Kremer's charge, if, from the course the nomination should
take in the Senate, it should appear to you to be at all necessary ;
that you afterward informed me that nothing had occurred to
render the appointment of such a committee necessary, and that
you had, therefore, forbore to ask it. The Senate acted, as
usual, with closed doors, and, consequently, no one was present
but the members and the officers of the body. The injunction
of secrecy was removed after the decision upon the nomination.
After the publication of my speech at Noble's, upon seeing a
statement in some of the public prints that Mr. Branch had ad-
dressed some obseivations to the Senate, in opposition to my
nomination, an indistinct recollection occurred to me that you
did inform me that no Senator but Mr. Branch had said 'any
thing on the subject of my appointment ; that he made a few
remarks, which were but little attended to, and which appeared
to produce no impression. I think you did not state, particu-
larly, what they were, for, I am quite sure, if you had mentioned
that Mr. Branch had assigned the reasons which he now puts
forward, a more distinct and durable impression would have been
made on my mind. It would, however, have been too late, at
that time, for me to have applied to the Senate for the appoint-
OF HENEY CLAY. 177
ment of a committee, if I had even thought it to be necessary,
as the Senate had finally acted upon the nomination.
My object in addressing this letter to you being to obtain
from you a statement, according to your recollection, of the
above transactions, so far as you had an agency in them, I shall
be very much obliged to you to furnish me with a reply as soon
as may be convenient.
TROM MR. clay's MOTHER, ELIZABETH WATKINS.
WooDFOHD, Kentucky, September 13, 1827.
Mt DEAR Son, — ^Your kind favor of the 14th of August last,
by mail, came safe to hand a few days ago. I feel glad that
you have got again to the bosom of your family, and found
them all well. Rest assured, my son, I have been a great deal
worse since you last saw me than I was when I had the pleasure
of seeing you. I am still very low. I can make out to walk
across the house with the help of a cane, or some one to help
me. I feel to-day somewhat better, having had a good night's
rest. My cough is not as bad as it has been. Your aunt Moss
is very poorly, and has been for two or three weeks ; also, her
son Philip is very low ; at present, there is very little hope of
their recovery. Mr. Blackburn has been very poorly, but is
getting better, so that he is able to attend to his business.
Your sister is well. As to your brother John, I have not seen
him for two weeks ; I expect him in a few days ; he Avas quite
well when he left me. Mr. "Watkins still enjoys his usual
health, but much worn out by attending on me, both night and
day. Mr. Watkins joins me in love to you and Lucretia,'and
the rest of the family. Pray, my son, write me when conve-
nient : and that God may bless you all, is the sincere prayer of
your mother.
MR. CLAY TO J. S. JOHNSTON.
Washikgton, September 14, 1827.
Dear Sir, — I have received your favor of yesterday, and
thank you for the agreeable intelligence which it communicates.
If we can succeed in the coming Maryland elections, in the Dela-
ware election, and in that in the city of Philadelphia, our cause
12
178 PRIVATE CORBESPONDENCE
will again be put in good heart. From Kentucky my late in-
formation is more encouraging. The partial defeat in the Con-
gressional elections has aroused our friends, and they think it will
ultimately have a good effect. Letcher says he is more confi-
dent than ever of our cause prevailing. I think the exultation
on the one side, and the depression on the other, will be found
to be without any sufficient ground, and that it will be tem-
porary.
I am glad that you conversed with Markley. It may be
necessary for him to come out in the end with his statement,
though I think that not necessary till we hear from the Hermit-
age. At the last date I saw from Nashville, Buchanan's state-
ment had just reached there.
MR. CLAY TO FKANCIS BROOKE.
Washington, September' 24, 1827.
My dear Sir, — I received your obliging favor of the 31st in-
stant, with its inclosure. Mr. Southard on his return from the
Springs, brought home with him high spirits and good health,
and communicated to me all interesting occurrences on his jour-
ney. The result of the Kentucky elections, though in some
respects to be regretted, ought not to be regarded in the dis-
couraging light in which it is. It should be recollected that
they took place before Mr. Buchanan's statement reached the
State, and before the extensive circulation of the speech which
you and Mr. S. too highly extolled. Many local and other causes
had also an inauspicious effect, which it is believed will not
operate in future. Notwithstanding all circumstances the Legis-
lature, in both of its branches, is decidedly friendly to the Ad-
ministration, and of those who actually voted for members of
Congress, there is a considerable majority for Mr. Adams. This
happened by the Jackson members being elected, in several in-
stances by small majorities, and the Adams, either without com-
petition, or by large majorities. My letters speak with good
confidence on the final vote of the State. Mr. Letcher writes
that his confidence is greater now than ever.
As to Mr. Ritchie's boastful statement, that is all a ruse de
guerre. My belief is that Mr. Adams will be re-elected and
with ease. I speak of course with all the diffidence which one
OF HENEY CLAY. 179
ought to feel when expressing himself on such a subject. It is
a part of the System of the friends of General Jackson to make
demonstrations — speak boldly — claim every body and every
State, and carry the election by storm. The circumstance most
to be deprecated is that this system has too much success in dis-
piriting our friends. You ask my opinion as to the project of a
convention in Virginia to nominate, in January next, electors
for Mr. Adams. It appears to me to be an excellent project, and
one that can not fail to have good effect, even if it should not
succeed. It will take by its novelty, and it will command re-
spect by its fairness.
There is a great portion (I believe a majority) of the popula-
tion of Virginia opposed to the domination of the Richmond
party. That majority is kept down by the principle of repre-
sentation, according to territorial division, instead of population.
The election of electors is the only election in Virginia in which
that principle does not prevail, and in which the decision is ac-
cording to numbers, without regard to counties. There is reason
to believe that the greatest strength of the Administration in
Virginia is where there are the greatest numbers, and conse-
quently it will be manifested in the vote for electors. This is,
or will be known, and the desire of pulling down the Rich-
mond influence will stimulate many to the greatest exertion, and
may operate, in numerous instances, to induce men to discard
their preference for General Jackson, in order to defeat the party
of the metropolis. In every view of the matter I think it of the
first importance to push the plan. You are to have the first
meeting, I understand, at Fredericksburg. There should be
great exertion to make it respectable. So matters strike me. I
thank you for the opportunity of perusing my letter of 4th
February, 1825. I think its publication would have good effect.
Perhaps it had better be deferred a little while. You could take
it "with you to Richmond ; show it to Pleasants, and he could,
at a proper time, publish it by your permission. When published,
it ought to be accompanied with the explanation of the first
paragraph ; that my letter to you of the 28th January, 1825 (the
letter referred to in that paragraph) had found its way into the
" Enquirer" where it was not correctly represented, owing, no
doubt, to the erroneous information of its contents received by
the editor ; that you wrote to me expressing regret that it had
been the subject of newspaper animadversion, and hence my
180 PRIVATE COREESPONDENCE
r
letter of the 4th February. I return the letter, having retained
a copy. Are you coming here, as Southard (now absent) told
me was possible ? or arc you going shortly from home ? If you
come, pray come at once to my house, where there is always a
bed for you. I have been a little indisposed ; and I have some
thoughts of an excursion of a week or ten days, to get out of
the dust of the office and the smoke of the city. I know not
whether I shall be able to get off ; but if I do, I have a thought
of a little tour, first to Harper's Ferry, and then round by Mr.
Monroe's, and probably to your house. I beg you not to men-
tion my visit in this respect — first, because I do not know that I
can execute it ; and second, if I should, I desire to go as much
incog, as possible.
LAFAYETTE TO MR. CLAT.
Lageange, October 10, 1827.
Mtdear Sir, — Having accidentally missed the last opportunity
to answer your most valued favor, August 10th, I avail myself
of the next packet to offer my affectionate thanks, and request,
as much as the pressure of business allows it, the very high grati-
fication of your correspondence.
Your diplomatic accounts from Europe have little to say, and
although a member of that House, by courtesy, called Represent-
ative, I am not the wiser, nor shall I be the more useful for it.
A dissolution of the House is much spoken of. The ministry are
recording' the new electoral lists, in consequence of a late bill
mingling the vote of election with the duties of juror, to which,
however, some additions have been made. As the public mind
is progressing, and several willful errors have been forcibly rec-
tified, a liberal opposition can not fail to be more numerous. The
question with Government is, whether they will this year meet
a larger minority, with a seven years' new lease, or hereafter risk
to have a majority against them, or at least a stronger opposition
than that to which, in case of dissolution, they must now submit.
The account of the funeral of Manuel having been indicted
before an inferior tribunal, and our speeches on his tomb making
a part of the impeachment of the publishers, it became the duty
of Messrs. Lafitte, Dechiness, and myself, to claim our share in
the trial, which we could not obtain. But a judgment of the
or HENRY CLAT. 181
court, very properly and liberally worded, has acquitted the se-
lected objects of the accusation. An appeal from that decision
to the Superior Court, has, it is said, taken place.
The intervention of three great powers in the aifairs of Greece
seems to promise a respite, although it has not prevented the ar-
rival of an Egyptian fleet, and a body of soldiers. There is,
however, some good in the notifications made by the French
and English admirals, impeding further progress. The mediation
has been accepted by the Greeks. The Ottoman Porte hitherto
refuses it. So far they oblige the rfiediators to commit them-
selves a little more, and, if they are sincere, the Porte must yield
at last. It is obvious to every looker-on that those powers are
jealous of liberty, of complete 'emancipation, and jealous of each
other. If any body can play the difficult game, it must be Capo-
distria, who is now on his third station, that of Paris, before he
-proceeds to the Presidential chair. He unites in his person an
exclusive coincidence of happy circumstances. After he has
managed those discordant elements, there will be other discord-
ances to be managed at home, for which he also seems to be the
proper and exclusive man. Upon the whole, the existence of
Greece is rather more secure than it has been of late.
I have received a letter from our friend Poinsett, and can not
but observe with him the general and especial attempts that have
been lately directed against the peace, harmony, and institutions
of the Republican States of South America and Mexico. It is
very natural to see the Republican minister of North America a
butt to those monarchical and aristocratical factions. That the
impression is given from Europe is not, I think, to be questioned.
But I have received with deep regret the part of your letter al-
luding to a man whose glory, great talents, and hitherto' expe-
rienced patriotism I have delighted to cherish. Several painful
informations had reached me, which, all together, and many
more beside, could not weigh so much with me as your own
sense of the matter. I beg you to continue to write on the sub-
ject, and on every matter relative to public concerns, to my
friends, and particularly to yourself, who know my old, grateful,
and sincere affection.
Blessed as I have lately been with the welcome, and conscious,
as it is my happy lot to be, of the affection and confidence of all
parties, and all men in every party within the United States,
feelings which I most cordially reciprocate, I ever have thought
182 PRIVATE OOKRESPONDENCE
myself bound to avoid taking any part in local or personal divis-
ions. Indeed, if I thought that, in these matters, my influence
could be of any avail, it should be solely exerted to deprecate,
not, by far, the free. Republican, and full discussion of principles
and candidates ; but those invidious slanders which, although
they ar€ happily repelled by the good sense, the candor, and, in
domestic instances, by the delicacy of the American^ people, tend
to give abroad incorrect and disparaging impressions. Yet that
line of conduct, from which I must not deviate, except in immi-
nent cases now out of the "question, does not imply a forgetful-
ness of facts, nor a refusal to state them occasionally. My re-
membrance concurs with your own on this point, that in the
latter end of December, either before or after my visit to
Annapolis, you being out of the Presidential candidature, and,
after having expressed my above-mentioned motives of forbear-
ance, I, by way of a confidential exception, allowed myself to
put a simple unqualified question respecting your electioneering
guests, and your intended vote. Your answer was, that in your
opinion, the actual state of the health of Mr.. Crawford had lim-
ited the contest to a choice between Mr. Adams and General
Jackson, that a claim founded on military achievements did not
meet your preference, and that you had concluded to vote for
Ml-. Adams. Such was, if not the literal wording, at least
the precise sense of a conversation which it would have been in-
consistent for me to carry further and not to keep a secret, while
a recollection of it, to assist your memory, I should not now deny,
either to you, as my friend, or to any man in a similar situa-
tion.
Present my afl'ectionate respects to Mrs. Clay. Remember me
to air your family, and to our friends in Washington. I will
write by the same packet to the President.
TO MR. CLAY.
[The following proposal to Mr. Clay, from the State of New
York, dated October 22, 1827, over a signature which we think
proper to suppress, is indorsed in Mr. Clay's hand as follows :
" I was shocked by the proposal in this letter, and need not say,
that it was impossible to comply with it."]
OF HENEY CLAY. 183
What I would now beg leave to suggest for your consideration
is, the propriety of addressing me a letter on that subject, of the
date of November, 1824, about the time we met to choose elec-
tors, and after your return to Washington. It might be so word-
ed as to be in answer to my inquiries on that head, which, with
your liberty, I would publish. It would be a ^nock-down argu-
ment against your bitter enemies. It is at you the fatal blow is
aimed, and not Mr. Adams ; if they succeed agaiijst you, they
well know that Adams will inevitably fall with you. He would
become an easy prey, and could not stand a moment.
I trust you will not be offended at my suggestion, whether
you approve or disapprove of it, when I assure you that I am
actuated through motives of friendship — a friendship, sir, that
can not easily be shaken. Should you think proper to make
the communication, it shall be sacred.
MR. CLAY TO FRANCIS BROOKE.
Washington, IToTember 24, 1827.
Mt dear Sir, — I duly received your favor of the 20th inst.,
and most truly do I participate in the wish which it expresses,
that it was practicable for us to have a personal interview.
On the affair of the V. P., it was understood at the last ses-
sion, that at the one now near at hand the friends of the Admin-
istration should bring together and compare the public opinion
prevailing in the respective quarters of the country, as to the
proper individual to be selected, and that measures should then
be adopted to give effect to it. As for myself, I have no wish
one way or the other about it, so far as I am personally con-
cerned.
On the subject touched in your letter — the propriety of an ad-
dress from the Convention about to assemble at Richmond — ^I
concur with you entirely as to its expediency. The occasion
calls for it. It will be expected from the enlightened men there
assembled. And the public will be disappointed if it be not
able, patriotic, and striking. There are so many members of the
Convention more competent than I am to suggest what should
be its character and its contents, that I will only barely take the
liberty of hinting, that it should make a peaceful appeal to the
184 PRIVATE COERESPONDENCE
uniform devotion of Virginia to the cause of human liberty, and
to the providing of all possible guarantees of its preservation.
Then I should think you might awaken the magnanimity of
Virginia. She has had four Presidents : the North but two.
Is it not her true interest to evince that she is not actuated
by selfish ambition ?
The influence of Virginia can only be preserved in this Union
by numbers pr by moral power. The first she has not. The
last she has ; and what augmentation of it would she not pro-
duce, by making the present generation feel, and posterity own,
that she had thrown herself into the military crevasse "which is
letting 'in a fatal current, threatening to sweep all before it ?
Should the election of Mr. Adams be secured by the aid of Vir-
ginia, to her weight distinctly would it be attributed. She
would then be the primary power.
These hints are respectfully suggested. They might be
much extended ; but I have neither time to enlarge them, or to
throw them into the form of a regular composition. I am ac-
quainted with Mr. Semple. He is ardent in the cause, but
thinks that he can aid more eflfectually by indirect than direct
exertion.
MR. CLAY TO J. S. JOHNSTON.
"Washington, November 26, 182'7.
Dear Sir, — Shortly after my arrival in this city in the fall
of 1824, to attend Congress, and before the commencement of
the session, I conversed with you freely on the subject of the
Presidential election more than once. I think one of these con-
versations was after X had seen Mr. Crawford, on whom I called
the next day after that on which I reached the city. In the
course of these conversations I fully expressed to you my views
and opinions as to Mr. Adams, Mr. Crawford, and General Jack-
son, and stated for which of them I should vote, if I was called
upon to decide between them. I shall be greatly obliged if you
would state, in writing, the purport of these conversations, or of
any other which I had with you in November or December,
1834, in reference to the Presidential election. It is proper to
apprise you that I may make a public use of the statement.*
* The answer to this note not being found, "was probably publi^lisi? ?« ^ntiiaated
it might be.
OF HENRY CLAY. 185
MB. CLAY TO FKANCIS BKOOKE.
Washington, November 29, ISZV.
My dear Sib, — I have to thank you for Mr. Giles' book, and
him for writing it. I care not how widely he diffuses my
Tariff speech. I believe its principles will stand the test of
the severest scrutiny. I hope, however, that General Taylor
will now publish his speech. I understood from him that he
had come under some promise to do so.
The two parties are beginning to assemble in great numbers,
and we shall, doubtless, have a full house on the election of a
Speaker. The contest will be close, and if luck did not seem
to be running somewhat against us at this particular period, I
should say Mr. Taylor will be chosen.
The rumor of the day is that Chilton is elected in Kentucky
by twenty- seven votes.
MB. CLAY TO FBANCIS BEOOKE.
Washington, December 6, 182'?.
My DEAR Sib, — I received your favor of the 2d instant. Mr.
Sergeant informed me that he would, in answer to a letter from
Mr. Call, put your Committee in correspondence with the con-
templated convention at Harrisburg, etc. General P. B. Porter,
who, as a member of the Legislature, will be at Albany from the
first of next month to some time in April, and will be a very
suitable person to correspond with. I will obtain some other
names hereafter.
We were beaten in the Speaker's election. The truth is, that
Mr. Taylor was heavy to carry, and the burden could not be
well thrown off. Had some person been run on our side free
from the objections applicable to him, the difference would not
have been greater than two or three votes, but would still, per-
haps, have been against us. Now that the Opposition have ob-
tained the Speaker, I suspect that both he and they are greatly
embarrassed as to the use which ought to be made of their tri-
umph. If an opposition complexion is given to the committees,
they assume all the responsibility of public measures. If another
character is stamped upon them, it will be a virtual admission
» that no change of measures is desirable.
186 PRIVATE COEEESPOKDENCE
If any allusion is made in the public prints to Mr. Johnston's
favorable opinion of the Panama mission, I hope the fact will be
put on incontestible ground.
MR. RUSH TO MR. CLAT.
Deokmbee 18, 1827.
Mt dear Mr. Clat, — Yoiu: invitation and Mrs. Clay's to your
winter evenings, got to my hands this morning, and I have
passed it to my wife's. She will be most happy to be with
you, as often as in her power. For myself, I am a slave, a very
slave, the charter of whose present existence cuts him off from
all and every such indulgence, even though tendered by " Your
Excellence," as Kit Hughes would say. In truth, I am so galled,
so whipped up, so ground down, morning, noon, and night, and
night, noon, and morning, by being head overseer, and journey-
man too, of the octogenarian department, that I was forced to
make a vow and covenant on the first day of the session, not to
break bread out of my own house (and miserable brown stuff
it is that I break there just liow), by day or by night till the
session is over, if it lasts till doomsday, and we know that it is
to last almost as long. This is a hard fate to undergo, and for
one who likes good cheer, and has always been accustomed to
it, moderately at least ; yet it is to be my fate without mitiga-
tion, unless perchance I should ever break its bonds by darken-
ing the threshhold, once in awhile, of " our worthy little mas-
ter" over the way. As to our most potent sovereign lords and
masters upon the hill, they would scourge me to death, you
know, or flay me alive, if I do not mind their business ; so the
only way in which I, or mortal man like me, can compass that,
and mind all the other treasury business to boot, big and little,
which never stops (including a daily quantum of the most hor-
rible parts which I never should have had to mind if our said
lords and masters had deigned to grant me the humble boon I
once asked of a little more clerical aid at the desks of my super-
annuated beureaus), is by digging and fagging by night as well
as by day. This is the long and short of the story. By lead-
ing this anti-social life — hard penance as it is — I shall hope to
flounder through the session without being impeached ; and if
God spares me till it is over, as good Christians should say, 1 *
OF HENRY CLAY. 187
will resume good fellowship with you and others once more I
trust. But, till then, farewell to evening parties all, farewell to
dinners ; farewell to such dinners, even, as yours, to which, when
bidden, I have never heretofore said nay — to all, farewell.
Othello's occupation's gone !
I have forced an answer upon you, and a long-winded one —
though the requisition is scratched out from your kind billet.
CHAPTER V.
CORRESPONDENCE OF 1838.
CHIEF JUSTICE MARSHALL TO MR. CLAT.
EioHMOND, January fi, 1828.
Dear Sir, — I thank you for the copy of your address on the
charges made against you respecting the election of President,
which I have read with the more pleasure because . it combines
a body of testimony much stronger than I had supposed possible,
which must I think silence even those who wish the charge to
be believed.
With sincere wishes for the improvement of your health, and
with real esteem I am, dear sir, yours, etc.
JAMES MADISON TO MR. CLAT.
MoTPEUEE, January 6, 1828.
Dear Sir, — I have duly received the copy of your address
politely forwarded to me. Although I have taken no part in the
depending contests, and have been led to place myself publicly
on that ground, I could not peruse the appeal you have made
without being sensible of the weight of testimony it exhibits,
and of the eloquence by which it is distinguished.
Having occasion to write to Mr. Brougham [since Lord
Brougham] on a subject which interests our University, I take
the liberty of asking your friendly attention to the letter which
I inclose. I hope it may find an early conveyance from the De-
partment of State, with dispatches about to be destined for Lon-
don. Should this not be the case Mr. Brent will save you the
trouble of giving the intimation, that a duplicate may seek some
other channel. It is desirable that the letter should reach Mr.
Brougham with as little delay as may be.
OF HENRY CLAY. 189
MH. CLAY TO FRANCIS BROOKE.
Washington, January 15, 1828.
• Mr DEAR Sir, — I am sorry to learn that you are indisposed
and suffering much pain from a swelled knee ; but I hope you
will soon get over it.
1 congratulate you on the proceedings of your ConYcntion. , I
was particularly gratified that you were made its President. I
hear the most flattering accounts of the address to the people
which the Convention has adopted. Although I am eager to see
it, I have not yet had an opportunity of perusing it. But I am
prepared, in advance, to make my grateful acknowledgments for
the friendly notice which is taken of me. I am rendered quite
happy by the kind feelings which have been cotehiporaneously
expressed toward me by my native and adopted State.
The address of the Convention in the latter, I send you here-
with, and after you have done with it I will thank you to hand it
over to Pleasants, who may possibly think proper to publish it,
or parts of it, in " The Whig." All, I hope and believe, will yet
go well. The new year has been characterized by many cheer-
ing incidents.
MR. CLAY TO FRANCIS BROOKE.
Washington, January 18, 1828.
My dear Sir, — I have duly received your favor of the 14th
instant, prior to which I addressed a short letter to you at Rich-
mond.
The proceedings of your Convention have been seen here
with the greatest satisfaction. They are all marked by wisdom
and discretion. The address is admired by every body, and
fully realizes the high expectation which we formed when it was
understood who was to compose it.
The duty assigned you as to the communication to Messrs.
Madison and Monroe, is very delicate ; but it appears to me that,
by giving them beforehand sufficient notice of your intention
hereafter to make an official communication to them, you have
adopted the most prudent course. I am apprehensive that they
will decline, which I should very much regret. If they do, it
will be very desirable that it should not be done in such manner
as to injure our cause.
190 PRIVATE COEBESPONDENCE
Our news from the West is very cheering. Ohio is beyond
all doubt safe. So is Indiana, and I think IlHnois. Our friends
in Kentucky are very confident of success, as is exhibited by a
proposition in the Legislature, proceeding from them, for a gen-
eral ticket. It was not decided when I last heard from Prank-
fort.
Southard has just returned from Annapolis. I have not yet
seen him.
MR. VAUGHAN TO MB. CLAT.
Washington, January 19, 1828.
My dear Sje, — ^I thank you for your loan of the message of
the Governor of Maine, and as I am still disappointed of being
able to procure a copy of it through the newspapers, I take the
liberty of asking your permission to keep your copy. If you
can not conveniently allow me to do so, I will return it imme-
diately.
JAMES BABBOUR TO MR. CLAY.
Washinqton, January 27, 1828.
Dear Sir, — I regret much as an apparent evidence of neglect
the non-arrival of my letter to you and Colonel Mercer, in time.
I intentionally delayed writing till the last moment, under a high
hope of giving you some determinate information of the person
best to present for the Vice-Presidency ; but it was still in time
for the period proposed by Colonel Mercer for his departure.
Your own just views made the accident of no consequence.
Here and every where your proceedings have been most favora-
bly received. You did nobly. If Virginia is not mad beyond
cure, she will yet be saved. We are in high expectations of
Pennsyl\rania. Sergeant speaks with great confidence. In fine
our prospects are evidently brightening. We are looking with
intense curiosity as to Madison's course. The Opposition are in
difficulty with their resolution of inquiry as to abuses — ^the
friends of the Administration challenge them to proceed. If
they recede they will be obliged to admit that the slanders of
profligacy are groundless. If they proceed they will find the
most economical Administration of the public affairs since the
OF HENRY CLAY. 191
establishment of the Government. is a man just from
the woods, and his resohition was for mere home consumption.
One of his political associates warned the house, that young
doctors always killed their patients. That the parties were too
equal to admit of experiments — and he should not he surprised
if by this tampering killed them. Let me hear from you
occasionally.
MR. CLAY TO FRANCIS BROOKE.
Washington, February 2, 1828.
Mt dear Sir, — ^I am soiTy to learn by your letter of the 31st
ultimo, that you have continued to be afflicted with the com-
plaint in your knee, but as you proposed going to Richmond
(where I address you), I hope you have by this time recovered
from it.
Our late information from Albany is highly encouraging.
The partisans of Clinton and V. B. are beginning already to
display their suspicion and jealousy of each other ; and my cor-
respondents assure me that there is very little prospect of a union
between them to nominate a P. and V. P. In the mean time, it is
stated that a powerful reaction has taken place throughout tne
State.
I shall be glad to have the earliest information of the deci-
sion of Messrs. Madison and Monroe, as to their names continu-
ing on the electoral ticket.
Should you be able to execute your intention of visiting this
city, I pray you to come at once to my house, where we have
plenty of room for such accommodations as we shall take pleas-
ure in atfording you. It would add to Mrs. Clay's gratification
and my own, if you would bring Mrs. Brooke with you.
MR. CRAWFORD TO MR. CLAY.
Wood Lawn, February i, 1828.
Mt dear Sir, — Inclosed is a letter for Mr. Poinsett, our
minister in Mexico, which I will thank you to forward to Mr.
Poinsett, with as little delay as is consistent with your conve-
nience. The object of the letter is to obtain from him some of
the productions of Mexico, which will probably succeed in the
192 PRIVATE COEBES-PONDENCE
Southern and Western States. Perhaps an intimation from the
Secretary of State on this subject may be productive of good
effects.
I hope yon know me too well to suppose that I have counte-
nanced the charge of corruption which has been reiterated
against you. The truth is, I approved of your vote for Mr.
Adams, when it was given ; and should have voted as you did,
between Jackson and Adams. But candor compels me to say,
that I disapproved of your accepting an office from him. You
ought, I think, to have foreseen that his administration could
hardly fail to be unpopular. Those who knew his temper, dis-
position, and political opinions, entertained no doubt upon the
subject. By accepting the office of Secretary of State from
him, you have indisputably connected your fortunes with his.
And it appears to me that he is destined to fall as his father did,
and you must fall with him. This State could not have been
driven under the banners of Jackson by any other course of
measures thati that pursued by the Administration toward it. Mr.
Adams' general measures, although very exceptionable, would
not have ranged the State under Jackson's standard. Mr.
Adams has professed to consider the Federal Government lim-
ited by the enumerated powers. Yet he has recommended to
Congress to erect light-houses to the skies — a recommendation
utterly inconsistent with the idea of the Government being
limited by the enumerated powers. This recommendation, it
appears to me, can be supported by no other construction than
that Congress can do any thing which is not expressly forbidden
by the Constitution. The whole of his first message to Con-
gress is replete with doctrines which I hold to be unconstitu-
tional.
Present my respects to Mrs. Clay, and accept the same your-
self.
MB. CLAY TO ME. CRAWFORD.
WAsniNGTorf, February 18, 1828.
My dear Sib, — I received your letter of the 4th instant, and
I will take pleasure in having forwarded the letter which it in-
closed, to Mr. Poinsett, with the first public dispatches. I should
not hesitate to intimate to him my wish that he would comfily
with your request for the Mexican seeds, etc., if I were not per-
OF HENRY CLAY. 193
sLiaded that it would be altogether unnecessary for me to second
any expression of your desire to him. Our country needs much
the multiplication of the products of the earth, as well as of in-
dustry otherwise applied, and he deserves well of it, who will
introduce a new, or more successfully cultivate an old article of
agriculture.
I do, my dear sir, know you too well to suppose that you ever
countenanced the charge of corruption against me. No man of
sense and candor — at least none that know me — ever could, or
did countenance it. Your frank admission that you would have
voted as I did, between Mr. Adams and General Jackson, accords
with the estimate I have always made of your intelligence, your
independence, and your patriotism. Nor am I at all surprised or
dissatisfied with the expression of your opinion that I erred in
accepting the place which I now hold. When two courses pre-
sent themselves in human affairs, and one only is pursued, expe-
rience develops the errors of the selection which has been made.
Those which would have attended the adoption of the opposite
course, can only be matter of speculation. Thus it is in the
case referred to. We see, or think we see, distinctly, the errors
•^f the alternative which I embraced. But are we sure that, if I
had chosen the other, I should not have been liable to greater
hazard, or more animadversion ? The truth is (as I have often
said), my condition was one full of embarrassments, whatever
way I might act. My own judgment was rather opposed to my
acceptance of the Department of State, but my friends, and let
me add, two of your best friends (Mr. McLane, of Delaware,
and Mr. Forsyth), urged me strongly not to decline it. It was
represented by my friends that I would get nO credit for the for-
bearance, but that, on the contrary, it would be said that that
very forbearance was evidence of my having made a bargain,
though unwilling to execute it. The office, they thought, was
an office of the nation, not of the actual Presidential incumbent,
and I was bound to look to the good of the country, and not to
regard any personal objections which I had to him. Can you,
who have contributed, said they, to the election of Mr. Adams,
decline the Department of State ? Will you not be charged if
you do, with having co-operated in the election of a man, of
whom you think so ill, that you will not serve in one of the
highest places in the public councils with him ? Even if he
should be wanting in any of the requisite qualifications for the
13
194 PRIVATE COEEESPONDENCE
Station to which he has been elevated, you are the more bound
for that very reason to accept, in order to endeavor to guard the
country against any danger from his mal-administration. Your
enemies have sought by previous denunciation to frighten you.
They do not believe that you have acted otherwise than from
motives of the purest patriotism ; but they wish to alarm you,
and prevent you from entering the Department of State.
These, and other similar arguments were pressed on me, and
after a week's deliberation, I yielded to their force. It is quite
possible that I may have erred, and ycHi may be right in predict-
ing, as a consequence of my decision, that, being identiiied with
Mr. Adams' administration, if he falls, I also shall fall. Should
such be my fate, I shall submit to it, I hope, with the fortitude
of a philosopher, if not with the resignation of a Christian. I
shall at least have no cause of self-reproach, for I will undertake
to affirm (and I appeal with confidence to Him who knows
best the human heart, for the truth of the affirmation) that,
throughout my public life, in the many trying situations in which
I have been placed, I have been guided exclusively by the con-
sideration of the good of my country. You say that I ought to
have foreseen that Mr. Adams' administration could hardly fail
to be unpopular. I certainly did not foresee that the tree would
be judged of, otherwise than by its fruits. But the popularity
of a particular course or proceeding (although I will not pretend
that I have been altogether regardless of it), has not been the
deciding motive with me of my public conduct. Is the measure
right ? Will it conduce to the general happiness, and the eleva-
tion of the national character ? These have been always my
first and most anxious inquiries.
I had fears of Mi'. Adams' temper and disposition, but I must
say that they have not been realized, and I have found in
him, since I have been associated with him in the Executive
Government, as little to censure or condemn as I could have
expected in any man. Truth compels me to say that I have
heartily approved of the leading measures of his administration,
not excepting those which relate to Georgia. I have not time,
if I had ability, and it were necessary, to vindicate them. But,
my dear sir, I must invoke your frankness and justice to recon-
sider the only exceptionable measure which you have specified,
that of his recommendation of light-houses to the skies. It is
not the metaphor, I presume, but the thing (an observatory),
OF HENRY CLAY. 195
which has provoked your censure. And can you justly censure
Mr. Adams for a recommendation which ahuost every previous
President had made ? If there be no power in the general Gov-
ernment to authorize the erection of an observatory within the
limits of a State, is there none to sanction its location in this
District ? The message, I believe, was silent as to the place
where it should be built. But I will dwell no longer on public
affairs. I should not have touched the topic but for your friendly
allusion to it. I turn from it with pleasure to the recollection of
our amicable relations. Whatever you may have thought, or may
have been sought to be infused into your mind, my friendly
feelings toward you have never ceased ; and, although our corre-
spondence has been interrupted four or five years, I have always
entertained a lively solicitude for your welfare, and availed my-
self of every opportunity to inquire particularly about your
health and situation. I have heard with unaffected pleasure of
the improvement of your health. That it may be perfectly re-
established, and that you mAj be long spared for the benefit of
your family, and the good of your country, is the sincere wish
of your faithful friend and obedient servant.
MR. CLAY. TO FRANCIS BROOKE.
Washington, February 22, 1828.
Mt dear Sir, — Your favor of yesterday is received. General
Porter had been ill and absent from Albany. He had returned,
however, and I have a late letter from him. All accounts con-
cur that the political effect of Mr. Clinton's death will be favor-
able to the Administration ; and intelligence generally from that
State, especially from the western portion of it, is very cheering.
I really do not know (and who does ?) what Mr. R. means
by his allusion to my letter addressed to you. I do not think
there is any necessity for you or myself saying any thing on that
subject. As to a statement of a conversation which he represents
himself to have held with me, he has been so contradictory in
the House about it, that, although my first impression, when I
heard of it, was to have authorized a counter-statement, my
friends think it is not worthy of such a notice. If I take any
of it, 1 shall do it in some other way, and at a future day.
I have a curious but friendly letter from Mr. Crawford, in
196 PBIVATE CORRESPONDENCE
which he says he never countenanced the calumny against me ;
that he would have voted, as I did, between Jackson and Adams,
etc. I have answered it in the most friendly terms, combatting,
however, some of his opinions.
The inquiry in the Senate of Kentucky has terminated with
the adoption of resolutions friendly to the Administration and
myself. My friends there claim a decided and triumphant
victory.
MB. CLAY TO FRANCIS BROOKE.
WASHiNQTOir, February 27, 1828.
My dear Sir, — Your favor of the 25th instant is received.
The House of Representatives of Kentucky having been limited
to an adjournment on a fixed day, when the resolution came to
it from the Senate, there was not time to act on them, and it
adjourned without taking them up. My friends there think we
have gained a great victory. It will possibly lead to some further
publications that may render it more decisive. The general
ticket has passed, so that the entire vote of Kentucky may, I
think, be now anticipated.
Mr. Crawford's letter to me has been seen by several of my
friends, and has been spoken of, I understand, generally in this
city. I should regret that the subject should get into the news-
papers, but with that exception I do not know that I ought to
object to its being mentioned. It is not confidential ; and, in
my opinion, does Mr. Crawford as much credit as it does me.
FRANCIS BROOKE TO MB. CLAY.
Richmond, February 28, 1828.
My DEAR Sir, — I have received answers to my circular from
Mr. Madison and Mr. Monroe, which you will see in " The Whig"
next week. They decline to accept the appointment, as was
apprehended, though with the expression of sentiments, if not
perverted, rather flattering to the friends of the Administration.
The fact is, that they have used an expression susceptible of
construction more favorable to General Jackson than was in-
tended. They speak of the high estimation in which they hold
both of the candidates, which may be interpreted now, and not
then, as was intended.
OP HENRY CLAY. 197
MR. CLAT TO FRANCIS BROOKE.
"Washington, March 1, 1828.
Mt dear Sir, — I wa's prepared to anticipate the declension,
communicated in your letter of the 28th ultimo, of Messrs. Mad-
ison and Monroe, to stand on your electoral ticket I regret that
there should be any thing ambiguous in the terms which they
have employed to express their refusal, though in that, also, I
am not much disappointed. It will, for the moment, produce a
bad effect, but I am persuaded that it will soon pass off. Our
prospects are better, at this time, than they have been for many
months.
You will have seen the allusion made in Kentucky to a cor-
respondence between Mr. Blair and myself,* and the defiance
,that has been thrown out as to my allowing the publication of it.
I have a copy of the letter, on which reliance is placed. It is
written in a style of playfulness, and friendly familiarity, which
constitutes the only objection I could possibly have to its publi-
cation. I shall let them go on making confident assertions in
regard to its contents, and perhaps I may hereafter cause it to
be published. With honorable men, it will do me good rather
than harm. By the by, this is not a bad time to have the letter
published which you did me the favor to submit to my inspec-
tion, last fall.
At present, we have no messenger to send abroad. We rarely
employ one to go to France or England, on account of the great
regularity of the packets. I will bear in mind your wish con-
cerning your nephew, should an occasion arise to dispatch a
messenger.
MR. clay to FRANCIS BROOKE.
Washington, March 10, 1828.
Mt dear Sir, — I have received your favor of the 8th instant.
If you do not, I do, feel the attacks on yoi^, because I fear that
they are the effect of our long-standing friendship. Their ef-
fect is less, it is true, considering the quarter from which they
proceed. Pleasants, of " The Whig," has not the merit of first
evincing- a thorough knowledge of that being, Mr. . Mr. Jef-
ferson long ago understood him, when he made an allusion to
* For this correspondence see pp. 109, 111.
198 PEIVATE CORRESPONDENCE
the same physical defect. We ought to be ashamed of ourselves, in
reflecting that such a thing should be capable of inflicting any pain.
I wish my letter to you of February 4, 1835, could be drawn
out ; but how is that to be done ? I have a copy of mine to
Blair, mentioned by you, and although there is a playfulness,
not to say levity, about it, which renders it, perhaps, unfit for
the public eye, I do believe that good, rather than evil, would
attend its publication. The difficulty, and the only difficulty,
with me, is, whether I ought to lend my sanction to such a vio-
lation of private intercourse, and whether, after yielding to it,
there would not be other and further eff'orts and insinuations to
deceive public credulity ? If I authorize its publication, I do
not think the time has yet arrived when that ought to be done.
I will, if I do not forget it, send you hereafter a copy of the letter.
Since the publication of my address, I have received a large
mass of additional evidence, to the same tenor. Some of it is
as strong as, if not stronger than, any which is now before the
public. Ought I to publish it ? I am afraid, on the one hand,
of teasing the public, and on the other, of omitting any thing
that is due to the occasion.
You are assailed for the first time seriously. May I take the
liberty of suggesting that you should not allow this wanton at-
tack to afi'ect you, in the smallest degree ? Above all, you should
not permit yourself to use one expression, or to perform any act
hastily. An unsullied character of more than threescore years
duration, can surely successfully withstand the imbecile assaults
of a miserable creature.
I will send you a copy of the report of the committee respect-
ing the six militia men.
I am sorry for Leigh, quite as much on his as on public ac-
count. The gratification of private antipathy will never be al-
lowed, before God or man, as a sufficient motive for the neglect
of patriotic duty. Unless he fears R more even than he
hates Mr. , the world and his own conscience will both
condemn him.
Our accounts are truly encouraging. From New York the
current of favorable intelligence is steady, unchecked, and such
as to justify a confident anticipation of our success The Ken-
tucky prospects, too, are good ; and if, as I believe, we shall suc-
ceed there, we shall owe our good fortune, in no small degree,
to our Virginia friends.
OF HENRY CLAY. 199
MR. CLAY TO FRANCIS BROOKE.
Washington, March 24, 1828.
Mt dear Sir, — ^I received your favor of the 20th instant. I
had previously seen in the Whig my letter to you of the 4th of
Fehruary, 1825. It is believed here that its publication will do
good.
I am glad that you do not allow yourself to be affected by the
calumnies of Mr. . Here, I assure you, they do you no pre-
judice, and create no other than a feeling of detestation toward
the author. " The Whig" has found out his sensitive part, and if
man ever forfeited all claim to commisseration, on account of a
physical misfortune, and justified the allusion to it by the wan-
ton and unprovoked attacks which he mak6s upon others, Mr.
is that man.
I hope you will not fail to visit us in April. I think you
would pass a week or two here very agreeably, and you are so
near home that half a day will at any time take you there.
Southard and Taliaferro are my next door neighbors, so that at
my house you would be in the midst of your friends.
The general aspect of our political news continues good, es-
pecially from Kentucky and New York.
REV. ISAAC BARD TO SIB. CLAT.
Geeenville, Kentucky, March 2*7, 1828.
Dear Sir, — I know you will not think it strange if an un-
known friend should address a letter to you. Have you not
given yourself to your beloved country, devoted yourself to her
cause, and may not the citizen claim you as his property and
inheritance ? If so, why should an humble citizen be shy and
stand aloof from him whom he has long loved and admired ?
Will you be so kind as to indulge me in some desultory re
marks ? When I was pursuing my education in Lexington, I
first heard you deliver an oration at the laying of the corner-
stone of the Hospital. As a student and a boy I was much
pleased. Once on Poplar Row, on the pavement, I met you and
there were none else on the whole street, and you spoke to me
so politely and friendly, it, though a little thing, made no small
impression. The next time I saw you was when I was on at
200 PRIVATE CORBESPONDENCE
College and the Divinity School, you passed through Princeton,
sitting by the driver on an outside seat of the stage, spoke to Mr.
Wm. Warfield, who was with me coming up street. To say the
least, the way you spoke to him (an acquaintance) impressed me
that you, in no ordinary degree, were a man of friendly feeling,
of openness and urbanity of manners.
But it is not merely the pleasing qualifications and attractions
of private character, your eloquence and ratiocination, the boon
of God, but your political course, and those important national
principles of internal improvement, smiling on rising Republics,
that enhance you in the approbation and give you such a scope
in the affections of your fellow citizens. You have already es-
tablished an imperishable reputation. A wreath of evergreens
encircles your brow, and will entwine around your name while
time shall 'last. Your reputation, the storms of persecution have
tried to carry away ; but it is built on a basis that moldering
ages can not waste. Ethiopia will remember your colonization
efforts. South America and Greece will couple your name with
liberty and independence. Your Tariff speech of 1824 has
opened the eyes of the American people, and they will not forget
you. Roads, and canals, and manufactures, in fine, the Ameri-
can system, will hail you as their founder and father. Sir, if I
understand flattery it is stating what is false ; but I believe I am
telling the truth. Truth that is already written in American
history — written in the hearts and affections of the American
people, more indellible than letters engraven on adamant.
For many years I have read with pleasure your speeches and
observed your public course. I have witnessed with heart-burn-
ing and disgust the vituperation and slander of ambitious, wicked
men. In private conversation I have often pleaded your cause,
and that of the President, and of your policy. I approve
heartily of your course. When my friend told me that Mr.
Adams was President, and you had voted for him, a sudden exult-
ation of joy flashed through my bosom.
We (of Greenville) had a large number of your defenses
printed at Russelville, and I have spread them from my store far
and wide (for I am a merchant and Presbyterian preacher). Be
assured they are operating powerfully. It is the best antidote
against lying and slander that has ever been used. Many of the
Jackson men of this county (Muhlenl^rg) have turned complete-
ly around. We are decidedly Administration here, by a very
OF HENRY CLAY. 201
large majority. I hope you and Mr. Adams will not be discour-
aged, but keep up good spirits.
In writing you this letter I mean no more than an expression
of my friendship for you, my country, the prosperity of the
nation, and the welfare of civil and religious liberty. I am in
the habit of praying for you in secret and in public. If I have
any interest at the coiut of Heaven, I have tried to make it for
you. Think ; they did n't say, at Hopkinsville,they knew I was
an Administration man from my prayer, as I prayed for the
President, etc. But it is not a cause I am ashamed or afraid of;
for if even " Old Hickory" should be elected, we will, not give
up you. You must come next. You are consecrated to your
country and you are ours.
Permit me to say, I have named my first-born son Henry Clay
Bard. I did it for two reasons : 1. As a mark of affection and
friendship for you ; 2. That your character might stimulate him
to worthy deeds.
Will you be so good as to give my respects to Mrs. Clay. Will
you be so good as to give my respects to the President, Mr.
Adams. Tell him I pray for him and his Cabinet. May God
bless Mr. Clay. May God bless the President. May God guide
and direct him and his counselors. May you all fear God, pray
to him, keep his " commandments that it may be well with you."
MK. CLAT TO FBANCIS BBOOKE.
Washington, April 29, 1828.
My dear Sir, — I was much disappointed in not having the
pleasure of seeing you. Having understood from Mr. Maury that
you would certainly be here on a particular day, I even made
arrangements to get some friends to meet you at dinner.
I transmitted to Mr. Call copies of my letter to Mr. Blair,
which have formed the subject of newspaper animadversions, and
requested him to send them to some friends in Richmond. I
will thank you, also, to look at them.
I send herewith copies of Mr. Crawford's last letter to me, and
my answer, which, after having perused them yourself, you will
be pleased to exhibit confidentially to such of the gentlemen
who saw Mr. Blair's letters as you may think proper.
Our news from Kentucky is very good.
202 PRIVATE COEEESPONDENCE
MR. CLAY TO FEANCIS BROOKE.
■Washington, May 18, 1828.
M\ DEAR Sir, — ^Your two favors of the 4th and 6th instant,
leached this place during my absence on a trip to Philadelphia
for the purpose of obtaining medical advice, which I am happy
to inform you was favorable.
I can not object to Mr. Tresslitt's speaking of the contents of
the letter which you showed him, though I do not desire at
present that they should be published.
I will endeavor to procure and forward the documents you re-
quest.
I regretted much that the considerations to which the Presi-
dent felt himself bound to yield, did not seem to him to admit
of the appointment of our friend T . New York has not, in
the person of any citizen of that State, a single representative at
this place, in any one of the high executive offices. Judge Sav-
age is a man of undoubted qualifications, and standing high in
the esteem of the people in that State. Under these views, the
President thought he ought to be appointed, and his appointment
has given very great satisfaction.
MR. CLAY TO FRANCIS BROOKE.
Washington, May 28, 1828.
My dear Sir, — I sent the documents to you by mail requested
in your favor of the 20th instant. My intention is to leave this
place in about a fortnight on my contemplated journey, which I
propose taking through the valley of Virginia, by the White Sul-
phur Springs, and thence by the Crab Orchard to Kentucky. I
shall not return to the city until late in July, or early in August,
If I do not then find myself entirely re-established, I will go to
some of the sea baths, i
The last appointments of the President have given general
satisfaction, as far as I have heard. I do not think that a better
arrangement could have been made. We shall lose no strength
in the Cabinet by the introduction of Porter.
Our information from Kentucky continues to be very encour-
OF HENRY CLAY. 203
aging. We must be greatly deceived if Metcalfe should not be
elected by a respectable majority.
I hope you were pleased with the address of our friends in
Congress to the people, on the prospects of the election.
ME. CLAY TO FRANCIS BKOOKE.
Washingtok, June 5, 1828.
Mt dear Sir, — ^I received your favor of 2d instant. My
health remains pretty much in statu quo. I do not anticipate
any considerable improvement of it until I commence my journey,
which I propose doing about the 15th instant. I shall go through
Virginia, but by what route I have not yet positively decided.
I think I shall go to the mountains by the shortest.
I have prepared a letter to the Central Administration Com-
mittee of Kentucky, in answer to one received from it on the
subject of Amos Kendall, and his correspondence with me. I
think some letters from him which I have authorized to be pub-
lished, will fully establish his infamy.
I am not preparing, nor shall I prepare, any answer to the ad-
dress of the Jackson Central Committee of this place. My opin-
ion is, that it is unworthy of notice from me. But I shall prob-
ably publish, by way of supplement to my former address, a mass
of testimony which has since accumulated on my hands, and I
may publish it without comment. I have also addressed a letter
to Kentucky to a friend (which he is authorized to publish), re-
specting my private affairs, which will relieve my friends from
any anxiety on that account.
Judge Savage declined the ofBce of Treasurer, and it has been
given to General Clarke, late Treasurer of Pennsylvania, who
was turned out by the Jackson party last winter, because he is a
friend to the Administration. There is some reason to hope that
circumstances will hereafter admit of something being done for
your friend.
I regret that I have no copies of Mr. Burgess' two speeches,
which I have never seen.
204 PRIVATE COEBE^PONDENCE
DANIEL WEBSTER TO MK. CLAT.
Boston, June 8, 1828.
My dear Sir, — You will have seen some proofs of the pre-
vailing sentiments, on public subjects, in this quarter. The best
possible feeling was indicated at the meeting on the 5th. I do
not mean in regard to myself, but on general subjects, and in
respect to others. The toast in which you were named was re-
ceived with the most enthusiastic applause. I do not think I
have ever seen, in Boston, a meeting comprising so much char-
acter, talent, influence, and respectability. I hope it may do
good.
One objection, my dear sir, which I have to writing to you,
is, that your courtesy and kindness lead you always to answer
me, and I feel that it is wrong, in the present state of your health
and of your engagements, to impose any new duty, though it be
a trifling one, upon you. I will really take it as a greater proof
of friendship and confidence, if, how often soever I may write,
you will forbear all reply, unless when there is something which
you wish to say.
MR. CLAY TO J. S. JOHNSTON.
S^EWMABKET, June 25, 1828.
Dear Sir — At the moment of my departure from Washington,
I received two letters (one from Duralde and one from Dupuy)
recommending Mi-. Gibson, editor of " The Argus," as Surveyor
of the port of New Orleans. I had not time to consult with you
and Mr. Bouligny, and directed the letters to be laid before the
President. I have no wish on the subject but that a competent
person should be appointed — one who is not tainted with Jack-
sonism, and who may be agreeable to friends. Will you confer,
with Mr. Bouligny on the matter ?
We are now about one hundred and twenty miles from the
city. My horses stand the journey better than I do. The heat
is excessive. I shall stop a few days at the White Sulphur
Springs, in Green Brier, where a letter, put into the post-oflice
the day you receive this, or the next, would overtake me.
My best respects to Mrs. Johnston.
OP HENET CLAY. 205
DANIEL WEBSTER TO MR. CLAY.
Boston, July V, 1828.
Mt dear Sir, — I am in hopes this will find you in Kentucky,
in good spirits and renewed health. If you are as well as we
wish you, this way, you need be no better. A strong manifest-
ation of kindly feeling toward you, personally, has very gener-
ally appeared in all the numerous celebrations of the 4th instant,
in this quarter of the country, which have fallen under my ob-
servation. As far as I can judge, the general aspect of things
is favorable.
p. B. PORTER TO MR. CLAY.
Washington, July IB, 1828.
Dear Sir, — Notwithstanding I have been overwhelmed with
business in the office, ever since you left here, I would have
written you sooner, but that, from the accounts which Mrs. Clay
has given me, at different times, of your progress, I calculate
that you will not reach Lexington sooner than this letter.
For the first ten days of my official labor, or^ rather, recon-
noissance, I found myself located in a field so entirely new and
strange, that I could not move a single step without encounter-
ing some serious obstacle. I have now become familiarized to
a small extent of ground, over which I move with tolerable ease,
but my horizon is yet extremely circumscribed. I hope, how-
ever, to be able, by great assiduity, gradually to extend it.
I call, almost daily, on the President, who treats me with great
kindness. His health and spirits have, I think, both improved
since you left us.
RICHARD RUSH TO MR. CLAY.
Washington, August 3, 1828.
Dear Mr. Clay, — Although I have had little or nothing to say,
I should, at least, have dropped you a line since you went away,
if only to tell you that we are all alive here ; but you have been
whirled about so from post to pillar, that I have not known
where to aim a letter at you. You have been bargaining all
over the land, no doubt. No sooner have I heard of your being
206 PRIVATE COBEESPONDENOE
at one place, but the next mail has fixed you at another, and the
third somewhere else again ; but now that you are in Lexington,
I may hope that you will remain at moorings awhile.
First and foremost, I am glad to learn that your health is
better. Next, I congratulate you on the issue of the Louisiana
election, hoping that you will follow suit in old Kentuck.
The President sets out for the North to-morrow. He expects
to be gone a couple of months. I am highly pleased with our
new colleague. General Porter. If I do not mistake, there is a
fine mixture of suavity and energy in him. The former is very
apparent and attractive ; you would come at the latter, I suspect,
as soon as you get below the surface.
Adieu. Be sure you bring good tidings from Kentucky, or
we will give you no welcome on your return.
P. S. August 4. — Hearing to-day that you are expected to
leave Lexington on the 10th, and not being sure that this will
reach you there, I will just fold it up to wait your arrival.
MH. CLAY TO DR. K. PINBELL.
Washington, October 15, 1828.
My deab Doctor, — I observe that some of the Jackson party
in Kentucky, for the purpose of withdrawing public attention
from the alleged connection between General Jackson and
Colonel Burr, have gotten up a charge against me of participation
in the schemes of the latter. I have not myself thought it neces-
sary to notice this new and groundless accusation ; but, prompted
by the opinions of some of my friends, and actuated also by the
desire to vindicate the memory of an inestimable but departed
friend, who fell in the military service of his country, I com-
municate the following statement, which you are at liberty to
publish. ^
Public prosecutions were commenced in the Federal Court of
Kentucky, against Colonel Burr, in the fall of 1806. He applied
to me, and I engaged as his counsel, in conjunction with the
late Colonel John Allen, to defend him. The prosecutions were
conducted by the late Colonel Joseph Hamilton Daviess, a man
of genius, but of strong prejudices, who was such an admirer of
Colonel Hamilton, that, after he had attained full age, he (Colonel
OF HENRY CLAY. 207
D.) adopted a part of his name as his own. Both Colonel Allen
and myself believed that there was no ground • for the prosecu-
tions, and that Colonel Daviess was chiefly moved to institute
them by his admiration of Colonel Hamilton, and his hatred of
Colonel Burr. Such was our conviction of the innocence of the
accused, that, when he sent us a considerable fee, we resolved
to decline accepting it, and accordingly returned it. We said to
each other, Colonel Burr has been an eminent ' member of the
profession, has been Attorney-General of the State of New York,
is prosecuted without cause in a distant State, and we ought not
to regard him in the light of an ordinary culprit. The first
prosecution entirely failed. A second was shortly afterward in-
stituted. Between the two I was appointed a Senator of the
United States. In consequence of that relation to the General
Government, Colonel Burr, who still wished me to appear for
him, addressed the note to me, of which a copy is herewith
transmitted. I accordingly again appeared for him, with Colonel
Allen ; and when the grand jury returned the bill of indictment
not true, a scene was presented in the Court-room which I had
never before witnessed in Kentucky. There were shouts of
applause from an audience, not one of whom, I am persuaded,
would have hesitated to level a rifle against Colonel Burr, if he
believed that he aimed to dismember the Union, or sought to
violate its peace, or overturn its Constitution.
It is not true that the professional services of either Colonel
Allen or myself were volunteered, although they were gratuitous.
Neither of us were acquainted with any illegal designs whatever
of Colonel Burr. Both of us were fully convinced of his inno-
cence. A better or braver man, or a more ardent and sincere
patriot than Colonel John Allen never lived. The disastrous
field of Raisin, on which he fell, attests his devotion to his
country.
The affidavit of a Mr. John Downing has been procured and
published, to prove that I advised him to enlist with Colonel
Burr, and that I told him I was going with him myself. There
is not one word of truth in it, so far as it relates to me. The
ridiculous tale will be credited by no one who knows both of
us. The certificate of some highly respectable men has been
procured as to his character. His afiidavit bears date on the
third, and the certificate, on a detached paper, on the fourth in-
stant. I have no doubt that it was obtained on false pretences,
208 PRIVATE CORBESPONDENCE
and with an entire concealment of its object. I was at the
period of the last prosecution preparing to attend the Senate of
the United States at the seat ofGovernraent, many hundred miles
in an opposite direction from that in which it afterward appeared
Colonel Burr was bound. So far from my having sent any mes-
sage to Mr. Downing, when I was last in Lexington, I did not
then ever dream that the malignity of party spirit could fabricate
such a charge as has been since put forth against me.
It is not true that I was at the ball given to Colonel Burr in
Frankfort. I was at the time in Lexington. It is not true that
he ever partook of the hospitality of my house. It was at that
time a matter of regret with me that my professional engage-
ments, and those connected with my departure for Washington,
did not allow me to extend to him the hospitality with which it
was always my wont to treat strangers. He never was in my
house, according to my recollection, but once, and that was the
night before I started to this city, when, being myself a stranger
in this place, he delivered me some letters of introduction, which
I never presented.
On my arrival here, in December, 1806, I became satisfied,
from the letter in cypher of Colonel Burr to General Wilkinson,
and from other information communicated to me by Mr. Jeffer-
son, that Colonel Burr had entertained illegal designs. At the
request of Mr. Jefferson, I delivered to him the original note
from Colonel Burr to me, of which a copy is now forwarded, and
I presume it is yet among Mr. Jefferson's papers. I was furnished
with a copy of it, in the handwriting of Colonel Coles, his private
secretary, which is with my papers in Kentucky.
This, my dear doctor, is a true and faithful account of my
connection with Colonel Burr.
LAFAYETTE TO MB. CLAY.
Lagrange, October 28, 1828.
Mr DEAR Sir, — The critical time of Presidential election is
now come ; the busy time of the session is coming on ; yet I
know you ever have a thought to spare for your affectionate
friend on this side of the Atlantic. Mr. Brown, whose excel-
lent lady, to our inexpressible gratification, is now in much bet-
OF HENRY CLAY. 209
ter health, keeps you informed of European pohtical news. The
Russians have met with more difficulties than was expected.
It is said that mistrusts relative to the suppressed conspiracy
have somewhat added to them. Mahmond is a spirited sultan.
Yet at the long run the power of Russia is considered to have
the better chance, unless the influence of England and Austria
succeed in patching up a peace during the winter. Amid these
broils and intrigues, France is acting a noble part quite the
reverse of the Spanish Expedition, a contrast which has been,
observed by Ibrahim Pacha himself in his conversation with
the French Generals. The session will not open until the 20th
of January. Sdme particular points we wish to obtain have
been stated in a public dinner at Meaux, an account of which I
inclose. There are some others that will be mentioned ; but
while the present ministry are less advanced in their own liberal-
ism than we wish them to be, they find at court a heavy draw-
back in their endeavors to move on the popular road. Some
progress, however, is made.
Mr. Cooper is now on his travels ; his late publication will
give to European readers more correct notions of the United
States than are found in most books on that matter, and yet I
hear it is criticised in America as being too complimentary to
his own countrymen. I don't find it is so, and while foolish
slander is propagated in almost every British publication, don't
think that feeling, or rather profession of humility, to be sea-
sonable.
I understand Mr. Cooper has resigned his Consulship of Lyons.
The emoluments of the station do not allow a special mission
from the United States. I am told applications have been made
in favor of my friend Mr. 'Bradford,' a New Yorker, nephew to
Mr. Philip Hone, late mayor of that city, and I hope I don't
break upon my determination, not to solicit preferments, when I
tell you that Mr. Bradford, whose intimacy with us has given
me full scope to know him well, is one of the best, most sensi'
ble, and noble-minded young gentlemen I ever met in my life.
He is universally beloved.
Be pleased, my dear sir, to remember me very respectfully
and afi"eetionately to Mrs. Clay and family.
14
210 PRIVATE COEEESPONDENOE
MH. CLAT TO FB.ANCIS BEOOKE.
Washington, Novem'ber 9, 1828.
Mt deak Sie, — I received your favor of the 7th as I did the
previous one, inclosing a letter from Mr. Spotswood. I need
not say that it would have afforded me much satisfaction if I
could have gratified this gentleman with the appointment to the
vacant clerkship in the Department of State. But Mr. Trist
came recommended to me by so many powerful considerations,
of ample qualifications, a knowledge of foreign languages, etc.,
the necessity of his appointment to the personal comfort of Mr.
R,, that I could not decline appointing him. In his behalf, I
declined appointing a brother-in-law of the President, who was
urged on me.
I can give you no satisfactory news about the election. The
most discouraging aspect of our cause is that it is necessary that
we should succeed in five or six disputed States to insure Mr.
Adam's election. It will be wonderful if we do not fail in some
one of them. The same mail that carries this letter will take
you some information from New York, which will enable you
to make an approximation. My solicitude about Kentucky is
extreme.
Have you read my Russell correspondence ? I am deceived
if the publication of it does not essentially benefit me. I wish,
after the smart of the election is dissipated, that Pleasants
would republish it.
MB. CLAT TO ADAM BEATTT.
Washington, November 13, 1828.
My deae Sie, — I received your letter of the 6th instant.
From the information which it communicates, and that which I
derive from other channels, there is reason to apprehend that the
vote of Kentucky has been given to General Jackson. Without
that event, there is but too much probability of his election.
To this decision of the people of the United States, patriotism
and religion both unite in enjoining submission and resignation.
For one, I shall endeavor to perform that duty. As a private
citizen, and as a lover of liberty, I shall ever deeply deplore it.
And the course of my own State, should it be what I have rea-
OF HENEY OLAY. 211
son to apprehend it has been, will mortify and distress me. I
hope, nevertheless, that I shall find myself able to sustain with
composure the shock of this event, and every other trial to which
I shall be destined.
You kindly promise me the suggestion of your ideas as to my
future course. I shall await it with anxiety, and shall receive
and deliberate upon it in the friendly spirit by which I know it
will be dictated.
MR. CLAY TO FRANCIS BROOKE.
Washington, November 18, 1828.
Mt dear Sir, — I received your favor of the 11th instant, from
which I am very sorry to learn that a late political event has
produced on you so serious an effect. It is certainly not very
agreeable, and, though feared, was not expected by me. It is
undoubtedly calculated to weaken our confidence in the sta-
bility of our free institutions. But we ought not to allow this,
or any other of the ills of human life, to deprive us of hope
and fortitude. For myself, I declare to you most sincerely, that
I have enjoyed a degree of composure, and of health too, since
the event was known, greater than any I experienced for many
months before. I shall continue at my post, honestly and faith-
fully discharging my duty, until the 4th of March, when I shall
surrender my trust to other hands, which I hope may serve the
public with more success — with rnore patriotic zeal they can not.
In my retirement to Ashland, I shall find tranquillity, and what-
ever my future situation may be, I shall continue to employ my
best exertions for the preservation and perpetuation of those
great principles of freedom and policy, to .the establishment of
which my public life has hitherto been sincerely dedicated. I
believe the other members of the Administration, including its
head, will, in their respective spheres, calmly exercise equal dili-
gence, till the arrival of the same period.
A most wild and reprehensible suggestion has been made by
some anonymous correspondent of the Editors of '' The Intelli-
gencer," whose letter is published in their paper of this day, to
defeat the election of General Jackson, by the Electoral Col-
leges, or some of them, taking up a new candidate. Nothing
could be more exceptionable than such an attempt at this time.
212 PRIVATE COERESPONDENCE
It would be a gross violation of the pledge 'which has been im-
plied, if not expressed, in the choice of all the electors. Calam-
itous as I regard the election of General Jackson, I should con-
sider the defeat of his election, at this time, by any such means,
as a still greater calamity.
CHIEF JUSTICE MARSHALL TO MR. CLAT.
Richmond, NoTember 28, 1828.
My dear Sir, — In consequence of my inattention to the post-
ofRce, I did not receive your letter of the 23d till yesterday af-
ternoon. I need not say how deeply I regret the loss of Judge
Trimble. He was distinguished for sound sense, uprightness
of intention, and legal knowledge. His superior can not be
found. I wish we may find his equal. You are certainly cor-
rect in supposing that I feel a deep interest in the character of
the person who may succeed him. His successor will, of
course, be designated by Mr. Adams, because he will be re-
quired to perform the most important duties of his office, before
a change of administration can take place.
Mr. Crittenden is not personally known to me, but I am well
acquainted with his general character. It stands very high."
Were I myself to designate the successor of Mr. Trimble, I do
not know the man I could prefer to him. Report, in which
those in whom I confide concur, declares him to be sensible,
honorable, and a sound lawyer. I shall be happy to meet him
at the Supreme Court as an associate. The objection I have to
a direct communication of this opinion to the President arises
from the delicacy of the case. I can not venture, unasked, to
recommend an associate justice to the President, especially a
gentleman who is not personally known to me. It has the ap-
pearance of assuming more than I am willing to assume. I
must, then, notwithstanding my deep interest in the appoint-
ment, and my conviction of the fitness of Mr. Crittenden — a
conviction as strong as I could well feel in favor of a gentleman
of whom I judge only from general character — decline writing
to the President on the subject.
OF HENRY CLAY. 213
P. GUAIi TO ME. CLAT.
TAonBATA, November 20, 1828.
Esteemed Sir, — ^I take the liberty to recommend Colonel
Belford Wilson, a son of the illustrious friend of America, Sir
Robert Wilson, to your attentions and civilities. This gentle-
man, after having conducted himself admirably well among us,
returns now, with honor, to the bosom of his country and fam-
ily. As he first thinks of visiting those States, I assure you that
I will be very grateful for any demonstration of regard which
you may have the goodness to bestow on him.
It is with particular pleasure I avail myself of this occasion
to renew to you the assurances of the ancient esteem and re-
spect for your person, with which I am ever your affectionate
and obedient servant.
MR. CLAY TO H. NILES.
■Washington, November 26, 1828.
My dear Sir,— I received your favor of the 22d. The in-
auspicious issue of the election has shocked me less than I feared
it would. My health and my spirits, too, have been better,
since the event was known, than they were many weeks before.
And yet all my opinions are unchanged and unchangeable, about
the dangers of the precedent which we have established. The
military principle has triumphed*, and triumphed in the person of
one devoid of all the graces, elegances, and magnanimity, of the
accomplished men of the profession.
Our course is a plain one. We must peaceably submit to
what we have been unable to avert, firmly resolved to adhere to
our principles, and to watch over the Republic like faithful sen-
tinels. We should especially avoid gratuitous propositions of
support to the new Administration, or, on the other hand, a rash
and precipitate opposition. Many of our friends have got un-
der the hostile standard. We should endeavor to recall them to
their duty by kindness. A blind and precipitate attack would
produce union where now there is nothing but the elements of
discord.
I thank you and Mrs. Niles for the high compliment you
214 PRIVATE COEBESPONDEKCE
have lately paid me. It is a better evidence of the fidelity of
your friendship than of your discretion, at this time. With my
best wishes for the mother and son, I remain your friend.
J. J. CKITTENDEN TO MR. CLAY.
Feankfoet, December 3, 1828.
Dear Sir, — Though recent occurrences have a good deal de-
pressed my spirits, my principles forbid me to despair. I have
yet a strong confidence " that truth is omnipotent, and public
justice certain," and that you will live to hail the day of retri-
bution and triumph. Your political enemies render involuntary
homage to you, by their early and spontaneous apprehensions
of your future elevation, and your friends find their consolation
by looking upon the same prospect. The combination that has
been formed against you will dissolve — its leaders have too
many selfish views of personal aggrandizement to harmonize
long ; your friends will remain steadfast, bound to you more
strongly by adversity ; you will, of necessity, be looked to as
the great head and hope of the great mass that constitutes the
present Administration party. This is the spirit already visible
here, and I am sanguine of its final result.
What an excellent philosophy it is which can thus extract
good from evil — consolation from defeat ! But enough of it.
You will, of course, go on with the Administration to the last
moment, as though Mr. Adams had been re-elected, and with all
the good temper and discretion possible. But what then?
That you should return to your district, and represent it again
in Congress, seems to be the general wish and expectation of
your friends here. It is certainly mine.
HENRY CLAY, JR., TO HIS FATHER.
West Point, December 16, 1828.
My dear Father, — When last in Washington, I mentioned
to my mother that it would be in my power to be absent from
West Point during the two months of the next encampment ;
and intimated that it would be highly agreeable to me to visit
OF HENRY CLAY. 215
Kentucky. My feelings on this subject still remain the same,
but I must confess that I am not very eager to go, all things being
considered. For if I am to remain in the army, it will be of the
last importance to me to enter as honorable a corps as possible,
and this may, in some measure, be influenced by my going, for
it is but reasonable to suppose that my mind will be somewhat
estranged from study. You will perceive that I am beginning
to lose all other ambition than that of being an honest man. A
professorship of mathematics in some college, or, lastly, a post in
the army, are all that I now aspire to. My talents, I am forced to
coincide with you in what I have long supposed to be your
opinion, are not above mediocrity. This presents to me an in-
surmountable obstacle to the profession of law ; for in this pro-
fession there is no medium. A good lawyer and a great man, a
poor lawyer and a contemptible man, are synonymous terms.
MB. CLAY TO FRANCIS BKOOKE.
Washington, December 26, 1828.
My dear Sir, — Having nothing to offer you from this place, I
am anxious to learn from you what is passing at Richmond.
Here we are in a political eddy, the currents from which will not
break out and show themselves until about the Ides of March.
There is nothing but vague speculation in regard to the inten-
tions of the President-elect, with which it is not worth while to
trouble you. Toward the bottom, indeed, there is some move-
ment in the water already, but it does not show itself upon the
surface. It is said that a good deal of jealousy is felt, and in
private circles sometimes manifests itself, among the partisans of
the Vice-President and the Governor-elect of New York.
I get a great many letters from all quarters, conveying strong
sentiments of unabated confidence and ardent attachment. I am
frequently, too, favored with the advice of friends of a directly
opposite tenor. One tells me, for example, that I should retire
from public life for two or three years ; while another is equally
positive that I should forthwith return to the House of Repre-
sentatives. I have as yet decided upon no course for myself,
and shall decide upon none until my return to Kentucky. In
the meantime, I should be glad to be favored with your opinion,
and that of other friends whom you may think proper to consult.
216 PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE OF HENRY CLAY.
, Mr. Madison's letters are sought after with great avidity. They
have produced much effect, and I think are likely to produce
much more. This is evidenced by the violence of some of those
who are opposed to the Tariff. You will he shocked when I
tell you that one of them, and one, too, from Mr. Madison's own
State, I have been told, said that he ought to have died, or that
he wished he had died, five years ago.
But to return to Richmond. What will be done with the Con-
vention question ? What is the tone of party spirit ? Is it a
proscription there, as in some other places ?
CHAPTER VI.
CORRESPONDENCE OF 1839.
MB. CLAY TO PEANCIS BEOOKE.
"WashingIon, January 10, 1829.
My deae Sib, — I perceive from your letter of the 5th instant,
at St. JuUen, that you had not then received one which I ad-
dressed to you at Richmond, where I presume it is now await-
ing your return.
We are here absolutely without any thing new or interesting.
Congress is in no disposition to do business. The present Ad-
ministration is winding up their public affairs, originating no new
measures, and endeavoring to turn their stewardship over to their
successors in the best state possible. In respect to .the purposes
of the new Administration, or rather the intentions of the Presi-
dent-elect, nothing seems to be known here. We have vague
speculations only in place of positive information. Washing-
ton, therefore, is not at present the source of news. We must
look to other quarters for it. And accordingly we have been
turning our attention toward Richmond. There appears in
your Legislature to be so many projects in regard to the basis of
the representation in your Convention, that we are at a loss to
conjecture whether any thing or what will be done.
As far as I can learn (and on that subject a good deal of in-
formation reaches me), there is a good spirit prevailing among
our friends every where. They seem to be generally impressed
with the belief that our true policy, at present, is to do nothing
but look on ; that they ought to avoid alike hostility or profes-
sions of support toward the new Administration ; that until it
begins to act, there are no means of judging what its course will
be ; that in the mean time, holding fast to all our principles, and
keeping constantly in view the danger to civil liberty of the pre-
dominance of the military spirit, we should preserve stout hearts,
218 PRIVATE COERESPOJSTDENCE
and be prepared to act, under contingences, according to the
impulses of a generous patriotism.
Whether I ought to he brought out, and when, must be left
exclusively to my friends. This latter point, supposing the first
affirmatively settled, is one of great delicacy. Precipitancy and
tardiness should be equally avoided. The public wants tran-
quillity after the late agitation. To present formally candidates
for the succession, before the President-elect enters on the duties
of his ofiice, would be premature and ofiensive to the quiet,
that is, the larger portion of the community. It would be other-
wise if the candidates of the Jackson party were announced.
Where Jacksonism has prevailed, and secured majorities in the
Legislatures of the difierent States, those majorities are more in-
imical to me, at this time, than majorities in those Legislatures
ever will be hereafter. They have been elected under an ex-
citement, and I have remarked always that the representatives of
the people, when so elected, are ahead of the people themselves
in reference to that particular excitement.
It will be time enough, upon my return to Kentucky after the
4th of March, to decide whether I shall remain in private, or
again seek to enter public life. I should be glad to know your
views, and tjiose of other friends, on that point. I presume there
will be no difficulty in my return to the House of Represent'
atives, if I should permit myself to be a candidate.
The health of Mr. Southard has been bad throughout the
session. He is now confined to his house, but I hear is better
to-day. Without, perhaps, there being any cause of immediate
apprehension, I think his situation is one full of anxiety to his
friends and connections.
Do you not mean to visit us ? I need not say that I should
see you with great pleasure, and although this city presents less
attractions than usual at this season to the ladies, we should be
most happy to see Mrs. Brooke also with you at my house.
HENBT CLAY, JR., TO HIS FATHER.
West Point, January 21, 1829.
Mt dear Father, — I have received your letter of the 14th
instant. By it all my fears are quieted ; and I can now look for-
ward to something honorable. You can hardly conceive of a
OF HENRY CLAY. 219
more wretched state than that in which I was before this letter
was received. I have always had an inclination for the law,
which arose from an entire conviction that it was the path which
led to distinction. When, therefore, it was first proposed to me
to come to West Point, I thought that I saw all my hopes blasted
forever, and, though I desired to acquire the education given
here, yet I must confess to you that I looked upon my stay at
this place with a kind of horror. But now that I see that your
intentions have all along been in unison with my wishes, I feel
sensibly how much I have erred in the supposition, too hastily
formed, that you purposed that I should become a member of the
army. Feeling as I now do, I can not but heseech you to for-
give me for the uneasiness which my but half-suppressed discon-
tent must have caused you.
mCHAKD HENHT LEE TO MR. CLAY.
Leesbukg, January 23, 1829.
Deab Sib, — ^When I last enjoyed the honor of your company,
I took the liberty of asking the favor of you, to prepare for me
a list of all the treaties negotiated by yourself and by our foreign
ministers, during your occupancy of the State Department. You
were kind enough to promise me the enumeration I desired. I
am obliged to you for the call of my attention to the principle
you mentioned, so favorable to our navigation interests, and for
the history of its introduction into our later treaties.
Permit me to obtrude again on your attention, so far as to beg
that, amid the various and important business constantly engaging
your mind, you would not forget the memoranda I want. You
will add to the favor, if you will attach a note to the name, etc.,
of any treaty, noticing any novel principle contained in it, and
elucidating the history and the intention of its introduction, and
its actual or probable effect upon our national interests and na-
tional relations.
In composing the history I took the liberty of telling you I
intend to write, if I have the leisure and opportunity of writing,
I shall devote no small portion of it to the first Department un-
der the Executive, and to the labors and character of its head.
I say this, my dear sir, without any purpose of flattery or cour-
. tier-like spirit (my Republican spirit is above this), but because
220' PRIVATE COERESPONUENCE
its concerns and the character and labors of its officer, of the
periodi shall be writing of, belong to the history and glory of
my country. When I again have the pleasure of seeing you,' I
will take the liberty of submitting it to you, whether it would
be your wish that an historian, if thought adequate to his task;
should take any notice of the false and malicious imputations cast
upon you and Mr. Adams, of intrigue and corruption. For my-
self, I am inclined to think that to notice them would be beneath
the dignity of history and of your characters.
ME. CLAT TO FRANCIS BROOKE.
Washington, January 30, 1829.
My dear Sir, — Ten days confinement from a severe indispo-
sition produced by cold, has delayed my answer to your favor
of the 14th inst. I am now better, though I still feel much de-
bility from the attack.
I should be extremely gratified to be able to accept for myself
and Mrs. Clay your kind invitation to visit you and Mrs. Brooke,
at St. Julien, but I regret that it will not be in our power.to
avail ourselves of it. At the season of the year when we shall
return to Kentucky, that is, about the 10th of March, we have
no alternative but to proceed to Wheeling or Pittsburg. The
roads on every other route will be then almost impassable.
From the present time, until the period of our departure, we
shall be constantly occupied with winding up my official busi-
ness ; with packing up, sending off, and disposing of furniture ;
and with other ai-rangements for the journey.
I should be very much pleased to visit Richmond. It would
afford me much satisfaction to see my friends, and I doubt not
that there are many of them that would be happy to meet
me. But I must own to you frankly, that I should not expect to
derive any political benefit from such a visit. The contest has
been too recent, passions have not yet sufficiently abated, preju-
dices are yet too high and strong, to make me an acceptable
guest at Richmond, where a large majority of the Legislature is
of an opposite faith from that which I profess. I should, un-
doubtedly, find among that majority much of the courtesy which
characterizes our native State. I should even, now and tbp'U
OF HENEY CLAY. 221:
find a friend, but the great mass would be animated by a spirit,
positively, if not bitterly hostile. You must have remarked
what I have often observed, that when a particular popular cur-
rent prevails, the representatives of the people elected under its
impulse, are in advance of the people themselves in violence.
It is on this principle that I am inclined to think that the Jack-
son majorities in the Legislatures, this winter, are more adverse
to me than they will probably be at any future time.
With respect to any movements in regard to the successor of
General Jackson, I believe I have already said to you that I think
it would be premature now to commence them. The next six
months — ^the next six weeks — ^may develop important events,
and shed brilliant light upon our path. At all events, I do not
wish that our friends should disturb the public in the enjoyment
of that tranquillity, of which, after the late violent agitation, it
has so much need. As to the danger which some apprehend,
of the separation and dispersion of our friends, I do not partici-
pate in their fears. The same principles which have guided
them heretofore, will continue to unite them together. In every
demonstration which has been made during the present winter
(witness the Senatorial elections in Ohio, Delaware, Maine, etc.),
they stand firm and unshaken.
Should any thing occur to me prior to my departure for Ken'-
tucky, as being expedient to be done, in relation to the Presi-
dential succession, I will communicate it to you.
JAMES BEOWN TO MK. CLAT.
Paeis, February 13, 1829.
Mt deab Sib, — I am happy to find that you have borne your
disappointment and loss of place with so much true philosophy.
If you have lost your office, you will regain your health and im-
prove your fortune, and therefore I think you may felicitate
yourself on the result. I hope, as you love a little agitation,
you will obtain a seat in the House of Representatives, where
your weight of talents will be felt, and where, by resuming your
cheerfulness and former popular manners, you will again fill a
high place in the esteem of the nation. The outs have acted
wisely in resolving not to set up opposition until the new Ad-
ministration shall have done something which merits opposition.
222 PEIVATE COKEESPONDENCE
JIB. CLAT TO FRANCIS BROOKE.
■Washington, February 21, 1829.
Mt dear Sir, — I received the last letter which you did me
the favor to write me, and I have since received the publication
relating to the Tariff, to which it refers. From the course which
that business is taking in your Legislature, I apprehend that a
majority will oppose itself to the opinions of Mr. Madison.
After a great deal of speculation in relation to the new Cabi-
net, an an-angement of it is now spoken of with great confi-
dence. If that be executed it will consist of Mr. Van Buren for
the State Department, Ingham for the Treasury, Eaton for the
War, Branch for the Navy, Berrian for Attorney-General, M'Lean
to continue Post-master General, or to be put upon the bench
of the Supreme Court ; and, in the latter case. Colonel Johnson,
of Kentucky, to be appointed Post-master General. Van Buren
has, from the first, run upon all the tickets for the State Depart-
ment, and I conclude, therefore, that he will be appointed. I
was at first incredulous as to the other persons spoken of as Sec-
retaries ; but I have been compelled at last to believe that they
are, at least at this time, designed for these respective places.
I should be glad to hear from you after the decision of the
Tariff resolutions in your House of Delegates. Let me know
if there is any diminution in the number of those who have
heretofore opposed the power. From your silence in your last
letter, I infer, as I had anticipated, that the tone of the Jackson
portion of your Legislature, with two or three exceptions, is de-
cidedly hostile to me.
FRANCIS BROOKE TO MR. CLAT.
RionitoND, February 23, 1829.
My dear Sir, — I hasten to answer your letter of to-day.
The intelligence it gives of the proposed Cabinet had reached
here on yesterday, and filled the Jackson party with consterna-
tion. Some affect not to believe it, and some few to palliate it ;
you will see tlie vote on the Tariff, the minority has increased
from forty-nine to seventy-five, and would have been higher but
for the absence of some members. You have not drawn the
intended inference from any letter. There can be little doubt
OF HENEY CLAT. 225
that a large portion of the Jackson party are favorable to you, at
least, this is my information from every quarter. I think the
people must say with Hamlet, " Look at this picture and look at
that," and for this only has been the mighty strife. I confess I
am myself disappointed. I thought General Jackson, if he could
not get splendid talents and information, at least would have
brought around him great moral worth, as those who have least
of iit are not insensible to its value. Feeling must have super-
seded this instinct. I think that now his future course will not
be doubtful. He must put himself into the hands of the Secre-
tary of State, who will be de facto, President, etc.
LAFAYETTE TO ME. CLAT.
Paeis, March 8, 1829.
My dear Sir, — A precious book, beautifully bound, and con-
taining several of your admirable speeches, has been lately pre-
sented to me, by your excellent brother, Mr. Brown, as a new
token of your friendship. That it has been received with every
sentiment of affection and gratitude I need not, I know, to as-
sert, but I want to express, and so I want to add that while I
am happy to acknowledge your personal kindness along with
your public eloquence, there is one speech, strongly tinctured
with both, which although not recorded in the book, as it relates
to a more private object, shall ever be engraved in my heart.
Four days are now elapsed, my dear friend, since you have
been restored to a life of repose ; it will probably not last long,
and I anticipate the approaching time when you will be returned
to Congress, and probably to the Chair of the House. I hope
the intervals will be consecrated to the restoration of your health,
above which, and also above every thing that concerns yourself
and family, I beg you to give me frequent and minute informa-
tion. They become the more necessary to me as we are going
to lose Mr. and Mrs. Brown, a loss that is deeply felt by every
American on this side of the Atlantic, by none more than by
me, and my family who are attached to them by every tie of
gratitude, affection, and respect. Mrs. Brown's health is now
better than when they took the resolution to return ajiome. We
have been much alarmed on her account ; it is now over, as to
danger, and a few days ago she loolied quite well. But all the
224 PRIVATE OOEEESPONDENCE
particulars relative to her health she, no doubt, gives to her sis-
ter, and these lines will go by the same opportunity. Packets
no-w run three times in the month. Miss Brown, who lives with
them, is a most amiable young lady.
Of the affairs of Europe you have, in your official capacity,
heard a great deal, and much of them is to be found in the pub-
lic papers. It appears the two great despots of the East will try
the fortune of war. The conduct of the French Government
has been liberal and disinterested. Not so with the rulers of
England ; they strive to contract the limits and independence of
Greece. Their connections with Don Miguel, and late behavior
at Terceira, have roused a general cry against them. The Amer-
ican stars have lately lighted on a dextrous and honorable pri-
vate attempt, of which I feel very proud. Austria is as bad as
ever. Italy deserves the leaden inquisitorial yoke. It is impos-
sible for Spain and Portugal to go on as they are now governed.
The downfall of the Villele administration, and a better choice
of deputies which occasioned it, has set the interior affairs of
Prance on a somewhat improved line of march. But very slow,
timid steps indeed. Far even from what could be done within
the so very limited circle of an octroid charter. Yet, I think it
a duty to assist in the little progressive good that can be obtained.
On reading again your observations on our Colonization So-
ciety, of which to have been chosen a Vice-President is to me
a great honor, and a most highly valued gratification, I have
thought you will employ some of your time of leisure in pro-
moting the most important object that it remains, in my opinion,
for our part of America finally to obtain. The' settlement of
Liberia may in future times civilize Africa, and facilitate a grad-
ual abolition of slavery. I have seen with much pleasure that
measures of the kind were talked of for the District of Colum-
bia. You know that while I feel, as much as any man, the
cursed evil entailed upon America by Great Britain, I am not
insensible of the immense difficulties, but think that if an inces-
sant attention, in the Southern States, to that momentous object
of self-interest as well as of humanity, is directed that way,
means may be found out consistent with prudence and posses-
sion, to limit, lessen, and perhaps, in time to eradicate that only
obstacle tr-S(^^'outhern improvements, that only objection to the
example proposed to the world in the superior state of American
civilization.
OF HENRY CLAY. 225
I am told our friend Mr. Adams intends to remain with his
family in the District of Columbia ; if you see them, and your
former colleagues in the Cabinet, remember me very affection-
ately to them all. Present my best respects to Mrs. Clay and
family.
My son requests me to present his best respects. Le Valleur
is now a partner in a bookselling firm under the name of Mal-
ker «fc Co., Faubourg, St. Germain, where he has settled his
family and himself. You know that M. David, one of the first
statuaries in the world, and the first in Paris, member of the In-
stitute, etc., has presented Congress with a marble biist, made on
purpose to be offered as a tribute to them. It has been much
admired by the artists of Paris.
MR. CLAY TO FKANCIS BROOKE.
Washington, Mareli 12, 1829.
Mt dear Sir, — I have not written you very lately, because,
having nothing to communicate which the papers did not con-
tain, I did not wish to make you pay postage for the thousand
rumors with which this city has been filled. Among the official
corps here there is the greatest solicitude and apprehension. The
members of it feel something like the inhabitants of Cairo when
the plague breaks out ; no one knows who is next to encounter
the stroke of death ; or which, with many of them is the same
thing, to be dismissed from office. You have no conception of
the moral tyranny which prevails here over those in employ-
ment. It is, however, believed that the work of expulsion will
not begin till after the adjournment of the Senate.
It is said that Amos Kendall, of Kentucky, is to be appointed
an auditor, and Tom Moore minister to Colombia !
I take my departure to-morrow. My inclination at present is
not to return to the next Congress, but I shall reserve a final
decision of the question, for a consideration of all circumstances,
after my return home. The major part of my friends, whom T
have consulted, think a seat in the next Congress inexpedient.
Among them all the best spirit prevails, and high and confident
hopes are cherished by them. Every movement of the President,
15
226 PRIVATE COEEESPONDENCE
though dictated by personal resentment toward me, conduces to
my benefit, especially his Kentucky appointments.
Let me hear often from you, and believe me ever your devoted
friend.
jm. CLAT TO J. S. JOHNSTON.
Wheeling, April 1, 1829.
Mt dear Friend, — W. C. C. Claiborne having decided rather
suddenly to throw himself on board a steamboat about departing
for Louisville, I have only time to say that we reached this place
the day before yesterday, nine days after you, in good health.
I found here your letter, informing me of your journey,
etc. The same snow that you left on the mountains remained,
and smoothed our passage over them, although it rendered us
somewhat uncomfortably cold.
My journey has been marked by every token of warm attach-
ment and cordial demonstrations. I never experienced more
testimonies of respect and confidence, nor more enthusiasm.
Dinners, suppers, balls, etc. I have had literally a free passage.
Taverns,, stages, toll-gates have been generally thrown open to
me, free from all charge. Monarchs might be proud of the re-
ception with which I have been every where honored.
The work of proscription has commenced at Washington and
elsewhere. Our poor friends, Cutts, Watkins, and Lee, are
among the sufierers. Editor Hill has succeeded the first. Editor
Kendall the second, and Major Lewis the last. So- we go.
Let me hear from you, and often, I entreat of you, for no one
feels more warmly actuated in the welfare of you both than your
constant friend.
MB. ADAMS TO MR. CLAY.
Meridian Hill, WASiriNQTON, April 21, 1829.
My dear Sir, — Your favor of the 12th instant, inclosing a
letter to you from Mr. Child, with your answer, has come to
hand. The letter to Mr. Child has been forwarded to him as
you desired.
I have no design or wish that old party distinctions should be
revived, and do not believe that they will or can be. A struggle
OF HENRY CLAY. 227
by certain individuals of the old Federal party to recover the
ascendency they had lost, may render a reaction of the Repub-
licans necessary for their own defense ; it can be necessary for
no other purpose of which I am aware, and I have no wish to
fortify myself by the support of any party whatever.
The objection there appears to me to be against applying the
denomination of Federalists to the opposers of protection to
manufactures and internal improvement is, that 1 believe the
fact to be otherwise. The old Federalists were generally friendly
to those interests. Washington was pre-eminently so. The
remains of the Federal party now are divided upon those ques-
tions, as they are upon all others of present political interest.
They have now no public principle peculiar to themselves.
The Federalists have generally supported the measures of the
two last Administrations. Those Administrations have adopted
and practiced upon many of their favorite opinions. Most of the
New England manufacturers are Federalists, and would hardly
be gratified by the application of their names to their opponents.
The composition of the new Administration indicates the in-
tention to* conciliate the South. Perhaps means will be found
also of propitiating the West. New England will not be a
favorite ; nor, it would seem, will Virginia ; but there is now no
propensity to opposition in either.
You will have time, between this and next August, to fix
your opinion, whether it will be advisable for you to come to
the House or not. I have no doubt your presence here will be
salutary. But whether, at the present Congress, a seat in the
House would conduce to your health or comfort may admit of
doubt.
Wherever you may be, you will have with you my respect
and esteem.
BTCHABD HENRT LEE TO ME. CLAT.
Washington, April 22, 1829.
Dear Sir, — From a late paper, I learn that you and your fam-
ily have arrived at home, without accident. Permit me to ex-
press to you the pleasure this intelligence has given me.
I was chagrined, that through misinformation of the time of
your departure from this city, I did not enjoy the friendly privi-
228 PRIVATE COREESPONDENCE
lege of presenting to you the parting assurances of my respect
and remembrance. I felt this circumstance so much, that I de-
termined to take the earliest opportunity of presenting them to
you, which I do now, when they are as strongly entertained.
No one, my dear sir, of your friends and fellow-citizens, has
traced the course and incidents of your return tp Kentucky with
more interest and gratiiication than myself. " I will not despair
of the American Republic" while I observe the redeeming and
purifying leaven which yet remains in her citizens. It is essen-
tially diffusive, and will yet leaven the whole mass. It is not
the frothy effervescence of sordid interest and ignorance, but the
genuine risings of enlightened and fearless patriotism. To drop
all figure, the gloom in which you left us here was dispelled by
the events of your journey. I rejoiced in the testimonials of
the confidence arid gratitude of the country, so generously and
enthusiastically offered you. They have cheered more than
half a million of freemen, who, as you truly observed, are not
surpassed by any body of men on earth, in civic virtues and in-
telligence. I was cheered with them, not only because they
prove the sense of justice to be strong and fearless, but because
they give us reason to hope that by concentrating all our efforts
upon a statesman, we may yet be able to bring back the people
to a just estimate of civil services, civil qualifications, and civil
freedom.
Mr. Adams (whom I have lately seen, in fine health and
spirits) has very much gratified his friends by his letter to the
citizens of New Jersey. The irony of the last paragraph was
keen, and just toward him, who, on such an occasion, had the
indecorum to charge him with corruption and abuse of office,
and to libel half a million of his fellow-citizens. The truth
and faithfulness of the portraits Mr. Adams has so glowingly
drawn, have struck the public with a force which has exceed-
ingly annoyed the unwilling beholders, whose eyes could not be
altogether turned away from the brilliant colors and the striking
resemblances. That letter has blistered the tribes of error in all
their gradations.
I can not but hope, my dear sir, that in considering your own
plans and views, and the wishes of your friends and fellow-citi-
zens, you may decide that your duty requires you to appear again
in public in the House of Representatives. Aside from all pub-
lic views, which you are best able to take and correctly to
OP HENRY CLAY. 229
weigh, it would afford me great gratification to be able to renew
the personal intercourse with which you honored me.
You have said, that " the country needed repose." However
true this may be, / know that it is contemplated in Virginia, in
less than two years, to accept your pledge to serve your country,
which will be signified by public meetings, the number and
character of which will be impressive to others, and imperative
upon you. I expect to return to my native State in two years,
and to mingle my efforts in giving impetus to these move-
ments.
I once mentioned to you my design of writing a History of
the Administration of Mr. Adams. My relation, Mr. Fendall,
had anticipated me. He will execute this just and grateful task,
while we will compare our views and unite our researches.
FKANCIS BKOOKE TO MK. CLAY.
St. Juiien, April 29, 1829.
Mt deak Sik, — ^I may now congratulate you on your safe ar-
rival with your family at Lexington, and on your triumphal
journey from Washington to your peaceful home. The unso-
licited and unbought respect and affection of numerous bodies of
your fellow-citizens, must much enhance the feelings with
which a consciousness of having discharged faithfully your du-
ties to your country inspires you, and give an example to
others which will stimulate them to do the like, in despite of
the slanders that may annoy them.
MR. ADAMS TO ME. CLAY.
Meeidian Hill, Washington, May 2, 1829.
Deak Sir, — I have received your obliging "letters of the 16th
and 19th ultimo, the latter covering a copy of my correspond-
ence with the New Jersey Committee, printed upon satin. I am
happy that my letter was satisfactory to you, and I have learned
that it has been generally gratifying to our friends. There was
a testimony due from me to all the members of the late Admin-
istration, and in a special manner to yon. No better opportunity
could have been afforded me to give it than that presented me
230 PEIVATE COREESPOjSTDENCE
by the New Jersey Address, and I availed myself of it with
pleasure.
The Catholic Question has assumed in England an aspect
entirely new ; and is presenting appearances quite unexpected.
Brought forward in Parliament by the Duke of Wellington and
Mr. Peel, carried in the House of Commons by a majority of
more than two to one, it is almost doubtful whether it will yet
overpower the cry of " No Popery" in the House of Peers, among
the people, and with the king. Mr. Gallatin, who is here, and
called upon me a few days since, thinks it will pass the House
of Lords by a small majority.
May i:, 1829.
I was interrupted in the writing of this letter by information
of a domestic calamity, of which you will have seen some ac-
count in the newspapers, and which has disqualified me for the
time even for the performance of some of the duties of social
life. The loss of my eldest son has been followed by an aggra-
vation of the infirm health of his mother, and by an effect upon
my own spirits, calling for more than the consolations^ of phi-
losophy.
Mr. Southard, before he left this tity, had met with an afiiic-
tion similar in its nature, though not equally severe, in the loss
of his youngest daughter. He has returned home, and, I have
learned, is recovering his health. Mr. Rush has sailed for Eng-
land.
I expect to leave this place toward the close of this month.
I have no intercourse with any member of the Administration,
and am a silent observer of passing events.
JOHN L. LAWRENCE TO MK. CLAT.
New Yoke, May 2, 1829.
Dear'Sis, — Since our separation at Gottenburg, I have had
but few opportunities of presenting myself to your remembrance,
except in the way of recommending to your notice, personally or
officially, some whom I deemed worthy of it. Let my motive
excuse me for now obtruding on a subject, immediately relating
to yourself, but interesting to the nation at large.
A report reached us on the 30th ult., that a duel had been
OF HENRY CLAY. 231
fought in which Mr. Pope was your antagonist, which terminated
fatally to you. Although it came in so questionable a shape as
to warrant disbelief, it filled the minds of our worthiest citizens
with apprehensions of its truth. Idle as the arrival of success-
ive mails has proved the rumor to be, it has forced the commu-
nity to reflect, most seriously, on the consequences that would
flow from the reality, and has created feelings, of which, I am
sure, you will not be regardless.
In looking for relief from the evils, actual and prospective, to
which an inconsiderate admiration of great military talent has
exposed the country, the eyes of the largest portion of the in-
telligent and reflecting turn to you, as the instrument of our de-
liverance. From you, therefore, duties are manifestly owing of
higher obligation than any purely personal. It is undoubtedly
difiicult to repress the sensibilities of an honorable mind smart-
ing under wrongs, and goaded by their repetition ; but the efi'ort
is noble in itself, and is imperatively demanded by your present
relations to your fellow-citizens. The sentiment, that in a crisis
like this, all private considerations should yield to our regard for
the national welfare, is one to which you are pledged by repeated
declarations. I submit, whether you have not thus offered the
guarantee of your personal reputation, that no matters merely
aff'ecting yourself shall tempt you to endanger the public cause ?
It is not my intention to enter into prosing remarks on duel-
ling, or to say that it never ought to be resorted to. Your own
affair at Washington was perhaps unavoidable, situated as you
then were.' But your position has materially changed with the
times, and brings a corresponding change of obligation along
with it. Public sentiment would now condemn what then it
might excuse or even approve. The honest prejudices of the
people exact from you a homage which need not before have
been accorded. In a large section of the Union the practice is
regarded with horror. In our own, where the pistol has been
as fashionable and as fatal as elsewhere, appeals to it, as the ar-
biter, have become absolutely disreputable. Even in those States
where duelling is yet countenanced, I apprehend that it is a
necessary recourse only when one's character for personal cour-
age might suffer by declining. This motive can not operate in
your case. Were your worst enemy required to pronounce on
that point he would probably censure you for being too chival-
rous.
232 PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE
Besides the considerations above stated, there is another de-
manding much attention. The new Administration is essentially
belligerant ; and without a corps of sharp-shooters its arrange-
ments would seem incomplete. It might, peradventure, be im-
agined by some self-constituted legion of honor, that your re-
moval from " this world of woe" were a meritorious service !
If it be understood that you are to take the field whenever an
adversary gives occasion, you may make up your mind to suc-
cessive hazards of your life, until the catastrophe shall be accom-
plished.
I have been thus plain, perhaps I ought to say abrupt, on this
subject, because I have seen and felt how intimately it is con-
nected with the best hopes of the country. A repetition of
apology is needless to one of your own frank disposition. On
that disposition I rely for permission to add my confidence, that
if similar reports shall hereafter reach us, we may at once stamp
them with discredit and denial.
KR. CLAT TO FBANCIS BROOKE.
Ashland, May 12, 1829.
My deab Sib, — Your favor of the 29th ultimo is duly re-
ceived. I must refer you to the public prints for the incidents
of a journey which, though performed at an unpleasant season,
and over bad roads, was full of gratification, on account of the
testimonials of esteem, public and private, by which it was at-
tended. On Saturday next I am to attend a public dinner,
which promises to be the largest ever given in this State.
I have been much occupied, since my return, with repairs to
my house, grounds, and farm. As far as I have. yet been able
to learn the state of public feeling and sentiment toward me, it
is far from being unfavorable, except with a few of the most
violent of the Jackson party. Many of them have come out
openly for me, and several of the most prominent of them in this
district have communicated their wishes that I would offer for
Congress. I could not only be elected with the most perfect
ease, but I have reason to believe that there would be no oppo-
sition from any quarter whatever. The public, nevertheless,
confiding, perhaps, too much in my judgment as to what is best
to be dome, is entirely disposed to acquiesce in any resolution 1
OF HENRY OLAT. 233
may take. That which I have adopted, is, to offer for no office
at present, and until I can see more distinctly than I do now
how I can be useful, but to remain in private life, attending to
the care of my private affairs, and the re-establishment of my
health. I was consulted repeatedly to know if I would serve in
the Legislature, bift I thought it best to decline.
There is enough in passing events, God knows, to alarm, to
arouse, and to urge to the most strenuous exertions ; but, if I
were to put myself forward, my motives and my actions would
be questioned, and perhaps the reaction so desirable would be
retarded, instead of being accelerated. Others, I think, had
better take the lead, who stand in attitudes less likely to excite
passion and prejudice. Above all, we must rely upon the re-
flections and convictions among the Jackson party themselves.
Already they begin to repent, that is, many of the better portion
of them. Pride restrains them from denouncing openly, with
their mouths, an Administration v/hich they detest from their
hearts. As time elapses, and new events are developed, they
will take courage, and finally concur in restoring the civil rule.
I have not determined to return to the practice of my old pro-
fession, and nothing but necessity will compel me to put on the
harness again. That I hope to be able to avoid.
I must request that you will keep me informed of all that re-
lates to your Convention, its composition, etc., etc.
TO HIS FATHER.
West Point, May 19, 1829.
Mt deae Pathek, — You caution me agaiast remitting my ef-
forts in my present pursuits, in my eagerness to enter upon the
study of the law. I hope, and at present feel confident, that I
shall preserve my rank in my class. The course of studies of
his year is by no means so difficult as that of the last, or of
the coming year. I now find time to attend to some studies
which I believe will be useful to me when I commence the study
of law. I am reading Montesquieu's Spirit of Laws. I take
much interest in it. The subjects treated of are such as would
present themselves continually to a man's mind in our country
of laws and of free inquiry. The style of the work is very dif-
234 PEIVATE COEEESPONDENCE
ferent from the general style of the French, for it is both concise
and conaprehensive.
I shall be with you by the 1st of July. Remember me to
our friends.
P. S. — I would be glad if you would send me an application
by you for a furlough for me. I believe I have not mentioned
this to you before, although it ought to have been done, for by
a regulation of the Academy, it is recjuired that the application
of the parent or guardian should be handed in, together with
that of the cadets, on the 1st of June.
MR. CLAT TO ADAM BEATTT.
AsHlAND, June 2, 1829.
Mt deak Sik, — I have lately purchased in Washington Coun-
ty, Pennsylvania, fifty full-blooded Merino ewes, the choice out
of three hundred, part of one of the finest flocks in the country,
which belonged to the late Mr. R. W. Meade, whose persecution
and suiferings were so well known in Spain. The choice was
made by a friend of mine, himself one of the largest sheep own-
ers in Pennsylvania, and one of the best judges that I know of
There are about sixteen or eighteen lambs with them, and I sup-
pese an equal portion of rams. I expect them all at Maysville
in the course of eight or ten days, on their way to my resi-
dence.
It is my intention to let a few of my particular friends have
about a dozen of them, at reasonable prices. If you wish any
of them you may have your choice of an ewe with the ram
lamb belonging to her, at ^25 for both. Should you decide to
take them, you may show this letter to Messrs. January & Co.,
as their authority for delivering them to you.
Is there not danger, my dear sir, of an adverse result to the
Congressional election in your district ? I fear it, and I hear per-
haps some things that you do not. There is much dissatisfac-
tion among our friends in Bourbon, as I regret to learn. They
think that they are entitled to the member. Can you not de-
vise some plan to collect and concentrate public opinion in be-
half of one candidate of the party of our friends ? There is no
one in the district that I should be more happy to see elected
than yourself ; and I hope, if you continue to ofier, that you may
OF HENET CLAY. 235
be. But if it be impracticable, from any cause, perseverance
might display resolution without leading to any good issue.
Perseverance indeed, without success, might lead to the worst
consequences to yourself and to the district. It might give a
permanently unfriendly character to the district. Such I have
several times observed to be the effect of divisions elsewhere
among our friends.
There is always danger, which I trust I need not guard you
against, of the opposite party practicing deception in regard to
the prospects of candidates among their opponents.
I pray you, my dear sir, to appreciate the friendly motives
which have dictated these observations, to which you will give
just so much weight as they deserve.
Under all circumstances and every contingency I pray you to
believe me sincerely your friend.
MB. CLAY TO ADAM BEATTT.
Ashland, June 1, 1829.
Mt dear Sir, — I have been mortified by the late movements
in Bourbon, in bringing out Mr. Marshall for the House of Rep-
resentatives, lest you might suppose that when I wrote to you a
few days ago, I had some knowledge that they were in contem-
plation. Such a supposition would be very far from the fact.
I had no more knowledge or information about them, when I
wrote that letter, than the man in the moon. I had indeed un-
derstood from Mr. Marshall himself, that he would not be a can-
didate, and I was well pleased with that decision, because I be-
lieved it to be in conformity with the best interests of his family.
And now I have no doubt, indeed I have heard that he had been
brought out, most reluctantly on his part, in consequence of the
state of things to which I alluded in my last, as existing in
Bourbon.
I derived information of that state of things, principally from
Mr. Rain, the sheriff of Bourbon, and Mr. Spiers, who were at
my house the day after the dinner at Fowler's garden. They
both represented the dissatisfaction in Bourbon, among our
friends, to be very great, because a candidate was not selected
from that county, and they both concurred in expressing the
belief that they could not be prevailed upon to rally at the polls
236 PRIVATE COERESPONDENCE
on any candidate out of Bourbon, Mr. Rain expressing that opin-
ion with more, and Mr. Spiers with less, confidence. I urged
them to support you. They said that they hoped some measure
would be yet adopted to collect the sense, and unite the exertions
of our friends throughout the district. I of course supposed that
that measure would be some such as was adopted last year. I
went to Madison on Tuesday last, and it was not until my return
on Thursday, that I learned what had transpired in Bourbon.
I have thought these statements due to our long and warm
friendship, and I hope they will be received in the spirit in which
they are made.
I have not yet heard of my sheep having been started.
MB. CLAT TO J. S. JOHNSTON.
LoDisvniE June 26, 1829.
My deak Sir, — ^I quit this city with much regret, on account
of my not seeing you. The trial of young Wickliflfe, fixed for
Tuesday next, and the preparations incident to it, oblige me to
go. I have, during four days, been in constant expectation of
your arrival. I am informed by rumor only, of your being on
board the Hibernia.
I have not time to enter into details on public affairs. Unless
my friends are greatly deceived, there is not a particle of doubt
about the disposition of Kentucky to support me, and although
it is too early to draw the line between those who are for, and
those who are against me, we have reason to hope the friendship
of the majority of the next Legislature.
I should be extremely delighted to see you at Ashland. Can
you not visit us ? If not, do let me hear from you.
MB. VAUGHAN TO MR. CLAT.
Washington, July 1, 1829.
Mt dear Sib, — I return you my very best thanks for the
promptitude with which you have executed my commission, and
procured for me a genuine Kentucky rifle. I shall hope to re-
ceive it about the time of the meeting of Congress, if not before.
I find the opportunities of sending any thing from Washington
OF HENEY CLAY. 287
to Kentucky by private hands rarely occur. I have long had in
my possession, the portrait of a spaniel dog, lithographed by a
very young boy, the son of our friend Christopher Hughes.
Among many copies which he sent to me to distribute among
his friends at Washington, was one for Mrs. Clay. To send it
by the post would be to risk spoiling it. Do suggest to me
some means of forwarding it.
I have a letter from Christopher Hughes, dated the 10th of
May, when he was waiting with anxiety to know his fate,
whether he was to be envoy'i or renvoye. I am very sorry to
know that by this time he must be aware that he is to be super-
seded by Mr. Preble, and I do not yet hear what other appoint-
ment he is likely to get.
Mr. Ouseley is to embark on the 8th, at New York, for Eng-
land, with the first statement on the part of the United States,
respecting the Boundary duestion, referred to arbitration. I
think the statement well done.
I am glad of an occasion of opening a communication with
you. You will be glad to know that I am perfectly satisfied
with the conduct and feelings of the present President, in all
communications which I have had with his Government, as
British minister.
I leave it to others better informed than myself, to tell you the
news of Washington. I am glad to find that you justly appre-
ciate the conduct of the Duke of Wellington, in carrying through
the Catholic Relief Bill. The difficulties were insurmountable
for any other man.
With kindest regards to Mrs. Clay and all your family, not
forgetting Johnny, believe me ever yours, etc.
MB. CLAT TO ADAM BEATTT.
Ashland, July 9, 1829.
My DEAR Sir, — I duly received and have attentively read your
favor of the 26th ultimo, with the inclosure, the address to the
voters of the Second Congressional district. I entertain no doubt
that you have correctly represented the purport of your interviews
with Major Allen, and that you have been unjustly dealt by on
account of them.
I view with inexpressible regret the state of things in your dis-
238 PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE
trict, and I should be most happy to leam that any mode had
been adopted to concentrate on yourself, or any other friend, the
votes of those who concur in their political principles. Can no
such mode be fallen upon ? Is it not yet practicable to convene
persons together from all parts of the district ? Of what avail to
the present candidates, on the same side, can it be to persevere,
with the certainty of defeat before them all ? How will the
honor of any one of them be vindicated by such a course ? De-
feat can neither gratify friends nor the candidate himself. It
may display his resolution, but it can prove nothing else. Most
certainly neither of the candidates can feel gratified by being the
instrument (should such be the result) of the failure of his com-
petitor on the same side.
The existing state of things can afi"ord pleasure to none but our
opponents. They alone will profit by it. And I fear that it
may lead, in your district, to pernicious consequences permanently,
I have not seen nor heard directly from Mr. Marshall since he
was announced. I believe him utterly incapable of deception ;
and I therefore feel confident that he has been brought out con-
trary to his wishes ; for he told me in April that he had no desire
whatever to be a candidate. I do not know him, if he would
not concur in any honorable expedient by which a member can
be returned favorable to those views of national policy which
both he and you entertain.
But I must leave this painful subject, fearing, I confess, that
owing to the unhappy divisions among friends, we are destined
to add another to the long catalogue of defeats, from the same
cause, which we have sustained within a few years.
I have been disappointed in not receiving the Merino sheep,
which, I presume, have been kept to be sent when the weather
is somewhat cooler. You shall be advised of their arrival.
MK. CLAY TO J. S. JOHNSTON.
Ashland, July 18, 1829.
Mt deae Sir, — I received your obliging letter of the 8th in-
stant, under date at Maysville, and I perused with great satisfac-
tion the information and reflections it contains. Although I have
an aversion to some long letters, it does not extend to that, and
you would greatly obHge me by frequently writing me similar
OF HENBY CLAY. 239
ones. I agree with you in most of the reflections which you
have communicated. The elements undoubtedly exist for a
serious, if not doubtful struggle, at the next presidential election.
I believe with you, that, on certain contingences, General Jack-
son will be again brought forward. But whether he should be
or not, if the party that elected him can be kept together, in
any considerable extent, it will be formidable, whoever else may
happen to be taken up. The next session of Congress will, I
think, greatly add to the dissolvents of that party which are now
operating. Whatever the President may say or recommend in
his message to Congress, his friends in the body must divide on
certain leading measures of policy. Each section of it will claim
him as belonging to it, if he should be silent, and a quarrel be-
tween them is inevitable. On the contrary, if he speak out his
sentiments (probably the safest course for him, whatever they
may be), he must throw from him all of his party who are op-
posed to his sentiments, and those thus cast off, must, sooner or
later, attach themselves to the party which has all along been
adverse to the General. If, for example, he comes out for the
Tariff, the South leaves him, and will try another change, if it can
effect it, of the office of chief magistrate. If he comes out in
opposition to the Tariff, there will be such an opposition to him
in the Tariff States, as must prevent his re-election.
The worst course for those who were opposed to his election,
and are now unwilling to see him re-elected, is that he should
declare himself unequivocally for the Tariff. The best course for
them is, that he should come out clearly against the Tariff. In
the former case, it would be difficult to detach, in sufficient num-
bers, the friends of the system from him, and make them compre-
hend the expediency of supplanting the head of an Administra-
tion favorable to their views. This was done in the case of
Mr. Adams, but that was an exception, from various causes. In
the latter supposition it would not, I think, be at all difficult or
impracticable to unite the friends of the Tariff, and place at the
head of the Administration one who would promote their policy.
In short, I think matters have come, or are rapidly tending, to
such a state of things, that those who are in favor, or those who
are against certain measures of policy, must govern. Masks must
be cast off, and the real color and complexion of men and their
opinions must be seen.
In respect to my future personal movements, I hope so to con-
240 PRIVATE COREESPONDENCE
duct myself as to satisfy my friends. I appeared for young
Wickliffe with some reluctance. I would have avoided doing
so, if I could have avoided it honorably. But the case had such
a triumphant issue, that I have been greatly benefited by it, in
this State, instead of being injuriously affected.
I will write you after the result of the August elections is cer-
tainly known. Prospects continue very good, but they are bet-
ter for the State Legislature than for Congress. In Chambers'
late district you saw what they were. Mr. Marshall has declined,
but Beatty's election is still regarded uncertain.
MB. CLAY TO J. S. JOHNSTON.
Ashland, August 26, 1829
Mt dear Sib, — The result of our Congressional elections was
not as favorable as might have been, owing to bad arrangements.
Beatty was beaten by a majority of only twelve, owing to Bed-
inger's perseverance as a candidate, and his own want of tact.
In Tom Moore's old district our triumph is complete.
In both branches of our General Assembly we have large ma-
jorities, bordering upon two thirds in each, of friends of the late
Administration. The majorities friendly to me are still larger.
Ought our Legislature to do any thing, and what, at the en-
suing session ? Let me know your opinion, and that of our
friends in your quarter.
It may adopt either of two courses : Make a direct nomination,
or, avoiding that, limit itself to an expression of undiminished
confidence and attachment, and a discrediting of calumnies, etc.,
etc. What is best ? Or is it best to embrace neither course ?
My health continues good. Mrs. Erwin remains at Ashland,
but I shall accompany her to Russellville about the 10th of next
month.
My afiectionate regards to Mrs. J.
ME. CLAY TO ADAM BEATTY.
Ashland, September 5, 1829.
My DEAR Sir, — My friend Mr. Ewing informs me that he sent
my sheep on the 26th ultimo, from his residence, near Washing-
ton, in Pennsylvania, in the care of a man whose name he has
OF HENRY CLAY. 241
omitted to mention. They were to proceed by land, and were
expected to travel at the rate of about fifteen miles per day. If
no accident has happened, they ought to be at Maysville about
the time this letter reaches yon. I will thank you to take meas-
ures to secure a knowledge of their arrival, so that you and Mr.
Foreman may make choice of the ewe and ram lamb which I
have reserved for each of you. Should you prefer not to take
the dams of the particular lambs which you may choosCj you
are at liberty to take other ewes, without lambs, in lieu of them.
As the weaning-time is at hand, I thought this option might be
agreeable to you. This letter is an authority for the selection
which you may make, as well as your friends.
I received your favor in regard to the unfortunate issue of the
election. You have no friend who more sincerely regrets it than
I do ; but as that is now unavailing, I hope, with you, that it
may lead to no lasting consequences of a nature to be deprecated.
ALEXIS DE SABC¥* TO MR. CLAY.
Sepiembee 6, 1829.
Sir, — To address you directly through the mail is hazardous,
and as I have information to communicate which I deem of im-
portance as well to you personally as to the country, you may
expect in a few days to hear from me, under cover to some
friend in Lexington. In that dispatch you will learn the mode
of communicating with me.
There is a Virginian at present residing in Franklin, in Louisi-
ana, a Dr. John N. Field, he is an active zealous friend to you,
and has influence which he uses freely ; he receives " The
Focus;" send him " The Reporter." The cause derives benefit
from his efibrts.
HENRY CLAY, JR., TO HIS FATHER.
West Point, September 18, 1829.
My DEAR Father, — I received your favor of the 3d instant.
I am glad to be able to write, in answer to a portion of it, that
I am not only satisfied about West Point, but, in fact, am so
well persuaded that advantages closely connected with my fu-
* An assumed name.
16
242 PRIVATE OOREESPONDENCE
ture welfare may result from the continuation of my academic
course, that nothing would now induce me to leave this place.
My dear father, your kindness and indulgence have convinced
me that I have greatly erred, and that I can not too soon ask
your forgiveness of my offense. "When I wished to act in di-
rect opposition to your decided advice, hy not returning to
West Point, my unwillingness to return did not arise from any
obstinacy of opinion as to the utility of the course of this school,
but merely from a sanguineness of success which so often leads
young men to suppose that they are as competent to contend
against the difficulties of the law, at eighteen years of age, as
they will be at any future time. However, all this has passed
by, and I am now completely submissive. You tell me that you
wish me to receive your opinions, not as commands, but as ad-
vice. Yet I must consider them as commands, doubly binding,
for they proceed from one so vastly my superior in all respects,
and to whom I am. under such great obligations, that the mere
intimation of an opinion will be sufficient to govern my conduct.
MB. CLAY TO FRANCIS BROOKE.
Asm.ANP, September 5, 1829.
My dear Sir, — I received both your favors of the 11th July
and 4th ultimo, to which I should have sooner replied; but for
my absence from home, and that I did not suppose there was
any urgency in my transmitting a reply.
On public affairs, I have but little to say in addition to what
you will find in the public prints. The result of our election to
the Legislature of Kentucky, gave a decided majority, beyond
all doubt, to our friends, in both of its branches. The people
of the State would, to-morrow, give a different decision from
what they did in November last, upon the same state of the ques-
tion on which they then acted ; that is, a contest between the
same parties. The manner in which the power of patronage
has been exercised, has dissatisfied thousands who voted for
Jackson. There is a large class of his supporters who now
avow that their opposition was to Mr. Adams, and not to me.
This same distinction is taken in other Western States. I have
every reason to be satisfied with the state of things in Kentucky.
Whether any measures, in relation to myself, will be adopted at
OF HENRY CLAY. 24^
the next session of our Legislature, and if any, what its charac-
ter may be, will depend upon intervening events, and upon con-
sultation among my friends after they assemble at the seat of
Government.
I hardly know what to say about your land near Madison-
ville. It would afford me much pleasure to render you any
assistance in my power, but I am afraid to assume any direc-
tion about it, lest I should not be able to do what might be
necessary. The land is remote from me, and it would be as
difficult for me to attend to the tenanting or processioning of it
as it would be for you to perform the same operation on a tract
of land in Franklin or Pittsylvania. I have great confidence in
Triplett, and I think when you hear from him, he will account
satisfactorily for his silence. My personal acquaintance in that
quarter is very limited. I shall set out, in a few days, on a trip
to Russellville/and perhaps I may meet with some one, during
the performance of it, who may give me useful information in
regard to your land, and I will bear the subject in mind, so as
to make inquiries when opportunities shall occur. But I must
advise that you would rely more particularly on some one resid-
ing nearer the land than I do. If it has no intruder upon it,
you are in no danger. But if there be any person settled on it,
claiming under an adverse title, it may be necessary for you to
adopt measures, by bringing suit, or otherwise, to prevent the
operation of the law of this State, commonly called the Seven
Years' Limitation Law. According to that law, a peaceable and
undisturbed possession, during seven years, under a title derived
from the State, protects the occupant against any outstanding
adverse claim. I need not tell you that the validity of the law
is controverted ; but it is wise not to be obliged to depend upon
that plea exclusively. Pray remember me affectionately to Mrs.
Brooke, and believe me ever cordially your friend.
MR. CLAY TO J. S. JOHNSTON.
Ashland, October 5, 1829.
Mt dear Sir, — I received with great thankfulness your sev-
eral interesting communications from Northampton, which shall
be returned as you desire. I have also received your last favor,
without date, from Washington. I have perused with great
244 PillVATE CORRESPONDENCE
attention these several letters. The contents of some of them
are highly curious.
I envy you your pleasure at Boston. How much should I
have been delighted, if I could have shared them with your-
self and Mrs. J.
I have just returned from my dreaded tour to the southern
part of this State. I went as far as Hopkinsville. Mr. and
Mrs. Erwin, and four or five ladies from Mississippi, accompa-
nied me to Russellville.' From that point they proceeded to
Nashville. The tour was full of gratification. Every sort of
enthusiastic demonstration of friendship and attachment, on the
part of the people, was made toward me. Barbecues, dinners,
balls, etc., etc., without number.
I have been really in danger of that gout with which I have
been threatened by some of the Jackson party. And tell Mrs. J.
that if I had a younger heart, that also would have been in danger
amid the blaze of beauty in the State of Green River. I thought
the men, and women too, would devour me. I devoured many
of their good dishes at their numerous festivals.
In spite of all my prudence, which nobody, I am sure, will
question, I was forced to speak often and long. At Russellville,
and Hopkinsville, I spoke upward of three hours together, to at
least three thousand persons at each place. My addresses were
never better received by all parties, nor were they ever more
satisfactory to myself.
Things could not be expected to be more favorable in Ken-
tucky than they are at this time. I entertain not a particle of
doubt of there being at this moment a decided majority for me
against all and every person whatever.
From what I hear, the Legislature will do something at the
next session, to testify its regard for me. What that will be
may depend on subsequent events. But something will be done.
Should things remain pretty much as they now are, it may not,
and I think, ought not to be a nomination. We ought not to
take upon ourselves the responsibility of a premature agitation
of a certain question. Still, events at Washington may possibly
occur early in the winter, to render necessary, and to justify
that measure. I think our friends may place all reliance on
Kentucky, and on the discretion of the next general assembly.
Present me afiectionately to Mrs. J., whose leisure I hope will
permit her often to write me during your abode at Washington.
OF HEUEY CLAY, 245
MB. CLAT TO J. S. JOHNSTON.
Abbland, October 8, 1829.
Mt dear Sir, — ^Will you think of the suggestion contained
in the inclosed letter, from a very worthy and intelligent friend,
formerly in Congress, and send it to Niles, or some other com-
placent person to act upon, if you do not disapprove it ?
I have nothing to send you from this quarter. In Kentucky
and I believe generally in the West, we have every reason for
encouragement.
I shall go to the last (I must sincerely hope) of the public
barbecues in this State next week. That is in Mercer, to which
I am invited by a majority of Jackson men. You know Mer-
cer is the center of our State and Tom Moore's headquarters.
If my addresses should satisfy me as well as those did at Rus-
sellville and Hopkinsville, it will do good.
JAMES BBOWN TO MB. CLAT.
New Yohk, IToveniber 1, 1829.
My DEAR Sir, — ^You will see by the papers our safe arrival
announced in the unusually short passage of twenty-four days,
. during which time we enjoyed fine weather, excellent accom-
modations, and good society, in a splendid packet with an oblig-
ing captain. Mrs. Brown sufiered throughout the voyage from sea-
sickness, but I am happy in assuring you that her general health,
if not materially improved, is certainly not impaired by the
voyage. We have been received with the most flattering at-
tentions by the respectable inhabitants of the city.
Be so good as to write to me in Philadelphia and let us know
how you are, and what you are doing. They say here that
many are anxious to m.ake you President. Are you not tired of
the troubled ocean of politics, or will you again launch into the
busy strife ? I hope my poor bark is once more safe in port, and
it is not my intention again to meddle with politics unless driven
to it by ill usage or persecution, which I do not now apprehend.
Be so good as to present our love to Mrs. Clay and all our
dear relations. We are impatient to see them, but find Mrs.
Brown's health too delicate to bear the journey.
246 PEIVATE COREESPONDENCE
D. MALLORT TO MR. CLAT.
New Toek, November 2, 1829.
Dear Sir, — I had the pleasure of meeting your friend Mr.
Johnson, the Senator of Louisiana, a short time since, and during
our conversation, which related mostly to you, he advised my
writing to you " fully and freely."
You have known me a great many years, and during this long
period of time, I think I can boast of having possessed your
confidence to a flattering extent, considering my humble preten-
sions to influence. You have often honored me with your ap-
probation, and have at various times given to my views and
opinions attention and respect. If I have not succeeded in all
respects to the extent my vanity and zeal had projected for
your interest, I have the approbation of numerous acquaintances
that industry and attention have not been spared to accomplish
these views.
I have but recently returned from a visit to several of the
New England States, and my information is certainly cheering
as it relates to you. In Boston, during a stay of nearly two
weeks, I had various and highly interesting communications
made to me on the state of public opinion. The result of these,
and numerous others made at other times and in other States and
places, is, that there is scarcely a doubt but that nearly all the
States north and east of this will join heartily in your nomina-
tion. The excitement on this subject in these sections of the
country is much greater than I had supposed. We can securely
rely on Connecticut, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, and Ver-
mont, and if by any casualty the " hero" is out of the question,
no reasonable doubt can be entertained of the other two.
The wish is very general that you should visit them dur-
ing the ensuing summer. I do not, however, consider a visit to
them half so important or politic as a visit to New York. Some
time previous to the late Presidential election, while I had the
honor of a seat in the City Convention, [ introduced a resolu-
tion expressive of a wish that a committee should be formed to
invite you to the city. At that time, and since, but one opinion
prevailed. It was unanimous among our party, and much good
was anticipated by such an event. If it was deemed so im-
portant at that period, it surely is much more so now.
Mr. Johnson informed me that he believed it was your inten-
OF HENEY CLAT. t 247
tion to visit General Porter next season ; if so, I trust you will
not refuse us the gratification of a visit. Indeed, it will do much
§ood. Thousands of people are anxious to see you, and among
them are many leading and influential men.
I wrote to Mr. Smith, the editor of " The Reporter," a few
days since, on the subject of a likeness of yourself, which I am
about publishing from the portrait by Wood : will you do me
the favor to request him to answer as early as his convenience
will admit of it. I shall feel greatly honored and obliged by an
early reply from yourself.
MH. ADAMS TO MB. CLAT.
Washdjoton, December 11, 1829.
My dear SiE, — On my return here from the North a few days
since, I received your letter of the 23d October, written at
Frankfort, and inclosing the printed copy of Mr. Jefferson's let-
ter to Mr. Breckenridge of 12th August, 1803. It corresponds
in opinion with his letter to Mr. Dunbar of nearly the same date,
which had been published before.
The sacrifice of principle, by Mr. Jefferson, in sanctioning the
assumption by Congress of the power to do that which he thus
acknowledges could rightfully be done only by an amendment
to the Constitution, is destined to produce consequences from
which 1 turn my eyes.
I have written a reply to the Confederate Appeal of Mr. Giles'
auxiliaries j but have hitherto forborne to publish it. The
friends to whom I have communicated it are not altogether
agreed as to the expediency of its immediate publication, and I
have cheerfully postponed it for the present. When published,
I shall not fail of transmitting a copy of it to you.
I offer you my warm and sincere thanks as well for your con-
dolence as. for your congratulations. I have had the pleasure
this day of seeing Mr. Clarke, and of hearing from him the en-
tire re-establishment of your health.^ I saw Mr. Southard last
Saturday at Philadelphia, and rejoiced at meeting him quite re-
covered both in health and spirits. Mr. Brown is also at Phila-
delphia ; but my stay there was so short I did not see him. I
heard that Mrs. Brown's health was much improved.
248 . PEIVATE COEEESPOJSTDEN'CE
MR. VAUGHAN TO MR. CLAY.
Washington, December 18, 1829.
My dear Sir, — Mr. Clark has delivered to me the rifle, and
it seems to me to be, in workmanship, most perfect ; and I am
as well pleased with it as any child you ever saw with a new
toy. Mr. Clark and Mr. Letcher have promised to teach me how
to use it, and it will not be my fault if we have not a field-day
very soon.
Gratified, as I feel, by your kindness in executing the com-
mission which I took the liberty of giving you, to procure for
me a genuine Kentucky rifle, which you have so admirably ex-
ecuted, it is very painful to me to be obliged to accompany my
thanks with a severe scolding. Your friends tell me that they
were specially instructed by you (in diplomatic phrase) not to
allow me to reimburse you, through them, for the heavy expense
which my commission has brought upon you. This is too bad,
and makes me very restless. The only way in which you can
soothe me is by telling me what article you want, or would
covet, from England, as I shall have time to get it out before
your friends return to Kentucky, after the session of Congress.
If you will not make choice of something useful, I shall be
obliged to send you some article which may prove very useless
and very unacceptable. Exercise, therefore, your frankness, and
pray put me in a way of executing a commission for you, in as
acceptable a manner as you have just executed one for me. I
shall ever be proud of the rifle as a memorial "of your friendship.
I have not any public or private news to send you. I rejoice
at the termination of the war in Turkey, and the opening of the
commerce of the Black Sea has pleased all the world. As to
politics at Washington, you will know better than I do what is
the state of them. Congress has opened, it appears to me, in a
perfect calm.
I have been lately out of spirits, on account of the death of a
brother, who was younger than myself, and who was a clergy-
man of exemplary life and character, and who has left behind
him a widow and thirteen children.
Mr. and Mrs. Johnston, Messrs. Letcher and Clark, and some
others, your friends, are to dine with me on Chnstm'ST 4a.y,
when we shall drink your health.
My kind regards to Mrs. Clay, and to Johnny.
OF HENRY OLAT. 249
MR. CLAY TO J. S. JOHNSTON.
Abhland, December 25, 1829.
Mt deah Sir, — I received your obliging favor of the 12th in-
stant. I shall leave here for New Orleans, from the 16th to the
20th of next month, and I purpose remaining there until early
in March. There will be time for a letter to reach me after you
receive this, if you write by the next mail. Tell me how I can
serve you while there — who is to be soothed, who to be won, to
secure yom* next election. Whatever I can do on that subject,
with propriety, shall be done.
Will you do me the favor to place the endorsed letter for
Hughes in a train for reaching him ? Poor fellow ! he has met
with most unkind and most unjust treatment.
With the compliments of the season to yourself and Mrs.
Fohnston.
MB. CLAY TO J. S. JOHNSTON.
Ashland, December 31, 1829.
My dear Sir, — ^Your favor of the 20th instant, under cover to
Major Tilford, and franked by Judge Clarke, came safe to hand ;
and I thank you for the views and information which it com-
municates.
There is the best and most friendly disposition prevailing so
far with our Legislature at Frankfort. They are disposed to do
any thing right and politic ; but, from what I learn, I presume
nothing will be done but to present an argumentation-report in
favor of the Tariff and Internal Improvements, in which will be
embodied some friendly expressions concerning me. The Gov-
ernor gets along without difficulty. Much good spirit exists in
regard to the State's doing something for its own improvement ;
but the great obstacle is the want of means, and the want of
union as to objects to be first undertaken.
I am busy in making preparation for my intended voyage to
New Orleans. I purpose leaving home in less than a fortnight,
about the 12th of next month. I regret to find that miy expected
visit there has already excited more expectation than I would
have wished. I have heard nothing of General Van Rensselaer.
I am afraid that the frightful state of our roads has deterred him
250 PEIVATE COEBESPONDENCE OF HENBY CLAT.
from making his intended detour. I shall lament this the more,
because I think we should have arranged it to descend the river
together.
P. S. Should you address me, as I hope you may, while I am
at New Orleans, your letters put under cover to Nicholas Ber-
trand, Esq., Shipping-port, Kentucky, would quickly reach me.
KEV. JOHN S. BAHGEE TO MB. CLAT.
Deah Sm, — I could not conscientiously drink to you a toast,
but I indulge the hope that you will permit me to offer to Al-
mighty God aa humble prayer for the Hon. Henry Clay.
May God the Judge who " putteth down one and setteth up
another" reward you with the confidence and highest honor of
your happy country, for whose glory you have so arduously and
faithfully toiled. May your labors for your country's glory be
at least equaled by your competitor and surpassed by your efforts
to secure your Maker's favor and to proclaim your Saviour's re-
nown. And having faithfully served your country and your
God, may you largely and forever share with his saints the hon-
ors and kingdom of our common Saviour. Amen.
CHAPTER VII.
COKRESPONDENOE OF 1830.
MB. CLAY TO J. S. JOHNSTON.
Ashland, January 12, 1830.
Mt dear Sir, — ^Your Alma Mater is a petitioner to Congress.
The affliction which has recently occurred, presents her in that
posture. Transylyania University was the first temple of science
erected in the wilds of the West. Do not these circumstances
give some claim to the charity of a generous Government ? If
you think so, wUl you say one friendly word in hehalf of the
application ?
REV. WM. HAWLET TO MB. CLAY.
Washington, January 14, 1830.
My dear Sib, — ^Permit me to return you my humble but sin-
cere thanks for the very able, interesting, and I trust, useful
speech in favor of the Colonization Society, which you have
given to the public, a copy of which I received yesterday.
I had read it the day before in the " National Intelligencer" with
a pleasure and satisfaction I will not attempt to describe. Not a
word is out of place, nor is there a sentence too much or too little.
The whole subject is presented in so clear a light and happy ar-
rangement that he who runs may read and understand the object, the
importance and the usefulness of the institution. The appropriate
manner in which you have introduced the subject of Christianity
and exhibited the powerful operation and extensive efiiects which
would be produced by the successful accomplishment of the ob-
jects of the Society, in a religious point of view, will, I doubt
not, command the united approbation of all denominations of
Christians, and insure their cordial co-operation.
252 PRIVATE COBEESPONDENCE
Our anniversary takes place next Monday and I hope to suc-
ceed in having this speech placed on the pages of our Report ;
for it ought to be in the hands of every man, ■woman and child,
throughout the country.
In your retirement from the honorable, but arduous situation,
which you recently occupied, I hope your health has improved,
and that the subject of religion, which you so eloquently advo-
cate, and which my feeble endeavors to impress on your mind
may have failed to accomplish to the extent of my wishes, will
now occupy that portion of your time to which it has so power-
ful and just a claim both as it regards this world and that which is
to come. In this world true religion sweetens all our joys, miti-
gates all our sorrows and eventuates in preparing us for the death
of the righteous, and for those mansions of bliss prepared by the
Saviour of the world for all those who truly love and obey
him.
You have my earnest prayer that your life may be long pre-
served to your family and to your country, and that you may
yet receive her highest reward for the many useful services you
have rendered the Republic, and finally obtain an unfading crown
of glory at the right hand of God.
Mrs. Hawley unites with me in affectionate regards to Mrs.
Clay and yourself, and I beg you to accept the assurance of my
very high esteem and respectful consideration.
ALEXIS DE SABCT TO MR. CLAT.*
February 11, 1830.
It will not be in my power to meet you so soon as I expected,
but you may rest satisfied that all goes well. Be true to your-
self, be discreet, and there is nothing to apprehend. Say noth-
ing about Mr. Adams, nothing in allusion to him ; the reasons
assigned in your speech, not long since, for accepting ofiice under
him, were injudicious. It will be impracticable for me to be in
Kentucky earlier than May or June.
* This note, and the following extract from a long letter of hold advice, are
written over an aesumed name. Alexia de Sarcy, but the writer appears to have
been well-known to Mr. Clay, and a sort of Mentor. How he was entertained in
this capacity, is not known. See another note from same, page 241.
OF HENET CLAY. 253
ALEXIS DE SAECY TO MR. CLAY.
Sir, — ^You are reputed to possess judgment, tact, a deep and
correct knowledge of the human character, and a self-possession
that never falters. I am not disposed to controvert the opinion,
yet I think if you are to be judged by the events of the last five
years, your claim to these qualities must be denied. During -
that period, you have committed errors so palpable and gross,
that no man so distinguished could have been betrayed into.
It might be ungracious, as well as unnecessary, to notice all the
blunders of that time, but you will permit me to mention one,
that remarkable one, your defense of yourself against the charge
of "bargain, intrigue, and management." Had you avowed a
bargain, instead of denying, explaining, and defending, I am
grossly mistaken in the character of the American people, if you
had not sustained your popularity at its highest flow. If, instead
of your letter to your constituents, and all your other letters and
speeches and sayings, and the sayings of all your friends, you
had promptly declared that your vote for Mr. Adams was the
result of a bargain, of a pledge on his part, to support the Ameri-
can system and internal improvements, while General Jackson's
silence, reserve, and afiectation of off'ended dignity at being ap-
proached, left you, the founder of the system, and all its other
friends, in doubt as to the policy of his administration upon these
subjects^ — that this consideration, added to your other objections
to the General, had decided your course upon that question, and
that you accepted the Department of State under the influence
of the same motives, to aid in extending and supporting the sys-
tem, with a determination to resign and oppose the Administra-
tion, if Mr. Adams played false — that it was tjie operation of
such considerations which induced you to disregard the recom-
mendation of the Kentucky Legislature, and offer yourself a .
victim on the altar of your country, as General Jackson had
himself done in declaring martial law at New Orleans — had you
done this, my life on it, the newspaper clamor would have been
hushed, that prolific theme been removed, and your adversaries
confounded. It is over ! How shall we repair the loss and cor-
rect the evil ?
254 PEIVATE COKBESPONDENCB
ME. CLAY TO J. S. JOHNSTON.
New Oeleans, February 27, 1830.
Mt deae Sib, — ^Your several letters addressed to me in Ken-
tucky, and at this place, have beeri received. Owing to the
Ohio river being closed by ice, I did not receive the former as
early as they would have reached me by land. That obstruction
being now remoyed, and boats daily arriving from Louisville, I
shall receive the letters of my friends with more regularity,
during the ten or twelve days that I propose yet to continue in
this city. Except the two short excursions to Mr. Goniot's and
Mr. Millegan's, . I have not been out of the city and its immedi-
ate neighborhood. I have been treated throughout with the
greatest respect and attention. Some of the more prominent
Jacksonians, especially those who are expecting offices, keep
at a distance ; but all others, embracing many of that party,
have been extremely civil. I have been invited to public
dinners at "Memphis, Vicksburg, Fort Gibson, Natchez, and
Baton Rouge, but I have declined all, except that proposed at
Natchez.
I have been often with your friend. Judge Porter, who I think
worthy of all the fine things you have said of him to me. I
like him extremely, and hope that our acquaintance will leave
impressed upon him toward me the same sentiments of esteem
and friendship which I feel for him,
I shall expect eagerly Mr. Webster's second speech on Mr.
Foote's resolution, of which your letters and those of other friends
have communicated such flattering accounts. The triumph which
he enjoyed was a noble one. I fear his resolution against Duff
Green was premature, and dictated by a chafed and proud spirit,
indignant at his vile misrepresentations. His ninth Thermidoi
has not, I fear, yet arrived.
I have been agreeably surprised to find the opinion in favor
of the Tariff so general and so strong in this State. You must
not be surprised to find yourself shortly instructed by the Legis-
lature to support it. From what I learn, at least two thirds of the
Legislature, if not more, are in favor of it ; but they have great
difficulty in collecting and keeping the members at Donaldsville.
Duralde has declined being a candidate for Governor, at a mo-
ment when, they tell me, his election would have been certain,
if Roman had declined, and probably if he" would not. He did '
OF HENEY CLAY. 255
not wish to produce divisions among friends, and really cared
nothing about the office.
My best respects to Mrs. Johnston.
ME. CLAY TO J. S. JOHNSTON.
On Boakd the Caledonia, near Baton Rouge, March 11, 1830.
Mt deak Sie, — ^You will perceive, from the inclosed, that my
anticipation has been realized. You will now be at liberty to
pursue your own judgment in relation to the great measure refer-
red to. On that subject two grounds will naturally suggest them-
selves to you, as forming a justification for your future course :
1st, the will of your constituents ; and, secondly, that you will
not assist in disturbing an established policy.
I expect to reach Natchez to-morrow morning, and I shall re-
main there until Sunday the 14th, when I shall ascend in the
George Washington.
All parties tell me that your re-election is safe. I think you
were wise in declining being a candidate for the office of Gov-
ernor. Roman, I believe, will be elected. I think it the inter-
est of our friends to unite on him. There is a good prospect of
our returning those friends to the House of Representatives ;
and yet I am not without fears that we may lose the majority in
your Legislature. The city of New Orleans is the pivot ; and
it is extremely difiicult there to animate our friends to proper
exertion. It will be well for you to come here after the close of
Congress. My cordial regards always to Mrs. Johnston.
HE. DUEALDE* TO MR. CLAT.
New Okleans, March 18, 1830.
My deab Sir, — I received, by the return of William Clai-
borne, your letter of the 14th instant. I was glad to hear that
Henry, so far, had been a good boy, and had given no trouble to
those around him. I shall feel greatly relieved when I hear of
your safe arrival at Louisville.
Your friends here feel grateful toward the people of Natchez
* Son-in-law to Mr. Clay.
256 PRIVATE CORRESPOJSTDENCE
for having treated you so kindly during your short stay among
them.
The resokUions concerning the Tariff, which passed the Sen-
ate unanimously, have also passed the House of Representatives
by a large majority, there having been but seven dissenting
votes.
Unless a very great change should take place, I have no doubt
but that A. B. Roman will be elected Governor of this State in
July next.
Mr. Thomas Hart, who is the bearer of this, wiU give you
the pocket-handkerchief you had left at Donaldsonville.
Present my best respects to Mrs. Clay, and to the rest of the
family, and remember me to my dear, dear little Henry.
ME. CLAY TO FRANCIS BROOKE.
Feanktoet, March 25, 1830.
Mt dear Sir, — I reached this place this morning from Louis-
ville. My passage from Natchez in the George Washington
comprehended all the agreeable circumstances. Nothing could
surpass the warmth of my reception in Mississippi. Both parties
attended the dinner and ball at Natchez, and they vied with each
other in their testimonies of respect. I had the satisfaction to
make the acquaintance of Drs. Duncan and Mercer, with both
of whom I was much pleased.
I believe that I have not heretofore said to you, that I found in
Louisiana an unanimous and strong opposition to the acquisition
of Texas. Your brother is disinclined to offer at the next elec-
tion for the Legislature. I endeavored to overcome his repug-
nance. I think he ought to be there, where he might essentially
serve you. He has an excellent standing in the House. Gen-
eral Thomas will beat Ripley with ease for Congress, if those
two only offer.
MR. CLAY TO J. S. JOHNSTON.
Abhland, April 6, 1830.
My dear Sir, — I received ybur favor of the 14th ultimo,
transmitted through a friend. It discloses a state of public
affairs at Washington, both curious and mortifying. Your ac-
OF HENRY CLAY. 257
counts and conclusions are substantially concurred in by other
friends -who write me. If the incompetency of the President
could be manifested to the public, I have no doubt, with you,
that his re-election would be impracticable. But how is that
to be done ? How, especially, will that large portion of it
which contributed to place him where he is, be made to believe
his unfitness ? — particularly when majorities in both Houses con-
tinue to support all, even his most exceptionable acts?
I say, continue to support them. For I infer, from what I
have seen, that the principle of removal, in its most odious
form, has been sanctioned by the majority. What does the
Senate believe will be thought of its dignity and independence,
in after time, when it will sanction (as in the case of the
Treasurer of the United States) the removal, Avithout cause, of
a high public officer, whose appointment it only a few months
before approved ? Does it imagine that the miserable sophistry
of that pliant tool, Felix Grundy, will justify it ? According to
him, the Senate can not look beyond the mere question of fit-
ness of the person nominated ; the President acts upon his re-
sponsibility, and there is no remedy but in impeachment ! Does
he not see that he strips the body of one of its most important
constitutional functions — that of operating as a check upon the
executive ? Does he not see that the Senate, after making itself
a particeps with the President in a dangerous and pernicious
proceeding, will be a very unfit and unsafe tribunal to arraign
him before for that identical proceeding ?
The consequence, I fear, will be, of this approbation in both
houses of the worst acts of the President, that the Jackson por-
tion of the public will be lulled into security, and believe that
all is right. In this point of view, I have thought it of much
importance that, when any great principle was involved (such
as the appointment of editors, or removals without -cause), the
Senate would show itself worthy of the esteem which it once
enjoyed, by putting itself against the evils to be dreaded.
You perceive no effect, at a distance, from the. state of things
which you describe at Washington, Witness the result in New
Hampshire.
If Mr. Calhoun really intends to set himself up in opposition
to General Jackson, I should begin to think there was a pros-
pect of some division that might lead to beneficial results.
Do not imagine from any thing that I have said that I at all
17
258 PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE
despair of the Republic. I only fear that the day of soundness
and sanity is more distant than you believe.
Mr. Chilton's last letter on the comparative expenditures of
the two Administrations, like his first, will do good.
I shall not disappoint my friends in remaining still. I shall
remain more than ever at Ashland, the occupations of which I
relish more than ever.
Duralde writes me that the Tariff resolution, which I informed
you had passed the Senate of Louisiana unanimously, has passed
the House with only seven dissentients. I sent you a copy of
the resolution, which I hope you received.
I heard nothing more, after I wrote you, of Waggerman's op-
position to you. I hope it will not take place. Our friends
were very confident of your success, but 5''ou should go home
after the session. Duralde thinks Roman will be elected Gov-
ernor.
I will thank you to remit me the amount you may receive
from Mann, in a check of the office of Discount and Deposit, at
Washington, on the Bank of the United States, at Philadelphia.
My warmest regards to Mrs. Johnston.
WILLIAM HENKT HARRISON TO MR. CLAY.
Steamboat Teleokaph, near Matsyille, April 11, 1830.
Dear Sir, — I would have written to you immediately upon
my arrival in the United States if I had not heard that you had
gone on a visit to New Orleans, to inform you that I had for-
warded your letter to General Bolivar, from Bogota, and that I
had received a note from him acknowledging its reception and
adding that there " was no answer." Herewith I send a pamph-
let which I have lately published, in which you will find a letter
addressed by me to the same distinguished character, to which
also he did not think proper to reply. I could have inserted
many interesting circumstances which I omitted from the fear of
injuring persons who still remain subject to the power of the
Colombian Government.
Accept for yourself and family my best respects.
OP HBNKY CLAY. 259
ME. CLAY TO BEV. JAMES E. WELCH.
Ashland, Api-il 17, 1830.
Dear Sir, — I have to acknowledge the receipt of your very
friendly letter of the 5th instant, and to thank you for the infor-
mation which it contains, and for your kind endeavor to vindi-
cate me from the aspersions to which I have been exposed on
account of my public conduct. I have almost daily proofs of
the general conviction which prevails of my having been
wronged ; and I have full confidence that my fellow citizens
win ultimately render me perfect justice. These good feelings
were strongly manifested toward me during a late visit I made
to Louisiana. Every where I was received with warmth and
cordiality, and, in some instances, with enthusiasm. When the
passions lately so strongly excited, shall subside, and the people
come to reflect on the past, and to reason upon the promises made
by or for the successful Presidential candidate, and the shameful
violation of all of them at Washington, they can not fail to come
to right conclusions.
I met Colonel Drake to-day and delivered him your message,
as I will endeavor to recollect to do to the other gentlemen men-
tioned by you.
Accept my best wishes for the success of the cause in which
you are engaged, and for your individual prosperity.
DANIEL WEBSTER TO ME. CLAY.
Washington, April 18, 1830.
My DEAR Sir, — We have heard with great pleasure of your
safe arrival at your own home, after your interesting trip down
the great river ; and we all enjoyed, as sincerely as you could
have done, the tokens of regard and affection which the good
people manifested toward you at the various points of your tour.
More than all, it was gratifying to hear from Mr. Poinsett such
Excellent accounts of your health.
*******
The President means to be re-elected. He has meant so all
along. Seeing this. Van Buren has been endeavoring to make
a merit of persuading him to do so, on the ground of its being
necessary to keep the party together. Calhoun is more than
260 PRIVATE COBEESPONDENCE
half reconciled to it from two considerations : first, he hardly feels
as confident as he has done, of his own present strength ; second,
he regards the chance of succession, in seven years, as pretty
important. If any thing should prevent General Jackson from
being a candidate for re-election, my hopes would now be ex-
ceeding strong of beating both Van Buren. and Calhoun. How
it will be expedient for us to act, in case the present incumbent
should actually be candidate again, we can better determine
hereafter. My own firm belief is, that if we were to let the
Administration, this session and the next, have their own way,
and follow out their own principles, they would be so unpopular
as that the General could not possibly be re-elected. I do not
mean by this, that we should let them disturb the Tariff, or
injure any other existing interest; still less that we should, in
the slightest degree, vote or act against our own principles. All
these being safe, and all existing interests preserved, I still think
if we leave to them to decide on new measm-es of internal im-
provement, etc., according to their own will, they will soon find
what the sense of the people is. But I forbear further talk.
MB. CLAT TO FBANCIS BROOKE.
Ashland, April 19, 1830.
My deab Sir, — I received your favor of the 8th instant. I
returned from Louisiana about three weeks ago. My visit to
that State and to Mississippi, was full of gratification. Not a
single painful incident occurred. Every where my reception was
warm and cordial, and sometimes enthusiastic. The Legislature
of Louisiana paid me a compliment, the more estimable because
it was spontaneous, and without previous concert. When I un-
expectedly attended it, the whole body (Speaker and all), with-
out distinction of party, rose to receive me. While I was in
that State, its Senate passed unanimously a resolution in favor of
the Tariff, which has since been concurred in by the House of
Jlepresentatives, with only seven dissentients. Nothing could
have surpassed the cordiality of my reception and entertainment
at Natchez. At one of the largest public dinners I ever attended,
I found myself in the midst of about equal numbers of both
parties. A Jackson man sat on my right, an Adams man on my
left, From all that I learned, I should think that the vote of
OF. HENRY CLAY. 261
Louisiana would certainly be given me against any one, and
that of Mississippi against any one but Jackson. Against him
also, if he continues, during the next two years, to lose his pop-
ularity there in proportion to h^s loss this last year.
As to the state of things at Washington, yon are probably as
well, if not better informed than I am. My friends, prior to the
recent nomination in Pennsylvania, were sanguine, extremely
sanguine, of success. They represent great animosity as exist-
ing between the partisans of Calhoun and Van Buren, inso-
much that each party prefers me~to the other ; and that there are
not thirty members of Congress who desire Jackson's re-election.
Events which may have already happened, or which may
occur in the course of the residue of the present session of Con-
gress, will throw great light on the future. If the three great
States of Virginia, Pennsylvania, and New York, should unite
on any particular candidate, opposition to that candidate will
be unavailing, in all probability. If there should be no such
union, Jackson himself or either of the two prominent members
of his party, may be beaten. Of the prospect of the supposed
union, you can form as correct a conjecture as I can.
Meantime I assure you, most sincerely, that I feel myself more
and more weaned from public affairs. My attachment to rural
occupation every day acquires more strength, and if it continues
to increase another year as it has the last, I shall be fully pre-
pared to renounce forever the strifes of public life. My farm is
in fine order, and my preparations for the crop of the present
year, are in advance of all my neighbors. I shall make a bet-
ter farmer than statesman. And I find in the business of culti-
vation, gardening, grazing, and the rearing of the various de-
scriptions of domestic animals, the most agreeable resources.
I presume your new Constitution will be adopted. It has in-
corporated in it some very exceptionable elements of aristocracy.
I should, nevertheless, vote for it, if I had a vote, as being,
with all its defects, preferable to the old Constitution. I am cu-
rious to learn those anecdotes occurring at Richmond, which
you are afraid to intrust to the mail. I think a letter commu-
nicating them, put under cover to the Honorable R. P. Letcher,
at Washington, would reach me in safety. I have never been
able to comprehend Mr. Madison's course. At a distance, it ap-
peared to me marked by some inconsistency, which I regretted,
Mrs. Clay unites with me in best regards to Mrs. Brooke.
262 PRIVATE COBKESPONDENCE
MK. CLAT TO FKANCIS BROOKE.
Ashland, April 24, 1830.
My dear Sib, — Upon my return home from New Orleans, I
found here your two favors of the 28th December last, and 6th
ult. Although I met a vast accumulation of correspondence
and of business, I should have immediately answered your let-
ters but, to tell the truth, for my desire to see the issue of the
elections in your Legislature. My anxious looks were directed
toward Richmond, on account of yourself especially, and other
friends. The papers have at length brought the intelligence I
desired, and I offer you my cordial congratulations on your elec-
tion, which, under all circumstances, is as honorable as I hope
it will prove satisfactory to you. You are not, I remark again,
appointed President of the Court, but, considering every thing,
I do not think you should be mortified or even regret that the
choice and the responsibility have fallen on a younger man. It
would have given me inexpressible pain if I could have be-
lieved that your friendship to me, which has been of such long
duration, and such great value, had affected you injuriously.
Important events at home and abroad have happened since
I last wrote you. These changes in Europe are so rapid that
we have scarcely time to speculate on one before it is succeeded
and supplanted by another. You will have . heard probably by
the time this letter reaches you, the decision of the question of
a general war in Europe. I regret that such a war now seems
to me almost inevitable. That regret will be diminished if we
can remain at peace. But if there should be a general war,
embracing England, she will make every endeavor to involve
us in it. Such a purpose was openly avowed to me by men
high in authority, when I was in England, on the contingency
supposed.
Among the incidents at home, the correspondence between
the President and Van Buren, is perhaps the most important oc-
currence during the late session of Congress. I think it lowers
them both, although confining our consideration to the parties
to the controversy, Mr. Calhoun must be allowed to have ob-
tained the advantage.
What course he may take in respect to the next election I am
uninformed. From the knowledge I possess of his character
and disposition, I believe he will be regulated altogether by his
OF HENRY CLAY. 268
estimate of the probability of successful opposition to Jackson.
If he thinks he can be defeated by himself or another, he will
oppose his re-election directly or collaterally, according to cir-
cumstances. If he believes he can be defeated by no one, he
will support his re-election, make a merit of a magnanimous sac-
rifice of his sense of his wrongs, and endeavor to enlist the
gratitude and sympathies of the Jackson party to elevate him-
self hereafter. In any event, we can not fail to profit by the
controversy.
Mr. Crawford's conduct, in respect to myself, surprised me.
That he should, at the very period of holding such language'
toward me as he did in his letters, have been addressing letters
to others containing the most improper expressions, betrays great
duplicity. But, after his letter to me of March, in the last year,
ought we to be surprised at anything he may do ? I have never
written to him since I received that letter, nor do I desire any
correspondence with him again. I shall not, however, permit
the publication of his letter of March. It could only be justified
by some public good, and I see none that it would accomplish.
The public feeling of Louisiana in regard to the President is all
that we could desire. Not a doubt can be entertained of the
vote of that State by any one acquainted with it. There have
been numerous changes, and some of very influential individuals.
In Kentucky, both parties are preparing for a vigorous campaign.
Our friends are confident of carrying majorities both in the
General Assembly and in the House of Representatives. I was
so greatly mortified with the issue of our last August election,
that I am unwilling either to indulge or inspire hopes. I can not,
however, but believe that nothing but a corrupt and most exten-
sive use of money can defeat us. Of that there is- some reason
to fear.
As to the issue of the contest generally, my opinion remains
the same that it has been for the last eighteen months. If Jack-
son loses either New York, Pennsylvania, or Virginia, he will be
defeated. K he unites the votes of all three of those States, he
will succeed. And I have generally supposed that the degrees
of probability of loss to him of those States were in the order in
which I have placed them. If I am right, he is most certain of
Virginia. Of course I am unable to estimate the effect upon her
of recent transactions, especially .the correspondence and votes
of your Senators.
264 PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE
The movement in Philadelphia is strong and encouraging. It
remains to be seen whether it will be seconded in other parts of
the State. I am afraid it will be. In New York some progress
has been made toward effecting an union of the various parties
opposed to the present Administration, but the problem is yet to
be solved whether such an union can be accomplished.
The whole case presents one encouraging view. Jackson
has lost, is losing, and must continue to lose. If the ratio of his
loss hereafter shall equal what it has been in the two last years,
he will be defeated.
I am much pressed to visit the north this summer ; and al-
though my judgment is opposed to any journey having a political
object, or which might be construed into such an object, I have
been somewhat shaken in my resolution by the great anxiety
manifested. But I believe I shall resist it, and remain in Ken-
tucky, where (will you believe it ?) I am likely to make an ex-
cellent farmer. I am almost tempted to believe that I have here-
tofore been altogether mistaken in my capacity, and that I have,
though late, found out the vocation best suited to it.
I received from our friend Call a very kind letter, and I have
to request that you will ask him to consider this equally in-
tended for his eye and you,r own. It has been a long time since
I heard from him, but I see nobody from Richmond of whom I
do not inquire about him ; and I learn from all that he retains
generally his good spirits, and his attachments with great con-
stancy ; of mine to him and you I pray you both to be fully
persuaded.
MK. CLAY TO J. S. JOHNSTON.
Ashland, April 30, 1830.
My dear Sin, — I received your favor of the 13th instant,
communicating the rejection of Hill, and your expectation that
Kendall will follow the same fate. This latter anticipation, from
what others tell me, I apprehend, has not been realized. I at-
tach some consequence to the rejection of these men. Who is
the uncertain Senator ? Is he from Indiana ? If he be, it is to
be attributed to his approaching election. If my information
from that State be correct, he need not fear the issue, unless he
proves treacherous to our cause.
OF HENRY CLAY. 265
I observe that you regard the movements of Harrisburg and
Albany as putting Jackson in nomination. They may bear that
interpretation, but they are also susceptible of another. The
terms in which the two caucuses express themselves do not
necessarily import the presentation of Jackson as a candidate.
May not the movements be regarded as a stratagem of Van
Buren to gain time, to disconcert his rival, to concentrate the
Jackson party upon himself, and to come out, at a suitable time,
as a candidate ?
Ask Mr. Webster to show you a letter which I wrote him a
few days ago, stating a proposition which I received from Mr.
Crawford, and be pleased to regard that matter as strictly con-
fidential, resting between you two. Mr. Crawford, supposing
him to be in the secrets of Van Buren and his faction, does not
appear, on the 31st of March, to have suspected that Jackson
would be a candidate.
You inform me that my friends contemplate taking some de-
cisive measures in regard to me, before they separate. I shall
acquiesce in whatever decision they may make. If Jackson
should be a candidate, and can unite upon himself the three
States of Virginia, Pennsylvania, and New York, opposition to
him will be unavailing. If either of those States can be de-
tached from his support, I think he can be beaten. Whether
that be practicable or not, you have better means, and are other-
wise more competent to judge, than I am. * * *
The disadvantage of delay, if we mean to act, is the uncer-
tainty in which our friends among the great body of the people,
are left. Already I have been frequently spoken to, and some-
times have been written to, to know if I am a candidate. Of
course I give but one answer, which is, that I shall never present
myself as a candidate.
G. W. FEATHERSTONHAUGH TO MR. CLAT.
Philadelphia, May 4, 1830.
Mt deak Sir, — The appearance of our friend. General Van
Rensselaer here, within a few days, and some other incidents,
have induced me to write you a few lines, before a contemplated
voyage to Europe takes place. I was exceedingly pleased with
the cheerful accounts General Van Rensselaer gave me of your
266 PBIVATE COREESPONDENCE
health, spirits, and well-deserved popularity at the West and South.
The value of my political attachment to you consists in its dis-
interestedness. Having no selfish views, I am not obliged to
seek selfish connections. Independent of my ardent wishes for
the prosperity of the whole human race, I have lived too long
here, and been too nearly and dearly connected with the United
States to see with indifference its best interests the sport of irre-
sponsible men, who owe their distinction to the temporary delu-
sion of popular favor, and who know not how to vindicate their
claims to distinction, in the eyes of men of sense and honor.
My intercourse with you has always been very frank. I may
never see you again, though I hope I shall. Wherever I am, I
shall be most happy to see the Government of this country in
your hands. I have been long satisfied you are the man America
wants. ******
MB. CLAY TO ADAM BEATTT.
Lexington, May 4, 1830.
Dear Sib, — I received to-day your favor of the 29th ult. I
had received from Mr. Yates a similar letter to that which he
addressed to you, which I immediately answered, communicating
all the information I could give him upon the subject to which it
related. I therefore now return his letter to you, with the ac-
companying papers.
There is not the smallest ground for the intimation which
you have received of Mr. Van Buren being disposed to decline
in favor of Mr. Calhoun. On the contrary, there is the greatest
animosity prevailing between these two rivals and their respect-
ive partisans. The late movements at Harrisburg and Albany,
are well understood to have been prompted by Mr. Van Buren,
to arrest the progress which Mr. Calhoun was making with the
Jackson party, and I have no doubt that they are not to be taken
as evidence that Jackson will ultimately be a candidate.
It is impossible that any reception could have been more
warm and cordial than that which was given me below.
I am very busy farming, to which I am becoming every day
more and more attached.
OF HENEY CLAY. 267
MR, CLAT TO J. S. JOHNSTON.
Ashland, May 9, 1830.
My dear Sir, — I received your favors of the 28th and 29th
ult. I do not think that the object of Colonel Benton and
Colonel Hayne, in detaching the West from New England, has
been at all promoted by their speeches on Foote's resolution. It
has been well understood, and I think has entirely failed. How-
ever extensively their speeches have been circulated, they have
not been so widely or so generally read as Mr. Webster's, and
his triumph in that matter has been complete. Great aid has.
been afforded to him by the speeches of Mr. Sprague and Mr.
Holmes. We are waiting anxiously, however, to see yours, and
I hope you will not omit to send me the proof-sheets promised
by you.
I am rejoiced at the passage in the House of Representatives,
of the bill for the Maysville road. I sincerely hope you are
correct in your anticipation of the concurrence of the Senate.
The South will of course be opposed to it. If, as I hope, the
New England Senators shall generally vote for it, there will
be a fine commentary upon Colonel Benton's text. We shall
then be able practically to know who are our real friends. Give
my respects to our friends from New England, and tell them not
to deprive us of the benefit of this weapon. The road, considered
as a section of one extending from the Muskingum or Scioto,
through Kentucky and Tennessee, to the Gulf of Mexico, is
really of national importance. We observe that the New Eng-
land delegation well entertained the measure in the House, and
we trust that similar support will be given to it by her senators.
I have much information from both ends of the State of New
York. It substantially corroborates the letters which you sent
me. There seems to be perfect chaos in that State, and no one
now can see what will come of it. If the friends of the late
Administration, the workingmen party, and the anti-masons,
should unite, they will compose a majority. Is it not probable
that they will ? The anti-masons will bring out Granger. I
should think that the friends of the late Administration would
support him against Troop or Foote ; and even supposing those
parties only were to co-operate, Granger would be elected.
By the time of the close of the Tariff debate, which Mr. Mc-
Dufiie, I suppose, has precipitated, you will have a clearer view
268 PRIVATE COBRESPONDENCE
of the -whole ground. Its effect can not fail to widen the
breach between the sections of the Jackson party.
I have entire confidence in the discretion of my friends as to
the course which they may mark out. If Mr. Calhoun should
be announced as a candidate, it will be clear. If not, the ques-
tion will be as to the consequences of delay, or immediate ac-
tion. The first part of it (delay) involves a consideration of the
discouragement or separation of our friends which might ensue,
and the second the concentration of all the fragments of the
Jackson party upon Jackson, which might be the result. I shall
. be glad to hear from you soon.
MH. CLAT TO J. S. JOHNSTON.
Ashland, May 10, 1830.
My dear Sih, — I received to-day your favor of the 30th ult.,
with the first part of the proof-sheets of your speech, which I
have perused with much satisfaction. The editor of " The
Reporter" promises to publish it in his next week's paper. With
the candid its views will be regarded as large and liberal, and
its vindication complete.
I regret Hendrick's course. It was not necessary to secure,
but may endanger his re-election. He was already distrusted in
his State, but was forgiven, or rather there was a disposition to
overlook his course, in consideration of the circumstances under
which he was placed. But if he votes for the printers, I think
it probable he will be abandoned.
I am very anxious, as you may well suppose, about the pass-
age of the Maysville bill. I hope our New England friends will
not desert us in that measure. Their support of it will be worth
a thousand of Benton's speeches.
ME,. VAUGHAN TO MH. CLAT.
Washington, May 13, 1830.
My dear Sir, — I have procured for you from England a
single-barrel gun, and with a percussion-lock, after having con-
sulted with our friend Letcher, who was of opinion that you
would prefer it to the common lock. You will find in the case
OF HENRY CLAY. 26.9
containing the gun a plentiful supply of percussion caps. In con-
sequence of Judge Clark informing me that an opportunity of-
fered of sending the gun to you, 1 sent it yesterday to his lodg-
ings, and I trust that it is already on its way to Kentucky. I
only hope that you will be as well satisfied with it as I am with
the excellent rifle which you have presented to me, and which
I am proud to have, as a memorial of your friendship.
It is expected that this session of Congress will close on the
31st instant, and I shall take the opportunity of sending to Mrs.
Clay the lithograph print of a dog, executed by the son of
Christopher Hughes, by our friend Mr. Clark or Mr. Letcher,
and which has been due to her for so long a time.
I am happy to infer from what I read in the newspapers about
your movements, that your health is very much improved. It
will give me great pleasure to meet you again, and, with kind
regards to Mrs. Clay and Johnny, believe me, etc.
MRS. ERWIN (aNNE B.) TO HEK FATHER, MR. CLAY.
Shelbtville, May 15, 1830.
I HASTEN, my dear father, to answer your kind letter of the
1st, and to assure you that mamma and yourself can not desire
that we should be with you more than we both wish it. Mr.
Erwin always spoke of our joining you early in the summer,
but his father being compelled to go to Georgia in a few days,
he now feels himself obliged to remain here until he returns.
We shall, however, be Avith you the last of July or early in Aug-
ust, and I hope we shall not then i)e separated for a great while,
as we shall be guided pretty much by your movements.
I am happy to hear that you have been so good as to pur-
chase us a pair of horses, as we are now without a good pair,
intending to purchase when we should be in Lexington. As
we shall not want them until then, you will please keep them
for us. The pony you speak of has, I presume, been raised on
the farm; it will, • therefore, be doubly prized by me. Mr. Er-
win wrote you, I believe, that he had sold your horses. I en-
joyed a great many good rides from them, as we had just then
purchased a servant who proved to be an excellent carriage-
driver, besides being a very good boy in other respects.
Mr. Erwin and his friend, Mr. Denton, arrived on the 10th,
270 PRIVATE COKRESPONDENCE
four or five days earlier than I expected them. They were not
so fortunate as I was in getting up all the way by water, but
they were detained at the mouth of the Cumberland, and then
had a most tedious trip by land to Nashville.
I was a little surprised to see, by the last papers, uncle Por-
ter Clay's maiTiage announced, although I presume it was a
very suitable match, so far as age is concerned.
My little children have grown very much since you saw them.
Henry now talks quite plain, and James runs about every where,
and begins to say a few words. He has fattened so much since
we have been here that he is becoming quite a beauty, at least,
for his opportunities, not having any to inherit from either side
of the house.
Father Erwin requested me to remember him aflFectionately
to mamma and yourself. Mr. Erwin joins me in love to all the
family both in town and at home. Believe me always, my dear
father, your devoted daughter.
PETER B. POKTER TO MR. CLAY.
Black Rock, May 23, 1830.
My dear Sir, — I have noticed, with great satisfaction, the ac-
counts of the numerous demonstrations of confidence and re-
spect shown to you by the people of the South, during your
late tour ; and I feel equal pleasure in assuring you that the
same sentiments that animate your Southern friends, are enter-
tained, and I trust in a still higher degree, by the citizens gen-
erally in the Northern States ; and that these kind and partial
feelings have been, and still are, constantly increasing, as oppor^
tunity is afforded for comparing and contrasting the professions
and acts of the present men in power, with those of their prede-
cessors.
MR. CJUAY TO FRANCIS BROOKE.
Ashland, May 23, 1830.
My DEAR Sib, — Your favor of the 10th instant was safely
conveyed to me through the friendly channel to which you
committed it, and I have perused its contents with much inter-
est. The project of Mr. Van Buren, and his partisans in Vir-
OF HENRY CLAY. 271
ginia, of attaching that State to his support upon the ground of
an overthrow of the Bank of the United States, I shopld suppose
was frustrated, for the present, hy the events which have oc-
curred at Washington, on that subject. The President's mes-
sage, in referring to it, committed two radical errors : First, it
was premature ; and in the second place, he brought forward a
rival institution, far worss than the Bank of the United States
can be supposed to be by its most violent enemies. A compar-
ison has been naturally made between the two institutions, and
the result of it has been every where the ^same. The reports
of the two committees of Congress have been widely circulated,
and have confirmed the unfavorable impression which that part
of the message produced, when it was first published. It is too
soon yet to entertain, much less decide, on the question of the
renewal of the charter. We have yet to acquire the experience
of five years, which may bring about important developments.
The national debt will, in the meantime, be paid, the duties re-
duced, etc., etc.
I have no intention of visiting the North, or any other place,
this season, with any political object. I am urgently solicited
to go to almost every quarter of the Union. If I were to yield
to these entreaties, I should be perpetually traveling. My own
judgment is decided, that I ought to go nowhere for any polit-
ical purpose, but remain at home. Should I make any excursions
this snmmer, they will relate entirely to business or to my
health.
I have received a most singular letter from Mr. Crawford, of
which I beg, however, you will speak to no one, as I can not
but think, from the nature of the proposal which it contains, it
indicates some want of self-possession. He says, that he per-
ceives from the pap.ers, that Mr. Calhoun, Van Buren, and my-
self, will be run for the next Presidency ; that his friends also
think of bringing him forward ; that no one candidate would be
elected ; but that, if the contest be limited to the three first, Mr.
Van Buren would be finally elected by the House of Represent-
atives ; that I should not get a vote in New England, which
would support Mr. Van Buren ; and that all the South would go
for Mr. Calhoun. Therefore, he proposes that I should not be
brought forward, but support him, whereby he would get the
votes of all the Western States, which, with the aid of Virginia,
North Carolina, Georgia, Delaware, New Jersey, and probably
272 PRIVATE COEEESPONDENCE
Maryland, with some few other States, would secure his election.
Then, he says, I would, of course, come again into the catinet.
and finally succeed him ! He intimates that his friends may
make a similar proposal to Mr. Van Biiren, but he prefers that I
should accede to it. He supposes that General Jackson will not
be again a candidate. I have not answered this most extraordi-
nary letter, which bears date the 31st day of March last. I shall
not answer it. I could not answer it in terms consistent with
the friendship which I once bore to Mr. Crawford.
I think Mr. Calhoun has sealed his fate by his recent vote
for Kendall. He had previously boasted to some of my friends
that he had constantly adhered to principle ; that he would still
pursue it, and that he disapproved the system of proscription,
and the appointment of editors, etc. Now it so happens, that a
finer opportunity could not have occurred to test the sincerity of
these declarations. Kendall was a printer, and, besides, a man
of unenviable character. Yet, Mr. Calhoun's casting vote saved
him ! I knew, weeks before the nomination was decided, that
it depended upon Mr. Calhoun's vote ; and, knowing him as
well as I do, I stated to some of my friends what the issue would
be. It is remarkable that, weeks before the event, Kendall
wrote to some of his Frankfort correspondents, that, if the Sen-
ate was full, it would be equally divided, and that he would get
Mr. Calhoun's vote. This fact ought to be generally known.
I perceive that your new Constitution is adopted. I noticed
the provision in relation to the judiciary, both on account of the
principle which it involves, and as it affected you. I most sin-
cerely wish you may be re-appointed ; and, considering the sta-
bility which has generally characterized your State, I presume
you will be. If you submit the question to the consideration of
those who best know you, they will be unanimous for your re-
election. Twenty years hence it will be time enough to talk
of old age, and its too frequent concomitants.
I have received several copies of the new edition of Algernon
Sidney sent me by Mr. White. I wish that the principles which
they so eloquently illustrate and establish, could be every where
diffused. Bolivar appears to be reading us a lesson on the same
subject, which ought not to be lost. I hope you approved of ray
letter to him, recently published.
As to the other publication to which you refer, I can not so
well judge as you can, as to the most fit time of its appearance.
OF. HENRY CLAY. 273
I should, however, think that it would not be too early after the
adjoufnnaent of Congress.
I can not return this letter through the channel that you sent
yours, for an obvious reason.
MK. CRAWFORD TO MR. CLAT.
Wood Lawn, March 31, 1830.
Mt dear Sir, — I perceive by the newspapers that your name,
Mr. Van Buren's and Mr. Calhoun's names, are likely to be run
for the next Presidency, in the event of General Jackson's not
being a candidate. My friends are also solicitous that my name
should be put in nomination. I do not profess to know much of
public opinion, but I am very sure that if four names are run
for the Presidency, no election will bo made by the electoral
colleges. If your name, Mr. Van Buren's, and Mr. Calhoun's
name, should be held up for that office, I am under the impres-
sion that Mr. Van Buren would be elected ; for, giving you all
the Western and South-western votes, and Mr. Calhoun the votes
of South Carolina, North Carolina, and Pennsylvania^ which are
all the votes that his most sanguine friends can claim for him,
Mr. Van Buren would still have a majority of the colleges, unless
you could divide the New England votes with him. This might
happen for aught I know, but I do not expect it. In the first
place, I think it probable that Mr. Adams' interest in New Eng-
land would not be concentrated upon you. 1st. Because the
men who would support Mr. Adams from principle, would prob-
ably be opposed to you. Mr. Adams and yourself are so differ-
ent in manners, habits, sentiments, and principles, that it is not
probable that you can be supported by the same men. Nothing
but this discrepancy between you, could have given the vote of
Ohio against Mr. Adams in the late election. 2d., In the elec-
tion oT 1824, almost every man of respectable standing in New
England was against Mr. Adams, yet he got every vote in those
States by a majority of five sixths. My impression, therefore, is,
that y.-: will not get a vote in New England. It is true Mr.
Van Buren does not live in New England, but he lives near it,
and you live a great way from it, and that circumstance will in
all probability be decisive.
It has occurred to me that if you are desirous of filling the
18
274 PRIVATE COREESPOJiTDENCE
Presidencj'-, the most likely way of success will be to avoid the
contest for the next Presidency. If you do this, and my name
should be substituted for yours, and receive your support, I pre-
sume there would be no doubt of my receiving the vote of the
Western and South-westprn States. To this vote might be safely
added that of Georgia, North Carolina, Virginia and Delaware,
and perhaps Maryland. The aggregate would fall little short of
a majority, and the remainder could hardly fail to be received
from the States north and east of those mentioned. In the event
of success you would come again into the Cabinet, and could
hardly fail of success when I retired. Your union with Mr.
Adams has effectually destroyed your popularity in the Atlantic
States south of the Chesapeake. I have even injured my own
standing in this State, by defending you against the charge of
corrupt bargaining. If such is your standing in this State, you
can well imagine what it is in the other Southern Atlantic
States. Do not suppose that I feel any solicitude upon the
subject of this letter. I feel none, but supposing from what I
have seen in the public papers, that you may feel some, it oc-
curred to me that the most certain mode of gratifying that feel-
ing, was to adopt the course which I have suggested. If you
should be of a different opinion, let the matter rest where it is,
and there will no harm have been done. On the contrary,
should you concur in the suggestion I have made, I shall be
happy to hear from you as soon as leisure will permit.
P. S. It is possible that my friends at Washington may
make the same suggestion to Mr. Van Buren. Should it be ac-
cepted, it is probable the same result would be effected a»s to
myself, but I should rather it should take place with you.
DANIEL WEBSTEB TO MR. CLAY.
WASHiNQTOif, May 29, 1 830.
My dear Sie, — We are all with the foot in the stirrup, and are
not leaving in a very composed state. The passage of the In-
dian bill, and the rejection of the Maysville Turnpike bill, have
occasioned unusual excitement. The quarrel, yesterday, be-
tween Slansbury and others who voted for the bill, and Polk,
OF HENRY CLAY. 275
Bell, etc., was ■very warm. There is more ill blood raised, I
should think, than would easily be quieted again.
We think all recent occurrences have been quite favorable,
and that the present prospect is cheering. We have had no formal
meeting. After much consideration, that idea was given up.
We found it difficult to assemble a few friends without giving
offense ; or a great number without the danger of attracting too
much notice. We have had, however, a very full and free in-
terchange of opinions, for the last three weeks, and are all har-
monious in purpose and design, and in good spirits. We incline
to think no formal nominations at present advisable, though
friends press us to such a measure from divers quarters of the
country. It has seemed to us, on the whole, that a formal
nomination would not be popular enough in its character and
origin, to do good. It would be immediately proclaimed to be
the act of your friends acting at your instance. It would excite
jealousies on the one hand, which are now fast dying away, and
on the other, check discontents and schisms among our oppo-
nents, from which much is now to be hoped. Such is our
view.
I am much pressed to assent to a nomination of you by the
Massachusetts Legislature now in session. But to this I steadily
object, on the ground that every body knows we are perfectly
safe and strong in Massachusetts, and a nomination there would
only raise the cry of coalition revived. It has seemed to me the
proper scene for the first formal action is Maryland. Her Legis-
lature is elected in October. Our friends have the utmost confi-
dence they will carry the State. Indeed there can be little doubt
of it. In that event, the Maryland Legislature, next December,
will occupy a position from which they can speak to advantage.
Without detail, you will see, I think, at once, many advantages
in a nomination from this quarter. None could be more favora-
ble, unless it be New York, or Pennsylvania, neither of which,
I fear, is as likely to be so soon ready for it.
I hope you will think that, under all circumstances, we have
done wisely in doing nothing. If you run against General Jack-
son, there will be an election by the electors ; and, as you justly
state, General Jackson will be chosen, unless either Virginia,
Pennsylvania, or New York can be detached from him. Of the
three, I have, at present, most hope of New York, and least of
Yirginia. Late occurrences will strengthen General Jackson in
276 PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE
Virginia, and weaken him much in Pennsylvania, and perhaps
also in New York. I am in hopes that " working men," " anti-
mason," and "anti-auction men," etc., etc., will break down the
regency. This we shall know in October. If it should turn
out so. New York will then open a very fair field. For myself,
I reckon on recent events as having insured us Maryland, Ohio,
Kentucky and Indiana. This is one very good breadth. South
of it I look for nothing but Louisiana, every thing north of it is
worth a contest.
I hope your friends at the West keep a steady regard to Mis-
souri. I am told there is a good chance, or some chance, of Mr.
Barton's re-election. This is matter of very great importance!:
Nothing, ihdeed, is more momentous to the country than the ap-
proaching election of Senators to the next Congress.
On the whole, my dear sir, I think a crisis is arriving, or
rather has arrived. I think you can not be kept back from the
contest. The people will bring you out, nolens volens. Let
them do it. I advise you, as you will be much watched, to stay
at home ; or, if you wish to travel, visit your old friends in Vir-
ginia. We should all be glad to see you at the North, but not
now. You will hear from the North, every town and village in
it, on the 4th of July. Parties must, now, necessarily, be started
out anew ; and the great ground of difference will be Tariff and
Internal Improvements. You are necessarily at the head of one
party, and General Jackson will be, if he is not ahcady, identi-
fied with the other. The question will be put to the country.
Let the country decide it.
I had intended to say a word about myself, but it would be to
make a long letter still longer. When I came here it was my
purpose to follow your example, and to vacate my seat at the end
of this session. Events have suspended the execution of that
purpose. How I shall think of it when I get home, I do not know.
I pray kind remembrance to Mrs. Clay, and beg to assure you
flf my unaltered regard and attachment.
MR. CLAY TO ADAM BEATTY.
Ashland, June 8, 1830.
My deab Sir, — We are all shocked and mortified by the re-
jection of the Maysville road and other events occurring at the
close of the late session. Meetings of the people are contem-
OF HENRY CLAY. 277
plated in several counties in this quarter, to give expression to
public sentiment and feelings. At those meetings it has been
suggested that' the public sentiment may be expressed in terms
of strong disapprobation of the act of the President. 2d. In
favor of Internal Improvement. 3d. Disapproving Mr. Bibbs'
conduct and recommending to the Legislature his recall. 4th.
Approbation of Mr. Letcher, particularly, and of the other mem-
bers who voted with him. 5th. Against the nullifying doctrines
of the South. 6th. Against the re-election of Mr. Rowan, be-
cause he supports them, is opposed to Internal Improvements, and
the Tariff, in opinion, and has supported the most obnoxious
nominations. 7th. Proposing an amendment to the Constitution,
substituting a majority of all the members elected to Congress,
instead of two thirds, to pass a bill returned by the President.
This is right I think, on principle. Your own reflections will
suggest the immense advantages that we shall derive from sup-
porting this amendment, while our opponents will oppose it. It
is thought by my friends that these public meetings will furnish
suitable occasions for making a nomination for the next Presi-
dency, and recommending to the next Legislature to second and
support it. They urge that this will be a popular measure, and
not one of caucus agency. That the nomination connects itself
naturally with the question of Internal Improvements. That
the time has come. That Congress having adjourned, no counter-
acting measure can be adopted by members of Congress at
Washington. That other States look to Kentucky for the first
movement. That it will have good effect on the August elec-
tions. That it can do no harm, and may do much good, etc. I
think there is much force in these suggestions. Will you have
a meeting in Macon ? If you do it will have beneficial conse-
quences that there should be as many meetings as practicable in
adjoining counties. Let me hear from you ; and believe always
that I am with constant and cordial regard yours, etc.
P. S. My opinion is that, with powerful, bold, and decided
action, much may be made of the events of the moment.
278 PRIVATE COREESPONI>ENCE
BIR. CLAY TO J. S. JOHNSTOW.
Lexington, June 14, 1830.
Mt deak Sib, — Not knowing for some time past where to ad-
dress you, I have omitted to write ; but your letter from Wash-
ington of the 5th instant having informed me that you will be
at Louisville, I commit this letter to the chance of reaching you.
I regret that I could not have the pleasure of seeing you here.
I am perfectly contented with the course my. friends took at
Washington, and I think it was the wisest.
The decisions of the President in respect to. Internal Improve-
ment have produced great effect in this quarter of Kentucky.
The larger number of all who supported Jackson, in the circle
of my immediate acquaintance, have left him. Few but despe-
rate leaders remain to him. Measures have been devised, and
are now in a train of execution, to give expression to public
sentiment. It is contemplated to disapprove of the exercise of
the Veto, the Indian bill, etc, and to propose an amendment of
the Constitution, requiring only a majority of both Houses of
Congress (of all elected to each) to pass a bill returned by the
President. I think such an amendment right, and I attach much
importance to the discussion which it will provoke.
MR. CLAT TO FBANCIS BROOKE.
AsnLAND, June 16, 1830.
Mt DEAR Sir, — ■! received both your late favors of the 4th and
6th instant. In regard to Mr. Crawford's strange letter, I could
not answer it without violating the regard I once had for him
and the respect due to myself, and therefore I did not answer it.
I think his proposal was insulting and derogatory. I do not ap-
prehend that the injury to me, which you fear from my silence,
can accrue ; 1st, because he says in his letter — " Do not suppose
that I feel any solicitude upon the subject of the letter. I feel
none. But supposing from what I have seen in the pubhc
press that you may feel some, it occurred to rhe that the most
certain mode of gratifying that feeling was to adopt the course
which I have suggested. If you should be of a different opin-
ion, let the matter rest where it is, and there will have been no
harm done. On the contrary, should you concur in the sugges-
OF HENRY CLAY. 279
tion I have made, I will «be happy to hear from you as soon as
leisure will permit." This, you will agree, is a strong manifest-
ation of sang'froid and disinterestedness. But it also evinces
that no answer was expected in the event of my disapproval of
the proposal, which he seems to have anticipated as possible.
In the second place, I have communicated the contents of the
letter, in confiden(ie, to a sufficient number, to protect me against
the presumption of any assent of mine, from my silence. Be-
sides, there will be no sort of evidence, direct or collateral, of
such assent. It seems to me, that when a base proposition is
made, as I regard this, the most proper treatment of it is silent,
contempt.
As to publishing his letter, although I feel no objection of
honor or of confidence which forbids it, I incline to think that
under all circumstances it had better not now be done. Mr.
Crawford is not, nor likely to be, formidable. His friends,
though few of them were mine, are generally respectable.
Their feelings would be affected. He has been high in public
confidence. Ought that to be shown as having been misplaced,
especially as he may not be in his right mind ?
In regard to Blair's letter, I took some time ago public ground,
from which I think I ought not to recede. I stated that I would
not publish it, at the instance of Mr. Amos Kendall, but that it
might be seen by any gentleman, and it was seen by many, and
by him, though not of that number. The infamous story is now
stale, and it can not be revived, even by Thomas Ritchie. I
long since resolved to say nothing more to the public about it.
I feared indeed that some portion of it [the public] may have
considered me to have manifested too much sensitiveness con-
cerning it. Such, I am sure, would be the judgment of many,
if I were, in any form, again to present myself to the public re-
specting that matter.
Great sensation has been produced in this quarter about the
President's course relative to Internal Improvements. Public
meetings of the people, in various places, are about to be had, at
which spirited resolves, etc., will be passed. They mean to at-
tack the Veto, by proposing an amendment of the Constitution,
requiring only a majority of all elected to each branch of Con-
gress, instead of two thirds of a house, to pass a returned bill.
Such an amendment I think right. If Congress pass a bill on
their own reasons, and again pass the same bill, after a full con-
280 PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE
sideration of the reasons of the President in opposition to it, the
bill ought to be a law. The pohcy of proposing such an
amendment, in the present condition of parties, is obvious. If
our opponents agree to it, it will be adopted. If they oppose it,
we shall get the weather guage of them. Will you mention
this matter to Pleasants ? As he and others of my friends in
Virginia approve of the recent exercise of tlje Veto, there may
be some objection in espousing an amendment of the Constitu-
tion, which has been suggested by what we deem an abuse.
But if, on principle, you should agree with us that the amend-
. ment is proper, it might be supported by you without reference
to the late exercise of power.
TO HIS FATHER.
Camp Eaton, July 4, 1830.
My dear Father, — The anniversary of the Declaration of
Independence was celebrated here on yesterday. From peculiar
considerations I again appeared before an audience of between
four and five hundred, and was once more eminently successful.
At the dinner given by the corps, at which about one hundred
invited guests were present, the wit and eloquence of the sons
of Kentucky were toasted with applause. But the toast of Mr.
Skinner, the editor of " The American Farmer and Turf Reg-
ister," " The orator of the day, in the language of the turf, blood
will show itself," drew forth enthusiastic cheers. Do not ac-
cuse me, my father, of too broad an exhibition of vanity. I con-
fess that I, in common with all my fellow-men, am subjected to
that besetting sin of the human race. But I have thought that,
to you, a candid expression of my sentiments would be far more
acceptable than any alfected air of indifference that I might force
from my self-love.
MR. CLAY TO ADAM BEATTT.
Columbus, July 19, 1830.
My dear Sir, — I received your obliging favor of the 13th
instant, and, at the same time, the paper containing the proceed-
ings of the meeting in Macon. I perused the preamble and
resolutions with much satisfaction. They appear to me to be
OP HENRY CLAY. 281
very appropriate and judicious. I find but one sentiment pre-
vailing here in respect to the late popular movements in Ken-
tucky, and that is, that they are very proper, must do good, and
can do no harm. It was well enough, for a certain time, to
leave the other party to its own divisions, but that time is now
passed. The fact can not, and need not be concealed from that
party, that an opposition will be made to the re-election of its
chief. So far as that fact will prevent the creation of divisions
in its ranks, that consequence will attend it whether we act or
not ; and by not acting, I apprehend, more loss among our friends
than gain among those of the other side.
I have seen here many persons from New England and New
York, as well as all parts of this State. Mr. Creighton has just
got home, after having made the tour of the former, passing from
the city of New York to Buffalo. Without troubling you with
the details, the information derived from all these sources is highly
encouraging. I shall leave this place in a few days to return
home by the way of Cincinnati.
BAHON DE KRUDENER TO MR. CLAT.
PiiiLADELPraA, August 16, 1830.
Sir, — ^I can not depart from this country without taking leave
from you, and offering once more to you my thanks for the un-
common kindness which I experienced from you during the first
part of my residence in this country, and through which, this
stage of my diplomatic career, in America, was made so pleasant,
so easy, and so honorable to me. The Emperor has granted me
a permission to leave my post. I should certainly not have
availed myself of it with so much eagerness had circumstances
not interrupted the relations in which I had the honor of stand-
ing with you. At the time when these circumstances occurred,
they were considered by me as a very untoward event. But
these disagreeable views of the past have. been changed into
future prospects of such brightness, that it remains only for me
to praise the divine Providence, and to admire its splendid in-
terference in the affairs of your nation.
Having notified my departure to Mr. Van Buren, and consider-
ing myself now as a mere traveler and spectator, I feel no re-
morse in expressing to you my decided partiality, and my hope
282 PRIVATE COEBESPONDENCE
of seeing the Presidential chair, and the Federal Government,
restored by you to their former dignity. You know, my dear
sir, enough of my independence of mind to be convinced that
this language is dictated by no other feelings than those of con-
viction and sincerity.
Accept, sir, my best wishes for your personal and political
prosperity, and the expression of my devotedness and great
respect.
I beg to be remembered to our common friend, the excellent
Mr. Letcher.
MR. CLAT TO FRANCIS BROOKE.
Ashland, August 11, 1830.
My dear Sir, — ^I received your letter of the 20th of July. A
letter, purporting to have been written by Mr. Jefferson to some
manufacturer in Massachusetts, has been recently published in
the "Literary Subaltern." It first caught my eye in the public
prints, when I was recently on my way to Columbus, and I con-
fess to you that I then had some doubts of its genuineness.
They arose from two considerations, one of which was that it
uses the terms American system, the first application of which,
within my recollection, to the Tariff, was made by myself in
my published speech on that subject in 1824, posterior to the
date of the letter. The other was, that, although it bore a
strong resemblance to the style of Mr. Jefferson, I thought it
spoke with more explicitness in relation to the election to the
Presidency of myself; than he would permit himself to do, in
respect to any person. I communicated these doubts to General
Vance at Columbus, and to one or two other friends, before I
saw the authenticity of the letter questioned in the public prints.
I had even thought of indicating my suspicion to the public in
some form ; but then I did not know but that the letter might
be genuine ; and if it should prove to be so, my calling it in
question would seem very strange. I therefore remained silent.
Subsequent occurrences have tended to strengthen instead of
removing the doubts. And I now fear that Mr. Southworth
(with whom I have no personal acquaintance, although I think
it probable I may have seen him) has acted improperly. He
had before given me several occasions to regret his intemperate
zeal.
OF HENET CLAY. 283
0
Under these circumstances, ought I to do any thing ? Or to
leave him to get out of the scrape as he can ?
One thing has occurred to me, about which I wish to trouble
you. The late Colonel T. M. Randolph, about three years ago
attributed to Mr. Jefferson some very disparaging opinions of
me, and published them. I knew they were inaccurate at the
time. I know that Mr. Jefferson entertained friendly and favor-
able opinions of me, although I did not know the extent. And
I know that Colonel Randolph greatly misrepresented the purport
of a conversation between Mr. Jefferson and me, in his presence,
and in the presence of Governor Metcalf, who, although I have
never spoken to him about it, I am sure would contradict Colo-
nel Randolph.
Shortly after the appearance of Colonel Randolph's statement,
I received from his son, Thomas J. Randolph, a letter of which
the inclosed is a copy, addressed to me spontaneously. I could
make no use of it during the life of the father, for obvious rea-
sons. After his death, I obtained from the son permission to
use it as I pleased, although I have never availed myself of it.
I observe that the statement of Colonel Randolph is again relied
upon to obviate the effect of the Southworth letter. Now, it
has occurred to me, that it may be useful to publish Mr. T. J.
Randolph's letter ; and if you think so, I would be glad that
you would obtain his second permission to publish it. It might
then be stated in " The Whig," or some other paper, that it had
obtained a copy of the letter, with authority to publish it. I
should prefer, if published, that it should not appear as my act,
or to be done at my instance.
The publication of this letter will destroy the effect of Colo-
nel Randolph's statement, and prove that Mr. Jefferson enter-
tained friendly sentiments, although not the extent of them.
Our elections are just over, and have secured us a majority of
not less, on joint ballot in the Legislature, than twelve, and per-
haps eighteen. They show that there is about five thousand in
the whole State against Jackson, which would have been sVvelled
to from ten to fifteen thousand, if the direct question of the next
Presidency had been before the people. Our majority in the
Legislature would have been thirty, but for the operation of
local causes, divisions, and the impossibility of making the
Presidential question every where bear on the election.- Mr.
Rowan will be permitted to retire.
284 PRIVATE COREESPONDENCE
The results in Indiana, Illinois, Missouri, so far as we have
yet heard from them, are still more favorable. Benton's re-elec-
tion is considered certain.
P. S. Should you decide to puhHsh the letter of Mr. T. J. R.,
perhaps, it will be better to make no allusion to the letter of Mr .
Southworth.
PETER B. POETER TO ME. CLAT.
Black Bock, October 6, 1830.
Dear Sir, — This cursed anti-masonry embarrasses every
thing, and defeats all attempts at systematic operation against
the common enemy. Of one thing, however, I can assure you,
which is, that you personally, as well as the leading measures
of policy which you have so powerfully and conspicuously ad-
vocated, are visibly and rapidly^ gaining ground in every part of
oirr State ; and I am now much inclined to believe that, if we
had, two months ago, started a candidate for Governor under
the banner of Clay and the American system, we should have
succeeded.
MR. MADISON TO MR. CLAY.
MoNTPELiEK, October 9, 1830.
Dear Sir, — I have just been favored with yours of the 22d
ultimo, inclosing a copy of your address delivered at Cincinnati.
Without concurring in every thing that is said, I feel what is
due to the ability and eloquence of the whole. The rescue of
the Resolutions of Kentucky, in '98 and '99, from the miscon-
struction of them, was very apropos ; that authority being par-
ticularly relied on, as an a3gis to the nullifying doctrine, which,
notwithstanding its hideous aspect and fatal tendency, has capti-
vated so many honest minds. In a late letter to one of my cor-
respondents, I was led to the like task of vindicating the pro-
ceedings of Virginia in those years. I would gladly send you a
copy if I had a suitable one. But as the letter is appendetf' to
the " North American Review" for this month, you will probably
have an early opportunity of seeing it.
With my thanks for your obliging communication, I beg you
OF HENET CLAY. . 285
to accept assurances of my great and cordial esteem, in which
Mrs. Madison joins me, as I do her in the best regards which
she offers to Mrs Clay.
J. S. JOHNSTON TO MB. CLAT.
Philadelphls, Tuesday, October 19, 1830.
My dear Sir, — We have been greatly shocked to-day by the
sudden and unexpected death of Mrs. Brown. She expired
about eleven o'clock, without the slightest pain or suffering, and
probably without any consciousness of the approaching event.
The disease which has proved so instantaneously fatal was water
in the chest, which had been gradually increasing and rendering
her respiration more difficult. The collection of water burst and
extinguished life in a moment. She drove out on Saturday as
well as usual ; saw several of her friends on Sunday evening,
and did not retire until eleven. Monday she was not so well,
and for the first time kept her room ; she slept well Monday
night, and until late in the morning ; had her breakfast at nine ;
Said she was much better, and would dress and go down stairs.
Mr. Brown went to the reading-room as usual. Doctor La Roche
was with her ten minutes before, and left her without apprehen-
sion. She expired so easily, that Miss Brown supposed she had
fainted. Mr. Brown has been greatly distressed. They had
just established themselves in their new house. Mrs. Brown
supposed she had the asthma, and that she might live as her
father had done for many years. On Saturday she selected a
lot to build on. This event, painful as it is to Mr. Brown and
his friends, is most happy for her in the manner of it. She has
been spared all the anticipations of death, which she seemed to
put far away from her.
All the arrangements are made for the funeral, which will be
numerously attended. Mrs. Brown is a great loss to the city,
and her death has made a great sensation. I returned last even-
ing from Boston.
I have been with Mr. Brown this evening, and he is more
composed. Miss Susan will write Mrs. Clay as soon as she can ;
in the mean time they both request me to write you, which I
have done in great haste.
286 , PEIVATE CORRESPONDENCE
MH. CLAT TO J. S. JOHNSTON.
Ashland, November 1, 1830.
My deahSir, — I have received several letters from you, which
I should have acknowledged, had I known where to address you.
The last, from Philadelphia, communicates the death of Mrs.
Brown, an event which has filled us with affliction, although we
were not altogether unprepared to expect it. To Mr. Brown it
must have been irreparable. They had lived so long together,
and entered so entirely into each other's pleasures, pursuits, and
habits, that I fear he will hardly ever recover from the shock.
He ought forthwith to leave Philadelphia and travel.
I have received a confidential communication that Senator
Barnard has renounced Jacksonism, and, at a time when he may
deem suitable, will exhibit evidence of his renunciation. I put
you in possession of the fact that, if true, you may not be unap-
prised of it. Should it prove correct, the change may neutralize
the loss of Marks, which, I suppose, is inevitable. We shall
gain, I think, one Senator in Kentucky ; and there being now
two to elect in Illinois (Mr. M'Lean is dead), if we are in good
luck, we shall gain at least one there. On the other hand, I
fear, from all that has reached me, Barton may not be re-elected.
Ohio will re-elect Burnet, or some other friend. Indiana will
re-elect Hendricks, or some less equivocal friend. On these data
you can estimate the probable state of the Senate.
Should the elections to the Legislature terminate favorably in
New York (as some friends calculate), you may possibly get a
friendly Senator there. Of that you will be able to judge by
the time this letter reaches you.
Upon the whole (let the issue of the New York election be
what it may), I think the campaign of this year has not closed
discouragingly. Great faults have been committed, but they are
not exclusively confined to our side. In this State, the proposed
Convention will take efiect, and one of its best results, I hope,
will be to guard us against future faux pas.
My best regards to Mrs. Johnston.
OF HENRY CLAY. 287
NICHOLAS BIDDLE TO MR. CLAY.
Philadelphia, Kovember 3, 1830.
Mt dear Sir, — I have purposely delayed answering your favor
of the 11th of September, until I could speak with some degree
of confidence as to the course which will be adopted in reference
to the subject of it. In the mean time I have read repeatedly,
and with renewed interest, all your remarks, proceeding, as I
know they do, from one who, with ample materials of informa-
tion and great sagacity in employing them, gives the result of
his reflections with a sincere desire to serve the institution. For
this, in any event, you will accept my grateful thanks.
After keeping the subject long under advisement, in order to
observe the latest development of facts, I am now satisfied that
it would be inexpedient to apply at present for the renewal of
the Charter. My belief is, from all that I have seen, and read,
and heard, that there is at this moment a majority of both Houses
of Congress favorable to a renewal ; and, moreover, that the
President would not reject the bill. The temptation is therefore
great to take advantage of a propitious state of feeling like this.
But then the hazard is not to be disguised. A great mass of
those who, if they were obliged to vote at all, would vote favor-
ably, will prefer not voting if it can be avoided, and the dread
of responsibility, the love of postponement, and the vis inertim
inherent in all legislative bodies would combine to put off the
question during the approaching short session. To pass both
Houses and be rejected by the President — to be rejected in either
House, to be postponed in either House, to be brought forward
in any shape, and not be finally and favorably acted upon, are
degrees of evil — but the mildest of them, a great evil, much to
be deplored, and to be avoided, if possible. My impression, then,
is, that nothing but a certainty of success should induce an ap-
plication now. To this I am the rnore inclined, because time
is operating in favor of the Bank by removing prejudices, and
difi"using a general conviction of its utility.
Having made up my own mind on the subject, I am gratified
that this, which is the first expression I have made of this opinion,
should be communicated to you, whose views have so largely
influenced my own. It wfll always afford me great pleasure to
receive the benefit of your further suggestions on this or any
other subject, being with great respect and regard yours, etc.
288 PRIVATE COREESPOKDENCE
MB. CLAY TO J. S. JOHNSTON.
Ashland, Novem'ber 14, 1830.
Mt deae Sir, — The same information communicated to you,
and which is contained in your letter of the 5th instant, respect-
ing the rupture between two high officers, has come to me from
Nashville, pretty directly. I think, therefore, it may he presumed
true. I should not be surprised if Jackson should denounce the
nuUifiers in his next message, and mount that hobby to regain
his popularity. But what will — what can the Tice-President
do ? South Carolina is rather too contracted a position for him
to start from. Besides, he is not very secure in that. It ap-
pears to me that Van Buren has completely out-maneuvered
him.
In regard to the attempt to turn out Duff, I can supply you
with some facts which may throw light upon the object. Blair,
of " The Kentucky Argus," is now on his way to Washington,
with his family, to set up a new paper, and it is highly proba-
ble that the alternatives which the Jackson party mean to offer
you, are Duff and Blair ! Will not their division admit your
friends appointing some respectable editor ? If not, I think it
will be most expedient for them to present such an editor, and
adhere to him to the last, without mixing in the contest between
the above two.
The divisions in New York have led, I perceive, to the issue
that might have been anticipated : the triumph of the Jackson
party in all the elections.
I believe I mentioned to you, in a former letter, that Poin-
dexter dined with me, and that he talks like an independent
man, who felt that he was denounced, and was resolved to cling
to principle.
MB. CLAY TO JOHN BAILHACHE.
AsHiAND, November 24, 1830.
Dear Sir, — I received your favor of the 18th inst., commu-
nicating a very full and satisfactory account of your late election,
and of the causes which- led to its results. Upon the whole,
we have much reason to be satisfied with those results, although
we may regret that our friends in the reserve did not bestir them-
OF HENBT CLAY. 289
selves more. On the subject of the operation of Anti-Masonry
,on the interests of our cause, respecting which you request my
views, I will explain them very frankly.
The leaders of Anti-Masonry are in the pursuit of power ;
the great body of their party are endeavoring to remove what
they honestly believe to be a great evil. The former would
desire power, without regard to the means of acquiring it ; the
latter seek it only as an instrument of effecting their paramount
object. To accomplish this object they believe, and their
leaders industriously inculcate the belief, that a change of the
administration of the actual Government (whether general or
State) is necessary. Hence, in the Western reserve, and in
Termont, where our friends are in the majority, the Anti-Masons
connected themselves with the Jacksonians to get hold of the
Government, and to dispossess those who possessed it. For the
same reason, in New York and Pennsylvania, when the Jackson
party was in power, the Anti-Masons sought a coalition with our
friends. If this coalition was not complete, and if the Anti-Ma-
sons did not succeed, it was not their fault.
I think it may be assumed that whenever Anti-Masonry is in
the minority, it will seek a connection with any other party,
which, in the same place, is also in the minority. This will
account for the various and apparently conflicting directions
which it takes. It is only an apparent inconsistency, for the
object every where is the same, the acquisition of power.
In this respect, Anti-Masonry does not difl"er from any othe%
party, for the natural tendency of all the divisions of a minority,
is to cohesion. This will generally take place unless it is coun-
teracted by some stronger feeling or sentiment than that of
hatred to those in power, as was the case with a portion of our
friends in the late New York election.
I do not know that it is to be regretted that the Anti-Masons
did not succeed in Pennsylvania and New York. If they had
been successful, they would probably have brought out an Anti-
Masonic candidate for President. Still, if I had been in New
York, with a right to vote, I should have given my suffrage to
Granger. I will not now trouble you with the reasons^
I regret that the failure of Mr. Granger is so well ascertained
to have been, because our friends about Albany, and in the river
counties, would not concentrate on him. Unless this circum-
stance should produce an alienation between our friends and the-
19
290 PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE
Anti-Masons, I should think we will ultimately obtain their sup-
port, for the following reasons :
1. It is in conformity with the general nature of minorities,
already noticed, that they should vote with us, if thev have no
candidate of their own party.
2. They agree with us as to the American System.
3. They have been violently assailed in New York by the
Regency.
4. They believe that, although I am a Mason, that I have no
bigotry, and that I have no very great ardor for the institution.
6. General Jackson has, as they think, persecuted them,
which they believe I should not do, as most certainly I should not.
I can hardly believe that they will now present a Presidential
candidate, although they still talk about it. Immediately after
the election in New York, Mr. Ward (the editor of the " Anti-
Masonic Review") told a friend of mine that they could not
support me, and would present a candidate of their own, etc.
The next day he called on that same friend, and informed him
that the Executive Committee of the Anti-Masons had resolved ,
1st. That the late election in New York had shown that they
could not directly support me : 2d. That it be recommended to
the convention at Baltimore, to nominate an Anti-Masonic can-
didate ; and 3d. That the papers of the party in New York, be
advised to abstain from attacking me, and to conciliate my friends.
If thore be an Anti-Masonic candidate, I am inclined to think
that it would operate in Pennsylvania and New York, more
against General Jackson than me, should we both be the candi-
dates, while in your State, it would operate more against me
than him. In that contingency, should our friends in New York
and Pennsylvania unite with the Anti-Masonic party, Jackson
would probably lose one or both of those States, in either of
which cases I think he would be defeated.
What I think not unlikely, is, that this time two years hence,
the Anti-Masonic party will present in New York a candidate
for Governor, without any electors for President and Vice-Presi-
dent, and that our friends will offer these, without any candidate
for Governor. Upon that supposition, if there be concert between
the two parties, each w-ould succeed in its object. I do not
know that any such arrangement has ever been thought of.
None such has ever been suggested to me, and I infer it only
from the natural operation of causes.
OF HENET CLAY. 29J.
I am inclined to think, upon the whole, that a conciliatory-
course on our part, toward the Anti-Masons, is wisest. There
is no occasion for our friends to attack them. Let us leave that
to the Jackson party. '
We shall have some trouble about a Senator, though I yet
think we shall succeed in the election of a friend. I have
been pressed of late to offer. Mr. Adams' example is quoted.
But both my feelings and judgment are strongly opposed to my
retm-n to Congress. Nothing but a contingency, which I sin-
cerely hope may not arise, would overcome them.
MR. CLAT TO FEANCIS BROOKE.
Ashland, December 20, 1830.
My dear Sir, — I believe I am in arrears to you, and that I
omitted to answer your last, in which you requested me to say
something on French affairs. Events followed in such rapid
succession, that I had no time, except to put in a flying shot,
which seemed to me hardly necessary. I sincerely hope that
the work, so gloriously begun, will be happily consummated.
They have two dangers : the first, in retaining a Bourbon on
the throne, which they thought ought to be done- to consiliate
foreign powers ; and the second, the humane desire to screen
the former ministers from punishment. It would have bee^
Letter to have suffered the law to proceed against them, and to -
have forborne the offer of the project of abolishing capital pun-
ishments until it had pronounced its sentence. It would have
been better not to have mixed the two subjects together, or not
to have given color to such an imputation. After their convic-
tion, if convicted, I think it would have been easier to have com-
muted the punishment for banishment, or some other milder
form. As to Belgium, the rock on which I feared the French
Government would split, they appear to me to have acted dis-
creetly. Belgium will ultimately go to France, unless a totally
new way of thinking has taken place since I was there.
But I did not commence to write you now on French affairs.
Perhaps, before my letter reaches you, some new and important
turn may have taken place in them.
My object was to say to you, that I go in a day or two to
New Orleans, to pass a portion of the winter there with Mrs.
Clay, and to request you to let me hear from you at that city.
292 FEIVATE COBEESPONDENOE OP HENKY CLAY.
I am extremely anxious to know how your Legislature disposes
of the Judiciary, or rather, Judges. ' In these late times of po-
litical trouble and strife, nothing has distressed me so much as
the suffering of my friends, and I have feared that they would
make a victim of you on my account. Do let me know what
may be done.
The political events of the year, taken altogether, are not dis-
couraging. Except in Maine and New York, they justify strong
hopes of the future. And in New York, so far as the election
of Governor was concerned, it is far from certain that the issue
should be regretted.
In this State, the Legislature has not yet appointed a Senator.
Our friends are in good spirits, and count upon success. But
the vote will be a close one, owing to the fact that five or six
members, opposed to the Administration, believe themselves
pledged to vote for a Jackson Senator. It is not impossible that
no election will be made this session.
West Point, December 20, 1830.
Mt dear JPather, — I have just learned with certainty by
your letter, that you and my mother are going to New Orleans.
You will find there such a reunion of friends and relations,
that I am sure you can not fail to spend a very agreeable win-
ter. Would that I formed one of your party, but next to enjoy-
ing your society myself, is the pleasure I feel in knowing that
you are re-established in health and spirits, and surrounded by
your friends.
In regard to study, an object has presented itself to my view,
and I eagerly pursue it. My perseverance and assiduity in this
pursuit, may perhaps be to my prejudice in others, but still I am
willing to give up excellence in every other department of
knowledge, to attain an honorable rank as a speaker. I am
well aware that a general acquaintance with the whole circle
of arts and sciences, and in fact with every branch of human
knowledge, is indispensable to the accomplished orator, and this
I shall endeavor to acquire, without weakening or confusing my
mind by too abstracted an attention to minutiae. I am glad that
you are improving Ashland. I have a kind of filial affection for
it, which seems to increase with my years, and distance from it.
CHAPTER YIII.
COKRESPONDENOE OF 1831 AND 183S.
MR. CLAY TO
New Orleans, February 10, 1831.
Dear Sir, — I found, on my arrival in this State, a general
alarm pervading it in respect to the attack meditated on the
Tariff, and which had been actually commenced in the House
of Representatives. The people of Louisiana, an excellent race,
and greatly attached to the Union, contemplate the success of
that attack as involving their utter ruin. If, say they, we had
remained a colony of France or Spain, our productions, and
especially our great staple, would have been protected, in the
parent country, against the rival productions of foreign colonies.
And shall we, as an independent State, a member of this great
Republic, fare worse than if we had continued a distant colony'?
I must confess that they have made a convert of me, and have
fully convinced me of two propositions : 1st. That the repeal or
reduction of the present duty on foreign sugar would totally
disable them from continuing the culture of the cane ; and 2d.
That all parts of the Union would partake of the distress which
would be certainly inflicted on them.
Most erroneous impressions prevail, in other parts of the Union,
as to the profits upon capital invested in sugar plantations. It
happens to this business, as to all others, that now and then a
planter, by the practice of the greatest economy, by a favorable
season and the concurrence of fortunate circumstances, makes a
large profit. These rare instances become the theme of general
conversation, and hence it is rashly inferred that all tlie planters
are growing rapidly rich. The conclusion is just as unwise as
it would have been prior to the Tariff of 1824, to argue that the
cotton manufacture was prosperous because that at Waltham was
294 PEIVATE CORRESPONDENCE
doing remarkably well. These cases of good fortune are neu-
tralized by others of an opposite character. For example (and
the instance is by no means singular), a pUnter, whose acquaint-
ance I have formed, who is remarkable for his intelligence, and
his accuracy and great attention to business, has, in partnership,
an estate which cost upward of $220,000. His partner, a
skillful and diligent manager, resides on the estate. Minute and
regular accounts are kept of their receipts and expenditures.
They sold last year their crop, and, after deducting all expenses,
the nett sum of $800 remained to be divided between them !
But it is not on these extremes, on either side, that the states-
man should be guided in adjusting his measures to the wants or
necessities of a community. His conclusions should be drawn
from the average profit deduced from a view of the entire Ijranch
of business, which his duties call upon him to consider. Pro-
ceeding upon this principle, I am persuaded, from all I have seen
and heard here, that Mr. Senator Johnston, in his late excellent
letter to the Secretary of the Treasury, in assuming as the aver-
age rate of profit upon capital employed in the culture of sugar
cane, from five to six per cent, rather exceeds than falls short of
the true standard. It is evident, then, that the Louisiana planter,
if he were not protected by the existing duty, could not sustain
a competition with the sugars of foreign colonies. They would
compel him to abandon the business; and the repeal of that duty
would be almost as fatal to him as if Congress were to order the
dykes to be razed from Point Coupee to the Balize.
But if Congress, after having by its whole com'se of policy
during a long series of years, inspired confidence in the inhabit-
ants of this State as to the permanency of protection, and thereby
invited them to invest their capital in their present pursuit, could
overwhelm them in irretrievable ruin, their sufTeriugs would not
be confined to themselves, but would extend to every other part
of the Union. If manufactures in any country deserve protec-
tion because of the home market which they create for the pro-
ductions of the industry of other classes, the sugar planter of
Louisiana is equally entitled, for the same reason, to protection.
The seven or eight hundred sugar plantations in Louisiana axe.
in fact, but seven or eight hundred great manufactories. The
raw material is, it is true, produced on their plantations by the
cultivation of the earth, but it is only produced to be there man-
ufactured also into sugar and molasses. As consumers of the
OF HENRY CLAY. 295
objects of the industry of other classes, the Louisiana planters are
even more important than manufacturers exclusively employed
in fabrication ; for they neither make their food, nor their cloth-
ing, nor their implements of labor, all of which they purchase
from other States. Nay more, their very laborers themselves, in
consequence of the institution of slavery, are chiefly brought from
other States. Manufacturers, strictly so called, on the contrary,
either make their own clothes, or their implements of labor, or
both.
I had no adequate conception, prior to my present visit to this
State, of the extent of this dependence of the Louisiana planter
upon other States for his necessary supplies. He draws from
them his flour, bacon, pork, beef, the greater part of the Indian
corn fed upon his plantation, his carts, axes, spades, plows, hoes,
steam-engines for his sugar-house, stone-coal, boilers, horses,
mules, cattle, the clothing -of his slaves, whisky, and a great
variety of small articles. These are obtained principally from
Pennsylvania and the Western, Middle, and Northern States.
His slaves, annually in great numbers, are brought from Virginia
and Maryland.
Let us suppose the market for these various articles to be sud-
denly cut off, the inevitable consequence of the repeal of the
duty upon sugar, and am I not correct in saying that every part
of the Union, in this view of the subject, would be deeply and
sensibly affected by the destruction of the business of the Louis-
iana planter ? Every article which I have enumerated would
immediately fall in price, and no section of the Union would be
altogether exempt from the consequences of a measure so dis-
astrous.
Would they be compensated by any permanent reduction in
the price of sugar, the illusive object sought by those who, in
aiming to repeal the duty, would lay the ax at the root of the
prosperity of this interesting State ? It is confidently believed
.not. The present low price of sugar. is attributable to the com-
petition which has been produced between the West Indian
and Louisiana planter. The eighty or one hundred thousand
hogsheads which the latter annually throws into the general
consumption have diminished to that extent, the demand for the
produce of the former, who has been consequently compelled to
reduce the price. This has obliged the Louisiana planter also to
reduce the price, and he has found himself sustained only by the
296 PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE
possession of the home market, the principal part of which is
given him by the existing duty. If that duty were repealed, and
if Louisiana continued permanently to produce the quantity which
she now annually yields, undoubtedly there would be a per-
manent reduction of price. But the effect of a repeal of the duty
would compel the Louisiana planter to abandon cultivation of
the sugarcane. Absolute ruin would attend him if he continued
to prosecute it. Then what would happen ? The eighty or
one hundred thousand hogsheads now contributed by Louisiana
would be withdrawn from the general consumption. A demand
would ensue for eighty or one hundred thousand hogsheads more
of the production of the West Indies. This demand would
speedily augment the price, and the probability is, that it would
rise to what it now is, or nearly so. It may be argued that
when, after falling, the price should again rise to the present
rate, the Louisiana planter would resiraie the cultivation. But
this admits of several satisfactory answers. In the first place, if
he was now out of the business, he probably would not embark
in it, such are the discouragements produced by low prices and
the dread of a change of public policy. He continues the busi-
ness because he is in it, has built his houses, made his canals
and ditches, established his manufactory, consisting of mills,
steam-engines and boilers, and effected all his other arrangements
with a view to his present pursuit. Supposing that abandoned;
supposing all these arrangements overturned, and his plantation
appropriated to the cultivation of cotton, rice, or any other ar-
ticle, it would not be so easy, under the temptation even of a
high price of sugar, to return to the planting of cane. The
establishment of a sugar plantation, with all its manufacturing
and other apparatus, is not suddenly accomplished, but is a work
of long, patient, and arduous industry. Finally, he could not
fail to reflect that the encouraging price of sugar, for the moment,
resulted from the absence of Louisiana competition, and that,
whenever this returned, a depressed and ruinous state of the
market would be inevitable.
Other views of this interesting question might be taken, but I
will content myself with noticing only an additional one. If the
cultivation of the sugar cane be abandoned, the labor now em-
ployed in it must be directed to some other object ; and that
object undoubtedly would be cotton. But this article is already
produced in excessive quantity. Would it be wise in Congress,
OF HENRY CLAY. 297
by curtailing the pursuits of the people of the United States, to
compel a large portion of their industry to seek employment in a
business already overdone ? The effect would be most injuriously
felt in Tennessee, the northern parts of Alabama and Mississippi,
the upper parts of Georgia and South Carolina, and generally
those districts of the cotton region which are the least adapted to
the production of that staple.
I found the sensibility of the people of this State, on my ar-
rival here, greatly excited on another subject. Shortly after the
cession of Louisiana, an act of Congress required all the inhab-
itants to register their titles to lands granted to them by the pre-
vious governments, and denounced, as a penalty for a neglect to
comply with this law, that the proprietors should not be allowed
to use their vmregistered titles in any court of justice. The ob-
ject at which Congress aimed was a proper and legitimate object,
it being to discriminate between the public domain and private
property ; but it may now be well doubted whether the means
were not rigorously and disproportionately severe. Many, from
no disrespect whatever to the Legislature, but from a perfect con-
fidence in the security of their titles, resulting from ancient pos-
session and complete grants, and strengthened by a positive stip-
ulation in the treaty of cession guaranteeing their property,
omitted to register their titles. Many, from ignorance of the
law, promulgated in a language not their own, also omitted to
register their titles. An opinion has prevailed among the bar,
that in the case of perfect titles, the ceremony of registry was
unnecessary.
Notwithstanding this state of conscious security, the lands of
many of the ancient proprietors, who never dreamed of danger,
have been thrown into the market. Sales have been actually
made, in several instances, of plantations which have been in
cultivation from fifty to one hundred years ; and the first knowl-
edge of them which the unfortunate planters acquired was a no-
tice from the speculator, not to remove, at their peril, any thing
whatever from the plantation. A church even, long dedicated to
public worship, has been actually sold ! The interposition of
the Executive has, I understand, been in vain invoked. I do
hope that that of Congress, to which the Legislature has appealed,
will be afi'orded, and that some efiicacious remedy will be pro-
vided.
What that remedy should be. Congress is most competent to
298 PEIVATE COKEESPONDENCB
decide. The effect of the introduction to the proprietor of the
use, in courts of justice, of his title paper, is a forfeiture of his
land. But is not that punishment altogether too severe, and dis-
proportionate to the offense, if offense it can be called, of non-
registry ? Especially when that wais never contumacious, and
in most, if not all, instances proceeded from ignorance of law or
language, or forgetfulness. It seems to me that some mode
might have been adopted to discriminate between the pub-
lic and private lands other than that of obliging the inhabitants
to register their titles, already recorded in the archives of preced-
ing governments, under the pains and penalties of forfeiture ot
their estates. Had they committed the crime of high treason,
under ancient law, the punishment, as to their estates, would not
have been greater ; but even the crime of high treason, in the
mitigated spirit of modern institutions, does not draw after it a
forfeiture of the culprit's estate. It may indeed be well ques-
tioned whether the act of Congress is not repugnant to that
amendment of the Federal Constitution, which forbids a man's
property to be taken from him without due process of law.
I do not know the extent of the evil which I have depicted.
I have understood that perhaps one third of the plantations from
Point Coupee down the Mississippi are in that condition. This,
you know, comprises the best and longest settled, as well as the
richest part of the State. And what aggravates the misfortune
is, that the omission to register has been chiefly on the part of
the Creole planters, affording a strong presumption that it has
proceeded from ignorance of the American laws and language,
the American planters having most generally taken the precau-
tion to comply with the law.
Thus threatened with the loss both of their lands and their
produce, it is astonishing how patiently this good people bear up
under their afflictions. Complaints there are among individuals,
but neither the Legislature nor any public assembly has, for a mo-
ment, forgot its loyalty to the Union, or its respect to the public
authorities. We have no menaces of violence, no charges of
the oppression and tyranny of the majority, no threats to execute
the powers of nullification. They appear to abide in perfect
confidence that, when their condition is fully understood, in the
general family council, right and justice will be done them.
That they may not be disappointed I sincerely pray.
OF HENEY CLAY. 299
BICHAED HUSH TO MB. CLAT.
YoEK, Pennsylvania, April 14, 1831.
My deab Sib, — Is there no -way ia which, without doing vio-
lence to whatever opinions or feelings you may have as respects
masonry, or without offending that institution, you could concil-
iate to a fair and reasonable extent the good will of Anti-Masons,
between this and September ? I am sure that, in this State,
there are many, very many, of the latter, who notwithstanding
what is said in the newspapers, ardently desire to give their sup-
port to you, for the sake of the great public objects and princi-
ples inseparably interwoven with your name, and which they
fear the permanent prostration of, should General Jackson be re-
elected. I throw this out again, not to put you to the trouble of
a reply, but only for you again to think of it, in conjunction
with discreet friends in the West. You will do, I know, iiow as
always, what duty, honor, and true patriotism require. With
the direct aid of Anti-Masons, we should carry your banner to a
glorious victory, even if we do not without.
ME. clay to FBANCIS BBOOKE.
Ashland, May 1, 1831.
My deab Sib, — Prior to the receipt of your favor of the 17th
ultimo, I had written you a long letter, which I hope will safely
reach you. I infer from your last a determination to accept your
recent appointment. I think you ought to accept it, and I should
regret that you did not. Under all circumstances, it was an
honorable testimony. I share with Messrs. Johnson and Leigh
in their disappointment in not getting Mr. Stanard on the bench ;
and I concur with them in the superiority which they assign to
him over his successful competitor.
We live in an age of revolution. Who could have imagined
such a cleansing of the Augean stable at Washington ? a change,
almost total, of the Cabinet. Did you ever read such a letter as
Mr. Van Buren's ? It is perfectly characteristic of the man — a
labored effort to conceal the true motives, and to assign assumed
ones, for his resignation, under the evident hope of profiting by
the latter. The " delicate step," I apprehend, has been taken,
because, foreseeing the gathering storm, he wished early to
800 PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE
secure a safe refuge. Whether that will he on his farm, or at
London, we shall see. Meantime, our cause can not fail to be
benefited by the measure. It is a broad confession of the in-
competency of the President's chosen advisers, no matter from
what cause, to carry on the business of the Government. It is a
full admission of that unfitness of those advisers for their respect-
ive stations, which the whole country felt when they were first
selected. And if, as I presume, Ingham and Branch were dis-
missed, or compelled to resign, further dissentions must be sown
in a party on the verge of dissolution.
Nor can the injury to his cause be repaired by any successors
to the vacant places, whom the President may call around him —
certainly not by those whom rumor designates. Edward Liv-
ingston to be Secretary of State — a recorded defaulter to an
enormous amount — ^the reviler of Jefferson, whom he pursued
in his retirement with a malicious and vexatious suit — a man
notoriously destitute of all principle. Louis McLane to be Sec-
retary of the Treasury — a man who glories in his -federalism,
to be appointed by the Republican party — one whose 31'gtading
supplications, at the Court of London, for a worthless privilege,
must have disgusted every man who was not insensible to the
honor and dignity of his country.
I expressed, in my former letter, my conjectures as to the
course of Mr. Calhoun. Late events, tending to show the great
probability of the defeat of Jackson, may now determine him to
take bolder and firmer ground against the President. The oc-
currence at Washington is certainly not intended or calculated
to subserve Mr. Calhoun. The rumored successors will all be
adverse to him. I understand that Judge Smith was one of the
advisers of the President in respect to the recent change, and he
will advise nothing which can promote Mr. Calhoun's views.
Thus situated, the Vice-President may declare, or cause himself
to be declared, a candidate, or aid, without such declaration, any
and every opposition to the President. Unless I am deceived as
to his strength, he will not be a candidate himself, but will push
forward, most probably. Judge McLean. I observe a hint of
such a pm-pose, on the part of his friends, in " The Whig."
I long since learned that there was (what shall I call it ? — a bar-
gain ?) between the Judge and Mr. Calhoun, an understanding
that he of the two was to be supported who could command the
greatest probability of success.
OF HENRY CLAY. 301
I observe what you state, as to the impression, in regard to
my constitutional principles, which Mr. Ritchie has made on the
Virginia public ; but I can not concur with you as to the utility,
at this time, of any publication about them, from myself, in any
form. If I am not now understood by the public, nothing that
I could say, during the pendancy of a warm canvass, would make
me intelligible, and I must submit to any misconception of me
which may, unfortunately, prevail. I need not say to you that
my constitutional doctrines are those of the epoch of 1798. I
am against all power not delegated, or not necessary and proper
to execute what is delegated. I hold to the principles of Mr.
Madison, as promulgated through the Virginia Legislature. I
was with Mr. Madison then ; I am with him now. I am against
all nullification, all new lights in politics, if not in religion.
Applying the very principles of Mr. Madison's famous interpre-
tation of the Constitution, in the Virginia address, I find in the
Constitution the power to protect our industry, and to improve
our country by objects of a national character. I have never
altered my constitutional opinion which I ever entertained, and
publicly expressed, but that in relation to the 'bank ; and the ex-
perience of the last war changed mine, and almost every other
person's, who had been against the power of chartering it.
Such are my views, but I will not consent to any publication of
them, under existing circumstances, if I were even sure of achiev-
ing the conversion of my old friend Ritchie, who, by the by,
knows them perfectly well.
I adhere to my opinion, that there is no sufficient public rea-
son, at this time, for publishing Mr. Crawford's letter. I should
be glad that that of Mr. T. J. Randolph could be published, with-
out any direct agency of mine ; but if it can not be so published,
I must acquiesce.
What am I to do with the perpetual importunities to visit the
North, etc., etc.? My judgment is against all and every excur-
sion for, or which might be fairly construed to have in view,
mere political effect. But I should like to be fortified or cor-
rected by the opinion of yourself and other Virginia friends.
302 PRIVATE COEEESPONDEJSrCB
MS. CLAY TO FKANCIS BROOKE.
Ashland, June 4, 1831.
Mt deae Sib, — I received both of your favors of the 15th
ult., from Richmond, and of the 26th from St. Julien. I should
be very happy to meet you in August at the White Sulphur
Springs and Lewisburg ; but I believe I shall find it necessary
to remain this summer in Kentucky. My private affairs require
some portion of my time. I have several Executorships also to
close, and I wish to avail myself of the leisure I can command
this summer to settle them.
I regret that I have not a copy of the pamphlet of Mr. Liv-
ingston to which you refer. I will endeavor to procure one
from New Orleans. Lately I have seen extracts from it, in which
the author speaks very harshly of Mr. Jefferson.
I should be very glad if you could obtain the consent of Mr.
T. J. R. to the publication of the letter, but I fear his apprehen-
sions will lead him to withhold it.
Can you not, when at Lewisburg, extend your journey this
far ? I should be delighted to see you here, and beg you will
come, if it be possible.
MB. CLAY TO ADAM BEATTY.
Ashland, June 4, 1831.
Dear Sir, — I received your favor of the 31st ultimo, with the
newspaper communicating the death of our friend Colonel Roch-
ester. I offer you my sincere condolence on that afflicting
event. To his family and numerous friends it is no small alle-
viation that he lived to a ripe old age, honored and beloved, and
dies with the deep and general regret of all who knew him, as
the " Rochester Gazette" truly testifies.
I congratulate yoa on the improvement in the price of wool,
and the consequent encouragement to the cultivation of sheep.
I received for my common wool, unwashed, 33 cents, and was
offered 62 for my merino, washed on the back of the sheep.
A lame ram of mine was left the summer before the last with,
I think, a Mr. Foreman, in your neighborhood, and I have never
since heard of him. "Will you be good enough to apply for the
ram, if living, and use him this fall if you want him ?
OF HENEY CLAY. 303
TO HIS FATHER.
West Point, June 21, 1831.
Dear Father, — ^I have favorable news to give you in regard
to myself. I have finished my examination and have graduated
second ; and in the engineer corps. You know that it is the
highest honor conferred upon graduates to be admitted into the
engineers ; and one not often conferred upon the heads of classes.
General Scott is President of the Board for this year ; you
know he is your warm friend, and consequently mine. I have
received from him many manifestations of the kindest attention
to my interests. He wishes me to be stationed in New York,
should I remain in the army. If you should advise me so to
do, I shall be employed on the fortifications of New York Bay
and Harbor. In the mean time I deem it proper to say that my
talents remain the same as before this honor, and I believe I may
say my inclinations also.
MR. CLAY TO FRANCIS BROOKE.
AsELAND, June 23, 1831.
My dear Sir, — I received your favor of the 12th instant. I
believe I have answered all your previous favors, although my
last, at the date of yours, had not, I suppose, reached you. In
that I informed you that I could not visit Lewisburg. It would
have afforded me very great satisfaction to have been able to
visit it, on account of yourself and other friends whom I should
have met there, or at the Springs ; but it will not be in my
power. Can you not come here, when you will, at Lewisburg,
have penetrated so far to the West ? I assure you that we would
give you a warm and cordial reception, if you would visit us ;
and I hope you will be able and inclined to do so.
I am sorry to have troubled you with Mr. T. J. Randolph and
his letter. Certainly their prudence is much to be admired. As
it is but a small affair, I beg you to desist from the pursuit of it,
if you encounter any further obstacle. I am not insensible to
the value of the good opinion of his grandfather, as I desire in-
deed to deserve and possess that of all men. His father bore
evidence, v/hich was widely promulgated, of an unfavorable
opinion entertained of me by his grandfather. He voluntarily
contradicted it in a private letter to me. During his father's
304 PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE
lifetime, from considerations of delicacy, I did not desire the
publication of the contradiction. After his (father's) death, he
expressly permitted it. If he now refuses the publication, and
chooses to allow his father's erroneous testimony to stand unre-
futed, I must, without repining, acquiesce in the decision.
Our flattering prospects in Kentucky daily increase, instead of
declining. And letters which reach me from all quarters of the
Union (the four Southern Atlantic States excepted) exhibit a
tone of the greatest confidence. Anti-Masonry seems to be the
only difficulty now in the way of certain success, both in Penn-
sylvania and New York. I have been urged, entreated, impor-
tuned, to make some declaration, short of renunciation of ma-
sonry, which would satisfy the Antis. But I have hitherto de-
clined all interference on that subject. While I do not, and
never did, care about Masonry, I shall abstain from making my-
self any party to that strife. I tell them that Masonry or Anti-
Masonry has, legitimately, in my opinion, nothing to do with
politics ; that I never acted, in public or private life, under any
Masonic influence ; that I have long since ceased to be a mem-
ber of any lodge ; that I voted for Mr. Adams, no Mason, against
General Jackson, a Mason, etc.
Mr. Rush, among others, has urged me to make some declara-
tion. Notwithstanding his late impassioned address, he is firm .
in his devotion to our cause, and, I think, is worthy of all confi-
dence. I do not believe that he would accept a nomination for
the Presidency from the Antis, nor that he would alloAV of any
use of his name prejudicial to me.
How Anti-Masonry will finally operate is an important ques-
tion. They may, and probably will make a nomination at Bal-
timore, in September, of some person who is not a Mason. They
can not nominate Calhoun, on account of his political principles.
They will not nominate Van Buren. If they nominate Rush, I
think he will not accept the nomination. It is said that Judge
M'Lean will not. Granger they intend to run as Governor of
New York. If they do make a nomination which shall be ac-
cepted, I think they will, before the next spring, discover how
hopeless it is, and abandon it virtually, if not formally.
Upon the whole, I do not apprehend ultimately any serious
mischief from it.
Mrs. Clay unites with me in respectful remembrances to Mrs.
Brooke.
OF HENRY CLAT. 305
MR. CLAT TO ADAM BEATTY.
Ashland, June 25, 1831.
Dear Sie, — The same anxiety displayed by our friend, Mr.
Rochester, as evinced in the extract from his letter Avhich yon
were good enough to send me, in regard to the pending Ken-
tucky elections, pervades our friends throughout the Union.
And I do believe that, if they should result, as we hope and be-
lieve they might be made to result, the Presidential contest
would, in effect, be decided. My information as to our pros-
pects in the State is highly flattering. Still no energy or exer-
tion ought to be spared that can be thrown into the canvass. I
concur with you fully in the efficiency of the plan suggested
by you for bringing out the voters, and hope you will have it
carried into effect in your quarter. Such a proceeding is con-
templated here, and it will be also suggested to the Central Com-
mittee.
We can not tell, at this distance of time and theater, how the
Anti-Masonic excitement will result. Should they make a nom-
ination in September, their first difficulty will be to prevail on
any prominent person to accept. I am quite sure, from the tenoi:
of recent letters from Mr. Rush to me, that he will not. I have
heard that Mr. M'Lean would not. They caA not nominate Cal-
houn, without utter ruin to themselves. But if they should suc-
ceed in getting some prominent person to stand, I think, before
one year, they would discover the hopelessness of the effort,
and perceive that perseverance might be highly injurious. As
between Jackson and me, I have every reason to count upon
their preference.
ME. CLAY TO FEANCIS BROOKE.
Ashland, July 18, 1831.
Mt dear Sir, — According to the wish expressed in your let-
ter of the 3d instant, duly received, I transmit a copy of Mr.
Randolph's letter to me. I have another from him, written sub-
sequent to his father's death, on which, however, I have not
been able to lay my hands, in which he expresses his consent to
my publication of the letter now sent. Notwithstanding, if there
be any objection now existing to its publication, on his part, I
do not desire it to be done.
20
306 PEIVATE COEEESPONDENCE
I have been much hnportuned to make some declaration in re-
gard to Masonry (not a formal renunciation or denunciation),
which would conciliate and satisfy the Anti-Masons. I have
declined to do so, and shall not depart from this resolution. I
think it best not to touch the subject. Principle and policy are
both opposed to my meddling with it. At the same time I be-
lieve it would be politic to leave the Jackson party exclusively
to abuse the Antis.
Information has reached me, in which I confide, that about
one hundred of the most prominent Jacksonians in and about
Philadelphia, have addressed the hero, and requested him not to
run again. He had not answered them at my last dates.
GENEEAL, BERNAED TO MB. CLAT.
Washington Citt, July 19, 18S1.
SiE, — I have the honor to inform you that it is with deep re-
gret I am about to leave this hospitable land, and to return to
Europe, whose political situation places me under the moral ob-
ligation to tender once more my humble services to France.
Before leaving tjiis abode of liberty and peace, permit me to
express to you, one of the great citizens of this noble Republic,
how my heart is full of gratitude for the honorable and generous
patronage you have bestowed upon me during the fifteen years
that I have served this great people.
While I shall always remember with pride your kind regard
toward me, my family will never forget how much we are in-
debted to Mrs. Clay for her polite attentions toward us during her
stay at Washington.
Be so indulgent, sir, as to receive my most fervent wishes for
your happiness, and the expression of my everlasting sentiments
of gratitude.
ME. CLAY TO J. S. JOHKSTON.
Hakeodsbubg, July 23, ISSl.
Mt deab SiE, — In passing through Lexington from my resi-
dence, yesterday, to this place, where I purpose spending a few
days, I received your favor dated at the Balize, and sincerely
OF HENRY CLAY. 307
hope that this letter may find you safe in port. I should have
■written you before, as at Louisville I intimated I would do, but
you appeared to be in such constant motion in Louisiana, that I
did not know how to take you on the wing.
Of the events at Washington which have occurred since I saw
you, I need say but little. Every one, fond of his country,
must have seen them with mortification and regret. The only
consolation deducible from them is, that they may contribute to
dispel the delusion which placed those in power who have occa-
sioned them.
I think we are authorized, from all that is now before us, to
anticipate confidently General Jackson's defeat. The question
of who will be the successor, may be more doubtful. The
probabilities are strongly with us. It seems to me that nothing
can disappoint the hopes of our friends, but Anti-Masonry. If
that party should nominate a candidate at Baltimore, and adhere
to him, they may prevent any election by the colleges, and pos-
sibly may lead to the election of the present incumbent. I be-
lieve they will make a nomination of an Anti-Mason. The wish
of many of them, I understand, has been to make such a nomi-
nation, and then, that the person designated should decline.
Accordingly an application was made to Judge M'Lean, to sound
him, and to the surprise of the party he has expressed, it is said,
a willingness to accept the nomination ! This has produced
embarrassment. Whether they will now nominate the Judge,
or some person not so accommodating, remains to be seen.
Should they nominate Mr. Rush, I presume he will decline.
This gentleman has written me several letters since the publica-
tion of his famous address, in all of which he has expressed the
strongest sentiments of attachment and friendship to me. His
main object in them was to prevail upon me to make some dec-
laration against Masonry, which would satisfy and conciliate the
Antis. I was opposed to it, both upon principle and policy. I
was opposed, not exclusively upon Masonic, but also upon other
grounds. I think we ought not to admit the right of mixing
Masonry or Anti-Masonry, or any other society, whether literary,
beijevolent, or religious, with politics. I concluded, and so in-
formed Mr. Rush, not to touch the subject, but to stand still.
Reflection since has confirmed my resolution.
Should the Antis make a nomination, as supposed, in Sep-
tember, of an Anti-Mason for the Presidency, it will be an
808 PRIVATE COERESPONDENCB
interesting question what course our friends ought to take in
relation to it in New York and Pennsylvania. I submit some
observations :
I think our friends in New York erred, last summer, in not
hoisting their own colors. The consequence was, that, as a
party, they acted with no concert, neither with the Antis nor
with the Regency, exclusively, but with both. They got the
gratitude of neither. What is more, the Antis were more em-
bittered by the loss of some eighteen or twenty thousand of our
friends, than they were gratified by their gain of upward of
sixty thousand of them. And they obtained these sixty thous-
and as a clear addition to their own ranks, or, in fact, so many
Antis. The further consequence was, to exhibit a great nomi-
nal increase of Anti-Masons since the election of the previous
year. This apparent augmentation has had the effect of extend-
ing the Anti-Mason principle to other States, which had before
been almost exempt from it. If, last fall, Anti-Masonry had, in
New York, been restricted to its own legitimate numbers, it
would now be less formidable there, or any where else, than
it is.
We are taught by past errors what to do in future. That, I
think, ought to be done this fall which was omitted the last.
Our standard should be raised, whatever may be the number,
small or great, flocking to it. There may then be in New York
and Pennsylvania, three distinct tickets. Three consequences
will ensue : First, that the Anti-Masons will be reduced to
their proper numbers, and be taught by the reduction, modera-
tion ; secondly, that the Jackson party may be the strongest of
the three ; thirdly, by union, that the Jackson party may be de-
feated, whereas, by division between the Antis and the National
Republicans, the Jackson party may succeed. And if the can-
vass should be conducted in a conciliatory manner by our friends
toward the Antis (which policy evidently enjoins), this final
consequence next fall may follow : that they (the Antis) will
then come to our support.
The policy of the Antis is to force us into their support.
Ours should be to win them to ours. Taking the Union at
large, we are certainly the strongest party. Taking any single
State in the Union (New York, Pennsylvania, and Vermont, for
example), we are the strongest party. Upon the laws of gravi-
tation, we ought to draw them to us, instead of being drawn to
OF HENRY CLAY. 309
them. They and we agree as to every thing the general Gov-
ernment can or ought to do. We differ only about Masonry,
respecting which the general Government has nothing to do.
In what part of the Federal Constitution can they find any war-
rant or authority to put down Masonry ? If they, by a pursuit
of the delusive object which, as it respects federal politics, they
are prosecuting, should endanger the, safety, or occasion the loss
of great political principles, they will incur a great responsibility,
and an overwhelming odium.
I would not abuse them ; I would not even attack them. I
would leave that to the Jackson party.
Such are my general views on this perplexing question.
We are on the eve of our great Kentucky contest. I think
we shall achieve a signal victory. As to the Legislature, we
can not fail. But such is the arrangement of the Congressional
Districts, and so nicely are many of them balanced, that we
may be deceived as to some. Yet I believe we shall gain, at
least, seven or eight out of the twelve. Prodigious efforts, sec-
onded by a vast expenditure of money, are making from Wash-
ington ; and if we fail, it will be because the power of corruption
is superior to the power of truth. Be pleased to make my best
regards to Mrs. Johnston.
ME. CLAY TO FEANCIS BEOOKE.
OiTMPiAN Springs, August 16, 1831.
My beae Sie, — I avail myself of the conveyance afforded by
a passing traveler to drop you a few lines in respect to our recent
elections.
I have not seen all the returns, but the results of enough are
ascertained to enable me to say, that we shall certainly have the
majority in the Legislature, and consequently will elect the
United States Senator. As to the members of the House of
Representatives, we have heard of the election of five of our
friends. There are opposite rumors as to the sixth. If he be
elected, the parties will probably stand six to six. Two years
ago they were ten to two.
The most extraordinary efforts have been made by the general
Government to carry the election ; and there is reason to believe
310 PRIVATE COREESPONDENCE
that, in some instances, highly improper means have been em-
ployed. For example, in the county of Floyd, composing a part
of the district from which I now write, where, in the contest be-
tween Daniel and Trimble, the vote was nearly equally divided,
Daniel obtained a majority of upward of three hundred votes
out of six or seven hundred. That county is in the mountains
of Sandy, the most eastern county of the State. It is almost
inaccessible. Yet an engineer of the United States arrived there
in seven days from Philadelphia, on the 27th ultimo, just four
days before the election, upon a service of reconnoissance, to ef-
fect objects of internal improvement. It is strongly suspected
that he used some efficacious instruments. In every other county
of the district, Daniel lost upon the vote between him and Trim-
ble ; other parties in the recent contest received respectively
about the same support that was given on that occasion. But
in Floyd, Daniel got the majority that has been stated. That
extraordinary majority is believed to be the result of extraor-
dinary causes.
Upon the whole, the issues of our late elections ought, perhaps,
to be deemed satisfactory.
If the" Berrian correspondence had reached Kentucky in titoe
to be circulated throughout the State, prior to the election, there
would not have been more than two or three Jackson members
elected to Congress.
GENERAL DEAHBORN TO MR. CLAT.
Bkinley Place, Eoxbuet, September 3, 1831.
Much respected Sir, — From conversations with a number
of your most influential friends in this State, I am induced to
urge upon you the expediency of your going into the Senate
of the United States. The next session will be of a very inter-
esting and momentous character, and your talents, independence,
and influence extremely desirable. Your presence will be a host.
Not only the great interests of the country require your services,
but your fellow-cilizcns, who claim you as their candidate, can
not be so well subserved, as by your being in Washington. We
hope that no motives of delicacy will restrain you. The times
are portentous, and there is no man in the land who can do so
much to restore confidence in the stability of the Republic.
OF HENRY CLAY. 311
There will be many Richmonds in the field, and each en-
deavoring to augment his forces by all means within his power.
We want an abler and better man than any of them, to defeat
their ambitious schemes of aggrandizement, and it is indispens-
able that you should be at the post of conflict.
I trust in your magnanimity to excuse this freedom, but I am
but expressing the opinion of your best friends here.
MB. ADAMS TO ME. CLAT.
QciNOT, September '7, 1831.
My dear Sir, — A very fcAV days after transmitting to you a
copy of an oration composed at the request of my neighbors at
this place, I had the pleasure of receiving your friendly letter
of the 26th July, which I have delayed answering till I could
have the opportunity of forwarding with my answer a copy of
another discourse prepared by invitation of the City Council of
Boston in honor of our deceased friend and ex-President, Mon-
roe.
I have availed myself of both these occasions to lay before
our countrymen throughout the Union, the opinions which I
have constantly entertained upon the doctrine of Nullification,
and you will have seen that among the States which I have
charged with directly asserting, or imprudently giving counte-
nance to it, is your beloved State of Kentucky, as well as my
own Massachusetts. I believe we are even indebted to Ken-
tucky for the word, my remark upon which you will perhaps
think savors of hypercriticism. A letter from Mr. Madison to
Edward Everett, published last autumn in the " North American
Review," disclaims explicitly all intention of reporting to force,
by the interposition of the State Legislatures to arrest the opera-
tion of acts of Congress, deemed by such State Legislatures un-
constitutional. Holding, as I do, that in our country all the
powers of Government that can lawfully be exercised emanate
from the people, it follows, as a necessary consequence, that
neither the General Government, nor the State Governments can
lawfully interfere with the appropriate functions of each other,
nor exercise any authority or power not delegated to them by
the people. The State is the creation of the people. Each of
the thirteen original States passed by the will of its people, from
312 PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE
the condition of a subject dependent colony, to that of an inde-
pendent State, united with twelve others, and this operation was
effected, not by the separate action of each colony, but by the
joint operation of the people of the whole ; and the Congress
of 1776, assuming to speak in their name, and by their authority,
fully sanctioned by their acquiescence, proclaimed this Union to
the world in the Declaration of Independence.
The State then is the body corporate formed by the associa-
tion of the people. The Constitution is the organic law or
commission of Government. It is the delegation of power to be
exercised by the public functionaries for the common good.
Those functionaries can not lawfully travel out of the record in
the exercise of power. Despotic or autocratic power is not only
foreign to our institutions, but is expressly interdicted by the
Declaration of Independence.
I assumed then that the people of no one State in the Union
have ever delegated to their Government the right to interpose
by legislation, to obstruct the operation of any act of Congress.
That a State legislature may, as an assembly of individuals, re.-
monstrate or petition I do not deny, and this was the only plausi-
ble ground upon which the Hartford Convention attempted to
legalize their convocation and proceedings.
The Government of the Union, is, and necessarily must be,
the judge of the extent of its own powers. So is the Govern-
ment of each State. This is an essential attribute not only of
sovereign but of independent power, and this is after all the re-
fuge to which the school of despotic sovereignty must fly when
pursued by the absurdities of their own ai-gument. The Gov-
ernment of the Union, and the Governments of the States, are
in their lawful action each independent of the other. But the
Constitution of the United States expressely prohibits the States
from the exercise of certain powers — high and transcendent pow-
ers— and this prohibition and its lawfulness is expressly recog-
nized in the tenth emendatory article. Prohibits ! who pro-
hibits ? If the States were the parties to the compact what right
would either or all of them have to prohibit the exercise of any
power by any one of them. They might stipulate the non-
exercise of any given power; but to prohibit is the action of au-
thority upon obedience — the relation of law to submission. The
prohibiting power of the Constitution is — We the People of the
United States. That " poor little thing" as Patrick Henry called
OF HENEY CLAY. 313
it, " the expression, We the People, instead of the States of Ameri-
ca." If, therefore, any one State, whether by an act of the
Legislature or by a convention of its people, authorizes resistance
or obstruction to the execution of any act of Congress, it exercises
a power out of the pale of the Union ; nullifies its own portion
of the Constitution of the United States, violates the Declaration
of Independence, and levies war against the United States.
This is and ever has been my opinion. Now the Yirginia and
Kentucky resolutions of 1798 and 1799 ; the opinion of Judge
M'Kean and the Olmsted case in Pennsylvania ; the Hartford
Convention, and the proceedings of the Legislature of Massachu-
setts and Connecticut authorizing that assembly ; the opinions
of the Judges Parsons, Sewell, and Parker, of the Supreme Court
of Massachusetts, given to the Legislature of the State ; Spen-
cer Roane's project of a bill in the " Richmond Enquirer," and the
doctrines of Calhoun and his squad at this day, all assert or coun-
tenance a right of interposition by the States, against acts of
Congress, which I find nowhere delegated to the States. Mr. .
Madison disclaims for the Virginia Resolutions all purpose of
coimteracting legislation ; his southern disciples appeal from the
commentary to the text, and Hamilton, the nuUifier, charges him
with desertion of his own principles.
The doctrine, in all its parts, is so adverse to my convictions
that I can view it in no other light than organized civil war.
That it has the sanction of high and venerable names makes it
but the more portentous of evil to the Union. Mr. Calhoun is
but a pupil of the Hartford Convention, though he takes special
care not to include them in his citation of authorities. Parsons
and Roane, and M'Kean, and Jefferson have all been nuUifiert
when in a passion. Mr. Madison alone has explained, when
cool, what he said when warm, and it extracts from the doctrine
its venom if not its sting.
The doctrine has never yet been carried into effect. In the
Olmsted case the issue was made, but nullification, after lighting
the match, flinched from her quarters. It is the odious nature
of the question that it can be settled only at the cannon's mouth.
The South Carolina nullifiers appear determined to come to that
point, and I hear our sober friend Langdon Cheves has made up
his mind that the Union must be dissolved for incompatability
of interests between North and South. What shall we do with
these heroes ?
314 PRIVATE COEEESPOJSTDENCE
The papers in the " United States Gazette" upon the colonial
trade arrangement, were written by Edward Ingersoll.
Mrs. Adams unites with me in offering our respectful regards
to Mrs. Clay. We hope her health is entirely restored, and re-
joice at the good account we have of yours, particularly from
Mr. George Eustis, who lately saw you.
ME. CLAY TO FRANCIS BROOKE.
Ashland, October 4, 1831.
My dear Sir, — I was rejoiced to learn, by your letter of the
4th ultimo, that both your health and spirits were good. I hope
they have so continued, and may long remain.
I have received no letter from Mr. Randolph lately. I do not
think it worth while longer to press him on a point which he
evidently evades.
It appears to me to be right that I should put you in possession
of at least a brief outline of the policy which I think adapted to
the present state of the country. This I do, not for the purpose
of publication, but that you may have the means of correcting
any error that may fall in yoiu- way as to my real opinions.
Such a correction might also, if necessary, be made in " The
Whig ;" not, however, to be done at my instance, nor upon
my authority.
I agree with Mr. Calhoun, that the next session of Congress is
a suitable time for such a modification of the Tariff as is called
for by the near approach of the payment of the public debt.
The modification may be prospective, to take effect on the hap-
pening of that event ; or, if there be any particular article, the
duty on which is burdensome, there might, as to that duty, be
an immediate reduction, or abolition. There is a great advan-
tage to merchants, as well as to consumers, to have adequate no-
tice of a change in the existing Tariff. The Executive, too,
might avail itself of the contemplated and distant alteration, to
secure, in consideration of it, more favorable terms of commer-
cial intercourse with foreign nations.
There ought, I think, to be a dispensation with duties to an
amount, after the payment of the public debt, equal to the sink-
ing fund of ten millions, which are annually appropriated to
that object. This should be effected by an abolition or reduc-
OF HENRY CLAY. 315
tion of duties on articles not coming into competition with the
produce of our agriculture, or the fabrics of our manufacturers.
In other words, I think the principle of protection should be
preserved unimpaired, in its application to our domestic indus-
try; but, at the same time, that no more revenue should be col-
lected than is necessary to an economical Administration. Laws
ought to be passed to enforce strict execution of the Tariff, by
detecting and punishing all evasions. An arrangement of the
Tariff upon the principles stated, would be in conformity with
what was always admitted by Southern statesmen, that is, that
protection might be incidentally afforded in the collection of
revenue.
I have no idea of the propriety of laying or continuing du-
ties for the purpose of accumulating surpluses. And as to the
doctrine of distributing any such surpluses among the several
States, I think there is not the slightest authority for it in the
Constitution. The general Government can no more devolve
upon the States the duty of discharging any one of its own
powers than the States can delegate to the general Government,
without an annulment of the Constitution, the duty of local or
municipal legislation.
In regard to internal improvements, I never have thought
or contended, that a single cent of duty ought to be laid or con-
tinued for their promotion. I believe the power is possessed by
the general Government. In any prudent adjustment of the
Tariff to produce a revenue, say of twelve millions, sound pol-
icy requires that a deficit should be guarded against by laying
duties enough. In some years, owing to the fluctuations of
commerce, there may be a surplus, which might not be wanted.
Such an occasional surplus, I would apply to the purpose of in-
ternal improvements.
But the great resource on which I think we should rely for
that object, after the payment of the public debt, is the proceeds
of the sales of the public lands. There is an obvious fitness in
such an appropriation. And I think that a more liberal applica-
tion to the Western States ought to be made, of this fund, than
to the others, for two reasons ; 1st. That the public domain is
there situated, and improvements in that quarter have a tendency
to enhance the value of the unsold residue ; 2d. As a sort of
counterbalance to the expenditures on a navy and fortifications,
which are for the more immediate benefit of the maritime fron-
316 PEIVATE COERESPONDENCE
tier. It is true, that each part of the Union is concerned in the
safety and prosperity of every other part. But this interest is
sometimes only indirect. The maritime States •would have
quite as much of this indirect interest in internal improvements
made under the authority of the general Government, in the
West, as the Western States would have in Eastern fortifications
and a navy. But I would leave the consideration of what is
due to the Western States, from the above views, to the enlight-
ened sense of Congress.
I think the Charter of the Bank of the United States ought to
be renewed upon equitable conditions. I am perfectly willing
to abide by the reasons which I assigned for a change of my
opinion (the only change of opinion I ever made on a great po-
litical question) relative to that institution, and which are to be
found in my published speeches.
I have thus hastily sketched my views of the policy which is
applicable to the present condition of our country. I repeat
that they are not intended for publication, nor, for reasons which
will readily occur to you, do I wish any copy of this letter given
to any one, for any purpose.
The doings of the Anti-Masonic Convention at Baltimore,
have not yet reached us. From all I have heard, I presume
Mr. M'Lean, of Ohio, has been nominated. I do not believe
that he has the moral courage to accept the nomination. But,
to quote from your neighbor, nous verrons. If the alternative
be between Andrew Jackson and an Anti-Masonic candidate,
with his exclusive prescriptive principles, I should be embar-
rassed in the choice. I am not sure that the old tyranny is not
better than a new one. That can endure, at the furthest, only
four or five years more, while the latter might be of indefinite
duration. The one is an exhausted volcano, the other would
be the bursting of a new eruption, spreading no one can tell to
what extent, nor how long it would last.
I believe, either that Mr. McLean will not accept, or, if he
does, that he will be ultimately abandoned, from the impractica-
bility of his election, in which case the great body of the Anti-
Masons will support me, not because they love me, but because
they hate Jackson more, and because there is greater coincidence
between their political principles and mine.
You suggest the propriety of publishing an extract from a let-
ter you addressed to me, disclaiming any wish for a federal ap-
OF HENEY CLAY. 817
pointment in any contingency. I have seen nothing which
questions your disinterestedness ; and, therefore, why make the
pubhcation ? Might not such a publication be deemed a gratui-
tous and unnecessary display ? I request your reconsideration.
I am glad that Virginia resolves to be represented in the Balti-
more Convention. Whatever doubts might originally have ex-
isted about the policy of that movement, it has now proceeded
too far to be abandoned. And it is therefore desirable that
there should be a full and respectable assembly.
I am strongly urged to go to the Senate, and I am now con-
sidering whether I can subdue my repugnance to the service.
DANIEL WEBSTER TO MK. CLAY..
Boston, October 5, 1831.
Mt dear Sir, — Mr. Everett was kind enough to show me
your letter to him, stating the results of the Kentucky election.
It is doubtless true that some regret was felt in this quarter,
that those results were not more strongly in our favor, but, upon
the whole, a general satisfaction as to that matter now prevails, and
all think that Kentucky has at least, by a certain, if not by a
great majority, declared against the present Administration. For
my own part, I can say, with great truth and sincerity, that I
know no political men more deserving the thanks of the coun-
try, than our friends in Kentucky. I have some conception of
the obstacles with which they have had to contend, not for once,,
but for many times, and their spirit, zeal, and perseverance in
■maintaining the cause of good government, place them, in my
judgment, in the first class of really patriotic citizens. This opinion
I often express, and it gives me always pleasure to express it.
Whatever events may come upon us, I feel, for one, a debt of
gaatitude to the good men of Kentucky, for the firmness with
which they have breasted a storm, which has threatelied, and I
think still threatens, to overturn, not only the interests and insti-
tutions, but the Constitution of the country.
You must be aware, my dear sir, of the strong desire mani-
fested in many parts of the country, that you should come into
the Senate. There is, certainly, a strong feeling of that sort,
all along the Atlantic coast. I learn its existence from private
letters, as well as from the public newspapers. The wish is en-
818 PEIVATE COBRESPONDENCK
tertained here, as earnestly as any where. For myself, T hardly
know what my own wishes are, because I suppose Mr. Critten-
den will, of course, be thought of again. He has so much
talent and fitness for the place, is, according to my apprehension
of his character, so true and trustworthy, has done so much for
the general good, and been so marked an object besides, for the
opposition and reproach of the present dominant party at Wash-
ington, that I find myself incapable of desiring any thing in-
compatible with his wishes or expectations. But I know not
what his wishes are. Independent of considerations of this
kind, the force of which you can weigh infinitely better than I
can, I should entirely concur with others in deeming it most ex-
pedient for you to come now into the Senate. We are to have
an interesting and an arduous session. Every thing is to be
attacked. An array is preparing much more formidable than
has ever yet assaulted, what we think, the leading and important
public interests. Not only the Tariff, but the Constitution it-
self, in its elementary and fundamental provisions, will be as-
sailed with talent, vigor, and union. Every thing is to be
debated, as if nothing had ever been settled. You perceive
imposing proceedings, under high names, going oh in Philadel-
phia. You see measures adopted to try the Constitution, further
South. You see, every where, I think, omens of a contest of no
ordinary character. At the same time, discouraging things are
happening, such as the Baltimore nomination and its acceptance.
I assure you, my dear sir, with the prospect of toil and labor
. which is before me, if honor and conscience were not in the
way, I would give my place to another. But these dictate to me,
or seem to, that, so far as depends on so humble an individual
as myself, the crisis must be met. Bat it would be an infinite
gratification to have your aid, or rather your lead. I speak in
unaffected sincerity and truth, when I say that I should rejoice,
personally, to meet you in the Senate. I am equally sincere in
saying that the cause would, under present circumstances be
materially benefited by your presence there. I know nothing so
likely to be useful' Every thing valuable in the Government
is to be fought for, and we need your arm in the fight. At the
same time, my dear sir, I would not, even thus privately and
confidentially to you, say any thing not consistent with deli-
cacy and friendship for Mr. Crittenden, for whose charactier
I have great regai'd, and toward whom you and others have
OF HENRY CLAY. 319
taught me to entertain the feehngs of a friend. Would to God
we could have you both, at this crisis in the public councils.
1 ought to thank you for your kindness to several friends of
mine, who have visited yoii in the course of the season. They
express themselves highly gratified by your hospitality and good
offices.
I pray a most respectful remembrance to Mrs. Clay, and hope
that at some time, on one or the other side of the mountains,
Mrs. Webster may have the pleasure of making her acquaint-
ance. Clark, Letcher, and Kincaird, I believe, are not at great
distances from Lexington. If you see them, tender my regards
to them. I hope you will let me hear from you.
TIMOTHY PICKEEING TO MB. CLAT.
BosToif, October 22, 1831.
Dear Sir, — ^Will you permit an ardent political friend to ad-
dress youaipon a subject of the highest importance.
You are already aware that the Hon. William Wirt has been
nominated by a very respectable Convention at Baltimore, for
the high office of President of the United States.
You are aware that at the election of J. Q,. Adams, you were
accused of bargain and corruption. You may be aware, also,
that no respectable man of good information does now believe it.
You recollect that you stated your conviction of General
Jackson's inability, and notorious incompetency to fill that high
station, and put your character and motives upon the issue.
You are aware that the present organization renders your elec-
tion impossible.
You are aware that the sentiments of Mr. Wirt, upon the
great and important points of our domestic policy are in unison
with your own.
Now, sir, since your own election is impossible, would it not
l^e the greatest blessing which you could possibly confer upon
your country, to retire from the contest, and let all your forces
be brought over to Mr. Wirt's side, and thus, by securing his
election, you would be the means of delivering the country from
the domination of the present weak and imbecile Administration.
Please to accept these remarks from a constant political friend.
320 PRIVATE COERESPONDENCE
MRS. ERWIN TO HER FATHER, MR. CLAY.
Kew Oeleans, December 8, 1 831.
Mt dear Father, — I wrote mamma last from Cahaba. Not
being certain whether she would go to Washington or not, I ad-
dressed my letter to Lexington, so that you will probably receive
this one before that. We went on board of the boat a few hours
after I wrote, and had a very pleasant passage of two days to
Mobile, where we remained a week with our friends. We left
there on the 4th, expecting to be here in twenty-four hours, but,
owing to the steamboat being badly managed, we were two days
and three nights in coming. We had a most comfortless time,
and on arriving here found our friends very anxious about us, as
there was a report that we were lost. I was delighted at finding
Henry here. He has not been very well for a day or two past,
but is in good spirits and appears to be very much pleased with
the prospect of settling here. All of our friends have been very
kind and attentive to him. Old Mr. Henderson gave him a dinner
at which he invited some of the oldest gentlemen in the city to
meet him. This was intended, of course, as a great compliment
to his understanding. We found our rooms, that Mr. Erwin had
engaged last spring, ready for us, and I think we shall be quite
pleasantly situated. I am as yet the only lady in the house, but
as we have a private table I shall prefer it, as I must necessarily
be a greater belle, there being no competition in the case ; and
you know, my dear father, too well for me to disguise the fact,
that all ladies like the attention of gentlemen. I have not
as yet had time to see any of my friends except Aunt Clay. The
weather for the last two weeks has been detestable. Judge
Porter called this morning to see us. He appears to be in good
health, but is of course very dejected. His daughter will remain
in the city this winter with Mrs. Judge Matthews, and will spend
next summer with me in Kentucky.
*******
I hope, my dear father, you will not be so entirely absorbed
in politics but that you will find time to write us frequently.
Present me affectionately to all those persons who remember me
in Washington, and give Mr. Erwin's love as well as mine to
mamma.
OF HENRY CLAY. 321
ME. CLAY TO FEANCIS BROOKE.
"Washington, December 9, 1831.
My dear Sir, — ^I have received your favor of the 7th instant.
That to which it refers was not received hy me until after my
return from Illinois, and after my election to the Senate. As
this latter event brought me nearer to you, I concluded to post-
pone writing until I reached this city, and even now I have noth-
ing material to communicate which the papers do not present.
Parties have not yet exhibited their respective strength ; nor,
except the election of Speaker, has there been any occasion for
its display. In that instance, there was evidently no concert
between those opposed to the Administration ; and such a con-
cert I apprehend to be extremely difScult, if not impossible.
You will have seen from the message, and from the reports of
the Secretary of the Treasury, and his colleagues, that the en-
tire policy of the Government, in relation to every one of the
great interests of the country, is proposed to be changed. Was
there ever a wilder scheme than that respecting the public lands ?
The impression here is, that the Baltimore Convention will
make a nomination of me. I wish I could add that the impres-
sion was more favorable than it is of the success of such a nom-
ination. Something, however, may turn up (and that must be
our encouraging hope) to give a brighter aspect to our affairs.
I shall be glad to receive the long letter promised in your last.
HORTON HOWARD TO MR. CLAY.
Columbus, December 19, 1831.
TlsTEEMED Friend, — I had but one objection to thy going to
Washington at present, and the good that I hoped would; result
from it overcame that objection. I nevertheless feel it my* duty,
as one ofihj real friends, to caution thee to be at all times on
thy guard. I have no doubt that attempts will be made, in
many ways, to get thee out of the way.
Now,- so long as thou bears in mind that thou art accountable
to thy Creator for the talents he has committed to thee for the
promotion of his glory, and that while on earth it must be pro-
moted by rendering benefits to his creature man, so long his pro-
tecting Providence will preserve thee from harm. So long as
21
322 PRIVATE COERESPONDENCE
the knowledge thou possesses that this nation clainas thee as its
property, and has a right to thy services in this eventful period,
continues to be duly estimated, so long, I conceive, thou wilt so
far disregard the machinations of the wicked as to contemn the
foolish laws of honor, as they are falsely called. They have al-
ready been an injury to thee. Thy country knows thou pos*
sesses courage enough of this kind, as weU as of a much higher
and dignified kind. If insults or challenges should be again of-
fered, it now expects thee to give the most unequivocal evidence
that thou also possesses courage of a vastly more exalted and dig-
nified character, and of course that with the stern independence
and elevation of mind which has marked or distinguished thy
political course, thou wilt with fearless intrepidity discountenance
such false pretenses to honor, both by example and precept.
I do not fear its giving offense, and make no apology for thiu'
freedom of communication.
MR. CLAY TO FRANCIS BROOKE.
Washington, December 25, 1831.
Mt dear Sir, — With the compliments of the season, I ac-
knowledge the receipt of your favor of the 15th instant. Hera
we have nothing new. Opinions are in a progress of formation
on the leading measures of the session. That of the Tarifl" will
be the most difficult and agitating. I fear that there will be no
agreement among parties, either as to the amount of the reduc-
tion of the revenue, or the objects on which it shall be effected.
The ultras of South Carolina are very wrong-headed on the latter
point. They appear to be bent on the destruction of the system
of protection, or on their own destruction.
The Executive is playing a deep game to avoid, at this session,
the responsibility of any decision on the Bank question. It is
not yet ascertained whether the bank, by forbearing to apply for
a renewal of their Charter, will or will not conform to the wishes
of the President. I think they will act very unwisely if they
do not apply.
You say the Calhoun party has almost disappeared at Rich-
mond. Judging from the number of the members of the Gen-
eral Assembly who attended the late caucus, I should suppose all
parties but that of Jackson had disappeared in Virginia. I see
OF HENRY CLAY. _ 823
" The Whig" has repeatedly admitted that the National Repuh-
lican party is in the minority. I suppose it is so, but is it politic
to make such an admission ? Will such an admission secure ad-
ditional strength, or any credit even for candor ? Is it consistent
with the purpose of making a struggle, if that be designed in
'Virginia ?
MRS. ERWIN'
New Obleans, January Y, 1832.
' Mt dear Father, — I to-day received your favor of the 25th
of December, and read it with more than ordinary pleasure as
we had not heard a word from you since your arrival at Wash-
^ington, although we had been tantalized with a sight of your
handwriting, as you had inclosed the Message both to Mr. Er-
win and Henry. You have no doubt heard before this, that
Claiborne has declined returning this winter ; it is owing to his
health, which is much better than it was when he left here ; but
he writes that his eyes are still so much affected that he thinks
it prudent for him to remain at least another year. They have
elected Mr. Dixon to fill his place ; he is a warm partisan of
i yours, and was elected by one vote over Mr. Marigny, but the
' opposite party speak of contesting the election. It is not sup-
] posed, however, that they will succeed in turning Mr. Dixon
■ out. So much for politics. You see it is impossible to be the
daughter of a politician without, at least, knowing what is
going on.
We have been suffering here with the same influenza which
appears to be prevailing at the North. The Creoles have felt it
more than the Americans. Indeed in some cases where the indi-
viduals were old, it has proved fatal. Mrs. Clay has been se-
i verely attacked. She was confined to her bed for several days,
and has not left the house for more than two weeks. I am glad
to be able to say that she is much better now. Mr. Duralde
also has been quite sick with it ; but I believe he is well enough
now to go down to his saw-mill.
Henry has commenced the study of law under Judge Porter's
* Mrs. Erwia was a favorite child, and obtained tlie strongest bold on her
father's heart. Mr. Erwin had a country seat at Lexington, adjoining Ashland, •
called the " Woodlands," a beautiful place, where the family resided in summer
324 PRIVATE COERESPONDENCE
directions. He complains a little of the large folios he sends
him, and thinks the Judge does not estimate his talents quite
high enough when he supposes it will require two years of hard
study to prepare him to commence the practice. The Judge's
family appears to be completely broken up since the death of
Miss Eliza. He has taken lodgings in town, and his daughter
is passing the winter with Mrs. Mathews. I have invited her to
spend the ensuing summer with me, and her father has promised
that she should accompany us on our return to Kentucky. We
have not heard a word from Lexington since the 29th of No-
vember. The river being frozen up, there is no communication at
all between this and the Western country. The last letter I
received was from James. I was very much gratified to find
that he writes an uncommonly good letter for so young a boy.
I have been so fortunate as to find an infant-school established
here upon the same plan as those at the North, where I send the
boys. They did not like to go much at first, but by giving them
a few sugar-plums every day I hired them for the first week,
and they are now becoming interested in it. It is a very great
relief to me to know that they are doing well and are out of
mischief from nine until three every day. Little Lucretia grows
every day. She is the most mischievous child of her age I ever
saw. Aunt Lotty and she have at least a dozen quarrels a day.
I can not thank my dear mother enough, for having spared
Lotty to me. She is the best creature I ever saw, and appears
to be quite as much attached to the children, as she ever was to
yours.
Tell mamma I shall certainly execute her commission with a
great deal of pleasure, and if she can think of any thing else
she wishes, you will have quite time to let me know, as we
we shall not leave this before the 1st of March. I have begun
to make her the collection of baskets she wished me to get for
her. The children all send a kiss to their dear grandparents, as
well as their love to Henry Duralde. Mr. Erwin joins me in
-love both to mamma and yourself. If Uncle Brown is with
you, you will remember us both aflfectionately to him. You
will please say to him that Mr. Erwin will be happy to render
him any service in this country in his power.
OF HENRY CLAY. 325
JOSEPH HOWARD TO MR. CLAY.
Tiffin, Ohio, January 27, 1832.
Much esteemed Friend, — ^Permit me to herewith inclose to
thy acceptance the last Annual Report of our Canal Commission-
ers, by which it will be seen that one more link will shortly be
completed in the great chain which, I hope, when completed,
w^ill add greatly to the strength and perpetuity of our Union.
As it is at all times a source of gratitude to the parent to see his
children as they advance in years advance toward perfection, so
it must be a source of great satisfaction to the great parent and
author of a system which but a few years ago existed only in
theory, now to see it rapidly advancing toward the highest state
of perfection that was anticipated by its author. Under this
view of the subject it is then that I take the liberty of present-
ing the inclosed document to the universally-acknowledged
author of a system which has, either directly or indirectly, con-
tributed greatly to the projection and consummation of this stu-
pendous work ; a system which, if cherished, will be a rich legacy
for future generations.
LESLIE COMBS TO MR. CLAY.
Lexington, January 27, 1832.
Mt DEAR Sir, — ^You have made a very sensible speech on
your proposition to take off certain duties and reduce others.
You occupied the true ground on every point you made, and did
it with becoming temper. I regret that the Southrons are crazy,
but let them fret ; you must not quarrel with them. You occu-
py higher ground than any of them, and must look down upon
them and sooth them, not yourself play the gladiator.' That
would do for me, if I were in Congress ; as I am not, others must
do it. Your course must'be above all partisan warfare, and God
will speed you. It must be for the Union, the whole Union, and
tiothing but the Union.
I am daily laboring to raise the caloric in our friends on this
side the mountains. They are too cold, and selfish, and lethar-
gic for me, but I never give up a good cause while there is a
man in the field or a shot in the locker.
826 PEIVATE CORRESPONDENCE
PATKICK HENRY TO MB. CLAT.
WAsnixGTON, February 18, 1832. ■
Sir, — I have not yet had the honor of a personal acquaintance
■with you, but as we claim Virginia as our nativity (where I
live and expect to die), and as my admiration for your character
and principles admits of no comparison with the most distin-
guished living, I feel at liberty to make a suggestion, and,
if it should meet with your views of liberal policy, for which
you have been so much distinguished, I shall be very much
gratified. It is that Henry Clay should forthwith introduce a
resolution for the purchase of Mount Vernon ; the improved
grounds including the park, extending to the gate leading to
Alexandria, with any other addition of land to the north and
south of the mansion as may be thought desirable by Congress.
If it should be the pleasure of Congress to make the purchase,
the country would not only be in possession of the remains of
the Father of the Republic, but would be enabled to preserve
and use the property for some national purpose. It would be ad-
visable (should this project meet with your approbation) first to
ascertain through your friend, G. C. Washington, whether the
proprietor of Mount Vernon would be willing to sell the property
to the United States. Wishing you all the honors that can be
conferred by your country, I am, sir, your most obedient servant.
MB. CLAT TO FEANCIS BROOKE.
Washington, February 21, 1832.
Mt dear Sir, — ^I have been so constantly occupied, that I
h&ve not been able to write you as much or as often as I wished.
That terrible long speech of mine in the Senate, which gave me
less trouble in its delivery than it has since occasioned me, is
now in the hands of the printer, and being disposed of, leaves
me at leisure to say a few words.
Every thing is going on well. Van Buren, old Hickory, and
the whole crew, will, I think, in due time, be gotten rid of.
The attempt to excite public sympathy in behalf of the little
Magician has totally failed ; and I sincerely wish that he may
be nominated as Vice-President. That is exactly the point to
OF HENRY CLAY. 327
which I wish to see matters brought. Do urge our Jackson
friends (if there be any that you can approach) to nominate him
on the 28th. It will be so consistent that they should support
him who is, or at least pretends to have been, for the Tariff, and
oppose all others who are for it.
We have had various affairs here, and of which the papers
will give you some account. The most bitter of the opposition
is the Calhoun element. I heard to-day that a South Carolina
Governor is in correspondence with a Virginia Lieutenant-Gov-
ernor. Will our friend Lloyd on that occasion call out the
posse, as he was supposed by some here to have intended to
prevent the removal of the remains of Washington ?
,., TO HIS FATHER.
New Orleans, February 28, 1832.
Dear Father, — I am now living at Judge Porter's, on the
coast. I found that in the city I was so much interrupted by
the kindness of friends and acquaintance, that I could not de-
vote that time to study which I desired. At the solicitation of
the Judge, I therefore determined to spend in the country the
few months that I shall be in Louisiana.
Judge Porter's residence, as you will recollect, is near the
battle-ground, three or four miles from the city. He has an ex-
cellent library, and is himself a learned man in the law, animat-
ed with the best spirit of learning, that which applies useful
maxims to the common wants of mankind.
The civil law begins to open before me. What I thought the
study of a year, I perceive now would exhaust the energies of
a lifetime. But I am determined, if ever I shall arrive at an in-
dependence of fortune, to carry what little talents and attain-
ments I may possess to another tribunal than the bar of justice,
the tribunal of public debate.
I am at present making all exertions to gain a knowledge of
the law, and I have no reason, I think, to be dissatisfied with
my progress. By the winter after next, I shall be able to come
to the bar with a fair prospect of ultimate success.
328 PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE
JAMES BARBOUK TO MB,. CLAT.
Bakboubsville, March 1, 1832.
Dear Sir,— You have obliged me much by furnishing me
with your speech on the Tariff. It is the strongest view I have
ever seen on the subject. If the facts are true to -which you re-
fer as the basis of your argument, your argument is unanswer-
able. I duly appreciate the necessity which induced you to in-
troduce some remarks merely ad captandum. Contending as
you are with an enemy Tising poisoned weapons, the right of de-
fense extends to the employment of what otherwise might not
be considered very legitimate means.
Your positions are judicious, and you have ably defended
them. Great perspicuity is your leading characteristic.
HARBISON GRET OTIS TO MB. CLAT.
■Boston, March 8, 1832.
Dear Sib, — I had read your admirable speech with great de-
light, and pondered its contents, before I received the copy
which you did me the honor to transmit. This, however, was
not the less acceptable, as, in addition to the value of the atten-
tion, it gives me a right and an excuse for making my personal
acknowledgment, without claiming or expecting a reply ; know-
ing by long experience that no class of men are more in need of
*' protecting duties' ' from the uninvited consignments of corre-
spondents, who expect remittances which interfere with time
and convenience, than the members of Congress. And though
the voice of one individual contributes little to swell the note of
acclamation which you hear from all quarters, yet mine is enti-
tled to something of more value than that of anybody, inasmuch
as the only lance I ever broke with you was in defense of hemp
and molasses, when you came forth as the champion of Mr.
Baldwin's bill, which I dare say you have forgotten. But tem-
pora mutantur, and I am among those who have been coerced
by the policy of government mutari cum illis. Among the ex-
cellencies of your speech, that in my mind predominates which
calls the agricultural, and especially the mechanical class, to look
to the case as their own.
OF HENRY CLAY. 329
ME. MADISON TO MB. CLAY.
MoNTPELiEE, March 13, 1832.
J. Madison, with his best respects to Mr. Clay, thanks him for
the copy of his speech " In defense of the American System,"
etc. , It is a very able, a very eloquent, and a very interesting
one. If it does not establish all its positions, in all their extent,
it demolishes not a few of those relied on by the opponents. J.
M. feels a pleasure in offering this tribute to its merits. But he
must be pardoned for expressing a regret that an effusion of per-
sonal feeling was, in one instance, admitted into the discussion.
MR. CLAY TO FBANCIS BKOOKE.
Washington, March 17, 1S32.
My deak Sir, — I received your favor of the 15th. I am sorry
that I can' give you no satisfactory information as to the course
of Georgia in respect to the recent decision of the Supreme Court.
It is rumored that the President has repeatedly said that he will
not enforce it, and that he even went so far as to express his
hope, to a Georgia member of Congress, thai Georgia would sup-
port her rights.
The Committee of Investigation into the conduct of the Bank,
leave here on Wednesday, for Philadelphia. The impression
now is, that the Bank Charter will pass at this session. Mr.
Adams, being appointed one of the Committee, took the occasion
to ask to be excused from serving on the Committee of Manu-
factures, as its Chairman ; whereupon the head was immediately
knocked out of a barrel of oil, and the whole quantity poured on
him by Southern gentlemen, and other anti-Tariffites. He was
induced to postpone his motion,
I have requested Messrs. Gales & Seaton to send fifty of my
peeches to Mr. White.
MR. MADISON TO MR. CLAY.
MoNiTELiEB, March 22, 1832.
Dear Sir, — I have duly received yours of the 17th. Although
you kindly release me from a reply, it may be proper to say, that
330 PRIVATE CORKESPONDENCE
some of the circumstances to which you refer were not before
known to me.
On the great question before Congress, on which so much de-
pends but of Congress, I ought the less to obtrude an opinion, as
its merits essentially depend on details which I never investi-
gated, and of which I am an incompetent judge. I know only
that the Tariff, in its present amount and form, is a source of
deep and extensive discontent ; and I fear that, without allevia-
tions, separating the more moderate from the more violent oppo-
nents, very serious effects are threatened. Of these, the most
formidable, and not the least probable, would be a Southern Con-
vention, the avowed object of some, and the unavowed object
of others whose views are, perhaps, still more to be dreaded.
The disastrous consequences of disunion, obvious to all, would
no doubt be a powerful check on its partisans ; but such a con-
vention, characterized as it would be by selected talents, ardent
zeal, and the confidence of those represented, would not be easily
stopped in their course ; especially, as many of the members,
though not carrying with them particular aspirations for the hon-
ors, etc., presented to aftibition on a new political theater, would
find them germinating in such a hot-bed.
To these painful ideas I can only oppose hopes and wishes,
that notwithstanding the wide space and warm feelings which
divide the parties, some accommodating arrangements may be
devised that will prove an immediate anodyne, and involve a
lasting remedy to the Tariff discords.
Mrs. Madison charges me with, her affectionate remembrances
to Mrs. Clay, to whom I beg to be at the same time respectfully
presented, with a re-assurance to yourself of my high esteem and
cordial regards.
MR. CLAY TO FRANCIS BROOKE.
Wasiunoton, Marcli 28, 1832.
Mt dear Sir, — You will have seen the disposition made on
Thursday last of my resolution respecting the Tariff. On that
occasion some developments were made of a scheme which I have
long since suspected — that certain portions of the South were dis-
posed to purchase support to the anti-Tariff doctrines, by a total
sacrifice of the public lands to States within which they are situated.
OP HEISTEY CLAY. 831
A more stupendous, and more flagitious project was never con-
ceived. It will fail in its object, but it ought to be denounced.
A majority of the Senate (composed of all the anti-Tariflf Senators,
and some of the Jackson Tariff Senators), referred a resolution
concerning the public lands to the Committee of Manufactures !
Can you conceive a more incongruous association of subjects ?
There were two objects. The first I have suggested '; the second
was to affect me personally, by placing me in a situation in which
I must report unfavorably to the Western and South-Western
States, which are desirous of possessing themselves of the public
lands. I think I shall disappoint the design, by presenting such
views of that great interest as will be sanctioned by the nation.
■Meantime, I should be glad if you would give some hints to- our
friend Pleasants, and let him sound the tocsin. In Illinois there
are about forty millions of acres of public land, and about one
hundred and fifty or one hundred and sixty thousand people.
What think you of giving that large amount of land to that com-
paratively small number of people ? If it were nominally sold
to them, it would, in the end, amount to a mere donation.
We have nothing new about the course of Georgia, and the
President's intention as to the decision of the Supreme Court.
The current opinion is that he will not enforce it.
We shall report in part, in a day or two, a bill limited to a
repeal of duties on the unprotected class of foreign imports, re-
serving for future report the other class, as to which, however,
I do not anticipate that any thing can be done to satisfy South
Carolina.
MR. CLAY TO rKANCIS BROOKE.
Washington, April 1, 1832.
Mr DEAR Sir, — I received your favor of the 29th ultimo, com-
municating the tenor of a conversation with Governor Floyd.
At the time that the Governor appeared as a witness before the
public to testify against me, during the late Administration, I was
surprised and hurt, and thought he took a course utterly incon-
sistent with the friendly relations which had previously existed
between us, to say nothing of the opposite views which he and
I took of the matter to which his testimony related. But, what-
ever feelings were excited in my mind at the time, they have
332 PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE
been long since thrown aside, with a mass of analogous feelings
awakened during an ardent and angry Presidential contest. My
nature is such as to prompt- me to forget these things, and I
should be sorry if it were otherwise.
The clew to the motives which induced Governor Floyd
voluntarily to make that explanation, I have discovered here
since I received your letter. A design exists, on the part of Mr.
Calhoun and his friends, to have his name presented as a can-
didate, provided they conceive that he will stand any chance of
getting three or four Southern States ; and provided, as the
means of their accomplishing that object, our friends will co-
operate in Virginia, and south of it, with his, to give him their
votes. Mr. Calhoun had, at his instance, a conversation with a-
friend of mine, which was general, and understood by that friend
to be preliminary to another which Duff Green subsequently sought
with him. In the course of this latter. Duff explained fully the
views and wishes of the Calhoun party. These are, that his name
shall, in the course of the ensuing summer (say August), be pre-
sented as a candidate ; that, if no ticket is run in Virginia by our
friends, and if they will co-operate with his, he can obtain the vote
of that State ; that, with a fair prospect of receiving the vote of
Virginia, he will obtain those also of North Carolina, Georgia,
and South Carolina, and probably of Alaliama and Mississippi ;
that the result would be to defeat the re-election of General
Jackson, and to devolve the election on the House ; that there
they suppose I would be elected ; and that they would be satis-'
lied with my election. Such is the general outline of their
project, the details of which were communicated by Duff after
the previous general conversation with Mr. Calhoun. My friend
presumed their intention was that he should communicate to me
what passed, and he has accordingly communicated it. Duff
stated that the success of the whole plan of the campaign, on
their part, required that our friends should not present an electoral
ticket ; and, moreover, should support them in Virginia.
I have neither said nor done any thing in reply to all this, to
commit my friends or myself. I could not, without dishonor,
have ventured upon any sort of commitment of them. They
are, in fact, free, and so I wish them to remain, to act according
to their own sense of propriety.
As to the project itself, I have supposed that Mr. Calhoun has
too little capital any where, out of South Carolina, to engraft
OF HENRY CLAY. 388
upon ; that it would be impracticable, if it were desirable, to in- •
duce our friends in Virginia to abandon all purpose of support-
ing a ticket on our side, and of co-operating in the support of
one for Mr. Calhoun ; that if such a concocted movement were
made, it would be very probably defeated by the imputations
whicljL would be brought against it ; and that the whole idea has
sprung out of the desperate condition of Mr. Calhoun's prospects.
If there could be any movement at the South which would se-
cure to Mr. Calhoun the vote of three or four Southern States,
iiext to their being given to our cause, it would, undoubtedly,
be the best thing that could happen for us. It would every
where else stimulate our friends to the greatest exertions, by
holding out the hope of certain success. It would break the
power of Jacksonism, and discourage his friends in other States
quite as much as it would animate ours.
Let me, my dear friend, hear from you on this matter, and
particularly your views as to the strength of the party of Mr.
Calhoun in Virginia. Has it not relapsed into Jacksonism?
Could it be brought forth again, in its original force, to the
support of Mr. Calhoun ? Supposing Mr. Calhoun is not put for-
ward as a candidate, what course, generally, will his friends in
Virginia pursue ? Could our friends be prevailed upon to unite
on a ticket for Mr. Calhoun ? Or, in the event of no ticket being
put up for our cause, would they not divide between Jackson
and Calhoun, the larger part probably going to Jackson ? When
do our friends contemplate bringing out the ticket which has
been thought of for our side ?
How long will you remain at St. Julien ? that is, when will
you return to your official duties at Richmond ?
If I am to judge of what I see and hear, and know, there is
a general persuasion in the public mind of the insecurity and
danger in the existing state of the general Administration.
That there is too much cause for that persuasion, I sincerely be-
lieve. The important inquiry is, what ought to be done — what
can be done ? As to myself, I am ready to consent to any dis-
position that would rid the country from impending perils, if any
disposal of myself could contribute to that most desirable result.
You are upon the judgment bench, and, perhaps, may there see
more calmly than we can who are in the contending arena,
what the good of our common country, in the present crisis,
really demands from, her true and devoted sons, among whom,
834 PRIVATE COKEESPONDENCE
whatever to the contrary others may profess to think or say, /
know none to be more sincerely and zealously attached, thac
your faithful friend.
R. S. BHOWNING TO MB. CLAY.
Rome, April 6, lS3i
SiK, — In visiting the relics of ancient Rome, my attonlif.xt
was naturally called to the tomb of Cicero. It stands on the
spot where that immortal orator was assassinated by some base
creatures of Mark Antony, near his villa, at Mola. I could not
contemplate the monument, whose solidity had defied the rava-
ges of nearly two thousand years, or tread the consecrated sod,
without feelings of excitement. His unrivaled eloquence, that
V\:as ever raised for the rights of man — ^his fearless defense of
the Roman Republic — his eminence as a lawyer — the ability
with which he presided over the Roman people — all hurried
upon my memory in rapid succession. Nor did I forget that the
enemies of Cicero were numerous. But they were the enemies
of the Republic, and sought to destroy Roman liberty by blast-
ing the character of its most able defender. But Cicero was
virtuous, and the Roman people were not yet dazzled by the
success of a military chieftain, and rewarded his virtue by their
highest gift. How could these reflections cross my mind with-
out recalling you to my recollection ? Your eloquence in de-
fense of our Republic has been heard from the Mississippi to the
Rhine. Your legal knowledge and abilities as a statesman,
that give you the fust rank in " the land of liberty," like Cicero's,
have ever been directed to the good of the people. And you,
too, have your enemies. May wisdom and virtue weaken their
strength. May the Republicans of the United States prove to
the world that they are not deluded by the success of a military
chieftain, by rewarding your virtue and talents with the first
gift of the nation. May they show themselves superior to the
Romans by never deserting the cause of liberty, and by confiding
only in wise and virtuous lovers of liberty.
With these reflections, I cut a bough of an abavita, that shaded
the tomb, and have had a cane made of it, which I forward you
by the bearer of this note, and beg your acceptance of it.
OF HENRY CLAT. 335
ME. CLAY TO FRANCIS BKOOKE.
■WA8HINGT0N, April 9, 1832.
My deab Sir, — I received your favor of the 6th instant. I
have some thoughts of running away from this place for a few
days, wearied and exhausted as I am by pubhc business, and I
have an inclination to go to St. Jolien, if you will give me an
asylum, and receive me incognito. If I go, it would be on
Thursday or Friday. Will you be at home for four or five
days? Will you receive me, and promise, upon your sacred
honor, not to invite to your house any company in consequence
of my enjoying the advantage of yom- protection ? Perhaps I
may carry with me a friend. I shall be governed by your re-
ply. Whatever that may be, I pray you always to consider mo
faithfully your friend.
MR. clay to FRANCIS BROOKE.
"Washington, April 17, 1832.
My DEAR Sir, — I shall leave here on Thursday next, in the
steamboat for Fredericksburg, and reach St. Julien, if I can, that
evening. General Vance and Mr. Letcher will probably accom-
pany me. Mrs. Clay thinks she had better remain here with
our grandson, etc.
Mr. McDuffie of the Bank Committee, has returned from
Philadelphia, and the rest of the Committee are expected this
evening or to-morrow. It is understood that the Committee were
not very harmonious, but it is not known what will be the char-
acter of their report.
FRANCIS BROOKE TO MR. CLAY.
St. JuiffiN, April 23, 1832.
My dear Sir, — I was deeply affected by our last conversation
on the subject of your health, and I conjure you to take care of
it. I have some . experience, and no little information from
books, of the effect of diet, etc., upon the animal economy, and
I am aware of the truth of the vulgar maxim, that "what is
one man's meat, is another's poison," and therefore will not pre-
336 PRIVATE CORBESPONDENCE
tend to prescribe any specific course to you. It is perfectly true
that if you will not permit your inclinations to control your
judgment, you will better decide than the most experienced of
the faculty, what diet is most conducive to your health ; but
there are some general principles that we can not be mistaken
in, and one is, that after high excitement from any cause, there
is invariably a consquent debility, which will always increase ma-
terially any predisposition to torpor, and even paralysis. High
excitement, then, from any cause, ought to be avoided, and es-
pecially from causes that always precede great debility. I think
I can not warn you too strongly, against the excessive use of
tobacco, in any form. As Milo learned to carry the ox by carry-
ing the calf every day, the quantity of tobacco may be dimin-
ished from day to day. This also may be said of wine ; but
there is another cause of high excitement which is more per-
nicious, and more difficult in your situation to be avoided, that
which results from dwelling too much on the deplorable con-
dition of our public affairs, and on the relation in which you are
placed in regard to them. It is the more difficult for you to look
on them in the calm lights of a mild philosophy, but yet you
ought to be satisfied with performing your duty, and to leave
the rest to others, and to that Providence which has heretofore
watched over us. It is in vain to attempt to do more, and I
shall be truly rejoiced when I find you less anxious, and, of
course, less excited. There are times, when, as we have seen
in history, patriotism made things that were bad, worse. I trust
that we are not yet in that condition, but if that virtue is worth
any thing, you ought to take care of your health ; it is of great
importance that you should. I hope I shall have a letter from
you, giving me a better account of it than when you were here.
HENRY CLAT, JR., TO HIS FATHER.
Ashland, April 24, 1832.
I wish to communicate the joyful intelligence that you are
grandfather by a new title. Heaven, as if jealous of our fond-
ness for Anne, has attempted to divide it by a new object of af-
fection, but it will only give rise to a new source of feeling.
Yesterday, between 2 and 3 p. m., Anne gave life and light to a
fine daughter.
OF HENET CLAT. 337
We, shall be happy to introduce you when you come, to the
youthful stranger. Mary is to be her name, and her aunt, Miss
Mary Ervvin, her godmother.
I am now, for the first time for many years, enjoying the
pleasures and scenes of a youthful spring in Kentucky. It is a
charming country, and Ashland and the Woodlands have a thou-
sand interests for me. I do not at all envy you your heated po-
litical atmosphere at Washington. I much prefer the serene
happiness which the perusal of the elegant Thompson infuses,
while surrounded with the beauties which the season of bloom
opens to the view.
When may we expect you ? My mother, I suppose, will not
precede you. I hope to show her when she comes, that Ashland
has not fallen into bad hands. A little severity, which I used in
the fir t place, and a continued exertion of energy, have intro-
duced a system and regularity into the concerns of the place,
which were much wanting when I came.
MR. CLAT TO FEANCIS BROOKE.
Washington, April 26, 1832.
My dear Sir, — I have received your affectionate letter of the
23d instant, and the interest which it manifests in my health and
prosperity has affected me sensibly. Among the many circum-
stances to disgust me with life and my fellow man, the warmth,
fidelity, and duration of your friendship have ever been a source
' of cheering satisfaction. You have described, I believe correct-
ly, the true causes of my indisposition ; and yoiu* advice is full
of wisdom. Naturally ardent, perhaps too ardent, I can not
avoid being too much excited and provoked by the scenes of
tergiversation, hypocrisy, degeneracy, and corruption which are
daily exhibited. I would fly from them, and renounce forever
public life, if I were not restrained by a sentiment of duty,
and of attachment to my friends. I shall endeavor to profit by
your kindness, and to avoid as much as possible, in future, all
causes of irritation. I have quit the use of tobacco, in one of
the two forms to which I had been accustomed, and will gradual-
ly discontinue the other. I will also endeavor to moderate the
interest excited by public affairs.
Since my return I have felt, with the exception of one day,
22
338 PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE
better. I wish I could have remained longer with yon. Should
I not feel my strength and health returning, I will make another
excursion to Maryland or Philadelphia.
Nothing material has transpired here. Our friends are acquir-
ing daily more confidence, and the Jackson party are greatly
alarmed. It was remarked to me this morning that they have
become panic struck.
A report is anticipated from a bare majority of the Bank Com-
mittee, recommending further investigation to be prosecuted in
the recess. There will probably be a counter report.
Two reports may be expected from the Secretary of the
Treasury, and the Committee of Manufactures, next week, on
the Tariff, and presenting different plans of modification.
AMBROSE SPENCEH TO MR. CLAT.
Near Albany, Apvil 28, 1832.,
Dear Sir, — I thank you for the copy of your report on the
public lands, which you kindly sent me, and I avail myself of
the occasion to trouble you with a letter. I have considered my-
self unfortunate in never having had the pleasure of seeing you,
or corresponding with you. When you were in power I had no
favor to ask, although as far as my influence extended it was in
favor of the last Administration. I admit that there were some
passages in your public life which I disapproved ; but I am hap-
py also to be able to say that explanations given to me at Wash-
ington by honorable men, removed impressions of an unfavora-
ble nature. The report you have sent me, and the general tenor
of your public life, have indelibly impressed me that you are
actuated, as a public man, by the purest principles and the stern-
est integrity.
You may think it strange that I should open a correspondence
in this manner, but I consider it proper and necessary you should
be informed by me of the undisguised state of my past and
present feelings toward you. * * - * *
Being myself thoroughly convinced that we are doomed to
national degradation, and to the ruin of all our most valuable in-
stitations, if General Jackson is re-elected, I will endeavor to do
my duty in averting these calamities.
OF HENRY CLAY. 339
CHIEF JUSTICE MARSHALL TO ME. CLAY.
Richmond, May *?, 1832.
Dear Sir, — On my return to this place, from a visit to my
friends in our upper country, I had the pleasure of receiving
your report on the public lands, which I have read with atten-
tion. The subject is of immense interest, and has long produced
and is still producing great excitement.
My sentiments concur entirely with those contained in the re-
port, which are so clearly and so well expressed that it must, I
think, be approved by a great majority of Congress. Unanimity
is not to be expected in any thing.
1 thank you for this mark of attention, and am with great and
respectful esteem your obedient servant.
MR. CLAY TO FRANCIS BROOKE.
Washington, June 2, 1832.
Mt dear Sir, — I did not answer your last, because I had some
hopes of seeing you here, and because I wished to be able to
communicate to you something about the proceedings of the
N. R. Convention at Harrisburg. The inclosed letter from Mr.
Sergeant (which you can return after reading) will give you the
latest information from that place. Other letters which I have
received corroborate his views. The progress of the work of
co-operation between the Anti-Masons and N. R.'s in New York
continues, and every day adds to our confidence that it will be
secured, and that its result will be to deprive Jackson of the sup-
port of that State. It is an aifair, howevei', of much delicacy
and of no little difficulty, from the fanaticism of some, and the
perverseness of others, of the Anti-Masons. The letter which you
procured Governor Barbour to write to Rose has had good efiect,
and if he could repeat the anodyne it would not be amiss. Ste-
vens (the Anti-Masonic candidate for Lieutenant-Governor in
New York) was here a few days ago, and assured me that he
was fully persuaded that we should succeed in New York.
Lieutenant-Governor Pilcher (now a member of the House of
Representatives from that State, and elected as a Jackson man)
said to me, last evening, that he had no doubt of our success
there.
b-iO PRIVATE COEEESPONDENCE
WtJ art going on with the Bank in the Senate, and, I pre-
sume, will pass the bill on Monday or Tuesday. In the House
of Representatives Mr. M'Duffie's Tariff bill had only about
forty-four supporters. No time of adjournment yet spoken of.
Mr. Hith, from Richmond, is here, and E am highly pleased
with him.
MB. CLAY TO FEANCIS BUOOKE.
Washwotok, June 29, 1832.
Mt deab Sir, — Pennsylvania continues daily to exhibit signs
of the most cheering character, and there is just reason to hope
that she is lost to General Jackson.
A Tariff has passed the House of Representatives by a large
majority. It will finally pass the Senate with or without modi-
fications. It is a law which, with some alterations, will be a
very good measure of protection. .
The Bank bill will, I think, pass the Senate in a few days ;
and if Jackson is to be believed, he will veto it.
Congress will adjourn on the 9th or 16th, most probably on
the latter day. Afterward I believe I shall go to the White
Sulphur Springs, but it may not be until the 1st of August that
I shall reach there. I hope I shall find you there.
A DAUGHTER OF MASSACHUSETTS TO MR. CLAT.
■Washington, Jnly 4, 1832.
Sir, — I beg leave, through this medium, to offer you my sin-
cere acknowledgment for your recent noble and spirited avowal
of your belief of the Christian religion, and of your reverence for
its precepts ; and I can assure you, sir, that a large majority of
the daughters of the descendants of the Pilgrims unite with me
in the same sentiment.
Our prayers will be offered to Almighty God, and our influ-
ence exerted with our friends, for your elevation to that office
which is the first in the gift of the people of this Union ; and
should our prayers be answered, may you prove " a terror to evil
doers, and a praise to those who do well."
OF HENRY CLAY. 34]
MR. CLAY TO FRANCIS BROOKE.
Washington, July 20, 1832.
My dear Sir, — I intend to take ray departure from this city
on Monday next (the 33d), and hope to reach St. Julien that
evening. I design going from your house by Colonel William
Boiling's, in Goochland, and thence via Charlottesville or Lynch-
burg to the White Sulphur Springs. I do not think we can re-
main longer with you than Tuesday, and I hope, on one account,
my dear sir, you will not invite any company to St. Jfilien.
Nothing new, or at least nothing that will not keep new until
I have the pleasure to meet you.
NICHOLAS BIDDLE TO MR. OLAT.
Philadelphia, August 1, 1832.
My DEAR Sir, — You ask what is the effect of the veto ? My
impression is, that it is working as well as the friends of the
Bank and of the country could desire. I have always deplored
making the Bank a party question, but since the President will
have it so, he must pay the penalty of his own rashness. As to
the veto message, I am delighted with it. It has all the fury of
a chained panther, biting the bars of his cage. It is really a
manifesto of anarchy, such as Marat or Robespierre might have
issued to the mob of the Faubourg St. Antoine ; and my hope
is, that it will contribute to relieve the country from the domin-
ion of these miserable people. You are destined to be the in-
strument of that deliverance, and at no period of your life has
the country ever had a deeper stake in you. I wish you success,
most cordially, because I believe the institutions of the Union
are involved in it.
MR. CLAY TO FRANCIS BROOKE.
White Sulphur Springs, August 5, 1832.
My dear Sir, — -We reached here safely on Thursday last,
and find a very great crowd. Two of your sons are here, and
we saw the third at Staunton. They are all well. I feel much
better already, and hope the water will completely eradicate the
disease under which I was suffering at St Julien.
342 PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE
I am informed, from Washington, that the President has re-
solved to suspend the execution of the parts of the law passed
at the last session, relating to internal improvements, to which
he objects. What think you of this high-handed measure?
What of his daring violation of the Constitution, in re-appointing
Gwinn ? Is proud Virginia ready to bend her neck to these
usurpations ?
Speaking of your State, I do believe, with proper exertions,
it might be carried against Jackson. The two parties exhibit,
at this time, apathy and confidence on one side, and despondency
on the other. If you would exchange for your despondency
zeal and concert, I am half persuaded that you would triumph.
Your strength is greater than you are aware of. The weakness
of the other side is greater than is believed. Let our friends
organize, throughout the State ; let each county be divided into
sections, and let one or more members of your Committees of
Vigilance be designated in each to bring the voters to the polls,
and I incline to think that you would win the day. All this
should be put in motion by some central committee. What
would serve to animate our friends, and to dispirit our opponents,
is the high probability of success, whatever may happen to be
the vote of Virginia.
We shall remain here until the 15th. Be pleased to make the
respects of Mrs. Clay and myself to Mrs. Brooke and the young
ladies, and believe me your affectionate friend.
JAMES BROWN TO MK. CLAY.
Philadelphia, September 3, 1832.
My dear Sir, — I have received, with feelings of the deepest
sorrow, the intelligence of the decease of our lamented Mrs.
Hart, conveyed by your letter. I had resided, for twelve months
after my marriage, under her hospitable roof, during which time,
and ever since, I received from her every proof of kindness and
affection which could have been bestowed on me by my own
mother. Alas ! how much, in many essential particulars, she re-
sembled my dear Nancy, and how soon she has followed her !
I fondly trust that that beneficent Father of the Universe who
has, during their lives, bestowed on them so many blessings, has
graciously re-united them in the regions of everlasting bliss.
OF HENRY CLAY. 843
JAMES BROWN TO MH. CLAY.
PfliLADELPniA, November 5, 1832.
Dear Sir, — I had the pleasure to receive, by the newspapers,
the intelligence of Henry's marriage, and to learn by your last
letter that his choice is every way agreeable to his family, and
what is more important, such as to promise him future happi-
ness. Be so kind as to accept my congratulations on the event,
and to oifer to the newly married pair my sincere wishes that
they may enjoy a long life of union and prosperity.
The intelligence of your death was accompanied, perhaps pre-
ceded, by its contradiction. I sincerely hope that you may feel
no serious consequences from your indisposition, and that you
may resume your seat in the Senate with a disposition to be
satisfied with a place which I would have preferred to any with-
in the reach of American ambition. You know that I have
never for a moment doubted that General Jackson would be re-
elected. He will have a large majority in this State, and I shall
not be surprised should he be the choice of every State south of
the Potomac, and west of the Alleghany. If I have proved
more generally correct in my calculations than many of our act-
ive politicians, it may be accounted for by the fact that I derive
my information almost exclusively from my knowledge of the
American tendencies, my acquaintance with nearly all the prom-
inent actors in the political theater, and the perusal of the jour-
nals, without entering into the busy scenes of active electioneer-
ing, by which my deliberate judgment might be warped, or
conversing with eloquent and heated partisans, who might in-
flame my imagination.
TO HIS father.
Louisville, November 27, 1832.
Mt dear Father, — In regard to myself I am now perfectly
happy. I am united to a lady who possesses my entire love and
veneration, and who- returns me, in over-measure, the affection
to which I am entitled. We are not rich, but it will be a source
of pleasurable occupation to become so. Like all young men of
ambition and aspiring temperaments, the mere possibility of ill
success keeps alive in me a thousand unnecessary and annoying
fears. But I hope ere long to become settled in life, and then I
shall begin in good earnest to mold my future destinies. In the
344 PEIVATE COREESPONDENCE
meantime, I shall devote my principal energies to the law, and
shall endeavor to compose my mind to a state of profitable study.
Whatever, my dear father, may have been my errors, I have
always entertained for you the most unvarying filial attachment;
and it shall always be my highest pleasure to endeavor to meet
your wishes and commands.
Julia desires me to express her love to you all in the most
tender and afi'ectionate terms.
SAMUEL L. SOUTHAHD TO MR. CLAT.
Teenton, December 1, 1832.
My i)eah Sir, — I should have written to you several days ago,
but I feared that you would leave Lexington before my letter
reached there.
I am in deep distress at the situation of our country. I fear
that the Union and Government are gone. Nothing can save
them but a wisdom and patriotism which I almost despair of
finding, in the present day of madness. I should despair, if I
did not feel, that a citizen can commit no crime short of treason,
worse than to despair of the Republic.
The recent elections have greatly astonished me. Even in
New Jersey, no one of any party, who was well informed, doubted
a different result. We owe our defeat to two causes — The over-
confidence of our friends, who feared no danger, and the course
of the Anti-Masons. We were assured that they would support
our ticket, in preference to General Jackson's, until the last
moment ; but the result shows that my early and constant fears
respecting them were well founded. They tried me — painfully.
I am now myself in as unpleasant a condition as any man can
well be. Forced into an annual ofiice, to gratify my friends,
and promote the success of the party — giving up a practice
necessary for the comfort of myself and family, and destined, in
all probabiliy, to be cast out in another year. But for myself I
care little. I have never looked to popular favor for happiness,
nor to office for support. I have always given more than I re-
ceived when I have accepted public stations.
There are many who wish me to change my position to the
Senate, in place of Dickenson, under the belief that I can, in the
present melancholy times, do more good to the country there
than where I now am. Whether this will be the wish of the
OF HENRY CLAY. 845
joint meeting in January I know not. I took this office with no
anticipations of good to myself. I felt it a sacrifice of myself to
my country, and I am now content to remain in it ; and while I do,
let the period be short or long, to do my duty, and my whole
duty, fearlessly and fully, and meet, without flinching, all con-
sequences. What shall I do ? Of the future I anticipate nothing
of good to the country, unless trials and calamities may open
blind eyes. What are we to do with South Carolina ? Do tell
me your plan — prophecy for me. I would write on that topic, I
intended to do so when I began, but my time is out. Other
duties call me. Let me hear from you, and fully.
ME. CLAY TO TRANCIS BROOKE.
Wasiiingtoic, December 12, 1832.
My dear Sir, — On my arrival here, a few days ago, I found
your favor of the 28th ultimo. Mrs. Clay did not accompany
me, but remained at home, in consequence of the shortness of
the session, and the apprehended bad state of the roads, both in
coming and returning.
It is useless to dwell on the issue of the Presidential election,
respecting which we were so greatly disappointed. From what-
ever causes it proceeded, it is now irrevocable.
You ask, what is to be done with nullification ? I must refer
you to the President's proclamation. One short week produced
the message and the proclamation — the former ultra on the side
of State rights, the latter ultra on the side of consolidation. How
they can be reconciled, I must leave to our Virginia friends. As
to the proclamation, although there are good things in it, espe-
cially what relates to the Judiciary, there are some entirely too
ultra for me, and which I can not stomach. A proclamation
ought to have been issued weeks ago, but I think it should have
been a very diiferent paper from the present, which, I apprehend,
will irritate instead of allaying any excited feeling.
Congress has not yet been called upon, and I sincerely hope it
may not be necessary to call upon it, in this unfortunate affair.
How is the proclamation received at Richmond ?
I shall leave here to-morrow, to accompany my fourth son as
far as Philadelphia, on his way to New England. And, in great
haste, I add assurances of my constant and cordial esteem.
846 PRIVATE COEEESPONDENCE OF HENET CLAY.
MRS. EEWIN TO HEK FATHER, MR. CLAT.
The Woodlands, December 13, 1832.
My dear Father, — I suppose, by the time this reaches you,
that you will have arrived safely at Washington. We heard
from you at Wheeling, hut not since ; you have been seeing new
faces and new things every day, while we have been going on
in the same quiet routine — I will not say dull — that you left us
in. The only change in our society is the arrival of Henry and
Julia from Louisiana ; they came a week since, and are at Post-
tethwaites. They have been out frequently, and we all spent a
very pleasant day yesterday with mamma, whom we found in
good health and spirits. Theodore went home the day after you
left, and although mamma is now fully convinced that he is de-
ranged, he has so far conducted himself quietly, and she is
much happier than if he were any where else.
Henry has recommenced the study of the law with increased
energy. He is disgusted with the prospect of making a living
at the bar in Kentucky, and as a last determination, which he
does not intend to change, he is to go to New Orleans in Febru-
ary, and at last open an office this winter, preparatory to com-
mencing business next year. This I think a wise course, and I
hope he will persevere in it. His health and spirits are better
than when he left us.
Nothing has occurred worth noticing in the family, except the
very sudden death of Alfred Shelby, who fell in a fit of apo-
plexy, and died a few hours afterward. Mrs. M. Harrison gave
birth to a fine son on Saturday, who, I hope, will not prove, hke
his father, a good Jackson man.
We are positively to leave on the 15th, that is, day after
to-morrow, and we have every prospect of a quick and pleasant
passage, as the Aveather is fine, and both rivers in fine order. I
leave the boys with mamma. I expect they will occasion me to
return very early in the spring.
Give my love to all those who may be so kind as to inquire
for me, and particularly to James ; do, my dear father, make
him write me to New Orleans, if you can not find time to do so
yourself. Mr. Denton begs to be respectfully remembered to
you. Mr. Erwin and the children join me in love to you.
CHAPTER IX.
CORRESPONDENCE OF 1833, '34, AND '35.
MR. CLAY TO FRANCIS BROOKE.
Washington, January 17, 1833.
My deap Sib, — I received your two last favors, and should
have written to you before and oftener, but that I really have
had nothing interesting to communicate. As to politics, we
have no past, no future. After forty-four years of existence un-
der the present Constitution, what single principle is fixed ? The
Bank? No. Internal Improvements ? No. The Tariff? No.
Who is to interpret the Constitution ? We are as much afloat
at sea as the day when the Constitution went into opera-
tion. There is nothing certain but that the will of Andrew
Jackson is to govern ; and that will fluctuates with'the change
of every pen which gives expression to it. As to the Tariff,
now pending before the House, whether it will pass or no in
that body depends upon his command.
I have been thinking of some settlement of that question, but
I have not entirely matured any plan ; and if I had, I am not
satisfied that it would be expedient to offer it. Any plan that I
might offer would be instantly opposed, because I offered it.
Sometimes I have thought that, considering how I have been
and still am treated by both parties (the Tariff and the Anti-
Tariff), I would leave them to fight it out as well as they can.
The lingering hopes for my country prevail over these feelings
of a just resentment, and my judgment tells me, that disregard-
ing them, I ought to the last to endeavor to do what I can to
preserve its institutions and re-establish confidence and concord.
I shall act in conformity with this judgment, but I am far from
being sanguine that I have the power to effect any thing.
348 PRIVATE COEEESPONDENCE
You will have seen the late Message. It is able and elaborate,
freer from passion than the proclamation, but not more compati-
ble with the doctrines which prevail at Richmond.
MR. CLAY TO FKANCIS BROOKE.
Washington, Jannary 23, 1833.
My dear Sir, — You mistake very much my feelings in sup-
posing that the doubt which I sometimes entertained of making
any effort to rescue the country from its present difficult situa-
tion, proceeded from any spirit similar to that which actuated
Coriolanus. That doubt sprang from the facts, that there was
an organized party ready to denounce any proposition that I
would make, because I made it ; and that the other party (the
Anti-Tariff party) contained many individuals, in whose view the
great interests and even the peace of the country, were subordi-
nate to the success of the dominant party to which they belong,
and to the success of the designated successor of the present
chief magistrate. It is mortifying — inexpressibly disgusting —
to find that considerations affecting an election now four years
distant, influence the fate of great questions of immediate inte-
rest more than all the reasons and arguments which intimately
appertain to those questions". If, for example, the Tariff now
before the House should be lost, its defeat will be owing to two
causes — 1st, The apprehension of Mr. Van Buren's friends, that
if it passes, Mr. Calhoun will rise again as the successful vindica-
tor of Southern rights ; and 2d, Its passage might prevent the
President from exercising certain vengeful passions which he
wishes to gratify in South Carolina. And if it passes, its pas-
sage may be attributed to the desire of those same friends of Mr.
Van Buren to secure Southern votes. Whether it will pass or
not, and if it does, what will be its fate in the Senate, remains
altogether uncertain.
You ask me in your last letter if Tyler is not a nuUifier ? I
understand him to be opposed both to nullification and the pro-
ceedings of South Carolina. Will he be re-elected ? We feel
here some solicitude on that point, being convinced, that under
all circumstances, he would be far preferable to any person that
could be sent. 'I hope, if you can say a proper word in his be-
half, you will do so.
OF HENBT CLAT. 349
KEVEEDT JOHNSON TO MB. CLAY.
Bamimohe, February 13, 1S33.
My deak Sir, — You will pardon me, I am sure, for trespass-
ing a moment upon your time, in thanking you for the effort
you are making to quiet the unhappy and alarming dissentions
of the country. Like yourself, decidedly friendly to the pro-
tection of domestic industry, I am satisfied, and have been sat-
isfied for some time, that nothing biit a liberal spirit of compro-
mise can save the system from almost immediate destruction.
The incalculable mischief which, in a mere pecuniary point of
view, this will bring upon us, is, of itself, alarming enough, but
it is comparatively insignificant, when contrasted with the strong
probability, that it may cause a struggle vital to the Union itself.
The plan which you have proposed, will, I think, if any plan
can accomplish it, save the manufacturers for the time, and in its
consequences (gradually brought about) open the eyes of our
Southern brethren to the manifold benefits of the system which
they have so violently opposed. I can not but believe, that a
few years of quiet and sober reflection will satisfy them that their
present hostility to the prevailing policy, is the merest crea-
tion of prejudice that was ever known, and that their true inter-
ests, like that of their Northern countrymen, is in protecting the
nation and its industry, against foreign restrictions. God grant
that your efforts may prove successful, and that we may again
see our country not only, as it is, prosperous in fact, but happy
and free in the estimation of every citizen of the Government.
I repeat that I am satisfied you will take this communication
in the spirit in which it is sent, and consider me as authorized
to suppose that you will receive it in all kindness.
MB. CLAY TO FEANCIS BKOOKE.
Senate Chambeb, February 14, 1833.
My deab Sib, — ^I had forborne to communicate to you the
plan of accommodation which I intended to submit, because,
although I had long since settled in my mind the principle of
the plan, I had not finally arranged the details. That work was
only completed a few days ago. You will see in the papers
that I have presented it to the Senate in the shape of a bill. I
350 PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE
was fully aware of all the personal consequences, and personal
risks to which I exposed myself; but "what is a public man
worth that will not sacrifice himself, if necessary, for the good
of his country ?" The measure has been well secured. Still
every contrivance will be resorted to by the Van Buren men,
and by some of the Administration party, to prostrate or defeat
the project. That, you know, I anticipated. What will be the
final issue of the plan, I can not certainly say. I hope for suc-
cess. We had a meeting this morning of the Committee — with
the constitution of which I am satisfied — and things look as
well there as I expected. Webster, and some other of the New
England Senators, will oppose the plan.
JOHN M. CLAYTON TO MB. CLAY.
Waskngton, February 20, 1833.
My dear Feiend, — ^Prepare yourself fully for the debate to-
morrow. We shall hear a labored speech from our opponents.
To-morrow will be the most eventful period of your eventful
life. Your friends depend on your efforts, and I as one of them
suggest to you this thought — consider whether it be not your
best course to declare in your speech on the bill that you are no
candidate for the honors of office — that you look only to the
imperishable glory of preventing civil war and again uniting
your distracted countrymen in the bonds of fraternal affection,
while at the same time you insure the continuation, the perpet-
uity of that great system with which your fame is identified. I
advise this course at present. We have a yawning gulf in our
Rome, and it will never close till some patriot rides into it.
This will stop the cry of coalition, save yourself and your
friends from calumny, and your country from ruin.
MR. clay to FRANCIS BROOKE.
Senate Chambeb, February 23, 1833.
My dear Friend. — The compromise of the Tariff proposed
by me is likely to be adopted with great eclat. It has passed the
House, and will pass the Senate by a large majority. It will be
popular everywhere, even in the East. The Eastern vote in
OF HENRT CLAY. 351
the House has been given against it, rather from policy than from
any disKke of the measure. Mr. Webster and I came in conflict,
and I have the satisfaction to tell you that he gained nothing.
My friends flatter me with my having completely triumphed.
There is no permanent breach between us. I think he begins
already to repent his course.
As to the publication of my letter, do as you please ; but I
think it hardly merits it.
I shall go to the North, or directly to the West, immediately
after the close of the session. I regret that I can not have the
pleasure of seeing you. Make my best respects to Mrs. Brooke.
MCHOLAS BIDDLE TO MR. CLAT.
Philadelphia, February 28, 1833.
Mt deae Sir, — I have a great deal to say, or rather to ask,
about the manner in which you have been able to draw out the
lightning from all the clouds which were lowering over the
country ; but I will not trouble you now, and I only hope that
you will come up when the session is over, and talk into con-
viction all the doubters, even my friend Mr. Walsh himself. The
fact is, that for forty-eight hours your friends held in their breath
with anxiety, till they saw you fairly across the chasm, and are
proportionally gratified at seeing you in such a firm and com-
manding position. Of all this hereafter, when you come to see
us. What makes me write now is, that I think you may find an
opportunity on Saturday or Sunday of saying a few words which
may make a strong and favorable impression upon two large
masses of the community whom I wish to see well disposed to
you, especially at the present moment. I mean the friends of
the Bank and the Western States generally.
MR. CLAT TO FRANCIS BROOKE.
Washingtoit, Mareli 11, 1833.
Mt dear Sir, — At the date of your last you could not have
received a letter which I had addressed to you at St. Julien. I
shall leave here in a day or two, via Baltimore, Frederick, and
Wheeling, for Kentucky. I have been detained by the Court.
I regret that I could not have seen you.
852 PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE
You ask how amity was restored between Mr. Randolph and
me ? There was no explanation, no intervention. Observing
him in the Senate one night, feeble, and looking as if he was not
long for this world, and being myself engaged in a work of
peace, with corresponding feelings, I shook hands with him.
The salutation was cordial on both sides. I afterward left a card
at his lodgings, where, I understand, he has been confined by
sickness.
I heard to-day that Livingston is to go to France, Barry to
Spain, and Stevenson to England ; and that M'Lane will be
made Secretary of State, Woodbury of the Treasury, Forsythe
of the Navy, and Colonel William Wilkins Post-master General.
Caring nothing about these an-angements, I vouch for nothing.
You may like to know that there is no breach between Web-
ster and me. We had some friendly passes, and there the mat-
ter ended. Since, we have occasionally met on friendly terms.
I think (of course I do not know) that if he had to go over
again the work of the last few weeks, he would have been for
the compromise, which commands the approbation of a great
majority.
HENRY CLAT, JR., TO HIS FATHER.
New Orleans, March 11, 1833.
Dear Father, — This morning I stood my examination in open
court before the Judge of the Supreme Court, and I intend imme-
diately to commence the practice. My visit to Mobile and my
exeunination and license there were entirely unnecessary. I was
admitted to an examination on the plea of residentship. I am
full of hope and energy, and loving the civil law as I do, I indulge
a subdued confidence of ultimate success. At all events, I shall
continue the trial for two seasons after the present.
CHIEF JUSTICE MARSHALL TO MR. CLAY.
Washingtok, March 13, 1833.
Dear Sir, — ^My nephew, Marshall Jones, purposes to remove
to New Orleans with a view to the practice of the law, and is,
I believe, now in that place. The circumstances under which
OF HENRY CLAY. 353
he left Virginia increase my solicitude for his success. A per-
sonal renconter v/ith a young gentleman who had abused hira
wantonly and grossly, terminated very unfortunately in the death
of his adversary. This compelled him to fly from Virginia and
from very flattering professional prospects. After visiting Canada
and Texas, he has at length, I am told, determined on trying his
fortune in Ne\v Orleans. I am extremely desirous of promoting
his object, but with the exception of Mr. Johnston, am not ac-
quainted with a single individual in that place. May I ask the
favor of you to mention him to some of your friends, not as a
person known to yourself, but as my friend and relation whom I
strongly recommend. I have the most entire confidence in his
honor, integrity, and amiable qualities ; and shall feel myself
greatly obliged by your bestowing on him so much of your coun-
tenance as may favor his introduction into society, and his pro-
fessional exertions. For the rest, he must depend upon himself.
With great respect and esteem I am, dear sir, your obedient
servant.
ME. CLAT TO J. S. JOHNSTON.
■Washinoton, Marcli 15, 188S.
My dear Sir, — ^You observe that your letter of the 13th
found me here. I had, prior to its receipt, sent you a copy of my
speech which is to be published by Gales & Seaton in the order
of the debates. They have not published one word of the com-
mendation of the bill, which has been put forth by other editors.
To preserve an attitude of impartiality they, in effect, make
themselves partisans of those who oppose the measure. Do you
think it necessary that I should revise the speech which I made
on the introduction of the bill ? That which was published for
me was done without my seeing it.
I am very sorry that Sergeant and Binney disapprove the meas-
ure, but I can not help it. I communicated it to them confiden-
tially before I brought it forward, and they opposed no remon-
strance. As for Walsh, he has but one god, and Mr. Webster is
his prophet.
I hope you sent on my letter to Lawrence which I inclosed to
you. That part of the subject ought to be well understood
among our friends.
23
354 PRIVATE COEEESFONDENCE
I have been detained here by the most violent cold I ever had ;
but I hope to be off on Sunday at furthest, for the "West. I can
not go now to Philadelphia. I gained my cause, Minor against
Tillotson.
PELEG SPKAGUE TO ME. CLAY.
Boston, March 19, 1833.
Dear Sir, — It affords me the highest gratification to be able
to assure you that public sentiment here has wonderfully changed
in favor of your great measure, since its introduction. It is now
popular, and becoming more and more so as it becomes better
understood, as the real condition of the country and of the views
and opinions of the Administration are more known, and as the
bill itself and your course previous to its being offered in the
Senate are explained. In New York I scarcely found an indi-
vidual who did not approve it. In Providence and in Boston there
is yet some diversity of opinion among the politicians, but so
far as I learn none among the actual business men, engaged in
manufactures. I have seen several of the principal and most in-
telligent ; they are only apprehensive that it will not be perma-
nent, that it will be again put afloat. They say that they do
not think fit to come out publicly in favor of the measure, be-
cause it might create uneasiness in the South, and generate a dis-
position to make further demands, and because it w"ould carry a
censure upon their delegation in Congress. I have seen and
conversed with many of the principal men, and was at first sur-
prised that there was so much of error and misapprehension in
nearly all in relation to the bill. I yesterday spent nearly an
hour in conversation upon this subject with the Governor, most
of the members of his Council being present, and I also have
conversed with the Lieutenant-Governor, the Speaker of the
House of Representatives, several members of the Senate, and
many members of the House, with Crowningshield and Dwight,
formerly members of Congress, with both the Everett's, Presi-
dent' Q,uincy, the Lawrences, and many other merchants and
manufacturers, whose names are unknown to you ; and I can
not doubt from their representations that the bill is now con-
sidered a good cue, and will be extremely popular when fully
understood. Indeed I am entirely mistaken if, in six months, it
be not considered in New England as the most wise, patriotic,
OP HENRY CLAY. 355
beneficent and splendid act of legislation that any individual in
this country has ever achieved. It ought not to be matter of
surprise that some time is required to bring the public here to a
correct understanding of the measure, for every member of their
delegation, in •whom they have justly so much confidence, voted
against it, and some, in the early stages, united in a feeling of
hostility to it. The debate has not yet been pubhshed, which
is very unfortunate, and the impressions of the nature of the bill
have been received from the objections which are understcfod to
have been made to it in the Senate. I have found the impres-
sion almost universal that it relinquished the principle of protec-
tion after 1842, and not one have I seen here, as I recollect, who
did not think that after that period the duties were to be equal
on all articles, except such as the bill itself specified should be
free. I have, ever since I arrived in New York, carried the bill
in my pocket in order to convince them of this error, which has
always been the first and prominent objection, and I have not
met with one to whom I have had an opportunity to present the
truth, who has not been satisfied, and wondered how they should
have been so mistaken. I have made it a business, since my
arrival here, to put the matter right, and also to correct another
erroneous impression which has been the source of much preju-
dice from the beginning, and that is that your course was adopt-
ed without consultation with your Tariff friends, and operated
as a surprise upon them all, and particularly upon Mr. W. I
have taken the liberty, every where and upon all occasions, to
state the truth upon this point, which I know. I thought my-
self not only at liberty, but bound, in justice to yourself, to make
your course known, and have been dehghted to find how re-
lieved and rejoiced your friends here have invariably been to learn
the truth. I have not hesitated to state the conferences which
were had, formal and informal, the propositions and suggestions
which you submitted, and the remarks of Mr. W. and others.
Rely upon it the intelligent men here are getting to understand
the subject ; it requires but a few persons to explain it, and it will
be highly satisfactory and almost universally popular. I regret
deeply that the debate has not been published, while the pubhc
mind is awake and inquisitive in regard to it, especially as all the
members from this State were opposed to it in their votes, and
of coLirse are stopped from saying much in its favor. I shall re-
main here several days longer, and shall see a great many more
356 PRIVATE COEBESPONDENCE
of their intelligent and leading men, and I have no doubt all
will be satisfied except a particular, and I trust very limited class
of politicians, who wished to carry matters to extremities with
South Carolina, and to see her put down, prostrated by force of
arms, and with whom this feeling was paramount to any regard
for the Tariff.
Excuse me for writing so much, and so many repetitions, but
the subject is one in which every hour's reflection and obseiva-
tion increases my interest, and I have the strongest solicitude
that every body should view this splendid and glorious act as I
do, and appreciate and do justice to the mover, which I have no
doubt they will. Your promised visit here is looked forward to
with great eagerness. Your reception will be all that you can
wish. You must not disappoint them, nor us in Maine.
N. B. Since the passage of your bill there has been a ma-
terial rise in the value and market price of almost all manufac-
turing stocks, and of wool, and Avoolen goods, which is extend-
ing now to cottons, and other articles. An infallible test of the
real opinion of the interested.
NICHOLAS BIDDLE TO MR. CLAT.
PniLADELPmA, Mai'cli 25, 1833.
My dear Sir, — I duly received your last favor from Washing-
ton, and did not fail to bear in mind its interesting contents. It
confirmed an opinion previously formed, confirmed by subse-
quent reflection, and since repeatedly declared, that it was of
great importance to the country not to permit the difference of
sentiment on the Tariff to produce any alienation between those
who had hitherto acted in concert on all the other great public
measures ; and that more especially no estrangement should be
allowed to grow up between the two most prominent leaders
who were opposed on that question. During the visit of our
friend,^! was in habits of constant and confidential intercourse
with him. In regard to the measure itself, he retains all the
opinions which he publicly expressed ; but they are, I think, un-
accompanied by any thing of an unkind or unfriendly feeling
toward yourself, as you will perceive when the speech made on
that occasion is published. There was a strong disposition
OF, HENRY CLAY. 357
among many of his friends, to give him a pubUq dinner ; but xhis
I discouraged, "because I feared that it might oblige him to say
more on that subject than it is prudent to express at the present
time, and because it would probably furnish an occasion for his
less discreet friends to do and to say things excusable at a mo-
ment of excitement, but which might afterward be regretted.
For such an exhibition, I substituted a large meeting of gentle-
men at my own house, where his friends could have the pleasure
of seeing him, without imposing upon him the necessity of
making any exposition of his views on any subject. I stated to
him without reserve, the share which I had taken in preventing
a public dinner, and my reasons for it, in the propriety of which
he entirely acquiesced. In short, he has left us two days ago,
in a frame of mind entirely satisfactory, and your mutual friends
seem to understand each other perfectly, that there ought not to
be, and that there shall not be, any alienation between you, how-
ever you may have differed on one measure of policy. For my-
self, I entertain for him so sincere an attachment, that I should
have been greatly pained at a different result. These good dis-
positions will, I doubt not, be strengthened during the visit
which we meditate, to your country, in the course of the spring,
since no one can be insensible to the attractions of personal in-
tercourse with you. Few, I need not add, appreciate that pleas-
ure more highly than yours, with great respect, etc.
ABBOTT LAWRENCE TO ME. CLAY.
Boston, March 26, 1833.
My dear Sir, — I have great pleasure in acknowledging the
receipt of your letter of the 13th inst., with your speech upon
the Tariff Bill.
Your letter gave me individually, inexpressible pleasure, as it
has placed in my power the means of satisfying the minds of
many prominent citizens among us, who had supposed the whole
scheme was brought forward without the knowledge of your
friends. I have given the letter free circulation v/hcre it has
been required, to remove any prejudices that might have ex-
isted, and I have a general response from all, that they are en-
tirely satisfied with the purity of your motives, as well as your
enlightened patriotism. The nev/spaper presses are nov/ silent
858 PBIVATE CORRESPONDENCE
here upon the subject, and will remain so. I know the editors
well, and have taken some pains to place the whole subject upon
true ground. I had, as you know, strong objections to any con-
cessions whatever ; yet I am now well satisfied with the course
the whole subject took in Congress ; so are the people of this
State, and of New England. Our interests have been greatly
promoted by it, and it is hoped and believed that time will prove
to us that it was the dictate of wisdom to have adopted the bill
proposed by you, and carried by your influence. I do not think
there is the least unkind feeling toward you, in New England,
and I do not take, I think, too much upon myself, when I say
you were never more popular than at the present moment. I
look for a great change in public sentiment upon the American
system, before the end of nine years, or even five years. If
the system of internal improvements could go on for a few years,
with vigor, there is not a doubt upon my mind, that this Union
would be bound by ties stronger than all the constitutions that
human wisdom could devise. A railroad from New England to
Georgia, would do more to harmonize the feelings of the whole
country, than any amendments that can be offered or adopted to
the Constitution. It is intercourse we want, and what I desire.
Your Land bill is a great favorite here, and receives the hearty
support of all parties, with the exception of some few office-
holders. I wrote you about the 10th inst., at Washington;
when you write again, will you tell me whether it was received ?
I have only to ask you now when we may expect to welcome
you here. I am often asked the question, and should be glad to
answer it. Our mutual friend, Mr. Sprague, remained here four
days, and made the most of his time in explaining the principles
of your bill, and the motives that influenced you in bringing it
forward. I have a letter which he sent me from Mr. Senator
Johnson, which is read in connection with yours of the 13th.
ME. MADISON TO MK. CLAY.
MoNTrEiiEE, April 2, 1833.
Dear Sir, — Accept my acknowledgments for the copy of your
speech on the bill modifying the Tariff. I need not repeat what
is said by all on the ability and advantages with which the sub-
ject was handled. It has certainly had the effect of an anodyne
OF HENRY CLAY. 359
on the feverish excitement under which the pubUc mind was
laboring ; and a relapse may happily not ensue. There is no
certainty, however, that a surplus revenue will not revive the
difficulty of adjusting an impost to the claims of the manufactur-
ing and the feelings of the agricultural States. The effect of a
reduction, including the protected articles, on the manufacturers
is manifest ; and a discrimination in their favor will, besides the
complaint of inequality, exhibit the, protective principle, without
disguise, to the protestors against its constitutionality. An al-
leviation of the difficulty may, perhaps, be found in such an
apportionment of the tax on the protected articles most consumed
in the South, and on the unprotected most consumed in the
North, as will equalize the burden between them, and limit the
advantage of the latter to the benefits flowing from a location of
the manufacturing establishments.
May there not be a more important alleviation in embryo — an
assimilation of the employment of labor in the South to its em-
ployment in the North ? A difference, and even a contrast, in
that respect, is at the bottom of the discords which have pre-
vailed, and would so continue, until the manufacturers of the
North could, without a bounty, take the place of the foreign in
supplying the South ; in which event, the source of discord
would become a bond of interest, and the difference of pursuits
more than equivalent to a similarity. In the mean time, an ad-
vance toward the latter must have an alleviating tendency. And
does not this advance present itself in the certainty that, unless
agriculture can find nev/ markets for its products, or new products
for its markets, the rapid increase of slave labor, and the still
more rapid increase of its fruits, must divert a large portion of
it from the plow and the hoe to the loom and the workshop?
When we can no longer convert our flour, tobacco, cotton, and
rice, into a supply of our habitual wants from abroad, labor must
be withdrawn from those articles, and made to supply them at
home.
It is painful to turn from anticipations of this sort to the pros-
pect, opened by the torch of discord, bequeathed by the Conven-
tion of South Carolina to its country, by the insidious exhibitions
of a permanent incompatibility, and even hostility, of interests
between the South and the North, and by the contagious zeal
in vindicating and varnishing the doctrines of nullification and
secession ; the tendency of all of which, whatever be the inten-
860 PRIVATE COREESPONDENCE
tion, is to create a disgust with the Union, and then to open the
way out of it. We must oppose to this aspect of things confi-
dence, that, as the gulf is approached, the deluded will recoil
from its horrors, and that the deluders, if not themselves suffi-
ciently startled, will be abandoned and overwhelmed by their
followers.
As we were disappointed of the expected visit last fall, from
yourself and Mrs. Clay, we hope the promise will not be forgotten
when the next opportunity occurs. For the present, Mrs. Madi-
son joins in cordial regards and all good wishes to yoii both.
JOHN SIBLEY TO JIR. CLAT.
NATCuiTocnES, May 22, 1833.
Dear Sir, — Illy fitted as my mind is to write a letter at this
time, and painful as the task is, I must in grief tell you that J.
S. Johnston, and his son William, were, last Sunday morning,
on board the steam-boat Lioness, on their way to make me a
visit, when, about thirty-five miles above Alexandria, in Red
River, a large quantity of powder in the hold of the boat ex-
ploded, and blew the boat to atoms. Fifteen or sixteen passen-
gers were lost ; among them our friend Johnston.* William
was blown ofi" a distance, much' hurt, but not killed ; is, I hope,
safe with his uncle, a few miles below where the disaster hap-
pened. His wife, my poor child, was left in bad health, in
Philadelphia. I can now only commend her to a merciful God,
and implore your condolence to her. I will write you mote
particularly when I can.
am. CLAY TO FRANCIS BROOKE.
Ashland, May 30, 1833.
My dear Sir, — I duly received your favor. I should have
written to you before, but in this remote quarter we have rarely
any thing interesting to communicate. Since my return from
Washington, I have been principally occupied with the opera-
tions of my farm, which have more and more interest for me.
♦ The Hon. J. S. Johnston, United States Senator, and correspondent of Mr
Clay.
OF HENRY CLAY. 361
There is a great difference, I think, between a farm employed
in raising dead produce for market, and one which is applied, as
mine is, to the rearing of all kinds of live stock. I have the
Maltese ass, the Arabian horse, the merino and Saxe merino
sheep, the English Hereford and Durham cattle, the goat, the
mule, and the hog. The progress of these animals from their
infancy to maturity, presents a constantly- varying subject of
interest, and I never go out of my house, without meeting with
some of them to engage agreeably my attention. Then, our
fine green sward, our natural parks, our beautiful undulating
country, every where exhibiting combinations of grass and trees,
or luxuriant crops, all conspire to render home delightful. Not-
withstanding, I shall leave it early in July, to make a journey
which I have long desired to perform. I shall go through Ohio
to Lake Erie, thence to Buffalo, Niagara, Montreal, Quebec, Sar-
atoga, and toward September, to Boston, where I have a young
son of sixteen. The papers have attributed to me an intention
of visiting New England, as if it were the principal object of
my excursion. It is the least important one, and I should not •
go there but for the sake of my son. I intend traveling with
as much privacy as practicable, and absolutely to decline every
species of public entertainment. I wished to have been accom-
panied by Mrs. Clay, and my son, and son-in-law, with their
respective wives ; but neither of the young ladies are in a travel-
ing condition, and my wife hesitates about going without either
of them.
You perceive that the journey I have sketched will not ad-
mit of my having the pleasure of meeting you at the White
Sulphur Springs. I visit no place in the summer with more
gratification than that finest of all, our mineral springs ; but I
have never seen the Falls of Niagara, and unless I avail myself
of this summer to go there, I shall probably never have another
opportunity.
I have not decided whether I shall return to the Senate or
not. If the Land bill had passed, I certainly should not have
gone there again ; and the condition in which that measure has
been left, creates the only doubt which I feel. But have
I not done all that was incumbent on me? Twice have I
pressed the bill in the Senate, where it haS twice passed, and
once in the House. I regret most deeply that the South,
hitherto, has opposed that measure. They will regret it some
862 PRIVATE COEEESPONDESrCE
day, if it fails ; for the public lands will be lost to the country,
without some such measure is arlopted. They will be used as
an instrument to advance the ambitious views of some Presiden-
tial aspirant, by offering motives to the new States to support
him. Already they are attempted to be applied to that object ;
for how otherwise can you account for the opposition of Mr. Van
Buren's friends, in New York, to the Land bill, and thus separ-
ating themselves from the rest of the North, and evidently
arraying themselves against the interest of their own State ?
You tell me that Messrs. Leigh, etc., speak of me as a candi-
date for the next Presidency, and even think of having my name
forthwith announced. I am greatly obliged by their favorable
ojjinion ; but I really feel no disposition to enter again on an ar-
duous and doubtful struggle for any office. I have seen no evi-
dence of any favprable changes in respect to me, that are of an
extent sufficient to justify the opinion, that a result of a new
contest would take place different from former experiments.
Nothing is so abhorrent to my feelings as to be placed in a posi-
tion in which I should appear as a teasing suppliant for office.
That of President is full of care and vexation. One borne to it
by the willing suffrages of a large majority of his countrymen,
may get along well enough in it ; but if it is to be obtained in
a hard contest, by a bare majority, or by a decision of the House
of Representatives, between several candidates, no one having
a majority, it has no charms, at least none for me. I doubt very
much whether any successful opposition can be made against
General Jackson's designated successor. The press, patronage,
and party, will probably carry him triumphantly through. I have
borne the taunts of the Jackson party and principles long enough.
The country has not thought proper to sustain my exertions.
Distinguished men, who could not possibly have viewed things
differently from me, have stood by with a cold indifference,
without lending any helping hand. What can one man do
alone against a host ?
If I am asked what I think of the present state of things,
and of the future, upon the supposition of success on the part of
the candidate referred to ? I answer, Bad enough, bad enough,
God knows. But what can I do? Have I heretofore ever
ceased to warn the country against it ? Worn out and exhausted
in the service, why should I continue to sound the alarm, with
no prospect of my being more heeded hereafter than heretofore r
OF HENRY CLAY. 363
I want repose. I have reached a time of life when all , men
want it. I shall not neglect the duties which belong to one
who has aimed to be a good citizen, and a patriot, even in retire-
ment ; but the country had better try other sentinels, not more
devoted or zealous, but who may be more successful than I
have been.
Such, my dear sir, is the true state of my feelings. Your
partiality and friendly wishes about me, may not — your un-
biased judgment must — approve them.
Mrs. Clay unites with me in warm regards to Mrs. Brooke.
For yourself, I need not repeat the assurance of my. cordial es-
teem and friendship.
J. W. p. TO ME. CLAT.
Peiersbtjeg, May 31, 1833.
Respected Sik, — The last speech which John Randolph, of
Roanoke, ever delivered, was at the late Jockey Club dinner of
our Newmarket races, to a party of about two hundred gentle-
men. Inter alios, he alluded to yourself, somewhat thus : " I
admire and respect such men (the old Federalists) far more than
such Republicans as the Janus-faced editor of ' The Richmond
Enquirer,' who has contrived to keep in with every Administra-
tion, save the short reign of John Adams the Second, and then
he kept an anchor out to windward for Henry Clay, who, by
the way, gentlemen, is a much better man than Ritchie. Clay
is a brave man — he is a consistent man, which Ritchie is not ;
an independent man, and an honest man, which Ritchie is not."
These remarks were responded to by the company with rap-
turous applause, and I now communicate them to you (privately
and incognito), because I like to impart pleasure to a generous
miud, and it must be some gratification to you to hear that these
were the last ptiblic declarations of one of your most envenomed
and distinguished political enemies, and that they were uttered
and applauded in a part of our country which has been, hither-
to, most decided in its opposition to you.
864 PRIVATE COEEESPOWDENCB
ivra. MADISON TO ME. CLAT.
MosTrELiEC, June, 1833.
Dear Sir, — Your letter of May 28th was duly received. In
it you ask my opinion on the retention of the Land bill by the
President.
It is obvious that the Constitution meant to allow the Presi-
dent an adequate time to consider the bills, etc., presented to
him, and to make his objections to them ; and on the other
hand, that Congress should have time to consider and overrule
the objections. A disregard, on either side, of what it owes to
the other, must be an abuse, for which it would be responsible
under the forms of the Constitution. An abuse on the part of
the President, with a view sufficiently manifest, in a case of suf-
ficient magnitude to deprive Congress, of the opportunity of over-
ruling objections to their bills, might, doubtless, be a ground for
impeachment. But nothing short of the signature of the Presi-
dent, or a lapse of ten days without a return of his objections,
or an overruling of the objections by two thirds of each House
of Congress, can give legal validity to a bill. In order to quali-
fy (in the French sense of the term) the retention of the Land
bill by the President, the first inquiry is, Whether a sufficient
time was allowed him to decide on its merits? The next.
Whether, with a sufficient time to prepare his objections, he
unnecessarily put it out of the power of Congress to decide on
them ? How far an anticipated passage of the bill ought to enter
into the sufficiency of the time for Executive deliberations, is
another point for consideration. A minor one may be, whether
a silent retention, or an assignment to Congress of the reasons
for it, be the mode most suitable to such occasions.
I hope, with you, that the compromising Tariff will have a
course and effect avoiding a renewal of the contest between the
South and the North, and that a lapse of nine or ten years will
enable the manufacturers to swim without the bladders which
have supported them. Many considerations favor such a pros-
pect. They will be saved, in future, much of the expense in
fixtures, which they had to encounter, aijd, in many instances,
unnecessarily incurred. They will be continually improving in
the management of their business. They will not fail to im-
prove, occasionally, on the machinery abroad. The reduction
of duties on imported articles consumed by them will be equiva-
OF HENRY CLAY. 365
lent to a direct bounty. There will probably be an increasing
cheapness of food from the increasing redundancy of agricul-
tural labor. There will, within the experimental period, be an
addition of four or five millions to oar population, no part, or
little, of which will be needed for agricultural labor, and which
will, consequently, be an extensive fund of manufacturing re-
cruits. The current experience makes it probable, that not less
than fifty or sixty thousand, or more, of emigrants, will annually
each the United States, a large portion of whom will have been
trained to manufactures, and be ready for that employment.
With respect to Virginia, it is quite probable, from the prog-
ress already made in the Western culture of tobacco, and the
rapid exhaustion of her virgin soil, in which alone it can be cul-
tivated with a chance of profit, that of the forty or fifty thou-
sand laborers on tobacco the greater part -will be released from
the employment, and be applicable to that of manufactures. It
is well known that the farming system requires much fewer
hands than tobacco fields.
It is painful to observe the unceasing efforts to alarm the South
by imputations against the North of unconstitutional designs on
the subject of the slaves. You are right, I have do doubt, in
believing that no such intermeddling disposition exists in the
body of our northern brethren. Their good faith is sufficiently
guaranteed by the interest they have, as merchants, as ship-own-
ers, and as manufacturers, in preserving a union with the slave-
holding States. On the other hand, what madness in the South
to look for greater safety in disunion ! It would be worse than
jumping out of the frying-pan into the fire. It would be jump-
ing into the fire from a fear of the frying-pan. The danger
from the alarm is, that the pride and resentment excited by them
may be an overmatch for the dictates of prudence, and favor the
project of a Southern Convention insidiously revived, as promis-
ing by its counsels the best securities against grievances of every
sort from the North.
The case of the Tariff and Land bills can not fail of an influ-
ence on the question of your return to the next sessiop of Con-
gress. They are both closely connected with the public repose.
366 PEIVATE COEEESPONDENCE
DANIEL WEBSTER, TO MK. CLAT.
CoLCMBCS, June. 10, 1833.
My dear Sik, — I have at length reached this point, after hav-
ing been greatly delayed by the state of the roads, produced by
excessive rains. Such are the accounts here of the state of
health, in the towns and near the rivers, and to the southward
of it, that my future movements, and the extent to which I may-
prosecute my journey, have become uncertain. The season, too,
seems now rapidly advancing into hot weather. I have thought
it due to your kindness and proifercd hospitality to make this
suggestion, lest you should stay at Lexington, in expectation of
my being there, after the time when it would be agreeable to
you, under existing circumstances, to leave home. I pray you
not to stay a day for me, since it is so uncertain whether I stall
get to Lexington.
I have heard only to-day the dreadful account about poor
Johnston. It is inexpressibly shocking.
DANIEL WEBSTER TO MR. CLAT.
CniLLicoTnE, Jiino 22d, 1833.
My DEAR Sir, — Your kind letter of the 17th was put into my
hands at Cincinnati, on the morning of the 20th, just as I was
getting into the carriage on my departure for this place. With
whatever reluctance, and it was certainly very great, I found it
unavoidable that I should give up the Kentucky portion of my
journey ; since, even though I felt no fear about personal safety,
I should yet find those whom I wished to see either in alarm or
in affliction. Now that the scourge has departed, as I hope,
from your immediate neighborhood, and although Providence
has kindly protected your own roof, yet I can well conceive that
you must have lost valued friends, and that so terrible a visitation
has left a shock which must continue to be felt for some time.
It is my purpose to proceed immediately to Pittsburg, and
thence bjr the shortest route to New York and New England.
I find Mr. Ewing here, as well as General M. Arthur and
other friends. He expresses great pleasure at the escape of your
family from the calamity. There is no sickness here, though a
case of cholera is reported as having occurred at Portsmouth.
OF HENRY CLAY. 867
I sincerely hope you will not give up your intended visit to
the North. All along the country there is a very general expect-
ation of seeing you, and the disappointment will not he small,
should you not come.
I beg you to make my best regards to Mrs. Clay, and say to
her, that 1 will venture to give her my word that if she will
visit the North, she will find her tour pleasant and agreeable, and
her welcome every where hearty.
ME. CLAT TO FRANCIS BROOKE.
AsuLAND, August 2, 1833.
Mt dear Sih, — I duly received your favor of the 20th ultimo,
and take great pleasure in transmitting an account of the remedy
most successfully applied in the treatment of the cholera in Lex-
ington. I send you herewith a number of the '•' Western Jour-
nal," which contains an article bringing into review almost all
that has been written on the subject of the scourge. The de-
scription and treatment of the disease by Mr. J. Kennedy (the
first work revioAved) resemble most the appearance of it here,
and accord best with the most approved practice.
Prom all that I saw and heard about it here, I have drawn
the conclusions :
1. That certain reliance can be placed upon no remedy after
the disease has reached the state of collapse and cramps.
2. That, prior to that state, no sure reliance can be placed on
any treatment which does not embrace the use of calomel in
moderate doses.
3. That if the disease commences, as it generally docs, by a
complaint in the bowels, calomel in doses of from five to twenty-
five grains, taken every hour, or two, until the discharge from
the bowels is checked, may be relied upon with a high degree
of certainty.
If there be considerable discharge from the bowels, opium,
in the proportion of one grain to every two of calomel, or fifteen
or twenty grains of laudanum, were advantageously given with
calomel.
The use of emetics and bleeding was much controverted. I
believe them both good, in certain cases, and they were both
868 PRIVATE COERESPONDENCE
occasionally resorted to with benefit, though I think neither in-
dispensable. In the early stages of the disease only, and when
it has not assumed what Mr. Kennedy calls the rapid type, would
it be advisable to employ the emetic ? Ipecac, salt, and mustard,
and warm salt and water, were all used. We had among our
slaves a number of cases of violent pain in the abdomen, which
we feared might terminate in cholera. In most of them we
administered salt and mustard in equal proportions, about a table-
spoonful of each forming a dose, which Avas, however, repeated
until vomiting ensued, and, after the operation, twenty grains of
calomel, combined with twenty grains of rhubarb. All of them
were relieved. The same remedy, with the same success, was
employed at Mr. Erwin's, and at a bagging factory in the city.
The attack made upon Mr. Dudley's practice was in conse-
quence of his use of the emetic ; and, I think, was unfounded.
Some of our physicians employed enormous doses of calomel,
but I believe with no advantage.
I send you a letter I received from Dr. M'Nairy, containing
an account of his practice, which, as I understand, was very suc-
cessful.
Most sincerely do I hope that you may not have occasion for
any application whatever to this terrible disease. It still rages
with great violence in some parts of our State.
You seem to think that I despond as to our public affairs. If
you mean that I have less confidence than I formerly entertained
in the virtue and intelligence of the people, and in the stabihty
of our institutions, I regret to be obliged to own it. Are we not
governed now, and have we not been for some time past, pretty
much by the will of one man ? And do not large masses of the
people, perhaps a majority, seem disposed to follow him where-
ever he leads, through all his inconsistencies ? He does not, it
is true, always govern positively, by enforcing the measures
which he prefers ; but he prevents those, although adopted by
the representatives of the people, to which he is opposed ; and
although manifestly for their good, they acquiesce in and applaud
whatever he does, and take sides with him against the legislative
authority. If that single man were an enlightened philosopher,
and a true patriot, the popular sanction which is given to ail his
acts, however inconsistent or extravagant, might find some jus-
tification. But when we consider that he is ignorant, passionate,
hypocritical, corrupt, and easily swayed by the base men who
OF HENRY CLAY. 369
snn-oniid him, v/hat can we think of the popular approbation
■which he receives ?
One thing only was wanted to complete the public degrada-
tion, and that was, that he should name his successor. This he
has done, and there is much reason to believe that the people
will ratify the nomination. Although that successor may be
now, in some places, unpopular, when we reflect that the whole
patronage of the Government v/ill be directed for three years to
insure his success ; and that a system of organization exists, in
the largest State of the Union, wielding about one seventh of the
whole electoral vote, the probability of his final success must be
admitted to be great. To these chances we have to add others.
In the South, it is now pretty evident that you are about to re-
enact the scenes of 1834, when, under a romantic notion of ad-
hering to your candidate, you threw away your votes upon Mr.
Crawford, a paralytic, although it was perfectly notorious that he
stood no earthly chance of being elected. Now, under the er-
roneous idea that other parts of the Union contemplate an attack
upon your slave property, and with the purpose of adhering to
what are called yom* principles, Mr. Calhoun, or somebody else,
will be brought out, and a great effort will be made to rally the
South in his support. The contest will be between him and
Mr. Van Buren. The latter, aided by the dominant party in
Virginia, may secure that State. But it will so turn out that,
whatever votes the Southern candidate may get, will serve Mr.
Van Bm-en almost as effectually as if given directly for himself;
because they will be so many abstracted from some other for-
midable competitor. Thus, by the operation of the instruments
now in full employment to secure his election, and by the di-
visions of those opposed to him, he will obtain the majority, or
enter the House of Representatives with a resistless popularity.
His election once secured, the corrupt means of preserving and
perpetuating power, now in successful operation at Albany, will
be transferred to Washington. And there we shall have a state
of things which will prepare the public mind for a dissolution
of the Union, to which, unfortunately, there is less aversion now
than could be wished by those who love their country.
I hope I may be deceived in these predictions ; but I fear that
I will not. Believing in them, you can not be surprised that, at
the age of fifty-six, and after the struggles which I have made
to maintain the public liberty, and to avoid the evils which now
24
370 PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE
menace us — struggles, I repeat, in which I have been too little
sustained — I should think seriously of a final retirement from the
theater of public life.
My daughter* was happy to find herself in your friendly re-
collection, and desires me to assure you of her cordially recip-
rocating your esteem. She is very happy, possessed of the
affections of her husband, residing upon a beautiful place adjoin-
ing mine, and enjoying affluence and every blessing.
Mrs. Clay desires to be kindly remembered to Mrs. B. and
yourself, and I remain always your sincere friend.
HAKEISON GRAY OTIS TO MK. CLAT.
Boston, October 22, 1833.
My dear Sir, — I had long indulged a most gratifying antici-
pation, that upon any visit you might make to this city, I should
be among the foremost to receive you with a cordial welcome,
and to promote among my fellow-citizens those public demon-
strations of respect, to which your claims, to say the least, are,
in my opinion, equal to those of any man in our country. My
family also would have been too happy in uniting with me in
every effort in our power to contribute toward making the stay
of yours among us agreeable and convenient. The chagrin,
therefore, which I should feel in a disappointment which forbids
the accomplishment of these purposes, would be mortifying and
deep, if arising from any human source. But we are under an
affliction which comes from above, and precludes all emotions but
those of anxiety and sorrow, and dispenses from all duties but
those of resignation and obedience. My youngest son, the de-
light of our eyes and our lives, is suddenly arrested by disease,
in the bloom and vigor of youth, and is, as his physicians fear,
on his dying bed. This trouble is too serious to be mentioned
as a ceremonious apology ; but I could not, without a sense of
self disparagement, permit you to remain a visitor in my native
city, under an impression that any ordinary cause would prevent
me from showing you, by all that depends on me, the sense
which I think every man who loves his country should enter-
Jlrs. Erwin, the mucli-loved child, and most worthy of it. Wo have heard
Mr. Olay speak of her, many years after her decease, with the most tender emo-
tion, lie delighted to dwell on hor character with a sympathizing friend.
OF HENRY CLAY. 371
tertain of the claims of a patriot, who has always carried his
principles in front, and is ignorant of all political disguise, except
that which he has seen worn by others, and whose public serv-
ices have been, and, I trust, yet will be, of inappreciable value
to his country. If I can trust myself to behave with decent
firmness and composure, for ten minutes, I shall steal them, to
take you by the hand. If I do not, accept from a full heart the
wish that God Almighty may secure you and yours in his holy
keeping.
I pray you not to think of replying to this.
MH. CliAT TO FRANCIS BKOOKE.
Senate Ciiambeb, December 11, 1833.
Mr DEAR Sir, — ^I have delayed acknowledging the receipt of
your favor, in consequence of an uncertainty whether my an-
swer should be addressed you at St. Julien or at Richmond, and
I am yet at a loss which direction to give it.
My journey was full of gratification. In spite of my con-
stant protestations that it was undertaken' with objects of a pri-
vate nature exclusively, and my uniformly declining public
dinners, the people every where, and at most places, without
discrimination of parties, took possession of me, and gave enthu-
siastic demonstrations of respect, attachment and confidence.
In looking back on the scenes through which I passed, they
seem to me to have resembled those of enchantment more than
of real life.
Prom indications which have been as yet given, it would
seem that the session opens with a majority in the House for the
Administration, and a majority in the Senate against it. We
passed a pretty strong measure yesterday, resuming the appoint-
ment of committees by the Senate itself. On that vote, parties
stand twenty-two to eighteen. We hope to reverse the majority
in the House, and to strengthen it in the Senate, if we have no
desertions.
Are you in habits of intimacy with Floyd ? If you are, you
may ask him to show you a long letter I have recently addressed
to him, in answer to a long letter I had received from him on
public aff"airs.
Mrs. Clay joins me in respects to Mrs. Brooke.
372 PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE
AMBROSE SPENCEK TO MK. CI*AT.
Albany, December 14, 1833.
Deab Sir, — Knowing that your time is wholly taken up ia
the arduous duties before you, I have hesitated to divert your at-
tention a moment by any thing I can suggest ; but I am not willing
that an acquaintance which gave me unspeakable pleasure, should
be suffered to fade away. If you have not leisure to answer my
letters I assure you that your silence will give me no offense.
You can hardly conceive what favorable impressions your short
visit among us created. Those who were prepared to love and ad-
mire you, were confirmed in all their anticipations, and they admire
and love you with the more intensity ; and even those who have
been in the habit of thinking and speaking unkindly of you,
were generally compelled to think better of you. I revert to the
few happy hours I spent in your company with renewed delight.
You may say this is flattery ; but if you understood my charac-
ter, this is a vice never imputed to me by friend or foe, but
enough of this.
^P ^ "Tr 'fP "TV 'V *T?
I am aware that it is quite premature to think or speak of the
next Presidential candidate, but it seems that, nole?is volens, the
press will talk of it, and consequently the public will think of it.
In my opinion the national Republicans ought to keep themselves
wholly uncommitted, unless a great change should take place in
the public mind, and the prejudices of party be greatly abated,
the annunciation of any one of our distinguished friends would
have the effect to unite the whole Jackson phalanx on some one
of their leaders, and I think Mr. Van Buren would probably be
that man. From present appearances the contest on the part of
our adversaries will be between Van Buren, Judge M'Lean, and
Mr. Cass. I had no opportunity to obtain your opinions of the
two latter, but I confess I feel strong repugnance to both of
them. The question is not whether they are as unprincipled as
Jackson, for I console myself with the belief that we, under no
circumstances, can elect a worse, or more incompetent man. If
we are driven to a choice between the three, which of them
will be the least mischievous ? M'Lean's judicial com-se has
been Jesuitical and trimming, and it will be a strong objection
to him that he enters the arena with the robes of office on. As
to Cass, I once thought well of him ; but did he not write an
OF HENEY CLAY. 373
article in the " North American Review" expressly to propitiate
the favor of Jackson, chiming in with his crude notions that Geor-
gia had a right to abrogate the laws, etc., of the Cherokees and
subject them to their jurisdiction ? This was in July, 1830. Did
he not write an essay for " The Globe" reviewing Judge Marshall's
opinions in the case of the Missourians, to prepare the public
mind for the President's refusal to obey and carry into effect the
mandate of the court ? Is he not the one of the Cabinet who
gave an oral opinion against removing the deposits, but saying
if they were removed he would stand by the President ? If he
has done all or any of these things, he is a fit instrument for a
tyrant, and I despise him. Can you enlighten me on any of these
matters at a leisure moment ?
I feel as I did when I saw you, most desponding at the pros-
pect before us, and yet were I called to act, I would, if possible,
nerve myself for the contest and fight the battle on the last inch
of ground left.
Excuse, I pray you, my want of method. I write on just as I
feel. We are all well. Present my respects to Mrs. Clay and
say to her, Mrs. Spencer presents her respects and will long re-
member her with affection.
P. S. Mrs. De Witt Clinton told me she regretted very much
you did not call on her. She has not one remaining prejudice
against yon, and her husband's were conceived in error, and
were, I doubt not, produced by misrepresentation.
HENKY CLAY, JR., TO HIS PATHEK.
Mapiewood, December 14, 1833.
My dear Fathee, — I must now write you upon a very pain-
ful subject. Anne, Mr. Erwin, and the rest of the family, with
the exception of myself, determined, from the great and apparent
increase of Theodore's malady, and from the positive risk and
danger of his going at large, that he ought to be again placed
in the Hospital in this place. The Commissioners have taken
him once more under their protection. They applied to me to
know if I consented to it. I told them that I should have noth-
ing to do in the matter, but that as one nearly related, but with-
out any authority or desire to act, I had no objection. When
374 PRIVATE COERESPONDENCE
he was placed in the Hospital I was applied to as his brother,
the nearest relation present, to advance $50 for his hoard, and to
give my bond for $500. I advanced the money promptly, and
have expressed my willingness to give my bond. This is my
part in the affair. I am not the mover in the business, nor, I
may say, a participant, for Anne selected her course without
consulting with me. She placed him where he is. But now
let me say, my dear father, without I beseech your having my
motives impugned, that Anne has done right. Theodore endan- ■
gered the lives of all in the house with him. He was worse
than he ever had been. But he is now doing better. To look
at him was enough to melt the heart. His health wasting away,
his face pale and emaciated. The day exhausted in forming
suspicions of plots and conspiracies, the night in ceaseless and
terrible alarms. Let me say, with a full knowledge of what I
owe to you and to my mother,' that we should allow the best
physicians to operate with this most subtle and distressing disor-
der. When he was in the Hospital before, his health was re-
established and his mind certainly improved. Let us then curb
our feelings and not destroy our brother and our child by mis-
timed affection. If the malady is a great affliction to us all, and
the most awful calamity to which a human being is subject, then
let the remedies be applied with proportionate care. Let the
wisest men and the most skillful in cures take our patient under
their charge. I have every hope, and others entertain hope
also that Theodore will be eventually cured, if left in the Hos-
pital. His disorder, from being confined to a few subjects has,
I think, become more general, and I hope unsettled. At all
events we ought never to resign hope ; and the experience of
mankind informs us that the living and discipline of a Hospital
are the best remedies for the disease. Is the discipline, even
when the worst, as painful as the amputation of a limb, and
shall we do less to preserve our mind than our body ? But you
know the truth of Avhat I write and my mother too will adopt
it, I hope ; for I think if she will reflect upon Theodore's case,
she will recognize the exact coincidence with it of what I write.
Theodore is now doing well, and I, at least, feel much better
satisfied with what is going on for his good than when he was
at large, a source of mortification and affliction to you and his
friends, and in a progress to the gradual but complete destruction
of his mind, his health, and happiness.
OF HENET CLAY. 375
MK. CLAY TO TEANCIS BROOKE.
WAsraNGTOjf, December 16, 1833.
My dear Sir, — I addressed a letter to you at Richmond, but
understand that you are at St. JuUen, to which I direct this letter.
We were highly gratified to-day in the Senate. We carried
the appointment of every chairman of the committees as we
wished ; and as far as we proceeded, every member of the several
committees, with one unimportant exception. There is a fair
prospect of our having in the Senate a majority of twenty-six
or twenty-seven.
Whether it will be practicable to respue the Government and
public liberty from the impending dangers, which Jacksonism
has created, depends, in my opinion, mainly upon the South ;
and the course of the South will be guided mainly by Virguiia.
Hence the very great importance of this State taking a patriotic
direction. I understand that you are thought of for the Chief
Magistrate. I know the sacrifices you must make, if you ex-
cept that station ; but can not you make them ? " What is a
public man worth who is not ready to sacrifice himself for his
country?" Depend upon it, that every thing for which you
fought, or which you and I hold valuable, in public concerns, is
in imminent hazard. By means of the Veto, the power as ex-
ercised of removing from office, the .possession of the piublic
treasures, and the public patronage, the living existence of lib-
erty and the Government is, in my judgment, in peril.
I mean myself to open and push a vigorous campaign. It is
the campaign of 1777. I want aid-^all the aid that can be
given. I mean — which will surprise you — to be very prudent,
but very resolute. Can you not assist us ?
ERASTUS root to MR. CLAY.
Delhi, January 12, 1884.
Dear Sir, — I have read your speeches on the removal of the
Deposits with much pleasure and deep interest. I perceive in
them that force of argument and that commanding eloquence
which I was wont to witness in former days, in the efforts of
Henry Clay, in the cause of liberty and the Constitution.
When, my dear sir, will the mad career of the " military
876 PEIVATE COREESPONDENCE
chieftain" be checked ? or is it never to meet with a check ?
Will a thoughtless multitude, led on or encouraged by knavish
politicians, always sing pagans of praise to the usurpations of a
despot, if emblazoned with military renown ? I fear the
splendid and enormous bribe he has seized, and is now distribut-
ing, will insure the object of his wishes — the succession to his
throne.
Under the Constitution, as now understood, is the Secretary
of the Treasury an officer impeachable for high crimes and mis-
demeanors ? Can the instrument be convicted of the crime it
has perpetrated ? He might be forfeited as a deodand.
In yonr speeches on this occasion, I discover the same ardent
patriotism, the same devotion to public and personal liberty
which I so much admired when associated with you in the
House of Representatives ; but from what you hinted to me last
winter, T have some reason to fear that whert the repeal of the
Force bill shall come under consideration, in your House, you
will cause me to regret a blot in your bright escutcheon. You
were not present on the final jiassage of that odious bill, but I
got the idea (I hope an erroneous one) that had you been present,
you might have voted for it. With the sword and the purse,
and that bill at his command, an American Cassar might sink
into comparative insignificance that puny whipster of a Caesar
whom you so eloquently described as swaying the final destinies
of Rome. A part, and the most odious part, of the Force bill,
I believe, will expire with the present session, but the Statute
Book ought to be purged of that foul stain.
MB. CLAY TO FKANCIS BEOOKE.
Washington, Jamiary 14, 1834.
^Y DEAR Sir, — I received your favor of the 12th. That
written by you early in December never came to hand, and 1
regret it. As to the repeal of the Force bill, there are parts of
it which are permanent, and which, in my judgment, ought to
remain, independent of and distinct from any excitement in
South Carolina. The two sections (the first and fifth) contain
some provisions, to which I objected on their passage. If the
repeal of them were asked, not on the ground of the truth of
the principles of nullification, but as expedient, since the neces-
OF HENEY CLAY. 377
•
sity for them has passed by, to tranquillize the South, it might
not be objectionable, although, even in that view, those parts of
the act expiring with the present session, by express limitation,
there is no great utility in the repeal. But it is not asked on
any other ground than that nullification is right, and to that I
can not assent. If I could forget myself and my principles so
much as to adopt those of nullification, it would prove my utter
rain as a public man. Nullification is every where in the min-
ority but in South Carolina. In Kentucky, it can not hold up
its head. And I think Mr. Calhoun has been unfortunate in
stirring this matter, which had better be left to sleep quietly.
What is doing in your Legislature about the deposits ? We
want all aid here on that subject which can be given us from
Richmond. What has been done there has been of immense
service to us. Virginia is herself again, and has once more the
power to rally around her standard the friends of freedom. Bui
bold, determined conduct on her part is necessary ; and particu-
larly on the subject of the public treasury. If she now falters
or falls back, it would have been better that she should have
never excited an}'' hopes ; for then we might have all sunk
quietly into the abyss of despotism.
ME. CLAT TO FRANCIS BROOKE.
Washington, February 10, 1834
My dear Sir, — I should have written you oftener, but for the
best reason in the world, that I had really nothing to write that
was interesting.
The debate on the deposits continues. We are gaining both
in public opinion and in number in the House of Representatives.
We are probably still there in a minority, although the majority
is not large, and will melt away if the current of public opinion
continues to mix with us.
I transmit you a letter in answer to one I received. I wish
you to 'read and deliver it, unless you think I had better not have
it delivered. We are here so accustomed to vetos, that I volun-
tarily, you see, subject my letter to yours.
Our city is full of distress committees. The more the better.
378 PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE
MB. TAZEWELL TO MR. CLAT.
NoEroLK, February 19, 1834.
Deab Sir, — An absence from this place for some weeks past
has prevented me from receiving your favor of the 1st instant,
until a short time since. I now hasten to reply to it, merely to
give you some evidence of the consideration with which I re-
gard any communication of yours. The opinion you asked of
me upon the abstract question you proposed, even if entitled to
more respect than my opinions ought ever to receive from you,
can be of but little value now, when all the difficulties we en-
counter proceed from the practical operation of measures, which,
whether they may be traced to usurpation or to the mere abuse
of power, reach the same actual results. But as you have asked
my opinion, I will give it to you freely.
Many years ago, soon after I became a member of the Senate,
and before you last entered that body, I was under the necessity
of discussing this question at large ; and to that end I then ex-
amined it very carefully. The result of this examination was
the conviction of my own mind, that all the executive power
created by the Federal Constitution was confided thereby to the
President, to be exercised by him at his discretion, and upon his
high responsibility, except in the cases of appointments and of
treaties, if indeed the latter inay be considered as an executive
power under this Constitution. In this opinion the majority of
the Senate then concurred.
Under this view of the subject, it seemed to me of little use
to inquire, in regard to the power of removal from office, whether
this was a substantive power or one merely accessorial to the
power of appointment. For, as it was clearly an executive
power, if it was a substantive power, it would then be embraced
in the general Grant of all executive power, which, by the Con-
stitution, is given to the President ; and if it was but an acces-
sorial power, it must follow its principal, and appertain to the
same functionary, to whom the principal power of appointment
was granted by the Constitution in terms, although in the exer-
cise of the power of appointment, he was required to consult
his advisory council, the Senate.
This conclusion seemed to me the more apparent when I ad-
verted to the other powers that are, obviously, merely accessorial
to the power of appointment, such as the power of nominating
OF HENRY CLAY. 379
to office, and of commissioning. No one could suppose that the
Senate enjoyed either of these powers, although the Constitution
required of the President to obtain their advice and consent, be-
fore he could exercise his power of appointment. The only rea-
son for this is, that while the Constitution exacts of the Presi-
dent the duty of consulting the Senate in all cases of appoint-
ment, it imposes upon him no such obligation with regard to
nominations or commissions. Then, as the exclusive right of
the President to these new auxiliary powers must be conceded, I
could discover no reason for denying to him the similar right to
the other auxiliary power of removal, as to which also the Con-
stitution -was equally silent.
The treaty-making power, too, seemed to me to furnish a
strong illustration of the correctness of my position. Whether,
under the Federal Constitution, this ought to be considered as
an executive or legislative power, in either case it must carry
with it the accessorial powers of negotiation and ratification.
Now although the consent of the Senate was required to give
validity to every treaty, yet none could suppose that the advice
of this body was requisite to justify the President in commenc-
ing a negotiation, or that he was bound to ratify a treaty because
the Senate had consented that this might be done.
In the course of this debate, it was said by some Senator,
that whatever might be the case elsewhere, under the Federal
Constitution, the power of appointment was not an executive
power, but belonged to an anomalous class, because it was con-
fided to other depositaries than the executive ; that being an
anomalous power, all its incidents must partake of this character,
and appertain to the same depositaries to Avhom the principal
power was intrusted by the Constitution.
I could not admit the general character of the depositary to
be the proper test by which to ascertain the nature of the power
confided, especially as all our Constitutions furnished many ex-
amples of the grants of power admitted to be purely executive
to mere legislative or judicial functionaries. It seemed to me
more correct to say that the character of the depositary Avas
changed quo ad hoc, than that of the power granted. I denied,
therefore, that the power of appointment was an anomalous
power, and contended that it was strictly executive. I could not
admit either that this power of appointment was confided to the
Senate, merely because the President was required to consult
880 PEIVATE CORRESPONDENCE
them before he exercised it effectually. As well might it be
said, that the veto allowed to the President by the Constitution
constituted him a part of the Legislature. In either case, the
powers granted were negative, and not positive, and therefore
could not be considered as active powers, which all legislative
and executive powers must be. The Senate, in the case of
appointments, were authorized to give or to withhold their con-
sent when asked by the President ; but they had no authority to
proffer their advice unasked ; nor was the President bound to
follow it when properly given, although he could not act without
it. Therefore, the power appertained to him and not to them.
I could not discern how the character of the power granted, let
this be ascertained how it might, could influence in any way the
question of incidental authority. The accessory must follow its
principal, whatever might be the name or nature of that prin-
cipal. If they are once separated, and the powers confided to
different hands, the accessory changes its character immediately,
and becomes a new principal power, the matrix of other inci-
dents. Otherwise, the greatest absurdities, and the most irre-
concileable conflicts, would ensue.
But I will not fatigue you with any further repetition of the
arguments then urged, except to say that it appeared to me
manifestly absurd to regard the President as responsible for the
acts of subordinate agents, and yet to deny to him the uncon-
trolled power of supervising them, and of removing them from
office whenever they had lost his confidence.
While announcing these opinions, justice to myself requires of
me to add, that in claiming for the President the exclusive right
to all the executive power created by the Federal Constitution,
I hold him accountable to Congress, to the people, and to the
States, for every misuse of the discretionary power so granted to
him. Believing that all the powers of all our Governments are
derivative and not sovereign, I can not recognize any other than
a mere verbal distinction between the abuse and the usurpation
of any power. None can have the right to do wrong, although
in cases where no tribunal exists to determine what is wrong,
the mere possession of power must necessarily be regarded as the
sole evidence of the right to use it at will. But in this country,
where all pohtical powers are granted, and therefore limited,
there always exists a tribunal competent to decide upon the
legitimate extent of powers. Here, then, the abuse of power
OF HENRY CLAY. 381
granted is both in kind and in degree, an equal offense with the
usurpation of power not granted, unless we could conceive the
impossible case of power granted to be abused.
I have never heard any so wild as to claim for the President
any other executive powers than such as are created by the
Federal Constitution. Nor have I supposed that any could be
so foolish as to regard what is called executive power in Eng-
land, or in any other country, as the measure and standard of
such power here. The absurdity of such a pretension is so
monstrous, that I can not consider it as meriting any serious re-
futation. Once admit it to be true, and the Constitution would
become a dead letter. We should then be sent abroad to learn
the nature of our own Government, and might soon see the
President proroguing, or even dissolving Congress at his pleasure,
nay, creating a peerage, declaring war, and concluding treaties,
without consulting any other department of the Government.
It will always give me pleasure to hear from you. Our prin-
ciples may not, perhaps, be in exact accordance, nor shall we
always agree in the application of those in which we do concur.
But we have each seen so much of the world now as not to
consider such diversities as either injurious to its interests, or as
constituting any proper cause to disturb relations that, with us,
have been of long standing.
ME. CLAY TO FEANCIS BROOKE.
■Washinston, Marcli 10, 1834.
Mx DEAR Sir, — I received your favor of the 6th inst., as I
did that about the Compiler, with the subscription money which
Mr. R. declined.
I should write you oftener, but that I have really nothing of
interest to communicate. Almost daily, too, I express in the
Senate what I have to say on public affairs.
The view taken by the writer in " The Whig," as to the ef-
fect of either House not concurring in the sufficiency of the
reasons of the Secretary of the Treasury, had not escaped me.
It would be conclusive, if the act of removing the public de-
posits was conditional, but it is a perfect and performed act,
before the reasons are communicated to Congress. I have al-
ways 1 •'lieved that if both houses concurred in pronouncing the
882 PRIVATE COREESPONDESTOE
insufficiency of those reasons, it would, without any further or
other legislative action, become the duty of the Secretary to
restore them, and I have wished to be able to think that such
would be his duty, if either House disagreed with him. But if
one House agree, and the other disagree, is not the result a state
of neutrality ?
We shall look to the issue of your approaching election with
very great anxiety.
MR. CLAT TO FRANCIS BROOKE.
Washington, April 17, 1834.
Mt dear Sir, — I leave here to-day for the Virginia Springs,
on account of Mrs. Clay's health, which continues feeble and
precarious. I shall return as soon as I can leave her with pro-
priety. My own situation requires also relaxation. I feel very
much prostrated. I hope I shall be able soon to return to my
post with re-invigorated health.
We are very thankful for the kind invitation contained in
your letter of the 13th, but the condition of Mrs. Clay at present,
is such, that she would only be a burden at St. Julien, without
being able to enjoy its pleasures. I transmitted to you at Rich-
mond some letters from New York, communicating the issue of
the great three days' contest. It is felt by both parties here, as
the precursor of the complete overthrow of Jacksonism.
We are still anxious about your elections, but feel confident of
their being no variation from the last Legislature, in the aggre-
gate result.
The nullifiers are doing us no good here. You will have
seen a badly-reported speech of mine, in answer to Mr. Calhoun.
MR. CLAT TO FRANCIS BROOKE.
Waseinqtojt, March 23, 1884.
Mt dear Sih.^I received your favor, transmitting a copy of
the address of the minority of your Legislature. It did not
strike me as possessing much ability, but on some points was
very weak and vulnerable. I am not aware that any answer to
it from this place will be attempted.
OF HENEY CLAT. 383
I received also your subsequent favor.
Things remain in statu quo here. There is a small, but as
yet inflexible majority, sustaining the Executive in the House.
If the elections in Virginia and New York, should be adverse to
the Administration, that majority probably will be changed, but
in an opposite event, it may be increased. Mr. Van Buren yes-
terday oflered to bet me a suit of clothes upon each of the elec-
tions in the city of New York and in your State. The Admin-
istration party is very confident, and our friends are not without
fears as to the issue of matters with you. It is with politics
as with the currency. In certain states of both, a slight circum-
stance produces much effect. We were not prepared here for
the unfortunate result in Bouldin district. It depressed our side,
and elevated the other, far beyond what such an event would
have done at any other time.
What are your real prospects? I should confide much in
your judgment. Would you like to take up Van's bet ?
I told him yesterday, that if the people entertained the Ad-
ministration in its late measures, I should begin to fear that our
experiment of free Government had failed ; that he would
probably be elected the successor of Jackson ; that he would in-
troduce a system of intrigue and corruption, that would enable
him to designate his successor ; and that, after a few years of
lingering and fretful existence, we should end in dissolution
of the Union, or in despotism. He laughed, and remarked that
I entertained morbid feelings. I replied, with good nature, that
what I had said, I deliberately and sincerely believed.
ALEXANDER COFFIN TO MR. CLAT.
Hudson, New Yoee, May 12, 1834.
Sm, — ^Nearly a century has passed over my head ; and, al-
though I have witnessed, with much apprehension for the result,
many hazardous scenes which my dear native country has strug-
gled through in that time, not one has excited that trembling
sense of alarm which the measures of the present Executive
have done. I have remarked, in their whole course, an un-
bridled lust of power, that attacked the very foundation of our
free institutions. And, notwithstanding, a temperament naturally
sanguine leads me to contemplate things under a cheering
384 PRIVATE COEEESPONDENCE
aspect, Avhen I beheld his hold claims to lawless power sustained
by men in whom I had placed trust. I confess a very gloomy
prospect of the future presented itself ; my spirit sunk within
me ; and I began "to despair of the Republic." But, thanks be
to God, who breathed into a phalanx of good men in the Senate
of the United States, a spirit to breast the storm ; and has en-
abled them, as I hope, to rescue the country from the danger
that impended over it. Allow me to testify to you, sir, as a dis-
tinguished individual in that phalanx, my respect, together with
mj'- thanks, for the very important share you bore in that con-
flict ; and also, to tender my most hearty congratulations upon
the prospect we now enjoy of seeing the Constitution and laws,
redeemed from the grasp of usurpation, restored to healthy action.
May I beg you to accept, from a man far advanced in his 94th
year, the cane which will be handed you herewith, as a token
of his gratitude for your eminent services rendered to our be-
loved country ? It was made from the jawbone of a spermaceti
whale, the head from a tooth of the same, by the mate of a ship
belonging to one of my grandsons, upon her homeward passage
from the Pacific.
JOHN NITCHIE TO MR. CLAY.
American Bible Sooiett, New Yoee,
July 5, 1834.
SiK, — It afibrds me much pleasure to inclose to you a certifi-
cate of your membership for life in this society. The occasion
of your being made a Life Member you will find from the extract
of the letter of the individual making the needful contribution
which is copied on the back of the certificate.
Permit me, respected sir, in the name of the benevolent, but
anonymous donor, to ask your acceptancy of this compliment ;
and also, to assure you, of my earnest desire that you and yours
may have an eternal interest in the promises of that blessed
Book, which it is the design of this Society to spread abroad
among the nations of this fallen world. .
Extract of a letter to John Nitchie, General Agent and Assist-
ant Treasurer of the Atnerican Bible Society, dated July 3,
1834. ^ •
Deab Friend, — I send you the sum of thirty dollars, which I
will thank you to present to the managers of the American Bible
OF HENRY CLAY. 385
Society, to be devoted by them to the cu'culation of the Holy
Scriptures.
In consequence of this contribution, you will please enroll the
name of the Honorable Henry Clay, of the United States Senate,
among your Life Members.
The above is from a friend, which has arisen from the contin-
ued savings of a Missionary, by his laying aside portions of fees
and presents at the time they were received ; the entire amount
of fees received on Sunday and Thursday of every week, also,
free-will offerings under peculiar Providences : one tenth of his
regular salary, and one tenth of the balance of his receipts dur-
ing the year over his family expenses.
You will please forward to Mr. Clay, a certificate of his Life
Membership ; also, beg him to lay aside a portion of his income,
and thus constitute in like manner, at least one of his friends', a
Life Member of your important society, and in so doing, I would
beg him to request that friend thus constituted, to constitute
some other individual a Life Member. In this way passing the
excitement round from friend to friend, an amount of good will
accumulate, which the full glories of the Eternal World alone
can unfold.
This is to certify, that Honorable Henky Clay, of the United
States Senate, by virtue of a contribution of thirty dollars, made
by a clergyman of the Protestant Episcopal Church, is a Mem-
ber for Life of the American Bible Society, New York, July
5th, 1834.
John Cotton Smith, President.
J. N. Brigham, Cor. Secretary.
Attest — John NiTOfflE, General Agent and Assistant Treaswer.
TBANCIS LIEBER TO MR. CLAY.
Phuadelfhia, November 8, 1834.
My dear Sir, — I feel convinced that you will not ascribe my
delay in answering your favor to any unsubstantial reason ; on
the contrary, I did not write immediately, because I was desir-
ous of writing to you as definitely as possible. My wish is to
see you in Lexington, and to become personally acquainted with
the College, etc., as well as to give those, who might desire to
25
886 PRIVATE COEEESPONDENCE
engage me for the College, an opportunity of personal acquaint-
ance. The salary, as you yourself intimate, is not large, and I
should not be able to incur the expenses of removing thither,
and furnishing there my house again, if I had not some hopes
of being able to have some young gentlemen living in my house.
I should ere this have set out for Lexington, had I not actually
been engaged in the publication of a work, which made my
stay here indispensable.
I send you in the mean time a testimonial, such as you men-
tion. If more are desired, I may send more from here, as
Messrs. Joseph Ingersoll, Sergeant, N. Biddle, Richard Peters, or
in fact any gentleman of note here or in Boston, might be ap-
plied to.
If you should make a trip to Philadelphia, in the course of
this winter, I would beg you to send me word that you are in
town (in case that you should be here only for a day or two) ;
you would greatly favor me with a personal interview.
Politics seem, this moment, so sickening, that we avoid speak-
ing of them, whenever possible. News, of the very worst kind,
are here from New York. We are already in a revolution, as
nations so often are long before they know it. " The Globe"
plays very cheering preludes with regard to attacks upon the
Supreme Court. My letters from Europe are of the worst kind,
with reference to the moral influence of our general affairs on
those of rational freedom, and the sway of law in that part of
the world.
A letter from you, though it consist but in a few lines, is al-
ways a great delight to me ; and you will much oblige me by
informing me whether this letter has not perhaps missed you.
Please present my best respects to Mrs. Clay, who, I trust, has
continued to improve in health.
NICHOLAS BIDDLE TO MR. CLAY.
PHiLADELrniA, JaDuary 4, 1836.
My dear Sir, — I have been thinking for some days past
whether the time had not come Avhen another interposition of
yours is not needed to save the country from great trouble. In
all this French negotiation, mismanaged as it has been from the
beginning, nothing is so inexplicable as the manner in which
OP HENRY CLAY. 387
the overture of Prqince has been treated, and I have been looking
for some movement from you for the production of all that will
be told of that communication. You know, I presume, the con-
tents of it — if you have not seen it all; at any rate, you, are
sufEciently aware of the dates and circumstances, which would
enable you to make a distinct call. If I do not mistake, Mr.
Pageot communicated it on the 11th of September, a few days
before the orders went which will occasion Mr. Barton's return.
On the 2d of December he sent it with a letter to the Depart-
ment, and although it was sent back, yet his letter might be
called for. '
It seems to me that this dispatch of the Duke de Broglie ought
to have settled the matter in five minutes ; and yet the country
is to be cursed with a quarrel in which every disadvantage is on
our side.
If there is any thing connected with it which you wish to
know, I think I can obtain the information ; and I forbear to
add any thing, because I am under the impression that you are
apprised of the whole. Had you been at the head of the Gov-
ernment, and the French ministry had said that they would deem
that a happy day, when they would be able' to surrender this
sum deposited in their hands, you would certainly have thrown
no unnecessary obstacle in their way.
CHANCELLOR KENT TO ME. CLAY.
New Toee, January 9, 1835.
My deak Sir, — Let me remind you to send me, when printed,
one of the twenty thousand copies of your Report. I rather guess
I shall like it. Like it ! why, God bless you, I sympathize with
you in all your public feelings and doings since the beginning of
the reign of the present dynasty. My prayer is, that length of
days may be in your right hand, and in your left hand riches
and honor.
ELEUTH COOKE TO MR. CLAY.
Sanduskt City, January 22, 1835
Dear Sir, — I can not withhold from you the heartfelt ex-
pression of applause with which the Report of the Committee on
888 PEIVATE COERESPONDENCE
Foreign Relations, in reference to our affairs with France, has
been received in this quarter. All see, and most acknowledge,
in it the evidence of that enlightened patriotism and consummate'
statesmanship which have more than once elevated the character
of our country, and rescued it from impending dangers. What-
ever has been, and whatever may continue to be, the measure ,
of injustice and ingratitude to its author, by that country, now
thrice saved by his wisdom, posterity can not fail to assign him
ample- justice on her brightest page.
Excuse this frankness ; you know it is not flattery. I speak
from the midst of those who at all times, and through all changes,
have been your fixed and Steadfast friends, not from a sordid hope
of favor, but from an admiration . of your exalted talents, your
lofty independence, and a love of your principles.
God knows what we are to do to preserve our country. Pressed
as you must be with public duties, I dare not ask you (confiden-
tially) what are the prospects ?
MB. MADISON TO MR. CLAY.
MoNTPELTEB, January 31, 1835.
Deab Sir, — Perceiving that I am indebted to you for a copy
of your Report on our Relations with France, I beg you to accept
this return of my thanks for it. The document is as able in its
execution as it is laudable in its object of avoiding war without
incurring dishonor.
It must be the wish of all that the issue may correspond with
the object. But may not a danger of rupture lurk under the
conflicting grounds taken on the two sides ? That taken by the
Message, and by the Report also, in a softened tone, that the
treaty is binding on France, and is in no event to be touched ;
and the ground taken, or likely to be taken by France, with
feelings roused by the peremptory alternative of compliance or
self-redress, that the treaty is not binding on her, appealing for
the fact to the structure of her Government, which all nations
treating with her are presumed and bound to understand.
It may be well for both parties if France should have yielded
before the arrival of the Message, or not decided before that of
the Report, or, at least, should not be inflexible in rejecting the
terms of the treaty. A war between the two nations, which
OF HENRY CLAY. 389
may eost them many millions, for a stake not exceeding a few,
would be an occurrence peculiarly unpropitious to the cause of
popular representation in the present crisis of the political
world.
War is the more to be avoided, if it can be done without in-
admissible . sacrifices, as a maritime war, to which the United
States should be a party, and Great Britain neutral, has no aspect
which is not of an ominous cast. Enforce the belligerent rights
of search and seizure against British ships, and it ■♦ould be a
miracle if serious collisions did not ensue. Allow them the rule
of " free ships, free goods," and the flag covers the property of i
France and enables her to employ all her naval resourced against
us. The tendency of the new rules in favor of the neutral flag
is to displace the mercantile marine of nations at war, by neutral
substitutes, and to confine the war on water as on land to the
regular force ; a revolution friendly to humanity as lessening the
temptations to war and the severity of its operations, but .giving
an advantage to the nations which keep up large navies in time
of peace over nations dispensing with them, or compelling the
latter to follow the burdensome example. France hag at present
this advantage over us in the extent of public ships now, or that
may immediately be brought into service, while the privilege of
the neutral flag would deprive us of the cheap and eflicient aid
of privateers.
I do not relinquish the hope, however, that these views of the
subject will be obviated by amicable and honorable adjustment.
Should the course of your movements at any time approach
Montpelier, I need not express the pleasure which a call from
you would give to Mrs. Madison and myself.
«
JOHN BBOWN TO MR. CLAT.
Feankfoet, Ap-il 20, 1835.
Mr. C. J. Ingersol has given me the melancholy mtelligence
of the death of my dear brother.* You may imagine, but it
would be impossible for me to expfess how deeply, how pain-
fully my feelings have been excited by this event. I under-
stand that Charles Ingersol and my niece are absent on a jour-
* James Brown, brother-in-law of Mr. Clay, and his correspondent for thirty
years.
390 PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE
ney for her health, and as I do not know that any person in
Philadelphia has authority to take charge of my brother's eflfects,
I have concluded that it was expedient that I should go on to
attend to that business. _ It is certainly important that his papers
shall be carefully preserved, and that his private correspondence
shall not be exposed. I presume he has left a will, but know
not who he has named executors. If you can give me any in-
formation on this subject, I pray you to drop me a line by mail,
and advise %ne how to proceed and inform what you would wish
to have done. I expect to set out on Wednesday, or Thursday
at furthest.
STUDENTS OP WASHINGTON COLLEGE TO MB. CLAY.
Washington, Pennsylvania, May 16, 1835.
Sir, — ^We take great pleasure, as a Committee of the " Clay
Institute of Washington College," in communicating your elec-
tion as an honorary member of our Association.
We offer you this inadequate testimonial of our esteem, not
we hope, from a spirit of man-worship, but from an honest admi-
ration of your virtues as a statesman, a philanthropist, and a
man. We do not expect that by it we will confer honor upon
you, but rather, as was said in the epitaph of a distinguished
poet, " That you will confer honor upon us."
Permit us, sir, to request your acceptance of this.humble trib-
ute, and of our warmest wishes for your happiness through life.
HARRIET MARTINEAU TO MR. CLAY.
I "WniTE SuLPHUE Springs, June 30.
Dear Mr. Clay, — Your frank, which overtook me at Cincin-
nati, was highly acceptable on its own account, as well as for
the very delightful letters it inclosed from my mother and the
Furnesses. My mother is in excellent health and spirits, and
Mr. Furness writes me the happy news that his family will be
in the neighborhood of Boston, and that he will preach there
during the month of August, at least.
We enjoyed our ten days' visit at Cincinnati very much, and
found your kind introductions of eminent service. We staid
OF HENKY CLAY. 391
longer there than we had intended, from finding it impossible
to travel at all in the interior of the State. A gentleman es-
caped out of the mud to his home, at last, after traveUng at the
rate of one mile an hour — .a process which does not suit the
taste or convenience of Miss JefFery or myself. Our voyage and
journey hither were quite prosperous, and the only disappointment
we have met with is the non-arrival of Mr. and Mrs. Smith.
As we see and hear nothing of them, and as the Lorings are
obhged to go (by Mr. L.'s physician's advice) to the Hot Springs,
where we do not want to go, we have accepted the offer of Mr.
and Mrs. Sullivan of Boston, to travel together as far as Har-
per's Ferry. They have engaged an extra, which will afford us
plenty of room, and have stipulated to be eight days on the
road, seeing the Natural Bridge and Weir's Cave, by the way.
As we are not in need of imbibing sulphur, and this pretty place
is soon understood, we have no hesitation in embracing so very
advantageous a plan of traveling, though it takes us away to-
morrow. The Lorings flew to meet us on our arrival yesterday,
and we find quite a throng of friends here from the Atlantic
cities, and could make ourselves happy for a month, if we could
stay so long. We shall leave our Philadelphia address in the
post-office, in case of the arrival of any letters ; but we expect
no more from you. I almost hope there may be none, we have
given you so much trouble already.
Mr. Calwell will be most happy to see you ; and in the mean
while, all has been done to fulfill your request about making us
comfortable. We shall never forget how much we owe to your-
self and very many of your friends to render our stay in this
country happy. We shall always love Mr. and Mrs. Erwin like
near and dear connections of our own. I hope Mrs. Clay and
Mrs. Erwin are both better. Pray present our respects and love
to all your circle, and believe me, dear sir, ever respectfully and
gratefully your friend.
P. S. Mr. Prather has been here a few days, improving hourly
in health. He requests me to mention the safe arrival of the
party, and that they are anxiously looking for Mr. and Mrs.
Smith. I have been introduced to Mr. P. since I wrote the first
part of this letter.
I have also been weighed ; and find my ponderosity to be one
hundred and sixteen pounds ; — within two of Mj.-. Erwin's guess ;
392 PRIVATE COEEESPONDENCE
arid Louisa weighs one hundred and ten.' So now you know
another important circumstance about us. Poor Mrs. Loring
weighs only eighty-five pounds. Mr. L's. eyes are no better.
This P. S. is for Mr. Erwin, if you will be kind enough to show
it to him.
MB. CLAY TO .*
Ashland, July 14, 1835.
Dear Sik, — I received last night your favor of the 8th in-
stant. Having experienced the constancy and fidelity of your
friendly attachment to me, and entertaining a high opinion of
your discretion and judgment, I shall answer it with all the
frankness and freedom with which I would address any friend,
on the interesting subject of the next Presidential election.
After the result of the election of 1832, 1 have felt no desire to
have my name again presented as a candidate, unless I was satisfied
that it was the wish of a probable majority of the people of the
United States. Under the influence of this feeling, far from en-
couraging any movements in my favor, I have, in several in-
stances, dissuaded them from being made, when I was consulted.
I have indeed sometimes thought, since that period, that a state
of things might arise which would induce a majority of the peo-
ple to turn their attention toward me ; but it has not occurred.
It is possible that if the Whigs had manifested no inclination to-
ward other candidates, and had thought proper to have adhered
to me, such a state of things might have arisen. But the solici-
tude of other gendemen, perhaps more entitled than I am to be
chosen Chief Magistrate, and the discouragement of the use of
my name, resulting from the issue of the last contest, have led
respectable portions of the "Whigs, in different States, to direct
their views to other candidates than myself. The truth is that
I was strongly disinchned to be presented as a candidate in 1832,
fearing the issue which took place, but I was overruled by
friends, some of whom have since thought it expedient, in con-
sequence of that very event, that another name should be substi-
tuted for mine.
Without meaning to pass my opinion upon the measure adopt-
ed by the Whig members of your Legislature, at the last winter
session, except in regard to its operation upon the prospects of
♦ The latter part of this letter, witli its address, is lost. -
OF HENRY CLAY. 393
my election, I must say that I think it was highly injurious to
those prospects. Ohio had been considered as a State which
(Jackson out of the way) would certainly bestow her suffrage
on me, if I were a candidate. It was believed, and probably is
yet believed, that no candidate would unite so mbch strength in
opposition to Mr. Yan Buren as I could. When, therefore, it was
seen that Ohio, instead of manifesting a disposition to support
me, was disposed, through her Legislature, to bring forward
another gentleman, it exhibited a division in our party, and a
distrust of the extent of my strength which had an unfavorable
effect on my pretensions. There were many too who could not
see the policy or propriety of selecting, as a candidate, a gentle-
man who was an original friend of Jackson, in preference to all
who had been uniform in opposition to him. The principle, on
which such a selection was founded, looked too much to support
expected to be derived from the Jackson ranks, without suffi-
ciently estimating the amount that might be lost in our own from
positive aversion, or apathy and indifference.
I have never said that I would not consent, under any circum-
stances, to be a candidate. I have said that I did not wish to
be a candidate, except on the condition before mentioned, that
is, that I was desired by a probable majority of the country, or
at least that there was strong reason to believe that I should not
be again defeated. I could not have declared that my name
should not be used, in any contingency, without violating a prin-
ciple of public duty, which subjects the services of every citizen
of the country to the call of the majority. But I have reserved
to myself the right of controlling and arresting, as far as I could,
any movement which might be attempted in my behalf that was
likely to end in defeat.
I must now, in frankness, say that the condition on which I
should be willing to be run has not heretofore existed, and does
not seem to me now to exist. I have no reason to believe that
I should be elected if I were brought forward ; none to think
that I am the wish of the majority of the people. And it is re-
pugnant to my feelings and sense of propriety to be voluntarily
placed in an attitude in which I would seem to be importuning
the public for an office which it is not willing to confer. It is
possible indeed, as many of my friends think, and so I am in-
clined to believe from the information I possess, that, if I were
the only Whig candidate in opposition to Mr. Van Buren, I would
g94 PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE
receive a greater support than any other ; but I apprehend it
would fall short of securing my election.
I have appropriated too much of this letter to myself, the least
important part of yours. But I will now give you my candid
views as to the state of the country and the best policy, as it
seems to me, for the Whigs to pursue.
I will not take up time in dwelling on the calamity of Mr.
Van Buren's election. It is enough for me to express my con-
viction that it would lead to a system of general corruption, and
end in a subversion of the Union.
I feel too Avith you the absolute necessity to secure his defeat, of
union and concert among those who are opposed to him. Can that
union and concert be produced on Judge White ? I think not,
for a reason already stated. He has been throughout a supporter
of Jackson's administration, and holds no one pi-inciple (except
in the matter of patronage) as to public measures in common
with the Whigs. Although for other reasons he is to be prefer-
red to Yan Buren. I apprehend that it would be impossible, if
we were to take him up as our candidate, to infuse among our
friends the spirit and zeal necessary to insure success, especially
in States where internal improvements and the American sys-
tem have been popular. The Judge, however, seems to be the
favorite of the South and South-west ; and, from all the lights
which we possess, it is probable that he will obtain their undi-
vided support. At least it is so probable as to make it a justiiia-
ble basis of future calculation.
While Mr. Webster has attainments greatly superior to those
of any other nominated candidate, it is to be regretted that a
general persuasion seems to exist that he stands no chance. I
believe that, if he stood a fair chance elsewhere, by great eflbrt,
the vote of this State might be given to him. In this opinion,
however, I differ from many of my friends.
General Harrison could easier obtain the vote of Kentucky
than any other candidate named. Judge McLean has not re-
cently bee a much spoken of, was never generally popular here,
but against Van Buren perhaps be might obtain the vote of Ken-
tucky.
You will say this is not a very favorable account of the pros-
pects of the several candidates opposed to Mr. Van Buren. It is
not, and I regret it, but I believe it to be true.
What then is to be done ? Nothing toward an union upon
OF HENKY CLAY. 395
either of them by public assemblies, in my opinion, until after
the election in Pennsylvania. Great confidence exists that the
Jackson candidate for Governor there will be defeated, and as
great that, in that event, the State will not support Mr. Van
Buren. Mr. Webster's, friends, General Harrison's, and Judge
M'Lean's, each persuade themselves that the vote "of the State
will be given to their favorite. Now, if we can have reasonable
assurance that Pennsylvania will support either of them, I should
think it would be our true policy to rally upon that one, and
employ all our energies to give him as great an amount of sup-
port as possible.
There would then be three candidates : Mr. Van Buren, Mr.
White, and the Pennsylvania favorite. And if White gets the.
South and South-west vote, or nearly all of it, and Pennsylva-
nia and the Whig States North of the Potomac, and in the West,
including Louisiana, unite on a candidate, he would enter the
House with the largest vote, and Van Buren might have the
smallest vote of the three.
I agree with you that whoever is returned to the House will
be elected. If his plurality is considerable, after the experience
which we have had, and upon general principles, it is desirable
that he should be chosen.
On a late occasion of a public dinner, given to Governor
Poindexter, I avowed publicly my opinion in opposition to Mr.
Van Buren. This I should not have done, but for the report
that I favored his pretensions in a contest with Judge White,
which was industriously circulated. You will see what I said
in the public papers. The truth is, that I think the election of
either Mr. Van Buren or Judge White would be a great misfor-
tune, although that of the Judge would be the least. I did not
express my preference between the other candidates, which it ap-
peared to me improper to do. But I have no hesitation in say-
ing to you that either Mr. Webster, General Harrison, or Judge
*.![. .tf. Ji- .at- .Jt- jt.
•K" "TP It" tv TC "Jv
LOUISA CAEOLINE JEFFEKY TO MK. CLAT.
JSTe-w York, July 19, 1885.
My deab Sir, — Will you allow "little insignificant me" (to
parody Miss Kemble's words) to answer your last kind letter ad-
dressed to Miss Martineau ? She has received safely the differ-
396 PRIVATE COREESPONDENCE
ent letters and newspapers you kindly forwarded to her, includ.
ing the parcel transmitted through Sir Charles Vaughan. Since
we left the Virginia Springs, we have made a very pleasant jour-
ney through the valley to Harper's Ferry, with Mr. and Mrs.
William Sullivan of Boston, visiting the Natural Bridge and
Weir's Cave by the way, which objects are greatly inferior to the
Falls of Niagara and the Mammoth Cave, in interest. We have
been spending a few days here, visiting Long and Staten Islands,
and on Tuesday morning we go up the North River to West
Point, Catskill, and probably to Saratoga ; thence to Stock-
bridge, and after visiting some of the pretty New England vil-
lages, we shall go to Boston about the 14th of August.
Miss M. received rather unfavorable accounts of the political
state of England from her brother. He appears to think that
the Tory influence (used in intimidating and bribing electors)
will be too strong for the Whigs ; that they will not carry large
enough measures to satisfy the people, and there will follpw that
dangerous state of things, pressm-e from without ; and to what
is this Tory reaction to be attributed ? To the imbecility of the
Whigs, I suppose the Radicals will say. I should rather attribute
it to the fears of the timid, arising from the constant complaints
of the Radicals since the passage of the Reform Bill, and the
confidence these disputes inspired the Tories with, that they
might rise through the want of union among their opponents. Did
you see that Lord Stanley asserts, on the authority of a friend at
Washington (of course Mr. Murray), that Americans are all Con-
servative ? If by Conservative he means Tory, I think he
would find himself mistaken, and I can not think Mr. Murray
could mean to make such an assertion. You, in the great kind-
ness of your heart, will excuse my want of talent to condense
all my matter into one page.
We feel very grateful for Judge Porter's kind regards and re-
membrances, and though passing through a very excellent chan-
nel, they might be still more welcome did they come more di-
rect. When you write to him next, will you just mention that
Miss M. and I sent him a joint packet, which we trust he re-
ceived safely, though it was only directed, Attacapas, La. Give
my very kind love to Mrs. Erwin ; tell her I trust she will par-
don me for my neglect in not writing to her ere this, but she
shall certainly have my impressions of Yankee land.
I feel very grateful that my name is joined with my compan-
OF HENRY CLAY. 397
ion in the recollections of the kind and excellent inhabitants of
Woodlands and Ashland. Some of my most pleasing associa-
tions are connected with my visit to Lexington. I am fully
aware I have no claim on your very valuable time, but if, in the
exceeding benevolence of your heart, you put pen to paper and
honor me with a few lines, to tell us how our very good friends
are and something of their thoughts and feelings, I shall feel
more grateful than any lady in whose album you have written,
inasmuch as a few words from Mr. Clay's heart ^re wurth pages
of his handwriting, though that has its value. I do not give
you so diiRcult a subject to treat on as " the compatibility of the
Roman Catholic religion with freedom."
We shall be much pleased to meet Mr. and Mrs. Smith. We
are much grieved to hear of Mrs. Clay's continuous indisposition.
Remember us most kindly to her, and our best love to the dear
inhabitants of Woodlands ; and, with our united kind regards
and grateful recollections to yourself, believe me yours, etc.
JAMES BAEBOUR TO MR. CLAT.
Bareochsville, August 2, 1835.
On the subject of politics, since- our retrograde movement in
April, in this State, I have desponded almost to despair. That
our jugglers should succeed in seducing the people into a belief
that it was premature to discuss the Presidential election, and
that the issue should be Leigh, the bank, instruction, and all
that kind of stutf, and the moment they had succeeded, turn
right round, claim a Van Buren victory, send delegates to the
Rump Convention, and immediately demand of their partisans
implicit obedience — and all this juggling to be acted in broad
daylight, without producing an immediate and violent reaction,
seems to me to render our scheme of self-government highly
doubtful. Not having left my house scarcely since, personally I
know but little. If there have been any changes in the State,
as yet, I fear they are few. The Whigs seem generally to have
determined to support White. A small accession from the
Jackson ranks might give us the majority in the State, but the
leaders of the latter have told their creatures that the Whigs are
playing false ; they wish to divide the Jacksonians, so as to bring
the election into the House (of which they express a holy hor-
898 PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE
ror), -with a view to elect Webster, yourself, or some other
Whig. It is this -which constitutes the most formidable obstacle
to our success in this State. The running of three candidates
they seize upon in confirmation of their charge, and it is this
that aloiie gives them hopes of success here. For being apart
from this weapon, and the endorsement of Jackson, -would not
obtain five hundred votes in the State. But I am quite satisfied
that no candidate can succeed against him here, nofwithstanding
his unpopularity, unless it be one maintaining the favorite doc-
trine of the State, especially one "who has been opposed, and is
no-w opposed to the Bank. For independent of the long cher?
ished hostility to that institution, since Jackson's hostility has
been avowed, and his party acquiring success by their incessant
clamor on that head, all those in pursuit of office, whatever may
be their real opinions, have joined in the denunciation. Oppo-
sition, therefore, to this institution, is now a fixed maxim ia the
political creed of this State, as much so, as the undivided God-
head with a Mohammedan. White happens in this respect to
stand well, and therefore I think is the strongest' man that can
be presented to Virginia. In addition to this, the slave question
begins, as I learn, to excite a strong sensation among some of
our people. Locality associates Van with the fanatics of his
State, and it is not improbable will have a greater influence in
the South, than any other circumstance in the contest. Web-
ster is out of the question here ; McLean is not thought of ;
Harrison, next to White, stands foremost I should conclude. It
seems to me, however, on the whole, that we have no prospect
of excluding Van, but by the plan you suggest of selecting two
candidates that will be strongest in their respective sections.
White, I apprehend for the South, Webster, for the East, North,
and West, or whomsoever Pennsylvania prefers — for in my
view, she holds the election in her hands. By running two
popular men, we have the prospect of retaining or acquiring the
ascendency in the State Government, an object of great import-^
ance, and almost a compensation for the loss of our Presidential
candidate. For example, even here, we hope, through White,
of regaining our ascendency, where, with an inferior candidate,
we should be in a decided minority. Fortunately in Pennsylva-
nia, the division in the Jackson ranks proniises success to the
Whig candidate for Governor. If he succeed it will be sovereign
in the contest for President. This election occurring in Octo-
OF HENRY CLAY. 399
ber will become a beacon to ns in the difRculties with Avhich
we are surrounded. With its aid, the ensuing winter, yon may
decide upon the best course our affairs fm-nish. Hence, I threw
cold water on Pleasant's proposed meeting in this State for this
month, and it has been prudently abandoned. Personally dis-
satisfied with White, I will support him only because he is a
lesser evil than Van. I shall wait patiently the development of
events, and be prepared to follow any course esteemed best to
exclude Van. I read, and was much pleased with your remarks
touching this gentleman, made at the Poindexter fete.
MH. CLAT TO JOHN BAILHACHE.
Ashland, September 13, 1835.
Mt dear Sib, — I received your favor this evening of the 9th
instant, returning f 15 collected of me at Cincinnati, for your pa-
per published at Columbus. I own to yon that there was some-
thing in the time and circumstances under which the demand
was made that gave me momentary mortification. I believed
then that it was without your instructions or sanction, and your
letter confinns my belief. Had the application been made to
me at home, and not in the presence of strangers; had it'uot
been made as if I were a person of doubtful integrity, it would
not have excited any feeling. Your friendly letter has perfectly
relieved me. It has preserved you on the ground of honor and
delicacy where I had always been accustomed to regard you.
The only regret 1 now feel is that you did not retain the sum,
while you made the explanation. Although your paper was
sent to me, as stated by you, and as many others have been for-
warded, I ought to pay the subscription, having received the
value. And you must allow me to consider myself indebted to
you the amount, to be paid at some time when I shall have the
pleasure of seeing you, which I hope and sincerely desire may
be soon.
I shall be glad at all times to hear from you on public affairs,
or any other topic. I saw a good deal of General Harrison at
Cincinnati. Very little passed between us on the subject of the
Presidency. He was very respectful and cordial. He appeared
to be in good spirits, and I thought seemed confident. I adhere
to the opinion expressed in my former letter, that, if Pennsylva-
400 PRIVATE COREESPONDENCE
nia will, give satisfactory demonstrations of an intention to sup-
port him, it will be expedient, under all circiimstances, to run
him as the most available candidate against Mr. Van Buren. The
issue of the Rhode Island election following that of Connecticut,
proves, I fear, that it is in vain to look even to New England for
the support of Mr. Webster.
TO HIS FATHER.
BoKDEAux, Septemter 17, 1835.
Dear Father, — I send to-day by the ship Tuskina, the Span-
ish ass Don Manuel. Mr. Haggerty in New York will have
him put upon grass until he can hear from you. I have written
to him to draw upon you for the expenses of transportation.
The captain carries him for $50, I finding every thing. The
captain's bill, and the charges in New York and on the way
to Kentucky, will be all that are to be paid. May I beg that
you will meet this bill, and that you will write to James Hag-
gerty of New York, whom you know, such directions as will
be proper. The ass has been rode and he is as gentle as a dog,
so that a small boy might ride him. He is a very fine ass, about
thirteen and a half hands and half an inch or one inch high.
I am induced to send him because the Tuskina is a large packet
and the only fine one in porl^. I shall go in a few days to the
Hautes Pyrenees department where I hope to procure some good
Spanish asses. There is a mistake about them in America.
The few I have seen are very handsome.
MR. clay to his WITE.
Matsyille, November 19, 1835.
My dear Wipe, — I got to Governor Metcalfe's, last night, in
good time, and reached here to-day, at two o'clock. The
weather has been very fine, and my ride was a very good one.
They tell me that a steamboat will be here this evening, in
which, when it arrives, I shall embark. I have directed Aaron
to go to Governor Metcalfe's to-morrow night, and the next day
home.
I feel very uneasy about our dear daughter, Anne. I sincerely
OF HENEY CLAY. 401
hope that she may get well, and that all my apprehensions may
prove groundless.
I feel too, my dear wife, most sincerely and excessively alive
respecting your lonely situation, f regret it extremely, and
whatever you may think to the contrary, I should have prefen-ed,
greatly, your accompanying me. But I hope and believe that
this is the last separation, upon earth, that will take place, for
any length of time, between us. And I hope that you will make
every effort in your power to be cheerful, contented, and happy.
MS. ERWIN TO MR. CL^Y. DEATH OF MRS. ERWIN.
The Woodlands, Deeember 15, 18S5.
Mt dear Sir, — I feel myself scarcely equal to the task which
my duty imposes, that of writing you at this time, and speaking
of the late dreadful calamity with which it has pleased God to
afflict us — ^by which, at the same fatal blow, has been taken
from you a daughter, unequaled in filial devotion and love, and
from me a wife, the most devoted, kind, and virtuous, with which
man was ever blessed.
Other friends have, I learn, given you the particulars of this
sad event, which will spare me the pain of presenting to you the
heart-rending scene which was so unexpectedly produced by
the hand of Providence.
My home, lately the happiest, which I have shared for years
with a beloved wife, who returned my affection with a devotion
almost unknown, who, whether I v/as worthy or not, honored
me with a love and confidence which I would not have ex-
changed for the whole world beside, that home is now to me in-
supportable. Every object that presents itself — each tree and
flower, once so dear when objects of her care — now serve only
to make kuown to me my loss and my misery. ■ The beloved
object who gave life and animation to all, has left me to lament
over my wretched fate.
Yon, my dear sir, I am fully sensible, can and v/ill extend to
me more sympathy than any other human being — you who best
knew her exalted worth, who have daily witnessed oar happi-
ness, not surpassed, I vainly believe, in the annals of wedded
life — you who shared our pleasures and our joy, who bestowed
upon me the choicest gift of heaven, can feel for me, but who,
26
402 PEIVATE CORRESPONDENCE OF HENEY CLAY.
I fear, will require for yourself all the sympathy of your friends,
and all the philosophy with which you are endowed, to support
you under this sad bereavement. Mrs. Clay, although in reality
scarcely able to support herself under this severe trial, has sup-
pressed, as far as she was able, her own feelings, intent only
in rendering to me and my dear children every kindness which
her judgment and affection could suggest,. She has abandoned
her own home and remained with us, exerting herself to preserve
the babe, which has cost us all so dear.
My children, now ten-fold more dear to me than before, af-
ford me much consolation, yet they are the objects of my great-
est solicitude ; for me to remain here is impossible, and to part
from any of them, at this moment, will be equally trying. Mrs.
Clay at once kindly proposed taking charge of all of them, and
to have Miss Brulard remove to Ashland, for the present, and
teach them as before. Miss B. wishes to return South, and the
plan now is, to leave the three youngest at Ashland, the babe,
with Lotty and a wet nurse, imder Mrs. Clay's care, and for the
two boys, Henry and James, to accompany me.
1 expect to leave for New Orleans two days hence. My boys
will be important to me, and I shall take care not to let any feel-
ing prevent their having the best means for their improvement
afforded them.
I shall hope to hear from you very soon after I reach New Or-
leans.
CHAPTER X.
OOKRBSPONDENCE OF 1836, '37, '38, AND '39.
GOVEKNOR M'DTJPFIE TO MR. CLAY.
Abbeville, C. H., January 27, 1836.
My dear Sir, — I am from home, and you must excuse the
foolscap on which I write. Perceiving the message relative to
the French indemnity referred to your Committee, I am irresisti-
bly compelled to make a suggestion or two. You again have it
in your power for the third or fourth time, to save the country
from a great calamity. It is perfectly obvious that if the An-
imal Message of December last had been permitted to reach
France before any additional cause of irritation was given by the
President, the indemnity would have been promptly paid by the
French Executive. The king and the ministry have all along
been most anxious to adjust the difficulty and pay the claim.
They have had to struggle with a refractory Chamber, who have
co-operated with General Jackson's weakness and folly to pro-
duce war. Now it seems to me that the course for Congress to
pursue, for the interest and true honor of the country, is perfectly
plain ; and that is, to be as courteous and civil as the President
has been rude and insulting. State, what is evidently true, a
confidence that there is a desire, on the part of the king and
ministry, to adjust the matter without war, and a belief that they
will pay the indemnity, when they read the annual Message,
and that consequently no preparations for war are necessary. I
have not a doubt that such a course would insure a peaceable
and prompt adjustment of the existing differences.
If war ensues. Congress must now be responsible. It will
proceed from their acts, and not those of the President. Even
his last Message would be nothing to France, if Congress would
again adopt the course you recommended last year. If it should
404 PEIVATE COEEESPONDENCE
fail, there will still be time to prepare during the session for non-
intercourse, for I can not believe a war possible. A non-inter-
course act on our part would not, I am sure, lead to a declaration
of war by France. They could not make it a ground of war.
I beg you, my dear Sir, to excuse this liberty. The magni-
tude of the interests involved must be my apology. A war with
France would be utterly ruinous to the Southern States, and
God linows what would be its effect upon public liberty. It
would be the most signal example of the folly of nations the
world ever witnessed. We go to war for five millions, which is
sponged out by the declaration, and with a certainty that we
shall lose ten limes as much, and never can compel France to
pay one cent.
MB. CLAY TO LESLIK COMBS.
Washington, March 9, 18S6.
Dear Sib, — I received your favor of the 26th ultimo. My
impression is that both the legacy was paid and the land assigned
to Morrison Boswell, agreeably to the will of Colonel Morrison ;
but all the papers of the estate being at home, I can certainly
affirm nothing and do nothing until my return.
We learn from Kentucky that Morehead has declined, leaving
the field to Clarke. I hope no feelings unfavorable to his suc-
cess will remain. Mr. C. A. Wickliffe is to be run as Lieuten-
ant Governor with him, as we learn. Any arrangement as to
individuals ought to be held subordinate to the great object of
the prevalence of principles.
I have hopes, not unmixed with fears, about the Land bill.
I do not know why your Pension case moves so slowly, or rather
does not move at all, in the House. Crittenden and I spoke the
other day of starting it in the Senate ; and if it does not mend
its pace in the House we may attempt that course.
MISS JEFFERY TO MR. CLAY.
Boston, March 10, 1886.
My dear Sir, — I sail from New York on the 1st of April, in
the packet ship Orpheus. Can I take any parcel or communi-
cation for you to your son or to Mrs. Henry Clay ? And will
OP HENEY CLAY. 405
you favor me with a letter of introdnction to the latter ? as I
think she might be pleased to see in a foreign county, a person
who had seen and known her own relations ; and though I am
afraid I can do but very little to increase her pleasure, yet I
should wish to show, at least, how very grateful I feel for all the
kindness I have received from you and yours, by adding my
mite if I can. Will you remember me to Mrs. Clay and assure
her of my lively recollections of her kindness. I am a:fraid
there is nothing in the world I can do for you ; but should you
ever wish for any thing which I can procure in England, I shall
be very much pleased to be employed. Remember me to Judge
Porter.
GEORGE TUCKEK TO MK. CLAT.
UNiVEiiSiTT OF VinGiOTA, June 30, 1836.
My deak Sib, — Before you receive this you will have learned
the death of our venerated friend, James Madison. I take the
liberty of asking you to have the inclosed resolutions published
in " The Intelligencer," and I can not lose this opportunity of
letting you know, or rather of giving you a farther proof of the
high place you held in his estimation. When I was last with him,
a few days after the short interview I had with you in Washing-
ton, we were conversing on the affairs of the nation — and es-
pecially on the then agitating question of the efforts of the Abo-
litionists— when, with that absence of his habitual reserve on
political topics, of which he had of late afforded me many flat-
tering proofs, he said, " Clay has been so successful in his com-
promising other disputes, I wish he could fall upon some plan
of compromising this, and then all parties (or enough of all par-
ties, I forget which) might unite and make him President."
Knowing his desire to be at peace with all, and to escape the
coarse and reckless vituperation of the newspapers, I never ven-
tured to mention this except to one or two discreet friends, nor
would I now do it to any one who would make it public, as in
the virulence of party feeling, it would operate with many prej-
udiced minds to abate the respect that the nation will be dis-
posed to show to his memory, and by thus detracting somewhat
from the weight and influence of his good opinion, deprive you
of your just rights. 1 never, however, intended that such a re-
mark should be buried, as that would have been a still greater
406 PKIVATE CORRESPONDENCE
injustice to you, and meant, and still mean in good time to make
it known. You see I write frankly, but I trust not at the ex-
pense of delicacy
Would it be practicable, and if practicable, would it be safe
and prudent to extend the franking privilege to Mrs. Madison ?
You can appreciate the real objections, if there be any, without
being deterred from your views of right, by chimerical appre-
hensions. I pray you then to consider of it, if not too late, and
act accordingly.
I forwarded to you last year two copies of my discourse be-
fore our Philosophical Society — one for yourself and the other
for Miss Martineau. Did they reach you in time before she left
you?
You must have a mixed feeling of triumph, contempt, and
amusement, that the majority have been obliged, virtually, to
pass your Land bill, under another form.
HAKEIET MAETINEAU TO MH. CLAT.
New Yokk, July 26, 1836.
Dear Sir, — I am just about to sail for England, and I do not
know where you are, but I can not help writing once more, to as-
sure you of my respectful and affectionate remembrance ; and of
the earnestness with which I shall always watch for tidings of
you and yours. If you should ever chance to visit England, you
will give my mother and me the pleasure of seeing you at " 17
Pludyer St., Westminster ;" and if, in the mean time, I can be of
any service to you whatever in furnishing information, or in
any other way, pray write to me there ; and it will delight me
to be of use to you.
Pray remember me most kindly to Mrs. Clay and Mr. Erwin,
and believe me ever yours faithfully and affectionately.
MRS. MADISON TO MR. CLAT.
MoNTPELER, November 8, 1836.
The continued and very severe affection of my eyes, not per-
mitting, but with much difhculty, even the signature of my
name, has deferred, dear friend, the acknowledgments due for
OF HENRY CLAY. 407
your very kind and acceptable letter of August 18th. I should
sooner have resorted for this purpose to the pen of an amanuen-
sis, but that the failure of my general health combining equal,
and sometimes greater suffering, rendered dictation very painful,
and hope still flattered me that I might yet use my own. So
much time having elapsed with but little improvement in my
situation, I can submit to no longer delay in offering this expla-
nation of my silence, nor omit the expression of my deep sensi-
bility to that pure and true sympathy which I am conscious I
receive from such highly valued friends as Mrs. Clay and yourself.
The sources of consolation in my bereavement which you
suggest, are those which my heart can most truly appreciate.
The reflected rays of his virtues still linger around me, and my
mind now dwells with calmer feelings on their mellowed tints.
He left me, too, a charge, dear and sacred, and deeply impressed
with its value to his fame, and its usefulness to his country. The
important trust sustained me under the heavy pressure of recent
loss, and formed an oasis to the desert it created ip my feelings.
In fulfillment of his wishes I have, therefore, devoted myself
to the object of having prepared for the press the productions
of his own pen. It will form the surest evidence of his claim to
the gratitude of his country and the world. With the aid of my
brother, who had prepared copies of the debates in the Revolu-
tionary Congress and in the Convention, under Mr. Madison's
eye, triplicates have been completed for publication here and
abroad. My son went, in July, as far as New York, and re-
mained there for the purpose of negotiating with the most emi-
nent publishers, and I have had communication with those in
other cities, but no offer has been made by any entitled to confi-
dence, which would free me from heavy and inconvenient pecu-
niary advances and the risk of impositions and eventual loss.
Under these circumstances I have been advised by a friend to
offer the work to the patronage of Congress, asking their aid so
far as to relieve the work from the charges upon it, principally
for literary and other benevolent purposes, and, after their use
by Congress, to give me the stereotype plates. This would at
once allow me to throw them into general circulation on a scale
that would remunerate me more in accordance with the expecta-
tions entertained by their author, and would also allow the price
to be so graduated as to insure their general diffusion.
As this plan was suggested by one favorable to the Adminis-
408 PKIVATE COEEESPONDENCE
tration, he advised also that the channel of his friends, as the ma.
jority of those who were to decide on the proposition, should
be employed in making it, and' pledged their support. This
work being a record only of what passed preceding the existence
of present parties, can not associate the name of Mr. Madison
with either, and therefore its introduction and advocacy by the.
one can be no bar to the favor of the other. On your part, I am
sure that, in my yielding to it this direction, you will perceive
no deviation from the high respect and friendly regard I enter-
tain tov/ard yourself, but approving an adoption of this course as
most conducive to success, you will, with your friends, insure it
on the merits of the work alone, uninfluenced by adversary feel-
ing toward the source from whence the measures originated.
It was my intention to have gone to Washington, principally
with a view to obtain in personal conference the advice of my
best friends, but my protracted ill health, and the approach of an
inclement season I fear may prevent the journey.
In add'tion to three volumes of the Debates (near six hundred
pages each) now ready for the press, matter enough for another
volume is expected, and nearly four hundred pages copied, of
writi-igs and letters on Constitutional subjects, considerable selec-
tions have also been made from his early correspondence, which
may form a volume on the legislative proceedings of Virginia,
and historical letters of the period from 1780 up to the com-
mencement of the new Government. His Congressional and
Executive career may furnish two more. His writings already
in print, as " Political Observations," a pamphlet in 1795, " Ex-
aminations of the British Doctrine," etc., it is thought should be
embodied with his other works for more permanent preservation.
It is important that these manuscripts should be prepared and
committed to the press as early as they can follow the Debates,
and the success of the latter will much facilitate the publication
of the former, even if Congress siiould decline a like patronage
to them, a mode which would be much preferred.
The near approach of the time which will call you to your
Senatorial duties rendering it uncertain whether this would reach
you ere your departure from home, I deem it safest to address it
to Washington, whence I hope, on your safe arrival, you will
favor me with an acknowledgment of its receipt and any sug-
gestions your friendship may offer.
Accept for Mrs. Clay and yourself my affectionate respects.
OF HENRY CLAY, 409
MR. CLAY TO FBANCIS BEOOKE.
Washington, DeoeTntev 19, 1836.
Mt dear Sir, — ^I am glad to learn by your favor of 15th inst.
that Mrs. Brooke's health is improving, and sincerely hope that it
may soon be entirely re-established.
Your objection to an immediate organization of an Opposition,
upon the principles stated by me, applies rather to the time of
its commencement than the principles themselves. Undoubtedly,
such an Opposition should avail itself of the errors of the new
Administration ; but it seems to me that it would acquire greater
force by availing itself also of that fatal error in its origin, which
resulted from the President-elect being the designated successor
of the present incumbent. If a President may name his successor,
and bring the whole machinery of the Government, including its
one hundred thousand dependents, into the canvass ; and if by such
means he achieves a victory, such a fatal precedent as this must
be rebuked and reversed, or th«re is an end of the freedom of
election. No one doubts that this has been done. And no re-
flecting man can doubt that, having been once done, it will be
again attempted, and unless corrected by the people, it will be-
come, in time, the established practice of the country. Now, I
think that no wisdom or benefit, in the measures of the new
Administration, can compensate or atone for this vice in its origin.
Still this point maybe pressed or not, according to circumstances,
in different States. As for Virginia, I am afraid another genera-
tion must arise before she regains her former high rank. Hence-
forward, at least during our lives, I apprehend, she will be only
a satelite of New York.
I am obliged greatly to Mr. Pleasants for cherishing his friendly
sentiments toward me, and request you to assure him that they
are cordially reciprocated. Nothing of interest has occurred here
since the burning of the General Post-office. I understand that
the opinion is general among the inhabitants of the city that it
was not accidental.
SIR WILLIAM CLAT TO MR. CLAY.
FuLWELL Lodge, Twickenham, January 12, 1837.
Dear Sir,— My friend and brother-in-law, Mr. Temple Bow-
doin, tells me that he has the honor of your acquaintance, and
410 PRIVATE COEEESPONDENCE
that he has mentioned to you my name. I am tempted, in con-
sequence, to take the liberty of sending you a pamphlet I have
recently published, which may not be wholly without interest
to you, as it relates to a question of great interest, as well in the
United States as in England ; and as I have endeavored to avail
myself of the ample experience which your legislative bodies
have had the opportunities to acquire, I trust that, by accepting
this trifling work, you will permit me to consider myself not
wholly a stranger to one who has conferred such celebrity on
the name I bear. It is, indeed, not wholly impossible that I
may have some claim to the honor of your acquaintance beyond
the mere similarity of name. My lineal ancestor was related to
Penn. I am not quite clear that some one of our name did not
accompany him ; but it is certain that at a somewhat later period
(eighty or one hundred years since), a member of our family
did settle in America, although his friends never had any record
of his subsequent fortunes.
MK. CLAY TO FRANCIS BROOKE.
Washington, February 10, IBS'?.
Mt dear Sir, — I received your favor of the 8th, as I did the
preceding one to which it refers, and which I postponed answer-
ing until I had something worth communicating. There is in-
deed some highly interesting occurrence here almost daily, but
the papers generally notice it. You v/ill have seen the letter of
the President to the Committee of Investigation. Yesterday, a
still more extraordinary one was presented to the Senate by Mr.
Calhoun, in which the President, in the harshest and most offens-
ive language animadverts upon a speech made by that Senator
in the Senate. The majority was reminded that they alone pos-
sessed the power to vindicate the privileges of the Senate against
the Executive encroachments. But they all remained mute ;
not one venturing to offer any motion. Such is the degrada-
tion to which Congress is reduced !
You congratulate me on my acceptance of the new appoint-
ment recently conferred on me to the Senate. I think you
ought to have condoled and sympathized with me, because, by
the force of circumstances, I was constrained to remain in a body,
in the humiliated condition in which the Senate now is. I shall
OF HENET CLAT. 411
escape from it as soon as I decently can, with the same pleasure
that one would fly from a charnel-house.
Mr. Webster retires positively, Mr. Ewing is ousted, and Leigh,
and Clayton, and Mangum, and Porter, are gone. What good
can I do, what mischief avert, by remaining ?
I should be delighted to see you, but in the month of March
the Cumberland route offers advantages so superior to any other,
that I must follow it to Kentucky. Would to God it were for
the last time !
Can you not come to Ashland from Lowipburg, when you
are attending the Court there ? It is an affair of but two or three
days, and we should be rejoiced to have you, and Mrs. Brooke,
too, if she would accompany you, under our roof.
Do me the favor to make to her assurances of my affectionate
regards, and believe me always and cordially your friend.
CHANCELLOR KENT TO MR. CLAT.
Ne-w York, February 20, 1837.
Mt dear Sib, — ^I hope I shall not be deemed too obtrusive, but I
can not refrain from declaring my admiration of the speech deliv-
ered by you, in the Senate, in January last, on the expunging reso-
lution, and which is published at large in " The National Intelli-
gencer" of the 16th inst. My sympathies, and judgment, and con-
fidence, and patriotism, and grief, and indignation, are with you
in every point, and if I was in Washington, I would go directly
up to you, and give your hand the hearty shake of sympathetic
feeling. You have vindicated the resolution of 1834 with irre-
sistible force, and damned the other to everlasting fame. If you,
and such men as you, who are storming despotic and servile
meanness in the Senatorial Hall, have no other recompense, it
may possibly give you some consolation to be assured that you
are receiving the silent admiration and gratitude of thousands,
and by none with more hearty pulsation than by your most re-
spectful and obedient servant.
412 PRIVATE CORRESPONDEKCE
MK. CLAY TO FRANCIS BEOOKE.
WAsniNGTON, March 1, 1838.
Mt deak Sik, — I received your favor. This day the ex-Presi-
dent left this city, and the President, for the first time, sent in a
batch of nominations. Poinsett for the War Department ; Dallas
for Russia; Hey wood, of North Carolina, for Belgium, etc. The
three mentioned were confirmed. Smith, of Alabama, and Ca-
tron, of Tennessee, were nominated by Jackson for judges of
the Supreme Court, under the new law. And what judges they
will make ! They are not yet confirmed. Labranche, of Lou-
isiana, was also nominated by Jackson, for Texas, and has been
confirmed as Charge d'Affaires.
You ask if I can communicate any consolation to you for the
future, as to public affairs. I lament to say not much. Hopes
are entertained, and with some probability, that there will be a
majority in the House of Representatives at the next session,
against the Administration ; and if there were more concert, and
a union as to the ultimate object, among the Opposition, there
would be better prospects. I think there is a tendency to union
among them, but it is not yet produced. Mr. Calhoun, now, as
heretofore, stands in the way.
The city has been filled with strangers. The crowd from
New York has been as great as it was from Scotland, when
James ascended the throne in England.
My warmest regards to Mrs. Brooke. I hope to leave here on
Thursday.
MB. FOX TO ME. CLAY.
Washinqton, March 8, 183'?.
Deae Sir, — I have to draw upon England for some money,
by the next packet, of the 16th. If you can make it conve-
nient, consequently, to draw upon me a draft for the $1,180
which I am in your debt, at ten days date from the present, I
shall be much obliged to you to allow me to settle it in that
way. If agreeable to you, the draft can be sent to me for ac-
ceptance, at that date, before your departure ; or you can inform
me in whose hands you leave it. My servant, the bearer of
this, will wait for an answer, or call for one early in the morn-
ing, as you may desire.
OF HENEY CLAY. 418
I wish you a very liappy journey, and am extremely glad to
find that we are to enjoy the pleasure of your society in Wash-
ington during another session of Congress.
HARRIET MARTINEAU TO MR. CLAY.
Westminsteb, May 15, 183T.
Dear Mr. Clay, — It gives me great pleasure to acknowledge,
on behalf of many authors, besides myself, your exertions' on the
copyright business. I thought I was sure, both of what your
convictions and your efforts would be ; and I rejoice that my
confidence has been justified. We are exceedingly pleased with
your Report, and have strong hope that our object may be at-
tained next session. The American newspapers seem to show
a more and more favorable disposition toward our claim, and
some solid proofs have reached the hands of one, at least, of our
authors (Professor Lyell), of the feeling which honorable Amer-
ican publishers entertain of the injury we suffer. Several hun-
dreds of copies of Lyell's fifth edition of his Geology, in four
volumes, have been ordered from England by booksellers in
Boston, New York, and Philadelphia, and the money, in full,
transmitted with the order. A highly creditable proceeding. It
was transacted through Professor Silliman.
Have you seen what my New York publishers ( who are Eng-
lish) have been doing to obviate mutilation of my book? We
fear we must submit to be pirated, but the risk of mutilation is
much lessened by the work being divided into parts. The book
has been published here only four days. I have had little hope of
pleasing any body ia either country with my work. I might
have done so by merely copying my journal, but I felt the oc-
casion to be too serious a one to be trifled Avith, and I have, ac-
cordingly, risked every thing by making an open avowal of
principles which have no chance of being popular. I am very
easy now the thing is done. My conscience is discharged, and
I really do not care much what becomes of me in name and for-
tune, while I can not live without freedom of speech. This
last can never, now, be taken from me.
Your new President seems to have succeeded in making him-
self gloriously unpopular at the very outset. I do not believe
in his power of retrieving himself. We shall see. I hope you
414 PRIVATE COEEESPONDEKCE
will never have another President who T^ill venture to declare,
on entering upon office, that under no circumstances will he, on
a particular point, assent to a constitutional act which may be-
come the will of the nation. Enough of him.
We are in a critical state, and the Tories may, very likely,
have another short term of office. The weakness of the sove-
reign, the incompleteness of the Reform Bill, and the difficulties
thereby left in the way of the representation, are too much for
the present ministry, even without the House of Lords, which
we have pour combh de maux. We do not fear breach of the
peace, but much political struggle. We shall have your good
wishes on the liberal side, though you do find our Tory ministers
so very civil to the United States.
I hope you are well, and in some good degree reconciled and
content in mind. My mother and I are in the best health and
spirits, and talking more, it seems to me, of my beloved Ameri-
can friends than of all other persons in the world.
With my kind respects to Mrs. Clay and Mr. Erwin, I am,
dear sir, yours affectionately.
MR. CLAY TO HIS SON JAMES.
Ashland, May 26, ISSY.
My dear James, — ^Just as I was making preparations for my
trip to St. Louis, and had resolved to start in a few days, the
proclamation of the President arrived, calling Congress on the
first of September. T shall be obliged to leave home, to reach
Washington in time, about the middle of August. Consequently
I have only two months and a half to attend to my private af-
faire. If I were to go to St. Louis, and examine my lands in
Missouri, as I wished, it would absorb one half of that time, and
not leave me enough to attend to necessary matters here. I am
compelled, therefore, to abandon my contemplated journey for
the present. I assure you, my dear son, that I do it with great
regret ; for I wanted much to see you, and to see your place and
the improvements you have made upon it.
As I can not go to see you, you mpst come and see me. You
will yourself judge of the most convenient time for you to leave
home, and come here. By the first of July, I suppose your crop
will be laid by, and the season of your Jack will be over ; and
OF HENRY CLAY. 415
if you can not come before then, you will be able to leave home
at that time.
I wish you to say to Major Graham, how much I regret not
being able to see him at his residence, as I expected and intend-
ed. I am sorry for it also on account of his suit, in which I
wished to have rendered him any service in my power. But it
is probable that, if his suit shall be heard at the time he expect-
ed, he may be able to engage the services of Mr. Webster, who
left here on yesterday on his way to Louisville, and thence to
St. Louis, which place he will reach, I suppose, about the 6th
of June. His wife and his daughter accompany him, and when
they get there I wish you to call and see them.
We have had a very dry spring, insomuch that I have never
seen the grass so low. But two days ago the rain began, and
we have had the most copious showers. Should the remainder
of the season prove good, we shall be able, I trust, to make good
crops.
Henry's two mares from England have arrived, and both had
colts, but he had the misfortune to lose one of them. He had
also imported six cows ; two died on the passage, the other four
arrived with four calves. I have given him nine hundred dol-
lars for one of the cows and her calf.
Should you want money to bring you home, you must inform
me, or if there be not time to inform me, draw upon me.
The family are all well, and join with me in love to you.
MR. CLAY TO A COMMITTEE OF GENTLEMEN IN NEW TOEK.
AsHLAUD, August 6, 1837.
Gentlemen, — ^I duly received the letter which you did me the
honor to address to me on the 20th ultimo, transmitting a copy
of the proceedings adopted at preliminary meetings of a number
of my friends in the city of New York, in relation to the next
Presidential election.
On the question of the propriety of agitating the public at
this time by a discussion of that subject, I entirely concur in the
opinion expressed by you, that it would be altogether premature.
Six months have not yet elapsed since the termination of the last
election, and "more than three years and a half remain of the
term which was then filled. The country is, moreover, suffer-
416 PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE
ing under a great calamitjr. Its currency and its business lie
prostrate. All minds are absorbed, by considerations relative to
measures of immediate relief. At such a moment to disturb or
distract the public attention, by introducing another exciting but
remote topic, seems to me to be unwise. In expressing this sen-
timent, it is far from my purpose to convey any reproach or cen-
sure toward those who have taken a different view of the mat-
ter. It is quite likely they have supposed, and may be right in
supposing, that the only adequate remedy which can be found
for the evils with which the country is now afflicted, will be a
change of those rulers by whose agency they have been pro-
duced or continued. But the necessity of some earlier relief is
so great, and the expediency of bringing to the consideration of
it a spirit of moderation, forbearance, and conciliation, is so ob-
vious, that I think we should first direct our exertions exclusively
to this single object. We shall soon ascertain how far the Ad-
ministration will co-operate with the country in the restoration
of a sound state of things.
To guard against misconception, I ought to add that too much
delay as well as too much precipitation should be alike avoided,
in arrangements connected with the next election of a Chief
Magistrate of the Union. Precipitation would expose the disin-
terestedness of our patriotism to unjust animadversion; protract-
ed delay, to the danger of division and defeat.
I also agree with you, gentlemen, entirely in thinking, in re-
gard to a candidate for the Presidency, that some mode should
be adopted of collecting the general sense of those who believe
it important to the preservation of our liberties involved, the cor-
rection of abuses, and a thorough reform in the Executive Ad-
ministration, that there should be a change in the Chief Magis-
tracy. And none better appears to me to. have been suggested
than that of a Northern Convention. This will not supersede
the previous employment of all proper means to produce union,
harmony and concentration. A resort to such means is recom-
mended by their tendency to prevent those unpleasant collis-
ions, in the choice of delegates to the Convention, which might
leave, E^mong the friends of the respective candidates, a state of
feeling, unfavorable to that hearty co-operation in the final struggle
which is so essential to success.
Having said this much upon the general subject, allow me
now to add a few words in relation to myself personally. You
OP HENBY CLAY. 417
are pleased to honor me with your attachment and confidence,
to appreciate highly my public services, and to desire to place
me in the highest station of the Government. I am profoundly
grateful to you, and to all those friends who cherish toward me
similar sentiments. I think, however, that the question of the
particular individual who should be selected to accomplish those
patriotic purposes which we have in view, although not unim-
portant, is of subordinate consequence. It should not be allowed
to become the paramount object, nor to divide' more, than is ab-
solutely unavoidable, those who agree in the general principle.
I have not, for several years, looked to the event of my be-
ing placed in the chair of Chief Magistrate, as one that was
probable. My feelings and intentions have taken a different
direction. While I am not insensible to the exalted honor of
filling the highest ofiice within the gift of this great people, I
have desired retirement from the cares of public life ; and al-
though I have not been able fully to gratify this wish, I am in
the enjoyment of comparative repose, and looking anxiously
forward to more. I should be extremely unwilling, without
very strong reasons, to be thrown into the turmoil of a Presiden-
tial canvass. Above all, I am most desirous not to seem, as I
in truth am not, importunate for any public ofiice whatever. If
I were persuaded that a majority of my fellow-citizens desired
to place me in their highest executive ofiice, that sense of duty
by which I have been ever guided would exact obedience to
their will. Candor obliges me, however, to say that I have not
seen sufiicient evidence that they entertain such a desire.
Entertaining these feelings and sentiments, I think it best for
the present to adhere to the passive position which I have pre-
scJribed to myself. Should a National Convention of our friends
nominate any other person, he shall have my hearty wishes for
success and my cordial support.- And, before the assembling of
such a Convention, if one should be agreed upon, there may be
such indications of the public will as will enable us all clearly
to trace the line of our duty toward our common country.
Requesting, gentlemen, you and all who attended the meet-
ings, the proceedings of which you have had the goodness to
forward to me, to accept my grateful acknowledgments, I am
your friend and obedient servant.
27
418 PEIVATE COREESPONDEKCE
MK. CLAY TO G. D. 'PBENTICE.
Ashland, August 14, 1837.
Dear Sib, — 'From numerous communications and circumstan-
ces, I think it probable that, -whatever may be my own inclina-
tion or disposition, I shall be again forced into the Presidential
arena. It is right that I should put you in possession of some of
the information which has reached me.
In the city of New York", notwithstanding, and subsequent to
the movement there for Mr. Webster, my friends spontaneously
resolved' to orgg,nize. From all the Wards a committee of one
hundred was formed, subdivided into other Committees of Cor-
respondence, Finance, etc., and they tell me that they have
ascertained that a decided majority of the Whigs prefer me in
that city. The Committee has addressed me, and I have replied.
Perhaps my reply may be published. I take the ground, of en-
tire passiveness ; that I do not wish my name used, unless there
is reason to believe it is wanted by a majority of the country, etc.
I send you inclosed some communications which I have re-
ceived, which you will be pleased to return by Mr. Erwin ; and
if you do not wish to retain this letter (as I have kept no copy
of 'it), be pleased to return that also.
I still think of and hope that arrangements may be made to
make it your interest to go to Washington.
MK. CLAY TO HIS WIFE.
WniTE SuLPHuB SrEiNGS, August 27, 1837.
^Y DEAR WiTE, — We arrived here yesterday, having parted
from Mr. Erwin at Guyandotte, he proceeding up the Ohio river,
and we taking the land route by this place. I was concerned to
learn from him that James became worse the day on which I left
home, and it was necessary to call in a physician. He assured
me, however, that although threatened, with a severe fever, no
danger was apprehended. I sincerely hope that this may prove
to be the case, but as I shall feel very uneasy until I hear again
from home, I wish he would write me to Washington as soon as
you get this letter.
I wrote you from Maysville, and in that letter I mentioned
most of the things to which I desired James' attention in my
absence. I forgot to mention that I wished the red cow with a
OF HENRY CLAY. 419
white face (an old Hereford that was put up last winter to be
killed) fattened for beef for the family, and any other of the.old
cows that he may think it well enough to kill. There is a
little two year old at Mansfield (I believe she is an estray heifer
with a black nose) that might as well be slaughtered for early
beef.
We shall leave here on Wednesday morning at furthest for
Washington. By that time I hope to recover from the fatigues
of the journey. John looks very serious, but has conducted him-
self very well.
MR. CLAT TO HIS SON JAMES.
Wheeling, October 19, 1837.
Mt dear James, — I have reached this place on my return home
from Congress, a good deal jaded and not very well. Prior to my
departure from Washington, I received yoftr letter communicating
the death of poor Russell, which gave me sincere concern. I
have been quite uneasy about you, but hope that you have es-
caped sickness. You ought to be very careful with yourself,
for your Missouri fevers are very da,ngerous.
I am sorry to hear of the great loss you have sustained in
sheep ; and I am now convinced more than ever that it is un-
wise for you to keep them, unless you have a number sufEcient-
ly large to pay the expense of a shepherd to keep constantly
with them. Under these circumstances, I think you had better
fatten what remain and sell them for mutton.
I expect to remain at home until late in November, and then
proceed again to Washington, although I am very tired of so
frequently crossing the mountains. I wish you to write me often
and let me know all that concerns you. I send this by the boat
that carries me to Maysville.
ME. CLAY TO HIS SON JAMES.
Ashland, October 24, ISSl.
Mt dear James, — I reached home on the 22d instant, and re-
ceived your letter of the 17th. I found all well here, but it is
said to be very sickly at Louisville and at Frankfort, and we
have been uneasy about you. I hope that you will escape being
420 PRIVATE COERESPOITOENCE
sick. I wrote you by the journey from Wheeling, and sent my
letter by the steamboat. I advised you in that letter to sell your
sheep, seeing that they are not safe from the dogs and wolves.
Unless you had a number sufficiently large to justify keeping
a herdsman, it is useless to keep sheep.
You tell me that land is still rising in Missouri. I wish you
could sell, at a fair price, my small tract in Lincoln, and also the
Alton tract, if you could get a good price for it. What could
you sell your land for ? But I suppose that nothing could induce
you to sell it and return ro Kentucky. Mr. Smith tells me that
Chaumiere, the residence of the late Colonel Meade, is in market
at $40 per acre, which is very low as land has sold here. It is
very good land, having, I understand, about four hundred acres
in the tract. That would not be large enough without the pur-
chase of some addition to it, which probably might be made.
But if you are contented with your situation and prospects, you
had better not think of purchasing it.
We will try and have your cattle, etc., sent to you, as you de-
sire. I am afraid that the river may be too low, although it is
now raining. Thomas seems quite happy since his marriage.
ME. CLAY TO HIS SON JAMES.
Ashland, November 10, ISSt.
Mr DEAR James, — I was glad to find by your letter of the 29th
ultimo, just received, that you were in good health and spirits, and^
your business prosperous. I started Orphan Boy, your cow, dog,
and gun, on the 7th instant, for St. Louis via. Louisville and steam-
boat, under the care of William Nelson White, a young man
raised in this county, and recommended to me. He lost two
days in the start by accident, as he says, and I sent Aaron to
look after him and the cattle. Aaron has returned this evening
and reports that he saw the man with the cattle safely across the
bridge at Frankfort and going on well. So that I hope no
further mishap will occur. I send you a copy of the receipt
which Mr. White gave me, from which you will perceive that
I advanced him $20, was to pay all expenses of himself and the
cattle, and to allow him half a dollar per day as a compensation.
The two days that he lost ought to be deducted from his account
Although he started with the dog, he could not carry but left him.
OP HENRY CLAY. 421
I have •written to Mr. Wm. Prather to advance the money for
his freight, etc. He had charge of another calf which he was
to leave between here and Louisville.
I will make arrangements in a few days to advance you the
$100 which you desire.
I wrote you, on my way home, and again after my return,
and advised the sale of the sheep.
I have been engaged all this week in getting in my corn.
My hogs are sufficiently fat to kill when it is cold enough. Yes-
terday my new overseer, Mr. Florea, came and entered on busi-
ness to-day.
Your mother had made up her mind to go with me to Wash-
ington, but has finally declined it.
We are all well, and she and the children send their love to
you. Mr. Erwin has not yet returned.
lUB. CLAT TO HIS SON JAMES.
Washingtos, December 18, 18S7.
Mt dear JameSj — I received, to-day, your favor of the 6th
instant, but have not received your previous letter, to which you
refer, in which you made an offer of the Alton land to Mr. Te-
gert. I had, however, before I left home, submitted the matter
of the sale of that land to you, and I shall be content with what-
ever you may do, being sure that your intentions will be to do
the best for us all.
With respect, too, to your project of having wood cut from it
for the supply of the consumption of St. Louis, I leave that af-
fair to your judgment. If it be well attended to, I have no
doubt that it may be rendered profitable ; but recollect that it
will depend altogether upon the degree of attention paid to it.
It will have the eSect of repressing trespasses upon the land.
I am sorry to hear of the loss of your heifers, but we must
expect occasional losses, and increase our diligence to repair
them.
Your resolution to study, and to begin with history, is a good
one, and I hope you will persevere in it.
Gillie's Greece, with Plutarch's Lives ; Gibbon's Rise and Fall
of the Roman Empire ; Tacitus ; Hume, with the continuation ;
Russell's Modern Europe; Hallams' Middle Ages ; Robertson's
422 PRIVATE COREESPONDENCE
Charles V., Indies, etc.; Marshall's Life of Washington; Botta's
History of the American Revolution.
These books, and others, may be read with advantage ; and
you should adopt somesystematic course as to tinap, that is, to
read so many hours out of the twenty-four,
"nctive my respects to Major uranam."""
MR. CLAY TO PKANCIS BEOOKE.
■Washington, December 19, 1837.
My dear Sik, — I received your favor of the 17th. Mr. Mad-
ison's Journal is not yet ordered to be printed, and, without any
such object in the delay, it may lead to the benefit of Mrs. Madi-
son, by allowing the sale and diffusion of the European edition
of the work. When printed by Congress, I will recollect your
wish to obtain a copy,
Ritchie has discovered a mare's nest in the fact that the
Whigs are making arrangements to establish a new paper here.
They do not propose to establish it by resorting to the public
crib, from which his and other papers are inaintained, but by
voluntary contributions, raised among an abused and betrayed
people. There is no occasion to conceal the object. The
Whigs mean to beat the Administration party, and the public
press will be one of their instruments. The design is to estab-
lish a new paper to espouse and advance the cause generally,
without reference, at present, to any particular candidate.
The committee charged with the business have under consid-
eration the selection of suitable editors, etc. I mentioned, sev-
eral days ago, to one of the committee, Mr. Blackford as one
whose qualifications deserved attention. They will be, doubt-
less, duly weighed ; but it will be best not to excite expectations,
or to stimulate any direct application from him. I think very
highly of his principles, and his ability. I have no doubt, how-
ever, that whatever decision may be finally made will be the
result of the best intentions.
My best respects to Mrs. Brooke, and my hearty congratula-
tions on your recent acquisition of a daughter.
OF HENRY CLAY. 423
MK. CLAY TO HIS SON JAMKS.
Washington, January 1, 1838.
My deae Son, — I received your letter of the 23d ultimo.
You complain of not hearing from me. I have written to you
several times since I have been here, and would have written
oftener, if I had had any thing to communicate. But my cor-
respondence is very oppressive, and I find it impossible to keep
up with it. You must not suppose that I feel any want of af-
fection toward you. Far otherwise. You are constantly in
my thoughts, and in my hopes. I feel that you must be very
lonesome, and regret to hear that you are not happy. You know,
my dear son, that I feared you would not be, separated as you
are from all who love you, and that I reluctantly consented to
your going to Missouri. I hope that you will endeavor to cul-
tivate feelings of contentment, and I shall be most happy, on
my return home, if we can make any arrangement by which
you can come back to Kentucky, and live in the midst of your
friends.
The account you give me of your affairs is encouraging, and
the account of you which I receive from others also gives me
high satisfaction. What I would especially guard you against,
is, every species of dissipation ; and I own to you that I have
feared your solitary condition might tempt you into it. But I
sincerely hope that may not prove to be the case.
I suppose your offer of the Alton land was declined. It is
very important to protect it against trespasses, and I ' trust you
will take care of that. In a former letter, I gave my assent to
your having wood cut for the St. Louis market.
MB. CLAY TO rKANCIS BROOKE.
Washington, January 13, 1838.
My deae Sir, — The arrear which I am under in our corres-
pondence, has proceeded from my really having nothing of inter-
est to communicate, and I need not tell you that my correspond-
ence and public engagements are so oppressive, that I am con-
strained to avoid Vvrriting whenever I can. Even now I should
not address you, but from my apprehension that you would
misconstrue my silence.
424 PEIYATE CORRESPONDENCE
We have been engaged in the Senate, during the last eight or
ten days, in the most unprofitable discussion that ever engrossed
the attention of a deliberate- body. It was upon five or six as
abstract resolutions as a metaphysical mind can well devise.
They are at last disposed of. Their professed object is slavery ;
their real aim to advance the political interest of the mover, and
to affect mine. I am greatly deceived if in both respects he
has not signally failed. He was caught in his own trap. You
will see the series of counter-resolutions which I offered. The
two most important, after undergoing some modifications, with
my assent, were adopted as substitutes for his. His Texas reso-
lution was laid on the table yesterday, by a vote of thirty-five to
nine. I think that when that subject comes up, I will turn the
tables upon Mr. Calhoun, as much as I did on the affair of
slavery.
There is not, I think, the slightest ground of appr9aching war
with Great Britain, on account of Canada. When the Presi-
dent's Message was received, respecting the capture and des-
truction of the Caroline, I thought it due to the occasion to rep-
rehend in the strongest terms, the violation of our jurisdiction.
My remarks are correctly published in "The National Intelligen-
cer," and there only. " The Globe" habitually misreports me.
Resolutions have been introduced in the Kentucky Legisla-
ture, recommending me as the next President. Although I pre-
sumed that something would be done at Frankfort, I anticipated
nothing in this form, and I think it displays more zeal than
discretion.
MB. CLAY TO HIS SON JAMES.
Washington, January 22, 1838.
My dear James, — I received your letter of the 1st inst., this
day, and the perusal of it gave me much concern. I had pre-
viously received from you a letter complaining of your solitary
condition, and stating that you were not happy. I answered it,
but as you do not acknowledge the receipt of my answer, I sup-
pose it had not reached you.
I desire most ardently, my dear son, your happiness, and that
of every child I have. You know that I was not anxious for
you to go to Missouri. The very circumstances which now ex-
OF HENRY CLAY. 425
ist, I anticipated. But you were confident, and I yielded: I
have wished to see you happily married, under the hope that
with a wife whom you loved, and the prospects of a family, you
might be contented and happy. You tell me that you have not
the means to go into society, but you have not informed" me
what means you allude to. I have been very desirous that you
should go much more into society than you have done, and why
have you not ? Do you want clothes ? The slightest intimation
of your wishes to me, on that subject, would have commanded
them. I have refused you nothing that you have asked me. I
have been, I own, exceedingly anxious that you should avoid all
dissipation, but with that restriction, I have not cared how much
society you enjoyed, or, rather, I have wished that you should
see much of it.
In my former letter, I expressed a wish that you would attend
diligently to your business, make yourself as happy as you can,
and upon my return home, I would see if we could not make
some arrangement by which you should return to Kentucky.
Of one thing you may be certain, that you will be happy no
where, without constant employment. That is the great secret
of human happiness.
I should be very glad to have you near us. Have you another
overseer ? You have never informed me. If you have, I do
not see why you might not, at any time leave home for some
weeks, go to Ashland, or make a visit to see our military lands,
or to your uncle' Porter.
Of one thing you may be assured, my dear son, that I not
only feel the deepest interest in your welfare and happiness, but
that I am always willing to do any thing to promote it. I am
the more concerned about you, because John has lately given
me great pain, and I almost despair of him. When you reflect
how much anxiety I have suflfered on account of my sons, I am
sure that you will be stimulated to persevere in a course of regu-
larity and propriety.
I have written to you frequently, but the mails are irregular.
I received two or three days ago, your letter of November,
transmitting a copy of that which you had addressed to your
uncle Porter.
426 PRIVATE COIIEESPONDENOB
ME. CLAY TO HIS SON JAMES.
SE>fATK Chambee, Marcli 23, 1838.
My bear Son, — I receive^ your favor of the 1st inst. I have
been a little unwell, and have been so much oppressed with bu-
siness, correspondence, and company, that I have been obliged
to engage a young friend to act for me as amanuensis, and he
wrote the letter to which you refer upon my dictation.
I return the inclosed certificate with my signature. I am
perfectly satisfied Avith the disposition you have made of your
cattle with Mr. Dorrey. I am sorry that the imported cow does
not breed, and I must give you another after aAvhile. We will
talk about the house which you wish to build, when I see you.
But I still should be happy to have you back in Kentucky, if we
can make some arrangement, as I hope we can, to that end. I
have not 3'et procured the patent, but I hope to get it for your
land to be issued in the name of Doctor Rogers." I have been
looking out for a wife for you, but I suppose you will have to
select for yourself.
I hope, my dear son, that you will continue to cultivate a
cheerful disposition, and go into society as often as you can.
MB. CLAY TO FEANCIS BEOOKE.
■WAsnisGTON, April 14, 1838.
My DEAR SiE, — I should have written you more frequently
but that I had nothing material to communicate, of which the
papers would not inform you. I must add, too, that my labors,
especially that of private correspondence, have greatly increased
this session, from obvious causes.
In regard to the Presidential question, every thing is going
on as well as my most zealous friends could desire. Public
opinion every where, even in Indiana and Ohio, is rapidly con-
centrating as you conld wish. The movement at Harrisburg
for a separate nomination of General Harrison, is rebuked and
discountenanced.
The Whig members of Congress have had several consulta-
tions, as to the time and place of a National Convention. Their
inclination. I understand, is to Harrisburg, and to a period be-
OF HENBY CLAY. 427
tvveen January and June of the next year. They will probably
definitely settle the matter the next week.
When do you return to St. Julien ? I am very much jaded
and fatigued, and have some thoughts of running somewhere
for a few days. Possibly I may go to you, if I can be sure that
I should meet only your family.
Present my respects to Mrs. Brooke.
MK. CLAY TO FRANCIS BROOKE.
Senate Chameee, June 6, 1838.
Mt dear Sir, — ^I am extremely sorry to hear of the loss of
your servant. It is a serious misfortune, and not easily repaired,
independent of the distress which such an event must necessarily
occasion to every feeling heart.
I can not understand from any inquiry which I have made
here the exact value of your Military Land Warrant. Mr. Allen,
the Senator, from Ohio, thinks it worth seventy-five cents per acre;
but recommends an application to William Creighton, Jr. (who
is a man of honor and a particular friend of mine), of Chillicothe,
who resides in the heart of the county set apart for the army.
If the bill making further^ appropriations for land scrip, now
pending in the House of Representatives should pass, your war-
rant will be worth much more, perhaps f 1 20 cents per acre.
Although I can not vote for the bill, I think it very probable it
will pass at this or another session, and you would probably do
well not to part with it.
I should be most happy to see you here, and why can't you
come ? A few hours would put you in the Pennsylvania Avenue.
If you visit us, come directly to Mrs. Hill's boarding-house, where
I stay, and where you can be accommodated. It is nigh Gadsby's.
Every thing has passed off admirably at the Ohio Convention.
GEORGE W. LAFAYETTE TO I.IR. CLAY.
Paeis, le 6 Aout, 1838.
Monsieur, — Celai qui au nom des deux Chambres Americaines
reunies, fut, il y a treize ans, le brillant interprete des sentimens
de la nation, pour I'heureux veteran auquel elle prodiguoit tant
de boiites, recevra j'en suis sur avec satisfaction, et bienveillance,
428 PBIVATE CORRESPONDENCE ~
des mains de la famille du General Lafayette, la collection de ses
manuscrits.
Qu'il me soit done permis, monsieur, de vous oifrir ce souvenir
d'un ami qui n'est plus, et de vous prier en meme terns, d'agreer
I'hommage de ma reconnaissance, pour vos anciennes bontes pour
moi. En memoire du pere que j'ai perdu, j'ose en reclamer
encore aujourdhui la continuation.
J'ai I'honneur d'etre, avec la plus haute consideration, mon-
sieur, votre tres-obeissant et devoue serviteur.
MH. CLAY TO TRANCIS BEOOKE.
Ashland, August 28, 1838.
Mt deak Sir, — I received your favor from the White Sulphur
Springs, and was gratified to learn that the President had been
so attentive to you. He is always courteous and civil in his
manners.
Mr. Rives' determination not to be a candidate for the Senate
is wise. Should he adhere to it, some embarrassment will be
avoided at your next Legislature.
The elections of Kentucky and Indiana have eventuated
successfully to the Whigs, without any diminution of their
strength. I believe we have carried the election in Illinois, but
It is not yet certainly ascertained. The Locofoco's have carried
that in Missouri, but by a greatly diminished majority.
I have remained at home since the adjournment of Congress,
as quiet as I could be, which is not very quiet, for company is
constantly with me. This is a very bustling week in conse-
quence of the session at Lexington of the Board of Directors of
the Charleston and Cincinnati Railroad Company. They will
get more soft words than hard mon^y in Kentucky.
Mrs. Clay unites with me in respectful compliments to Mrs.
Brooke.
ME. CLAY TO FEANCIS BROOKE.
Ashland, October 9, 1838.
My dear Sie, — I received your favor of the 27th ultimo, but
I can hardly say that I had very great pleasure from its perusal ;
for, upon my word, if you will excuse me for saying so, the pa-
OF HENET CLAY. 429
per and the writing are so bad that I do not know that I have
guessed its contents.
As to the movement in the State of Massachusetts you will
have seen that it is alleged to have been without authority, and
is retracted. If we succeed in the elections of Pennsylvania
and New York, I attach no importance to that, or any similar
movement, whether with or without authority. My impression
is that the editor of " The Atlas" expressed sentiments which he
supposed would be acceptable to Mr. Webster.
Your suggestion as to a Bank of the United States would do
well, if it. would conciliate support from those who are opposed
to such an institution ; but my impression is that it is to the
thing, in any form, more than to a particular modification, that
opposition exists. At present, however, it is useless to try to es-
tablish any Bank of the United States with any modification
whatever. It should not be attempted until the people clearly
call for it. This I think they will do ; but if they do not, if
they are opposed to it, I, for one, cheerfully acquiesce in the de-
cision.
We have been, and yet are, terribly afllicted with drought. It
has injuriously affected our crops, but I presume not as much as
yours have been.
Mrs. Clay (whose health is now very good) joins me in respect-
f al compliments to Mrs. Brooke.
MB. CLAY TO FRANCIS BEOOKE.
Ashland, November 3, 1838.
My dear Sir, — I received your favor of the 18th ultimo, and,
as it informed me of your intention to go to Richmond, I ad-
dress this letter to that city. You think I have too good an
opinion of mankind. I confess that I have, throughout life,
striven to think well of them, but the last thirteen years have
shaken my faith very much. I yet, however, bejieve the mass
to be honest, although very liable to deception.
You are certainly right as to one of the two gentlemen men-
tioned, perhaps as to both, being unwilling to see me elected
Chief Magistrate. I was greatly surprised at the course of
" The Atlas ; " and although Mr. Webster disavows its authority
to speak for him, in that particular, there are intelligent persons
430 PEIVATB COEEESPONDENCE
near him who believe that " The Atlas " presumed upon his con-
currence. The issue of the elections, this fall, so far, have been
very unfavorable to the Whig cause. From September of last
year to September of this, the current ran deep and strong in
our favor, and swept over every State, changing majorities
against us, or, at least, diminishing them. All at once, and
without any apparent cause, the current reverses its direction.
What has produced it? To give you a proof that I am not too
confiding, I can not forbear expressing my suspicion that a pro-
fuse and corrupt use has been made of the public money. It is
almost impossible otherwise to account satisfactorily for what
we have witnessed. Amos Kendall was at Columbus the week
before the election. How easy was it for him to give orders
throughout the State, from that central point of Ohio, to carry
the election at any cost. And how can he be brought to ac-
count, if he has given such orders?
Other circumstances will enable us to account for some of
the results of these elections. In Ohio, the Abolitionists are al-
leged to have gone against us, almost to a man. Senator Mor-
ris, you know, is one of them, and that, put together with the
unfortunate case of the Methodist preacher, delivered up by
Governor Vance upon the demand of the Governor of Kentucky,
turned them against us. Perhaps they were previously inclined
toward Mr. Van Buren.
If New York goes against us, as is to be apprehended after
what has occurred, our cause will look bad. You will know
the event by the time this letter reaches you. It is to be appre-
hended, because, whether changes have been produced in other
States by voluntary impulse of the people, or by corrupt means,
the same cause, whatever it may be, is likely to exert itself in
New York.
The introduction of this new element of Abolition into our
elections can not fail to excite, with all reflecting men, the deep-
est solicitude. It is, I believe, the first time it has been done.
Although their numbers are not very greiat, they are sufficiently
numerous, in several States, to turn the scale. I have now be-
fore me a letter from the Secretary of the American Anti-Slave-
ry Society, in New York, in which he says : " I should consider
(as in all candor I acknowledge I would) the election of any
slaveholder to the Presidency a great calamity to the country;"
The danger is that the contagion may spread until it reaches
OF HENIiT CLAY. 431
all the free States ; and if it ever comes to be acted on as a rule
among them, to proscribe slaveholders, they have the numbers
to enforce it. Union and concert with them will throw the
whole Government into their hands, and when they have once
possession, the principle by which they have acquired it will urge
them on to other and further encroachments. They will begin
by prohibiting the slave trade, as it is called-, among the slave
States, and by abolishing it in the District of Columbia, and the
end will be
My own position, touching slavery, at the present time, is
singular enough. The Abolitionists are denouncing me as a
slaveholder, and slaveholders as an Abolitionist, while they both
unite on Mr. Van Buren.
I should be extremely happy to visit Uichmond and see you
and the many other friends I have there, but I can not do it
while I remain a quasi candidate for the Presidency. A candi-
date in fact I can not say, and have not said to any human being
I would be. I am strongly inclined to promulgate that I will not
be, under any circumstances. How would it do ? The princi-
pal objection which I perceive, is, that they would say that I
saw the grapes were sour. But then, what need I care for any
thing they may say?
Pray remember me affectionately to Leigh. I rejoice to be
able to infer, from a recent letter of his, addressed to another
person and sent for my perusal, that his health was fully re-es-
tabhshed. Mrs. Clay unites with me in regards to Mrs. B.
WILLIS HALL TO MR. CLAY.
New York, December 14, 1838.
■ Deae Sie, — I rejoice to learn from the papers that you have
arrived safe and in good health and cheerful spirits, in Washing-
ton. The accident you met with on your journey gave us much
concern. You might have said, perhaps, on the occasion as Cse-
sar said to the boatman, "Quid times'? Ccesarem invehis .'"
I believe most implicitly in your fortunes — indeed, the great
source at once of my anxiety for your health and of my confi-
dence in your preservation is the confirmed belief that our Union
and the future happy destinies of our country are bound up in
your hfe. Yet the most devout believers do not disdain a little
432 PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE
worldly prudence. Crom-well charged his soldiers to " Trust in
Providence, but keep their powder dry !" In the same spirit I
would urge you to take care of yourself. Your country never
stood in so great need of you.
MR. CLAY TO FRANCIS BROOKE.
■Washington, December 20, 1838.
Mt dear Sir, — I presume that this letter will find you (Juiet
at St. Julien. I should have written you before had I any thing
interesting to communicate. To-day, on a call for information
as to the relation between the Bank of the United States and the
Treasury Department, Mr. Rives came out in a speech of re-
markable vigor and decision, which showed conclusively that he
had cut loose forever from the Administration. Of that I pre-
viously entertained no doubt, and now I think the public can
entertain none. On the subject of his re-election to the Senate,
it would be highly improper for me to interfere, and I do not
mean to interfere ; but I may to you say that those with whom
I have conversed out of Virginia, think that it would be attended
with very good etfect.
In consequence of the Anti-Masonic and other movements,
since the last session of Congress, at the commencement of this
ray friends were a little discouraged. They are recovering
from it, think that things look much better, and entertain confi-
dence that public opinion, in regard to the next Presidency, will
remain unchanged, as it was at the last session.
My own opinion is that, with a view to arrest the unfortunate
divisions which exist among us, to check the progress of intrig-
ues, and to secure concentration, action at Richmond, by the
Whig portion of the Legislature (including, if possible, the Con-
servatives) is highly expedient. Such a movement would prob-
ably be followed and seconded at Albany ; and in that case, I
think the question would be settled, and our future difficulties
would afterward constantly decrease. In this opinion the most
irttelligent of our party, with whom I have conversed, fully con-
cur.
It is highly important, if any thing is done, that the Conserv-
atives should unite at Richmond, or if they can not be prevailed
upon to do so, that there should be as little division as possible
OF HENRY CLAY. 433
among the Whigs. The Northern Conservatives, mchiding Mr.
Talmadge, remain firm and decided. And my information from
New York generally is full of encom'agement. The mock
nomination of the Anti-Masons has fallen still-born, and has pro-
duced no material effect even in the Anti-Masonic portion of the
State. It appears that in the pretended Convention, there was
not a delegate elected by a primary meeting whatever of the
Anti-Masons ; that except the Delegates from Pennsylvania
(who were nominated at some previous Convention), not a mem-
ber held his seat in virtue of any election whatever ; and that
some member from New York assumed the power to cast the
whole vote of that State !
Be pleased to present my best respects to Mrs. Brooke.
HAKRISON GEAY OTIS TO MR. CLAY.
Boston, December 24, 1838.
My dear Sir, — I duly received your last favor with its inclos-
ure, which is indeed a curiosity, which I will keep on file sub-
ject to your order. I ventured to give the substance of it to a
Senator of this State, the late Lieutenant-Governor Armstrong,
a very worthy and orthodox gentleman who believes that origi-
nal depravity comprehends political as well as what is more strictly
moral, and accounts this as a mere variety among innumerable in-
stances. Of late " The Atlas" has been silent on a certain topic, but
whether this be preliminary to a new outbreak, a kw days will
determine. I can not yet find that the parties concerned in the
project comprehend any persons hereabout, beyond a petit comite
who are supposed to command the back stairs of that press. But
I suspect there must be others, and that there is some overt com-
munion with " The American," etc., in New York. We shall see.
Mr. Webster does not leave Boston, as I hear, until the meeting
of the Legislature or about that time, January 1st. Whether he
has any object in the delay, beyond his own convenience, I can
not say. A rumor has prevailed of his intention to decline a re-
election, but of this I have no convincing evidence. I think
there is a disposition among the Whigs here to speak plainly, and
as you would approve, on a certain subject. But until he une-
quivocally withdraws from the canvass you can easily see that
they must feel under restraint. The most to be hoped prior to.
28
434 PRIVATE COEBESFONDENCE
that event, is a declaration by the Legislature adhering to him
as their first choice, and announcing yourself as the second.
Some pains will be taken to affect this, and I must at present
think with success. But neither my information nor influence
are of the value that was attached to them, in " the days when
I was young." I have also been housed for three weeks with
the " unpleasant pains which infest the toe," but I hope to be
on my legs to-morrow, otherwise I can do nothing, unless, like
poor Judge B., I drive into the public offices. You are aware of
the disturbing causes which are every where at work to pollute
the political current, and of the address with which antagonist
causes are too often made to co-operate in the same result. Anti-
Masonry I consider as effete in itself. There is no longer zeal
among its votaries. The mission from this State was an abso-
lute burlesque. Still it will furnish pretenses for paragraphs and
cabals. I have more fear in regard of abolition. The danger
is that the Whigs will identify themselves, at least in appearance,
with the Abolitionists, and thus souse themselves into their toils.
This will be folly and madness without excuse. So deeply im-
pressed am I with an opinion of the extreme infatuation of this
ofSciousness that I am reconciled to Atherton's resolutions, at
the avowal of which some of my friends appear to be horrified ;
but they forgive me as an old gentleman whose vagaries do no
harm. By the by, I have been told that one of the " represent-
atives" alluded to in H n's letter is Mr. C g, of this State,
now in Congress.
I began this merely as an acknowledgment of yours and have
rambled on. When any thing occurs that I think may be gratify-
ing to know I will take leave to apprize you of it, and though at
seventy-three I have little reason to calculate upon seeing you at
the head of the nation, the hope of it is not among the least of
my septuagenarian comforts.
I am very faithfully and respectfully, dear sir, yours, etc.
MR. CLAY TO FRANCIS BROOKE.
Waseingion, December 26, 1838.
My dear Sir, — I received your two favors of the 24th. What I
may say on the subject of Mr. Rives' re-election must be regarded
as expressed at your instance, and as presenting opinions which
OF HENRY CLAY. 435
prevail exterior to Virginia, without any intention on my part to
interfere in a local election in a State in which I am no resident.
Those out of your State are struck by the fact that a co-opera-
tion between the Whigs and Conservatives will secure a majority
against the Administration ; and that without it the majority may
be the other way.
The object, therefore, to be accomplished, if it be practicable,
is to secure that majority co-operation ; and to those at a dis-
tance Mr. Rives' re-election appears to be a probable means.
If it be not ; if a hearty co-operation can not be produced by it ;
if nothing is to be gained but Mr. Rives himself, quite a differ-
ent view of the question would be entertained. Mr. Rives has
himself no claim upon the Whigs but those which arise from his
recent course ; and confining the question to him alone, his ex-
punging vote and former course would more than neutralize his
recent claims. But a more extended view should be taken of
the matter. If he can be used as an instrument to acquire an
accession of strength that would array Virginia against the Ad-
ministration, the inquiry then would be, whether sound policy
does not demand that we should sacrifice all feelings excited by
a highly exceptionable vote, in consideration of a great object to
be gained for the good of our country. I appreciate and feel
sensibly all the difficulties in making such a sacrifice, but I think
that I could submit to it, if I had a reasonable certainty of that
object being secured.
It is manifest that, if we repel the advances of all the former
members of the Jackson party to unite with us, under whatever
name they may adopt, we must remain in a perpetual and hope-
less minority.
Should we not extend to the repentant in politics the same
forgiveness which the Christian religion promises to the contrite,
even in the eleventh hour ? The ditference between Mr. Rives
and some others now incorporated in our party, is, that their watch-
es did not run together.
Already has some mischief been done in Ohio, and in other
places, by a refusal of all conciliation of the Conservatives. It
was obvious that their position was temporary, and could not be
maintained for any length of time. It was at a half-way house.
They must therefore fall back into the ranks of their old asso-
ciates, or be absorbed by us. And it seems to be a prevailing
opinion here to be expedient to avail the country of the services
436 PRIVATE COEBESPONDENCE
of as many of them as we can get, either as allies or as a part of
our consolidated force. I should add that it is feared, if he be
not re-elected, the event will operate badly out of, as well as in
Virginia.
This is the view which is taken by those out of Virginia. Its
basis is the bringing about a co-operation in that State between
the Whigs and Conservatives by his re-election. If that can not
be effected (and of that those on the spot are the best judges),
why, then, there will be another state of the question.
I transmit this hasty letter for your own eye only. I know
how justly sensitive to all foreign intervention the people of Vir-
ginia are, and I should not have touched on this delicate topic
but upon your invitation.
MR. CLAT TO FKANGIS BROOKE.
Washington, January 7, 1839.
Mt dear Sir, — I received your favors of 29th ultimo and 5th
instant. I regret extremely the existence of so much division of
opinion in Virginia, respecting the election of a Senator, and
sincerely hope that our friends may all become reconciled, and
that what they may finally do may conduce to the success of
our cause and the interest of our country. I have no individual
wishes separate from the common good. What is best to be
done at Richmond those alone can determine who there have a
view of all circumstances. It is not, however, to be disguised,
that what may be done will exercise an influence beyond the
confines of the State.
I have been struggling to-day, and some previous days, on the
land subject. My friends are highly gratified with my exertions,
and I hope and believe they have had some eflfect. Whether it
will be practicable much longer to save that great interest de-
pends upon the future course of the old States. I can not much
longer defeat the combined action of the Administration and the
new States.
Mr. Calhoun, of our State, being on a visit of business at
Richmond, I have given him a letter of introduction to you. He
is intelligent, shrewd, and trustworthy. You may give him all
confidence.
OF HENEY CLAY. 48T
HAEEISON GEAT OTIS TO MB. CLAT.
Boston, January 11, 1839.
My deak Sir, — ^Your friend Constans seems, for the present at
least, to have blown his blast. I hope you may have continued
to think -well of the last letters, as I confess that I jump in judg-
ment with the writer. It is evident, I think, however, that he
writes under restraint, and plays with an oblique stroke, but he
should drive the two balls (" ebony and topaz") into the same
pocket.
I have conversed with a very respectable and intelligent mem-
ber of the Massachusetts Senate, who, having taken some pains
to sound opinions, reports to me that he can not find an indi-
vidual who approves of the freak of " The Atlas." I know, also,
that the editor of " The Courier," and I beheve, that the editors
of all the Whig papers here, are equally opposed to the doctrines
of that journal. Still there is an under-current somewhere. Mr.
W. has again disclaimed his privity to or approbation of " The
Atlas" heresy, and said he thought it unlucky.
But I am satisfied he does not wish that the Legislature should
move on the line of operation pointed out by Constans — ^repeat-
ing their quondam opinions. I can't say that he would advise to
any action on the subject. Probably he thinks best to do nothing.
I also apprehend that he thinks you did him ill offices by favor-
ing H., at his expense, in 1836, and that you would still promote
his (H.'s) interest next to your own. You will judge whether
it is worth while to attempt, through friends, to have any iclair-
cissement on that point. I am also certain that he has no idea at
present of saying nolo episcopari, though it seems unimaginable
that he expects any important support. My opinions are not
gathered from a personal interview with him, otherwise I would
not feel at liberty to express them. I have met him but once
since his return in summer. Nor do I violate any confidence in
giving you these opinions ; but they are well founded. You
can easily see that individuals, knowing this to be his way of
thinking, may feel embarrassed in taking a step which, though
not intended to be adverse to him, might be so construed ; and
that the consequence may be a suppression of further action by
the Legislature. As yet, however, it is impossible to judge ; but
that any effort will be made to nominate H. I do not believe,
though it has been probably intended by the petit comite.
438 PEIVATE COREESPONDENCE
Wednesday is assigned for choice of Senator. Mr. W. will
be nominated at his own request, and will, doubtless, be chosen.
Rumors were afloat of his intention to abdicate, and the Govern-
ment was preparing to cut in. I am " confoundedly" afraid he
will be cut out next year, and that this State will be lost. The
disturbing causes are inauspicious. The last Legislature passed
an absurd act prohibitory of selling spirits in quantities less than
fifteen gallons. Now petitions are presented for a repeal. I
have been dragged into heading one, which is followed up with
five thousand names ; though I have fought shy for many long
years of all efforts to bring me out as an actor in the political
scene, yet this strikes me as a monstrous abomination, and I
yielded to urgent solicitations to become bell-wether. I still
doubt the law will not be repealed ; and if not, it will be a fulcrum
by which the Whig party will be capsized. The " rogues in
spirit" will combine with the " rogues in grain."
Then, again, there will be abolition. Our people, I fear, will
not be silent. It is clear that the efforts of the Administration
are directed to the identifying Whiggism and Abolitionism, and
the Whig party has not sense enough to keep free from the coils
of the black snake. Your old Ghent colleague, though a person
of extraordinary talents, and, as I believe, of great merit as a
private citizen, is, I think, a variety per se in the human family.
But as my old friend (and General Washington's old friend),
Mrs. Powel, of Philadelphia, used to say, when puzzled by any
oddity or anomaly of character : " Why, my dear, you know God
Almighty makes all sorts of men, women, and children."
I have not shown H.'s letter since your last, nor shall I but
with great discretion — perhaps not at all, but only state the sub-
stance of the extract to two or three friends.
I send you " The Atlas" of to-day ; it is triple brass. Think
of the extract of his letter to you in a parallel column — " Think
of that Master Brooke." I doubt I could print them in a hand-
bill, and clear one of Nick's bank shares. But I suppose you
are right in your forbearance, though my mouth waters for such
a bon hon.
I express no sentiments to you that I should hesitate to avow
any where, time and place fitting, yet do not wish to be " talked
about ;" and I know you will govern yourself accordingly.
OF HENEY CLAY. 439
MR. CLAY TO FKANCIS BROOKE.
Senate Chambeh, January 18, 1839.
My dear Sir, — I received your two favors of the 16th and
17th inst. I am highly gratiiied with the' prospects which exists
at Richmond, of general concurrence among the Opposition, as
to the Presidential election, whatever divisions may unhappily
exist on another question. It is of very great importance that
there should be some expression of the preference which is en-
tertained in Virginia, and its influence elsewhere would be great,
if not decisive.
I lament exceedingly, the unfortunate divisions which prevail,
in respect to the Senatorial elections. Is it possible that there
is any danger of the election of a friend of the Administration ?
Is it possible that any Whig can prefer such a friend to a Con-
servative ?
By the by, Mr. Rives, in conversation with me, expressed sur-
prise at your opposition to his re-election. He derived different
impressions from his intercourse with you at the White Sulphur
Springs. His surprise was not accompanied with any complaint,
but on the contrary, with declarations of high regard, and per-
sonal esteem for you.
MR. CLAY TO FRANCIS BROOKE.
Senate Chambee, January 28, 1839.
My dear Sir, — I have received your several favors respecting
the state of things at Richmond, in reference to your Senatorial
election, and thank you for them. I did not acknowledge them
severally as they arrived, because they did not seem to call for
any particular observation from me. The divisions and dissen-
sions in the Legislature at Richmond, are deeply to be deplored,
and I fervently hope that means may be found to heal and
harmonize. At Annapolis, they have just elected, or re-elected,
Mr. Merrick, and concord, it is thought, will be again restored.
The spirits of my friends are again revived, and they think
that they see, in various quarters, indications of the final result
which their partiality prompts them to desire. I believe myself,
that the current in my favor, which for the moment appeared to
be impeded, will again burst forward, with accmnulated strength.
440 PRIVATE COERESPOKDENCE
The movement which you suppose will take place at Richmond,
if made, would give great impulse to that current.
Poor Mrs. Wickham, I see, is gone. Those who are falling
around us, should remind us that we, erelong, must follow them,
and their departure diminishes the motives of our remaining
here.
MH. CLAT TO TRANCIS BBOOKE.
Ashland, April 2, 1839.
Mt deak Sir, — I duly received your favor of the 13th ult.,
and felt highly gratified with the favorable account of the state
of public affairs in Virginia, which it communicates. I must,
however, retort upon you a charge that is often made against me,
that I fear you are too sanguine. There seems to be making a
prodigious effort on the side of the Administration, and I see no
evidence of corresponding or counteracting exertions on the
other side. Their late Convention will strengthen them, be-
cause it is an organization of their party, and the members will
return to their respective homes, animated by the confidence
and hopes inspired by their interchange of opinion and feeling.
Where parties are nearly balanced, that which is disciplined, and
in a state of complete organization, is almost sure to prevail over
its adversary in the contest. I never was more perfectly con-
vinced than I was in 1832, of the immense importance of a Con-
vention, followed by a county and state organization. In the
autumn of that year, just before the Presidential election, the
young men held a Convention in Lexington. It was well at-
tended— filled with the elite of the State. They made many
stirring and eloquent speeches, published an address to the State,
put it into complete organization, by the appointment in all the
counties of large Committees of Vigilance and Correspondence,
and returned home full of enthusiasm. The result was, Jackson
was beaten by upward of seven thousand votes. If you could
get a similar convention of young men at Charlottesville, or
Staunton, just before the election, I believe that it would be at-
tended with a similar result.
By the by, is it possible that two of the judges of the Court
of Appeals, attended and took part in the proceedings of the recent
Convention, and that Judge Tucker presided ? If it be true, I
regard the fact as a strong mark of the degeneracy of the times.
OP HENRY CLAY. 441
I have not enjoyed good health since my return home, from
severe colds, but I am getting better, and we have the prospect of an
early and fine spring. I found Mrs. Clay in her usual good health.
Is it possible that there will be no arrangement between Messrs.
Harvie and Botts ; and that they will both persevere, with the
certainty of both being defeated ? In such a state of things,
the merit is with the declining party, whatever it may be.
In Kentucky, every thing looks fair. We may carry every
Congressional district, and we may be defeated in three. I think
not more. From Tennessee, too, from Mississippi and Louisi-
ana, I receive the most favorable accounts.
Do me the favor to present the warm regards of Mi's. Clay
and myself to Mrs. Brooke.
MB. CLAY TO GENEKAL COMBS.
Matsvillk, July 4, 1839.
Mt deae Genebal, — Having heard here that H. E. Baron de
Marechal, the Austrian Minister, has gone to Lexington, I have
inclosed to him a letter of introduction to you, one to Major
Tilford, and one to Mrs. Clay. I wish you would all contrive
to make him feel agreeable and happy. He is plain, unaffected,
and intelligent.
Take him out to see Mrs. Clay, giving her some notice of his
coming. And tell her to make up a little afternoon party for
him, and give him some ice-creams, etc.
ME. CLAY TO GENEBAL COMBS.
Washington, December 1, 1839.
My DEAE SiE, — I transmit you inclosed a letter. I received
that which you did me the favor to address to me from New
York, and noted its contents.
All eyes are now turned toward your proceedings at Harris-
burg, which I hope may be such as to produce union, harmony,
and success.
442 PRIVATE COBEESPONDENCB OF HENRY CLAY.
MH. CLAY TO GENERAL COMBS.
Washington, December 3, 1839.
My deab Sib, — I have received and thank you for your sev-
eral letters addressed to me from New York and Philadelphia.
You have found a most extraordinary state of things in re-
spect to the Convention at Harrisburg and General Scott.
I understand it to be conceded, by the Delegates and Mem-
bers of Congress from New York, a majority of whom have
waited on the General, that eight or nine tenths of the Whigs
of that State prefer me. Nevertheless they prefer to make a
nomination in conformity to the wishes of the one or two
tenths.
Now the question is, and it may be worked by the rule of
three, whether it is easier to bring over eight or nine tenths to
one or two tenths, or one or two tenths to eight or nine ? wheth-
er the majority (and such a majority !) can be easier drawn to
the minority, or the minority, small as it is, to the majority ?
What security is there that if a nomination is made, contrary
to the wishes of a large majority, there is not danger of a loss,
out of that majority, greater in extent than the one or two tenths
who are only to be conciliated ?
But 1 will not pursue this matter. The considerations must
all be obvious to you.
CHAPTER XI.
COKRESPONDENOE OF 1840, '41, '43, AND '43.
C. HAMMOND TO ME. CLAY.
Cincinnati, January 21, 1840.
Dear Clay, — Ever since the determination of the Harrisburg
Convention was known, I have been watching for a httle abate-
ment of decrepitude, that I might address you a letter of con-
gratulation, in my own hand. I have now attempted it.
I do think that you have great reason to be thankful that the
burden of being a candidate for the Presidency was not put upon
you. In my view the canvass was always full of degradation,
and I think that now-a-days its humiliation is greatly increased.
Since the categories of Sherrod Williams set the precedent,
every one claims to question the candidate of his life, opinions,
and general conduct. An indecent impudence marks the move-
ments of his friends ; the foulest and often most painful imputa-
tions characterize the assaults of opponents. A man has to give
up his own self-respect, or every hour give offense to somt3 peda-
gogue that stands over him with uplifted rod. From such a
condition I would ask that all high-minded men may be deliv-
ered, and I would earnestly condole with every friend made
subject to it by the imperious call of the country. And, after
all, what is the station when attained ? Just that in which no
upright, independent man can feel himself at ease, or hold his
own assurance that he makes his own opinions the basis of his
public acts. I pray you take no exception to an instance I shall
cite.
J. Gl. Adams, in November last, wrote a strong letter on the
Amistad case. How widely does it vary, in its positions of pub-
lic law, from those urged upon the British Government by the
Department of State, respecting slaves escaping to Canada, when
444: PEIVATE COEEESPONDENCE
Mr. Adams was President of the United States ! Thus must the
man be lost in the office. At best, it requires a good scribe and
an easily controlled docility.
The place you now hold has ever appeared of the highest
honor to me, whea held as you hold it, in ample confidence with
your constituents. A Senator is the adviser and the trier of the
President ; a Senator, thoroughly informed of public affairs, en-
dowed with high powers of elocution, braced with nerve for
every exigency, possessed of a competent estate, and deep in the
confidence of his State, is just the man I could once have so far
envied as to wish that what he had in enjoyment could be some
day within my reach.
I congratulate you and the country that you are a Senator,
and I hope you will not lightly give up the place. Every thing
we see or hear, or attempt to understand, points to approaching
exigences, in which the country must call you to the rescue.
MB. CLAY TO A COMMITTEE.
Washington, March 26, ISiO.
Gentlemen, — I have received your letter inviting me to de-
liver an address at a celebration of the raising of the seige of
Fort Meiggs, proposed the 11th of June, 1840. Considering the
highly respectable source whence the proposal of this celebra-
tion originated, the motive of it, and the friendly terms in
which you have conveyed the invitation, it would afford me
much satisfaction to be able to accept it ; but, if my public du-
ties do not, at that time, require my attendance here, 1 shall have
just reached my home, after an absence of six months. I can
not, therefore, contract the engagement which you invite me to
make, and must leave to some other person the gratification of
addressing om* fellow-citizens on the occasion in contemplation.
MR. FOX (bBITISH MINISTER) TO MR. CLAY.
Washington, July 11, 1840.
Dear Sir, — I believe it will be more correct that I should
wait to see what Congress will do, before I give away any of
OF HENBT CLAY. 445
the copies sent to me of the British Commissioner's Report. 1
shall then, I hope, be able to send it to you, either by Mr. Crit-
tenden, or some other of your friends in Congress who may be
returning at the close of the session to your State, and whom
I can request to take charge of it.
I inclose the draft accepted at thirty days, which I will pro-
vide duly for the settlement of at the office of the United States
Bank here. With high respect, yours very faithfully.
JUDGE (henry) BALDWIN TO MR. CLAY.
1840.
My dear Sir, — I have this moment come from Bamford's
through the rain. The first thing I read was a paper contain-
ing your remarks on Gallatin's pamphlet. It is, in the languagfe
of Scripture, health to my soul, and marrow to my bones. It is,
as we say in Pennsylvania of apple-toddy — meat, drink, wash-
ing, and lodging. Here is a token from one who always
respected you as his old speaker, and schoolmaster in politics,
elections, and candidates — non obstanti — and who in times of
the highest excitement, never said of you as a statesman, a
harsher thing than is in the pamphlet he put into your hands.
(Any thing connected with the pending election, to the con-
trary notwithstanding, which has nothing to do with the per-
sonal accounts of H. B. and H. C.)
Here is a drop of the honest stuff — genuine Pennsylvania,
the true extract, the essence of the American system, the pro-
duce of the same soil which gave us birth, and whence we de-
rive our bread. It will suit an American palate, and raise no
conscientious, constitutional scruples in an American stomach.
Take a drop of it to my health in memory of Auld Lang Syne.
This Florida case is a tough one. I shall have three or four
evenings of leisure. When you, Creighton, Vance, and Ewing
are disposed to bury old grudges, let me know it. Mrs. Bamford
has a small moiety of the self same, and you will all be as wel-
come as the flowers of May.
This is for your eye and those named, but for no others.
446 PEIVATE CORRESPONDENCE
GENERAL HARRISON TO MR. CLAY.
S"oKTn Bend, yovember 15, 1840.
My dear Sir, — I shall set out for Louisville, in the mail boat,
to-morrow. I have written to 'Mr. C. Wickliffe (with whom 1
have the business which takes me to Kentucky), to meet me in
Frankfort (having understood that he has removed to Bards-
town).
Since my letter to you, I have thought that our personal
meeting might give rise to speculations, and even jealousies,
which it might be well to avoid ; for, although I have made up
my mind to disregard things of that sort when they are una-
voidable, yet, as all the objects to be answered by our seeing
each other might be accomplished through a mutual friend or
friends, I submit to you whether it would not be better to adopt
this mode of communication. If you think so, I request you to
name to me the friend, as heretofore, to whom I may communi-
cate my views upon a certain important action of mine, and re-
ceive yours in return. Upon the subject to which I allude, I
assure you I have had no sort of communication with any one,
unless it be important suggestions by unknown individuals (with
but one exception. I refer to two letters written by a man whom
I know, suggesting a general principle). I inclose this to Mr.
Crittenden. I shall stay but one day in Louisville, if I can get
away.
MR. CLAY TO FRANCIS BROOKE.
"Washington, December 8, 1840.
My DEAR Sir, — I arrived here safely the day before yesterday.
Prior to my departure from home, I received your favor addressed
to me there, as I now have that of the 6th, addressed to me
here. I deeply regretted the loss of the Virginia vote, but pre-
sumed it was the result of fraud, and other causes. We are look-
ing with great interest to the course of your Legislature. The
want of a quorum in the Senate has prevented the reception of
the President's Message. We shall get it to-day or to-morrow.
I left General Harrison at Lexington, and I have seen and
conversed a good deal with him. He is much broken, but his
mind retains all its strength and vigor. He appears to be anima-
OF HENRY CLAY. 447
ted by the best dispositions, and if he acts in conformity to
them, our hopes will be all realized. I communicated to him
that, during the short time I expected to remain in public life, I
had no desire to change my position in the Senate. He pro-
fessed, and I have no doubt now entertains, sentiments of warm
regard and attachment to me. I do not believe that he had then
made up his mind as to the members of his Cabinet. I think it
probable, although he did not say so, that he will invite Critten-
den and Ewing to take places in it. Beyond that I will not
venture even a conjecture. I thought it right to explain frankly
to him my feelings and relations toward Mr. Webster, and I
stated to him that, although my confidence in that gentleman
{lad been somewhat shaken, during the last eight years, I did
not see how any Whig President could overlook him ; that if I
had been elected, I should have felt myself constrained to offer
him some distinguished station ; and that if he chose to appoint
him to office, it would not diminish the interest I felt in the
success of his Administration, nor my zeal in its support, if it
were conducted in the principles I hoped it would be. I added
an expression of my opinion that he was not suited to the office
of Secretary of the Treasury, which I had understood some of
his friends wished him to fill.
The General is to be here in a tew weeks, to go to Virginia,
and to return about the 4th of March.
ME. CLAT TO FKANCIS BKOOKE.
Washington, Jannary 1, 1841.
My dear Sib, — I received your favor of the 5th. I should
have written to you before but I really had nothing to write. I
am sorry that mere rumors about the composition of the Cabinet
should fill any Virginia Whig with apprehension of the Spring
elections. I venture to say that Gen. Harrison will have a better
Cabinet, and less of federalism in it than even Jackson or Van
Buren had. What more is wanted? Are not some of our
friends too nervous ? Mr. Webster, I suppose, will be a member
of it ; but among all the rest talked of I know of no Federalist.
" The Enquirer" calls Mr. Crittenden most untruly a Federalist.
448 PEIVATE COEEESPONDENCE
So it does me. But I hope that Virginia will no longer be af-
fected by the slang of " The Enquirer."
The exact time is not known when General Harrison will be
here. It is conjectured that it will be from the 15th to the 25th
instant.
PETER B. POKTER TO MB. CLAT.
Sakatoga Springs, January 28, 1841.
Dear Sir, — I was met, on my arrival here, by a confidential
communication, through my nephew, the Speaker, from Mr.
Weed, who expressed some delicacy about broaching the sub-
ject of it to me personally, but hoped and intended to have a
conference with me (as he had) before I left Albany. The sub-
ject was the contemplated appointment of Mr. Curtis as Collect-
or of the Customs in New York, and the following was the
purport of the communication.
That the Governor and his friends are extremely anxious for
the appointment of Mr. Curtis, who, although not personally
popular, is represented as possessing an extraordinary share of
tact or stratagem ; and as being able, by his skill in planning
and combining, and his untiring industry in executing, to pro-
duce the most astonishing political results. That, with the office
of Collector (which he considers as second only in influence to
that of Postmaster-General) he could, on all important occasions,
command the vote of the city of New York, and, par conse-
quence, of the State. That he is the intimate friend of Mr.
Webster, and possesses such influence over him as to be able to
direct all his important political movements, an instance of which
was shown in his withdrawing Mr. Webster's name from the list
of Presidential candidates without his knowledge or consultation
with him, because he was fully satisfied that Mr. Webster could
not then, as he now is, that he never can be elected to that oflice ;
and (although it might be disheartening and injurious to tell him
so at this time) that he must not and will not be a candidate for
the next term. That he (Mr. Curtis) has great respect for your
political character, and opposed your nomination only because
he was convinced that if you had been nominated you could not
have been elected ; that, your position being altered, you are
now the only prominent candidate of the Whig party for the
next term, and can not fail of success, unless some most unex-
OF HENEY CLAY. 449
pected event should interpose to prevent it. That he (Curtis) is
so strongly fortified in his application for the Collectorship, that
he thinks nothing can defeat it. Although he would feel much
gratification in having your good wishes, and finally, that they
(Mr. Weed and the Governor) had offered these suggestions to
me under the belief that I enjoyed your confidence ; and witli
the hope that your views in regard to Mr. Curtis may accord with
those above expressed.
My reply to Mr. Weed was, in substance, that I knew but
little of what was passing at the seat of Government, and was
ignorant of your views, and more so of those of General Harri-
son, on the subject of the principal official appointments ; that I
knew, as indeed your recent movements had proved, that you
were extremely anxious to retire from the turmoil of politics, and
have as little to do with the operations of the Government as
would be consistent with your duties as a citizen ; but that, at
the same time, it was characteristic of you not to withhold your
opinions, if they should be asked, on subjects involving the in-
terests of the country. I told him too, that I thought it would
be presuming too much to expect you to interfere in behalf of
Mr. Curtis, with a full knowledge, which you must be presumed
to possess, of the industry and zeal he had displayed in defeating
your nomination, and that too in a total disregard of the known
wishes of a large majority of the Whigs of this State. Still,
however, that it was proper you should know what were the
opinions of the Governor and his friends, in relation to Mr. Cur-
tis, and that I would mention the subject in my next letter to
you.
Now I do not doubt that Mr. Curtis is a man of rare address
and management ; nor that he wields the power over Mr. Web-
ster's volitions that is claimed for him ; nor that he will exert that
power, and probably with success, in preventing his (Mr. Web-
ster's) being a candidate at the next election ; nor that it is his
present wish and intention (especially if you should favor his
views) to support you. And I have as little doubt that if he
succeeds in obtaining the office, its patronage will be disposed in
favors to his particular political friends.
On the preceding facts, which I thought it my duty to com-
municate to you, I shall express no opinion, for surely no one is
better able than yourself to weigh and decide on the various
considerations which grow out of them.
29
i50 PRIVATE COEEESPONDENCE
As T believe I have given you quite matter enough for one
dispatch, I will stop here at the end of my sheet, and probably
write you again, some few days hence, from Albany.
I am, as always, with great respect and regard, your obedien*
servant.
PETER B. POETER TO MR. CLAY.
KiAGAKA Fails, February 20, 1841.
Dear Sir, — I have received your favor of the 7th instam,
and am not surprised at the feeling it manifests in regaird to the
conduct of the gentleman in New York, who has ventured to
put forth such bold views and opinions in relation to his friend,
Mr. Webster, nor at the wish you express that this conduct
should be made known to the latter gentleman.
But I feel that I can not, and ought not, to consent to have
such communication made by or through me, for various reasons,
one of which, and that decisive, is, that the matters mentioned
in my letter were imparted to me in strict confidence, and under
such injunctions of secresy as would forbid their going abroad,
most especially in that particular direction. Another reason is,
that, although I had a conversation with Mr. Weed, predicated
entirely on the facts communicated by him through my nephew,
I can not now be positive whether the whole of these facts were
distinctly stated by both, or by one, and which of them, only.
As you may not have correctly understood that part of my
nephew's communication, I will now state it a little more at large.
Mr. Curtis was made to say that Mr. Webster was a great
aud ambitious man ; that his affections had been long set upon
the Presidency ; that he had recently been quite unfortunate in
his private pecuniary speculations, and repeated disappointments
in these had already given a dyspeptic or hypochondriacal hue
to his mind and feelings ; and that his friends were afraid that he
might fall into the indulgence of habits which such a state of de-
spondency is too liable to produce, and would prove ruinous to him ;
that it was, therefore, incumbent on them to treat him with
great delicacy, and rather to encourage than to thwart him in
his ambitious aspirations ; and that it was under such views of
Mr. Webster's situation that Mr. Curtis thought it inexpedient
to disclose to him, at present, his real opinion in regard to Mr.
Webster's future prospects for the Presidency.
OF HENRY CLAY. 451
MH. CLAY TO FRANCIS BROOKE.
Washington, February 5, 1841.
My dear Sir,^ — I received your two last favors. During the
twelve last years I have recommended no person for any place
whatever, to the appointing power of the Federal Government.
All that I could do, therefore, to promote your wishes as to Dr.
Berkly, was to urge Mr. Roane to exert himself, which I believe
he has done most faithfully ; but I am sorry to be obliged to
inform you that it has been unavailingly. He this moment in-
formed me that the appointment has been given to a Mr. Brooks.
I have been constrained, after a full consideration, and on a
deliberate survey of the whole ground, to adopt the principle of
non-interference with the new Administration, as to official ap-
pointments. Without it, if the day had a duration of forty-
eight hours instead of twenty-four, I should be unable to attend
to the applications I receive.
We have nothing new here which the papers do not commu-
nicate. There has been a little, not much, diversity of opinion
as to an extra session ; but opinions are settling down as to its
necessity.
General Harrison probably will get to Baltimore to-night.
MR. CLAY TO FRANCIS BROOKE.
Washington, March 12, 1841.
My dear Sir, — You complain of my arrearage in our mutual
correspondence, and with, at least, apparent cause ; but I have
never passed a winter of so much pressure as the one which
has just terminated, if indeed it can be said to have terminated.
The painful alternative was presented to me of a neglect of my pri-
vate correspondence, or of my public duties. I could not hesitate
which branch of it to adopt. I have not been able to transmit au
answer to one out of every hundred letters that I have received.
Moreover, I have had but little of interest to communicate of
which the papers did not inform you.
The new Senate has opened with a decided, practical, and
available majority of twenty-nine to twenty-two, there being
one vacancy from Tennessee. That majority, I think, may be
452 PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE
relied on in almost all of the measures of the new Administra-
tion.
The Senate will adjourn on Monday. The appointments
made are, almost exclusively, to fill existing vacancies. General
Payton has received that of Post-master at Richmond.
I pray you to present my affectionate regards to Mrs. Brooke.
p. B. PORTER TO MR. CLAY.
Niagara Faixs, February 20, 1841.
Dear Sir, — I wrote you from Albany, a few days since, on
the subject of a National Bank, to be owned by the several
States in their corporate capacities ; the capital to be raised on
a pledge by each State of its interest, or the proceeds of it, in
the national domain, guaranteed by the credit of the general
Government, which would at once insure the realization of any
desired amount; the power of organizing^ and directing the
operations of the institution to be divided between and exercised
hy the general Government and the several States, upon the
great principle of separate and yet combined and harmonious
powers now exercised in relation to other great interests.
MR. CLAY TO GENERAL HARRISON.
Washington, March 15, 1841.
My dear Sir, — Your incessant engagements preclude the
probability of my having any opportunity of a private conversa-
tion with you, prior to my departure from this city. I therefore
adopt, this mode of saying a few words before I go.
I was mortified by the suggestion you made to me on Satur-
day, that I had been represented as dictating to you, or to the
new Administration — ^mortified, because it is unfounded in fact,
and because there is danger of the fears, that I intimated to you
at Frankfort, of my enemies poisoning your mind toward me.
In what, in truth, can they allege a dictation, or even inter-
ference, on my part ? In the formation of your Cabinet ? You
OF HEUTRY CLAT. 453
can contradict them. In the administration of the public pat-
ronage ? The whole Cabinet as well as yourself can say that.
1 have recommended nobody for any office. I have sought none
for myself, or my friends. I desire none. A thousand times
have my feelings been wounded, by communicating to those
who have applied to me, that I arri obliged to abstain inflexibly
from all interference in official appointments.
I learned to-day, with infinite surprise, that I had been repre-
sented as saying that Mr. Curtis should not be appointed Collec-
tor of New York. It is utterly unfounded. I never uttered
such expressions in relation to that or any other office, of the
humblest grade, within your gift. I have never gone beyond
expressing the opinion that he is faithless and perfidious, and, in
my judgment, unworthy of the place. It is one of the artifices
by which he expects to succeed.
If to express freely my opinion, as a citizen and as a Senator,
in regard to public matters, be dictation, then I have dictated,
and not otherwise. There is but one alternative which I could
embrace, to prevent the exercise of this common right of free-
dom of opinion, and that is retirement to private life. That I
am most desirous of, and if I do not promptly indulge the feel-
ing, it is because I entertain the hope — ^perhaps vain hope — ^that
by remaining a little longer in the Senate, I may possibly render
some service to a country to whose interests my life has been
dedicated.
I do not wish to trouble you with answering this note. I
could not reconcile it to my feelings to abstain from writing it.
Your heart, in which I have the greatest confidence, will justly
appreciate the motives of, whatever others may say or insinuate,
your true and faithful friend.
ME. CLAY TO FBANCIS BEOOKE.
ASKLAND, May 14, 1841.
Mt deae Sie, — I have received your favor of the 6th instant.
My health, or perhaps I should rather say, my strength is not
fully re-established, nor do I expect it until warm weather, if
that should ever again come.
I leave home for Washington on the 20th instant. I expect
to go by Wheeling, and without Mrs. Clay.
454 PEIVATE COEBESPONDENOB
I repair to my post in the Senate with strong hopes, not, how-
ever; unmixed with fears. If the Executive will cordially co-
operate in carrying out the Whig measures, all will be well.
Otherwise every thing is at hazard. The Western elections, as
far as I have yet heard, have terminated favorably.
Mrs. Clay joins me in warm regards to Mrs. Brooke.
MR. CLAY TO FRANCIS BROOKE.
Washington, July 4, 1841.
Mt DEAR Sir, — I thank you for your kind suggestions as to
the best mode of preserving my health. The attack last March
in Baltimore was more severe than I was aware of at the time ;
but, thank God, my health now, notwithstanding all my labors,
is better than it was when I came here. This I attribute to the
exercise which I take every morning, and to the perfectly regu-
lar life which I lead.
It is very uncertain when Congress will adjourn. I begin
now to fear that it will not be until September. I shall probably
return by the route of the White Sulphur, but of that there is
no certainty.
Mr. Tyler's opinions about a Bank are giving us great
trouble. Indeed, they not only threaten a defeat on that meas-
ure, but endanger the permanency, and the ascendency of the
Whig cause. Is it not deplorable that such a cause should be
put in jeopardy in such a way ? He conciliates nobody by his
particular notions. The Locos are more opposed to the scheme
than to an old fashioned Bank, and ninety-nine out of a hun-
dred of' the Whigs are decidedly adverse to it.
COL. W. HAMPTON TO MH. CLAY.
Millwood, August 20, 1841.
Mt dear Sir, — Your favor of the 11th instant did not reach
me until last evening ; inclosed you will receive my acceptance
of the bill of exchange you sent me, which I have stipulated
to pay, at Messrs. Goodhue & Co., my agents in New York.
You will, I hope, decide upon taking Sovereign. He will, I
OF HENRY CLAY. 455
think, suit your countrymen, better than Monarch, being much
more showy, and is also a horse, in a very high form.
We are anxiously expecting to hear the fate of the Bank bill.
Should the President return it with his veto, I for one, shall
despair for the Republic ; if our friends betray us, what can we
expect from our opponents?
MR. CLAY TO FEANCIS BROOKE.
Ashland, October 28, 1841.
Mt dear Sir, — I received your favor of the 21st, to-day, from
which I infer your good health, as I think I recognize in its tone,
your buojrant spirits. Without ever having been laid up, I
have not been always well since my return from Washington.
I have worked too hard, and want rest. This feeling has given
rise to a serious question which I have now under consideration,
and that is, whether I shall not resign my seat in the Senate.
If I .should return, it will be with the hope of getting away be-
fore the close of the session ; and with a resolution to take a
less active part in the public business.
You inquire what will be done with the Government Land
Warrants. I believe I have expressed my opinion to you here-
tofore, fully about them ; but, without being able to specify the
time when they shall be passed on by Congress, I should not be
surprised if they are ultimately provided for.
So Mr. G. says we are to have no fiscal agent ! That is what
I have expected. Having rejected a National Bank, the State
Banks, and the Sub-Treasury, I could not conceive what other
project of an agent even Mr. Tyler's ingenuity could present.
The issue of the elections this fall, however much to be re-
gretted, perhaps ought not to surprise us. An army which be-
lieves itself betrayed by its commander-in-chief, will never fight
well under him, or while he remains in authority. Our defeats
have not been produced by any accession of strength to our ad-
versaries, but simply because our friends would not go to the
polls. I think they were wrong, but their conduct was natural.
456 PEIVATE COEEESPONDENCE
MH. CLAY TO FKANCIS BROOKE.
■WAsniNGTON, January 27, 1842.
My dear Sir, — I have my old apology for not writing to you,
which I have to submit to your kindness, to which I must add
that I have not been very well, and really nothing of interest to
write.
I was glad to learn that you had it in your power to accept
the office of President of the Court of Appeals, and that you
were right to decline it. As we advance in years, our labors
ought to lighten. With the view to lessen mine, and in con-
templation of the unhappy and disturbed state of our public
councils, arising out of the course of Mr. Tyler, I mean to re-
sign my seat in the Senate, during this session. I want rest,
and my private affairs want attention. Nevertheless, I would
make any personal sacrifice, if, by remaining here, I could do
any good,, but my belief is I can effect nothing, and, perhaps my
absence may remove an obstacle to something being done by
others. I shall therefore go home in the spring.
The papers will inform you of the af&icting scenes passing in
the House of Representatives. They will fill every patriot
bosom with deep distress.
RICHARD RUSH TO MR. CLAT.
Sydenham, near Peiladelphia, February 14, 1842.
My DEAR Sir, — I am living here on a few acres that I like so
much better than the town, that although near enough to hear
its bells, when the wind sets right, I never go there when
I can help it, and have nothing to do with its business, which is
mentioned merely to account for my being behind the world in
important matters and movements that are going on. As well
as I can catch some of these at present, it would seem that you
are about to withdraw from the Senate, and if so, I am unable
any longer to stand out against an impulse that puts the pen into
my hand, making me say, how, amid all the mutations of the
last ten years, I have, under all circumstances, done justice to
your patriotism, in alliance with all the other qualities, to mark
you out as the true head of the party, whose principles you
have so pre-eminently espoused. Such a testimony can be of
OF HENEY CLAY. 457
no value to you, but it gratifies me to give it utterance from my
seclusion and leisure out here, founded as it is on convictions
derived while associated with you in the public service, and al-
though not able to side with that party in public measures, I
continue to thitik that it will do great injustice to itself, if it
does not regard you as its natural candidate for the highest
honor it ca,n bestow. At a 4th of July celebration in the neigh-
borhood of Boston, in 1840, 1 expressed this sentiment as strongly
as 1 could. General Harrison then being its candidate, which
may have been too unimportant to have fallen under your no-
tice, as published in the papers of the day, and which is only al-
luded to now, as the recorded and steady feelings prompting
these lines to you.
I am too much out of the world to be informed if Mrs. Clay
is at Washington. If she is, Mrs. Rush, who often recalls her
agreeable intercourse with her family, requests me to convey
her affectionate remembrances to her, and her compliments to
you. I am glad to say she is quite well, and beginning to think
of her honeysuckles and roses as the spring approaches, if indeed
we have not had it all the winter. With some grown-up daugh-
ters now around her, we are about as well content and happy
as we can expect, and both of us much inclined to the old
Frenchman's maxim, that " every thing is f«r the best, in this
best of worlds."
In the sentiments I have thus thrown upon you, when sup-
posing that you are about to retire from your present position,
and in those of invariable personal esteem, I beg you 1o be-
lieve me, my dear sir, very faithfully yours.
BICHAKD RUSH TO MB. CLAY.
Stdenham, near Philadelphia, February 15, 1842.
My deae Sib, — I follow my letter of yesterday, with this
of to-day. In 1833, when I first came to live here, I threw out
' a volume founded on my mission to England, in the , course of
which (chapter 17, closing part), if so humble a production
ever came under your eye, you will have seen that I alluded to
your early exertions in behalf of Spanish American emancipation.
I am contemplating some continuation of the work, and may
have occasion to speak somewhat more fully perhaps on that
458 PRIVATE COREESPONDENCE
topic, as connected with the claim the English make for Mr.
Canning, that it was he who first called that part of our conti-
nent into independent existence. This is not true, though
he had great merit in that question — more, I think, than any
statesman of England or Europe, of that dajr. You may per-
haps remember that I had some very confidential intercourse and
correspondence with Mr. Canning, on this whole matter, which,
in fact, laid the foundation of Mr. Monroe's famous Message in
1823.
Now, my dear sir, will you do me so great a favor as to drop
me a few lines at your convenience, giving me the date of your
first movement in the House of Representatives on this subject ;
I mean the one which distinctly looked to our recognition of the
new States ? I could trace it through back newspapers and other
sources, for I well remember your early speeches on the subject,
but a few lines from yourself would be more satisfactory to me,
and the opportunity for this correspondence seems more favorable
to me now, than after you get to Lexington, should you go
there soon.
I pray you to excuse the trouble it may give you, and in (he
renewed feelings of yesterday, I remain yours very faithfully.
MARTIN VAN BUEEN TO MK. CLAT.
Hills op Santee, March 26, 1842.
My DEAR Sib, — I have had the pleasure to receive your friendly
letter at this place, and thank you very kindly for the invitation
it contains. It is not quite certain that I will be able to stay
long enough in Kentucky to pay Mrs. Clay and yourself a visit ;
but if it should be so, you may rest assured that I shall not deny
myself that gratification. My movements, after leaving Ten-
nessee, are not definitively settled, and will have to be governed
by circumstances, of which I am not now fully advised. It will
not, however, in any event, be in my power to be with you be-
fore the beginning of May.
OF HENRY CLAT. 459
CAETER BEVERLY TO MR. CLAT.
Fkedeeioksbukg, Va., April 2, 1842.
Dear Sir, — On my arrival here yesterday I received your
reply to my letter of February last from Middlesex, and feel glad
to find that the communication I then made to you was well
received, and kindly acknowledged.
It is assuredly a matter of high satisfaction to me to believe
that I discharged the obligation, which feeling and duty dictated,
in doing the justice I designed of effacing the indignity cast
upon you by the unfortunate, and to me unhappy Payetteville
letter that was, and has been so much the subject of injury to
you in the public mind. It is now, I trust, put entirely to rest
in the minds of all honorable and candid men, of whatever po-
litical persuasion ; for surely none can, or will henceforward
presume to countenance the miserable slander that went forth in
that communication to the public against you. The entire re-
vocation of it given by me ought to overwhelm the author of it
with utter shame and mortification ; and if I had any right to
_say, were I in his situation, it would be my province, as it should
be an incumbent duty on me, to make every atonement possible
for such an unfounded, unprovoked attack upon your integrity
and public fame.
Believing that your letter to me, and this my reply, are cal-
culated to benefit you in the public mind, I have sent both to
" The Richmond Whig" and " Independent" for publication.
I reiterate expressions of health and happiness to you, and re-
main yours, etc.
MR. CLAT TO REV. GILBERT H. SATRES.
Washington, April 12, 1842.
Mt dear Sir, — ^I received, and perused with great interest and
attention, the letter which you did me the favor to address to
me. I cordially thank you for the sentiments of esteem and
confidence, an expression of which you have so kindly com-
municated. And I request your acceptance of my grateful
acknowledgments for the lively interest you are pleased to take
in my spiritual welfare. I hope that I shall profit by it. My
mind has been often seriously impressed by grave considerations
460 PRIVATE COERESPONDENCE
of preparation for a future state ; but, like the crowd in the active
bustle of life anij its varied occupations, I have, perhaps, too
much neglected so weighty a matter. My retirement will afford
me leisure for a more serious, and, I hope, more practical con-
templation of it.
Do me the favor to accept a copy of a little farewell speech I
recently made in the Senate, accompanying this letter under
another envelop, the interest of which, if it have any is to be
found in attending circumstances.
LOKD ASHBTJRTON TO MK. CLAT.
Washington, April 11, 1842.
My deae Sir, — ^I am truly obliged to you for your very agree-
able proposal. I should have taken the liberty myself of ex-
pressing a hope of being, permitted to have a little conversation
with you, and to renew our acquaintance, before you execute
your purpose, which I, in common with your countrymen, so
much regret, of retiring from this seat of Government. At a
time of life which calls me more imperatively to give up all '
thoughts of public business, I have been tempted to make my
appearance among you, to see if we can not contrive to live on
more friendly terms, and to end bickerings between two coun-
tries which have, in truth, a sincere respect and affection for
each other. Your good wishes for the success of this attempt
are most acceptable to me. I only wish we had to treat together
on what would soon cease to be material difficulties.
I should take the earliest time you propose for the pleasure of
seeing you, if it were not that I have an appointment, this morn-
ing, at your Foreign Department, and do not know exactly how
long it may last. To-morrow I am at your service, as soon as
you please after ten o'clock ; or I would call upon you, if it
were more convenient to you.
WILLIAM C. PRESTON TO MR. CLAT.
Washington, June 89, 1842.
Mt dear Sir, — I have dispatched your letter to General
Thompson in the Mexican bag, and am glad to have even so
small a commission to perform for you.
OF HENRY CLAY. 461
The British negotiation, I believe, goes on smoothly in regard
to every point except the Maine boundary, which is complicated
and embarrassed by the multitude of diplomatists congregated
upon it. They have been here ten days, and have not yet got
to a proposition for discussion. Our hope is that Abbott Law-
rence and Governor Kent will get the ascerrdency, and carry on
the matter. The other points — all of them, I think — are in a
train of very favorable adjustment. In the mean time, our in-
ternal condition is worse and worse, our separation from the
Executive wider and wider, and the general confusion worse
confounded. The election of Mangum has brought on a war
ad intercessionem, and it is now generally believed (on good
ground, perhaps) that there is a negotiation on foot to bring in
the Locofocos to the Cabinet. Marcy and Stevenson, it is said,
are the only two that lend a favorable ear, and they would
have a rough navigation through the Senate.
Mr. Rives' speech, yesterday, seemed to be a new latitude
and departure. He abused your distribution policy, from begin-
ning to end, in good set terms, and with much reason, I must
say. He barely stopped short of denouncing it as unconstitu-
tional ah initio, and has thus retraced his own steps.
My letter was broken off by the intelligence of poor South-
ard's death. His funeral took place yesterday. To-day Tyler
sends in his veto of the tariff. This is downright madness.
God preserve us, for am condition is most sad.
A LADT TO ME. CLAT.
New Tobk, July IS, 1842.
To THE Hon. Henbt Clat, — The life of a political man, espe-
cially if he be pre-eminent among his cotemporaries, must, almost
unavoidably, in an age of party strife, be one of great admixture
of light and shade — of exulting joy and vexatious incidents —
of injured feelings and of gratified pride. You, honored sir,
have doubtless reaUzed, more or less, the truth of these remarks
in your own political career ; a career too brilliant to escape envy
— too patriotic to escape detraction — too fearless to escape oppo-
sition— too upright and honest to escape the contumely and bit-
ter hate of those who love power more than justice, falsehood
more than truth, and who would sacrifice to the Shibboleth of
462 PRIVATE COREESPONDENCE
party the best interests of their common country. This may
pass as a shade, but is it not more than balanced by the halo of
light which arises from the approbation of the wisest statesmen,
the honest praise of all true patriots, and the admiration of all
Americans, in every condition of life, who respect honesty of
purpose and integrity of principle ; who approve not ruinous ex-
periments and insulting vetoes ; and who regard the welfare of
their country as paramount to all other considerations ? Then
comes the self-approving conscience. Yes, sir ; yes, bright and
satisfactory must be to you the reminiscences of your public life.
" All honor to the star of the West !" I trust it will not long
be permitted to revolve in its distant orbit ; I trust it will not
soon be permitted to' set ; but may He who rules over all yet
cause it to rise to our political zenith, and dispel the cloud of
darkness Avhich hangs over our once prosperous and happy, but
now debased and injured country ; and by its genial influence
and mighty power restore it to its former glorious and proud con-
dition.
Ladies, excluded by law from a voice in the counsels of the
nation, have consequently no political influence. It is right that
it should be so. Their duties lie in a different direction, and
their happiness is drawn from a different source. But ladies are
not excluded from feeling a deep interest in the welfare of their
country, and no law, and no physical incapacity, imaginary or
real, prevents them from rendering it service by calling upon
Him who overrules its destinies, to look doAvn upon it in this its
hour of darkness with pity and compassion, and to deliver it from
its evil state. This is a canvassing which surely can be disap-
proved by none, and which compromises neither sex nor station.
On this great source, then, of power and mercy, do I rely ; and
daily do I offer up my supplications that God will open the eyes
of this great nation of freemen to their true interests, and in
good time cause them to place the Government in the hands of
one to whom all anxious eyes and honest hearts are now turned
— one who will not " follow in the steps of his illustrious prede-
cessors ;" but who shall rule in wisdom and in judgment, there-
by restoring a distracted, prostrated country to sanity and health.
Nor do my fervent petitions end here. After a long life of
honor, fame, and usefulness shall have ended, may he — leaving
his testimony in favor of the laws of God — be prepared by his
grace to receive a crown of glory in the kingdom above !
OF HENET CLAY. 463
You will doubtless be surprised, sir, that the trouble is given
you of reading so long a letter, written by a lady, without any
apparent motive ; and really, having none of weight to offer, I
feel that an apology is diie^ Trifles, in the hours of relaxation,
sometimes afford a momentary satisfaction even to the great ;
and I have thought it might possibly tinge a passing moment
with a ray of pleasure, to be assured that although your country-
women can not serve you at the ballot-box, they can, and do,
remember you at the altar.
Not having the honor of your acquaintance, instead of my
own unimportant name, I beg leave to subscribe, with the great-
est respect, that of A Teue Northern Friend.
MR. CLAT TO JACOB GIBSON.
Ashland, July 25, 1842.
Dear Sir, — I received your letter by my neighbor and friend
Mr. Henry, and the good account he gives me of you induces
me to transmit this answer.
My opinion on the subjects of slavery and Abolition was fully
expressed in the Senate of the United States in February, 1839,
and I have seen no reason since to change it. The speech
which I delivered on that occasion may be found in a cheap,
although imperfect collection of my speeches, recently published
in Cincinnati, and to that I respectfully refer you. I regret that
I have no copy of it by me, detached from the book, or I would
send it to you.
I regard the existence of slavery as an evil. I regret it, and
wish that there was not one slave in the United States.
But it is an evil which, while it affects the States only, or
principally, where it abounds, each State within which it is situ-
ated is the exclusive judge of what is best to be done with it,
and no other State has a right to interfere in it. Kentucky has
no right to interfere with the slavery of Virginia, and Ohio has
no right to interfere with it in either.
The jurisdiction of each State, where slavery exists, is among
the reserved rights of the States. Congress possesses no power
or authority to abolish it. Congress is invested with no power
relating to it, except that which assumes its legitimate and
continued existence. As to slavery, with the exception of the
464 PRIVATE COERESPOKDENCE
conservative, representative, and taxing powers of Congress, the
States are as much beyond the control of Congress as if they
were independent nations, unconnected by any confederative
constitution.
Although I believe slavery to be an evil, I regard it as a far
less evil than would arise out of an immediate emancipation of
the slaves of the United States, and their remaining here mixed
up in our communities. In such a contingency, I believe that a
bloody civil war would ensue, which would terminate only by
the extinction of the black race.
It results, from these opinions which I entertain, that I con-
sider the movements of the Abolitionists as altogether unauthor-
ized and most unfortunate. I believe them productive of no
good whatever, but attended with positive mischief to both the
white and the black races. Of all the modes of separating the
free blacks from the rest of the population of the United States,
in my opinion, that of colonizing them in Africa is best. They
are there in the abode of their ancestors, in a climate congenial
to their constitutions, and with boundless territorial scope before
them. For these and other reasons I think Africa far preferable
to Oregon. An emigrant can be sent to Africa much cheaper
than he can be to Oregon. He would then be not only in the
home of his forefathers, but he might render great service to the
natives of Africa, by introducing among them the arts of civil-
ization and the religion of Christ. He would, moreover, be se-
cure forever against the progress of the white man, which he
would be far from being in Oregon.
I have regretted extremely the agitation of abolition in the
free States. It has done no good, but harm. It will do no good.
The great body of Abolitionists, like the great mass of every
party, I have no doubt, is honest, sincere, and humane. Their
leaders deceive them, and will endeavor to profit by them.
They will seek to ride into public oiEce, and to snatch public
honor, upon the delusions which they propagate.
Abolition is a delusion which can not last. It is impossible it
should endure. What is it ? In pursuit of a principle — a great
principle, if you please, it undertakes to tread down and trample
in the dust all opposing principles, however sacred. It sets up
the right of the people of one State to dictate to the people of
other States. It arrays State against State. To make the black
man free, it would virtually enslave the white man. With a
OF HENEY CLAY. 465
single idea some of its partisans rush on blindly, regardless of all
consequences. They have dared even to threaten oar glorious
Union with dissolution. And suppose that unhallowed object
achieved, would it emancipate the slaves ? What is their next
step ? Is it to light up a war between the dissevered parts of the
Union, and through blood, devastation, and conflagration, to
march forward to emancipation ? Are they at all sure that through
such diabolical means they would be able finally to amve at
their object ? No, my friend, let each State, and the people of
each State, take care of their own interests, leaving other States,
and the people of other States, to take care of theirs. We have
enough to do in our respective and legitimate spheres of action —
enough for the exercise of all the charities and sympathies of our
nature.
But what is ultimately to become of slavery ? asks the impa-
tient Abolitionist. I can not tell him with any certainty. I
have no doubt that the merciful Providence, which permitted its
introduction into our country against the wishes of our ancestors,
will, according to His own good pleasure and time, provide for
its mitigation or termination.
In the mean time, we have had much to encourage us. Our
Revolution led to the cessation of the African slave trade with the
United States. It altogether ceased in 1808. Many States
emancipated their slaves, not by the perilous process of an im-
mediate liberation, but by the gradual and cautious proceeding
of a slow and regulated emancipation, liberating the offspring at
mature age, and leaving the parents in slavery ; thus making
preparation for the proper use of the liberty which their children
were to enjoy. Every where a spirit of humanity was, more
and more, infusing itself into the laws for the regulation of the
treatment of slaves, until it was checked, in some places, by the
agitation of Abolition. Some States, where the proportion of
slaves was not very great in comparison with the whites, were
beginning seriously to think about the practicability of a gradual
emancipation within their limits, but they, too, have been checked
by the intemperate zeal of Abolitionists. The feasibility of
African colonization has been demonstrated, and the Society, with
its limited means, has been quietly prosecuting its noble object.
By some of the means indicated, and others hidden from our
view, by an all-wise Providence, we may cherish the hope that,
if violent Abolitionists will cease stirring up strife and agitating.
30
466 PRIVATE COEEESFONDENCE
the passions, we may ultimately alleviate the evils, if not eradi-
cate the existence of slavery in our land.
The generation that established our independence achieved a
great and glorious work. Succeeding generations have accom-
plished much in advancing the growth, the power, and the great-
ness of this nation. We must leave some things to posterity,
and among others the task of making adequate provision for the
institution of Slavery.
In spite of slavery, our arms triumphed in the revolutionary
struggle. And it is not too much to assert that, if Abolition had
developed itself then, as it since has done, we should have failed.
We should have been unable to form the Confederation, or sub-
sequently to have adopted the present Constitution. In spite of
slavery, we were successful in the second war with Great Britain.
And in neither war, it is a gratifying historical fact, was the
enemy able, by all his arts of seduction, to withdraw many slaves
from their fidelity. In spite of slavery, we have moved onward
in our march to power and greatness, augmenting our population,
in a period only co-extensive with that of my own life, from two
and a half to seventeen millions.
If our country is now writhing under the agony of extreme
pecuniary distress and embarrassment, it has not been produced
by slavery, at least not by black slavery. It has been brought
about, I think, by the exercise of arbitrary power, but not that
which the master exerts over his black slave.
Let us cease to agitate a topic which divides, distracts, and
inflames the community ; v>rhich tends to array man against man.
State against State, and section against section, and which
threatens the greatest of all possible calamities which could befall
this people, the dissolution of the union of these States. Let us,
in place of discord and dissension, cultivate peace, harmony, and
good will among the people and the States of this Confederacy.
And let us recollect that we have other duties — far higher duties
— to perform toward our country, toward posterity, and toward
the world, than even the extirpation of African slavery, however
much its original introduction among us is to be deplored.
I have thus, in answer to your inquiries, given you a full, can-
did, and unreserved exposition of my opinions and feelings, on
the several subjects to which they relate. I hope they will
be received and examined in the same friendly and frank spirit
in which they are communicated.
OF HENRY CLAY. 467
JUDGE STORY TO MR. CLAY.
Cambeidge, Augnst S, 1842.
Mr DEAR Sir, — I return you my sincere thanks for the copy
of your Lexington dinner speech, which yoa have been so kind
as to send me. I have read it with deep interest. It abounds
with passages of great eloquence and statesmanlike views, and
lofty principles. I am a Whig, and although I do not pretend
to mingle in the common politics of the day, there are great
measures upon which I have a decided opinion, and which I
would not disguise, if I could. I am for a National Bank, a
protective Tariff, a distribution law of the public lands, and a
permanent Bankrupt law. All these measures are, in my judg-
ment, indispensable to the public prosperity and peace of our
country. In promoting these measures, I know no man who
has labored more perseveringly, or with more zeal, ability, and
honorable devotion, than yourself, at all times. I, as one, feel
grateful to you for these labors ; and I trust that my country
will, for many years to come, possess the services of one whose
eminent talents have so justly obtained the approval of the most
enlightened minds in our public councils.
With my best personal wishes for the entire restoration of your
health, and for many years of life, happy as well as useful, I
beg you to believe me, with the highest respect, truly your most
obliged friend and servant.
MR. CLAY TO JOHN S. LITTELL.
Ashland, August lY, 1842.
My DEAR Sir, — I received your obliging letter with its inclos-
ure. The arrangement, by which Mr. Epes Sargent has under-
taken to compose a biography of me, was made by the young
men of New York, prior to my learning, through Mr. Toland,,.
your friendly wishes. It would have been, otherwise, very
agreeable to me to have acceded to them.
Mr. Sargent's work, I presume, from what I have heard of its
progress, is now nearly ready for the press. I wish he had a
better subject for his pen ; and I fear that it may be with him,
as it has been with many of the artists, who have taken my
portrait, that, owing to the defects of the original, nothing very
468 PRIVATE COREESPONDBNCE
striking or interesting will be produced. I am sure that it will
be no more his than it was their fault. I have perused your song
with lively interest, and I cordially thank you for it. If my
judgment is not biased by the flattering expressions and senti-
ments toward me, which it contains, I think it will he found to
be extremely well adapted to the popular use for which it was
intended.
Accept, my dear sir, my grateful acknowledgments for your
friendly views and intentions toward me ; and assurances of my
esteem and regard.
AMOS p. GBANGEK AND OTHERS TO ME. CLAY.
Syeaouse, Onondaga Cocntt, New Toek,
September 10, 1842.
Dear Sib, — It having recently become known among your
friends in this town, that one of our citizens had received a
request from you, to purchase and forward to you a quantity of
Onondaga salt for use upon your farm at Ashland, a large meet-
ing was immediately assembled at which it was resolved to ask
your acceptance free of charge of a small invoice containing
specimens of the various kinds of salt manufactured from our
saline waters.
The undersigned were appointed a Committee to advise you
of the shipment and to express to you in behalf of the meeting,
the high estimation in which your character and public services
are held.
We now take great pleasure in advising you of the shipment
of twenty-three barrels to the care of January & Son, Maysville,
Kentucky, with instructions to deliver to you free of charge.
You will find specimens of common and solar salt, ground and
refined dairy salt, which we venture to say will prove equal to
. the best quality of the imported article.
A very large number of your friends, as will be seen by the
inclosed list of names, accompanying the invoice, have shared
in the gratification of exhibiting this small, but sincere manifest-
ation of the grateful sense which they entertain of your un-
wavering devotion to the great interests of American industry in
all its branches.
Indeed, sir, those whose sentiments we are instructed to com-
OF HENRY CLAY. 469
municate, feel that your public services have laid them under a
mightier debt of gratitude than they can express by this imper-
fect mark of their respect and esteem.
Connected as they are immediately or remotely with this im-
portant branch of domestic industry, they know that their own
prosperity and happiness vitally depend upon the maintenance
of the principles which have guided your public life — they grate-
fully remember that in the councils of the nation you have
ever been the consistent friend and the eloquent advocate of
American Labor. While others have sought the prostration of
this and other great interests, now grown into national import-
ance, you have always been found in opposition to the attempt.
Your voice has ever been on the side of protection to the indus-
try of your own country, against the blighting competition of
foreign labor, controlled by foreign capital.
The Saline waters of Onondaga are believed to be inexhaust-
ible, and sufficient capital has already been invested in the man-
ufacture of salt from them to furnish half the quantity consumed
in the United States. Under a system of just protection that
capital was profitably employed, and thousands of laborers in this
and other dependent branches of industry, received a comforta-
ble subsistence. But under the late existing laws this import-
ant interest has just reached the lowest point of depression.
Capital is without its return, and labor without its reward.
For the future, we hope much from the recent legislation of
Congress in establishing a Tariff of duties upon foreign pro-
ducts, affording, as is believed, a fair measure of protection to do-
mestic industry. But we can not forget that the war-cry of
repeal has already been sounded.
At such a crisis, when that great system, of which the honor
of being the founder, belongs to you, and which it was your
glorious ambition to establish upon a sound and permanent basis,
had been suddenly prostrated, and when dangers are again thick-
ening around it, your eminent services in the public councils in
behalf of that beneficent system can not but be justly appreci-
ated. The eyes of the nation again turn to you.
In conclusion, sir, we beg leave to express the hope that your ,
life may be long spared to your country.
We are your friends and obedient servants.
470 PEIVATE COREESPONDENCE
A. M. JANUABT TO MK. CLAY.
Matsville, September 22, 1842.
Dear Sir, — We received for you this morning from Syracuse,
New York, twenty-three barrels salt, and one small box, eighteer
barrels of which, and the box, we have forwarded to-day ir
Jno. Nudegate's wagon, to be delivered at Ashland free of any
charge. The carriage we pay here on return of the wagonei
with a receipt of the delivery, the remaining five barrels we will
forward by the first opportunity in same way.
Tery respectfully your friends, etc.
MR. CliAT TO NICHOLAS O. BRITTON.
Ashland, September 23, 1842.
My dear Sir, — I received your obliging letter, and candidly
thank you for the sentiments of regard and friendship toward
me which it communicates ; and I am extremely happy to re-
ceive from you such strong expressions of confidence in the
Whig character of your State. The apathy which you never-
theless describe as the cause of the loss of your Legislature is
greatly to be deplored. Besides depriving the country of the
services of an able and upright Senator, it inspires our adver-
saries with fresh hopes, and will stimulate them to make in-
vigorated exertions. It is to be regretted that the force of the
truth, that the price of liberty is eternal vigilance, is not more
generally felt.
With respect to my becoming a candidate for the high office
to which you refer, I can add nothing to what I said in a public
speech delivered at a Barbecue near this place, in June last. 1
have no wish to be forced upon the people ; no desire that my
name shall be used, unless I am fully persuaded that it is wanted
by a majority of my countrymen. The prevalence of the
apathy noticed by you makes it difficult to comprehend their
real wishes ; and there is certainly some danger that the road to
victory may be lost by the Whigs from the defeats which they
sufi"er. There is, however, ample time yet to form some satis-
factory opinion as to the probable views of the majority of the
people of the United States. If we have our troubles, our ad-
versaries are not free from theirs.
OF HENRY CLAY. 471
The course of Mr. Tyler has been such as to produce disgust
and dissatisfaction. But if he has been faithless, our friends in
Congress have been true and faithful. Should they be abandoned
because of his perfidy ? Why, when their defeat is precisely what
he desires ? For there can be no longer a doubt that he is wield-
ing all the power and influence of his office for the benefit of
those who opposed his electioh, against those whose exertions and
suffrages secured it.
I wish I could see any near prospect of the restoration of a
sound currency. If Mr. Tyler adheres to the opinions on which
he has acted, there is none. As to his Exchequer, it would make
such a fearful addition to the already enormous power of the
Executive, that I have never for a moment thought it ought to
be adopted.
I suppose that the only alternative left to the country is to
hobble on as well as it can with the State Banks, incompetent
as I am obliged to regard them to supply a general currency of
uniform value.
I am unable to say when I shall have the gratification of visit-
ing your State (Virginia). I shall seize with eagerness the fii'st
occasion I can to enjoy it.
With great regard I am your friend and obedient servant.
LORD MORPETH TO HENRY CLAY.
New Okleans, October 16, 1842.
My dear Mr. Clay, — I propose at present to ascend the Missis-
sippi by the " Henry Clay," which will probably deposit me at
Louisville by the end of this month. I am not aware whether
you will have reached your own shades by that period, or wheth-
er you would wish the retirement to which you have consigned
yourself to be so soon broken in upon ; but if it suited you to
give me shelter for a day, I could not resist the temptation of
diverging to Lexington, and in that case perhaps you will be
good enough to address a line to me at Post-office, Louisville.
Whether it is my good fortune to meet you again or not, al-
low me to send you every good wish. Indeed, if I may say so
without any inconvenient responsibility, I should be quite ready
already to tender you my vote, if I only had one, for the next
Presidential election.
Believe me, my dear sir, very faithfully yours, etc.
472 PRIVATE CORHESPONDENCE
AMBEOSE SPENCER TO MR. CLAT.
Lyons, N. Y., October 28, 1842.
My dear Sir, — I have read with deep mortification a letter
addressed by my son, John C. Spencer, to certain persons in
Rochester. Among the first ideas suggested by this letter, was
this : Whether you would not naturally infer a coincidence on
my part in the general sentiments of the letter ? I feel impelled
by self-respect, and the sincere regard I have for you personally,
as well by my admiration of your brilliant and patriotic career
through your lifetime, to remove from your mind any erroneous
opinions on points affecting my own consistency and honor. I
then assure you that my son has not spoken my opinions, in
several, and, indeed, in the main points of his letter. I have
held no counsel with him, nor even attempted to control him,
but have left him free to act without any advice of mine. I
heartily concur with my Whig brethren throughout the nation,
that Mr. Tyler has acted most perfidiously toward those who
have elevated him to power, and I feel for him that contempt
which his duplicity and perfidy ought to inspire in honorable
bosoms. Although I can not think my son would knowingly
mistate facts, yet the advice he imputes to Mr. Tyler's first Cab-
inet is so extraordinary that it seems to me improbable, if not
impossible.
When I last saw you JKi Washington, it was my wish to have
a full conversation Avith you, but it was a period which forbade
that gratification.
I have now disburdened my mind from what would have
weighed upon it, and although I should object to any publicity
being given to this letter through the press, I have no objec-
tion to your communicating its contents to discreet friends.
What will be the issue of our election, is impossible, in this
great State, to be foretold with any certainty. Every thing de-
pends on a full poll. If it be a full one, I think we shall suc-
ceed, I do not believe that Webster's speech, or Cushing's, or
the letter, will have any materia, effect.
OF HENRY CLAY. 473
MR, CLAT TO JOHN S. LITTELL.
Ashland, Ifovember 11, 1842.
Mt deab. Sir, — I received your favor of the 28th ultimo, with
the small vohime accompanying it, containing your Biographical
Notice of me. Amid preparations for my departure for Louis-
iana, where I propose passing at New Orleans a portion of the
ensuing winter, I have not yet given it the deliberate perusal to
which, I have no doubt, its merits entitle it, although I have
looked a little into it with much satisfaction. But I can not de-
lay conveying an expression of my grateful thanks for the inter-
est which you take in me, and of which I have received many
strong proofs. I appreciate these, the higher, because I am quite
sure that they have been rendered from disinterested and patriotic
motives. I pray you to accept my cordial acknowledgments for
them all.
I am now in the hands of a Philadelphia artist, Mr. Neagle,
who has advanced so far in his portrait of me, and with so much
success, that I feel authorized to say that I think he will make
a faithful and spirited likeness of me.
Do me the favor to present my warm regards to our friend
Mr. Toland.
ME. CliAY TO FRANCIS BROOKE.
New Ohleans, December 30, 1842.
Mt dear Sir, — I received your favor by Mr. Porter, as I had
received your previous letter, to which it refers. I should have
before written to you, but that I really possessed nothing to
communicate, and I wish now only to assure you of the receipt
of your favors, and of my constant regard.
My voyage has been distinguished by enthusiastic demon-
strations, wherever I have been. My effort has been rather to
repress than to excite them. So far I have succeeded in avoid-
ing my tour being given a political aspect. I expect to remain
at the South until some time in February, I feel already ben-
efited by the climate, although my health was not bad when I
left home.
Your sources of political information are so much better than
mine that I can add nothing to the stock which you possess.
Every where I find great confidence prevailing among the Whigs
474 PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE
of their success in 1844. All the elections of the past fall
■which have been lost by them, have been lost not by the in-
creased strength of their opponents, but by voters remaining ab-
sent from feelings of mortification and disgust, created by the
acting President. Such is the view which I find every where
taken. The problem to be solved is, whether the Whigs can
be rallied in 1844. I hope and believe they will be.
I have seen a Mr. Carter and his lady here, near relations of
Mrs. Brooke, and promised them to say so. They were well,
and I believe doing well.
Present my best regards to Mrs. Brooke and your daughter.
MR. CLAY TO DANIEL TILLMAN.
AsHiAUD, April 13, 1843.
My deab Sie — I received your favor, transmitting a letter
from Mr. Gamage, which satisfactorily explains his motives in
accepting a foreign appointment.
I saw that you had been pronouncing a discourse upon my
poor life and poor services. I wish that you had had a better
subject, but I have no doubt that you made the most of that
which you selected. I presume I shall see the discourse, when
published.
I lately addressed the people at home, and declared the prin-
ciples which, in my opinion, ought to regulate the administra-
tion of the patronage of the general Government. I invite your
attention to them, as published.
ME. BODISCO TO MB. CLAT.
Geokqeto-wtc, June 2Y, 1843.
Mt deah Me. Clay, — ^You were among the first who treated
me with great kindness at my arrival at Washington. Since
that time, our social intercom-se has been a source of great
gratification to me, and I would not pardon myself, if I Avere
to leave this country without expressing to you all my friendly
feelings. Mrs. Clay must not be so jealous, if I add how much
Mrs. Bodisco is fond of you, and how well we agree in our at-
tachment to you. Our departure for Europe has been delayed by
OF HENET CLAY. 475
the nomination of a first secretary coming from Persia, and
whom I am to present to the Secretary of State, as Charg6 d' Af-
faires, during my temporary absence. I expect Count Zabello
by the next steamer, and intend to start immediately after his
arrival, leaving here, as a pledge of our return, two fine boys,
and two nephews, under the care of Mrs. B.'s parents. We hope
that all will turn out well, and in accordance with our wishes.
The diplomatic corps has been rather amused by all the great
discoveries lately made about Tariff treaties, and by the attempt
to make out of Mr. Rumford a very smart man. The best
treaty he ever negotiated, was his marriage with one of Aster's
daughters. Bremen is one of the two great outlets of your im-
portant and growing trade with the German league. To dis-
turb that trade for the sake of the few ships she employs, would
be a hazardous experiment. If your Government could succeed
by reciprocity stipulations, to have your grain and provisions ad-
mitted in England, we in Europe would soon enough outbid you
in cheapness, and furnish all that would be required, corn not
excepted, at forty-eight hours' notice. I have read with great
attention, Mr. Clayton's able article in " The Philadelphia In-
quirer." It put me in mind of the opinion on this subject, by
one of the great men of my country. He used to say that the
best commercial treaty is not worth a system of permanent and
moderate protective duties at home, and full liberty for the
trading community to provide herself with the cheapest markets.
Flattering myself to leave here some good friends, and having
a real interest in the prosperity of the young Giant, I '11 follow
with undiminished solicitude, the coming events, with the hope
that the contest will be settled according to our wishes.
Pray remember me to all my Kentucky friends, with Critten-
den at their head, and be persuaded of Mrs. Bodisco's and my
best wishes, for you and Mrs. Clay's happiness.
MK. CLAY TO HENKT T. LLOTD.
Ashland, August 29, 1843,
Deak Sie. — I have duly received your friendly letter, and the
box to which it refers, containing half a dozen bottles of Ameri-
can Cologne water, all in good order, and I tender you my warm
thanks for the acceptable present, and the friendly sentiments
476 PEIVATE CORRESPONDENCE
toward me, which induced you to offer it. Mrs. Clay, who is a
better judge of its quahty than I am, pronounces it equal to the
best German or French Cologne Water, and my opinion coincides
with her's.
It was long ago remarked that any man who made a blade
of grass 'grow, where one did not before, was a public benefac-
tor. That citizen is an equal benefactor, by whose skill and
industry an article of consumption is produced at home, and the
necessity of sending abroad the money to purchase it, is avoided.
To ensure the prosperity of our country, and to escape those af-
flicting revulsions, which are so ruinous, we must learn and
practice the invaluable truth, to sell as much, and buy as little
as possible, abroad. Every prudent planter and farmer acts on
that principle, and what is wise in individuals, is wise in nations.
I congratulate you on the perfection to which you have brought
the manufacture of a very* agreeable article, in extensive use,
and tender you cordial wishes for your success, prosperity, and
happiness.
MR. CLAT TO CALVIN COLTON.
Ashland, September 2, 1843.
Mt dear Sir, — Allow me to suggest a subject for one of your
Tracts which, treated in your popular and condensed way, I think
would be attended with great and good effect, I mean Abolition.
It is manifest that the ultras of that party are extremely mis-
chievous, and are hurrying on the country to fearful consequen-
ces. They are not to be conciliated by the Whigs. Engrossed
with a single idea, they care for nothing else. They would see
the administration of the Government precipitate the nation into
absolute ruin before they would lend a helping hand to arrest its
career. They treat worse and denounce most those who treat
them best, who so far agree with them as to admit slavery to be
an evil. Witness their conduct toward Mr. Briggs and Mr.
Adams, in Massachusetts, and toward me.
I will give you an outline of the manner in which I would
handle it. Show the origin of slavery. Trace its introduction
to the British Government. Show how it is disposed of by the
Federal Constitution. That it is left exclusively to the States,
except in regard to fugitives, direct taxes and representation.
Show that the agitation of the question in the free States, will
OF HENEY CLAY. 477
first destroy all harmony, and finally lead to disunion. Tliat
the consequences of disunion — perpetual war — the extinction of
the African race — ^ultimate military despotism.
But the great aim and object of your Tract should be to arouse
the laboring classes in the free States against Abolition. Depict
the consequences to them of immediate abolition. The slaves
being free, would be dispersed throughout the Union ; they
would enter into competition with the free laborer ; with the
Amei-ican, the Irish, the German ; reduce his wages ; be con-
founded with him, and affect his moral and social standing.
And as the ultras go for both abolition and amalgamation, show
that their object is to unite, in marriage, the laboring white
man, and the laboring black man, and to reduce the white la-
boring man to the despised and degraded condition of the black
man.
I would show their opposition "to colonization. Show its
humane, religious and patriotic aim. That they are to separate
those whom God has separated. Why do the Abolitionists op-
pose colonization ? To keep and amalgamate together the two
races, in violation of God's will, and to keep the blacks here,
that they may interfere with, degrade, and debase the laboring
whites. Show that the British nation is co-operating with the
Abolitionists, for the purpose of dissolving the Union, the
World's Convention, etc.
You can make a powerful article that will be felt in every
extremity of the Union.
I am perfectly satisfied it will do great good.
Let me hear from you on this subject.
GENEKAIi BERTEAND TO MB. CLAT.
A Lexington, le 6 Octobre, au soir, 1843.
MoN CHEK MoNsiEim, — Etant venu a Lexington dans le but
special de vous rendre mes devoirs, j'accepte avec empressement
I'invitation que vous m'avez fait I'honneur de m'addresser pour
demain, vous priant d'agreer mes remercimens et les sentimens
de ma haute consideration.
478 PRIVATE COBEESPONDEJSrOE
PETER B. PORTER TO MB. CLAT.
Ne\t Yoek, October 11, 1843.
My dear Sir, — I received, yesterday, your favor of the 3d
instant, and find it to be precisely what I knew it ought to be,
and was sure it would be.
The following facts, which have been confidentially commu-
nicated to me by his confidential friend, may be relied on, viz :
That Mr. Webster, on leaving here two days ago, assured this
friend, that he should return to Massachusetts with a determina-
tion to re-unite himself to the Whig party, and give it his best
support. That, although there were some things in your course
which he did not entirely approve, yet that he had a high respect
for you, and should give you his vote and support for the Presi-
dency. That, some few weeks since (probably when on his way
to Rochester), he wrote a long letter to President Tyler, expos-
tulating with him in the freest and most severe terms, upon the
wickedness and folly of his late official course, and advising him
to stop at once his wild career, or he would d ^n himself and
ruin his country; asking no reply to. his letter, but requesting
that it might be carefully put on file, as a subject of future refer-
ence and reflection. That, in his recent visit to Washington, he
dined twice with the President — once alone and in private when
their whole political creed was canvassed and reviewed — and
once in company with the whole Cabinet, when not a word was
said on politics — and that Webster had a confidential interview
with Mr. Upshur, Secretary of State, in which their political
views in regard both to the present and the future, were found
on comparison to be perfectly harmonious, and moreover, that
they were thoroughly Whig. * * * #
On the whole our political prospects are uncommonly bright
and promising. The cheering and unexpected result of the
elections in Maryland and Georgia, seems to have inspired our
friends with new ardor and energy ; and we anticipate with a
confidence, that we have never before felt, on your triumphant
election a year from this time.
OF HENRY CLAY. 479
PETER B. PORTER TO MR. CLAT.
New Yokk, October 13, 1843.
Dear Sir, — As it seems to have been generally known among
Mr. Webster's friends here, that I had, at the pressing solicitation
of one of them, although under the declared conviction that it
could produce no useful result, written to you on the subject of
a reconciliation, and future concert of action with the Webster
party, they were extremely anxious to know what would be
your reply ; and, having thus committed myself by writing at
all, it became necessary that I should advise them of your answer,
which I have accordingly done, by reading to two or three of
them, as also to Messrs. Lawrence, Webb, and one or two other
Whig friends, confidentially, the following paragraphs from your
letter, as comprising the whole it contained on that subject :
" I approve in the main of the answer you gave to Mr. Web-
ster's friend. I have done him (Mr. W.) no wrong, and have
therefore no reconciliation to seek. His course since Mr. Tyler's
accession, but especially since the extra session, has deeply sur-
prised me. I told him the last day of that session, ' If you mean
to remain in Mr. Tyler's Cabinet, to finish some business not yet
completed (alluding to the M'Leod aifair), the public will justify
you ; but if you mean to remain there permanently, it will con-
demn you.'
" I defended him when his nomination for Secretary of State
was before the Senate, and was very nigh getting into a personal
affair with Mr. Cuthbert about it.
" Should I be a candidate for the Presidency, I shall be glad
to receive his support, or that of any other American citizen ;
but I can enter into no arrangements, make no promises, offer no
pledges to obtain it. It is impossible that I can be a party to
any arrangement by which Mr. Webster, or any body else, is to
be run as the candidate for "Vice-President with me. I have
declined all interference in behalf of Davis, Sergeant, or Clayton,
or any body else, and must continue to do so. My duty is to
remain perfectly passive until the nomination is made, and after
that, to give to the nomination, of whoever may be proposed, such
support as I can consistently Avith honor, delicacy, and propriety."
Our friends were delighted with this reply, and even the
Webster men weie obliged to acknowledge that it was perfectly
correct and proper.
480 PEIVATE COERESPONDENCE '
JOHN DAVIS TO MR. CLAY.
WoKOESTEK, Mass., October 14, 1843.
Mt deae Sir, — I congratulate you upon the reviving sense
and spirit of the country. How deeply must Mr. Calhoun feel
the results of the late elections in Tennessee, North Carolina,
and Georgia ? How much astonished must he he to see the
doctrines of a protective Tariff and distribution of the proceeds
of the public lands prevail against his theory of politics and his
scheme of nullification ?
The public mind has evidently been gaining strength and
courage for some months, and the fact that it has settled down
upon its candidate for the Presidency has aided in this desirable
event. There seems here, in the real Whig party, to be but one
sentiment on that head, and it looks to your name as the rallying
word. We have difficulties and embarrassments to contend with.
The Abolitionists, who appear to be disinclined to all connection
with the Wliigs, have strength enough, which they take from us,
to put us in some peril. We can, however, do nothing with
them, except to let them alone, which is the wisest course. You
are, however, the object at which they aim most of their shafts,
and whom the leading members of the party are most desirous
of defeating. We take pains to circulate your life and speeches,
published by Greeley, as the best method of placing your char-
acter fairly before the public, and of refuting the calumnies to
which the press gives birth. Many Abolitionists, though by no
means all, are conscientious men, who view slavery as a sin, and
reason to the consequences which follow. With them it con-
stitutes the Alpha and Omega of politics and morals, and it is in
vain to discuss the topic with such. * * * *
Corruption and Tyler, and Tyler and corruption, will stick
together as long as Catiline and treason. The name of Tyler
will stink in the nostrils of the people ; for the history of out
Government affords no such palpable example of the prostitution
of executive patronage to the wicked purposes of bribery. The
Locos of this State are equally criminal, and it will be hard for
them to wipe off the stain.
Colonel Johnson has been here, and called to see me. What
he hopes for, or what he anticipates, is difficult to say, though
he seems in good spirits. He wears his red jacket, and the papers
say, and the people think, cares nothing about dress.
OF HENRY CLAY, 481
Without detaining you with a long, unprofitable letter, I can
not close without saying that the Whigs here have a strong feel-
ing that you will succeed in 1844. This of itself will do much
to accomplish so desirable a result. I should be much gratified to
hear from you. I send without paying postage, as I see you use
your frank.
J. Q. ADAMS TO MR. CLAY.
QniNOT, MABSAcnnsETTS, Oetoter 17, 1843.
Mt dear Sir, — T have received your very kind and friendly
invitation, for which and for the concurring invitation of your
lady to Mrs. Adams and to me, in her name and my own, I can
not tender to you our sense of obligation in words adequate to
the feelings by which they are inspired. Nothing could give
us more pleasure than to accept your offered hospitality and to
visit you at your residence at Ashland.
But the state of Mrs. Adam's health will not admit of her ac-
companying me. on this expedition; and my own age and in-
firmities have admonished me that the engagement which 1 have
contracted, is at least, as much as I can expect to perform with
impunity. I have found it necessary, therefore, to limit the
bounds of my journey within the State of Ohio, and to restrain
all my wishes and temptations to extend my journey further.
The visit to Kentucky, and particularly to yourself, will remain
as a hope that I may indulge hereafter, while the kindness of
your invitation will remain upon my memory with the most fer-
vent good wishes for your health and happiness.
MB. CLAT TO CAIiVIN COLTON.
Ashland, NoTember 9, 1843.
Mt DEAR Sib, — Do not imagine that I am forgetful of you, or
insensible to your exertions for the public, and for me. I have
been absent from home, ray correspondence is excessively op-
pressive, and not until this afternoon have I been able to read
your life of me.* In the main, its facts are correct. It is a
good outline, well-adapted to its purpose. There are a few in-
* One of the Junius Tracts.
31
482 PRIVATE COEKESPONDENCE OF HEJSTRT CLAY.
accuracies, and too much commendation and panegyric. I do
not know that it is worth while to point out the errors. I would
do it if I could write on the margin, i
You are unjust toward the Compromise Act. It saved our
manufactures, gave them stability, amd they did well, until the
disorders in the currency, and consequent revulsions, affected
them, and every thing, and every body else. Up to 1840, it
worked well, and afforded a sufficient measure of protection.
It was the duty of a Van Buren Congress to provide for the pe-
riod beyond that, but it would not perform its duty.
MR. CLAT TO JOHN S. LITTELL.
Ashland, November 13, 1843.
Mt dear Sir, — I have received your favor with its several
inclosures, and thank you for the address, etc., of the Clay Club
of Germantown. It is a fair and very able exposition of Whig
principles ; and I tender you cordial congratulations on the en-
couraging prospect of their establishment. And I beg you to
accept my cordial thanks for the songs, which appear to be well
calculated to excite and stimulate that spirit, which is all that is
needed to insure a great and glorious triumph. To the princi-
ples announced in the declaration and resolutions, every Whig
can subscribe.
I congratulate you on the auspicious prospects of our good
cause.
CHAPTER XII.
CORRESPONDENCE OF 1844, '45, -46 AND '47.
MK. CLAT TO HIS SON JAMES.
ITe-w Obleans, January 22, 1844.
My dear Son, — I received your two letters of the 4th and
9th inst., but I have received none from Thomas. Henry will
write you about his horse. I should be glad if you could make
some equitable arrangement with Bradley, to take the Wood-
pecker filly.
I send you inclosed a power of attorney from Henry, to sign
one, and indorse another note for $5,000, which I left with you
to be discounted at the Northern Bank, along with two others
that I also left. I wish you to attend to that business particu-
larly; I think the 20th February is the time. I also inclose the
first number of a draft, for the sum of f , to pay the dis-
count on the four notes. The second I will send via Washing-
ton city.
It will be time, on my return home, to decide on your propo-
sal about water rotting hemp. In the mean time, I expect Mr.
Florea to put in hemp all the hemp ground I have, including
the new ground and piece at Mansfield.
Tell Thomas that I think he had better make a contract with
Mr. (I forget his name), of Clarke, for his crops of hemp
offered us, at the market price between the time of delivery and
the 1st of September, paying interest upon every ten tons, from
time to time, as delivered. I think the probability is that hemp
will fall below rather than rise above the price of $i, at which
you state it now to be.
My health has been generally good, but I am suffering just
now with cold and its effects. I shall leave here about the 20th
of next month. Any letters for me after the 10th, had better
i84 PRIVATE COERESPONDENOE
be addressed to me at Augusta, Georgia, via Washington, until
the 10th March ; after that to Charleston, until the 25th March ;
after that to Raleigh, until the 10th April ; and after that to
Washington.
Poor Judge Porter is dead, and I regret that uncertainty should
exist ahout his successor. A rumor has got into circulation, I
helieve without foundation, that he has left me a legacy.
My love to your mamma, Susan, John, and Henry.
MR. CLAT TO HENKY WHITE.
Macon, March 17, 1844.
My deae Sir, — I received, at this place, your obliging letter
of the 24th ultimo, and the one inclosed from the National Clay
Club, to which I now transmit herein an answer. I am greatly
mortified that an answer was not received from me to the com-
munication from Mr. Gibbons, during ,last autumn. I am under
a strong impression that I did transmit a reply to it. I hope
he and the Club will be perfectly assured that I intended neither
any disrespect or neglect.
I know, my dear sir, full well, the disinterested motives which
prompt you and your associates in the great contest now in pro-
gress. The country ought to be grateful for your services, and
it is with unfeigned pleasure that I express my personal grati-
tude. Allow me to suggest, that while I have no objection that
the inclosed letter should be read at the Club, I do not perceive
any necessity for its publication.
MH. CLAY TO HENRY WHITE AITD OTHERS.
Maoon, March 17, 1844.
Gentlemen,— I have received, at this place, the letter which
you addressed to me upon the 24th ultimo, and I perused it at-
tentively, with some feelings of concern and regret.
I received the letter which was addressed to me last autumn
by the National Clay Club, and I have a strong conviction, al-
though I -yyould not assert positively, that I replied to it, prior to
my departure from home. I know it was my intention to an-
OF HENRY CLAY. 485
swer it, and to answer every communication which I received.
If I did not do so, it was an unintentional omission. I must,
nevertheless, say, that I have need of all the indulgence of my
friends and correspondents. My correspondence is very exten-
sive, and is becoming more and more so. It occupies, when I
am ^ at home, my time constantly. Many of the Clubs which
have done me the honor to assume my name, have put them-
selves in correspondence with me, and some of them have even
complimented me by making me an honorary member of their
associations. You can judge from this how numerous the let-
ters must be that I haVe to transmit.
I hope your failure to receive my reply to your letter, last
autumn, was unattended with any disadvantage. On the sub-
ject of the Tariff, of which your communication treated, I have
so frequently, so fully, and so clearly expressed myself, that I
am sure I could not add another new word or new idea.
I assure you that I entertain a very high opinion of the mo-
tives, objects, and services of the National Clay Club. Many of
the members are my personal, and all of them my political friends.
It would be impossible for me to regard them with any other
feelings than those of gratitude. It is quite possible that I may
have received information that some of the operatiqns of the
Club were not as useful and beneficial as could be wished, al-
though I have no distinct recollection of the tenor of such in-
formation. If I ever did receive any such, it made no unfavora-
ble impression, and created no prejudice on my mind against the
Club. I know, in the zeal and ardor of friends, that they some-
times erroneously estimate the value and importance of their
respective services, and I am always ready to make allowances
accordingly. But I deeply regret the existence of the jealousies
and misconceptions among those between whom nothing but
harmony and cordial co-operation should prevail. And if, as is
to be inferred from your letter, there are any differences among
my Philadelphia friends, I conjure you all to hasten to accom-
modate them, and to unite, in a spirit of mutual concession and
conciliation, as a band of brothers in the great struggle which
is before us. Most happily, concord, harmony, and union, char-
acterize the votaries of our cause, generally, throughout the
Union, and I should be greatly disappointed and mortified if
Philadelphia formed an exception.
I am happy to inform you that the information which I have
486 PEIVATE CORRESPONDENCE
received, during the progress of my journey, is of the most
cheering and satisfactory kind, every where. Even in Alaba-.
ma, of which I had entertained no hopes when I left home, our
friends will make a great effort, and , they confidently anticipate
a victory.
MR. CLAY TO HIS SON JAMES.
Raieigh, April 14, 1844.
Dear James, — I arrived here on the 12th, very much fatigued,
but my general health is pretty good.
I have a note in the Branch Bank for fifteen hundred dollars,
due about the 1st of next month. Inclosed I send you a check
for eighteen hundred dollars, fifteen hundred of which I wish
applied to the payment of that note, and the balance to the pay-
ment of my interest due to the University.
I expect to reach Washington toward the last of this month,
and to remain there until the 4th or 5th of May, and shall be
glad to hear from you at that place.
Tell Thomas that there is a fair prospect of selling the bag-
ging and rope at Savannah and Charleston, and that I adhere to
the opinion that it is best to send them there after I get home.
Give my love to your mamma, and tell her I will write her
before I leave this place. Remember me also to Susan.
J. SLOANE TO MR. CLAY.
CoLDMBUs, May 9, 1844.
Dear Sir, — Permit me to congratulate you on the happy ter-
mination of the meeting at Baltimore, as well as the wholesome
condition of our affairs in all parts of the Union. I have for
some time been looking for our opponents to fall back on the
slander of bargain and sale, etc. Foiled, as they are, in every
thing in the way of principles and measures, it was natural that
they should place their reliance on that which required nothing
but assertion.
Stale and discredited as that story is, I had rather hoped that
our friends would have let them have the entire field to them-
selves, and in no case agree to assume the defensive. But the
OP HENBY CLAY. 487
course of some of the Whigs in Congress has, perhaps, made it
necessary to meet the enemy again on the same old field.
In Ohio, I think this will be their only reliance, hut I can see
nothing indicating the least success from its use.
Were I referred to, by some one else, I could give information
in the case perhaps more direct than any other person. It is
this : About the time mentioned by Buchanan, or, perhaps, some
earlier, I met with General Houston at Mr. Fletcher's boarding-
house, and was accosted by him on the subject of the vote of
Ohio. I told him there had been no general consultation among
the members. He then observed, "What a most splendid
Administration it would make, with ' Old Hickory' for Pres-
ident, and Mr. Clay Secretary of State." To this I assented.
He then went on to address himself more earnestly to me, and
said : " I feel a strong hope you will all vote for Hickory, and
in that event, you know your man can get any thing he may
want." To all this I replied, in substance, that the vote of the
Ohio delegation, when given, I had no doubt would be satisfac-
tory to the citizens of the State.
This conversation was in my full recollection at the time I
made my statement, which was appended to your address, and
an allusion of a general nature was made to it. Why I did not
specify the facts as they took place, was, my knowledge of the
relation which existed between Jackson and Houston, and the
great probability that the latter would not dare to do other than
deny the whole. This, in the then temper of the public mind,
I thought might do more harm than .good. What I may ulti-
mately do in that behalf, will depend on after developments.
THEODORE FKELINGHUYSEN TO ME. CLAY.
New Yoke, May 11, 1844.
Mt dear Sie, — I have been rather impatiently waiting for
my lame arm to write a few lines to my honored friend, that I
might express to you the heartfelt gratification that I feel at the
recent association of my humble name with yours, a distinction
as honorable as it has been to me surprising. And should the
results of the fall elections confirm the nomination, of which
there now seems very strong indications, it will, I assure you,
488 PRIVATE CORBESPONDENCE
be among my richest political privileges to contribute any mite
of influence in ray power to render prosperous and lasting ia
benefits the, Administration of a patriot, whose elevation I have
long desired. Our names have been brought together, here, by
the voice of our fellow men. My prayer for you and my own
soul shall be fervent, that, through the rich grace of our Saviour,
they may be found written in the Book of Life of the Lamb that
was slain for our sins.
My good wife, who has never ceased to cherish the hope of
your eventual elevatiori to the Chief Magistracy, unites with me
in kindest respects to Mrs. Clay and yourself.
P. S. — My hand is still lame, and I can write only in irregu-
lar characters.
J. SLOANE TO MK. CLAT.
WoosTEE, June 20, 1844.
My dear Sie, — Your favor of the 14th instant, directed to me
at Columbus, reached me at this place yesterday. Your first on
the same subject was also duly received here. On the fii-st
Monday of next month it is my purpose to be at Cincinnati ; and
I had thought of delaying my statement until then, but since the
receipt of your last, I have determined to make it to-morrow. I
see by the newspapers from various parts that the subject is
being agitated ; and, in Ohio, the Locofoco candidate for Gover-
nor is hurling it from the stump. Why Governor Letcher should
feel any delicacy about making a statement, out of any amity
between him and Buchanan, I am at a loss to imagine. Mr.
Buchanan, by his equivocation and want of directness in his
answer to Jackson's appeal, put himself beyond all claim upon
the forbearance of any one. The manner in which he dragged
Mr. Markley into the affair, and the cautious manner in which he
spoke of Jackson, left it beyond dispute that it was his object
that his statement should not be so understood as to do justice
between the parties.
When my statement reaches you, and you have that of Gov-
ernor Letcher, you can determine how you will dispose of them.
I always intended to make the facts known to you, if for no
OF HENRT CLAY. 489
Other purpose than that it might go into the history of the case
after we have gone hence.
My opinion of the necessity of the publication I will transmit
to you from Cincinnati.
MK. SLOANe's statement.
WoosTEE, June 20, 1844.
In December, 1824, about the time that the choice of President
by the House of Representatives was beginning to attract atten-
tion at Washington, I happened in company with General Hous-
ton, then a member of Congress from Tennessee, when the
subject of that election was introduced by him. Although the
subject of the Presidential election, from the time of the com-
mencement of the canvass before the people, had been fully dis-
cussed between us, this was the first time, after the people had
failed to elect, that we had conversed in relation to it. General
Houston commenced by suggesting that he supposed the Ohio
delegation were all going to vote for General Jackson. To this
I answered that I could not undertake to speak for them ; for, so
far as I knew, no meeting or consultation had taken place among
them. The manner of General Houston was' anxious, and
evinced much solicitude ; and at this point of the conversation
he exclaimed, " What a splendid Administration it would make,
with Old Hickory President, and Mr. Clay Secretary of State."
Having often before expressed to General Houston my opinion
of the several candidates, I did not, at that time, think proper to
repeat it : contenting myself with an implied acquiescence in the
correctness of his declaration.
The conversation was continued for a considerable time, and
for the rtiost part had relation to Western interests as connected
with the Presidency, and was concluded by General Houston
observing, " Well, I hope you from Ohio will aid us in electing
General Jackson, and then your man (meaning Mr. Clay) can
have any thing he pleases."
These expressions of General Houston made a strong impres-
sion on my mind at the time, and from the relations known to
subsist between him and General Jackson, I had not then, nor
at any time since, a doubt but that they embodied the feelings
of that personage ; and that it was the object of both that Mr.
Clay and his friends should so understand it. And I have ever
thought that the slanderous charge of " bargain, corruption, and
490 PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE
intrigue," subsequently preferred by General Jackson against Mr.
Clay and his friends, had its origin in the utter neglect with
which every advance made to-them by the friends of General
Jackson was treated.
In a letter written by me, dated at Wooster, May 9th, 1827,
and appended to Mr. Clay's address to the public of that year,
I referred to " the importunity of some of General Jackson's
friends," as indicative of a disposition to enter into a bargain.
In that remark I had in my mind, among other things, those
observations of General Houston. Should it now be asked why
I did not then divulge the whole, my answer is, that although I
held myself at all times ready to do so, if called upon, I did not
then consider it necessary. The only question, then, before the
public, was the charge that Mr. Clay's friends had made proposi-
tions to Jackson for a bargain. It was to repel that charge that
my letter above-mentioned was written ; and I chose to confine
my statements to the nature of the issue. In attempting to sus-
tain that issue, General Jackson most signally failed, being flatly
contradicted by his only witness.
MB. CLAT TO STEPHEN H. MILLER.
AsHLAKD, July 1, 1844.
Mt deak Sir, — I received and thank you for your friendly
letter, and the copy of " The Monitor." You have justly con-
ceived my meaning, when I referred, in my Texas letter, to a
considerable and respectable portion of the Confederacy. And
you might have strengthened your construction of the paragraph
by reference to the fact that, at the date of my letter, the States
of Ohio, Vermont and Massachusetts had, almost unanimously,
declared against annexation ; the Legislature of Georgia had de-
clined to recommend it, and other States were believed to be ad-
verse to the measure. As to the idea of my courting the Abo-
litionists it is perfectly absurd. No man in the United States has
been half so much abused by them as I have. been.
I consider the Union a great political partnership ; and that
new members ought not to be admitted into the concern at the
imminent hazard, of its dissolution. Personally I could have no
objection to the annexation of Texas ; but I certainly would be
unwilling to see the existing Union dissolved or seriously jeop-
OF HENET CLAY. 491
arded for the sake of acquiring Texas. If any one desires to
know the leading and paramount object of my public life, the
preservation of this Union will furnish him the key.
From developments now being made in South Carolina, it is
perfectly manifest that a party exists in that State seeking a dis-
solution of the Union, and for that purpose employing the pre-
text of the rejection of Mr. Tyler's abominable treaty. South
Carolina being surrounded by slave States, would, in the event
of a dissolution of the Union, suffer only comparative evils, but
it is otherwise with Kentucky ; she has the boundary of the
Ohio extending four hundred miles on three free States. What
would her condition be in the event of the greatest calamity that
could befall this nation ?
In Kentucky the Texas question will do the Whig cause no
prejudice. I am glad to perceive, in the proceedings of the Clay
Club at Tuscaloosa, a similar belief expressed as to Alabama.
It was a bubble blown up by Mr. Tyler in the most exception-
able manner, for sinister purposes, and its bursting has injured
no body but Mr. Van Buren.
Retaining an agreeable recollection of the pleasure which I
derived from forming your acquaintance last Spring, I remain
your friend and obedient servant.
K. p. LETCHER TO MB. CLAY.
Feanbeoet, July 6, 1844.
My dear Sir, — I send you, inclosed, a short love-letter, which
I received a day or two ago from my old friend Buck. He
writes like a man, as you will see, who feels the force of his sub-
ject. You can retain it until I see you.
The more I have thought about your making a publication in
regard to that miserable old calumny, the less inclined I am to
think favorably of it. Every thing appears to be progressing so
smoothly for the Whig cause, " better let it be."
MR. BUCHANAN TO B. P. LETCHER.
Lancaster, June 2"?, 1844.
My dear Sir, — I have this moment received your very kind
letter and hasten to give it an answer. I can not perceive what
492 PEIVATE COBBESPONDENCE
good purpose it would subserve Mr. Clay to publish the private
and unreserved conversation to which you refer. I was then
his ardent friend and admirer ; and much of this ancient feeling
still survives, notwithstanding our political differences since. I
did him ample justice, but no more than justice, both in my
speech on Chilton's resolutions and in my letter in answer to Gen-
eral Jackson.
I have not myself any very distinct recollection of what trans-
pii'ed in your room nearly twenty years ago ,• but doubtless I
expressed a strong wish to himself, as I had done a hundred
times to others, that he might vote for General Jackson ; and if
he desired it, become his Secretary of State. Had he voted for
the General, in case of his election, I should most certainly have
exercised any influence I might have possessed to accomplish
this result ; and this I should have done from the most disinter-
ested, friendly and patriotic motives.
This conversation of mine, whatever it may have been, can
never be brought home to General Jackson. I 'never had but
one conversation with him on the subject of the then pending
election, and that upon' the street,- and the whole of it, ver-
batim et literatim, when comparatively fresh upon my mem-
ory, was given to the public in my letter of August, 1827. The
publication, then, of this private conversation could serve no
other purpose than to embarrass me and force me prominently
into the pending contest — which I desire to avoid.
You are certainly correct in your recollection. " You told me
explicitly that you did not feel at liberty to give the conversa-
tion alluded to, and would not do so, under any circumstances
without my express permission." In this you acted, as you have
ever done, like a man of honor and principle.
J. C. WEIGHT TO ME. CLAY.
< Cincinnati, September 5, 1844.
My dear Sir, — On the other leaf you will find the statement
of my conversation with Louis M'Lane, which I promised you.
My apology for not preparing it sooner is that my engagements
scarcely leave me a moment of leisure.
I have your letter on the subject of the Blue Lick lie, and you
will have seen in "The Gazette" the use made of it. I should
OF HENRY CLAY. 493
certainly with you have felt no little mortification, had I thought
it necessary to call upon you to refute so improbable a calumny.
But the charge was reiterated upon the face of my denial, and
the proof in writing said to exist under these circumstances,
I thought it proper that you see the charge and have an opportu-
nity to say if any circumstance had taken place out of which to
fabricate the story. I know well, sir, that, even the father of
lies himself could hardly keep pace with the supporters of Polk,
in inventing and giving circulation to lies, and I do not often
heed them.
Upon the whole our prospects are as favorable as when I had
the pleasure of meeting you. Our opponents are very active
and unscrupulous in the use of the means they employ. The
small majority in Kentucky has been rung in all its changes
and has passed away. Your late letter on the Texas question
has given the rascals a new impulse. Liberty-men, Locofocos,
and timid Whigs, use the letter as a bug-a-boo to the anti-annex-
ation. We defend it, as in accordance with what you before said,
and I think it will leave little injurious impression upon the minds
of our friends. But the public mind is excited — men are con-
federated together in appeals to the very worst passions of our
nature, and the public mind is feverish, and unstable. This
will not be more than a nine day's topic of vituperation. With
the old issues we are safe, depend upon it. All we want is to
bring the voters out.
J. C. WEIGHT TO ME. CLAY.
Cincinnati, September 5, 1844.
Dear Sir, — ^According to my promise, I give below a state-
ment of the conversation between. Mr. Louis McLane and my-
self, relative to the election of Mr. Adams by the House of Rep-
resentatives in 1825. We were both members of the House,
and of the committee to report rules for the government of the
House in conducting the election. He was known to be in favor
of Mr. Crawford, and I was in favor of Mr. Adams. On the morn-
ing of the election, he and I walked together from the Commit-
tee room to the House, and were conversing about the prospects
of the candidates. At the door we stopped, and he asked if we
could elect Mr. Adams? I answered that we could elect him, as
494 PRIVATE COREESPONDEN'OE
I thought, on the first ballot. I trust in God you -will succeed,
said he, and on the first ballot, and save the country from the
curse of Jacksonism. You know I must vote for Crawford on
the first ballot, as my State voted for him, but we all know he
can not be elected, and I sincerely hope you will elect Mr.
Adams. We separated, and took our seats. In a short time the
vote was taken, and Mr. Adams got the votes of thirteen States,
and was declared duly elected.
This is the substance of the conversation, if not the very
words. Mr. McLane spoke openly, with energy, and I thought,
sincerely.
MR. CLAY TO HENKT WHITE.
Ashland, September 19, 1844.
Mt deae Sni, — Many thanks for your obliging letter of the
11th inst., and for its interesting contents. It demonstrates very
great and patriotic activity on the part of the Commercial Com-
mittee, and I hope that the success of its labors may correspond
with its good intentions. We feel the greatest anxiety about the
issue of your Governor's election, and our intelligence concern-
ing it is somewhat conflicting.
You are aware that there is a Whig Committee at Washing-
ton, consisting of the Hon. Messrs. Garrett Davis and Willis
Green, the object of which is to distribute documents, of which
a great many have been sent to Pennsylvania. I understand the
funds of the Committee are getting low, and if you should have
any surplus in your exchequer, they will be very glad to receive
some assistance.
I should be very happy should it be in my power to serve
your house with the sugar planters of Louisiana, and I authorize
you at any time to refer them to my name.
MB. CLAY TO CALVIN COLTON.
Ashland, October 26, 1844.
My dear Sir, — I duly received your favor of the 18th instant,
communicating your desire to prepare and compose a work, to
be entitled, " The Life and Times of Henry Clay," and you in-
vite an expression of my opinion of such an undertaking, and
OF HENRY CLAY. 495
the contribution of any materials toward it in my possession.
Such a work, truly and faithfully written, might be made very
interesting. But every thing will depend upon its execution. I
believe you possess sufficient ability to perform the task, if you
have sufficient time and sufficient materials. However, this is
a moment of too great interest and excitement either to decide
definitely upon the propriety of such a work, or for me to make
now'any contributions toward its composition. I hope we shall
both live some years yet, and have many opportunities of see-
ing and conferring with each other upon the subject, after
which we can come to a satisfactory conclusion.
A few weeks more will decide the arduous contest in which
we have been engaged, and if I am to credit the confident as-
surances which I receive from all quarters, there is no doubt of
a triumphant result.
My health is excellent, although I write by the hand of an
amanuensis.
THEODORE FKELINGITtJTSEN TO MH. CLAT.
]S"ew York, Wovem'ber 9, 1844.
Mt dear Sib, — I address you this morning with very differ-
ent feelings from my expectations a few weeks ago. The alli-
ance of the foreign vote, and that most impracticable of all
organizations, the Abolitionists, have defeated the strongest na-
tional vote ever given to a Presidential candidate. The Whigs
in this city and State have struggled most nobly. All classes
of American citizens have ardently, cordially, and with the freest
sacrifices, contended for your just claims to patriotic confidence,
and could you this morning behold the depression of spirits
and sinking of hearts that pervade the community, I am sure
that you would feel, " Well, in very truth, my defeat has been
the occasion of a more precious tribute and vindication than even
the majority of numbers."
The Abolitionists were inimicably obstinate, and seemed re-
solved to distinguish their importance, right or wrong. The
combination of adverse circumstances has often struck me in the
progress of the canvass. At the South, I was denounced as. an
Abolitionist, rank and uncompromising. Here, the Abolitionists
have been rancorous in their hostility. A short time since,
496 PRIVATE COllEESPONDENOE
William Jay (of illustrious name) assailed me in his Anti-Sla-
very prints, by a harsh, unchristian, and intolerant article, in the
form of a letter addressed to me, but sent to the winds. Its
object was, no doubt, to drive the party together, and it had, 1
suppose, some influence that way, although it was too bitter and
in-ational to accomplish much. And then the foreign vote was
tremendous. More than three thousand, it is confidently said,
have been naturalized in this city, alone, since the first of Oc-
tober. It is an alarming fact, that this foreign vote has deci-
ded the great questions of American policy, and counteracted a
nation's gratitude.
But, my dear sir, leaving this painful subject, let us look
away to brighter and better prospects, and surer hopes, in the
promises and consolations of the Gospel of our Saviour. As sin-
ners who have rebelled against' our Maker, we need a Saviour
or we must perish, and this Redeemer has been provided
for us. Prophecy declared him from the earliest period of
our fall, in Paradise, and the Gospel makes known the faith-
ful fulfillment. "Come unto me," cries this exalted Saviour,
"come unto me, all ye that are weary and heavy laden,
and I will give you rest." Let us, then, repair to Him. He
will never fail us in the hour of peril and trial. Vain is the
help of man, and frail and fatal all trust in the arm of flesh ; but
he that trusteth in the Lord shall be as Mount Zion itself, that
can never be removed. I pray, my honored friend, that your
heart may seek this blessed refuge, stable as the everlasting
hills, and let this be the occasion to prompt an earnest, prayer-
ful, and the Lord grant it may be a joyful, search after truth as
it is in Jesus Christ.
With afiectionate regards to Mrs. Clay, in which my good
wife, sorely tried, heartily unites, I remain with sincere esteem
and best wishes, your friend.*
* It is thought proper to introduce a few of the very large file of letters to Mr
Clay on the disappointment at his defeat as candidate for the Presidency in 1844,
of -which the above from Mr. Frelinghuysen, the candidate for the Vioe-Presi
dency, on the ticket with Mr. Clay, is one.
OP HENRY CLAY. 497
THOMAS H. BAIED TO MR. CLAT.
PiTTSBUEO, November 30, 1844.
My deab Sik, — The result of the late elections, although dis-
astrous to the country, yet, when properly examined, furnishes a
proud vindication of your principles and fame. No man ever
before received so glorious a testimonial. I believe, in fact, you
had a majority of the legal votes throughout the Union. One
thing, however, is certain. You had nine tenths of the virtue,
intelligence, and respectability of the nation on your side. We
failed in obtaining your election through the fraud and false-
hood of our opponents, who will soon feel the effects of their
folly and crime. The defeat is nothing to you ; it is the people
who are to be the sufferers, until delusion is dispelled, and they
rise in their strength to cast off the oppressors.
I have no doubt that the principles which you have so long
arid so ably struggled to maintain, will at last be triumphant.
They are identified with your person and character, and must
be vindicated.
MILLABD FILLMORE TO MR. CLAY.
Buffalo, November 11, 1844.
My dear Sir, — I have thought for three or four days that I
would write you, but really I am unmanned. I have no courage
or resolution. All is gone. The last hope, which hung first
upon the city of New York and then upon Virginia, is finally
dissipated, and I see nothing but despair depicted on every coun-
tenance.
For myself I have no regrets. I was nominated much against
my will, and though not insensible to the pride of success, yet I
feel a kind of relief at being defeated. But not so for you or
for the nation. Every consideration of justice, every feeling of
gratitude conspired in the minds of honest men to insure your
election ; and though always doubtful of my own success T could
never doubt yours, till the painful conviction was forced upon
me.
The Abolitionists and foreign Catholics have defeated us in
this State. I will not trust myself to speak of the vile hypoc-
32
498 PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE
risy of the leading- Abolitionists now. Doubtless many acted
honestly but ignorantly in what they did. But it is clear that
Birney and his associates sold themselves to Locofocoism, and
they will doiibtless receive their reward.
Our opponents, by pointing to the Native Americans and to
Mr. Frelinghuysen, drove the foreign Catholics from us and de-
feated us in this State.
But it is vain to look at the causes by which this infamous result
has been produced. It is enough to say that all is gone, and I
must confess that nothing has happened to shake my confidence in
our ability to sustain a free Government so much as this. If with
such issues and such candidates as the national contest presented,
we can be beaten, what may we not expect ? A cloud of glpom
hangs over the future. May God save the country ,■ for it is evi-
dent the people will not.
J. J. CRITTENDEN TO MH. CLAT.
Frankfort, Noyember 13, 1844.
Mt dear Sir, — The intelligence brought to us this morning
has terminated all our hopes, our suspense, and our anxieties, in
respect to the Presidential election. We now know the worst.
Polk is elected, and your friends have sustained the heaviest
blow that could have befallen them. You will feel, I trust, no
other concern about it than that which naturally arises from your
sympathy with those friends. You are, perhaps, the only man
in the nation that can lose nothing by the result. Success could
have added nothing to your name, and nothing, I believe, to
your happiness. You occupy now, but too truly, the position
described as presenting the noblest of human spectacles —
" A great man struggling with the storms of fate,
And nobly falling with a falling state.''
C. L. L. LEAHY TO MH. CLAY.
Baltimore, November 14, 1844.
Dear Sir, — The inexpressible agony which the result of the
recent contest has caused me, has left me no other source of
relief than the one which I have here chosen. I beg you, sir,
OF HENRY CLAY. 499
to accept this as a sufficient apology for this intrusion. I am too
■well acquainted with your character to suppose that this result
will affect you as it has affected your friends. That consciousness
of purity of motive and of unbending rectitude, which has sus-
tained you on former occasions, when the honor and prosperity
of your country were the objects which alone you aimed at, and
when your designs were purposely misconstrued by the > envy
and vindictive malice of your enemies, will still support you in
this trying crisis ; and in the patriotic efforts and ardent personal
devotion of your friends, you will, I feel assured, realize enjoy-
ments which all the honors of public station would fail to bestow.
Whatever may have been the impelling considerations in the
breasts of others, I am free to confess that " Justice to Henry
Clay," rather than the behests of public duty, was the ruling
motive which prompted me to the humble part I acted in the
late conflict. Amid the gloom and chagrin of defeat, I de-
voutly thank God that the family with which I am connected,
including a father and four sons, native-born American citizens,
and competent voters, have not been reckless of the duty they
owed to you and to their country, and that our beloved and
venerated old Maryland, with a devotion that has never faltered
when the true issue has been presented to her sons, has pro-
claimed trumpet-tongued to the world her confidence in your
integrity, and her stern adherence to constitutional principles. I
console myself, too, (and to you it must be a source of unfailing
gratulation), that I find myself arrayed in this contest on the
same side with the enhghtened intelligence, virtue, and patriot-
ism of the Union, with the line, of discrimination so broadly and
vividly drawn, that " the wayfaring man," though a fool in other
matters, " need not err therein." Whatever partial triumphs we
have won, have been achieved by honest American hearts, and
with unstained American hands ; no levies have been made upon
the prisons and lazar-houses of Europe ; no Canadian mercenaries
or Hessian auxiliaries have been either pressed or purahased into
our service ; you are the only choice of the great American party,
standing upon a broad American platform, supported and de-
pendent upon an American Constitution, as framed, understood,
and construed by the Patriot Fathers of the Republic. We are
told in Holy Writ that " The wicked walk on every side, when
the vilest men are exalted ;" and in this humihating posture we
now find American affairs. The very fountain of our political
500 PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE
system, from whence all authority and power flow, is revoltingly
corrupt. The ballot-box is poisoned by gross ignorance and
wanton perjury. The ermine of justice is spotted, and the
judicial bench disgraced by undisguised partisan conduct, that in
the better days of the Republic would have condemned the actors
to merited infamy. To what source, then, are we to look for
deliverance ? Alas, sir, I only speak as hundreds of American
Whigs this moment feel, when I say that I shudder for the fate
of my country. I know that numbers of your fellow-citizens, of
the class to which I belong, have opposed your elevation, and it
is because I keenly feel the reproach which this fact awakens,
that I have thus ventured to address you. But be assured, sir,
that wherever you have a friend you will find friendship worth
possessing, flowing from warm hearts, whose every afl'ection is
yours, and wholly yours. You may never again permit your-
self to be called upon the stage of public, life; but whatever
course your sense of duty may urge you to take, I fervently
trust that the Common Father of us all may lavish }iis choicest
blessings upon your declining years, and that, amid the content-
ment which retirement from political turmoil brings, you will
recognize Maryland, Kentucky, and their sister Whig States, as
having heartily accorded to you that tribute of justice and gra-
titude which an ungrateful country has failed to bestow.
p. S. GALPIN AND OTHEHS TO ME. CLAY.
New Haven, Conit., NoTember 16, 1844.
Sib, — It is with much pleasure that we execute the duty as-
signed to us by the Whigs of this city, of transmitting to you
the inclosed proceedings of a meeting held by them, on the eve-
ning of the 14th inst.; but this pleasure is mingled with the
deepest regret, that we can not hail you, as we had fondly hoped,
as President of these United States. The deplorable result of
the late election, has here, as every where, filled the hearts of
your Whig friends with pain and mortification, and this feeling
has not been confined to the voters only, but has extended itself
through all ages, sexes, and conditions, from " lisping infancy to
hoary age."
We were not aware, until we saw our anticipations of your
OF HENRY CLAY. 501
success blighted, how strong a hold you had upon our affections,
and we now feel that you are President in the hearts of a vast
majority of the intelligent and patriotic citizens of the country,
where you can never be defeated, and where the poisonous shafts
of calumny can never reach you. Had you been called to assume
the reponsibilities of the office of Chief Magistrate of the Union,
we feel sure that the most eminent success in the discharge of its
duties could not have increased your fame, or led us tq, cherish
any warmer feelings than we now entertain for your character
and public services.
We are proud, sir, of oiir city, for the vote she gave you,
which was larger than ever given before to any candidate in a
contested election, and we are proud of our State ; that amid all
the deceptions and slanders which have marked the course of
our opponents throughout the late contest, she has" given you a
majority worthy of her character, and of the, intelligence of her
citizens.
May your valuable life, dear sir, be spared through many years
to bless the country you have so greatly honored, and whose in-
terest in times of danger you have so often and so nobly upheld.
AMBKOSE SPENCER TO ME. CLAT.
Albany, November 21, 1844.
My dear Friend, — I can no longer resist the inclination which
impels me to commune with you on the disastrous results of the
efforts of the Whig party to do justice to you for your long an^
signal services to your country, by placing you at the head of
the nation.
It is pretty well ascertained that had New York given you
her vote, you would have been elected. This consideration is
very mortifying to us ; and yet, I venture to affirm, that in no
State of the Union had you warmer, or more vigilant and vigor-
ous supporters. Every thing that could be effected by human
means was done. I know many, very many men, who laid
aside all other business, and devoted themselves night and day
in the good cause. The result of our canvass shows what
mighty' efforts have been made. You received 232,411 votes;
502 , .PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE
when his majority exceeded 13,000. You will perceive that
the Abolition vote lost you the election, as three fourths of them
were firm Whigs, converted into Abolitionists. The foreign
vote also destroyed your election, and there was yet another dis-
tinct cause : the utter mendacity, frauds, and villainies of Loco-
focoism. This untoward event has produced universal gloom,
and has shaken public confidence to an unexpected extent.
Even many of those who voted for Polk, now that he is elected,
deeply regret the result. God only knows to what we are des-
tined. One sentiment seems to prevail universally, that the nat-
uralization laws must be altered ; that they must be repealed,
and the door forever shut oa the admission of foreigners to cit-
izenship, or that they undergo a long probation. I am for the
former.
The Germans and the Irish are in the same category ; the one
who know not our language, and are as ignorant as the lazaroni
of Italy, can never understandingly exercise the franchise ; and
the other, besides their ignorance, are naturally mclined to go
with the loafers of our own population.
I offer you not any condolence at this sad event ; the country,
not you, are the sufferers. Undoubtedly, your election would
have been deeply gratifying to your feelings, as the award of
your countrymen on your long, unwearied, and splendid public
services. You have been spared the toils of four years hard
service, which could not have raised you higher in the affections
and confidence of your friends and admirers. Your Adminis-
tration would have put at rest all contention on the duty and ne-
cessity of protecting American industry ; on the distribution of
the proceeds of the public lands, and on many other vexed ques-
tions, which are now set afloat and put in jeopardy. In yielding
my hearty support to the Whig cause, you are aware that I had
no earthly motive but the public good. I confess that in doing
all I could to promote your election, there was an additional
motive : the deep respect and affection I felt for you individually,
founded on your public services, and on those personal qualities
which, on our first acquaintance, took a lodgment in my heart,
never to be effaced.
That you may live long to enjoy, in any situation Providence
may place you, the continued love and confidence of yo«r coun-
trymen, and all the blessings of this life, is my fervent prayer.
OF HENRY CLAY. 503
WILLIAM C. PRESTON* TO MK. CLAY.
Columbia, November 23, 1844.
Deak Sir, — My sense of the public calamity has, for some
days, absorbed all emotions and affections of a private or personal
character. I have been astonished with the result of the elec-
tions. The ways of nations, like those of Providence, are some-
times mysterious and inscrutable ; and what our country has just
done is of this sort. With the deepest interest in whatever con-
cerns you personally, I have been solely occupied with these
gloomy and portentous occurrences. What do they forebode to
the country ? As for you, they affect you in nowise but as
depriving you of the means of further patriotic usefulness. You
have long since passed that point when ofBce could confer ad-
ditional celebrity, or add an- inch to the noble pre-eminence
which history will assign to you. Though your name will not
appear in the dull chronology of official succession, the times
will be known as those in which the wisdom, courage and elo-
quence of Clay were displayed for the glory of his country. The
time will come when all will be ashamed of these transactions.
May God protect us from occasion to mourn over them in sorrow
and bitterness of repentance. It would be vain and painful to
speculate on the causes which have led to this result. The con-
sequences of it will soon occupy the utmost anxieties of the
country. For the present the Whig party of the South is dis-
persed ; and we can not know om- position until the heat and
smoke of the conflict have passed away. In thQ mean time I
content myself with the thought that I have (in however subor-
dinate a station) fought the battle of the country under your
standard, and am entitled to subscribe myself, etc.
CHRISTOPHER HUGHES TO MR. CLAT.
London, November 27, 1844.
My DEAR Me. Clay ; my chief, my old master, my venerated
and beloved friend !
In an hour I shall be in the steamer for Rotterdam and the
* After the brilliant career of the Hon. Wm. C. Preston, as Senator of the Unit-
ed States, and at the Bar, he retired to the honorable and dignified Chair of
President of Columbia College, South Carolina.
504 PEIVATE COEEESPONDENCE
Hague. I am literally packing my trunk, and in great confusion !
But I shall be too late to write from Holland by the steamer of
the 4th December, and I will not lose a moment in conveying
to you the heartfelt emotion, amazement, and grief with which
I have received the news, just arrived, of the result of the Presi-
dential election. Great God ! is it possible ! Have our people
given this astonishing, this alarming proof of the madness to
which party frenzy can caiTy them ! England is astounded ;
on all hands I hear amazement, sorrow, uneasiness expressed ;
for in you and on your election depends, in the minds of this
people and Government, the maintenance of harmony and peace-
ful relations between the two nations. The hopes of the wise
and of the worthy of the New and of the Old World, rested
(and seem to rest — no, now no more, for it is over) upon you.
But I can not, if I would, dwell upon this matter. My heart is
sad ; and my time is up for embarking.
Let me, my beloved old friend, approach you in your defeat,
with my ancient, my true, my invariable love, confidence, de-
votion and esteem ; ay ! let me add — and my admiration and-
honor. Since our first acquaintance in 1814, when we left our
country to send home peace to our people, I have never — no,
never — deserted you, in thought, in heart, or in deed ! Never
have I disguised my preference, my respect,, my love and admi-
ration for you ; and I have prized, as the greatest success and
honor of my life, your friendship for me, and the cheerful, ami-
able, playful, affectionate familiarity that you have always per-
mitted and tolerated in me, your pupil and your friend. I know
you have always loved me and trusted me. My eyes now run
over — ^before God they do ! — ^with the recollection of your affec-
tion and fondness for me, my great and good friend ! I am
weeping — as we both did, when comparatively young men — on
the 2d December, 1814, the day we signed the peace of Ghent
— when you threw your arms around my neck in bidding me
adieu, seeing how sad I was; and exclaimed — "Hughes! my
friend, what is the matter with you ? I see that you are un-
happy." I said that I was mortified at finding, that in the last
" dispatches" to the Government at home (which I myself had
copied, and was to bear home with the treaty), there was no
mention of my name by my ministers, whom I had served with
so much zeal, fidelity, and honor — that this mortified and pained
me. You told me there had been such a sentence at the close
OF HENEY CLAY. 505
of the last dispatch, that it had been erased as not properly he-
longing to a public document, and was repeated in all your pri-
vate letters to the Secretary of State, and to Mr. Madison, that
admirable and incomparable man, whom I knew and loved.
This did not appease me, and I said. Good God ! are not the.
character and conduct of public servants, when they are honor-
able, proper in the public and published archives of the country ?
But I loved you, my excellent and kind-hearted friend, for the
kindness and tenderness of your conduct. You embraced me —
you wept like a child — your heart was full of the pride and
pleasure and comfort of having achieved peace for your coun-
try, and you did more at that Congress than any other of its
members, by your tact, your discretion, your moderation, your
angelic self-command, and your incomparable manner ; you did
more — and I say it, and will bear this witness before the world
— than any other, to bestow this most blessed of boons, this
God-Hke gift, Peace among men ; for, like the harmony of
heaven, it passeth all understanding ! , You wept like a child on
■ taking leave of me ; you thought of your country, of your fam-
ily, of your excellent wife, of your then — alas ! no longer so —
numerous family of young children; of me, who was leaving
you in Europe, and about to embark in the dead of winter, and
in a schooner (I was sixty days on the voyage), for our awful
and dangerous coast ! Your heart — and a kinder and a more
affectionate oiie never filled the bosom of mortal man — your
heart was full, and you wept like a child, as I do now, my dear
Mr. Clay, in recalling this scene ! We were alone, in the cor-
ridor of old Madame Van Canegheu's house (for you had fol-
lowed me out of the room, seeing how sad I was), where we
had dined after signing the Treaty at the British Minister's — you,
my chief, had signed your last dispatch, at Mme. Van O.'s,
which I was to, bear ; and the good old lady thought it was " the
Treaty," and the pen you used is in a glass case in her house,
sacredly preserved to this day ; for Mme. Van C. continued to
believe that the peace had been made under her roof, and
boasted of it till her death, twenty-five years after ! and showed
me proudly " the precious pen !" But I must stop. May God
forever bless you ! May he preserve you long for your country !
No man now — I say, no man knows you as well as I do ! No,
not one ! and I ever have loved and esteemed you, and it is my
pride to feel — so have you me. Why, I could see comfort in
506 PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE
your heart and manner whenever I have been with you. You
seemed to feel as if there was a safety, an eascj a pleasing secu-
rity, when I was with you. Again and again, may God bless
and preserve you. I write incoherently : you would not believe
.my emotion. My head is confused.
I send this letter open to my beloved Joseph Ingersoll. I can
not write to him. You know how I love and esteem him. You
know how I have written. of him to you. He will read and
send you this letter. I know not, and never have known, a bet-
ter man than J. R. Ingersoll. I have not written to you twice
in two years ! I shall do so now. I will never desert you. I
will love you ; honor you away, and cheer you when at home,
as Isuppose I shall be soon. I have been in Ireland, to see my
good brother-in-law. Colonel Moore. His health is better. He
returns to the United States next May. He was -heart and soul
for you in the election. My silence proceeded from low spirits;
I have shaken them oflf, and my health and my heart are sound
and stout.
I passed an hour with Mr. Goulburne (Chancellor of Excheq-
euer) day before the fatal news. He asked for you, and sends
respects to you. He received me most affectionately. I never
was treated with more kindness than now in England. No time
to read this. While I live I am yours.
p. H. SYLVESTER AND OTHERS TO ME. CLAT.
CoxsAOKLE, Novem'ber 2'?, 1844.
Dear Sir, — I write to you in behalf of the Coxsackie -Clay
Club. The man who said " that he stood firm and erect, un-
bent, unbroken, unsubdued, unawed, and ready to denounce the
mischevious measures of General Jackson's Administration,"
needs no sympathy from us.
It is from the gushing out and fullness of our hearts that we
say to you that you have been om- political idol, and that we es-
teem you as highly, and love you as dearly as we ever have
done — ia defeat, more than in victory — we can not say more,
how can we say less ?
When we were convinced that we were defeated, we felt as
if we had no country, and that all that we considered as most
OF HENET CLAY. 507
sacred and mostxJfi'erished by us in it, was wrested from us by
the insult that-was offered to our own great and honest " Harry
of the West." ,
There is one consolation to us, however, and that is, that your
nanie will live. Yes, it must, it shall live forever, in undying,
honorable fame. The measure of your glory was full to over-
flowing, and if success had crowned our exertions, would it have
woven another wreath in the garland of fame that encircles your
brow? Not one.
Your nomination was but the spontaneous and unanimous out-
breaking ^of the feelings of a great majority of the intelligent and
patriotic freemen of the land. By them you have been supported
with the whole heart and soul and strength, with an intensity of
feeling and exertion almost unparalleled, and every Whig heart is
stricken down, and mourns that the Republic has exhibited such
an instance of ingratitude.
We do not wish to burden you with our correspondence, but
permit us to say in conclusion, that Henry Clay is more than
ever beloved by his countrymen, and that posterity will do him
justice. Our discomfiture only increases our respect and admi-
ration for your character, and gratitude for your services. We
point with unutterable pride to the fact that we cast our votes
for the man " who would rather be right, than be President."
In behalf of each member of the Association, I tender you
sentiments of affection, respect, and undiminished confidence
and esteem.
Let me say for myself individually, may Almighty God bless
you, may he lift upon you the light of his reconciled counte-
nance, and prepare you for an abundant entrance into the abodes
of more than mortal freedom.
PHILIP HONE TO MS. CLAY.
Hew Toee, ITovember 28, 1844.
My deae. Sib, — I hesitate and doubt whether I ought to add to
the annoyance which I know you experience at this time, but I
can not deny myself the privilege of writing to you, not to con-
dole with you on your recent defeat, I know you feel little regret
on your own account, but to give vent to my own sorrow, to de-
plore the infatuation of my countrymen, and to mingle my prayers
508 PRIVATE COBEESPONBENCE
with yours, that the evils we anticipate from the unexpected re-
sult of the late election may be averted, and the people made
happy against their own wayward wills.
You, and the holy cause of which you were the honored repre-
sentative, have been sacrificed to fraud, corruption and misrepre-
sentation, and the instruments used to effect the object were
foreign voters made to order, and mischievous sectarians, who
prefer to trust the success of their theory to the uncertain meas-
ures of an untried Administration than to one pledged to support
the glorious Constitution and to maintain its guarantees.
The result of this election has satisfied me that no such man
as Henry Clay can ever be President of the United States. The
party leaders, the men who make Presidents, will never consent
to elevate one greatly their superior ; they suflfer too much by
the contrast, their aspirations are checked, their power is circum-
scribed, the clay can not be moulded into an idol suited to their
worship. Moreover, a statesman, prominent as you have been
for so long a time, must have been identified with all the lead-
ing measures affecting the interests of the people, and those in-
terests are frequently different in the several parts of our widely
extended country. What is meat in one section is poison in
another. Give me, therefore, a candidate of an inferior grade,
one whose talents, patriotism and public services have never been
so conspicuous as to force him into the first ranks. He will get
all the votes which the best and wisest man could secure, and
some, which for the reasons I have stated, he could not.
But the especial object of my writing is to remove any un-
favorable impressions (if such, there be) from your mind as to the
miserable result here. The loss of New York was fatal to the
cause of the Whigs, but I pray you, dear sir, to attribute no part
of this misfortune to a want of exertion on the part of your
friends in the city of New York. Never before did they work
so faithfully, and never, I fear, will they again ; the man and the
cause were equally dear to the noble Whigs, and every honorable
exertion was made, every personal sacrifice submitted to, every
liberal oblation poured upon the altar of patriotic devotion ; nine-
tenths of our respectable citizens voted for Clay and Frelinghuy-
sen, the merchants, the professional men, the mechanics and
working men, all such as live by their skill and the labor of their
honest hands, who have wives whom they cherish and children
whom they strive to educate and make good citizens, men who
OF HENRY CLAY. 509
go to church on Sundays, respect the laws and love their coun-
try, such men to the number of twenty-six thousand three hun-
dred and eighty-five redeemed their pledge to God and the
country ; but alas ! the numerical strength lies not in those classes.
Foreigners who have " no lot or inheritance" in the matter, have
robbed us of our birth-right, the " scepter has departed from Is-
rael." Ireland has re-conquered the country which England
lost, but never suffer yourself to believe that a single trace of the
name of Henry Clay is obliterated from the swelling hearts of
the Whigs of New York.
MK. CLAY TO BEV. J. M. PENDLETON.
Ashland, Novem'ber 29, 1844.
Mt dear Sir, — ^My feelings prompt me to offer you my cor-
dial acknowledgments for your friendly letter of the 21st instant.
I entertain sentiments of the liveliest gratitude for the kind in-
terest you have taken and continue to cherish in me. And I
am greatly obliged by the desire you manifest that I should"
seek, in the resources of religion, consolation for all the vexa-
tions and disappointments of life. I hope you will continue
your prayers for me, since I trust I am not altogether unworthy
of them. I have long been convinced of the paramount im-
portance of the Christian religion. I have, for many years, fer-
vently sought its blessings. I shall persevere in seeking them,
and I hope, ultimately, to attain a firm faith and confidence in
its promises. There is nothing for which I feel so anxious.
May God, in his infinite mercy, grant what I so ardently desire.
Should you pass this way, at any time, I shall be most happy
to see you. Meanwhile, accept my thanks and my wishes for
your happiness, here and hereafter.
JOHN H. WESTWOOD TO MR. CLAY.
Baltimore, Ifoveinber 28, 1844.
Respected Sir, — ^Now that the Presidential contest is o,ver,
and the disastrous result is known, I can address you without
the fear of selfishness, or a desire of ingratiating myself to your
notice for personal motives.
510 PRIVATE COEEESPONDENCE.
I was one of your early and fast friends, and have stood by
yon in all the phases of political strife. I imbibed those predi-
lections from a knowledge of your history, which is identified
with the glory, prosperity, and happiness of our country. My
venerated father who was a Whig of the Revolution, and who
recently died at the advanced age of ninety-four, was likewise
your constant and fast friend — perhaps it is owing to his admi-
ration of you that mine has been engendered. I well recollect
in the family circle while a boy, sitting around the domestic
hearth, hearing my father recount your patriotic deeds. One
sentence from a speech of yours, " The colors that float from the
mast head should be the credentials of our seamen," was indeli-
bly fixed on my mind. Then judge niy deep mortification and
disappointment to find the sailors' friend, the master-spirit of the
late war, "the noblest Roman of them all," rejected by the
American people, and such a man as James K. Polk placed in
the Presidential chair. Did I say American people? I recall
that expression, for two-thirds of the native freemen of the
United States are your fast friends. Yes, sir, we love you now
better than ever ; and when the name of Jackson and others of
your vile traducers shall be forgotten, yours shall be remembered
and live in the afiections of all lovers of liberty.
It was foreign influence aided by the Irish and Dutch vote
that caused our defeat. As a proof, in my native city alone, in
the short space of two months there were over one thousand
naturalized. Out of this number nine-tenths voted the Locofoco
ticket. Thus men who could not speak our language were
made citizens and became politicians too, who at the polls were
the noisy revilers of your fair fame — thus you have been well
rewarded for the interest you ever took for the oppressed of
other nations. Notwithstanding the ingratitude of the Irish and
German voters, if the Abolitionists of New York had done their
duty, all would have been well.
WILLIAM D. LEWIS TO MR. CLAT.
Philadelphia, November 30, 1844.
My dear Friend, — After the dreadful battle is over, and, as I
believe, most foully won by our opponents, I feel as if it would
be some relief to my mind to ejyDress to you the deep grief with
which the result has penetrated my heart. I do not class my-
OF HENRY OLAY. * 511
self, in this respect,, in the general list of your " hosts of friends"
throughout the country, for I am sure that, earnestly and truly
as I know you to be admired and beloved by the best portion of
your fellow-citizens, there are but a very small number who can
realize as much sorrow on the present occasion as myself. Not
that I expected, or had obtruded myself, while success seemed
certain, into a position to expect, that I should have sought any
personal benefit from that victory which I hoped and believed
was about to reward your long and faithful services to your
country ; but that the kindnesses I had received from you in
, early life had indelibly stamped your image on my heart, and
that your views of public policy so entirely accorded with the
dictates of my matured judgment, that I looked to your elevation
to the Presidency as a great personal delight to myself, and the
harbinger of long-continued prosperity to the nation.
This glorious and beneficial result has been prevented through
wicked and unprincipled meq, by frauds upon the elective fran-
chise, as monstrous as they are unprecedented ; by fanaticism
both religious and political, without a parallel in our history ;
and by a stolidity on the part of large masses of our population,
which must go far to convince the most skeptical that there may
be truth in the apothegm of monarchists, that the people are
incapable of self-government.
All is now past. Regrets are unavailing. You will meet the
untoward event as you have met all the dark hours which have
preceded it in your eventful life — with manly fortitude and resig-
nation. And viewing it in a philosophic light, you have, in
fact, lost nothing. The honor attained would have brought with
it an accumulation of cares, difficulties, and responsibilities ; the
unreasonable expectations of many of your supporters must have
been disappointed, and perhaps some of your friendships have
' been thereby embittered. Your reputation as a statesman and
a patriot remains untouched, or is rendered by the attrition of
your slanderers even more brilliant, still commanding, as it has
long commanded, the admiration of the world. Whatever pa-
triotic achievements you might have accomplished in the four
years to come could have added comparatively little to those of
the forty years which are gone by.
bin PEIVATB CORRESPONDENCE
' A. B. ROMAN TO MR. CLAT.
Parish of St. James, December 2, 1844.
Dear Sir, — At the very moment that I learned the disastrous
result of the Presidential contest, I determined to write to you ;
but I soon perceived that I felt too strongly to express myself
with any thing like calmness, and on that account I have delayed
till now to condole with you on our unexpected misfortune.
To you, personally, I have no consolation to offer. I know
that you need none, for in your defeat you have lost nothing —
nothing more than I and every other American citizen has lost.
You have, by your want of success, obtained this advantage,
that your fellow-citizens may say openly what they think of
you, without being suspected of interested motives. You have
done enough for fame ; the station of President could have added
nothing ' to yours. The country alone was to have been bene-
fited by your election. When posterity shall wonder that you
did not obtain the first office in the gift of your countrymen, the
only answer that can be given must raise you higher than the
ofiice could ever have done ; it is because " he had rather be
right than President."
But what must posterity say of the people of the Union ?
What are we henceforward to expect from a people, when a
constitutional majority has been found to reject the Whig doc-
trines, of which you have always been the representative and
able interpreter, and to decide in favor of the principles — or,
rather, the want of principles — with which we have been cursed
for more than fifteen years ? That the majority should some-
times be deceived in the effects and results of abstract theories,,
is nothing more than can be expected from the frailty of human
nature j but that they should not form a correct opinion of facts,
that the distressful experience of fifteen years of demagogueism
and barefaced corruption should not open their eyes, is truly de-
grading to our national character. Are the hopes which the fram-
ers of our Government have given to the friends of liberty
throughout the world to end but in a splendid proof of the inca-
pacity of men for self-government ? I begin to fear that it must
be so, unless we can succeed in the almost hopeless task of re-
tracing some of the destructive steps we have taken ; unless we
find the means of restoring the lost sanctity of the- ballot-box.
OP HENRY CLAY. 513
DH. MERCER TO MR. CLAT.
Ne-57 Orleans, Decemter 1, 1844.
My dear Friend, — I received your letter a few days ago, and
soon after our anival in town. It was a melancholy pleasure to
hear from you.
The late election has mortified and distressed me more than
I will attempt to express. Your friends are almost without hope,
while you have consolations in abundance that are denied them.
No one can deny, that without office or power, you are the first
man in our country. It was Lord Ormonde, I think, who said
he preferred his dead Ossary to the living son of any man in Eu-
rope.
I have never before witnessed such disappointment, distress,
and disgust. The feeling seemed to pervade all classes. I have
heard men of the opposite faction express their regret at the
success of their party. A gray-headed man assured me that he
could not restrain his tears. My own child wept bitterly. If,
as I believe, you prefer reputation to power, and the approbation
of the victorious and intelligent to the dignity of office, you
have rather gained than lost by the defeat of your party. I can
readily understand that you feel more for your country and your
friends than for yourself.
Come then among them, my dear friend, you will find none
elsewhere truer or warmer than those of Mississippi or of this
place. Among the rest, it will afford me the greatest pleasure
to see you here, for in this respect I will yield to none of them.
Your old apartment is ready for you, and every one of the fam-
ily would feel mortified if you were less at home with us than
at your own Ashland.
I haVe nothing to do, and can foresee no engagement that
will prevent my accompanying you, wheresoever you may wish
to go — even to Cuba.
My daughter charges me to present her duty and her love to
you. The ladies send their most affectionate remembrances.
May I ask yo'u to present my best respects to Mrs. Clay.
33
514 PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE
MR. CLAY TO JAMES F. BABCOCK AND OTHEES.
* Ashland, December lY, 1844.
Gentlemen, — I duly received your friendly letter transmitting
the proceedings of a public meeting held in the city of New
Haven, in respect to the late Presidential election. The joatriotic
spirit, manifest in the whole of them, is worthy of Connecticut,
worthy of its renowned seat of learning, and worthy of the Whig
cause. For the sentiments of attachment, confidence and friend-
ship toward myself, which they exhibit, and which you so kind-
ly reiterate in your letter, I offer the warm acknowledgments of
a grateful heart. My obligations to Connecticut and my friendly
intercourse with many of her eminent sons, during a long period
of time, will be faithfully remembered while I continue to live.
I share with you, gentlemen, in regrets on account of the un-
expected issue of the recent election. My own personal concern
in it is entitled to very little consideration, although I affect no
indifference in that respect. The great importance of the event
arises out of the respective principles in contest between the two
parties, the consequences to which it may lead and the alleged
means by which it was brought about, of which, however, I do
not allow myself particularly to speak.
The policy of the country in regard to the protection of Ameri-
can industry, a few months ago, seemed to be rapidly acquiring
a permanent and fixpd character. The Southern and South-
western portions of the Union had been reproached at the North
for want of sufficient interest and sympathy in its welfare. Yield-
ing to the joint influence of their own reflections and experience,
the Slave States were fast subscribing to the justice and expe-
diency of a Tariff for revenue, with discriminations for protec-
tion. At such an auspicious moment, instead of cordially meet-
ing the Slave States and placing the principle of protection upon
impregnable and desirable ground, a sufficient number of the free
States, to be decisive of the contest, abandoned what was be-
lieved to be their own cherished policy and have aided, if not
in its total subversion, in exposing it to imminent hazard and un-
certainty. Discouragement has taken the place of confidence in
the business of the country, enterprise is checked, and no one
knows to what employment he can now safely direct his exer-
tions. Instead of a constantly augmenting home market, we
are in danger of experiencing its decline at a time when the
OP HENRY CLAY. 515
foreign market is absolutely glutted with American productions,
cotton especially, which is now selling at a lower price than was
ever before known. It is probably destined to fall still lower.
The final and not distant xesult will be, especially if large im-
portations shall be stimulated by low duties, a drain of the specie
of the^ country, with all its train of terrible consequences, on
which I have neither inclination nor time to dwell.
If the cause of the Whigs had triumphed, the distribution of
the proceeds of the sales of the public lands would have been
secured, and that great national inheritance would have been
preserved for the benefit of the present and future generations.
I shall be most agreeably disappointed if it be not wasted in a
few years by graduation and other projects of alienation, leaving
no traces of permanent benefit behind.
I could not touch upon other great measures of public policy,
which it was the purpose of the Whigs to endeavor to establish,
. without giving to this letter an unsuitable length. They may
be briefly stated to have aimed at the purity of the Government,
the greater prosperity of the people, and additional security to
their liberties and to the Union, and, with all, the presentation
of the peace, the honor and the good faith of the nation. The
Whigs were most anxious to avoid a foreign war, for the sake of
acquiring a foreign territory, which, under the circumstances of
the acquisition, could not fail to produce domestic discord, and
expose the character of the country, in the eyes of an impartial
world, to severe animadversions.
But our opponents have prevailed in the late contest, and the
Whigs are, for the present, denied the satisfaction of carrying out
their measures of national policy. Believing that they are in-
dispensable to the welfare of the country, I am unwilling to
relinquish the fond hope that they may be finally established,
whether I live to witness that event or not. In the mean time,
those to whose hands the administration of public affairs is con-
fided ought to have a fair trial. Let us ever indulge an anxious
desire that the evils we have apprehended may not be realized,
that the peace of our country may be undisturbed, its honor re-
main' unsullied, and its prosperity continue unimpeded.
To guard, however, against adverse results, the resolution of
the Whigs of the city of New Haven steadfastly to adhere to the
Whig cause and principles, is wise and patriotic.
I should be most happy to visit once more New England, and
516 PRIVATE COEKESPONDENCE
especially New Haven, which has done me so much honor by
giving me, at the late election, the largest majority ever given
by that city in a contested election. I shall embrace, with great
pleasure, any opportunity, should any ever offer, to accept your
obliging invitation.
I tender to you, gentlemen, my cordial thanks for your friendly
wishes and kind, regards for me and mine, and I hope that one ;
and all of you may long live in health, happiness, and prosperity.
BENJAMIN J. LEEDOM TO MK. CLAT.
New York, December 20, 1844.
Esteemed Friend, — Although a member of a peaceable So-
ciety, who do not profess to take much interest in the political
contests of the day, yet as a man endowed with the common
feelings of humanity, and a strong desire for the promotion of
the best interests of my fellow-man, do I mourn over the dark
cloud which has overshadowed the political horizon of our be-
loved country ; the prostration of those high and glorious princi-
ples, of which thou hast so long been the great and unwearied
champion — that prostration brought about by fraud and calumny,
is our country's loss, for I am fully aware that had the victory
been ours, it could not have added one leaf to the wreath which
encircles thy brow,
" For thou art freedom's now, and fame's ;
One of the few, the immortal names
That are not born to die."
It is for my country that I mourn, that in thy retirement, one
of the strongest advocates for those high and glorious principles
is removed, and I had fondly hoped that, like Cincinnatus, thou
too, wouldst have left the scenes of domestic life, and once
more have been heard in our legislative halls. The feehng may
be a selfish one in me, for well I know that it is unreasonable to
wish to draw thee from thy peaceful abode, into the turbid
waters of public life again, after so many years of laborious
toil.
Happy is he who carries with him into retirement the prayers
of the patriotic and intelligent of his country — these thou hast.
My venerated grandsire left the peaceful society of which I
OF HENRY CLAY. 517
am a member, to stand by the Father of his country, in the
dark hour which tried the souls of men. The same feeUngs,
and the same love of country which nerved him to the contest
in '76, prompted his descendant in '44 to deposit his vote for
Henry Clay. That vote shall be handed down as an heirloom
to my children ; although defeated, yet that name will be the
point around which freemen shall rally, until victory crowns our
efforts.
With a sincere prayer that thy days may be long in the land,
and that peace and happiness may be thine, I remain, etc.
ADAM BEATTT TO MR. CLAY.
Prospect Hill, December 24, 1844.
Mt dear Sir, — The result of the late Presidential election has
produced on my mind the deepest regret and the most profound
sorrow. You may well imagine that your failure of success has
had no small share in exciting these emotions. But it is the
deep wound inflicted on the honor and best interests of the coun-
try, by which I have been most sorely afflicted. Your failure
has relieved you from a heavy responsibility, and, I doubt not, in
your retirement at Ashland, yon will enjoy more real satisfaction
than all the honors of the Presidential office could afford. It
will be the means of carrying down to posterity your name with
greater luster than if you had been elected to the Presidency,
and I humbly hope that in the wise dispensation of Providence
your defeat may redound to your temporal and eternal good.
But oh ! what a wound has been inflicted upon the honor and
interests of our country ? The election has been carried in fa-
vor of Mr. Polk, by the most shameful and abominable frauds
practiced to an extent which, to every reflecting mind, must
create the most awful apprehensions as to the future destinies of
our free institutions, and the perpetuity of the Union.
But this is not all. The foulest and most unprincipled means
have been resorted to, and with great success, to excite the bitter
hatred of our recently naturahzed citizens, Roman Catholics and
Abolitionists, against Whig principles, by the grossest and foulest
misrepresentations, thus setting in hostile array against the great
conserrative principles of the Whig party an embittered faction,
whose want of intelligence has been played- upon to excite to the
518 PEIVATE CORKESPONDENCE
highest degree the ungovernable passions of a considerable por-
tion of our population.
Reflection upon these circumstances has brought strongly to
my mind the remark of an eminent modern historian, " That the
great body of mankind are incapable of judging correctly on
public affairs." " That the opinion of most men on the great
questions which divide society, rest on prejudices, personal ani-
mosities, and private'interests." He consoles his readers by the
reflection that " truth is in the end triumphant, but it becomes
predominant only upon the decay of interests, the experience of
suffering, or the extinction of passions."
I greatly fear our country is destined to go through this ordeal,
great suffering she will have to endure, but I pray God that truth
may in the end prevail, and that our Republican institutions may
yet be saved.
I have scarcely been able to summon resolution enough to say
a word to any of my friends, in relation to the arduous contest
through which the country has recently passed, but I have
thought a word of consolation, if I were able to afford it, due to
our long standing friendship. It affords me some satisfaction at
least, under the adverse state of things which exists, to assure
you of my abiding and cordial esteem and friendship. Permit
me to add a request that you will present my kindest regards to
Mrs. Clay.
E. PETTIGREU TO MR. CLAY.
Magnolia, Tyrrell County, Noeth Caeouna,
January 1, 1845.
Mt dear Sir, — The storm is over, and we the people of the
United States are shipwrecked, and I fear too much damaged
ever to be repaired.
The result of the Presidential election was to me perfectly
astounding, yet for weeks before it, I began to fear, as it is nat-
ural for me to look on the dark side of every subject, and I men-
tioned confidentially to some of my friends that I had apprehen-
sions ; consequently endeavored to prepare my mind for the evil
day ; that day which in my opinion is the beginning of the end
of the peace, prosperity, and happiness of this rising country, if
it did not begin in the year 1829, with the reign of Hickory
the First.
OF HENBT CLAY. 519
My dear sir, on you rested my only hope, to stay the down-
ward tendency of this Government, and at the Court House of
my county, in a few remarks I made to the people on the day
of election, I entreated them to do their utmost, to stay that de-
cHne, for four years, and it might be that affairs would be put in
such a train, that misrule would not get the ascendency in four
years more, and though I felt every thing for the generations to
come, yet I wished of all things to be gathered to my fathers
before war, pestilence, and famine should overwhelm the land.
We did well in the county in which I live, and I feel proud to
know that the State of North Carolina is numbered among the
Law and Order party, though differing with so many of its neigh-
boring States.
The malcontents of these United States have given the great-
est blow to elective Government that ever was given. It has
shown to the best friends of republican Governments that dem-
agogues, who without principle and without honesty, to anstver
party and selfish purposes will rake the pit for voters, as in this
case, and thereby drive from office those who could save the
country and put in their stead a third-rate man. Yea, a no-rate
man. Such men from want of capacity to manage the affairs
of Government must submit to' the dictation of artful, design-
ing, dishonest, and irresponsible men, and every department of
the Government must necessarily run into anarchy and con-
fusion.
But on this subject I need say no more. It is all plain to you,
and my remarks are only to show how much I deplore the fail-
ure of our forefathers, the patriots of the Revolution. But one
word on the subject of naturalization. My opinion has been for
forty years that there should be no citizens of the United States
except those born within its limits. Let every foreigner be sat-
isfied to enjoy all the other privileges that the State in which
they chose to live thought proper to grant. Had that been the
law, we should not now be like men in a thunder squall wait
ing with trembling anxiety for the next clap.
My dear sir, I must say that I feel very much for your disap-
pointment in being prevented, by corruption, after more than
forty years of devotion to your country's good, from doing to it
the greatest service that could fall to the lot of any man. We
all need deplore the circumstance as a national calamity ; but
from you, there is removed a great weight of responsibihty, and
520 PRIVATE COERESPONDENCE
you now rest under a perfect knowledge that you retire into
private life with the highest honors that can fall to any man
now living, the confidence, esteem, and love of hundreds of
thousands of those of your fellow-citizens who know you hest.
N. B. I omitted to mention, that in 1829, I was unreserved in
saying that I gave this United States Government thirty years
to continue ; which has been my unwavering opinion and dec-
laration up to this time, and 1 fear my time will be found too
long, and I further fear that God has given us up as unworthy
of his care and protection, and to a hard heart and reprobate
mind, at all events politically.
JOHN QUINCX ADAMS TO ME. CLAT.
Washington, January 4, 1845.
Dear Sir, — Commodore Jesse D. Elliot has committed to my
charge to be transmitted to you a bronze medal which he has
caused to be struck in honor of Mr. J. Fenimore Cooper, as a
tribute of gratitude for Mr. Cooper's defense and vindication of
the Commodore's character with reference to certain charges
which have been brought before the Republic against him.
Commodore Elliot proposes to distribute a limited number of
these medals to certain distinguished persons and to some of his
personal friends, and then to have the die broken. I take pleas-
ure in executing his commission, by forwarcling herewith the
medal to you.
I have yet to acknowledge the receipt of a very kind and
friendly letter from you, written shortly before the unexpected
and inauspicious issue of the recent Presidential election. It
has been on many accounts painful to me ; but on none more
or so much as on the dark shade which it has cast upon our
prospects of futurity. I had hoped that under your guidance
the country would have recovered from the downward tendency
into which it has been sinking. But the glai-ing frauds by
which the election was consummated afford a sad presentiment
of what must be expected hereafter.
We must hope that a merciful Providence will yet preside
over the destinies of our country, and avert the calamities with
which she is threatened.
OF HENRY CLAY. 521
That your personal comforts may be multiplied in proportion
to the weight of cares which a different issue would have
brought upon you is the fervent wish of, dear sir, your friend
and faithful servant.
MR. CLAY TO JOHN CAEE.
Ashland, January 11, 1845.
Dear Sie, — ^I received your friendly letter, and thank you for
the kind feelings toward me which it expresses. Your sugges-
tion that I would prepare a journal of my public life, embracing
a narrative of all the slanders which have been so profusely pro-
pagated against me, is received in the same friendly spirit in which
it was made. As to the calumnies circulated against me, many
of them, I dare say, never reached me, and I wish to forget them
and their vile authors as soon as I can. I hope God will forgive
them. I do not desire to soil myself by any contact with them.
The best demonstration of their falsehood is the testimony in
my favor, borne by my neighbors, and by the people of Ken-
tucky, uniformly, during a period of upward of forty years.
Wishing you health, happiness, and prosperity, I am, etc.
ME. CLAT to CALVIN COLTON.
Ashland, February 3, 1845.
My dear Sir, — I am sorry that after having remained in Lex-
ington, I hope agreeably, for two months, you should be about
to leave us in not as good health as you have enjoyed during
your sojourn.
With respect to the composition of the work which you have
so much at heart, and which brought you to this city, I think
now, as I stated to you at first, that every thing depends upon
the execution, that most important word in language. You have
shown me most, if not all you have written, and, as I formed the
subject of it, perhaps I am not a competent, as I certainly am not
an impartial, judge. But, unless I am already biased, I do think
that, so far, you have made good progress, and may ask leave to
sit again. What you have written may require an attentive re-
visal, and some new arrangement of its parts, before it is finally
522 PRIVATE COREESPONDENCE
sent to the press, that hourne from which a traveler does not al-
ways safely return.
I need not say that by far the most important, the historical,
part of your work remains to be entered upon. I hope you will
get successfully through it, to accomplish which, I hardly need
say, Avill require great patience, much research and study, and a
large measure of candor and impartiality.
I can not part from you without the expression of fervent
wishes for your success and fame, and for your health and pros-
perity.
B. JOHNSON BAPBOmt TO MR. CLAT.
Baebodhsville, February, 16 1845.
Mt dear Sir, — ^It has long been my wish to address you a
letter, but I have been deterred until now by the fear that you
were already too much wearied by an extensive correspondence.
Nor had I the heart to dwell upon the subject which lay upper-
most in my thoughts. I could not sit down calmly to speak of
an event trifling to yourself, but portentous to the nation.
Permit me, Mr. Clay, to say that my affection for you, based
upon a love of all that is bright and noble in human nature, is
not the growth of a day. I claim the privilege of speaking as
an original Whig, as one baptized in the faith at the fountain, as
one who was taught to love the Whig cause when he. knew no
better, and who never knows nothing better than to love it. My
love for its great representative was coeval. In my earUest youth
I was taught by him who was your constant friend to honor the
pure statesman and patriot pursued by calumny, but still laboring
with undiminished ardor for an ungrateful country. I felt then
that, when the vile passions and prejudices of the day had passed
away, you would have your merited reward from an approv-
ing posterity ; that your memory would be cherished when the
demagogues who traduced you were
" Forgotten as fools, or remembered as worse ;"
that you would be hailed as the wondrous architect that had
strengthened and adorned the noble edifice whose foundation was
won by the valor of Washington, and whose corner-stone was
laid by the wisdom of Madison.
OF HENRY CLAY. 523
A brighter day seemed at length to have dawned upon the Re-
public. The nation seemed at length to have awakened to its
true interests, and in the Presidential contest of 1844 I fondly
looked forward to the confusion of your enemies, your complete
justification, and the firm re-establishment of our great conserva-
tive cause. In this we have been sadly mistaken. Double-deal-
ing, defamation and slanders are still omnipotent. A motley
party, without principle or principles, with fraud for the means
and the election of a demagogue for the end, have triumphed.
Domestic corruption and foreign putrescence coalesced to over-
whelm the virtue and honesty of the country. Plaquemine and
Tammany have stifled the voice of the American people, and the
late contest has only established the melancholy facts that frauds
upon the ballot box have perfect impunity, that mediocrity is
merit, and that every excess may be committed in the name of a
spurious Democracy.
This is a mournful spectacle for the patriot, and it is perhaps
better for your fame that you were not called upon to wage an
ineffectual and unavailing contest with the corruption which per-
vades every part of the body politic. But little pleasure could
be felt by the President of a nation where Dorr found mourners,
disunion advocates ; where a lust of territory overrides every
principle of law, all fear of consequence, and all sense of justice ;
where rebellion puts the power of a State at defiance, and re-
pudiation grows, prospers, and exults. Such are the terrible
symptoms by which we are surrounded, telling of the decay of
virtue and honor, the only safeguard of a Republic.
These are sad and gloomy thoughts, you will say, for one so
young. God grant I may be mistaken, that better things may
be in store for us, that the time may return when patriotism will
be no crime, nor long service a subject of reproach.
As an humble member of the Whig party I shall never cease
to lift my voice against the foes of my country, that I may have
something at least of that proud consolation which is yours, the
consciousness that every nerve was strained and nothing left un-
done to avert the final catastrophe.
My mother desires to be most kindly remembered to yourself
and Mrs. Clay.
524 PRIVATE COEBESPONDENCE
ME. CLAT TO CALVIN COLTON.
Ashland, March 5, 1845.
My dear Sir, — I received your favors from Washington and
from Philadelphia, the latter making inquiries concerning my
paternal ancestors. I am sorry that I am unable to communicate
to you any minute information about them. All that I know,
in the general, is that they came from England to the colony of
Virginia, some time after its establishment, and settled, I believe,
on the south side of James River. The descendants of the
original stock are very numerous, and much dispersed, many of
them residing in Virginia and Kentucky. A branch, or branches
of the family remained in England, and among their descend-
ants was Mr. J. Clay, recently quite a distinguished member of
the British House of Commons.
My maternal ancestors also came from England, and settled
in Hanover county, Virginia, about the beginning of the last
century. George Hudson, my maternal grandfather, died about
the year 1770, in that county.
This is about as much as I can inform you in regard to my
ancestors, and from this statement, you will, I hope, be able to
incorporate all that is material in your narrative.
My family is well, and unite with me in assurances of our
warm regard.
NOTE WITHOXn' DATE.
I received to-day your favor from Philadelphia. I am sorry
that you should have any trouble about my English namesakes.
I am not sure that two of them have been members of the
House of Commons. One, I know, has been, because I have
read a speech of his, and have corresponded with him, although
I can not now lay my hands upon any letter of his. He distin-
guished himself some years ago, on the Bank question. Most
probably it was William. When I wrote you last, I thought his
name was J. Clay, being uncertain whether it was John or Jo-
seph. It was probably William.
It is not a matter of much consequence, and perhaps you had
better confine what you say to the one of whom you know
something.
OF HENRY CLAY. 525
ME. CLAT TO DE. W. A. BOOTH.
Abhiand, April 1 1845.
Deae Sie, — Our mutual friend, Mr. Mitchell, of Frankfort,
delivered to me the day before yesterday your letter, with sev-
eral publications under your name, in respect to the unfortunate
controversy which has arisen in the Methodist Episcopal Church
of the United States, all of which I have attentively perused.
You desire an expression of my opinion on certain inquiries
communicated in your letter.
I have long entertained for that Church sentiments of profound
esteem and regard, and I have the happiness of numbering
among its members some of the best friends I have in the world.
I will add, with great truth, that I have witnessed, with much
satisfaction, the flourishing condition of the Church, and the
good sense and wisdom which have generally characterized the
administration of its affairs, as far as I have observed it.
It was, therefore, with the deepest regret that I heard, in the
course of the past year, of the danger of a division of the
Church, in consequence of a difference of opinion existing on
the delicate and unhappy subject of slavery. A division, for
such a cause, would be an event greatly to be deplored, both on
account of the Church itself and its political tendency. Indeed
scarcely any public occurrence has happened for a long time that
gave me so much real concern and pain as the menaced sepa-
ration of the Church, by a Hne throwing all the Free States on
one side, and all the Slave States on the other.
I will not say that such a separation would necessarily produce
a dissolution of the political union of these States ; but the ex-
ample would be fraught with imminent danger, and, in co-opera-
tion with other causes unfortunately existing, its tendency on
the stability of the Confederacy would be perilous and alarm-
ing.
Entertaining these views, it would afford me the highest sat-
isfaction to hear of an adjustment of the controversy, a recon-
ciliation between the opposing parties in the Church, and the
preservation of its unity.
I limit myself to the political aspect of the subject, without
expressing any opinion on either of the plans of compromise
and settlement which have been published, which I could not
do without exposing myself to improper imputations.
526 PRIVATB COERESPONDENGE
With fervent hopes and wishes that some arrangement of the
difficulty may be devised and agreed upon, which shall preserve
the Church in union and harmony, I am respectfully your obe-
dient servant.
JOHN E. THOMPSON TO ME. CLAT.
Ukiveksitt of Virginia, April 8, 1845.
My deae Sie, — ^AUow me to say that in venturing to offer
the expression of my condolence, where condolence is doubtless
inapposite, as the result of the late Presidential election, I do so
as an original Whig, as a native of that " Gibraltar of Whig prin-
ciples," the city of Richmond, which has always stood up nobly
for you through good and evil report, and where, forty-five years
ago, in the office of Chancellor Wythe, you laid the imperishable
foundations of that greatness, which has since overshadowed the
world. Your own generous Kentucky has not been more faith-
ful to your fortunes. I trust, therefore, that you will recognize
my right, as a citizen of Richmond, and as one who gave with
honest pride his first vote for you, to lament the disaster that has
befallen us.
I had fondly looked forward to November, 1844, as the day
when the people of our beloved country' would assert their long-
violated rights, when the malevolence of a vile herd of defam-
atory enemies would be silenced forever, when a Republic, ceas-
ing to be ungrateful, would reward, with the highest office in
its gift, the man who of all others had deserved it. I can not
tell you, sir, the sense of desolation and crushed hopes with
which the painful intelligence of your defeat was received.
Frauds, the most infamous in the annals of the elective franchise,
stifled the voice of the people, and national disgrace was effected
by a motley party of Dorrites and Agrarians, Mormons and Re-
pudiators, the voters of Plaquemine and the outlaws of the Em-
pire Club. Since their ill-omened success, this party have already
commenced the work of destruction, and we have, but a few
weeks since, seen the plainest provisions of our blessed Oonr
, stitution set at naught, in the passage of the Texas bill. There
is, indeed, a dark pall over the prospect before us when that
sacred instrument can be trampled upon by peculation and
cupidity.
For yourself, personally, the present age may not accord you
OF HENRY CLAY. 527
justice. But I feel assured that a time will come, and I trust
in God I may live to see it, when the passions and prejudices
of the present state have passed away, and your stainless and
splendid name will be revered by an admiring posterity.
The patriotic exertions of the women of Virginia to erect a
■ statue in commemoration of your virtues, can not have escaped
your attention. I take pleasure in stating to you that I was yes-
terday informed by Mrs. Lucy Barbour, the venerable and dis-
tinguished lady, who gave to the work its first impulse, that
success is certain, and that next summer the corner-stone will be
laid. We will erect it upon our Capitol Square, in Richmond,
and it shall bear some such inscription as was once applied to
Charles James Fox, a character, in many respects, kindred with
your own :
" A patriot's even course he steered,
'Mid faction's wildest storms untaoved,
By all who marked his course, revered,
By all who knew his heart, beloved."
Inclosed you will find a copy of some poor verses that I wrote
for Mr. Pleasants on the occasion of Christmas, in which is at-
attempted a satire on the follies of the age. I hope you will not
deem it impertinent if I ask that you will do me the honor to
read them.
DOCTOR SIEECEK TO ME. CLAY.
New Orleans, April 22, 1845.
My very dear Friend, — I have received here your kind letter
from Natchez, whence it was forwarded. We have been de-
tained by Miss Young's indisposition, now of several months du-
ration, and by her desire to enjoy the benefit of Lugenburg's
advice. But as she is now much relieved, I induilge the hope of
returning home next week.
In regard to your affairs, or rather to a late movement on the
part of your friends, however reluctant I might be on ordinary
occasions to hazard one, conscious of its little authority, yet I
have not the slighest hesitation to express my opinion as the case
appears a very plain one.
I learn from your letter that certain of your debts have been
cancelled at Lexington by some unknown and inscrutable agency,
that you suspect the interposition of your friends, and that you
528 PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE
are somewhat doubtful whether it would not be more consistent
with the independence of your previous life that you should re-
ject the kindly ofRce thus proffered.
Now in all ages signal public services have been rewarded by
national benefactions. In our own day, Sieyes and Welling-
ton have had grants of domains, the debts of Pitt have been
paid by Parliament, Fox did not disdain the assistance of his
friends. Your memory will furnish innumerable other instances.
If Republics are ungrateful it is the more necessary that private
individuals should perform the daty neglected by the public au-
thorities.
You have devoted more than forty years of your life to public
affairs, and have rendered the most important public services. If,
in this distinguished career, you have acquired fame surpassing
that of your cotemporaries, it , is equally true, that the same ca-
pacity, industry and zeal, would have insured to you the most
ample fortune. This, it strikes me, is the true view of the case,
and is conclusive beyond question, as you Avould also think if you
were not interested.
But there is another aspect. Would it not he ungracious to
repel the friendly hand that is tendered, to mortify those who are
warmly attached to you, and to consult — shall I venture on the
word ? — your pride, at the expense of their feelings ?
My dear friend, you must submit, there is no remedy ; for, if
your suspicions are correct, you can not overcome the precautions
which may have been adopted to guard against this very con-
tingency.
I venture to use the language which is dictated alike by my
grateful sense of your sentiments toward me, as by my high re-
spect and warm attachment for you. Most surely it is the duty
of a friend to speak plainly, without, however, disregarding the
delicacy aud courtesy which are equally necessary.
I hope Mrs. Clay has not forgotten me, and that she will ac-
cept my respects.
MK. CLAT TO CALVIN COLTON.
AsniAND, April 28, 1845.
Mt dear Sib, — I duly received your letter of the 17th in-
stant. Compression is your forte in composition ; but is there
OF HENRY OLAT. 529
not danger of your elaborating too much the old calumny of
bargain, etc. ? The division you propose of the subject appears
to me to be natural and suitable
When I meet Governor Letcher I will endeavor to prevail on
him to give the certificate you desire. He may perhaps consent
to furnish it to be used only in the contingency of his death. If
living, and the statement of Mr. B.'s agency should be denied,
appealed to as he is as a witness, I am sure he would be willing
to testify. You will find Mr. Buchanan's speech, what you want,
in Gales and Seaton's Congressional Debates, although I can not
refer you to the page. Governor Letcher could refer to it.
It would be well not to publish Colonel Sloan's statement un-
til I hear from Mr. Reilly, the Texan Charge des Affaires. I en-
deavored, through him, to procure from General Houston a con-
firmation of Colonel Sloan's testimony, and have not yet learned
what success attended the efibrt.
Mr. Adams' appeal to heaven was at Maysville, I think in
November 1843, on the occasion of his visit to Cincinnati. He
made a very strong defense of me in 1829 in answer to some
address from New Jersey, which you will no doubt be able to
find in Niles' Register.
A GOLD PEN TO MR. CLAT.
New York, 8 Washington Square, July 12, 1845.
HoNOBED AND HONORABLE SiR, — Designed by my maker for
actual service, and ambitious to hold a situation where I can gain
the highest honor, and confer the greatest benefit on mankind, I
am emboldened, at the suggestion of a friend, to present myself
before you, to solicit your patronage and favor.
Truth compels me to admit that I have but little to recommend
me to your notice. Although I derive my origin from a rich and
powerful family, to whom even princes pay court, and whose in-
fluence is felt throughout the world, I am myself without in-
fluence, without the attraction of peculiar beauty, am worth but
little money, and wholly destitute of intellectual endowments.
Yet, kind sir, if you will take me by the hand and admit me to
your intimate companionship, to your treasury of thoughts, I
shall soon become familiar with all that is noble in sentiment,
lofty in conception, wise in judgment, beautiful in imagery,
honest in purpose, and truthful in expression.
34
530 PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE
Thus guided I can not fail to impart pleasure, and instruction
to the world ; and to gain in return, the world's admiration and
applause.
Insignificant as I may appear in comparison with such of my
elegant relations as have lately been presented to you, I yet hope
you will deign to listen to my application, will give me a place
near your person, and allow me to remain, honored sir, ever
yours to command.
MR. CLAY TO J. MUIR.
AsHlAND, August 1, 1 845.
Dear Sib, — I received your kind letter and thank you for the
friendly sentiments which it conveys. I have ceased to have
any, I never had many, personal regrets on account of the issue
of the Presidential election. Those which I most felt were ex-
cited for my country and for my friends. They remain undi-
minished. And for no portion of them were my sympathies
more strongly awakened than for our countrywomen. Their
hearts, every where, assured them of the deep and durable in-
terests involved in the contest, and intuitively prompted them- to
avert all calamity from our land, if they could. Mine gratefully
owns the kind partiality which they manifested toward me. The
ladies of Alexandria are entitled to a large share of the great ob-
ligation which I owe to their whole sex.
I return the blank notes which you transmitted, with my name
affixed to each as you desired. I add a similar one for Mrs. MandelL
I will thank you to make my respects and my acknowledg-
ments to the poet, mechanic, of whose versification you have
sent a specimen so creditable to his talent.
MK. CLAT TO CALVIN COLTON.
Blue Sulphue, Virginia, September 5, 1845.
Mt dear Sib, — I received your favor, proposing to send the
proofs to me of your first volume. I am now en route to Ash-
land, where I shall be glad to receive them, hoping to find in
the introduction, as intimated in your previous letter, an exoner-
ation of me from any responsibility for the composition of the
work. It is the best if not only mode of correcting the error
committed in the prospectus.
OF HENRY CLAY. ^ 531
I saw Judge Brooke at the White Sulphur Springs. He tells
me that he has packed up a large bundle of my letters, and placed
them in the care of a friend, to be delivered to you. He thinks
that yon may derive useful matter from them. .He has returned
to St. Julien, his residence near Fredericksburg.
I have also received a package of some forty of my letters,
addressed to the late .T. S. Johnston, Senator from Louisiana, sent
me by the widow of his only son. I will try to find some per-
son to forward them by to you from Lexington.
I have not yet heard from General Houston ; but Mr. Reiley,
the husband of my wife's niece, still believes I shall receive a
communication from him.
MR. CLAT TO DR. W. A. BOOTH.
Ashland, September 15, 1845.
Dear Sir, — A temporary absence from home has delayed my
acknowledgment of the receipt of your favor of the 7th ultimo.
I have not received the pamphlet to which it refers. But any
expression of my opinion, as to your plan of compromise be-
tween the two divisions of the Methodist Church, would be now
wholly unimportant, if at any time it would have been worth
any thing, since a separation seems to be inevitable. When
such is the case, in human affairs, I think the best way is to seek
to avoid any mischievous consequences.
I must continue to regret the separation, because I believe it
to have an evil tendency. Others think diflferently; and my
hope is that they may, in the end, prove to be right, and I
wrong.
It was not my intention, in my former letter, to impute any
error to the Southern portion of the Church, on the unhappy sub-
ject of Slavery, the immediate cause of division.
My opinion is, that the existence of Slavery, or the fact of
owning slaves, in States which authorize the institution of Slave-
ry, does not rightfully fall within the jurisdiction of Ecclesi-
astical bodies. The law of the land is paramount, and ought
not to be contravened by any spiritual tribunal.
532 . PEIVATE COEEESPONDENCE
MH. CLAT TO CALVIN COLTON.
Ashland, September 16, 1845.
My dear Sib, — I received your favor of the 2d instant. I
have really no coat of arms, and if I had, I should doubt the
propriety of the use of it suggested by you. In lieu of it, would
it not be better to employ some object drawn from those inter-
ests which I have sought to promote in the National Councils ?
A loom, shuttle, anvil, plow, or any other article connected
with manufactures, agriculture, or commerce. I wrote you from
the Blue Sulphur. Yours respectfully.
HENHT WHITE AND OTHERS TO MR. CLAT.
Philadelphia, December 21, 1845.
Dear Sir, — The undersigned, acting for the Whigs of Phila-
delphia, have the honor to ask your acceptance of the book
which accompanies this letter. It contains an expression of
gratitude from your Whig brethren here, for your eminent ser-
vices as a statesman, and a testimonial of their regard for you,
as a citizen and friend.
The undersigned have the honor to send with the book a cas-
ket of jewels, manufactured in this city for Mrs. Clay. On be-
half of the ladies and gentlemen whose names are contained in
the book, they present them to Mrs. Clay, as a mark of their
high consideration and respect for the worth and virtues of the
lady of one to whom the country owes a debt of gratitude that
never can be repaid.
MR. CLAT TO HENRT WHITE AND OTHERS.
Ashland, December 16, 1846.
Gentlemen, — I received to-day at this place, the letter which
on the 1st inst., you did me the honor to address to me, from
the hands of Henry White, Esq., one of the subscribers to it.
He at the same time delivered to me the book, beautifully printed
and bound, entitled " A Testimonial of Gratitude and Affection
to Henry Clay," containing the proceedings of a meeting of my
friends in the city of Philadelphia, publicly held at the Coui;ity
Court-house, on Wednesday evening, December 19, 1844, in
OF HENET CLAY. 533
pursuance of a call of the National Clay Club, and containing
also several thousand names of both sexes, young and old, of
those who have done me the great honor of contributing a testi-
monial to my public services, to the principles and measures
which I have endeavored to establish, and to my exertions in
the common cause which we have espoused.
It is utterly impossible, gentlemen, for me to find language of
sufficient force and strength, to express to you the emotions of
gratitude and thankfulness excited in my breast by this precious
and affecting testimonial. It will be ever warmly cherished by
me throughout my life, and be preserved and transmitted to my
descendants, as the most honorable legacy which I could be-
queath to them. And I request you to say to one and all of the
contributors, that their respective names are not more indelibly
recorded in the splendid book which they have sent me, than in
grateful impressions on my heart.
I am also charged by Mrs. Clay to. present her cordial and
respectful thanks (to which I beg leave to add my own), to the
ladies and gentlemen who have had the goodness to send her a
casket of rich jewels, which Mr. White kindly delivered into
her own hands, for their highly valuable present. Her grateful
obligations for it, she enjoins me to say, are not at all diminished
by the reflection that considerations apart from any merits of her
own, have prompted the generous offer of it to her acceptance.
I embrace the occasion to bear my testimony, and to tender
my thanks to you, gentlemen, the trustees appointed under the
authority of the public meeting in Philadelphia, before men-
tioned, for the delicacy, the fidelity, and the honor, with which
you have executed the trust confided to you. And I have great
pleasure in expressing my thanks and gratitude to Mr. White, in
particular, for the great trouble and inconvenience which he has
encountered, by performing a long journey, at a most inclement
season, to fulfill the commission intrusted to him.
I am, gentlemen, with sentiments of the highest respect and
regard, your grateful and faithful friend, and obedient servant.
MB. CLAY TO W. L. WOODWARD.
AsHiASD, January 3, 1846.
Dear Sir, — I duly received your favor, and take pleasure in
answering it. The desire to trace, out your ancestry is very
534 PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE
natural. I have often felt it in respect to mine, but I have no
written, and very imperfect traditional accounts of them. I am
apprehensive, however, that my parental stock is different from
the family of Clays described by you, as having been estabhshed
in Middletown, Connecticut. My ancestors emigrated from
England, and settled in the colony of Virginia, early, I believe,
in the 17th century. My father was born there, not far from
Richmond, on the south side of James River. He removed to
Hanover county, shortly before my birth in that county. His
name was John, and he was sometimes called Sir John Clay (as
I have seen in the record of judicial proceedings), but he had
no legitimate right to that title. It was a soubriquet which he
somehow acquired. He had but one brother, Edward Clay,
who removed at an early period into North Carolina, where he
lived and died, leaving a large family.
I never knew my father, who died in my infancy, nor my
grandfather. Left an orphan, struggling for subsistence and edu-
cation, and removing, before I reached my majority, to this State,
where I plunged first into an active professional business, and
then into political affairs, I have had but little leisure to prose-
cute inquiries concerning my ancestors. And now, I shall so
soon meet them in another, and I hope a better state, that I have
thought it hardly necessary to institute any. I think it is quite
probable that the Clays, from whom we both descended, were
originally of the same family, although it may not be practicable
now to trace the exact degree of connection. When I was in
England, I met with some persons bearing the name of Clay,
and from conversation with them, I had reason to suppose that
we all sprung from the same stock.
I am very thankful for the assurance contained in your letter,
that your family have all done me the honor to entertain confi-
dence in me, and that those of them who are entitled to the ex-
ercise of the elective franchise, have voted with the Whigs. I
shall be most happy, if, during the remnant of my life, I shall
continue to merit their good opinion.
I pray you to communicate my respectful regards to your ven-
erable grandfather, and accept for yourself assurances of the
respect aud esteem, and the wishes for your welfare and happi-
ness of your friend and obedient servant.
P. S. My father was a Baptist preacher. Mr. Eleazer Clay
OF HENRY CLAY. 535
near Richmond, Va., was also a Baptist preacher for more than
sixty years, and my only surviving full brother is a preacher of
the same denomination.
LORD MOKPETH TO MR. CLAY.
Castle Howard, April IV, 1846.
My dear Mr. Clay, — I should hardly have ventured to put
the locality of my date into so graphic a form, but I thought
that if your Yorkshire housekeeper should be still alive, she
might like to be shown the outside of a Yorkshire house. I
wis'h I could show her master the inside. The reason for my
breaking in at all upon the repose of Ashland (a repose, however,
against the cause of which I protest in common with the sound
sense of mankind at large), is to satisfy the request of a friend,
who begs me to inquire from you whether you happen to know
any thing of a Mr. William Cavendish, whom he believes to
have accompanied you upon your return to America in 1815-
16 (?), and if so, what befell him, whether he is still alive, and
what he is now doing. I sincerely beg pardon for inflicting so
much old-dated curiosity upon you, and it is only in respect of
having once discharged the office of your letter-carrier, that I
can hope to be excused for bothering your post-bag with so un-
interesting an inquiry. The last mail brings us the account of
your adding t6 your estimates, but I hope that the whole mat-
ters between us wear a more pacific complexion. I must say
that I think upon our side there would be a sincere aversion to
any conflict between us. I am afraid I must not bespeak your
sympathy for our Free-Trade movement. It rather hangs fire
during its progress through the Legislature, but I am inclined to
believe that the House of Lords will pass the bill. I hope your
groves are flourishing round you, and I must particularly inquire
after your stock of cattle. We are rather proud of our breed in
this place, and sold two short-horned cows last autumn for
£300, which in the present times we consider a large price,
when good breeds are become so much more coinmon. I would
beg to be kindly remembered to all of your family who are
good enough to retain any recollection of me. I wonder whether
your servant Charles is still with you ?
536 PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE
Mr. Denison, whom you may remember as a traveler in Amer-
ica some twenty years ago, is now with us here, and begs to be
recalled to your recollection.
HENHT CLAY JR. TO HIS BROTHEB JAMES.
Louisville, May 25, 1846.
Dear James, — Your letter was thankfully received. The
Governor left here yesterday morning. The night before I
offered him five companies, and a sixth reported themselves
through their officers the same night. I could easily raise the
ten. Indeed I have been much complimented by offers to serve
with me. When I offered the Governor the companies he told
me that he would not be bound by their election, after having
given me reason to believe that he would issue the commissions
according to their choice.
At present, having done all that a proper sense of duty re-
quires, in having offered my services, I have determined to do
nothing more. The rest remains with his Excellency.
Tell Henry Erwin if he desires to go out I would advise him
to be elected, if possible, captain or lieutenant of one of the
companies. My love to Susan and all our friends.
ME. CLAY TO JOHN S. LITTELL.
Ashland, NoTcmber 11, 1846,
My DEAR Sir, — ^I received your friendly letter of the 9th in-
stant, and am greatly obliged by your kind intention to serid me
a copy of " Graydon's Memoirs." I should receive it with
pleasure, and no doubt would peruse it with profit. I saw that
you were a candidate for Congress on the Native American ticket.
I did not for a moment suppose that in assuming that position
you had abandoned any of your long-cherished Whig principles.
There is much in the principles of tlie Native American party
to condmend it to deliberate consideration ; but as a separate and
distinct party, I have not imagined that it could succeed in the
United States. Its tendency is to distract and divide the Whigs,
for it is not to be believed that the other party, to any consider-
OF HENBY CLAY. 537
able extent, will unite with the Native American. The other
party has profited too largely by the foreign vote to authorize us
to expect that, as a party, it will give any considerable support
or countenance to the Native Americans. If any modification
of the naturalization laws shall ever be effected, it will not be at
the instance, or by the co-operation, of the Democratic party.
The political evils which flow from the foreign population are
confined to localities, and do not pervade the interior of the
Union. Hence I suppose that the principles of the Native
American party alone can never form a basis of a party commen-
surate with the whole Union.
I unite with you in congratulations on the recent signal tri-
umphs of the Whigs. They encourage us to hope for a better
administration of the general Government. Such a desirable
result I think inevitable, if the Whigs should be wise, and not
allow themselves to be intoxicated by their present successes. I
look on passing scenes with calmness, though not with indiffer-
ence. I am often addressed to know if I would consent to the
use of my name again as a candidate for the Presidency. Al-
though full of gratitude to my friends for their past confidence
and support, I have deemed it most befitting to remain silent on
these appeals, answering neither yea nor nay. In my opinion,
it is too soon now to agitate the question of the next Presidency.
The pubHc mind, I think, had better be left to the full, undis-
turbed, and undivided consideration of the disastrous measures
of the last session of Congress. It will be time enough hereafter,
from among the living and the worthy, to select a suitable per-
son to accomplish the changes so desirable in the general ad-
ministration.
For the continuance of your kind and friendly feelings and
sentiments toward me, I beg you to be assured of the thanks and
gratitude of your friend and obedient servant.
MK. CLAY TO HENRY WHITE.
Ashland, November &, 1846.
My deab Sik,— At the moment of my departure from home,
which I leave to-morrow for New Orleans, I take great pleasure
in the acknowledgment of the receipt of your kind favor of the
21st instant. I wish I could enjoy the satisfaction of your com-
538 PEIVATE CORRESPONDENCE
pany on the voyage, not, however, with the discomforts which
we experienced in that terrible old hickory last winter.
I congratulate you on the marriage of your daughter. Say to
her that I wish her all possible happiness ; and that, if she does
not enjoy it, so far as her husband is concerned, I must say,
" white man is very uncertain."
I congratulate you also on public afiairs. I think light is once
more beaming upon us, and light, too, from the Key stone, as
well as elsewhere.
Your information and explanations are very friendly and
satisfactory.
As to the Tariff of 1846, I think otir true policy is to go for
its repeal, and the restoration of the Tariff of 1842, and nothing
else than the repeal of the one and the restoration of the other.
My wife, and all at Ashland, unite in affectionate regards to
you and all of yours.
MK. CLAY TO HIS SON JAMES.
New Oklkan8, January 17, 1847.
Mt dear Son, — I received your letter of the first instant, and
was much distressed by the account you gave me of dear little
Lucy's health. She is one of the few links that bind me to life,
and I should be quite inconsolable if we were to lose her Tell
Doctor Dudley that I hope he will exert all his skill to restore
her.
Give my love to Susan, and kiss Lucy for me. My health
b.is been generally good.
MH. CLAT TO HIS SON JAMES.
New Okleans, January 30, 1847.
My dear Son, — I received to-day your letter of the 19th, in-
forming me of your having purchased thirty tons of hemp, stat-
ing that you may purchase sixty or seventy tons more, and ask-
ing me to send an authority to join my name in security for the
payment of the price. I send the authority inclosed accord-
ingly.
I am sorry to hear that poor little Lucy continues unwell.
Kiss the dear child for me, and my love to Susan.
OF HENRY CLAY. 539
MK. CLAY TO HIS SON JAMES.
New Orleans, February 24, 1847.
Mt dear Son,— I have at last received a letter from Henry,
. but he says nothing in it about his Louisville business. He is
well, but writes in bad spirits, owing to his having no prospect
of actual service.
My love to Susan and dear Lucy.
ME. CLAY TO HIS WIFE.
New Okleans, March 13, 1847.
My ijear Wife, — Inclosed I send two bills (the first number)
to guard against any accident that may befall me. I wish them
kept by you until my return. I retain in my possession the
other two numbers. I have been engaged to argue a case next
winter in the Supreme Court of the United States.
I shall leave here on Tuesday next for Natchez, where I shall
remain a few days ; and I think I shall go up in the Peytona,
in which case it will be near the last of the month before I get
home.
We are in anxious suspense here about news from the army.
Taylor has probably had some hard fighting. Rumor says he
lost two thousand men, and killed four thousand ; but I do not
believe that there have been such heavy losses. Henry, I sup-
pose, was in the fight, as he was with Taylor. If I should get
any certain intelligence before I leave here I will write you again.
My love to John and Henry.
WM. PRESTON AND OTHERS TO MR. CLAY.
LouisviiLE, April 10, 1847.
Dear Sir, — The people of Louisville, deeply moved by the
circumstances attending the battle of Buena Vista, and wishing
to manifest their profound esteem for the brave men who fell on
that memorable day, adopted a series of resolutions expressive
of their feelings at the reception of the mournful, yet glorious
intelligence. A copy of those resolutions have been inclosed to
you by a committee appointed for that purpose.
To the undersigned this sad yet grateful duty was allotted of
540 PEIVATE CORRESPONDENCE
making the requisite arrangements to bring back to this State
the remains of the brave officers and soldiers from this city, who,
on that day, died in the service of the nation.
Among those who perished on that sanguinary battle-field,
you, sir, sustained the loss of a brave and gallant son — a loss as
afilicting to his country as to his kindred. To the city of his
adoption he was endeared in life by many virtues, and the sad
story of his unyielding valor and chivalric death, will long be re-
membered and 'treasured by her sons. We will not venture to
dwell upon a theme so painful, yet so full of consolation to a
father's heart ; our duty is simpler. It is for us to bring back
his last remains from the land of the foeman and stranger, that
he may peacefully repose in the bosom of his own loved Ken-
tucky, far indeed from the field of his glory, but amid hearts that
knew, that loved, that honored him.
It is to ask your permission to bring back to his native State
the body of Colonel Clay, to administer the last sacred rites of
sepulture, and afterward to erect a monument to commemorate
his virtues and perpetuate his deeds, that we address this note.
We remain, sir, with the profoundest sympathy for your afilic-
tion, and with the highest esteem, your friends and fellow-citizens.
ME. CLAT TO DANIEL ULLMANN.
Ashland, May 12, ISi'l.
My dear Sir, — I duly received your letter of the 3d instant,
and thank you for the friendly expression of your regret and
sympathy, on account of the great and irreparable loss which I
have sustained, in the death of my beloved son, on the bloody
field of Buena Vista. It has been one of the. most lamentable
events of my life, which has been full of domestic afiiictions.
Although I feel some consolation in the gallant manner of my
son's death in the service of his country, and in the general sym-
pathy which the public has so generously displayed on account
of it, the deep wound which I have received can only be effect-
ually healed by Him whose dispensations have produced it.
I approach, at this time, the other subject of your letter under
feelings which would not allow me to touch it, but at the in-
stance of such a long, tried, and faithful friend, as I have ever
found you to be.
OF HENRY CLAT. 541
And first, as to the movement in Philadelphia to bring out
General Taylor as the Whig candidate for President, which you
say is represented to have been made by my advice, and with
my approbation. So far from that being the fact, it took me
completely by surprise ; and most certainly I neither did, nor is
it probable that, at any time, I could advise or approve such a
movement. Now, it appears to me to be premature, impulsive,
and if generally concurred in by the Whig party, must place it
in a false and inconsistent position.
I have thought that any serious movement, earlier than next
winter or next spring, to designate the Whig candidate, would
be unwise. By that time we shall have a pretty correct view
of the whole ground, and of what the Whigs may be able to
accomplish in 1848.
The war with Mexico is yet in progress. We do not certainly
know how it will terminate, nor how General Taylor himself
may finally come out of it. In the mean time, it would be very
embarrassing to him to be a recognized candidate for the Pres-
idency in opposition to the very party, to the orders of whose
Administration he is subject.
Then there is General Scott. Perhaps, while I am now writ-
ing, he is in possession of the city of Mexico. Will he create no
competition with General Taylor ? May we not have two Whig
generals in the field of politics ? And as the other party may
desire the eclat of military deeds, may they not bring forward
some third general.
As to the inconsistency to which I have referred, it seems to
me that the Whig party has been long and deliberately com-
mitted against the election of a military officer to the Presidency
who had never developed any capacity for civil administration.
The election of General Harrison was no departure from that
rule ; for he was quite as much distinguished in various walks in
civil life as he was in his military career. The true principle, I
think, is this : that great military attainments and triumphs do
not qualify of themselves nor disqualify for the Presidency.
If General Taylor, who is absolutely without any experience
whatever in civil administration, shall be elected, I think we may
bid adieu to the election ever again of any man to the office of
Chief Magistrate who is not taken from the asrmy.' Both parties
will stand committed to the choice of military men. Each in
future will seek to bring him forward who will be most likely to
542 PEIVATE COERESPONDENCB
secure the public suffrage. Military chieftain will succeed mili-
tary chieftain, until at last one will reach the Presidency who,
more unscrupulous than his predecessors, will put an end to our
liberties, and establish a throne of military despotism.
If it were highly probable or certain that we must take Gen-
eral Taylor, or submit to the continuance in power of the present
dominant party, that would present a different state of things.
The question then would be between the perpetuation and in-
crease of corruption, leading certainly to the destruction of the
Government, on the one hand, and the ultimate danger of mili-
tary despotism, on the other. In such a painful dilemma, it
might be expedient, as an only resort, to select the General as
the Whig candidate. But this ought not to be done but upon
the strongest necessity ; and at this early day no such necessity
is manifest. On the contrary, there is much reason to hope that
the Whig party may be able to elect any fair and honorable
man they may choose to nominate.
As to myself, after the disastrous termination of the contest
of 1844, I determined to submit to my fate, and to remain pass-
ive, and I have accordingly so remained. I have never stated
to any mortal whether I would consent or not to the use of my
name again as a candidate. On that question I have formed no
positive determination, one way or the other. If God were to
spare my life and my mind should remain in full vigor ; and if
there were to be such popular demonstrations of a desire to elect
me as to leave no doubt of the result, I might consent to my
name being 'again used. But the latter condition is not likely
perhaps, to occur, if the former should exist. Up to the battle
of Buena Vista, I had reason to believe that there existed a fixed
determination with the mass of the Whig party, throughout the
United States, to bring me forward again. I believe that the
greater portion of that mass still cling to that wish, and that the
movements we have seen, in behalf of General Taylor, are to a
considerable extent superficial and limited. Such is the fact in
this quarter. And even in Philadelphia I have been informed
that by far the greatest enthusiasm was displayed, at the public
meeting, when some allusion was made to my name.
If General Scott is successful to the extent, which we may
anticipate, in Mexico, most probably a party will spring up to
bring him forward ; and in the collisions which may arise, it is
OF HENRY CLAY. 543
possible that the Whig public may deem it wise and expedient
finally to put aside both Generals, and select some civihan.
I am afraid that you will find this long letter a great inflic-
tion; but you must attribute it to yourself, and to the confi-
dence and friendship which I entertain for you.
P. S. I ought to say that I have long and intimately known
General Taylor ; and that I regard him as an honest straightfor-
ward man ; but I know nothing of his opinions upon public
afi'airs, except by inference from the fact of his preference of
me to Mr. Polk.
MB. CLAY TO MISS TOWLEK.
Ashland, June 7, 1847.
Mt deak Miss Towler, — I called this morning at Mr. Mc-
Gowans' in Lexington, to see you, but you had departed for
Columbia. My object was to present to you in person, what I
now communicate in writing, my cordial thanks for the beauti-
ful lines which you cordially addressed to me, on the death of
my beloved son. They are highly creditable to your heart and
to your head. The advice yon give to restrain my grief for
that melancholy event, is very good, and certainly the generous
expressions of such sympathy as you, my other friends, and the
public have manifested, are calculated to alleviate our sorrows.
They place me under great and grateful obligations. But He
only, my young friend, can efiectually heal such wounds as we
have received, by whose inscrutable dispensations they have
been permitted to be inflicted. You have felt in early life,
the bereavement of an excellent father. May your surviving
parent, and your other relative?, be long spared to you, and may
you enjoy all other earthly blessings. My warm regards to your
mother.
MK. CLAY TO DANIEL ULLMANN.
Virginia, White Sulphur Springs, August 4, 1847.
Mr DEAR Sir, — I received your friendly letter prior to my de-
parture from home ten days ago, and brought it with me to this
5M PEIVATE CORRESPONDENCE
place. I thank you for the kind tender of your friendly ofBces,
of which, if there should be need, I shall avail myself, with the
fullest confidence in your fidelity to the Whig cause, and in your
personal regard to me.
I think it even now very manifest that the Locofoco party
does not intend to make General Taylor its Presidential candi-
date ; and if it should not, should but designate some other candi-
date, the condition of popular unanimity, on which alone he
states, in one of his late letters, that he will consent to run, will
not exist. I think it impossible that the General should main-
tain silence as to his principles. He must make some public
avowal of them, in other words he must say whether he is
Whig or Democrat. Such silence could not, I think, be main-
tained by General Washington, if he were to rise from the dead
and consented to be again run for the Presidency. General
Jackson was constrained to proclaim his, although he did not
afterward conform to them.
But suppose him to preserve silence, and the other party to
designate some other candidate, what then are the Whigs to do ?
Will they not only forego all their objections to a mere military
man, as President, but take one haphazard, without knowing
whether he holds a single principle in common with them ?
I have thought for some time, and continue to think, that it is
highly probable that the other party will finally settle down on
General Scott, and I think I have seen some indications of this,
both in its conduct and in his.
You ask me what is the best mode of conducting the cam-
paign in your State. I should think it best to rely upon the old
issues, with the exception of that of a Bank of the United
States, which I believe was never pressed in Pennsylvania.
There is, 1st. The principle of protection, and the fraud prac-
ticed ,on Pennsylvania by the Kane letter. In further support
of this fraud I learned yesterday from the Honorable Reverdy
Johnson, that, during the canvass of 1844, when some interrog-
atories were addressed from your State to Polk, requesting a
more explicit avowal of his opinion in regard to the Tariff of
1842, Mr. Buchanan wrote to Tennessee that the Kane letter
was working well, and begging that those inteiTogatories might
not be answered, and Mr. Polk accordingly remained silent.
I'r Then there is, 2d. The Mexican war, its causes, the manner of
\conducting it, and the great National debt which it fastens on
OF HEWRy CLAY. 545
the country. 3d. The alarming increase of the vetos and the
abuses of the Executive power^the improvement of the coun-
try, etc., etc. These and other topics will readily present them-
selves, and will be treated by you to the greatest advantage.
It is true, as you remark, that the famished condition of En-
rope has concealed the effects of the Tariff of 1846 ; but these
will be more and more manifested as bread and other food be-
come there abundant. Already have the prospects of a good
crop in Europe led to a decline in the prices of American food, c
I shall remain here until Monday next, when I purpose pass-
ing through your native State to Cape May, where I desire to
enjoy a sea-bath, which I never in my life before had an oppor-
tunity of doing. You must not, however, infer that my health
is bad. It is on the contrary very good.
MR. CLAT TO HIS SON JAMES.
White Sdlphuk Speings, August 6, 1847.
My dear Son, — I received your letter of the 28th ultimo, with
its inclosures. -
The latter part of the journey fatigued me very much, but I
have now recovered from it. Dr. Mercer and I go to Cape May
on the 9th instant, he leaving his family here. I shall return by
this route on my way home.
My love to all at home, and kisses for Lucy.
Your letter is the only one I have received from home. Let-
ters may be addressed to me at Cape May until the 18th instant,
and afterward to this place.
NICHOLAS DEAN TO MR. CLAT.
New Yokk, August 12, 1847.
My dear Sir, — Three years have elapsed since I last had the
honor of addressing you ; not that the abiding feelings of respect
and admiration with which I regard you have in any degree di-
minished, but the fervent hopes entertained by me, in common
with millions of your fellow-citizens, were so unexpectedly and
fatally crushed by the issue of the last Presidential election, that
I have never yet been able perfecdy to rally from its stunning,
35
546 PRIVATE COEEESPONDENCE
effects, or to gather confidence enough to force myself upon
your attention.
A calamity of a different and infinitely more af&icting char-
acter has since fallen upon your family circle, awakening the
sympathies and calling forth the commisseration of all those who
have hearts to feel throughout our native country ; — in these,
my dear sir, I deeply and truly participate, and respectfully
tender to you, and those dear to you, my heartfelt condolements.
Among the numerous tributes which the gallantry and noble
bearing of your lamented son upon the fatal field of Buena
Vista have called forth,! have met none more touching in its
inception and character than the one herewith inclosed, the pro-
duction of Frances Jane Crosby, a resident graduate of the New
York Institution for the Blind. It was written immediately
after the announcement of his fall in that fearful conflict. The
authoress but recently recited it to me, and I hasten to place it
before you.
The deep, broad current of universal sorrow has forced the
barriers that encompass the blind, and awakened sympathies
even in their stricken state of darkness and solitude.
I can not add to the tenderness and pathos of such an offering.
Accept it, I pray you.
On the death of Lirutcnant Colonel Henry Clay, Jr., who fell at the battle of Buma
Vista, Mexico, February 23, 1847, by Frances Jane Crosby,* of the Nea York In-
stitute for the Blind,
Lol on the gory battle-field,
A soldier brave is lying,
Mild is the luster of his eye.
Though he, alas! is dying.
Yet still Trith feeble hand he grasps
The sword so faithful ever ;
Now drops the weapon by his side,
And to resume it — never.
Oh I gallant Clat, though for thy brow
Its laurels Fame is weaving ;
Vain trophies ! for thy bosom now
Its last faint sigh is heaving.
Back, cowards I would ye deeper make
The wounds -already given ?
You, from an aged father's heart
Another tie have riven.
* Miss Crosby has been blind since the age of six weeks.
OF HENRY CLAY. 547
Intrepid "waiTior, thou hast left
A deathless name behind thee —
That name unsullied, still shall shine,
Though the dark grave may bind thee.
Thou, by thy General's side hast fought,
Yes, Taylor will deplore thee ;
And many a heart that shared thy love
Will weep in silence o'er thee 1
E. C. WINES TO MR. CLAY.
The Oaklands School, near Burlington,
Kew Jersey, August 16, 1847.
Deab, Sir, — In the late severe affliction, through which a
mysterious but doubtless ever-wise and benignant Providence has
called you to pass, 1 have felt the deepest sympathy with you.
And if I have not given utterance to these emotions, it was only
because I feared that my condolence would be rather an intru-
sion upon your grief than any alleviation of it. Having recently
seen, however, an account in the public papers of your baptism,
whereby you have become a member of the visible Church of
Christ, I can not refrain from conveying to you my cordial con-
gratulations on the auspicious issue of your sorrowful bereave-
ment. It was the experience of one of the greatest moriarchs
and statesmen the world ever saw ; it has been the experience
of thousands in' every condition of life since his day ; it has
now, I trust, become your happy experience also : " It is good
for me that I have been afflicted." The hand of affliction is
heavy, but it is because it is fflled with gold ; the voice of af-
fliction is stern, but its wounds are the probings of a skillful
chirurgeon ; the countenance of affliction is lowering, but it is the
frown of a parent, soon to be followed by the serene and radiant
smile of unclouded affection.
Yours, my dear sir, has been a life of incident, of stir, of agi-
tation, of heroic doing and suffering. You have often been
placed in positions where your self-possession, your wisdom,
your calm energy, and your noble heroism have av/ciK'ened the
admiration of all beholders. But never, on any other occasion,
have you displayed so true a wisdom, or appeared invested with
so sublime a dignity, as when receiving the baptismal waters,
and seated at the communion-table of our common Lord.
548 PRIVATE COEEESPONDENCE
I remember well the anguish you suffered a few years ago,
under the loss of an estimable and beloved daughter. I remem-
ber also your declaration. that Mrs. Clay, though deeply dis-
tressed, was yet amply sustained and solaced by her religion,
and the earnest expression of your wish that you had the same
source of consolation, and of your hope that you some day
should possess it. From that time to the present I have felt a
deep interest in your religious state and welfare, and a belief
that you would at length find the treasure you desired — a part
in the purchased blessings of the Gospel. And such, I hope, is
now the case, and that you find in this the heaviest afiiiction of
your life — the loss of a talented, generous, and chivalrous son —
all the consolation which the Gospel is fitted to bestow, and as-
suredly does bestow, upon all who cordially embrace it. For
what can religion be worth, if there is not more in God to com-
fort us than there can be in the loss of any, even the dearest
and most cherished, of his creatures, to distress us ?
Can you not pass a day or two with us at the Oaklands, when
on your way to New York ? We are quite in the country, be-
ing two miles distant from Burlington ; have an elevated and
airy situation, and are surrounded by venerable forest-trees,
whose grateful shade defends us, even in the height of summer,
from the scorching heats of the sun.
When you write to your son John, be pleased to convey to
him the expression of my warm regard and friendship. Mrs.
Wines desires to be respectfully presented to you.
GENERAL TAYLOR TO MR. CLAY.
Head Quaetees, Army of Occupation,
Camp near Montei-ey, November 4, 1847.
My DEAR Sir, — By yesterday's mail I had the gratification of
receiving your very welcome letter of the 27th September. Rest
assured that nothing has transpired, nothing can transpire, to
impair the amicable and kindly relations which it has been my
pleasure and pride for so long time to maintain with you.
Hints, similar to those to which you refer, have been thrown
out in letters which I have recently received ; but they have
had no influence whatever upon me ; not one word has served,
OF HENEY CLAY. 549
in the remotest degree, to prejudice me against yourself or your
friends, in either personal or political relations.
I fully agree with you in the necessity for more deliberation
in the selection of a candidate for the Presidency, and I truly
regret that my name should have been used in that relation. It
has been permitted with the greatest reluctance on my part, and
only from a sense of duty to the country. My repugnance to
being a candidate before the nation for that exalted office has
been frankly and sincerely made known. Most truly is it my
hope that before next November the party may select a Whig
in all respects worthy of the confidence of the country. To a
mutual friend of ours I have recently made this announcement,
asserting my greater desire for the quiet of private occupations,
as not only a more appropriate termination to my services as a
soldier, and more consonant with my earnest wishes, but partic-
ularly proper in reference to my limited acquaintance with mat-
ters of civil and national polity. I stated to him specifically
that I was ready to stand aside, if you or aiiy other Whig were
the choice of the party, and that I sincerely hoped such might
be their decision.
The importance of harmony and good feeling among the op-
ponents of the present dynasty, is by no one appreciated more
considerately than by myself, and whatever may be the decision
of the party, I shall be studiously guarded in this particular, and
strive to lend my best endeavors to the preservation of unity.
Permit me to repeat, that whatever representations may be
made to me, from any source, conveying any expression of disre-
spect toward yourself or your friends, or that either entertain
unfriendly feelings toward me, be assured, my dear sir, they
will be repelled and discredited, as they jusdy merit.
I am much rejoiced that I have this opportunity to assure you,
not only of my frank and full confidence in your friendship and
kindly feelings, but that I warmly appreciate your wishes for
my own success, and your expressed desire to contribute to it.
With my cordial assurance that what is herein written is dic-
tated by the same candid and friendly spirit, so evident in your
own letter, I subscribe myself, most sincerely and faithfully,
your friend.
650 PRIVATE CORRESPONDEKCE
MR. CLAY TO MKS. JAMES B. CLAT.
Ashland, NoTember 13, 1847.
My DEAR Susan, — I thank you for your letter, which I should
have sooner acknowledged, but that I was a week absent from
home, attending the trial of a cause in Anderson. !
I send you the last letter I have received from James. I hope
you have still later. His trip will, I hope and believe, benefit
his health.
I am delighted to hear from you that my dear Lucy is better.
May God bless and restore to health one in whose welfare I feel
the greatest solicitude.
At yom- house every thing goes on as well as could be ex-
pected. Here we are all well. My best regards to your father
and your family. Kiss dear Lucy and James for me.
WILLIAM C. PRESTON TO MR. CLAY.
Columbia, November 28, 1847. '
My dear Sir, — Your speech* is not only equal to your repu-
tation, but in my judgment even passes what you have heretofore
done. The eloquence with which you have expressed yourself
gave me delight, while the dignity, wisdom and lofty spirit of
patriotism throughout it inspire me with a sort of awe, and fill
me with solemn emotions. It is a very noble State paper. It
gave me the more profound satisfaction as it had been preceded
by rumors of a different character. I can not but believe that
it will be of great value to the country, and arrest the fatal po-
licy which is hurrying us to the most disastrous consequences.
GENERAL TAYLOR TO MR. CLAT.
Baton Rouge, La., December 28, 1847.
My dear Sir, — Your kind and acceptable letter of the 13th
instant, congratulating me on my safe return to the United
States, and for the complimentary and flattering terms you have
been pleased to notice my services, I beg leave to tender you
my sincere thanks.
* On the Mexican War, at Lexington.
OF HENRY CLAT. 551
The -warm and hearty reception I have met with from so
many of my fellow-citizens, where I have mingled among them
since my return, in addition to their manifestations of their high
appreciation and approval of my conduct while in Mexico, has
been truly gratifying, and has ten-fold more than compensated
me for the dangers and toils I have encountered in the public
service, as well as for the privations in being so long separated
from my family and friends ; yet there are circumstances con-
nected with my operations in that country which I can never
forget, and which I must always think of with feelings of the
deepest sorrow and regret.
I left Mexico after it was determined the column under my
orders was to act on the defensive, and after the capital of the
enemy had fallen into our hands, and their army dispersed, on a
short leave of absence, to visit my family, and to attend to some
important private affairs, which could not well be arranged with-
out my being present, and which had been too long neglected.
After reaching New Orleans, I informed the Secretary of War
that should my presence in Mexico be deemed necessary at any
time, I was ready to return, and that a communication on that or
any other subject connected with my public duties would reach
me if addressed to this place. I therefore feel bound to remain
here, or in the vicinity, until the proper authorities at Washing-
ton determine what disposition is to be made of or with me.
Under this state of things I do not expect to have it in my
power to visit Kentucky, although it would afford me much real
pleasure to mix once more with my numerous relatives and
friends in that patriotic State, to whom I am devotedly attached ;
as well as again to visit, if not the place of my nativity, where
I was reared from infancy to early manhood. And let me assure
you I duly appreciate your kind invitation to visit you at your
own hospitable home, and should any thing occur which will
enable me to avail myself of it, I will embrace the opportunity
with much real pleasure.
I regret to say, I found my family, or rather Mrs. Taylor, on
my return, in feeble health, as well as my affairs in any other
than a prosperous condition ; the latter was, however, to be ex-
pected, and I must devote what time I can spare, or can be
be spared from my public duties, in putting them in order as far
as I can do so.
Should circumstances so turn out as will induce you to visit
552 PEIVATE COEEESPONDENCE OF HENEY CLAT.
Washington the present whiter, I trust you will take every pre-
caution to protect yourself while traveling from the effects of
the severe cold weather you must necessarily encounter in cross-
ing the mountains, particularly so after having passed several of
the last winters in the South.
The letter which you did me the honor to address me, referred
to, reached me on the eve of my leaving Monterey to return to
the United States, and was at once replied to, which reply I
flatter myself reached you shortly after writing your last com-
munication ; in which I stated, although I had received some
letters from individuals in Kentucky calculated, or perhaps in-
tended, to produce unkind feelings on my part toward you, even
admitting such was the case, their object has not been accom-
plished in the slightest degree, and I hope it will never be the
case.
Please present me most kindly to your excellent lady, and
wishing you and yours continued health and prosperity, I re-
main, with respect and esteem, etc.
CHAPTER XIII.
CORRESPONDENCE OF 1848, 1849.
MK. CLAY TO HIS SON JAMES.
Waseington, January 16, 1848.
My dear Son, — I received this moment your favor of the 10th,
and was glad to hear that all are well at home. My cause is not
likely to be reached, I fear, for two or three weeks, if it be
reached at all. I have not changed my purpose on the subject
to which you refer. I have only suspended the execution of it
in deference to some friends who fear that bad consequences to
the cause and the country might ensue if I were immediately to
execute it.
Mr. Jacobs is to be married to-morrow, and I shall go to his
wedding.
I send a list of some plants which Mr. Prince has forwarded
to me.
I am sorry that you indulge in bad spirits. You are wrong to
do so, and I think you have no occasion to do so. You have
much to cheer and animate you. More by far than most per
sons.
My love to Susan and the children.
MK. CLAY TO HIS SON JAMES.
Washington, February 1, 1848.
My dear Son, — I received your letter informing me of the oc-
currence which has taken H. E. Erwin to New Orleans. I am
deeply concerned about it ; but I can not but think that Mr.
Prentiss will not fight him. If he should decline doing so 1
554 PEIVATE COERESPONDENCE
hope Henry will let it drop there, without resorting to any meas-
ure of violence or denunciation.
I have some hope of getting my cause tried next week, al-
though there is not, I regret to say, entire certainty in regard
to it.
I inclose a bill of lading for a barrel of sperm oil, purchased
by Mr. Coffin, which I will thank you to hand to your mother.
I adhere to my purpose communicated to you before I left
home. I have suspended the execution of it for the present, in
consequence of strong assurances that if I take the step now it
will be ruinous to the Whig party. It places me in a state of
painful embarrassment.
My love to Susan and the children.
MH. CLAT TO H. T. DUNCAN.
"Washington, February 15, 1848.
Mt DEAK SiK, — I received your letter of the 9th instant and I
was gratified with the proceedings in Bourbon, of which it gave
a full account. I presume through other channels you are ad-
vised of the state of public affairs here. I see no prospect of
peace at present. Upon my arrival here the strongest appeals
have been made to me to take no step withdrawing my name
from among those from which a selection is to be made of a can-
didate for the Presidency. I have been assured that, if I did, it
would lead to a prostration of the Whig party, especially in the
free States. Then they say that General Taylor can not be sup-
ported in his present noncommittal position. Some doubt, if he
were to assume distinct Whig ground, whether he could obtain
the Whig support. I have suspended any definitive action.
Great surprise exists here as to the hot haste of our Taylor
friends in Kentucky. Why is it ? I am often asked, without
being able to give any very satisfactory answer. What will be
the issue of the two Conventions in Frankfort next week ? No-
body knows here. After the long period of time during which
I have had the happiness to enjoy the friendship and confidence
of that State, what have I done, it is inquired, to lose it ?
Those Conventions, if they would act wisely, I think, would
acquiesce in the National Convention and leave their own dele-
gates to act freely, according to all circumstances.
OP HENET CLAY. ;555
My suit has been argued in the Supreme Court, and I shall
leave this place next week for Philadelphia, where some busi-
ness takes me.
MK. CLAY TO GENERAL COMBS.
Washington, February 18, 1848.
My dear General, — I received your favor this morning. I
have written this winter no letters to Kentucky on public affairs
but in answer to letters which I received, and of this description
only three. That which you thought ought to have been ad-
dressed to you was of that character.
I remain in my passive position in regard to the Presidency.
To this course I have been strongly urged. It is generally ap-
proved. Whether and when I may change it depends on circum-
stances. There is no occasion for precipitate action. Mine at
least shall be deliberate ; having due regard to country, party,
friends. If I were to credit all I hear and see, there would be no
doubt of my election, if nominated by the National Convention,
_with my consent ; but experience has brought diffidence, and I
do not lend too ready an ear to even agreeable things.
I learn from New York that there is not a particle of doubt
that, if I were a candidate, the vote of that State would be given
me by an immense majority. The Legislature (I mean the
Whigs) have had a caucus, in which they passed a resolution,
with I believe unanimity, designating me, although not naming
me, and excluding our friend General Taylor, though not nam-
ing him. Our Kentucky and other friends ought to know what
an up-hill business that is of supporting the General in the free
States ; and yet I lose no suitable occasion to impress on all
union, harmony and concord.
I am fully convinced that no preference will be expressed next
week in Virginia, at Richmond, for General Taylor ; most prob-
ably none will be expressed for any one.
I expect to be in Philadelphia the two or three last days of this
month and the first week of the next. If I can give any im-
pulse to your business there, I shall not fail to do it.
556 PRIVATE COERESPOlirDENCE
MR. CLAY TO HIS SON JAMES.
■Washikgton, February 21, 1848.
Mr DEAR Son, — Mr. Adams was striken to-day in his seat in
the House of Representatives with paralysis, and, if not now
dead, it is believed that he can not live until night. Both houses
immediately adjourned.
The court has not yet decided my cause, but as it has a press
of business before it, I do not draw any unfavorable conclusion
from the delay. I can not lose it.
I shall leave this city the day after to-morrow for Philadelphia
on Mr. Shelby's business, and shall be detained there about a
week.
Mr. Trist has certainly concluded a treaty with the Mexican
Commissioners, which is now in this city. I understand that it
cedes the boundary of the Rio Bravo, all New Mexico, and Up-
per California ; and that we are to pay fifteen millions of dollars,
besides assuming the payment of the debt due from Mexico to
our citizens. I am told that the treaty will be submitted to the
Senate for its advice, etc.
I wrote to your mother that I had received the check which
you sent me from New Orleans.
My love to Susan, Lucy, and your other children.
JOHN M'LEAN to me. CLAT.
CiNCiNifATi, March 1, 1848.
My dear Sir, — Your favor from Baltimore was lately received
at this place, it having been forwarded to me by Mr. Botts.
The manifestations of confidence and aflfection by your fel-
low-citizens in your late tour must be gratifying to you, as they
certainly have been to your friends. No higher honors could be
bestowed than those which you have received.
No one can so fully understand and appreciate the importance
of your position, as connected with the future, as yourself ; and
this knowledge best qualifies you to determine your course of
action. Standing in the advance of all your compeers in age
and in renown, you owe much to yourself. But your fame is
not exclusively your own. It belongs also to the nation. No
one friendly to his country could desire a step to be taken or
OF HENRY CLAY. 557
omitted by you, which might not result, as it would be de-
signed, for the general good.
You can not be insensible to the claims of duty, but your
friends have no right to expect from you personal sacrifices. I
can only repeat what I said to you in Washington, that if, on a
full view of the whole ground, your friends believe, and your
own judgment shall concur with theirs, that there exists the
highest probabihty of success, you ought not to withhold your
name. But, in all frankness, I will say that you Ought not to
enter into a doubtful contest. Your fame is of too much value
to yourself and to your country to compromise it, in any degree,
on a hazardous result.
Political success is no longer a test of merit or qualification.
Had this been otherwise, you would long since have been at the
head of the Government. If your name shall be brought before
the country, with your assent, I shall feel the utmost solicitude
for your success.
GEKEEAIi TAYLOR TO ME. CLAY.
Baton Rocge, La., April 30, 1848.
My dear Sib, — Your highly esteemed letter of the 4th inst.
v/as duly received, for which you have my best thanks. It was
highly gratifying to me to hear from you, and to learn you had
returned to Ashland, after so long a travel during the most in-
clement season of the year, in good health, which, I flatter my-
self, you will long continue to enjoy. Your views, as regards
our respective chances to succeed to the Presidency at the com-
ing election, are entitled to the greatest respect and consideration,
as your opportunities of knowing the opinion of the people gen-
erally throughout tlie country, as regards that matter, are much
better than mine can possibly be, having recently made a visit
to the seat of the General Government, to three or four of our
largest cities, and passed through, into, and along the borders of
several of the strongest States in the Union ; while I have, since
my return from Mexico, for the most part remained stationary at
an out-of-the-way place, where I see or hear but little of politi-
cal movements or matters, save through the newspapers and let-
ters, for the most part written and published by politicians, the
editors and writers of the same are sometimes mistaken in their
views on the subject of President-making, as other people.
558 PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE
I conceive I am, owing to circumstances which I could not
well avoid, placed in rather a peculiar situation, as regards my
being a candidate for the Presidency. It is well known to
those who had iny confidence, that I was very much opposed,
when the matter was first agitated in several of the public jour-
nals, which was soon after the battles of Palo Alto and Resaca
de la Palma, to my name being used as a candidate for that
office, which I resisted as far as I cduld well do so, stating to
those around me that I had no aspirations for civil office of any
kind ; that, my greatest ambition was to bring the war we were
engaged in to a speedy and honorable termination ; that by be-
ing considered a candidate for that situation, would have . the
efi'ect to make the President hostile to me even without his be-
ing aware of it, and in such a way as to impair my usefulness
in the field, if not to destroy it, as regarded the object I had
nearest my heart, which has been realized to the full extent of
my expectation ,• for ever since the battle of Monterey, until
I left Mexico, the hand of the Executive was laid heavily on
me.
My name continued to be constantly referred to through some
of the newspapers, from the time previously mentioned, as a
candidate for the Presidency, until the battle of Buena Vista,
soon after which I began to receive many letters from some of
the first political men of the nation, and from several States, in
which they stated that it was in contemplation to bring my
name before the country as the Whig candidate for the Presi-
dency, in November, 1848. In reply, I frankly stated my ob-
jections to their doing so ; among others, that I was no politi-
cian, and that it might be considered presumption in me to
aspire to that high station, when there were such statesmen who
might be elevated to it as yourself, Mr. Crittenden, Judge
McLean, and John M. Clayton, and hundreds of others unknown
to me, who were, I conceived, much better qualified to preside
over the destinies of the country than I was ; that you were my
first choice, nor did I wish to be in the way of any prominent
Whig who might be brought out for that office. To which they
replied — some of whom were your warm political and personal
friends — that you would not again permit your name to be
brought before the country as a candidate, and that they did not
beheve any other Whig, owing to events which had taken
place, was so likely to be elected, in opposition to the party in
OF HENRY CLAY. 559
power, as myself ; and that I owed it to the country to permit
my name to be used for said object ; that I " could not avoid
being a candidate if I would, and ought not if I could." Under
this state of things I reluctantly yielded to their wishes. About
the same time, I informed a distinguished member of Congress,
that the arrangements for the next Presidential campaign were to
be made during the approaching session of that body, which would
shortly meet ; and if, after consulting the members of both branches
of the same, it was thought advisable to take up some other in-
dividual of the party who was more available, he was authorized
to withdraw my name from the contest, and if it was you who
was fixed on, so much the better. After writing said letter, I
received the proceedings of the people called together in primary
assemblies in several of the States, nominating me as a candi-
date for the Presidency at the next election, and in sereral in-
stances stating it was understood that, in the event of any dis-
tinguished Whig being brought out as a candidate, I would at
once withdraw my name ; but urging me not to do so, but to con-
tinue as a candidate under all circumstances, on the grounds I
had taken, which was not to be the exclusive candidate of any
party, etc. ; and on reaching New Orleans many friends called
on me to let it be publicly announced that my name as a candi-
date for the office in question would not be withdrawn, let who
would be in the field, which I consented to, and advised my
friends in Washington of my change in that respect, without
delay. I therefore now consider myself in the hands of the
people, a portion of whom have placed my name before the
country, for the highest office in their gift, without any agency
of mine in the matter, and if they should think proper to drop
me and take another, which they ought to do, provided they
can fix on a more available candidate, and one better qualified
to serve them, and cast their votes for him at the proper time,
and should succeed in electing him, it will neither be a source
of mortification or disaj)pointment to me. On the contrary, if
he is honest, truthful, and patriotic, I will rejoice at the result.
And I can say, in all sincerity, that should you receive the nomi-
nation of the Whig National Convention, which is to meet in
Philadelphia in June, and should be elected in November, but
few of your friends will be more gratified than myself. And
should you be unsuccessful, and should it be thought your being
a candidate had the effect of preventing my election, it will not
560 PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE
produce the slightest feeling of unkindness toward you, but I
will continue to cherish those kind feelings which I have enter-
tained for you for many years, which I liope are reciprocal.
MR. CLAY TO SAJIUEL HAIGHT.
AsntAKD, April 15, 1848.
My dear Sir, — ^I received to-day your favor of the 10th in-
stant. Prior to this you will have received my note addressed to
the public announcing my assent to the submission of my name
to the consideration of the National Convention. It so fully ex-
plained my views and feelings that I have nothing to add to it.
I do not see how it is possible for any exception to be taken
to it.
I concur with you in regretting the course of the " National In-
telligencer" in regard to the French Revolution ; but I think it
ought not to operate, and I hope it will not to the prejudice of
the Whig party. The editors expressly disclaim being the or-
gan of that party, and the resolutions of congratulation to the
French people have been passed, in both houses of Congress, by
almost unanimous votes. My own opinion is, that our sympa-
thies and congratulations were due to the French people for the
Revolution which they had effected. In expressing these senti-
ments, we should not have been committed to the sanction of any
future excesses which may be perpetrated in the progress of the
revolution, if any such should imfortunately occur. My hope is
that the foreign powers, profiting by the folly of their former in-
terference with France, will abstain from all exterior pressure
upon her, and that she, profiting by the eiTors which were com-
mitted in the former Revolution, will peacefully establish, with-
out the spilling of blood, a free Government upon the basis of
popular representation.
No one can doubt my feelings and sympathies who has any
recollection of the course which I took in regard to the Spanish
American Republics, and to Greece. WhUo France has my cor-
dial and hearty wishes for the triumphant establishment of liberty,
I shall be ready to express the deepest regrets, if the Revolution
should take an unfortunate turn.
I request you to present my respectful compliments to Mrs.
Haight.
OF HENKT CLAY. 561
MK. CLAY TO HENRY "WHITE.
AsHLAMD, May 23, 1848.
My beau Sir, — I received your kind letter of the 19th instant,
and I feel greatly obliged by the confidence in me which it
evinces. You desire, in the event of there not being a majority
of the Whig Convention disposed to nominate me, to know who
among the distinguished names before the Convention would be
my first, second and third choice. I have hitherto maintained a
position of entire impartiality between my competitors for the
nomination. It was dictated by considerations of delicacy to-
ward them. I do not think that I ought to deviate from it.
To you, as soon as to any friend I have, I would make the de-
sired communication, if I were not restrained by the motives
suggested.
I hope that your apprehensions of a stormy Convention will
not be reahzed ; but that it will be found animated by a spirit
of concord and patriotism, and seeking to do the best it can for
our common country.
CHARLES F. ADAMS TO MR. CLAY.
QciNCT, May 24, 1848.
My DEAR Sir, — On behalf of my mother and the few surviv-
ing relatives of my late father, as well as for myself, permit me
to express the sense which I entertain of the kindness expressed
in your letter of the 15th instant. Much as the sympathy has
been which the painful event to which you are pleased to allude
has called out from almost all quarters, from none could it have
come more gratefully than from yourself. A kind providence
had by a preceding warning in a measure prepared me to expect
the blow, but I confess I was wholly unprepared for so deep and
general a manifestation of the public regard. Besides the sooth-
ing influence of this result to the feelings of those immediately
connected with him, I trust, it may have a wider bearing to
prove to all that class, of statesmen of which you as well as he
are a prominent example, that the most vehement opposition of
rivals and cotemporaries, though attended with temporary suc-
cess, avails little to cloud the deliberate judgment of a later
time.
36
562 PEIVATE COEBESPONDENCE
Suffer me, sir, most respectfully to reciprocate the good -will
•which you are pleased to express toward myself. I have always
looked back with pleasure to the days in which as a very young
man I had some extraordinary opportunities of acquaintance with
the most distinguished men of the country. I have never been
anxious to alloy the impressions obtained in Washington at that
period with new ones to be found in the later society of that
capital. Had the statesmen of that day continued to guide the
destinies of the country, its prospects at this time would have
been somewhat different from what they are. But the die is cast.
DATED GRAHAM TO MR. CLAT.
Kew York, June 9, 1848.
My dear Sir, — The mis-representatives of the Whig party
have at length consummated the greatest act of national injus-
tice it was in their power to perform, in the nomination of a man
as their candidate for the Presidency who has rejected the prin-
ciples and spurned the organization and discipline of the Whigs.
The intelligence has fallen upon the honest and true-hearted
Whigs of this city, and I doubt not of the country at large, like
a clap of thunder ; and the execrations of the mass of the party
here, at the treachery by which they have again been overtaken,
are both loud and deep. For yourself, my dear sir, it will be
gratifying to know that this last act of ingratitude has only
sei-ved to bind you more closely to the hearts of your friends ;
and I do but justice to their feelings and my own when I say
that a signal, and I trust, withering rebuke will be promptly ad-
ministered to the stock-jobbing politicians for whose selfish pur-
poses this outrage upon us has been perpetrated. To you no
station can bring higher honor than that which you now enjoy ;
and, so far as you are individually concerned, it is not too much
to say that an honorable retirement, accompanied with the heart-
felt affection of the whole nation, must be more grateful than
the turmoil and anxieties attendant upon office, however exalted.
But it can not and will not be forgotten, that in your person the
integrity and the hopes of the Whig party have been stricken
down, and their existence as a party blasted and destroyed. And
I trust the day is far distant when a forgiveness will be extended
to the base combination between the heartless rivals whom you
OF HENRY CLAY. 663
have outstripped, both in unexampled devotion to your country
and in the favor of your countrymen, and the truckling harpies,
who, like the followers of a camp, are bent upon plunder alone.
I know, my dear sir, that you will indulge in no personal re-
grets at the issue. But at the same time, allow me, as one of
your truest friends, as one who from the moment when I was in-
vested with the right to express an opinion upon public affairs,
have been a Whig, and a Clay Whig, to beg of you, as an act
of justice to your faithful friends, to withhold any expression of
approval of the action of this Convention. Your magnanimity
will be appealed to by those who have stabbed you and outraged
us, as it was when we were betrayed in 1839 ; but I trust that
the appeal will meet with a different response.
In addressing you in this earnest and emphatic manner, I feel
that I am taking a great, perhaps an unwarrantable liberty, with
you. I plead, as my apology, my integrity as a Whig and my
unalterable veneration for yourself. I speak, moreover, the sen-
timents of your hosts of friends in New York, who only find
relief from the despondency which weighs them down, in the
proud reflection that they have battled to the last under your
glorious and honored name.
WILLIS HALL TO MR. CLAT.
IfEW YoEK, June, 1848.
My deak Me. Clay, — I write to you in the fullness of my
heart, not to condole with you, for though I feel all the personal
regard toward you which one man can feel for another, personal
considerations are absorbed in those of a public nature.
The Presidency could have added nothing to your fame, and
would have detracted much from your comfort.
This Government has had a national existence but little more
than sixty years, during nearly forty of which it has been guid-
ed by your counsels. Glorious period ! You may justly regard
it with exultation ! During this period you have demonstrated
the great problem of the feasibility and permanency of popular
government, and almost every nation in Europe, incited by the
example, is now convulsed with the effort to imitate it. During
this period you have impressed upon the country that high and
honorable spirit in our intercourse with foreign nations, that
564: PRIVATE COEBESPONDENCB
spirit of conciliation and union among the States which have
preserved us at home and made us respected abroad.
The uninterrupted and unprecedented prosperity of our national
career has not been the work of accident. Three times, at least,
the car of state would have taken the wrong road, if not the
road to destruction, but for your guiding hand: once in 1810-12,
once in 1819-20, once in 1830-31. Will no emergency of the
kind ever occur again- ? When the next storm howls around us,
this people, guilty and appalled, will shrink back covered with
fear and dismay at the mischief they have done. You may say
without arrogance, " Weep not for me, but rather weep for your-
selves !" As the scroll of our history unrolls itself, your times
will stand out in bold and bolder relief until it becomes the
golden age of some future people, perhaps as unlike the present
as the miserable herd that now defile the streets of Rome are
unlike the associates of the elder Brutus. Convulsions and ster-
ility immediately and abruptly following a tract of rich and ele-
vated fertility, make the period of your counsels a stand mark to
all future time.
We are on the eve of great events. Slavery will now become
an immediate and bitter subject of dispute, and will not be re-
linquished until it is extinguished or the Union dissolved. I feel
^little disposition to commiserate the sufferings of the slave re-
gion. They have brought it upon themselves ; they have thrust
slavery upon us in the most offensive way ; the policy of slavery
governs all their actions ; their conduct in the Convention will
not be forgotten ; the means they have taken to render them-
selves as they fancied more secure on this subject, has precipita-
ted the discussion accompanied with an acrimony which will
not tend to a friendly adjustment. The Whigs in this quarter
everywhere are joining the Barnburners, ready to make the slave
question the great issue in future. The next Presidential elec-
tion (four years hence) will turn upon that point. A Barnburner
will be elected.
The Whig . party, as such, is dead. The very name will be
abandoned, should Taylor be elected, for " the Taylor party."
The last Whig Convention committed the double crime of sui-
cide and parricide. I loved that party, and whenever and wher-
ever I shall hereafter discover any portion of my fellow-citizens
guided by its principles, I shall attach myself to them ; meantime
I consider myself absolved from all political connection.
OF HENRY CLAY. 565
It was resolved to have a ratification meeting here as usual.
The General Committee met on Monday evening, they were sur-
rounded by more than three thousand people spontaneously col-
lected, and the Committee was compelled to postpone the meeting
indefinitely, in hopes that General Taylor's letter of accept-
ance will place himself more distinctly upon Whig ground.
They will wait in vain. The Taylorites begin to think Tay-
lor's election is not quite as certain as they supposed.
I hasten to the sole object of this long letter, which is to assure
you of my undiminished and unalterable regard. Mrs. Hall
begs me to join her in the expression of these sentiments and
the respectful assurances of our highest esteem.
MK. CLAY TO JAMES HAELAN,
Ashland, June 22, 1848.
My dear Sir, — ^I wished much to see you, and hope soon to
meet you. I got your letter from Choles' on your way home,
and I have received to-day your favor of the 20th with the news-
paper you sent me. Judge Robertson has returned, and has given
me much information ; but there are some points which you can
best elucidate.
I shall take no active or partisan part in the canvass, but re-
main quiet, submitting to what has been done so far as relates to
myself. I think this is the course prompted by self-respect and
personal dignity. I shall attend no ratification meetings. How
can I sanction and approve what the seven delegates from Ken-
tucky did in the Convention, without virtually condemning what
the five delegates did ? How can I publicly and warmly sup-
port a candidate who declared that, in a reversal of conditions,
he would not have supported, but opposed me ? I am not mis-
led by the humbuggery of the Louisiana delegates. What cre-
dentials, what instructions had they ? They showed none, and
had none.
In November, if I am spared, I shall, with all the lights then
before me, go to the polls and vote for that candidate whose elec-
tion I believe will be least prejudicial to the country. Of course
I can never vote for Cass.
It is too soon to form any satisfactory opinion as to the issue
of the contest. Neither candidate seems to be entirely accepta-
666 PEITATE COKEESPONDENCB
ble to the party which supports him. And I suppose that party-
will probably succeed between whose members there will be
ultimately the least division and the greatest intermediate recon-
ciliation.
P. S. The Governor very handsomely tendered me the Ex-
ecutive appointment to the Senate, which I this day declined ac-
cepting.
MK. CLAY TO A COMMITTEE OF LOUISVILLE.
Ashland, June 28, 1848.
Gentlemex, — I received your favor adverting to certain re-
ports in circulation in respect to me, with regard to the approach-
ing Presidential election, and requesting information in relation
to them.
Recognizing you as among my staunchest, truest, and most faith-
ful friends, I shall ever feel under the greatest obligations to you,
and shall be always happy when I can command your approba-
tion, or do any thing agreeable to you. But I should not be
entitled to your esteem if 1 did not continue to act, as I have
ever endeavored to be governed, according to my own conscien-
tious convictions of duty.
As far as I was personally concerned, I submitted to the decision
of the late National Convention at Philadelphia. It has relieved
me from much painful suspense and anxiety, if I had been nomi-
nated ; and from great vexation, care, and responsibility, if I had
been subsequently elected. I shall do nothing in opposition to
it. I shall give no countenance or encouragement to any third
party movements, if any should be attempted against it. I de-
sire to remain henceforward in undisturbed tranquillity and per-
fect repose. I have been much importuned from various quarters
to endorse General Taylor as a good Whig, who will, if elected,
act on Whig principles and carry out Whig measures. But how
can I do that ? Can I say that in his hands Whig measures will
be safe and secure, when he refuses to pledge himself to their
support ? when some of his most active friends say they
are obsolete? when he is presented as a no-party candidate?
when the Whig Convention at Philadelphia refuse to recognize
or proclaim its attachment to any principles or measures, and
OF HENRY CLAY. 667
actually laid on the table resolutions having that object in
view ?
Ought I to come out as a warm and partisan supporter of a
candidate who, in a reversal of our conditions, announced his
purpose to remain as a candidate, and consequently to oppose
me, so far as it depended upon himself? Tell me what reci-
procity is in this ? ' Magnanimity is a noble virtue, and I have
always endeavored to practice it ; but it has its hmits, and the
line of demarcation between it and meanness is not always
clearly discernible. I have beeu reminded of the course I pur-
sued in the case of the nomination of General Harrison in 1839.
But General Harrison was not merely a Whig in name. He
was committed and pledged to the support of the measures of
the Whigs. He did not declare that he would stand as a can-
didate in opposition to the nomination of the Convention. He
was, moreover, a civilian of varied and extensive experience.
I lost the nomination, as I firmly believe, by the conduct of
the majorities in the delegations from Kentucky in Congress and
in the Convention, and I am called upon to ratify what they did,
in contravention, as I also believe, of the wishes of a large ma-
jority of the people of Kentucky ! I am asked to sanction and
approve the course of the seven delegates from Kentucky, who,
in violation of the desire of their constituents, voted against me,
and virtually to censure and condemn the five who voted for
me !
It seems to me, gentlemen, that self-respect, the consistency
of my character, and my true fame, require that I should take
no action or partisan agency in the existing contest. If it was
between Locofoco principles and Whig , principles, I would en-
gage in it with all the ardor of which I am capable ; but alas !
I fear that the Whig party is dissolved, and that no longer are
there Whig principles to excite zeal and to stimulate exertion.
I am compelled, most painfully, to believe that the Whig party
has been overthrown by a mere personal party, jusf as much
having that character as the Jackson party possessed it twenty
years ago.
In such a contest I can feel no enthusiasm ; and I am not
hypocrite enough to afi'ect what I do not feel. There is un-
doubtedly a choice, but I regard it as a choice of evils, which I
will make for myself in due time, under the influence of the
great principles for which I have so long contended. I think
568 PEIVATE COHRESPOKDENCE
my friends ought to leave me quiet and undisturbed in my re-
tirement. I have served the country faithfully and to the ut-
most of my poor ability. If I have not done more, it has not
been for want of heart or inclination. My race is run. During
the short time which remains to me in this world, I desire to
preserve untarnished that character which so many have done
me the honor to respect and esteem. They may rest assured
that I will intentionally do nothing to forfeit or weaken their
good opinion of me. Abstaining henceforward from all active
part in public affairs, and occupying myself with my private and
more solemn duties, I shall, if spared, go to the polls at the
proper season, like any other private citizen, and cast my vote
as I may deem best and safest for the principles I have, sus-
tained and for my country. Seeking to influence nobody, I
hope to be permitted to pursue for myself the dictates of my
own conscience.
Such is the view which I have of the present posture of the
Presidential question, and my relations to it. More light may be
hereafter thrown upon it, which I shall be most happy to receive,
and if it should point to a different course of duty, I shall riot
hesitate to follow it.
I address this letter to you in consequence of yours, and from
the friendly regard I entertain for you. I should have preferred
that you had not thought it necessary to appeal to me. It is
manifest from the tenor of my reply that it is not intended for
publication. I am, etc.
MB. CLAT TO G. W. CURTIS.
AsHLiND, July i, 1 848.
Dear Sir, — I comply so far with the request contained in
your note of the 23d ultimo, as to acknowledge its receipt, and
to say that, submitting to the decision of the Philadelphia Con-
vention, so far as I was personally affected by it, I can not give
my countenance or encouragement to the use of my name in
connection with the Presidency. Abstaining from the expres-
sion of any opinion in regard to the nomination which was ac-
tually made, I will only observe that Ohio, Indiana, and Massa-
chusetts, and other Northern States, had it in their power to
prevent it, if they had chosen to unite upon one whose attach-
OF HENRY CLAY. 569
ment to the Whig cause was never doubted ; but they did not
think proper to do so. Ought they then to complain of what
was done, upon the ground that General Taylor is not pledged
to the support of Whig measures and principles ?
I tender my thanks to you for the friendly sentiments toward
me which you were kind enough to express, and I am, etc.
MR. CLAT TO MISS SUSAN ALLIBONE.
Ashland, July 19, 1848,
If I have not before written to you, my dear Miss Susan, I
pray you to believe that my silence has not proceeded from any
want of regard to you or from any insensibility to the kindness
which you have displayed toward me, in your obliging letter of
the 4th March last, and in presenting me with the valuable writ-
ings of Archbishop Leighton.
With perfect truth and candor I say that I have rarely ever
made a visit to any individual in my life that afforded me higher
satisfaction than that which I derived from seeing you. Your
physical misfortunes, your resignation to the will of our Maker,
your gentle and intelligent countenance, and your interesting
conversation, all combined to give to the short interview I had
with you a thrilling interest. I have oftentimes thought of it,
and have frequently described the touching scene to my friends.
I havd looked enough into the volume which you kindly sent
me to be convinced that it merits your high commendation of
it ; and I intend to give the whole of it an attentive perusal.
I am very thankful, dear Miss Susan, for the friendly manner
in which you allude to the domestic afflictions with which it has
pleased Providence to visit me. I have had a large share of them.
Since my return home another has been added to the former
number in the death of a most promising grandson, at New Or-
leans, under circumstances which greatly aggravated our grief.
I am happy, however, to tell you, on the other hand, that the
sweet little granddaughter, whose case of spinal affection I men-
tioned to you, is much better, runs about with the free use of
her limbs, and we hope will have her strength and health fully
re-established. In behalf of her I thank you for the little book
which you had the goodness to send her. She is yet too young
to read it herself, but I trust that she will be spared to be able
570 PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE
hereafter to peruse it. In the mean time her excellent mother
will make her' familiar "with its contents.
Relieyed as I am now from the cares, the troubles and the
responsibilities of public life, I hope to profit by retirement in
making those preparations for another and better world which
are enjoined upon us by our highest and eternal interests. In
these, your example of perfect submission and complete obedience
will be constantly remembered by me, with great benefit and ad-
vantage. Instead of condoling with me, as some of mj friends
have, on account of my failure to obtain the nomination at the
late Philadelphia Convention, their congratulations on the event
would have been more seasonable and appropriate.
I request you to present my respectful regards to your broth-
ers and their families ; and accept for yourself my prayers that
He who has enabled you so calmly and cheerfully to bear up
under the heavy privations which you sufier, may continue His
watchful care over you to the end, and that we may both here-
after meet in the regions of eternal bliss.
GENERAL SCOTT TO MR. CLAY.
Elizabetbtown, N. J., July 19, 1848.
Mt dear Mr. Clay, — I have been most unfortunate in respect
to your very kind note to me of May 30, addressed to this place.
It followed me to Frederick, Md., then to Washington, a second
time to Frederick, thence to Leonardstown (our friend John
Lee's post-ofiice), and after lying there long after I had left his
hospitable mansion, it has finally just overtaken me here, via
Washington.
It is now sixty days since I landed on the Jersey shore, with
a Mexican disease upon me, and although obliged to travel and
to engage in the most vexatious and disgusting work, I have not
had the strength to walk three hundred yards at once in the
whole time. I am still very feeble, and go to-morrow to the
sea shore to gain vigor to meet the same court (nearly) in my
own case, at the beginning of the next month.
I left Mexico in the comfortable belief that the choice of a
Whig candidate for the Presidency had been narrowed down to
two names, yours and that of General Taylor, and that you
OF HENRY CLAY. 571
■would be the nominee. The day after I landed a distinguished
public man from a wing of the Capitol, a friend of yours, passing
by got out of the train to see me. I stated my impressions and
wishes to him, and was astonished to hear him say that your
friends in Congress, with four exceptions — Berrien and Botts,
but no Kentuckians, were two of them — had given you up on
some calculation of a want of availability ! I promptly said, if
I could be flattered into the belief that my name on the same
ticket (below yours) would add the vote of a single State, I
might be considered as at the service of the party, and author-
ized him to say so on his return to Washington, notwithstanding
my reluctance to change my army commission, etc. In a day or
two I went to Washington, visited Frederick and returned, but I
was confined to a sick bed, and, although I saw many political
men, I was not in a condition to converse or to exercise the
slightest influence. I believe the impression was quite general
that I was not likely to recover. At the end of a week, how-
ever, I got back, with difiiculty, to Frederick, and there the
nomination of General Taylor reached me.
If he shall frankly accept the nomination as a Whig, with a
pledge to administer the Government on the principles of the
party, I shall fervently pray for his success. If not, I shall at
least be indifferent.
ME. CLAT TO JAMES HARLAN.
Ashland, August 5, 1848.
Mt deab Sik, — I received, at the Estell Springs (from which
I returned yesterday), your favor transmitting a sketch of Mr.
Mr. 's speech at Versailles, for which I thank you.
How derogatory is it for politicians to attempt to ridicule and
degrade themselves in the presence of General Taylor ! And
how inconsistent is it to denounce party in the same breath in
which the Whig party is called on to support the General as a
Whig, that is, a party man ! It is mortifying to behold that once
great party descending from its lofty position of principle, known,
avowed and proclaimed principle, and lending itself to the crea-
tion of a mere personal party, with a virtual abandonment of its
old principles.
I have a letter from General Scott in which he states that he
572 PEIVATE CORRESPONDENCE
authorized, on his landing from Mexico, a distinguished gentle-
man from Washington, to say that he was willing to run as a
candidate for the Vice Presidency on the ticket with me.
MH. CLAY TO NICHOLAS DEAN.
Ashland, August 24, 1848.
Mt dear Sir, — I duly received, and perused with lively inte-
rest and gratitude, your friendly letter of the 27th ultimo.
The Whig party presents an anomalous condition. Without
any candidate who recognizes his obligation to conform to their
principles, the members of it are called upon as a party to sup-
port the no-party candidate ; and I have been urgently and re-
peatedly appealed to, to indorse as a Whig General Taylor, who,
while he adopts the name in a modified form, repudiates the
principles of the party ! I need not say, that I have done,
and shall do, no such thing. Self-respect, consistency with de-
liberate opinions long ago formed, and my sense of public duty,
will restrain me from taking any prominent or active part in the
canvass. Whatever I may do, I will not expose myself to any
reproaches from those — if there be any such — who might be
misled by my opinion. I have submitted quietly to the deci-
sion of the Convention, and beyond that I feel under no obliga-
tions.
I consider my public career as forever terminated, and I am
most anxious to preserve untarnished that character, around
which so many warm-hearted friends have done me the honor
to rally. I should, I think, justly incur their censure if, after all
that I have thought and said (confirmed as my convictions are
by observation) against the elevation of mere military men to
the Presidency, could I come out in the active support of the
most exclusively military candidate ever presented to the Ameri-
can people ; one, too, who has forced himself upon the Conven-
tion, or been forced upon it. One who declared that he would
stand as an independent candidate against me, or any other
Whig that might be nominated — a declaration made under his
own hand, and which remains uncontradicted by any thing
under his own hand, which the public has been permitted to
see.
I do not mean to intimate what may be my final vote, given
OF HENRT CLAY. 573
quietly at the polls, if I vote at all ; that will depend ■ upon a
vie-w of all existing circumstances at the time ; but neither now
nor then do I desire to influence any body else.
There is nothing in the contest to arouse my patriotism, or to
animate my zeal. I regard the attempt to elect General Tayloi
as one to create a mere personal party. How such a party may
work, I can not foresee ; possibly better than that of either of
his competitors ; but this possibility is not sufficient to excite
any warmth or enthusiasm with me. General Taylor has, I
think, exhibited much instability and vascillation. He will in-
evitably fall into the hands of others, who will control his Ad-
ministration. I know not who they will be, but judging from
my experience of poor, weak human nature, they will be most
likely those who will have favored and flattered the most.
Standing proud and erect in the consciousness of having
faithfully fulfilled all my public duties, and supported and
cheered by numberless intelligent and warm-hearted friends in
all parts of the coimtry, I acquiesce in the retirement in which I
expect to pass the remnant of my life. Some of those friends
may censure me for the inaction which I have prescribed to my-
self during the present canvass ; but if they do, I appeal to
their " sober second thoughts," or to the impartial tribunal of
posterity. I am, etc.
ME. CLAY TO HENRY WHITE.
Ashland, September 10, 1848.
Mt dear Sir, — I received your friendly letter, and beg you
to be perfectly assured of my undiminished regard and esteem.
Although I believe that the Philadelphia Convention has
placed the Whig party in a humiliating condition — one which, I
fear, will impair its usefulness, if not destroy its existence — I
acquiesced in its decision in not nominating me, and have sub-
mitted quietly to it. I have done nothing to oppose its nomina-
tion. I have given no countenance to any movements having
for their object any further use of my name, in connection with
the office of President. Beyond this I can not go. Self-respect
and consistency with deliberate opinions long since formed and
repeatedly avowed, against the elevation to that office of a mere
military man, must restrain me from taking any active part in
574 PEIVATE CORRESPONDENCE
the canvass. I wish to leave every body freely to act for them-
selves, Avithout influence from me, if I could exert any. If I
were to recommend the support of General Taylor, and if he
should be elected on it afterward, and in his Administration dis-
appoint the Whigs, I should feel myself liable to reproaches.
I regret, therefore, that I can not comply with your request to
make a public declaration of my intention to support General
Taylor. Without compromising any one, I shall go to the polls
when the day arrives, and give s\ich a vote as I think may be
most likely to be least injurious to the country.
With my warm regards to Mrs. White and your family, I
am your friend.
ME. CLAY TO DANIEL ULLMAN.
Ashland, September 16, 1848.
My dear Sir, — I received your favor of the 9th instant, in-
forming me of the movement of some of my friends in New
York to bring out my name as a candidate for the Presidency.
I feel under the greatest obligations and the warmest gratitude
to them, for the sentiments of attachment, confidence, and
friendship which they do me the honor to entertain. And to
you, in particular, I owe an expression of my cordial thanks for
your long, ardent, and ever faithful attachment to me.
But, my dear sir, after the decision of the Philadelphia Con-
vention against my nomination, I have felt bound quietly to
submit. I could not, therefore, accept a nomination, if it were
tendered to me, nor do I wish any further use of my name in
connection with the office of President.
I never would have consented to the submission of my name
to that Convention, but under a conviction that I should have
been elected if nominated. I firmly believe now that such
would have been the result.
The Convention chose to nominate another, and I have ever
since avoided giving the slightest countenance or encouragement
to any further efforts on my behalf.
To bring me into the canvass now, would, I think, only have
the efl^'ect of adding to existing embarrassments, and perhaps of
throwing the election into the House of Representatives, at a
time when parties are most exasperated against each other.
Such an issue of the contest is to be deprecated.
OF HENRY CLAY. 575
I am glad to hear that you have finally established yourself
in your profession in New York. I request you to accept my
cordial wishes for your success, happiness, and prosperity.
ME. CLAT TO JAJIES LYNCH AND OTHEHS.
AsnLAND, September 20, 1848.
Gentlemen, — I have received your official letter as members
of the (Whig) Democratic General Committee of the city and
county of New York, and I take pleasure in answering it.
Never from the period of decision of the Philadelphia Con-
vention against my nomination as a candidate for the Presidency,
have I been willing, nor am I now, to have my name associated
with that office. I would not accept a nomination if it were ten-
dered to me, and it is my unaffected desire that no further use be
made of my name in connection with that office. I have seen,
therefore, with regret, movements in various quarters having for
their object to present me as their candidate to the American
people ; these movements have been made without any approba-
tion from me. In the present complicated state of the Presiden-
tial election they can not, in my opinion, be attended with any
public good, and may lead to the increase of embarrassments, and
to the exasperation of parties.
Wliile I say this much without reserve, I must nevertheless
add that I feel profound gratitude to such of my v/arm-hearted
and faithful friends as continue to indulge the vain hope of plac-
ing me in the office of Chief Magistrate of the United States.
And that I neither think it just or politic to stigmatize them as
factionists or by any other opprobrious epithets. Among them I
recognize names which have been long distinguished for ability,
for devotion to the Whig cause, and for ardent patriotism.
You advert with entire truth to the zeal and fidelity with
which the delegation from New York sought in the Philadelphia
Convention to promote my nomination as a candidate for the
Presidency. I am most thankful to them and shall ever recollect
their exertions with profound gratitude.
And here, gentlemen, I would stop but for your resquest that I
would communicate my views ; this I shall do briefly and frankly,
but with reluctance and regret.
Concurring entirely with you, that the peace, prosperity and
576 PRIYATE CORBESPOIirDEN'CE
happiness of the United States depend materially on the preserv-
ation of Whig principles, I should be most happy if I saw more
clearly than I do that they are likely to prevail.
But I can not help thinking that the Philadelphia Convention
humiliated itself, and as far as it could, placed the Whig party
in a degraded condition. General Taylor refused to be its can-
didate. He professed indeed to be a Whig, but he so enveloped
himself in the drapery of qualifications and conditions that it is
extremely difficult to discover his real politics. He was and yet
is willing to receive any and every nomination no matter from
what quarter it might proceed. In his letter to the " Richmond
Republican" of the 20th April last, he declared his purpose to re-
main a candidate, no matter what nomination might he made by
the Whig Convention. I know what was said and done by the
Louisiana delegation in the Convention, but there is a vail about
that matter which I have not penetrated. The letter from him
which it was stated one of that delegation possessed, has never
been published, and a letter on the same subject addressed to the
independent party of Maryland, has at his instance been with-
held from the public. It was qi;ite natural that after receiving
the nomination he should approve the means by which he ob-
tained it. What I should be glad to see is some revocation of the
declaration in the " Richmond Republican" letter before the
nomination was made.
On the great leading national measures which have so long di-
vided parties, if he has any fixed opinions, they are not publicly
known. Exclusively a military man, without the least experi-
ence in civil affairs, bred up and always living in the camp with
his sword by his side, and his epaulets on his shoulders, it is
proposed to transfer him from his actual position of second in
command of the army, to the Chief Magistrate of this great model
Republic.
If I can not come out in active support of such a candidate, I
hope those who know any thing of my opinions, deliberately
formed and repeatedly avowed, will excuse me ; to those opinions
I shall adhere with increased instead of diminished confidence.
I shall think that my friends ought to be reconciled to the silence
I have imposed on myself from deference to them as well as
from strong objections which I entertain to the competitor of
General Taylor. I wish to lead or mislead no one, but to leave
all to the unbiased dictates of their own judgment.
OP HENRY CLAY. 577
I know and feel all that can be urged in the actual position of
the present contest.
I entertain with you the strongest apprehension from the elec-
tion of General Cass, but I do not see enough of hope and con-
fidence in that of General Taylor to stimulate my exertions and
animate my zeal. I deeply fear that his success may lead to the
formation of a mere personal party. There is a chance indeed
that he may give the country a better administration of the Ex-
ecutive Government than his competitor would, but it is not such
a chance as can arouse my enthusiasm or induce me to assume
the responsibility of recommending any course or offering any
advice to others.
I have great pleasure in bearing my humble testimony in fa-
vor of Mr. Fillmore. I believe him to be able, indefatigable, in-
dustrious and patriotic. He served in the extra session of 1841
as Chairman of the committees of the two houses of Congress,
and I Had many opportunities of witnessing his rare merits.
I do not desire the publication of this letter, but if you deem
it necessary, you may publish the four first and the last para-
graphs.
SUSAN ALLIBONE TO ME. CLAY.
Hamilton, near PmxADELPBU, Novamber 6, 1848.
I denied myself the gratification of giving an immediate reply
to your kind and most welcome letter, respected sir, because I
was aware that the communications of your numerous friends
present an almost incessant demand upon your attention : but I
did not design to be so very considerate as to have allowed more
than three months to pass away unaccompanied by an assurance
of my warm affection.
The debility which often renders me unable to use a mechani-
cal medium for the conveyance of thought, does not deprive me
of the consolation of expressing my regard for those I love by
imploring for them "the blessing of the Lord," which "maketh
rich and addeth no sorrow with it ;" and for you, dear sir, very
frequent and earnest prayers 'have come into my heart. I do
hope God will grant you a double portion of His spirit. I should
not feel satisfied if any ordinary measure of contrition, faith,
love, and holy obedience were yours. We are commanded to
" covet the best gifts ;" and it is not presumptuous to expect much
37
578 PRIVATE COREESPONDENCE
from God, if the merits of our Redeemer be our only plea. Nor
■would I forget to thank Him for the spiritual illumination He
has granted you, nor for the desire you express to consecrate the
retirement you are at last permitted to enjoy, to the interests of
" another and a better world." It is indeed a better world, dear
Mr. Clay. How delightful will it be to.be released forever from
"every day's support of wrong and outrage, with which earth is
filled !" What blessedness to worship God without the intrusion
of one emotion opposed to the holiness of His law, or a single
wandering thought, and to satisfy the longings of the spirit after
knowledge, excellence and love, by the eternal contemplation of
Him who is the concentration of them all. To receive all this
happiness as the free gift of a Saviour's love, and to attune a
harp of thanksgiving with heaven-taught melody, ever swelling
louder and clearer notes of adoration as the past and present be-
come more fully understood, and the future hastens on with
brightening glory. Oh ! this will be to us a better world.
It has often occurred to me that while the believer rejoices
that " to die is gain," he ought also to remember that " to live is
Christ." I wish to understand the full meaning of this expres-
sion. Experience has taught me something of its import, but I
hope to- learn new lessons every day. One of our homilies tells
us "faith is the hand that puts on Christ," and St. Paul assures
us "of Him are ye in Clirist Jesus, who of God, is made imto us
wisdom, and righteousness, and sanclification, and redemption."
How can I, who am so sinful and so suffering, be sufficiently
thankful that this glorious Redeemer is the portion of my soul ?
Mine has been a situation of extraordinary necessity, and the
fullness of Jesus has been its supply. When my earthly friends
sit down and weep because their unwearied attentions can not
remove the firm pressure of disease, my Saviour draws me still
more closely into the sanctuary of His presence, and my wearied
sprit reposes there in peace. But there is an amputation of the
heart, caused by the removal of the most cherished objects of
affection, which requires the still more tender offices of Him who
" came to give the oil of joy for mourning, and the garment of
praise for the spirit of heaviness ;" and in this sorrow also I
have been greatly comforted. If I had never known bereave-
ment 1 could not so fully sympathize with the deep afflictions to
which your letter alludes. I am well assnred that your suscepti-
bilities of sufferiug are unusually acute, and I pray that the con-
OF HENRY CLAY. 579
solations of the Holy Spirit, and the sanctiiied uses of adversity-
may he gi%ren you in proportionate measure. It may be, also,
that the dispensations which have caused so painful a void in
your family circle may be the avenues through which many
heavenly blessings may be conveyed to its surviving members.
It may be your delightful privilege to teach them to consecrate
the energy they have inherited from their earthly parent to the
glory of their Father in Heaven ; and while I condole with my
country because she will be deprived of your official services at
a time when they seem so greatly needed, I do indeed most
heartily congratulate your children and grandchildren that they
are permitted to surround you in the evening of your days.
Permit me to say that I do not think you suit the times, dear
sir. Expediency has become the watchword of our nation, and
your political vestments have never assumed a chameleon hue,
nor has the cloak of concealment been wrapped around them.
Oh ! that we had many Daniel's to confess that " we, and our
father's have sinned and done wickedly," and to implore that
national judgments may be averted.
The beautiful petition of the Lord's Prayer, " Thy kingdom
come. Thy will be done,, on earth as it is in Heaven," is most
appropriate at this time of danger, and how etfectually will its
fulfillment hush into silence the stormy elements around us ! Is
it not an unspeakable privilege to be the subject of a kingdom
which can not he moved ? ,
I am truly gratified to learn that the health of your little
granddaughter has so greatly improved, for I feel a deep interest
in all to whom you are allied. I shall not soon forget the terms
of affection with which you made me acquainted with the char-
acter of Mrs. Clay, to whom you will please present my respect-
ful regards.
I think I will be so selfish as to tell you how delighted I
should be to receive another letter from Ashland.
My sister, Mrs. AUibone, is my copyist to-day, as I am still un-
able to attempt a greater effort than the pencilship of a letter.
From her, with my brother, and other sisters, you will accept
a message of warm aflfection, accompanied with iiiy earnest
prayers that you may ever be enabled to appropriate the assur-
ance. " The eternal God is thy refuge, and underneath are the
everlasting arms." Believe me, my beloved Mr. Clay, most sin-
cerely and respectfully yours.
580 FBIVATE OOEEESPONDENCK
CiENEEAL TATLOK TO MR. CLAY.
Batok Eouge, La., November 17, 1848.
My dear Sir, — On my return here a day or two since, after a
short absence, I found your highly esteemed letter of the 23d
ultimo, for which accept my most cordial thanks. The one re-
ferred to, written by you in May last, reached me by due course
of mail, and I owe you an apology for not replying to it, which-
I deferred doing from day to day, under the expectation that
certain events would occur which I wished to refer to in my
reply, but which were so long in taking place as to induce rae
to give up doing so altogether. Said letter was entirely satis-
factory, as regarded the matter alluded to (and to put an end to
the misrepresentations growing out of the same, going the
rounds through various newspapers, I at once caused a short
article to that effect to be published in " The Picayune" of New
Orleans, which may have met your eye), and relieved me from
great anxiety, as I believed the course then pursuing by certain
individuals touching our correspondence, was calculated, if not
intended, to bring about a state of distrust, if not unkind feel-
ings, between you and myself, as well as some of our friends ;
which, had they succeeded in doing, would, so far as I am con-
cerned, been a source of much pain and mortification to me.
There certainly could be no objection or impropriety in your
permitting your friends to read any of the letters I wrote you,
who ought not to have made any use of them, for any purpose,
without your authority, as there was an implied confidence at
least, which ought not to have been violated. It is true, I al-
lowed a few and very confidential friends to read yours to me,
nor am I aware that any use was made of them, directly or in-
directly, for any purpose whatever ; nor was any copy taken of
any one of them, and furnished to a member of Congress, or
any one else, although I have no doubt you have been informed
I had done so.
OF HENRY OLAT. 581
I trust I have many devoted personal friends, who, from vari-
ous causes, were opposed to my reaching the office in question,
and took every honorable and proper means in their power, and
no other, to prevent my success, and I certainly would never
think of censuring them, much less to permit it on my part to
interrupt our fi'iendly relations, because they have done what
they thought right in opposing my election to an office which
they thought another was better qualified to fill.
I beg leave to return you many thanks for your kind invita-
tion to visit Ashland, should I go to Kentucky before you leave
for the South ; which it would have afforded me much pleasure
to have done, and passed a few days under your hospitable roof ;
but I must forego this pleasure, as it will be out of my power to
leave Louisiana or Mississippi for several months, at any rate
during the present year ; but should you carry out your inten-
tions of visiting the South, as contemplated, and should pass the
month of January in New Orleans, I will try and take you by
the hand at that time, or during the same month.
Wishing you many years of health, happiness, and prosperity,
I remain, etc.
J. T. HART to MB. CLAY,
Lexington, December 4, 1848.
Dear Sm, — I hope you will accept this head I send you,
which I have finished entirely with my own hands ; and also
another, which I will finish in a day or two, as a small token of
the gratitude and obligation I feel toward yourself and family,
who have extended to me so much kindness.
I will call out to see you this evening or to-morrow. With
my earnest wishes for your recovery, I am, etc.
582 PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE
ME. CLAY TO HIS SON JAMES.
■Wasuington, January 2, 1849.
My dear Son, — I received your letter of the 27th. November,
and I was happy to hear of the continued health of Susan and
your children, and especially that she had so easy an accouche-
ment. That was the result of her previous exercise and the cli-
mate of Lisbon.
I am sorry to hear of the bad prospect of your getting our
claims satisfied. I wrote you a few days ago, giving a long ac-
count of an interview which I had with the Portuguese minis-
ter, etc., about the case of the General Armstrong. In the course
of it, he told me that he thought some of our claims were just,
and so did the Minister of Foreign Affairs, and that they would,
be paid. If we are to come to any appeal to force, perhaps it
will be as well that they should reject them all, those which are
clearly just as well as those which are contestable. But, as it
would be a feather in your cap, I should like that you would
get them all owned, or as many as you can.
The minister told me that the owners of the General Arm-
strong demanded $250,000. That sum strikes me to be erro-
neous. If they agree to admit the claim, you might stipulate to
have the amount fixed by some commission ; or, which would
be better, if the owners have an agent at Lisbon, you might get
him to fix the very lowest sum which they would be willing to
receive, which might not exceed one fifth of the sum de-
manded.
I mentioned confidentially to Sir H. Bulwer, the British min-
ister, my apprehensions of a difficulty with Portugal, and he
said he would write to Lord Palmerston, and suggest to him to
interpose his good offices, etc. He told me that a brother of
Lord Morpeth was the British Charge at Portugal. If he resem-
bles his brother, you will find him a clever fellow.
No certain developments are yet made of what Congress may
do on the subject of slavery. I think there is a considerable
majority in the House, and probably one in the Senate, in favor
of the Wilmot proviso. I have been thinking much of propos-
ing some comjorehensive scheme of settling amicably the whole
question, in all its bearings ; but I have not yet positively de-
termined to do so. Meantime some of the Hotspurs of the
South are openly declaring themselves for a dissolution of the
OF HENRY CLAY. 583
Union, if the Wilmot proviso be adopted. This sentiment of
4isLmion is more extensive than I had hoped, but I do not regard
it as yet alarming. It does not reach many of the Slave
States.
You complain of not hearing from Kentucky. I have the
same complaint. I have not received a letter from John for a
long time. My last was from Thomas, of the 18th ult. They
were then all well.
I am glad to hear that Henry is placed at school, but am sorry
that his defects continue to display themselves. We must hope
that he will correct them as he grows older, and in the mean
time console ourselves that his faults are not worse than they
are.
• My love to Susan, the hoys, and your children.
, ME. CLAY TO JAMES HARLAN.
Ne-w Okleans, January 26, 1849.
My DEAK Sir, — I met with an accidental but violent fall a
week ago, in carelessly descending a flight of stairs, to receive a
gentleman who bore me a letter of introduction, and I got terri-
bly bruised. I broke no bones, but it disabled me, for the pres-
ent, from walking without assistance, and almost from writing.
I received yesterday your favor of the 12th, and to-day that
of the 14th. I regret extremely that the use of my name, in
connection with the ofRce of Senator, should have created any
division among the Whigs, or excited any dissatisfaction with
any one. God , knows that I have no personal desire to return
to that body, nor any private or ambitious purposes to promote
by resuming a seat in it. I expressed to you and to other
friends, at the period of my departure from home, the exact
state of my feelings, when I declared that I could not reconcile
it to my feelings to become a formal or an avowed candidate ;
and that if the General Assembly had any other person in view,
I did not wish to interfere with him. I added that, if, neverthe-
less, the Legislature thought proper to require my services in the
Senate, deference to their will, a sense of public duty, and the
hope of doing some good, would prompt me to accept the
office.
These views are unchanged. According to them, it follows
584 PEIVATE , CORRESEONDEISrCE
that I have no desire to have my name pressed upon the General
Assembly, and I hope that it will not be presented, unless it is
manifestly the free and voluntary wish of a majority of that
body. It would be a great mortification to me to be thought to
be solicitous for that office, and to be supposed to be seeking it
from the reluctant grant of the Legislature. I hope that my
friends will act in consonance with the state of my feelings,
and not suffer my name to be used but on the conditions
■which I have stated.
MB. CLAY TO THOMAS B. STEVENSON.
New Okleans, January 31, 1849.
My dear Sie, — The breaking out of the cholera here prevented
my meeting General Taylor in this city, as had been expected.
I met him at Baton Rouge, but only long enough to exchange
friendly salutations, without any opportunity to converse on
public affairs.
About a fortnight ago I met with a terrible accidental fall,
which, although fortunately I broke no bones, has for the pres-
ent confined me to my lodgings, disabled me from walking, and
almost from writing. To that cause is owing my not having
earlier acknowledged the receipt of your friendly letter of the
25th ultimo.
I suppose that I shall be elected to the Senate by the General
Assembly of Kentucky, in which case I shall hardly feel my-
self at liberty to decline, confen-ed as the office will be without
any solicitation from me, without my being a candidate, and
with the knowledge of a strong disinclination on my part to re-
turn to that body. Deference to the will of the General Assem-
bly, a sense of duty, and the possibility of my being able to do
some good, overcome my repugnance. If I go to Washington,
it will be with an anxious desire that I shall be able to support
the measures of the new Administration, in consequence of their
conformity with Whig policy.
There seems to be yet some slight prospect of a settlement at
Washington of the Free Soil question ; but we shall see.
The cholera has nearly entirely disappeared from this city.
OF HENRY CLAY. 685
MR. CLAY TO HIS SON JAMES.
Few Orleans, March 8, 1849.
Mr DEAR Son,— I was glad to hear by your letter of the 18th
ultimo that you had returned from Missouri. Your journey
must have been a dreadful one, but you will find some compen-
sation for it in the profits which you expect to reaUze.
My health is better, and I can again walk. I hope to reach
home toward the last of this month. The weather is now fine
here, and I am desirous not to return until the winter breaks.
I have heard that Colonel Allen has discontinued his school,
but I have not heard whether Henry is admitted at West Point.
I declined going to Washington at the Call Session.
As you were absent, I sent to Richard Pendell a letter on the
Emancipation question. As I regret to hear that it is not popu-
lar, I suppose that my letter will bring on me some odium. I
nevertheless wish it published. I owe that to the cause, and to
myself, and to posterity.
I am delighted to hear that dear little Lucy is better. You
are perfectly right to take her to the sea-bath, if it be recom-
mended ; but ought you not to think of the Arkansas Springs ?
My love to Susan and your children.
MB. CLAY TO GENERAL COMBS.
New Orleans, March 1, 1849.
My dear Sir, — I received your last letter, transmitting one
which is returned. Many thanks are due to you for various
communications received during the past winter, and which af-
forded me much valuable information. I should have before ac-
knowledged them, but for the consequences of my fall, which
for a time disabled me from both walking and writing.
The project of assuming the debt of Texas on the considera-
tion of her relinquishment of her territorial claim beyond the
Nueces, is worthy of serious examination. The difficulty in the
way will be the Free Soil question.
I am most anxious that you should obtain some good appoint-
ment under the present Administration. You, I think, eminently
deserve it. Whether I can aid you or not, I can not at present
say. My relations to the President, on my part, and, as far as I
586 PEIVATE COEEESPONDENCE
know, oil his, are amicable ; but I have had no proof of any
desire to confer or consult with me on any subject. Some of
his warm and confidential friends, I have recison to know, view
me with jealousy, if not enmity. While self-respect will restrain
me from volunteering any opinion or advice, unless I know it
will be acceptable, public duty will equally restrain me from of-
fering any opposition to the course of his Administration, if, as
I hope and anticipate, it should be conducted on principles which
we have so long cherished and adhered to.
I hope to reach home, and to see you in all this month, when
there will be time enough to talk over all these and other
matters.
I did not go to the Call Session, because, supposing that it
would be short and formal, and without any se-rious division, I
disliked encountering, in my lame condition, a journey so long
in the winter. I am, etc.
ME. CLAY TO JAMES HABX,AN.
IfEW Orleans, Mareli IS, 1849.
Mt dear Sib, — I received your favor of the 3d instant. I
concluded not to attend the Call Session, which I could not
have done without much personal discomfort.
The Cabinet of General Taylor was not, it seems, exactly as
you supposed. Some of the appointments excited surprise. I
think that he might have made one of greater strength. I am
truly concerned that Letcher was overlooked. I had strong
hopes that he would have been appointed, and I thought I had
reason for them.
I think it quite likely that you may be right in supposing that
neither I nor my friends will find much favor at Court. As to
myself, having given no just cause for its frowns, I can bear
them without difficulty ; but the President will be unwise if he
neglects or proscribes my friends. Without them, he never
could have been elected.
While I have no desire to go into the Convention, I shall
make no decision until myrctiu-n. I leave this city on the 17th
instant, and stopping on the river at one or two places, I hope to
reach home about the last of the month.
OF HENRY CLAY. 587
MH. CLAY TO RODNEY DENNIS.
Ashland, April 15, 1849.
Dear Sir, — Your favor of the 27th ultimo, addressed to me
at New Orleans, followed and found me here.
I am very grateful and thankful for the friendly sentiments
toward me which your partiality has prompted you to express.
You do me too much honor in instituting any comparison be-
tween me and the renowned men of antiquity. I am in one
respect better off than Moses. He died in sight of, without
reaching, the promised land. I occupy as good a farm as any
that he would have found, if he had reached it ; and it has been
acquired, not by hereditary descent, but by my own labor.
As to public honors 9.nd public offices, I have perhaps had
more than my share of them. At all events I am contented, and
now seek for better, if not higher offices and honors, in a better
world. That we may both meet there, if we never do here, is
the sincere prayer of your friend and obedient servant.
MR. CLAY TO NICHOLAS DEAN.
Ashland, June 21, 1849.
My dear Sir, — I received your favors of the 1st and 4th in-
stant. I regret extremely that many of the appointments of the
Executive are so unsatisfactory to the public ; and still more that
there should be just occasion for it. I fear that the President
confides that matter too much to the Secretaries, and that they
have selfish and ulterior views in the selections which they make.
It is undeniable that the public patronage has been too exclu-
sively confined to the original supporters of General Taylor, with-
out sufficient regard to the merits and just claims of the great
body of the Whig party. This is both wrong and impolitic.
You tell me that it will be difficult to repress an expression of
the Whig dissatisfaction, prior to the meeting of Congress. I
should be very sorry if this was done so early, if it should be-
come necessary (I hope it may not) to do it at all. I think there
ought not to be any denunciation of the Administration, unless
it is rendered proper for its plans of public policy. If before
these are developed, the Administration should be arraigned, it
588 PRIVATE COREESPONDENCB
■would be ascribed to disappointment as to the distribution of the
patronage of Government. It will be different, if, contrary to
what we have a right to hope and expect, the Administration
should fail to support and recommend the great measures of the
Whig party.
As to myself, I need not say to you, that I shall go to Wash-
ington, if I am spared, with a firm determination to oppose or
support measures according to my deliberate sense of their effects
upon the interests of our country.
MR. CLAT TO HIS SON JAMES.
AsHiAND, October 2, 18i9.
Mt deah James, — I returned home this day fortnight, in im-
proved health, which, with the exception of my cough, contin-
ues good. Levi again left me at Buffalo, and has again returned
to Louisville, on his way home, having reported himself there
to Mr. Smith.
I received your letter dated at sea, after you had been two
days out, and I was sorry to learn that there was so much sea-
sickness in your party. I calculated that you arrived at Liver-
pool about the time I got home. I found all well here.
Colonel Brand died with cholera about four weeks ago. John-
son, the saddler, has purchased at private sale the whole of Mr.
Hunt's land, of upward of eleven hundred acres, at sixty dol-
lars per acre. I think it would have commanded more at public
auction, land being on the rise.
You will have seen that Secretary Clayton has got into a
difficulty with the French minister. I am sorry for it, and I
think that with judgment and discretion it might have been
avoided. But your course should be to defend the act of the
Executive, if you can conscientiously ; and if not to remain si-
lent. The papers will also inform you that the Secretary has also
a difficulty with the British Charge about the Mosquito Coast. I
hope it is not so serious as to threaten war.
My crops of hemp and corn are uncommonly fine, and the
influx of gold from California, and the general prosperity of the
country are giving an upward tendency to prices. Hemp, I fear,
will, however, be an exception next year, owing to its abund-
ance.
OF HENRY CLAY. 589
I suppose you will hear from Louisville. I have heard noth-
ing to the contrary, and therefore presume all are well there.
I inclose a ticket which I received for you inclosed in a cu--
cular, similar to one addressed to me, from the American Insti-
tute. ^
Our love to Susan, and kiss dear Lucy and the other children
for me.
ME. CLAY TO JAMES HARLAN.
Ashland, October 4, 1849.
Mt dear Sie, — I saw in " The Commonwealth" with sorrow
and regret, the death announced of your son, my namesake. 1
tender to yon, on the melancholy occasion, an expression of my
sincere sympathy and condolence. I knew enough of him, from
frequent interviews and conversations with him, to appreciate the
great distress which the lamented event must have brought upon
you and Mrs. Harlan and your other children. I have been, in
my time, a great sufferer from the loss of beloved children, and
I can fully estimate the grief Avhich you now feel.
Time, and a patient resignation and submission to the will of
Him who, having given us our children, has the right to take
' them from us when He pleases, can only heal the wounds inflict-
ed, and mitigate the sorrows which the bereavement necessarily
excites.
I hope that you and Mrs. Harlan will bear with fortitude, and
* in a true spirit of Christianity, this sad and heavy dispensation.
ME. CLAY TO HIS SON JAMES.
AsELAND, October 15, 1849.
Mt dear Son, — I received your letter dated at Liverpool the
27th ultimo, and was very glad that you had all safely arrived,
with so little inconvenience from sea-sickness. I hope that your
excursion to Paris proved agreeable, and that you were not
tempted by its many attractions to run into any extravagant ex-
penditures.
The elections in Ohio and Pennsylvania have gone against the
Administration, and, judging from present prospects, I do not see
590 PEIVATE COEEESPONDENCE
how it is to be sustained. If, therefore, you do not come home
sooner, you may prepare to return on the expiration of its term.
I understand indirectly that it is counting much on my exertions
at the approaching session of Congress ; hut I fear that it is
counting without any sufHcient ground. I intend to leave home
the first of November, but not to go to Washington until about
the opening of Congress. I expect to pass two or three weeks
in Philadelphia.
I suppose that you and Susan -hear regularly from Louisville,
from which I have heard nothing of any interest. Here we are
all in health, and things move on in their ordinary channels.
Yesterday (Sunday) Thomas and Mary dined with us as usual.
He goes down in a feAV weeks to his famous saw mill, from
which he calculates to make a great deal.
We expect H. Hart and his family here to-morrow or next
day to make their farewell visit, preparatory to their going to St.
Louis, for which he has made most of his arrangements. .
Give our love to Susan and your children and to Henry Clay,
and kiss dear Lucy for your affectionate father.
MK. CLAY TO HIS SON JAMES.
WAsniNGTON, December 4, 1849.
My DEAR Son, — I left home the first of last month, which -
throughout was a most delightful one, and, after passing two or
three weeks in Philadelphia, New York, and Baltimore, arrived ^
here last Saturday, the 1st instant. My presence in those cities
excited the usual enthusiasm among my friends, and the cus-
tomary fatigue, etc., to myself; but I rejoice that my health is
good, with the exception of a bad cold, which ] hope is passing
off. I have not yet seen the President, although 1 called yester-
day and left my card. I have seen Mr. Ewing, and other mem-
bers of the Cabinet have left their cards. Up to this time there
is no organization of the House, which is in a very curious state.
Neither party has a majority, and divisions exist in each ; so that
no one can foresee the final issue. The elections this year have
gone very unfavorably to the Whigs, and without some favorable
turn in public affairs in their favor, they must lose the ascend-
ency.
I received Susan's letter of the 19th October and yours of the
OF HENEY CLAY. 591
5th November, and the perusal of them afforded me satisfaction.
I observe what you say about Mr. Hopkins' kind treatment of
you. He has gone home, but if I should ever see him, I will
manifest to him my sense of his friendly disposition toward you.
I am acquainted with him as a former member of the House of
Representatives. I shall seize some suitable occasion to examine
your dispatches at the Department of State, and I am glad that
you entertain confidence in your competency to discharge the
duties of your official position. That is a very proper feeling,
within legitimate bounds ; but it should not lead to any relaxa-
tion of exertions to obtain all information within your reach, and
to qualify yourself by all means in your power to fulfill all your
official obligations. How do you get along without a knowledge
of the French language ? Are you acquiring it ?
I have heard from home frequently since I left it. John had
taken a short hunt in the mountains, but returned without much
success. Thomas had gone down the Ohio to see about the
saw mill, and is still there. All were well. Dr. Jacobs is now
here from Louisville. His brother with his wife have gone to
Missouri, where he has purchased another farm. You have said
nothing, nor did Susan, about Henry Clay or Thomas Jacobs.
Give my love to Susan and all your children, and to the boys.
I will Avrite to her as soon as I am a little relieved from com-
pElny, etc.
I hope you will adhere to your good resolution of living with-
in your salary. From what you state about your large establish-
ment, I am afraid that you will exceed that prudent limit. How
* did your predecessor in that particular ? I believe he was not a
man of any wealth.
MK. CLAT TO MBS. JAMES B. CLAT.
Washington, December 15, 1849.
My DEAR Susan, — I received and read with great pleasure
your letter of the 19th of October. All its details of informa-
tion were agreeable to me, and I hope you will continue to write
to me and to communicate every thing, the minutest circum-
stance concerning yourself or your dear family. I have taken
apartments at the National Hotel (a parlor and bed-room adjoin-
592 PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE
ing), for the winter. I have an excellenfvalet, a freeman, and
1 am as comfortable as I can be. No advance has been yet made
in Congress, in the public business, owing to the House, from
its divided condition, being yet unable ' to elect a Speaker.
When that will be done is uncertain ; but 1 suppose from the
absolute necessity of the case there will be, before long, one
chosen.
I have been treated with much consideration by the President
and most of his Cabinet ; but I have had yet no very confiden-
tial intercourse with the President. I dined with him this week,
and I have been invited to dine with two members of the Cabi-
net, but declined on account of a very bad cold. Mr. Clayton
sent me James' diplomatic note to the Portuguese minister on
the case of the General Armstrong, with the inclosed note from
himself. James' note has been well spoken of by the Attorney-
General to me, and I think it creditable. There are some cleri-
cal inaccuracies in it, whibh ought to be avoided in future copies
of his official notes. James might have added, in respect to the
practice of impressment, that " the Portuguese Secretary, in vol-
unteering a sanction of it, has extended the British claim, now
become obsolete, beyond any limit to which it was ever asserted
by Great Britain herself, she never having pretended that she
could exercise the practice within the Territorial jurisdiction of
a third or neutral power, or any where but on the high seas or
in her own ports."
I understood from Clayton that it was intended by the Presi-
dent to submit to Congress the conduct of the Portuguese Gov-
ernment, without recommending, at present, any measure of
coercion. It is desirable to get the answer to James' note, as
soon as practicable, if one be returned.
I have heard from Ashland as late as the 10th instant. All
the whites were well ; but there had been a number of cases
of small-pox in Lexington, and one of our black men had
caught it, but he was getting well. Think of your present en-
joyment of a delightful climate and tropical fruits, when there
fell at Lexington on the 10th instant, a snow six or eight inches
deep !
Your brother, th^ Doctor, has returned to Louisville. You
said nothing in your letter to me about Thomas, Henry Clay,
or my dear Lucy, and your other children. Is Henry going to
school and where ?
OF HENRY CLAY. 593
I believe I did not mention in my former letters to James that
Lucretia Erwin has determined to take the black vail.
I send herewith a letter from Mary Ann's husband. My love
to James and to all the family.
ME. CLAY TO LESLIE COMBS.
■WAsniNGTON, December 22, 1849.
Mt deae Sir, — I received your favor of the 17th instant, and
thank you for its details. It seems that I have lost my negro
man by the small-pox. I hope the measures taken will an-est
its progress.
My object in writing yoa now is one of great importance,
and I wish you to lead off in it. It will do the country good,
and do you good.
The feeling for disunion among some intemperate Southern
pohticians, is stronger than . I hoped or supposed it could be.
The masses generally, even at the South, are, I believe, yet
sound ; but they may become influenced and perverted. The
best counter-action of that feeling is to be derived from popular
expressions of public meetings of the people. Now, what 1
should be glad to see, is such meetings held throughout Ken-
tucky ; for, you must know, that the disunionists count upon
the co-operation of our patriotic State. Can't you get up a
large powerful meeting of both parties, if possible, at Lexing-
ton, at Louisville, etc., to express, in strong language, their de-
termination to stand by the Union ? I hope the Legislature,
and the Convention also, if it has not adjourned, may do the
same. If you remain silent and passive, there is danger that
the bad feeling may yet reach you. Now is the time for salu-
tary action, and you are the man to act. I inclose some resolu-
tions, which, or some similar to them, I should be happy to see
adopted.
Prudence and propriety will suggest to you, that too free a use
of my name should not be made in getting up this movement.
You well know the persons to consult with ; and I wish you
would keep me advised of what you do.
[This advice was acted on and carried out.]
38
694 PKIVATE CORRESPONDENCE
MR. CLAT TO HIS SON THOMAS.
■Washington, December 25, 1849.
My dear Thomas, — I received a letter from you while you
■were with Henry Wilkins, at your saw-mill, but none since. I
expected to have heard of your return home, and to have gotten
a letter from you, ere now ; but I suppose that you have been
detained below longer than you. expected. • I shall be glad to
hear from you, the prospects of your mill, etc.
I am afraid that your mother and John have had much trouble
and anxiety at Ashland. The loss of my man by the small-pox,
and the fear of its spreading must have given them much unea-
siness. It has become necessary to purchase or hire two addi-
tional hands for the farm. I shouM prefer the latter, and I have
so written to John. I wish you would give him all the assist-
ance you can in procuring them. His mill, too, has got out of
order ; but I hope that he has been able to get a millwright to
repair.
Give my love and the compliments of the season to Mary and
the children.
ME. CLAY TO HIS WIFE.
WAsniNGTON, December 28, 1849.
My dear Wiee, — There is a bundle of papers in my office up
stairs, inclosed in a pasteboard paper, and tied up with tape, con-
taining the letters from General Taylor to me. Among them is
one from him to me, dated at Monterey, in Mexico, I think, in
September, 1847. He and I differ about the contents of that
letter ; and I wish you would find it, and get Thomas to make
and send me a neat copy of it, and put up the original back again
where you find it.
I am still staying at the National Hotel, where I have a good
parlor and bed-room, for which and my board I pay thirty dollars
per week. The British Minister occupies rooms near mine, and
I yesterday dined with him. He has his wife with him, a niece
of the Duke of Wellington, a plain, but sensible person.
I have dined with the President, but declined to dine with
Clayton and Reverdy Johnson, on account of a bad cold. These
OF HENRY CLAT. '595
people are all civil with me, but nothing more. From every-
body, of both parties, I receive friendly attentions and kind con-
sideration.
My love to John.
MR. CLAY TO HIS SON JAMES.
WAsniNGTOH, December 29, 1849.
My dear James, — I received yom- letter, communicating an
account of Susan's confinement, and I was delighted to hear that
she had given birth to a son, with so little of paia and suffering.
I hope that she has continued to do well, and that the new comer
has also been hearty. In the fine climate where you are, I trust
that all your family enjoy good health.
I hear from home, but not as often as I could wish.
After three weeks, Mr. Cobb, of Georgia, a Democrat, was
elected Speaker, and it was so much more important that the
House should be organized than that whether Whig or Democrat
should be chosen, that I was glad an election was made. Noth-
ing of importance has yet been done in Congress.
The Portuguese Minister called on me to-day, and I had a
long, long interview with him, both on matters personally relat-
ing to you, and on public affairs, the latter, of course, confiden-
tially.
He tells me that you have a fine house and a delightful situa-
tion on the Tagus, with a beautiful prospect, etc., but that they
made you pay too much rent for it.
I endeavored to impress him very seriously about our claims
on Portugal, and that their rejection might lead to very grave
consequences. 1 authorized him to communicate what I said to
him to the Minister of Foreign Affairs. He read to me a very
ingenious and plausible argument in the case of the General
Armstrong, but I told him that I thought it only ingenious and
-plausible, and that I thought the American claim was well
founded. One of his points was that the General Armstrong
began the conflict. To which I replied that the British boats
approached the Armstrong in hostile array ; and that, when hailed,
refusing to avow whether their purposes were amicable or hostile,
the Armstrong was not bound to wait until they struck the first
blow, but, being authorized to conclude that their purpose was
to board and capture her, she had a right to defend herself, and
596 PRIVATE COEEESPONDENCE
anticipate the fall of the blow. Exactly as, when an assault is
made on a man, not yet followed by a battery, he is not bound
to await the battery, but may defend himself forthwith.
As to the weakness of Portugal, since the treaty of Methuen,
she has been an ally, and somewhat dependent on Great Britain.
Her feelings and sympathies were with the British, and against
the Armstrong. She not only did not protect the Armstrong,
which as a neutral power she ought to have done, but she did
nothing to repel the British violation of her jurisdiction. She
did worse ; when the crew of the Armstrong was brought on
shore, she (Portugal) suffered and connived at their being mus-
tered by, or in presence of, British officers, that they might select
from the array those whom they chose to consider British sea-
men ! Never was such an indignity before offered ! Never
before or since did Great Britain ever attempt to exercise her
pretended right of impressment within the jurisdictional limits
of a neutral or third power, or any where but in her own ports,
or on the high seas.
The Portuguese Minister cited certain provisions of our treaty
with Great Britain of 1794, and other treaties, making provision
for the case of captures within the waters of the respective parties
by a belligerent of either of them, etc. To all which I replied,
that those treaties took the case from without the operation of
the general public law, but did not affect the condition of powers
(of which Portugal was one) having no such treaties with us ;
that as to these powers, the national law furnished the rule ; and
that, in cases like the Armstrong, that rule required either pro-
tection or indemnity. Protection had not been afforded, and
indemnity was therefore justly due.
My manner was intentionally very earnest ; and I sought to
impress the Minister with the belief I entertain, that if satisfac-
tion of our claims be withheld, it will be sought for by coer-
cion. And I told him that I should be grieved if we had any
war with Portugal, especially when my son was the accredited
representative of the United States at Lisbon. I told him that I
hoped he would impress his Government with the gravity of
existing circumstances. He was hurt at the reference in the
President's Message to this affair; but I informed him that I had
reason to believe that, at one time, it was contemplated to refer
to it much more seriously, and I supposed this had not been done
in consequence of a hope entertained that your dispatches might
OF HENRY CLAT. 597-
soon bring the "welcome intelligence that our claims had been
admitted and provided for.
He spoke of a proposition before the Portuguese Cortes to
elevate the grade of the mission to this country. I told him that
the adjustment of our claims would be an agreeable, if not in-
dispensable preliminary to a similar elevation of the rank of our
Minister to Portugal, etc.
I presume that they will send you, from the Department of
State, the President's Message, and all other public documents.
My love to Susan, to dear little Lucy, and all your children,
and to H. Clay, and Thomas.
CHAPTEE XIV.
CORRESPONDENCE OF 1850, 1851, 1853.
MK. CLAY TO HIS SON THOMAS.
Washington, January 8, 1850.
My deak Thomas, — I received your favor of the 2d instant,
and I was glad to learn from it that you had placed your pecu-
niary affairs on a satisfactory footing ; but I hope that you had
not agreed to pay to Mr. Hart exorbitant interest. You tell me
that, not wanting the check I sent you for $450, you handed it
to R. Pindell to deposit the amount to my credit with the B.
Bank. I wish you would see that it is done, and let me know
the fact.
I am greatly concerned about your poor mother. I am afraid
that she has too much suffering and trouble for one person to
bear. John promised me to do all in his power to promote her
comfort and happiness. I wish you and Mary would do all in
your power to lighten her burdens as much as possible. I do
not think that I will leave her again another winter.
I wrote yesterday to John to send our mules to Greensboro', in
Georgia, where I have a prospect of a good sale of them. In-
deed, I consider them all already engaged at fair prices. I wish
you would assist him in getting them off. It would be well to
have them washed. And I desire the person in whose charge
they may be placed should inform me, from time to time, as he
makes progress on the journey.
I am very sorry that John has so much trouble in hiring slaves.
You will, of course, continue to assist him ; and I hardly know
what advice to give from this place. He and you must be the
best judges, being on the spot. If there be no better alternative,
I suppose that I shall be obliged to purchase one or two young
men, if good ones can be bought.
Give my love to Mary and your children.
PRIVATE COERESPONDENCE OF HENEY CLAY. 599
MR. CLAT TO HIS SON THOMAS.
■Washington, January 12, 1860.
My dear Thomas, — I received a letter from you, inclosing a
copy of a letter from General Taylor to me, dated at Monterey,
in November, 1847. It was the copy I wanted. I was only
mistaken as to its date.
I also received the letter for Henry Clay, jun., and I have for-
warded it to him.
We have a Mayday to-day.
MR. CLAT TO GENERAL COMBS.
Washington, January 22, 1860.
My dear Sir, — I received! your favor of the 15th, and I pre-
viously received other favors. 1 do not write often, because
really I have nothing positive to communicate, and I have nei-
ther time nor inclination to write merely speculative letters.
Every thing here is uncertain — the Slavery question in all its
bearings, California, New Mexico, Texas, etc. Of course, pro-
vision for your debt, and all other debts of Texas, is among the
uncertain things.
My relation with the President and his Cabinet is amicable,
but not remarkably confidential with them all. I have neither
sought nor declined confidential intercourse. I do not go out at
night, and in the day time both they and I are too much engaged
to see much of each other.
Are you not pushing subscriptions to railroads too far ? We
want one to the Ohio river ; two would be better, and three
better yet. But we ought not to go too fast.
I am awaiting with anxiety for popular expressions in Ken-
tucky in favor of the Union, let what come that may. Is there
not danger from delay that the contagion of disunion may seize
you?
MB. CLAT TO JAMES HARLAN.
Washington, January 24, 1850.
My DEAR Sir, — ^If I have not written to you often, it is be-
cause of my perpetual involuntary engagements, and because I
600 PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE
have really nothing to write about of a practical nature, and I
don't like indulging in speculation. Slavery here is the all-enr
grossing theme ; and my hopes and my fears alternately prevail
as to any satisfactory settlement of the vexed question. I have
been anxiously considering whether any comprehensive plan of
adjustment can be devised and proposed to adjust satisfactorily
the distracting question. I shall not, however, offer any scheme
unless it meets my entire concurrence.
I do not know whether any thing will be done about the Mar-
shall in Kentucky. All our Whig delegation concurred in the
propriety of a change; but when we came to designate the
man, there was unfortunately much division. The Executive
may not, under these circumstances, deem it expedient to re-
move the present incumbent.
My relations to the President are civil and amicable, but they
do not extend to any confidential cfinsultations in regard to pub-
lic measures. I am, etc.
MR. CLAY TO DANIEL ULLMANN.
Waseington, February 2, 1850.
My dear Sir, — I received your favor, and I am very glad to
find that my movement to compromise the Slavery question is
approved. The timid from the North hesitate, and the violent
from the South may oppose it, but I entertain hopes of its suc-
cess. Prom another quarter (the Administration) there may be
a gentle breeze of approbation.
I shall need, therefore, popular support. Large public meet-
ings (one at New York especially), indorsing my plan substan-
tially, would do much good. Perhaps the last of next week or
the week after may be early enough.
SIR. CLAY TO DANIEL ULLMAN.
■Washington, February 16, 1850.
My dear Sir, — ^I received your favor of the 12th inst. I am
glad to hear of the contemplated popular movement in the city
of New York, on the subject of the questions concerning
slavery which are producing so much unhappy division and
OF HENRY CLAY. 601
distraction. Tt -will do much good, if it be large, imposing, and
be attended without distinction of party. But I must think
that its beneficial effects will depend much upon its being con-
ducted and regarded as a local and spontaneous assemblage,
without any ground for the imputation of its being prompted
from any exterior source. And I therefore think it would be
best that there should not be any distant intervention from Con-
gress or from any remote quarter. It would indeed be very dif-
ficult, putting that consideration aside, to prevail upon members
of- Congress, at the moment of so much interest and excitement,
to quit Congress and repair to New York to address the meet-
ing. At all events, motives of delicacy and propriety would
restrain me from addressing any member of Congress to leave
his official position with such purpose. I should hope that it
was not necessary, and that gentlemen from New York, the
fresher from the masses the better, could be induced, from patri-
otic considerations, to attend and address the meeting.
My accounts of the reception of my scheme of adjustment
and accommodation of the slavery questions are encouraging.
There is some holding back in each quarter, from a purpose of
not committing itself, until the views of the other are known.
But, in spite of this reserve, there are outbreaks of approbation
and sanction of the scheme. And although I can not positively
say so, I entertain strong hopes that it will furnish the basis of
concord and a satisfactory accommodation.
ME. CLAT TO HIS SON JAMES.
"Washington, March 6, 1850.
My dear Son, — I have been so excessively occupied that I
have written less to you than I wished.^ Henry Clay came safely
to me, and I have placed him, for the present, at the Georgetown
College, where he seems contented.
Nothing has occurred since I last wrote to you on your Portu-
guese affairs. And I presume that no communication will be
made to Congress in respect to them, until we settle, if we ever
do settle, the Slavery subject. On this subject I made a speech,
and offered a plan of compromise, of which I send you a copy.
The speech has produced a powerful and salutary effect in the
602 PRIVATE COREESPONDENCE
country and in Congress. Whether the plari will be adopted or
not remains to be seen. I think if any is finally adopted it will
be substantially mine.
The Kentucky Legislature has passed moderate resolutions,
given me no instructions, and refused to be represented in the
Nashville Convention. All this is well.
My relations to the Executive are civil but not very cordial or
confidential. There has been much talk all the session about
changes in the Cabinet, and the retirement of Mr. Clayton es-
pecially. I am inclined to think that there is some foundation
for the rumors.
All are well at home.
My love to Susan, Lucy and the rest of the children.
D. KErES AND OTHERS TO MB. CLAT.
CuNTON, Mich., March 8, 1850.
Dear Sir, — We are humble individuals firmly attached to the
Democratic faith and the Democratic party, consequently can
not indorse many things in your political creed.
But, sir, with us the preservation and harmony of our beloved
Union are far above all party considerations, and we rejoice at
your present position in the United States Senate, feeling that
your eminent abilities and patriotic devotion to the Union are
not only the property of Kentucky, but of the whole Union.
Please accept our heartfelt thanks for your conciliatory resolu-
tions, and for the masterly manner in which you have supported
and maintained them.
ME. CLAY TO HIS SON JAMES.
WASHraoTOK, March 13, 1850.
My dear James, — I have just received your favor of the 8th
ultimo. I suppose that the bad state of things here has prevent-
ed Clayton from writing to you, and probably prevented the Ex-
ecutive from calling the particular attention of Congress to Por-
tuguese affairs.
You will do well, if any arrangement can be effected of any
of our claims, to obtain the written concurrence of the agents of
the claimants, if they have any agents near you. And if none,
OF HENRY CLAY. 603
and a real doubt and difficulty occur, not covered by your in-
structions, you had better take the matter ad referendum to your
own Government.
We are still in the woods here, on the Slavery question, and
I don't know when we shall get out of them. Bad feelings,
have diminished, without our seeing, however, land. All other
business is superseded or suspended. I do not absolutely despair
of a settlement on the basis of my resolutions.
My information from home is good. All are well there.
Thomas continues to be encouraged by the prospects of his saw-
mill, and other prospects.
Tell Susan that I read her letter with great interest, and I
have sent it to her mother. Her interview with the dueen, with
all its attending circumstances, Avas quite imposing. As her
health is so good at Lisbon, I do not think that you should be
in a hurry to return home, although whenever you do come we
shall be most happy to see you. Henry Clay, jr., remains at the
Georgetown College.
I have seen a good deal of Sir Henry Bulwer and his lady,
both of whom are intelligent and agreeable. He promised me,
as I believe I informed you, to write to Lord Palmerston on our
affairs with Portugal.
Give my love to Susan, to Lucy and all the children. Tell
Susan that I will write to her when I can.
ME. CLAY TO JAMES HARLAN.
Washington, March 16, 1850.
My deak Sie, — I hg.ve been very thankful to you for the in-
formation you have, from time to time, communicated to me
during the session of Congress. While on the other hand you
have found me an inattentive correspondent. My apparent ne-
glect proceeded merely from the cause that I had nothing certain
or definite to communicate.
The all-engrossing subject of slavery continues to agitate us,
and to paralyze almost all legislation. My hopes are strong that
the question will ultimately be amicably adjusted, although when
or how can not be clearly seen.
My relations to the Executive are civil but cold. We have
very little intercourse of any kind. Instead of any disposition
604 PEIVATB COERESPONDENCE
to oblige me, I feel that a contrary disposition has been some-
times manifested. In the case of a Marshal for our State, four
of the Whig members, of which I was one, united from the first
in recommending Mr. Mitchell. Two others of them (making
six) infoimed the Secretary of the Interior that they would be
satisfied with Mr. Mitchell ; yet Speed was nominated, and his
nomination is now before the Senate. It was the act of the
President, against the advice of Ewing.
I have never before seen such an Administration. There is
very little co-operation or concord between the two ends of the
avenue. There is not, I believe, a prominent Whig in either
House that has any confidential intercourse with the Executive.
Mr. Seward, it is said, had ; but his late Abolition speech has, I
presume, cut him off from any such intercourse, as it has eradi-
cated the respect of almost all men for him.
I shall continue to act according to my convictions of duty,
co-operating where I can with the President, and opposing where
I must.
I congratulate you on your appointment as one of the Revisers.
MK. CLAY TO HIS SGIT JAMES.
WAsmuGTON, March 17, 1850.
Mt dear Son, — ^I was at the Department of State yesterday,
and some of your last dispatches were shown me, and important
instructions to you were also read to me. These instructions
are to be sent to you in duplicate, one copy by the mail, and the
other copy through Commodore Morgan, who is to proceed to Lis-
bon in one of the ships of the line, and to deliver to you the copy
which he bears. He is then to await your orders. It is not un-
derstood that you are to act finally on these instructions until
the arrival of the Commodore, but that you should, in the mean
time, go on with the negotiation for our claims, and conclude, if
you can, a convention for their payment.
This course of proceeding will impose on you a heavy respon-
sibility, and you should act with great care, caution, and discre-
tion. If you could prevail on the Portuguese Government to
pay a sum in block, or in gross, for the amount and in full satis-
faction of all our claims on that Government, it might save its
honor in contesting the Armstrong case. It might stipulate to
OF HENRY CLAY. 605
pay a specified sum, and leave the distribution of it, among the
claimants, to our Government. I do not know whether you
have a knowledge of all the claims and the means of fixing on
their just amount. I was surprised to hear at the Department
that it was much greater than I had supposed. I would not
insist upon extravagant or extreme allowances. I should think
that if the owners of the Armstrong got $50,000 they might be
satisfied.
If, after the arrival of Commodore Morgan, and after you have
ascertained that no arrangement of our claims can previously be
made, the Portuguese Government should persist in refusing to
do us justice, as I understood the instructions, you are to notify
that Government of your purpose to leave Lisbon, demand your
passports, and come away. The Commodore is not to employ
force, which would be an act of war which the President has
no power to authorize.
I suppose that this measure of sending a public vessel into the
port of Lisbon has been adopted upon your advice, at least in
part. I hope it may succeed ; but if the Portuguese Govern-
ment has the promise of British succor, it is not so likely to be
successful. In the present distracted state of this country, and the
weak condition of the Administration in Congress, it is much to
be feared that your departure from Lisbon without the settlement
of our claims, after the contemplated display of naval force,
will not be followed up by the employment of the coercion
which the serious steps you are authorized to take would seem
to require. Hence the great importance of an amicable settle-
ment if one can be made. And hence also I think our claims
should be brought down to their minimum amount.
If your negotiation should finally fail, I suppose that we may
see you back in the United States before the close of this year.
My last accounts from home represented all well. Give my
love to Susan and the children.
MR. CLAY TO JAMES HARLAN.
WAsniNGTOiT, March 22, 1850.
My dear Sir, — I received your favor of the 15th instant.
What you have stated, in answer to those who have inquired of
you, whether under any contingency I would consent to be a
606 PRIVATE COEBESPONDENCE
candidate for the Presidency in 1852, is pretty much what I
should have said myself, if I said any thing ; but I have great
repugnance to saying any thing about it. It would be great
folly in me, at my age, with the uncertainty of life, and with
a recollection of all the past, to say now that I would, under any
contingences, be a candidate. I can scarcely conceive any,
there are none in the range of probability, that would reconcile
*me to the use of my name. I have already publicly declared
that I entertained no wish or expectation of being a candidate ;
and I would solemnly proclaim that I never would be, under
any circumstances whatever, if I did not think that no citizen
has a right thus absolutely to commit himself.
We can not yet see clearly how or when our slavery difficxil-
ties are to be settled.
MR. CLAY TO HIS SON JAMES.
Washington, Mai-ch 25, 1850.
Mt deae Son, — I received together, to-day, your two favors
of the 15th and 28th ultimo. I am obliged to you for the arti-
cles you have shipped for your mother and me. I shall give
directions about the pigs, but I am afraid there will be great
difficulty in getting them home. You can not ship home any
Port wine, without paying duties here. It must come back with
you, and as a part of your luggage it will not be liable to duty.
I should be glad to get six or eight dozen.
I have no doubt that you may return at the end of the year,
if you wish it. Whether you do so or not ought to depend on
your estimate of what will most conduce to the health and hap-
piness of your family and yourself. I should be sorry if you
allowed your expenses to exceed your salary. Public function-
aries are too apt to think themselves more bound than they really
are to dispense hospitality. He acts wisest who limits himself
to his salary.
My last letter and the dispatches from Government will have
apprized you that a display of naval force is to be tried as an
experiment in aid of your negotiations. If it fail to induce the
Portuguese Government to pay our claims, you may have to re-
turn even sooner than you wish. I suppose it will not reach
the port of Lisbon before May.
OF HENRY CLAY. 607
The Senate confirmed your nomination to-day as soon as it
"was taken up, and without any opposition. At no time was
there danger of any.
I wish you were honorably and safely through your negotia-
tions. The employment of a naval force imposes on you a del-
icate and heavy responsibility, of the success of which I am
more anxious because I understand you advised it. You may
be officially interrogated as to the object of the presence of such
a force. In that case, you will pursue your instructions, and I
suppose have to say that the ship is intended to take you away,
if our claims are not adjusted. Commodore Morgan is a partic-
ular friend of mine and a very clever fellow. You may tell
him all about Yorkshire, his pet, etc.
I have got through the winter better than I expected, but I
find the colds of this month very bad.
I am glad to hear that you are on good terms with the For-
eign Minister. Certainly it would be a good arrangement to
get them to recognize the justice of the Armstrong claim and
leave the amount to arbitration ; but that they won't agree to.
Give my love to Susan, dear Lucy, and your other children.
All well at home when 1 last heard.
I believe I mentioned the death of your uncle Porter in Ark
ansas, in February.
MR. CLAY TO S. A. ALLIBONE.
Washington, May 10, 1850.
Mt DEAR Sir, — Accept my cordial although tardy thanks for
your friendly note of the 16th ultimo, with its inclosure of pre-
cious old newspapers. My public engagements will explain and
excuse me, I hope, for not having earlier made this acknowledg-
ment.
I pray you to present my warm regards to your family and to
your sister, and to assure her that I often think of her amid all
my occupations.
JAMES B. CLAY TO HIS FATHER.
Lisbon, May 26, 1850.
My dear Father, — You can not imagine in what a state of
uncertainty, uneasiness, and expectation, we have been during
608 PRIVATE COERESPONDENCE
this entire month. I had been informed by Mr. Clayton that it
was the opinion of the Secretary of the Navy that the ship from
the Mediterranean, with my final instructions, would reach here
by the 1st of this month, and it is now nearly the last, and it
has not arrived. I have seen by the English papers that the
storeship Erie, which, I presume, took Commodore Morgan his
orders, was lying, with the commodore, in the harbor of Naples,
on the 27th last month, in iifteen days after he ought to have
been here ; why he is not, God only knows. I have been con-
stantly uneasy for fear that his non-arrival might prejudice the
settlement of our affairs ; and if this Government had a grain of
common sense, it would have done so very much. Their true
policy, having determined not to pay, was most certainly to offer
an arbitration of all the claims, and I have been every instant
fearing that such an offer would be made ; a rejection of it, which
I would have to make, would, of course, have put us in a worse
position before the world.
The English Charge, Mr. Howard, the brother of the Earl of
Carlisle, told me the other day, that Mr. Bulwer had written to
Lord Palmerston, as he promised you, to advise these people to
pay all the claims which were just, and to offer to arbitrate the
others ; and I presume he did so, for Mr. Howard told me, at
the same time, that Count Fayal had informed him that he had
offered to arbitrate all. This impression he has been for some
time trying to create, through the papers and otherwise. You
may have seen an article in " The London Times" speaking of
my rejection of the offer, etc. ; this, I know, was denied from
Fayal, who shows eveiy thing to the correspondent of that paper.
Lord Palmerston has very little influence here. He has been
always opposed to the Cabral Ministry, and there is no goodwill
between them. I took occasion to inform Mr. Howard, that it
was wholly untrue that Count Fayal had offered to arbitrate all
our claims, and said that I had no objection to his so informing
his Government.
I can not predict what will be the effect produced by tho
coming of the ship, if ever she does arrive, or of my demand for
my passport, if they don't pay. Our action has, throughout the
affair, been so dilatory, that I am sure it can not have so great
influence as promptness would have done. It has always been
my opinion that I ought to have been sent here in a ship of war,
OF HENRT CLAY. 609
with the same instructions given at last. Our position at the'
time of my arrival was by all odds better than it is now.
Should we be suffered to go away, I am undetermined whether
we shall go to Naples and to Paris, through Italy and Switzer-
land, or go at once to Paris. I shall be determined by Commo-
dore Morgan's course. If he offers to take us to Naples, as it will
not be out of his way, I shall accept. If we go that way, we
will still reach America in November.
As the season has ai-rived for Southerners to be in Kentucky,
perhaps my house could now be sold. I should like it to be ;
as on our return home, if you won't sell me Ashland, I am deter-
mined to try and buy Crutchfield's place on the Ohio. Can you
write to Trotter or Pindell about the house ?
28th. — Commodore Morgan has not arrived, and I am in hourly
expectation of receiving, what I feared I should receive, a prop-
osition to arbitrate all the claims. I dined last night with the
Duke of Leuchtenberg, the son-in-law- of the Emperor of Russia,
at the Russian Legation, when the Minister asked if I had re-
ceived such a proposition, as Count Fayal had told him he in-
tended to make it. He seemed surprised when I told him I had
not. I shall regret to receive it, because I think my instructions '
will oblige me to reject it, and I know it will place us in a worse
position before the world. Either Commodore Morgan has had
orders of which I was not informed, or he has not been as active
as he might, and ought to have been.
Nine o'clock at night. — I have just received a note from the
Minister, stating the willingness of his Government to arbitrate
all the claims, but as he rejects the last of them in the same note,
and as his language is not a distinct proposition to arbitrate, I
shall not so consider it.
We are all well, and Susan joins me in affectionate love to
you.
MH. CLAY TO HIS SON JAMES.
WAsniNGTON, May 2T, 1850.
My deak Son, — I have written to you less of late than I wished,
owing to my perpetual public occupations. We are yet in the
midst of our slavery discussions, with no certainty of the final
result. I have hopes of the final success of the compromise re-
39
610 PRIVATE COEEESPONDENCB
ported by me of the Committee of Thirteen, but with less con-
fidence than I desire.
By this time, I presume that your pubHc duties at Lisbon are
brought to an unsuccessful close. I fear that the display of force
in the port of Lisbon has not been attended with the benefit
anticipated from it.
I have got Henry Clay admitted as a cadet in West Point,
and he has gone home to see his relations, and to return to me
next week to enter the Academy.
You will see in the papers that I have spoken a great deal
(much more than I wished) in the Senate. In my last speech I
had to attack the plan of the Administration, for compromising
our slavery difficulties ; its course left me no other alternative.
My friends speak in terms of extravagant praise of my speeches,
and especially of the last.
Since I began this letter, I received your letter of the 28th
•April, with Susan's long and interesting letter to her mother,
which I have read and forwarded this moment.
I do not entertain much hope of the effect of the display of
naval force in getting our claims allowed, and consequently I
expect you will leave Lisbon soon after you receive this letter.
Should they be allowed, and should Portugal raise the rank of
her representatives, I suppose the measure would be reciprocated
by our Executive.
I am delighted to hear that you are all so happy, and that
dear Lucy has some good prospect of recovery.
I send a letter from Mary to Susan, and I am to blame for
some delay in its transmission. My love to her, and to all your
dear children.
MR. CLAY TO MBS. THOMAS H. CLAY.
Washington, July 13, 1850.
My dear Mary, — I received your letter with its inclosure. I
wish you would tell your mother not to pay the Abion's account,
or any other account against me, without my direction. I will
arrange these matters myself.
My health is reasonably good. Mrs. Brand, of Lexington,
and her party are now here, and will to-day witness the funeral
ceremonies of General Taylor, about which the whole city is
now in commotion.
OF HENHY CLAY. 611
Tell Thomas that I think the event which has happened will
favor the passage of the Compromise bill.
I can not tell you, my dear Mary, how anxious I am to be at
home with your dear mother, my wife, and all of you.
MK. CLAY TO HIS SON THOMAS.
PniLADEirHiA, August 6, 1860.
My deab Thomas, — I am here on my way to Newport, for
which place I proceed to-morrow, and hope to reach it during
the night. , ;'
I received your letter of the 28th ultimo, and I was gratified
to learn that your prospects from the saw-mill were so good.
My relations with Mr. Fillmore are perfectly friendly and con-
fidential. In the appointment of Mr. Crittenden I acquiesced.
Mr. P. asked me how we stood ? I told him that the same de-
gree of intimacy between us which once existed, no longer pre-
vailed ; but that we were on terms of civility. I added that,
if he thought of introducing him into his Cabinet, I hoped that
no considerations of my present relations to him would form any
obstacle.
I shall be very glad if any thing can be done for Carroll, and
and I will see on my return to Washington.
As to the post-ofiice in Lexington, my wishes will, I antici-
pate, finally prevail.
I am very much worn down, but I hope that Newport will
replace my health and strength.
My love to Mary and the children.
MR. CLAY TO HIS SON THOMAS.
Newpokt, August 15, 1850.
My deab Thomas, — I received your two last letters, the last
inclosing one from Mary to Susan, which I have forwarded.
James will return in October or November ; he has closed his
negotiation, and although he has concluded no convention with
Portugal, he has succeeded in placing our claims with that Gov-
ernment on a much better footing than they ever stood before.
He has sent old Aaron home, and he is now in Washington.
612 PRIVATE COERESPONDENOE
I have been benefited by my visit to this place, and shall remain
here about a week longer. It is so cool here as to require the
use of fires.
They ai-e passing through the Senate, in separate bills, all the
measures of our Compromise, and if they should pass the House
also, I hope they will lead to all the good effects which v/ould
have resulted from the adoption of the Compromise.
I have seen Henry Pindle's wife here, and I was very glad to
hear from her that your mother is in good health, and that she
has been enjoying more of society than she has been accustomed
to do.
Give my love to Ma!ry and the children.
MK. CLAY TO HIS SON THOMAS.
WABHiNGTOif, September 6, 1850.
Mt dear Thomas, — I have received your letter of the 31st
ult. I congratulate Louisa and her family upon her marriage,
which I hope and believe may prove a happy one.
We can see no end yet of this fatiguing session. So far,
nothing is definitely decided on the slavery question. Perhaps
there may be to-day or to-morrow. In the mean time I am
again getting very much exhausted. I wish that I had remained
longer at Newport, where I was much benefited. I shall as soon
as possible return home, where I desire to be more than I ever
did in my life.
My love to Mary and the children.
MR. CLAY TO MRS. JAMES B. CLAT.
Ashland, November 21, 1850.
I was rejoiced, my dear Susan, to have seen by the newspa-
pers, that you and your children had ai'rived safely at New
York, and by the telegraphic dispatch, which you sent me from
Pittsburg, that you had reached that city. Not knowing whether
you will first come here or go to Louisville, I address this
letter to you at the latter. I expect to-leave home on the first
or second of next month. Will you (Jome here before I go ? If
not, I must try to go by Louisville to see you and the children.
OF HENRY CLAY. 6l8
I have sold James' house for nine thousand dollars, one third to
be paid at New Orleans the first of January next, one third in
October next, and the other third the October following, all well
secured. Harvey Miller was the purchaser. Considering James'
anxiety to sell, and the low price of town property, the sale is
considered a good one. But if he had been at home, and could
have made an arrangement with me for the purchase of Ash-
land, I would have allowed him ten thousand dollars for his
house. Mr. Miller had left the house, and I could get no good
tenant. So you see you are without house and home ; but I
hope you will pass as much of your time as you can at Ashland.
John expects to go to New Orleans in two or three weeks. "We
are all well here and at Mansfield.
Write me immediately about your movements. My love to
Ijucy and the other children.
ME. CLAY TO HIS SON JAMES.
Washington, December 23, 1860.
My dear James, — Prior to the receipt of your letter, dated at
Ashland the 17th instant, I had addressed a letter to you contain-
ing some things not necessary to be repeated here. I have not
yet had a good opportunity of conversing with either the Presi-
dent or Mr. Webster about you or your late mission ; but the
other night at Jenny Lind's concert, sitting by Mr. Webster, he
broke forth in extravagant praises of you.. I do not think that
you ought to put an unfriendly interpretation upon any thing
which occurred about your return to Lisbon. Your letter from
Geneva of September did not contain an unconditional offer to
return. You submitted some point of honor to Mr. Webster. I
think he might have sent earlier instructions to you ; but I sup-
pose his absence from Washington and his indisposition formed
his excuse. In his letter of the 5th November (which I hastily
read) he seems to have been undecided whether you wished to
return or not, but left it to you to determine. After you returned
to the United States I do not think that you ought to have gone
back to Lisbon for the temporary pui-pose of concluding the Con-
vention. And, upon the whole, I have no regrets about it, con-
sidering how well and how strongly the President speaks of you,
in his annual Message, and in what favorable terms, officially
614: PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE
and privately, Mr. Webster speaks of you, and that the public
ascribes to you the success of the negotiation. I wrote you that
I think you are entitled to your salary up to the 20th Novem-
ber and a quarter beyond, and to indemnity for any loss in furni-
ture, etc., in consequence of your sudden departure from Lisbon.
I believe it is usual also to charge for stationery, postage,
etc. If you will send, me your account I will endeavor to have
it settled.
I was in hopes that you would stay with your mother until
my return, and that we would then talk about your future. As
to your purchase of Ashland, I never desired that you should
make it, unless prompted by your own interests and feelings.
When I go hence it must be sold, and I have never feared that it
would not command a fair and full price.
I should regret deeply to see you set down doing nothing.
You must engage in some occupation or you will be miserable.
The law, farming, or the public service, are the only pursuits
which I suppose present themselves to you. You don't like the
first, which is moreover nowhere in Kentucky profitable ; and
your decision must be between the two others. I had inferred
that you were tired of diplomacy, unless you could get a higher
grade than that which you lately held. At present there is none
that I know of ; but perhaps some vacancy may occur. As to
elevating the mission to Lisbon, I have heard here of no propo-
sal to that effect. It does not depend, you know, exclusively on
the Executive ; Congress must sanction it. Possibly after the
conclusion of the Convention, if Portugal should desire to ele-
vate the rank of her minister, it may be proposed to reciprocate
it by the President ; but I do not apprehend that a higher rank
would be thought of than that of minister resident.
You did not say whether you were satisfied or not with my
sale of your house and lot. I would not have sold it but for
your great anxiety to sell. It was a good house, but I never
liked its external appearance. The situation was one of the
finest in Lexington.
You will direct what I shall do with the draft for $3000 when
I receive it from New Orleans.
My love to Susan, Lucy, and the other children.
OF HENRY CLAY. 615
MR. CLAT TO HIS WIFE.
■WAsmNQTON, March 8, 1861.
My dear Wife, — I have finally concluded to return by Cuba
and New Orleans. The great difficulty I have felt in coming to
the conclusion has been my long absence from you, and my de-
sire to be with you. But my cough continues ; although I do not
lay up, my health is bad, and the weather has been the worst of
March weather. The road, too, by Cumberland, I am told, is al-
most impassable. I hope that I may be benefited by the softer
climate of Cuba. I expect to go on the 11th from New York
in the steamer Georgia. And I think my absence from home
will not be prolonged beyond a month, that is the middle of
April. On settling my bank accounts, I will either from here or
New York make a remittance to you.
I send herewith a check on York for $400 which I have en-
'dorsed to you, and of which you will make any use you may
think proper.
I have written to John and telegraphed him, to put him at ease
about Yorkshire, and I hope all will go well at home until my
return.
God bless and preserve you, my dear wife.
MR. CLAY TO ADAM BEATTY.
Ashland, April 28, 1851.
My dear Sir, — ^I received your favor transmitting two letters,
one addressed to yourself and the other in reply to it, and I thank
you for the opportunity afforded me of perusing them.
If the course of affords cause of regret, I am grateful
for the firmness and fidelity with which you remained attached
to me in 1848, as upon all former occasions.
The nomination made of General Taylor, in Philadelphia, has
now no other than an historical interest. It has long ceased to
afiect me. I fear, indeed, that it. has had a pernicious influence
upon the Whig cause, but of that we shall hereafter be able bet-
ter to judge. I concm: entirely in the views presented in your
•reply to . Had I been nominated I am perfectly confi-
dent that I should have obtained every electoral vote which he
received, and, besides themj the vote of Ohio certainly, and that
616 PRIVATE COERESPONDEN'OE
of Indiana probably. My majority in Pennsylvania would have
been greater than that which was given to him. But the thing
is passed, and no one has more quietly submitted to the event
than I have.
I was very sorry that circumstances were such as not to admit-
of my calling to see you on my return home ; but I hope we
may yet live to meet each other. I returned by the route of
Cuba and New Orleans, and was highly gratified with my visit
to that delightful island.
MB. CLAY TO HIS SON JAMES.
Ashland, May 9, 1851.
My deah Son, — I received your letter of the 28th ultimo.
From Susan I had learned your plans for the future. Although
they involve a separation of you and your family from me, I can'
not complain of them and think them judicious. I am afraid
that we did not explain ourselves mutually fully to each other.
It was my anxious wish that you should have succeeded me in
the possession of Ashland, if it had suited your inclination and
interest, and if you had been at home I think we could have
made some arrangement by which you could have come into the
immediate possession of it, and I could have taken your house.
But you were not here ; and before you went to Europe, and in
your letters from Lisbon, you displayed so much anxiety to sell
the house that I concluded to take the offer of Mr. Miller. Mr.
Trotter too was about to give it up, and as I was on the eve of
my departure for Washington, and knew of no tenant that I
could get, I did not well know what to do with it. I think it
ought to have brought ten thousand dollars, which is what I
should have been willing to have allowed for it, but I obtained
the best price I could get, and the sale of it was far better than
that to Mr. Goodhue which you appeared willing to make.
My health is not good, a troublesome and inconvenient cough
has hung by me for six months past ; it has reduced and enfeebled
me very much. Dr. Dudley thinks that my lungs are unaffect-
ed, and that it proceeds from some derangement in the functions
of the stomach. Be that as it may, I must get rid of the cough
or it will dispose of me. My hopes rest upon the effects of warm
weather.
OF HENEY CLAY. 617
Susan and the children are well, and appear to be contented
and satisfied. They are a source of great happiness to me, and
I look forward to their leaving us with painful anticipations.
Your mother and John are both quite well, and so are Thomas
and his family. John is constantly occupied with our numerous
horses and those which are sent to Ashland. He is in good
spirits and appears much encouraged with prospects, and I think
has reason to be so. My overseer is doing admirably well, and
your mother is better pleased with him than she ever was with
any of his predecessors. I have a great many things to say to
you and to talk to you about, but among the inconveniences of
my present indisposition, one is, that it is less agreeable to me
than formerly to write or even to dictate, as I am now doing. 1
must therefore reserve for the occasion of your return to us to
say whatever I now omit. Susan gets your weekly letters regu-
larly and I hope you will continue to write, as in that way I can
learn your projects and prospects.
MR. CLAY TO DANIEL ULLMAN.
Ashland, June 14, 1851.
Mt deab Sib, — I duly received your favor of the 29th ultimo,
stating that some of my friends in New York have it under dis-
cussion, to make a movement to bring forward my name for the
Presidency ; and inquiring, in entire confidence, what my own
views and wishes are, upon the subject. I have delayed trans-
mitting an answer to your letter, from a desire to give to its im-
portant contents the fullest and most deliberate consideration.
That I have now done, and I will communicate the result to
you.
You will recollect that the last time but one that I was in the
city of New York, I had the pleasure of dining with you and
a number of other friends at the house of our friend M ;
that we then had a frank, full, and confidential conversation on
the connection of my name with the next Presidency ; and that
I then declared that I did not wish ever again to be brought for-
ward as a candidate. From that declaration, I have never since
deviated in thought, word, or deed. I have said or done noth-
ing inconsistent with it ; nothing which implied any desire on
618 PRIVATE COBEESPONDENCE
my part to have my name presented as a Presidential candidate.
On a review and reconsideration of the whole matter, I adhere
to that declaration. "
Considering my age, the delicate state of my health, the fre-
quency and the unsuccessful presentation of my name on former
occasions, I feel an unconquerable repugnance to such a use of it
again. I can not, therefore, consent to it. I have been some-
times tempted publicly to announce that, under no circumstances,
would I yield my consent to be brought forward as a candidate.
But I have been restrained from taking that step by two consid-
erations. The first was, that I did not see any such general
allusion to me, as a suitable person for the office, as to make it
proper that I should break silence and speak out ; and the sec-
ond was that I have always thought that no citizen has a right
to ostracise himself, and to refuse public service under all possi-
ble contingencies.
I might here stop, but I will add some observations on the
general subject of the next election. I think it quite clear that
a Democrat will be elected, Unless that result shall be prevented
by divisions in the Democratic party. On these divisions the
Whigs might advantageously count, if it were not for those
which exist in their own party. It is, perhaps, safest to con-
clude that the divisions existing in the two parties will counter-
balance each other.
Party ties have no doubt been greatly weakened generally,
and, in particular localities, have been almost entirely destroyed.
Bu^ it would be unwise to suppose that, when the two parties
shall have brought out their respective candidates, each will not
rally around its own standard. There may be exceptions ; but
those, on the one side, will probably be counterpoised by those
on the other. I believe that no one in the Whig party could
obtain a greater amount of support from the Democratic party
than I could ; but in this I may be deceived by the illusions of
egotism. At all events it would be unsafe and unwise for a can-
didate of one party to calculate upon any suffrages of the other.
While I do not think thai the hopes of success on the part of
the Whigs at the next Presidential election are very flattering or
encouraging, I would not discourage their putting forth their
most energetic exertions. There are always the chances of the
war. The other party may commit great blunders, as they did
recently in your State, in the course of their Senators, who op-
OF HENRY CLAY. 619
posed the enlargement of the Erie Canal ; and as they are disposed
to do in respect to the lake, river, and harbor improvements.
No candidate, I hope and believe, can be elected who is not
in favor of the Union, and in favor of the. Compromise of the
last Congress (including the Fugitive Slave bill), as necessary-
means to sustain it. Of the candidates spoken of on the Dem-
ocratic side, I confess that I should prefer General Cass. He is,
I think, more to be relied on than any of his competitors. Dur-
ing the trials of the long session of the last Congress, he bore
himself firmly, consistently, and patriotically. He has quite as
much ability, quite as much firniness, and, I think, much more
honesty and sincerity than Mr. Buchanan.
If I were to offer any advice to my friends, it would be not
to commit themselves prematurely to either of the two Whig
candidates who have been prominently put forward. Strong
objections, although of a very different kind, exist against them
both. They had better wait. It will be time enough next
winter to decide ; and I am inclined to believe that both of
those gentlemen will find, in the sequel, that they have taken,
or their friends have put them in, the field, too early.
Besides pre-existing questions, a new one will probably arise
at the next session of Congress, involving the right of any one
of the States of the Union, upon its own separate will and
pleasure, to secede from the residue, and become a distinct and
independent power. The decision of that momentous question
can not but exert some influence, more or less, upon the next Pres-
idential election. For my own part, I utterly deny the existence
of any such right, and I think an attempt to exercise it ought to
be resisted to the last extremity ; for it is, in part, a question of
union or no union.
You inquire if I will visit Newport this summer, with the
view of ascertaining whether it might not be convenient there,
or at some other Eastern place, to present me a gold medal which
I understand my good friends are preparing for me. I have
been absent from home fifteen out of the last nineteen months,
and I feel great reluctance to leaving it, during the present sum-
mer. If I were to go to the Eastward, I should have to return
early in the autumn, and soon after to go back to Washington,
unless I resign my seat in the Senate of the United States. Un-
der these circumstances, my present inclination is to remain at
home and to attend to my private afiairs, which need my care.
620 PEIVATE COERESPONDENCE
Should my friends persevere in their purpose of presenting
me the proposed medal, some suitable time and place can be
hereafter designated for that purpose. Surely no man was ever
blessed with more ardent and devoted friends than I am, and,
among them, none are more or perhaps so enthusiastic as those
in the city of New York. God bless them. I wish it was in
my power to testify my gratitude to them in full accordance
with the fervent impulses of my heart.
MK. CLAY TO S. A. ALLBBONE.
AsELAND, June 30, 1851.
My dear Sir, — I received your friendly letter of the 23d in-
stant. I have been so much from home during the last eighteen
months that it is not my purpose aX present to leave it this sum-
mer.
I have no doubt, with you, that many of the quiet and well-
disposed citizens of South Carolina are opposed to the measures
of violence which are threatened by others. But the danger is,
as history shows too often happens, that the bold, the daring,
and the violent will get the control, and push their measures to
a fatal extreme. Should the State resolve to secede, it will pre-
sent a new form of trial to our system : but I entertain undoubt-
ing confidence that it will come out of it with the most triumph-
ant success.
I thank you for your friendly tender of your services. Should
any occasion for the use of them arise, I will avail myself of
them, with great pleasure.
Do me the favor to present my warm regards to your good
sister ; and I reciprocate your kind wishes and prayers, with all
my heart.
MB. CLAY TO DANIEL ULLMANN.
Ashland, September 26, 1861.
My dear Sir, — I received your favor of the 19th instant, with
the memorial inclosed. On the subject of the next Presidency, my
opinions and views have undergone no change since I last Avrote
to you. Should I be able, as I now hope to be, from my slowly
OF HENRY CLAY. 621
improving health, to attend the next session of the Senate, we
will confer more freely on that subject. In the mean time, I
am glad that my friends in New York have foreborne to present
my name as a candidate.
I have looked at the list of events and subjects which are pro-
posed to be inscribed on the medal. I have made out and sent
herewith a more comprehensive list, embracing most of the im-
portant matters, as to which I had any agency, during my serv-
ice in the National councils. As to the Cumberland Road, no
year can be properly fixed. Appropriations for it were made
from year to year, for a series of years, which were violently
opposed, and the support of which chiefly devolved on me. So
in regard to Spanish America, the first movement was made by
me in 1818, and my exertions were continued from year to year,
until the measure of recognition was finally completed in 1822.
The list now sent may be too large for inscription on the
medal. Of course it is my wish that it should be dealt with, by
abridgment, or omission as may be thought proper. The two
reports, made by me in the Senate, which gave me much credit
and reputation were, 1st. That which proposed an equal distri-
bution among the States of the proceeds of the public domain ;
and 2d. That which averted General Jackson's meditated war
against France, on account of her failure to pay the indemnity.
t carried both measures against the whole weight of Jackson ;
but he pocketed the Land Distribution bill, which was not
finally passed until 1841. He could not, however, make war
against France, without the concurrence of Congress, and my
report preserved the peace of the two countries.
My Panama instructions were the most elaborate (and if I
may be allowed to speak of them), the ablest State paper that
I composed while I was in the Department of State. They
contain an exposition of liberal principles, regulating Maritime
War, Neutral Rights, etc., which will command the approbation
of enlightened men and of posterity.
I was glad to see that you were nominated for Attorney-Gen-
eral at Syracuse, and I heartily wish for your election.
The address to me from New York, although published in
the papers, has not been received officially by me. What is in-
tended? I have had some correspondence about it with Mr.
James D. P. Ogden, who sent me a copy informally. I can not
venture to encounter the scenes of excitement which would
622 PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE.
attend me, if I were to go to New York ; but in anticipation
of the reception of the address I have prepared a pretty long
answer, in which I treat of Secession, the state of the country,
in regard to the Slavery question, etc. If this answer be capa-
ble of doing any good, the sooner it is published the better.
[The medal alluded to in the foregoing letter, was presented
to Mr. Clay the 9th of February, 1852, and is described as fol-
lows :]
It is of pure California gold, massive and weighty, and is in-
closed in a silver case, which opens with a hinge in the manner
of a hunting-Watch. On the face of the medal is a fine head
of Mr. Clay, most felicitous in the likeness, and conveying the
characteristic impression of his features in a higher degree than
any of the busts or medallions usually seen. The relief is very
high, and must have required a pressure of immense power to
give it its fullness, sharpness, and delicacy of outline. The
reverse exhibits the following inscription :
Senate,
1806.
Speaker, 1811.
WaB op 1812 -WITH G-BEAT BrITADT.
Ghent,. 1814.
Spanish America, 1822.
Missouri Compromise, 1821.
American System, 1824.
G-BEECE, 1824.
Secret art op State, 1825.
Panama Instructions, 1826.
Tariff Compromise,
1833.
Public Domain, 1833 — 1841.
Peace with Fbance Preserved, 1835.
Compromise, 1850.
The lines are supported on either hand by tasteful wreaths,
in which the six chief American staples — wheat, corn, cotton,
tobacco, rice, and hemp — are very happily intertwined.
On the silver case is represented on one side a view of the
Capitol (with its contemplated additional wings fully displayed) ;
and on the other in two distinct compartments above, an eleva-
tion of the great commemorative monument on the Cumberland
road ; below, a view of Ashland and its mansion.
OF HENRY CLAY. '623
SIR. CLAY TO HIS DAUGHTER-IN-LAW, MRS. THOS. H. CLAT.
"Washington, December 25, 1851.
Mt dear Mary, — I received to-day your letter of the 19th
instant, and I was very glad to get the details contained in it
about yourself, your family, and affairs at Ashland. And I am
under very great obligations to you and to Thomas for the kind
offer which you have made, to come either one or both of you
to Washington, to attend me during my present illness. If there
were the least occasion for it, I should with pleasure accept the
offer ; but there is not. Every want, every wish, every atten-
tion which I need, is supplied. The hotel at which I stay has
a bill of fare of some thirty or forty articles every day, from
which I can select any for which I have a relish, and if I want
any thing which is not on the bill of fare, it is promptly pro-
cured for me. The state of my case may be told in a few
words. If I can get rid of this distressing cough, or can mate-
rially reduce it, I may yet be restored to a comfortable condi-
tion. That is the present aim of my physicians, and I have
some hope that it has abated a little within the last few days.
But if the cough can not be stopped or considerably reduced, it
will go on until it accomplishes its work. When that may be,
it is impossible to say, with any sort of certainty. I may linger
for some months, long enough possibly to reach home once
more. At all events, there is no prospect at present of immedi-
ate dissolution. Under these circumstances, I have no desire to
bring any member of my family from home, when there is not
the least necessity for it. With regard to the' rumors which
reach you from time to time, and afl3.ict you, you must bear
with them, and rest assured of what I have already communi-
cated to your niother, that if my case should take a fatal turn,
the telegraph shall communicate the fact. I occupy two excel-
lent rooms, the temperature of which is kept up during the day
at about 70°. The greatest inconvenience I feel is from the
bad weather, which has confined me nearly a fortnight to my
room, and I can take no exercise until the weather changes.
My love to Thomas and all your children, to your mother, and
to all others at Ashland.
624 ■ PRIVATE COREESPONDENCE
FATHEH MATTHEW TO MR. CLAT.
CoEK, December 29, 1851.
My deaeest Sir, — From the south of that green island which
you have often, in your own eloquent and all but inspired lan-
guage, made the subject of your warmest eulogy, the most
grateful of your admirers presumes to intrude on your well-filled
time, by presenting to you his heartfelt wishes, at the commence-
ment of the New Year, humbly praying that the Great Bestower
of every good may bless you v/ith length of days, to promote
the prosperity of that great country whose pride and glory you
are, filling both it and Europe with your well-merited fame.
Blessed be the remainder of your brilliant and useful life, and
may the prospect of future glory gild it with felicity. Uniting
your most respected lady in my humble prayer and sincere
wishes, and the other amiable and beloved members of your
dear family, to whom I had the honor of an introduction, with
enduring remembrance of your exceeding kindness in the day
of my distress, I have the honor to be, most respected su', etc.
MH. CLAT TO HIS SON THOMAS.
■Washington, January 10, 1852.
My dear Thomas, — I received two or three letters from you
since I came here, and should have answered them with pleas-
ure if my strength and health would have admitted of it. You
observe now I am obliged to employ the pen of a friend. I was
very thankful for the kind offer of yourself and Mary to come
here and nurse mc. I should have promptly accepted, if it had
been necessary, but it was not. Every want and wish that I
have aj-e kindly attended to. I am surrounded by good friends,
who are ready and willing to serve me ; and you and Mary
yourselves could not have been more assiduous in your atten-
tions than ,are my friends the Calverts.
The state of my health has not very materially altered.
Within the last eight or ten days there has been some improve-
ment ; not so great as my friends persuade themselves, but still
some improvement. The solution of the problem of my recov-
ery depends upon the distressing cough which T have, and I
think that it is a little diminished. I am embargoed here by
OF HENRY CLAY. 625
the severity of the winter, which has confined me to the house
for the last three weeks. I hope to derive some benefit when
I shall be again able to drive out in the open air. You must
continue to write me without regard to my ability to reply. It
is a source of great comfort to me to hear, and to hear fully,
from Ashland and Mansfield. John has been very kind in writ-
ing very frequently to me. Give my love to Mary and all the
children.
ME. CLAY TO SAMUEL A. ALLIBONE.
Washington, January 11, 1852.
Mt BEAR SiH, — Although too unwell myself to write you, I
can not withhold the expression, through the pen of a friend,
of my thanks for your kind letter of the 10th instant, and for
the warm interest which you take in my restoration to health.
I thank you especially for your friendly offer to come hither
and assist in nursing me ; but I am so extremely well attended
in that respect, as not to render necessary the acceptance of your
obliging offer. Present my warm regards to your sister, and tell
her that as the probability is that neither of us is long for this
world, I hope that when we go hence we shall meet in one far
better. I am, with the greatest respect, etc.
THEODORE FKELINGHUYSEN TO MR. CLAY.
New Beunswioe, January 19, 1852.
Mr DEAR Sir, — I have heard with great interest and anxiety
of your continued feeble health, and that it had rather been more
feeble since your decided testimony in behalf of Washington's
foreign policy. I was rejoiced to hear your words of soberness
and truth on the exciting question of Hungarian politics ; and I
trust that a divine blessing will follow your counsels.
In this time of impaired health, and sometimes trying despond-
ency that ensues, it must be refreshing to look away to Him
who is a helper near in trouble, and able and willing to sustain.
and comfort you. This blessed Gospel, that reveals the riches
of God's grace in Jesus Christ, is a wonderfiil remedy : so suited
to our condition and character, and so full of inexpressible con-
solation to us, as sinners needing mercy. His blood cleansing
40
626 PEIVATB CORRESPONDENCE
US from the guilt of sin, His Spirit purifying our hearts, and re-
storing us to God's image and favor. May you, my dear friend,
largely partake of its comforts, and leaning all your hopes on the
Almighty Saviour's arm, hold on your way, for life and for death,
for time and eternity, in His name and strength.
WILLIAM M'LAIN TO MR. CLAT.
Colonization Eooms, "Wasdington Citt, February 9, 1852.
Dear Sir, — At the recent annual meeting of the American
Colonization Society, the following resolution was unanimously
adopted :
Resolved, That we deeply sympathize with our venerable
President, the Hon. Henry Clay, in his present protracted illness,
by which we are deprived of his presence and able counsels at
this annual meeting of our Society, to which he has, from its
foundation, devoted himself with signal ability and unwavering
fidelity ; and that we hold him in affectionate and grateful re-
membrance for the distinguished services he has rendered in the
prosecution of the great scheme of African colonization.
I take great pleasure, my dear sir, in furnishing you with the
foregoing resolution.
Hoping that you may be restored to health, and that this
Society may continue to have the honor of your name and influ-
ence as its President, I remain, etc.
MR. CLAT TO MRS. JAMES B. CLAT.
Washington, February 12, 1852.
Mt dear Susan, — I received your letter of the 27th ultimo,
and I had received that of James' of the 1st. I write now so
uncomfortably and so slow, that I take up my pen with great
repugnance. I was very glad to receive both of your letters, and
was delighted to contemplate the picture of your domestic hap-
piness with yotir husband and children. As the world recedes
from me, I feel my affections more than ever concentrated on
my children, and theirs.
My health has improved a little within the last f^w weeks,
but the cough still hangs on, and unless I can get rid of it, or
OF HENEY CLAT. 627
greatly diminish it, I can not look for a radical cure. The
winter has been excessively rigorous, and I have not been out
of the house for eight weeks. You must not believe all you see
in the newspapers, favorable or unfavorable, about my health.
I hope you and James will continue to write to me, whether
you receive regular replies or not. How has the dairy got through
the winter?
My love to James and all my dear grandchildren.
MK. CLAT TO HIS SON JAMES.
WAsniNGTON, February 24, 1852.
Mt dear Son, — I received your letter of the 10th. I should
have written you oftener, but I am so feeble, and write with so
little comfort, that I take up the pen reluctantly. I hope that
you and Susan, notwithstanding my apparent delinquency, will
write me frequently, giving me full details of all your plans, im-
provements, and business. There is nothing now that interests
me so much as to receive full accounts from the members of my
family frequently. Although you have got more in debt than I
could have wished, you ought to be very happy. In dear Susan
you have an excellent wife, and you have a fine parcel of prom-
ising children, and you have ample means of support.
I gave my deposition in your case with Miller week before
the last, and it was sent to Lexington. It proved all that was
expected of me.
My health continues very delicate. I have not been out of
the house for upward of two months. I can not recognize any
encouraging change. My cough still hangs on, although I some-
times hope that it is a little abated. If I can not get rid of it,
or at least greatly diminish it, I think it must prove fatal. But
I may linger for months to come. I should be glad to get home
once more.
My love to Susan, and kisses for all the children. I would
be glad to write more, but you can not conceive how this little
letter has exhausted me.
628 PEIVATE COERESPONDENCE
MB. CLAY TO DANIEL ULLMAN.
■Washington, March 6, 1862.
Mt dear Sir, — I received your favor transmitting an engrossed
copy of the address which you did me the honor to make to me
on the occasion of presenting the medal which my New York
friends had offered me. I thank you for this corrected copy of
the address which is very beautifully engrossed.
The medal has been in the possession of the goldsmiths of
this place, who desired the custody of it to gratify public curi-
osity. You wish it returned that a more accurate impression
may be made by striking another. I examined it to see if I
could discern the defect in the letters to which you refer, and I
confess I could not. If to strike it again will occasion any
trouble or expense to my friends, I think it might well be avoid-
ed, but if you persist in your desire to have it done, I will have
it sent to you by Adams' Express next week.
You rightly understood me in expressing a preference for Mr.
Fillmore as the Whig candidate for the Presidency. This I did
before I left home, and have frequently here in private inter-
course, since my arrival at Washington. I care not how gen-
erally the fact may be known, but I should not deem it right to
publish any formal avowal of that preference under my own sig-
nature in the newspapers. Such a course would subject me to
the imputation of supposing that my opinions possessed more
weight with the public than I apprehend they do. The founda-
tion of my preference is, that Mr. Fillmore has administered the
Executive Government with signal success and ability. He has
been tried and found true, faithful, honest, and conscientious. I
wish to say nothing in derogation from his eminent competitors,
they have both rendered great services to their country ; the one
in the field, the other in the Cabinet. They might possibly ad-
minister the Government as well as Mr. Fillmore has done. But
then neither of them has been tried ; he has been tried in the
elevated position he now holds, and I think that prudence and
wisdom had better restrain us from making any change without
a necessity for it, the existence of which I do not perceive.
OF HENEY CLAY. 629
ME. CLAY TO HIS SON JAMES.
'Washington, March 14, 1852.
Mt dear Son, — I received your letter of the 1st instant, and
at the same time one from Susan. They both interested me, as
I like to hear all the details of your business and operations.
You find, as every body finds, building and improvement more
expensive than you had expected.
My health continues nearly stationary, not getting better nor
■worse, except in one particular, and that is sleep. Although I
take an opiate every night, and lie in bed fourteen hours, I can
get no sound, refreshing sleep. A man whose flesh, strength,
appetite and sleep have been greatly reduced, must be in a bad
■way, but that is my condition. I have taken immense quanti-
ties of drugs ; but -with little if any effect on my cough, the
disease which threatens me. I may linger on some months, but
if there be no speedy improvement, I must finally sink under it.
Give my love to dear Susan and all your children. I hope
that she "will continue to write to me.
ME. CLAY TO DANIEL DLLMAN.
■Washkgton, March 18, 1852.
Mt deae Sie, — I received your kind letter informing me of
the loss of the medal. I am truly sorry for the occurrence, and the
more so because I ought to have followed your directions to send
it by Adams' Express. But Miss Lynch being in my room the
evening before she started for the city of New York, and being
informed that I was about to send the medal to you, she kindly
offered to take charge of it, and I accordingly placed it under
her care. I have no doubt she suffers as much as any of us by
its loss, and I would not say one word by way of reproach to
her. I should be very sorry if any trouble or expense were
taken in replacing it. The fact of its presentation, and -even the
representations upon the medal have been so widely diffused as
to render the presentation of it historical. You -will recollect
that I jocosely remarked -while you were here that some Goth,
when I "was laid low in the grave, might be tempted to break
off my nose and use the valuable metal which it contains ! I
did not then, however, anticipate the possibility of such an inci-
dent occuring so quickly.
630 PEIVATE COEEESPONDENOE
MR. CLAT TO HIS SON JAMES.
Washinqton, March 22, 1852.
Mt dear Son, — I received your letter of the 8th. I was glad
to receive your letter and to peruse all the details in it.
My health continues without any material change. I am very
weak, write with no comfort, sleep badly, and have very little
appetite for my food.
You must not mind what you see in the newspapers about
me, such as that I was going to the Senate to make a speech,
etc. Not a word of truth in it.
My love to Susan and all the children.
ME. CLAT TO MRS. THOMAS H. CLAT.
Washington, April 'I, 1852
Mt dear Mart, — I received your letter of the 30th ultimo,
and thank you for it. Your letters always give me satisfaction,
as they go into details and tell me things which nobody else
writes. The state of my health remains pretty much as it has
been. But little sleep, appetite, or strength.
If I am spared, and have strength to make the journey, I think
of going home in May or early in June, and in that case I wish
to send for Thomas to accompany me.
I wish you would ask your mother to pay a small note of
mine held by Ike Shelby. I have just heard to-day of the
death of Mr. Jacobs. Poor Susan must be overwhelmed with
grief.
We have had no good weather yet.
My love to Susan and the cbildi'en.
MR. CLAT TO HIS SON JAMES.
■Washington, April 10, 1852.
Mt dear Son, — I have heard of the death of Mr. Jacobs, and
I offer to you and to Susan assurances of my cordial condolence.
Tell her that I hope she will bear the event with the fortitude
of a Christian. My health continues very feeble, so much so that I
write with no comfort or ease, as you may infer from this letter
OF HENRY CIjAY. 631
being written by the pen of a friend. What will be the issue
of my illness it is impossible to predict. My own opinion of the
case is less favorable than that of my physicians. If my strength
continues to fail me, I think I can not last a great while. I feel
perfectly composed and resigned to my fate, whatever it may be.
Give my love to Susan and all your children.
THOMAS H. CLAY TO JAMES B. CLAY.
Washingtoit, May 8, 1852.
Dear James, — Summoned by a telegraphic dispatch of the
27th ultimo, I arrived here on Tuesday evening last, the 5th
instant. For forty-eight hours after my arrival, my father ap-
peared better than he had been for a week previous. He is
very feeble, and there is no longer any hope of his reaching
Kentucky alive.
Dr. Jackson thinks that there may be a termination of his
case in a few hours, and it may be possible that he may live a
week or ten days longer. He is greatly reduced in flesh ; the
same cough yet continues to harass and weaken him, and he is
now unable even to walk across the room. Yesterday evening,
supported by a friend on each side, he was very near fainting.
He has now to be carried from his bed to his couch. He can
not talk five minutes in the course of the day without great
exhaustion.
He has directed me to say in answer to your letter of the 24th
ultimo, that he is too weak to attend to the matter you write of
with Corcoran and Riggs.
He is calm and composed, and will meet the enemy without
any fears of the result. The Sacrament was administered to
him yesterday, by Mr. Butler, the Episcopalian chaplain of the
Senate. Give my love to your wife and children.
THOMAS H. CLAT TO HIS WIFE.
Washington, May 8, 1852.
Mt dear Mary, — Had you seen, as I have, the evidences of
attachment and interest displayed by my father's friends for him,
you could not well help exclaiming, as he has frequently done,
632 PEtVATB CORRESPONDENCE
" Was there ever man had such friends !" The first and best in
the land are daily and hourly offering tokens of their love and
esteem for him.
Sm WILLIAM CLAY TO MR. CLAY.
No. 17 Hep-tford St., Mayfair, May 8, 1852.
My dear Sir, — So many years have elapsed since the only
intercourse I ever had the pleasure of holding with you — by let-
ters and amity ceased — that I can hardly flatter myself you yet
recollect its occurrence. I could not, however, let my son pro-
ceed to the United States without giving him at least the chance
of becoming personally known to one who has so nobly illus-
trated the name he himself bears.
This letter, therefore, will be presented to you by my eldest
son, Williani Dickinson Clay, who, with his friend Mr. Morris
— a fellow of Oriel College, Oxford — is about to make the tour
of the United States.
I know not whether you and I shall ever meet. I have the
ardent wish to visit America, but whether my public duties may
permit of my gratifying that wish, while I have health and
strength to enjoy the journey, is more than doubtful.
Should that not occur, but should it so happen that either you
or any one in whom you take an interest visits England, you
will not, I hope, forget that you will afford me pleasiu'e by show-
ing that you perfectly rely on the friendly feeling with which I
am, my dear sir, yours with great respect and regard.
[Thomas H. Clay, Mr. Clay's second son, having been sum-
moned to the bedside of his father, arrived in Washington early
in May. It will have been seen by the correspondence, that
Mr. Clay had, till this time, refused his consent for any member
of the family to come on. From the time of Mr. Thomas H.
Clay's arrival till the death of his father, he wrote to some
member of the family, at home, every day. It is thought suffi-
cient to present extracts from this diary, at intervals of about
five days, which will be found in the following extracts :]
OP HENRY CLAY. 633
Washington Citt, May 13, 1852.
My father passed the last night comfortable without much
coughing. The only thing the doctors can do, is to alleviate
as much as they can the pain arising from his cough and his ex-
cessive debility.
May 18, 1852.
My father has passed the last twenty-four hours much more
comfortably than he had been for a week before. He has slept
well and should he acquire strength with it, in spite of the predic-
tions of the medical men, I shall begin to hope. It is the cough
and that alone that has prostrated him ; once relieved from that,
I know not what we may not hope for. There is yet more
vitality in him, than the reports in the newspapers would lead
one to infer. I will keep you all correctly informed. Believe
nothing that you see or hear, except it comes from me.
Mat 20, 1852.
My father coughed but little last night, yesterday he was a
good deal harassed. Could it be possible to remove his cough,
he would get well beyond a doubt. He is very feeble, but
is not so much reduced in flesh as I had supposed before I came
on here. It is the cough as he himself has always said, that is
killing him. His lungs are not at all affected.
He insists on my writing to some of the family, either at
Mansfield or Ashland, every day. I have but little to commu-
nicate in addition to informing you how he passes the days and
nights.
Mat 26, 1852.
My father passed a tolerable night ; you must be aware that
any improvement in his condition must be gradual, as the pros- '
tration he labors under came on in the same way. I have been
nowhere, and made as few acquaintances as I could ; I am con-
fined all day to his rooms, and last night was up until twelve
634 PRIVATE COEEESPONDENCE
o'clock, as James appeared anxious to go out. I am doing every-
thing that I can to render his situation as comfortable as possi-
ible, allowing myself but little time even for a walk.
June 1, 1852.
My father listens attentively to the perusal of every letter
from home.
He passed last night in more comfort than he did the night
before. He had some appetite for his dinner yesterday.
One o'clock at night, June 4, 1852.
I wrote you this morning that my father had a bad night,
and that he was then trying to get some rest ; since I have been
here, when he has passed a bad night, he was usually able to
make up for the want of rest, during the following day. But
such has not been the case to-day. He has coughed a great
deal, and has had but little intermission from it. He took his
opiate about two hours ago, and I hope that he will be enabled
to get some sleep and rest in the next twenty-four hours. I
shall keep my letter open to let you know how he is until to-
morrow evening. He has suffered a good deal since this time
last night.
June 7, 1852.
My father was yesterday much depressed. He had held a
long conversation with Mr. Crittenden and requested me to treat
him kindly. Besides a cold sweat after dinner, all these things
were sufficient to make him feel low spirited. He told me that
he thought there would soon be a termination to it. The doctor
thought on his afternoon visit that he was no worse than usual.
God alone knows.
Jdne 9, 1852.
My father has become feeble within a few days, and 1 do not
think it possible for him to hold out long.
OF HENRY CLAT. 635
June 16, 1852.
My father is to-day decidedly worse than he has been since
my arrival. I wrote to Mr. Theobald this morning that there
was but little or no change in his condition ; since then, I am
satisfied he is worse. He has had a copious perspiration, which
has greatly weakened him. The attending physician, Dr. Hall,
rubbed him all over the person with brandy and alum. He told
me this morning that he did not think he should last more than
ten days.
I have been constant in my attendance on him. I think I
can see a marked change in his countenance.
June 20, 1852.
My father did not pass a good night, nor has he slept much
this morning. A friend yesterday afternoon brought him three
woodcocks ; he ate a little of one of them this morning. He
never now gets out of bed. He is moved occasionally from one
bed to the other, for the purpose of ventilating and making up.
He was too feeble this morning to carry a glass of water to his
lips. The weather has been very hot during the week, the
mercury rising at one time to 93°.
June 25, 1852.
I now look for a termination in my father's case before many
hours. I do not feel in any mood to write to any one but you,
my wife. Judge Underwood coincides with me in opinion that
he will not last many hours. The next you receive from me
will probably be a telegraphic dispatch, directed to Mr. Harrison.
June 29, 1852.
I had never before imagined that any one could live in the
extreme state of debility under which my father is now suffering.
The act of taking even a single swallow of water is painful to
him, on account of his great feebleness. He has eaten nothing of
PEIVATE CORRESPONDENCE
any consequence (only a few mouthfuls of soup) for five or six
days. I can not believe he can possibly survive through the
■week.
Lexington, June 29, 1852.
The following message was received at this office to-day,
dated Washington, 29th, 1852, twelve o'clock ;
J. O. Harrison —
My father is no more. He has passed without pain
into eternity.
Thos. H. Clat.
MB. THOMAS H. CLAT TO HIS WIFE.
CiTT OF Washington, June 29, 1852.
My dear Mart, — Shortly after I wrote to you this morning, 1
was summoned by James to my father's bedside. " Sit near
me, my dear son," he said ; " I do not wish you to leave me for
any time to-day." In about an hour after, he said, " Give me
some water." I gave him about half a glassful, which he drank,
and still retained the tube in his mouth. In a few moments he
released the tube, and said, " I believe, my son, I am going."
Five minutes after, he told me " to button his shirt collar," which
I did. He then caught my hand, and retained it in his pressure
for some time. When he relinquished it, I discovered he was
dying. I summoned Governor Jones, of Tennessee, who occu-
pied the room above him, and in five or ten minutes after he had
ceased to breathe.
May my mother, and all of you, be prepared for it. A nation
mourns, but it is his gain. He is free from pain, and I thank
God. Oh ! how sickening is the splendid pageantry I have to
go through from this to Lexington.
My love to all.
My father died at seventeen minutes past eleven. I telegraphed
Mr. Harrison at twelve a. m.
ALPHABETICAL INDEX.
Adaie, John, to Mr. Clay, 11.
Adams, Charles P., to Mr. Clay, 561.
Adams, J. Q., to Ministers at Ghent, 45.
" to Mr. Clay, 129, 149, 226,
229, 247, 311, 481, 520.
AUibone, Susan, to Mr. Clay, 577.
Ashburton, Lord, to Mr. Clay, 460.
Baird, T. H., to Mr. Clay, 497.
Baldwin, Judge, to Mr. Clay, 445.
Barbour, B. J., to Mr. Clay, 522.
Barbour, James, to Mr. Clay, 190, 328,
397.
Barbour, P. P., to Mr. Clay, 84.
Barbour, Mr. (confidential), to Mr. Clay,
172, 173.
Bard, Rev. Isaac, to Mr. Clay, 199.
Barger, Rev. John S., to Mr. Clay, 250.
Barnard, General, to Mr. Clay, 306.
Bayard, Mr. (Minister at Ghent), to Mr.
Clay, 28.
Beatty, Adam, to Mr. Clay, 517.
Bertrand, General, to Mr. Clay, 477.
Bexley, Lord, to Mr. Clay, 138.
Biddle, Nicholas, to Mr. Clay, 287, 341,
351, 356, 386.
Blank to Mr. Clay, 182.
Blank to Judge Brooke, 104.
BodisGO, Mr., to Mr. Clay, 474.
Brooke, Francis, to Mr. Clay, 196, 222,
229, 335.
Brown, James, to Mr. Clay, 10, 12, 16,
126, 129, 221, 245, 343.
Brown, John, to Mr. Clay, 389.
Browning, R. S., to Mr. Clay, 334.
Buchanan, James, to R. P. Letcher, 491.
Burr, Aaron, to Mr. Clay, 13, 14.
CliAT, Mr., to Adair, John, 11.
to Adams, J. Q., 171.
to AUibone, S. A., 607, 620,
625.
to AUibone, Susan, 569.
to Baboock, James P., and
others, 514.
to Bailhache, John, 288, 399.
to Beatty, Adam, 46, 47, 48,
55, 56, 61, 210, 234, 235,
237, 240, 266, 276, 280,
302, 305, 615.
to Blair, Francis, P., 109, 111.
to Booth, "W. A., 525, 531.
Clay, Mr., to Britton, N. C, 470.
" to Brooke, Francis, 9, 17, 54,
70, 71, 74, 75, 78, 84, 86,
88, 89, 92, 93, 106, 107,
111, U3, 114, 119, 121,
126, 127, 134, 136, 139,
148, 152, 153, 156, 158,
159, 162, 164, 169, 178,
183, 185, 189, 222, 225,
232, 242, 256, 260, 262,
270, 278, 282, 291, 299,
302, 303, 305, 309, 314,
321, 322, 326, 329, 330,
331, 335, 337, 340, 341,
345, 347, 348, 349, 350,
351, 360, 367, 371, 375,
376, 377, 381, 382, 410,
412, 422, 423, 427, 428,
429, 432, 431, 436, 439,
440, 446, 447, 454, 455,
456, 473.
" to Carr, John, 521.
" to Clay, James B., 414, 419,
420, 421, 424, 426, 483,
486, 538, 545, 550, 553,
556, 582, 585, 588, 589,
590, 591, 595, 601, 602,
604, 606, 609, 612, 613,
616, 627, 629, 630.
" to Clay, Mrs. (Mr. Clay's wife),
45, 400, 418, 539, 594,
615.
" to Clay, Mrs. James B., 626.
" to Clay, Mrs. Thomas H^
623.
" to Clay, Thomas H., 594, 598,
599, 610, 611, 612, 624,
630.
" to Colton, Calvin, 476, 481,
494, 521, 524, 528, 530,
532.
" to Combs, Leslie, 404, 441,
442, 655, 585, 693, 599.
" to Committees, 412, 444, 566.
" to Crawford, W. H., 192.
•' to Cartis, G. "W., 568.
" to Dean, Nicholas, 572, 587.
" to Dennis, Rodney, 587.
" to Duncan, H. T., 554.
" to Gaines, General, 125.
" to Gibson, Jacob, 463.
" to Haight, Samuel, 560.
638
aIjPhabeticai, index.
Clay, Mr., to Harlan, James. 565, 571, 583,
586, 589, 599, 603, 605.
" to Harrison, General, 175, 452.
" to Johnston, Hon. J. S., 94, 95,
97, 98,100, 103,104, 147,
148, IGO, 169, 177, 184.
204, 226, 238, 240, 243,
245, 240, 251, 254, 255,
256, 264, 267, 268, 286,
288, 306, 353.
" to Littell, John S., 267, 473,
482, 536.
to Lloyd, H. T., 475.
" to Lynch, James, and others,
575.
" to Madison, James, 53.
" to Miller, S. H., 490.
" to Muir, a, 530.
" to Niles, H., 213.
" Note, Diplomatic, by Mr. Clay,
42.
" to Pendleton, Rev. J. M., 509.
" to Pindell, R., 206.
" to Prentice, G. D., 418.
" to Prentis, Thomas M., 14.
" to Randolph, Thomas M., 174.
'■ to Rutgers, Colonel, 1 63.
" to Sayres, Rev. Gilbert H., 459.
" to Stevenson, Thomas B., 584.
" to Towler, Miss, 543.
" to UUmann, Daniel, 474, 540,
543, 574, 600, 617, 620.
" to Welch, Rev. James E., 259.
" to White, Henry, 484, 494, 537,
561, 573.
" to White (Henry), and others,
484, 532.
" to Woodward, W. S., 523.
" to , 293, 392.
Carter, Beverlj', to Mr. Clay, 459.
Cass, Lewis, to Mr. Clay, 123.
Chase, Bisliop, to Mr. Clay, 96.
Cheves, Langdon, to Mr. Clay, 18, 66.
Clay, Henry. Jr., to his father, 160, 166,
214, 218, 233, 241, 280, 292, 303, 327,
336, 343, 352, 373, 400, (to James B.
Clay), 536.
Clay, James B., to his father, 607.
Clay, Mrs., to Mr. Cl.ay, 24.
Clay, Porter, to Mr. Clay, 159.
Clay, Sir William, to Mr. Clay, 409, 632.
Clay, Theodore Wythe, to his Father, 130.
Clay, Thomas IL, to James B. Clay, 631.
Clay, Thomas H., to his wife, 631, 683,
634, 635, 636.
Clayton, John M., to Mr. Clay, 350.
Coffin, Alexander, to Mr. Clay, 383.
Colombia, Republic of, to Mr. Clay, 76, 77.
College, Washington, Students, to Mr.
Clay, 390.
Combs, Leslie, to Mr. Clay, 325.
Cooke, Bleuth, to Mr. Clay, 387.
Cortes, Eugenic, to Mr. Clay, 65.
Crawford, Willia.u H., to Mr. Clay, 25, 33,
39, 40, 42, 191, 273.
Creighton, W., to Mr. Clay, 118.
Crittenden, J. J., to Mr. Clay, 117, 214,
498.
Datis, John, to Mr. Clay, 480.
Dean, Nicholas, to Mr. Clay, 545.
Dearborn, General, to Mr. Clay, 310.
Duralde, WiUiam, to Mr. Clay, 255.
Erwis, Anne B., to her father, 269, 320,
323, 346.
Erwin, Mr., to Mr. Clay, 401.
FEATHERSTONHAtTGH, G. W., to Mr. Clay,
265.
Fillmore, Millard, to Mr. Clay, 497.
Fox, Mr. (British Minister), to Mr. Clay,
412, 444.
Frelinghuysen, T., to Mr. Clay, 487, 495,
625.
Galpik, P. S., and others, to Mr. Clay,
500.
Gallatin, Albert, to Mr. Clay, 30, 131, 161.
Gambler, Lord, to Mr. Clay, 53, 95, 150.
Gold Pen to Mr. Clay, 529.
Goulburu, Henry, to Mr. Clay, 51.
Graham, David, to Mr. Clay, 562.
Granger, A. P., and others, to Mr. Clay,
468.
Gual, P., to Mr. Clay, 213.
Hall, Willis, to Mr. Clay, 431, 563.
Hammond, C, to Mr. Clay, 443.
Hampton, Col. W., to Mr. Clay, 454.
Harrison, William Henry, to Mr. Clay, 20,
22, 258, 446.
Hart, II. T., to Mr. Clay, 581.
Hawlcy, Rev. William, to Mr. Clay, 251.
Henry, Patriclc, to Mr. Clay, 67, 326.
HoUey, President, to Mr. Clay, 124.
Horton, Howard, to Mr. Clay, 321.
Howard, Joseph, to Mr. Clay, 325.
Howe, Philip, to Mr. Clay, 507.
Hughes, Christopher, 46, (to Mr. Clay,) 503.
Iturbide to Mr. Clay, 64.
January, A. M., to Mr. Clav, 470.
Jeffrey, S. Caroline, to Mr. Clay, 395, 404.
Jesup, General, to Mr. Clay, 145.
" to James B. Clay, 146.
Johnson, R. M., to Mr. Clay, 64.
Jolinson, Reverdy, to Mr. Clay, 349.
Johnston, J. S., to Mr. Clay, 99, 102, 103,
285.
J. W. P., to Mr. Clay, 363.
Kent, Chancellor, to Mr. Clay, 387, 411.
Keyes, D., and others, to Mr. Clay, 602.
Kirkland, President, to Mr. Clay, 127.
Krudener, Baron De, to Mr. Clay, 281.
Ladt to Mr. Clay, 460.
Lafayette to Mr. Clav, 57, 62, 67, 83, 130,
131, 135, 137, 139', 140, 141, 152. 454,
155, 168, 180, 208, 223.
ALPHAr.ETICAX INDEX.
639
Lafayette, Goorge W., to Mr. Clay, 427.
Lawrence, Abbott, to Mr. Clay, 357.
Lawrence, John L., to Mr. Clay, 230.
Leary, C. L. L., to Mr. Clay, 498.
Lee, Richard Henry, to Mr. Claj^, 219, 227.
Leodom, B. T., to Mr. Clay, 516.
Leigh, B. W., to Mr. Clay, 69, 73.
Loteher, U. P., to Mr. Clay, 171, 491.
Lewis, "VVilliam D., to Mr. Clay, 510.
Lieber, Francis, to Mr. Clay, 383.
Litchfield, Franklin, to Mr. Clay, 167.
Mackintosh, Sir James, to Mr. Clay, 93.
Madison, James, to Mr. Clav, 52, 89, 168,
188, 284, 329, 358, 364, 388, 406.
Mallory, D., to Mr. Clay, 246.
Maaeuil, Baron De, to Mr. Clay, 166.
Marshall, Chief Justice, to Mr. Clay, 121,
188, 212, 339, 352.
Martineau, Harriet, to Mr. Clay, 390, 406,
413.
Massachusetts, Daughter of, to Mr. Clay,
340.
Matthew, Father, to Mr. Clay, 624.
MoDuffle, GoTernor, to Mr. Clay, 403.
McLain, 'William, to Mr. Clay, 626.
McLean, Judge, to Mr. Clay, 556.
Mercer, Dr., to Mr. Clay, 513, 527.
Monroe, James, to Mr. Clay, 19, 22, 24,
49, 53.
Morpeth, Lord, to Mr. Clay, 471, 535.
NlTOElE, John, to Mr. Clay, 384.
Otis, H.arrison Grey, to Mr. Clay, 328,
370, 433, 437.
Pettigreu, E., to Mr. Clay, 518.
Pickering, Timothy, to Mr. Clay, 319.
Porter, Peter B., to Mr. Clay, 62, 65, 83,
205, 270, 284, 448, 450, 452, 478, 479.
Preston, William, and others, to Mr. Clay,
539.
Pr.-ston, "William C, to Mr. Clay, 460, 503,
5o0.
R.4.ND0LPH, Thomas M., to Mr. Clay, 174.
Real, Jose M. Del, to Mr. Clay, 63.
Rochester, W. B., to Mr. Clay, 85.
Roman, A. B., to Mr. Clay, 512.
Root, Erastus, to Mr.. Clay, 375.
Rush, Richard, to Mr. Clay, 165, 186, 205,
299, 456, 457.
Russell, Mr. (Minister at Ghent), to Mr.
Clay, 31, 32, 37.
Saecet, Alexis De, to Mr. Clay, 241, 252,
253.
Soott, General, to Mr. Clay, 570.
Sibley, John, to Mr. Clay, 360.
Sloane, J., to Mr. Clay, 486, 488, 489.
Southard, Samuel L., to Mr. Clay, 168,
344.
Spencer, Ambrose, to Mr. Clay, 338, 372,
472, 501.
Sprague, Peleg, to Mr. Clay, 354.
Story, Judge, to Mr. Clay, 123, 467.
Sylvester, P. H., and others, to Mr. Clay,
506.
T.4TL0R, General, to Mr. Clay, 548, 550,
557, 580.
Tazewell, Mr., to Mr. Clay, 378.
Thompson, John R., to Mr. Clay, 526.
Todd, C. S., to Mr. Clay, 77.
Tucker, George, to Mr. Clay, 405.
Tyler, John, to Mr. Clay, 119.
Tan BuREtf, Martin, to Mr. Clay, 458
Vaughan, Mr. (British Minister), to Mr.
Clay, 190, 248, 268.
Vaughan, Thomas, to Mr. Clay, 50.
"Watkins, Elizabeth, to her son, Mr. Clay,
177.
"Webster, Daniel, to Mr. Clay, 122, 128,
143, 150, 156, 167, 170, 204, 203, 259,
274, 317, 366.
"Westwood, John H., to Mr. Clay, 509.
"Wines, E. C, to Mr. Clay, 547.
"Wright, J. C, to Mr. Clay, 492, 493.